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HER  MAJESTY  THE  (U- 


T.  HON.  SIR  JOHN  S.  D.  THOMPSON,  P.O.,  K.C.M.G.,  Q.C. 

Fourth  Prime  Minuter  of  Canada. 


LIFE  AND  WORK 


OF   THE 


RT.  HON.  SIR  JOHN  THOMPSON 

P.C,  K.C.M.G.,  Q.C. 
PRIME  MINISTER  OF  CANADA 


BY 

J    CASTELL  HOPKINS 


PREFACE 

BY 

His  EXCELLENCY  THE  EARL  OF  ABERDEEN 

GOVERNOR  GENERAL  OF  CANADA. 


UNITED    PUBLISHING    HOUSES 

TORONTO,    LONDON    AND    BKANTFOBD 
1895 


Entered  according  to  Act  of  Parliament  of  Canada,  in  the  year  one 
thousand  eight  hundred  and  ninety-five,  by  THOMAS  S.  LINSCOTT,  in  the 
Office  of  the  Minister  of  Agriculture. 


His  EXCELLENCY  THE  EARL  OF  ABERDEEN,  P.O. 
Governor  General  of  Canada. 


PREFACE. 


THE  "  Life  and  Work  "  of  a  man. — The  phrase  is  sug- 
gestive ;  and  it  is  eminently  applicable  as  the  title  of  a 
biography  of  Sir  John  Thompson.  His  life  was  full  of 
work,  and  of  work  to  which  emphatically  might  be  applied 
the  old  maxim,  " Laborare  est  orare"  for  the  labours  of 
his  busy  life  were  pervaded  and  prompted  by  lofty  aims 
and  religious  principles. 

That  a  record,  a  description,  of  his  career  should  be 
given  to  his  country  and  to  the  world,  is  a  matter  not 
merely  of  appropriateness  but  of  obligation ;  for  the  vari- 
ous grounds  upon  which  a  claim  for  a  biography  of  any 
person  may  be  made  on  behalf  of  the  public,  are  in  this 
case  combined,  whether  regarded  from  the  historical,  the 
political,  the  legal,  the  exemplary,  or  the  personal  point  of 
view. 

To  say  this  implies  that  the  biographer  will  have 
no  lack  of  material ;  but  it  does  not  follow  that  his  task 
will  be  easy.  Indeed  it  must  be  admitted  that  in  no  case 
can  the  authorship  of  a  biography  be  free  from  difficulty ; 
and  of  course,  especially  is  this  the  case  when  the  life  to  be 
presented  is  that  of  a  statesman  whose  position  and  duties 
inevitably  brought  him  not  only  into  the  midst  of  the  stir 
and  stress  of  a  central  place  in  public  life,  and  the  contro- 
versies and  emulations  with  which  it  is  surrounded,  but 
also  included  the  taking  of  an  important  part  in  interna- 
tional and  other  transactions  requiring  delicate  handling 
and  diplomatic  skill. 

The  biographer  of  such  a  man  will  desire  to  exercise 
discretion,  but  he  will  also  wish  to  avoid  the  criticism 


X  PREFACE. 

that  in  striving  to  exercise  caution  he  has  incurred  the 
risk  of  dullness.  He  must  enable  his  readers  to  under- 
stand the  domestic  and  personal  characteristics  of  his 
subject,  but  he  must  not  too  freely  lift  the  veil  that  pro- 
tects the  sanctity  of  home  and  family  life.  Above  all, 
while  utilizing  the  opportunity  for  justifying  any  utter- 
ances or  lines  of  conduct  which  he  regards  as  having  been 
misrepresented  or  misunderstood,  he  must  not  allow  this 
proper  sense  of  loyalty,  this  admiration  for  the  character 
of  his  subject,  to  betray  him  into  uncalled-for,  perhaps 
unfair,  disparagement  of  those  whose  attitude  on  the  occa- 
sion in  question  was  that  of  opposition.  And  the  need  of 
good  judgment  and  discretion  in  this  matter  is  of  course 
increased,  when  the  controversies  referred  to  are  of  ex- 
tremely recent  occurrence. 

But  it  is  not  necessary  to  say  more  about  the  functions 
of  a  biographer  than  will  serve  to  draw  attention  to  the 
manner  in  which  the  author  of  this  memoir  has  performed 
his  part.  It  may  safely  be  predicted  that  the  general 
opinion  will  be  that  he  has  done  his  work  well.  He  has 
evidently  aimed  at  maintaining  the  impartiality  of  a 
chronicler,  together  with  the  appreciation  of  an  admirer. 
He  has  also  shown  that  sense  of  proportion  which  is 
especially  necessary  in  the  picture  of  a  life  so  many-sided 
and  so  full  of  interest  as  that  of  Sir  John  Thompson.  It 
is  indeed  not  too  much  to  say  that  to  describe  fully  the 
chief  portion  of  his  public  career  would  be  to  write  a  his- 
tory of  Canada  during  the  past  decade ;  and  it  is  thus  that 
the  author  has  evidently  felt  it  requisite  to  give  a  descrip- 
tive sketch  of  several  of  the  chief  events  and  public  ques- 
tions which  occupied  or  agitated  the  mind  of  the  country 
during  the  period  in  view,  in  order  that  Sir  John  Thomp- 
son's actions  and  influence  on  these  occasions  may  be 
properly  presented  to  the  reader. 


PREFACE.  XI 

It  has  already  been  remarked  that  the  reasons  for  the 
appearance  of  this  biography  are  numerous.  A  perusal  of 
the  volume  will  make  this  apparent,  even  to  those  not 
previously  in  any  personal  manner  acquainted  with  the 
circumstances  and  the  subject ;  while  by  those  who  were 
in  any  way  brought  in  contact  with  Sir  John  Thompson, 
the  book  will  be  looked  for  with  an  eager,  though  melan- 
choly interest. 

But  there  is  one  feature  in  Sir  John  Thompson's  char- 
acter which  adds  especially  to  the  value  of  any  memoir  of 
his  life.  He  has  often  been  described  as  a  man  of  reserved 
and  even  cold  demeanour.  It  follows  therefore  that  he  must 
frequently  have  been  liable  to  be  misunderstood,  or  at  least 
that  the  beauty  of  his  character  and  disposition  cannot 
always  have  been  fully  revealed.  Doubtless  to  those  who 
were  at  all  intimately  acquainted  with  him  the  less  appa- 
rent features  of  his  character  had  become  familiar.  But  if 
the  more  genial  side  of  his  nature  was  to  some  extent  hid- 
den, how  desirable  that  this  and  every  other  distinguishing 
trait  of  the  man  should  be  as  fully  as  possible  described 
and  portrayed  !  To  the  attainment  of  that  object  the  pub- 
lication of  correspondence  is  doubtless  a  most  important 
means,  and  it  may  be  a  cause  of  some  regret  that  the  pre- 
sent volume  does  not  contain  a  larger  number  of  letters. 
But  it  must  be  borne  in  mind  that  the  publication  of  cor- 
respondence, especially  of  the  correspondence  of  a  person 
who  has  occupied  an  important  position  in  public  life,  is  a 
matter  which  requires  time,  for  the  purpose  of  deliberation, 
consultation,  and  classification ;  in  addition  to  which,  the 
lapse  of  a  certain  period  is  sometimes  necessary  before  cor- 
respondence upon  some  questions  can  suitably  be  given  to 
the  world.  The  present  volume,  however,  is  published  in 
order  to  meet  the  immediate  demand  of  the  public ;  and 
meanwhile  it  may  be  hoped  that  at  some  later  date  there 


Xll  PREFACE 

may  be  an  opportunity  of  becoming  acquainted  with  at 
least  a  considerable  portion  of  Sir  John  Thompson's  corres- 
pondence. 

Reverting  to  what  has  been  said  regarding  the  manner 
and  appearance  of  Sir  John  Thompson,  the  writer  of  this 
preface,  if  asked  to  give  a  description  of  the  personality  of 
the  late  Premier,  would  say  that  the  dominant  impression 
left  on  his  mind  and  recollection  is  that  of  combined 
strength  and  sweetness.  When  silent,  his  countenance  no 
doubt  often  wore  a  composed,  almost  a  stoical  expression  ; 
but  this,  as  a  contrast,  only  made  the  bright  and  gentle 
smile  more  attractive. 

His  remarkable  aptitude  as  a  listener,  combined  with 
an  extraordinary  power  of  grasping  and  presenting  in  a 
clear  and  lucid  manner  the  various  aspects  and  bearings  of 
a  subject,  must  have  struck  all  who  had  occasion  to  confer 
with  him  on  matters  of  business ;  and  his  faculty  in  this 
respect  is  illustrated  in  a  highly  interesting  manner  by  one 
of  the  personal  reminiscences  recorded  in  the  text  by  Bishop 
Cameron. 

Sir  John  Thompson  had  a  ready  and  genial  sense  of 
humour.  Many  a  quiet  laugh  have  I  shared  with  him,  even 
during  conversations  on  official  matters,  when  anything 
drew  from  him  a  jocular  remark,  or  recalled  to  either  of  us 
an  amusing  anecdote  or  reminiscence.  With  this  sense  of 
humour,  as  is  often  the  case  with  those  who  possess  it, 
there  was  the  power  of  sarcasm,  which  (as  members  of  the 
Dominion  House  of  Commons  could,  no  doubt  testify)  was 
manifested  on  occasion. 

As  a  public  speaker  Sir  John  Thompson  has  been 
described  as  somewhat  cold,  although  possessing  in  a  high 
degree  the  essentially  important  qualities  of  clear  articula- 
tion, lucidity  of  expression,  and  an  accurate  sense  of  pro- 
portion in  the  division  of  a  subject.  I  was  debarred  from 


PREFACE.  Xlll 

having  many  opportunities  of  hearing  him  speak  in  public, 
but  the  occasions  on  which  that  advantage  was  enjoyed 
would  lead  me  to  demur  to  the  designation  of  "  coldness  " 
as  applied  to  his  oratory.  Doubtless  his  delivery  was  calm, 
and  in  a  sense  unimpassioned ;  but  there  was  frequently 
a  sympathetic  ring  —  almost  a  tremor  —  in  his  tones, 
which  in  a  pathetic  passage  would  readily  have  moved 
many  to  tears.  And  indeed  it  could  not  be  that  this  note 
of  sympathetic  feeling,  albeit  as  an  undertone,  should  be 
absent  from  even  the  public  utterances  of  one  whose 
deep  and  true  feeling  was  manifested  so  clearly  in  every 
relation  of  life. 

In  short,  as  has  already  been  said,  in  him  were  united 
gentleness  and  strength — marks  of  true  manliness  and 
nobility  of  character. 

Such  were  some  of  the  characteristics  of  the  subject 
of  this  memoir.  And  though  the  promptings  of  affection 
and  appreciation  would  incite  the  writer  to  linger  on  the 
theme,  this  informal  preface  must  be  brought  to  a  close. 

Sir  John  Thompson  was  a  great  man.  He  has  made 
his  mark.  His  influence  has  been  for  good,  and  its  impress 
is  of  an  abiding  nature.  His  country  has  reason  to  be 
proud  of  him  ;  it  has  reason  to  be  thankful  for  him  ;  and 
it  may  be  confidently  recorded  that  his  character  and  his 
abilities  were  such  as  would  have  fitted  him  to  occupy  with 
success  and  distinction  the  very  highest  positions  that  can 
be  attained  by  any  statesman  in  the  British  Empire. 


Ottawa,  Feb.  85,  1895. 


CONTENTS, 


CHAPTER  I. 
A  GREAT  CANADIAN.  27-34 

CHAPTER  II. 

EARLY  DAYS.  Parentage  —Birth — Education — An  industrious  student — 
A  proficient  shorthand  writer— Studies  law  and  is  admitted  to  the 
Bar  of  Nova-Scotia — Gradual  progress — Marriage — Change  of  Religion 
— First  Meets  Bishop  Cameron— An  Alderman  of  Halifax— Connection 
with  various  societies— A  stormy  political  period 35-48 

CHAPTER  III. 

LAW  AND  POLITICS.  High  legal  reputation  in  the  Province — Appointed 
counsel  for  the  U.S.  Government  before  the  Halifax  Fisheries  Com- 
mission— Enters  political  life  in  1877— Becomes  a  member  of  the 
Provincial  Government  and  liter  on  Premier  of  Nova-Scotia — His 
establishment  of  the  municipal  system — Appointed  to  the  Bench  of 
the  Province — His  remarkable  judicial  faculty — Great  success  as  a 
Judge— Founding  of  the  Law  school  at  Halifax 49-67 

CHAPTER  IV. 

ENTERS  THE  GOVERNMENT.  Becomes  Minister  of  Justice  after  pro- 
longed persuasion  by  his  friends— Press  comments— General  congratu 
lations  and  public  appreciation  of  the  appointment — Discussion  in  the 
House  of  Commons  and  expressions  of  opinion  by  Mr.  Blake  and  bir 
John  Macdonald 68-79 

CHAPTER  V. 

THE  KIEL  QUESTION.  The  difficult  position  of  the  Government.  Points 
at  issue  —  French-Canadian  indignation  —  Importance  of  a  right 
decision — Mr.  Landry's  motion  in  the  House — Mr.  Thompson's  great 
speech — Wins  a  national  reputation  in  a  few  hours — Necessity  for 
the  execution  of  Louis  Riel — His  crimes  and  their  just  penalty — 
The  Minister  of  Justice  denounces  those  in  Quebec  who  would  make 
religion  a  political  question— Sir  Hector  Langevin  makes  a  mistake 

..80-96 


CONTENTS.  15 

CHAPTER  VI. 

AN  ELECTION  AND  A  FISHERIES  QUESTION.  A  critical  period— Mr. 
Thompson  makes  a  tour  of  Ontario  with  Sir  John  Macdonald — Is  well 
received  and  delivers  numerous  Speeches — An  election  and  a  Conser- 
vative Victory — The  Minister  of  Justice  sent  to  Washington  with 
Mr.  Chamberlain  and  Sir  Charles  Tupper — His  able  work — A  treaty 
arranged  but  afterwards  thrown  out  by  the  U.  S.  Senate — Speech  in 
the  House  upon  the  question — Created  a  K.  C.  M.  G.,  by  the 
Queen 97-115 

CHAPTER  VII. 

THE  JESUITS'  ESTATES  ACT.  Exceptional  difficulty  of  the  Government's 
position — History  of  the  Question — The  debate — His  great  speech 
upon  the  Question — Overwhelming  support  given  the  Government 
in  the  House — Attacks  upon  Sir  John  from  other  quarters.  116-136 

CHAPTER  VIII. 

EQUAL  RIGHTS,  THE  FISHERIES,  AND  THE  FRENCH  LANGUAGE.  Rise  and 
influence  of  a  strong  Protestant  party — Mr.  McCarthy's  Activity — 
Protests  against  the  Jesuits'  Estates  Policy — fisheries'  Question  in 
Parliament — Sir  John's  Speech — The  French  Language  in  the  Xorth- 
West — A  race  question  growing  out  of  the  unfortunate  Riel  cam- 
paign— Sir  John  Thompson's  fair  attitude  in  the  matter— A  hot 
debate  and  settlement  of  the  Question 139-163 

CHAPTER  IX. 

THE  ELECTIONS  OF  1891.  A  memorable  battle — Questions  at  issue— The 
Chief's  manifesto — Sir  John  Thompson  speaks  in  Toronto  and  else- 
where— Elections  in  Antigonish — Bishop  Cameron's  influence — The 
General  Result 164-182 

CHAPTER  X. 

DEATH  OF  SIR  JOHN  MACDONALD.  The  end  of  a  great  life— Sir  Join. 
Thompson  unselfishly  refuses  the  Premiership— Private  letters  written 
by  Mr.  Abbott  and  Sir  John  Thompson  at  the  time  of  the  Chieftain's 
death — Mr.  D'Alton  McCarthy  and  the  Premiership— Reconstruction 
of  the  Ministry— Sir  John  serves  under  Mr.  Abbott  as  Leader  of 
the  Commons— A  difficult  session  skilfully  managed 183-202 


16  CONTENTS. 


CHAPTER  XL 

THE  SCANDAL  CAMPAIGN.  The  Rykert  affair— The  famous  McGreevy- 
Langevin  matter — The  case  against  Mr.  Haggart — The  Cochrane 
charges — Sir  John  Thompson's  attitude — His  position  upheld  by 
the  people 205-220 

CHAPTER  XII. 

CENSUS  AND  REDISTRIBUTION.  The  census  of  1891,  not  very  satisfactory — 
Movements  of  population — A  redistribution  of  seats  necessary — Sir 
John  Thompson's  share  in  the  Government  proposals  and  his  able 
leadership  of  the  House  upon  the  measure  introduced — The  Caron- 
Edgar  charges  —  The  London  election  case  —  Triumphant  Bye- 
elections 221-238 

CHAPTER  XIII. 

SIB  JOHN  THOMPSON  BECOMES  PREMIER.  A  general  recognition  of  his 
great  ability  and  merits — Rumours  regarding  the  new  Ministry — 
The  members  of  the  new  Government — The  Religious  difficulty — 

Struggles  of  a  Session Sir  John's  high  character  a  great  aid  to  the 

party  and   source   of  confidence  to  the    country — Severe   criticism 
of  Sir  R.  Cartwright— Manly  utterance  of  Mr.  Clarke  Wallace.  239-254 

CHAPTER  XIV. 

MANITOBA  SCHOOL  LEGISLATION.  The  questions  involved— Steps  taken 
by  the  Catholics  of  Manitoba  to  recover  the  right  to  state-aided 
schools — Reference  to  the  Supreme  Court  of  Canada — Taken  to  the 
Privy  Council  of  the  Empire— Certain  points  considered  by  the  Can- 
adian Privy  Council — Final  reference  to  England — Speeches  in  the 
House — i^ir  John  Thompson  anxious  only  to  do  his  duty,  legally  and 
impartially , 255-272 

CHAPTER  XV. 

CANADA  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES.  Sir  John  Thompson  at  Washington — 
Conference  with  Mr.  Blaine —Important  results— Fisheries  and  Reci- 
procity— Sir  John's  position  upon  International  issues — His  battles  for 
Canadian  interests  and  trade — The  Canal  Tolls'  question — The  Bond 
Blaine  Treaty ,,....,,..,  %  .273-289 


CONTENTS.  17 

I 
CHAPTER  XVI. 

CONNECTION  WITH  THE  ROMAN  CATHOLIC  CHUKCH.  A  cause  of  severe 
criticism  and  unjust  aspersion — The  probable  reasons  for  Sir  John 
Thompson's  change  of  religion  —  His  sincerity,  earnestness  and 
Christian  zeal — His  noble  Christian  character — Cardinal  Newman 
and  Sir  John — The  personal  attacks  of  Rev.  Dr.  Douglas  and  the 
P.  P.  A.— Sir  John  defends  the  Orange  right  of  free  speech 290-300 

CHAPTER  XVII. 

FISCAL  MATTERS  AND  TRADE  POLICY.  Tariff  Policy  of  the  new  Govern- 
ment—Mr. McCarthy's  attitude— Sir  John  Thompson  announces  in  a 
brilliant  speech  before  the  Toronto  Board  of  Trade,  his  intention 
to  "  lop  the  mouldering  branches  away" — An  important  utterance 
in  the  Auditorium,  Toronto,  shortly  afterwards — A  great  meeting  and 
reception  to  the  Premier  —  Eleven  Ministers  present  —  Parliament 
meets—The  Curran  Bridge  Scandal — The  Liberal  Convention — The 
McCarthyites  and  the  P.  P.  A 301-314 

CHAPTER   XVIII. 

THE  BEHRING  SEA  QUESTION.  Importance  of  the  Issues  involved — A  long- 
standing problem — England  willing  to  stand  by  Canada  at  any  cost — 
Lord  Salisbury's  famous  announcement — Reference  to  Arbitration — 
Sir  John  Thompson's  appointment  as  British  Arbitrator,  a  marked 
compliment  to  Canada  and  to  the  Minister  of  Justice — His  great 
services  to  the  Dominion  at  Paris — Settlement  of  the  Question — 
Return  of  the  Premier,  and  his  opinion  of  the  results — The  Queen 
appoints  him  a  member  of  the  Imperial  Privy  Council — Honours  to 
Sir  Charles  Hibbert  Tupper  and  others— Receptions  and  a  banquet  at 
Montreal 315-332 

CHAPTER  XIX. 

SIR  JOHN  THOMPSON  AND  MR.  MCCARTHY.  Characteristics  of  the  two 
men — Both  strong-willed  and  disinclined  to  brook  opposition— De- 
velopment of  their  differences — The  Empire  incident— Mr.  McCarthy 
right  in  thinking  Sir  John  responsible  for  his  being  read  out  of  the 
party — The  Premier's  dislike  of  sectarian  issues — His  speeches  show 
that  he  thought  them  a  very  great  danger  to  the  country — Mr. 
McCarthy's  views— Both  honestly  consistent  and  honestly  antagon- 
istic   . . 333-347 


18  CONTENTS. 


CHAPTER  XX. 

THE  NEW  GOVERNOR-GENERAL  AND  A  POLITICAL  TOUR.  The  coming  of 
Lord  and  Lady  Aberdeen — A  close  friendship  with  Sir  John  Thomp- 
son— His  Excellency's  successful  speech  at  Quebec- -A  great  meeting 
addressed  by  the  Premier  at  Montreal— He  visits  many  of  the  leading 
towns  of  Ontario  and  is  everywhere  splendidly  received — Speaks  at 
Berlin  and  Elmira — At  Clinton — At  Walkerton — At  Tara  and  South- 
ampton— At  Lucan — At  Durham — At  Alt.  Forest — At  Kenil worth  and 
Clinton — At  Mitchell,  Owen  Sound,  Markdale  and  Glencoe — The  gen- 
eral policy  of  the  Government  clearly  and  forcibly  outlined . .  348-363 

CHAPTER  XXI. 

SIR  JOHN  THOMPSON  AS  MINISTER  OF  JUSTICE.  His  wonderful  legal  ability 
and  industry — Position  regarding  moral  questions,  such  as  divorce 
and  Public  frauds— Parliamentary  interference  in  election  cases- 
Constitutional  questions — The  Banking  Act — Attitude  upon  the 
disallowance  of  Provincial  legislation— Settlement  of  disputes  with 
Ontario— Insolvency  Legislation 364-380 

CHAPTER  XXII. 

THE  CRIMINAL  CODE  AND  THE  COPYRIGHT  LAW.  Sir  John  Thompson's 
great  work  in  the  initiation  and  completion  of  a  Canadian  Code — 
His  long  struggle  for  Canadian  Copyright — His  able  speeches  and 
State  papers  upon  the  subject — Canadian  Self  government  involved 
— Great  injustice  to  the  Canadian  publishing  interests  under  present 
system  381-391 

CHAPTER  XXIII. 

SIR  JOHN  THOMPSON  AS  AN  IMPERIAL  STATESMAN.  His  deep  and  earnest 
loyalty — In  this  respect  a  fitting  successor  to  Sir  John  Macdonald — 
Thoroughly  Canadian,  btit  also  devoted  to  British  unity — Views  upon 
the  question  of  discrimination — British  connection  and  nationality — 
Independence  denounced  by  Sir  John  upon  several  occasions— Vig. 
ourous  denunciation  of  Annexation  and  its  advocates— Opinion  of  Mr. 
Goldwin  Smith — Relations  with  United  States — A  thorough  Imperi- 
alist  392-404 

CHAPTER  XXIV. 

THE  INTERCOLONIAL  CONFERENCE.  The  central  event  of  Sir  John 
Thompson's  Premiership — Much  of  its  success  due,  however,  to  Sir 


CONTENTS.  19 

Mackenzie  Bowell's  enthusiastic  and  able  work — Sir  John's  brilliant 
speech  at  the  not  less  brilliant  opening — Results  of  the  great  gather- 
ing— A  triumph  for  British  unity  and  Canadian  commercial  develop- 
ment —  The  Premier's  patriotism  recognized  by  Lord  Jersey  and 
others 405-416 

CHAPTER  XXV. 

LATER  EVENTS  IN  A  GREAT  LIFE.  The  Budget  debate — A  presentation — 
National  Council  of  Women — Franchise,  Prohibition  and  the  French 
Treaty — Unveiling  of  Monuments  at  Springhill  and  Hamilton — Visit 
to  Toronto— Opening  of  the  Exhibition— Eloquent  speeches,  dealing 
with  Canada  and  the  duties  of  a  public  man — In  Muskoka  for  a  holi- 
day—  Unveiling  of  the  Statue  to  Sir  John  Macdonald  in  Queen's  Park, 
Toronto — Splendid  speech  and  popular  reception ,417-430 

CHAPTER  XXVI. 

LAST  DAYS  AND  DRAMATIC  DEATH.  Warned  to  retire  from  office  in  order 
to  save  his  life — Leaves  for  England  to  obtain  a  rest  and  to 
be  sworn  in  as  an  Imperial  Privy  Councillor — On  the  Continent  for  a 
short  time — Discussions  with  Lord  Ripon  and  others  regarding  Cana- 
dian Copyright — Does  not  feel  well — His  last  speech — Leaves  London 
for  Windsor  Castle — Sworn  in  by  the  Queen — Dies  shortly  after- 
wards—The most  dramatic  and  perhaps  saddest  death  in  modern  his- 
tory —  The  noble  and  sympathetic  conduct  of  Her  Majesty  —  An 
Imperial  State  Funeral  —  "  The  paths  of  glory  lead  but  to  the 
grave." 433-447 

CHAPTER  XXVII. 

A  SPLENDID  AND  HISTORIC  BURIAL.  .-Vrival  of  the  Blenheim  at  Halifax 
— The  remains  lie  in  State  in  the  Provincial  Council  Chamber — Vis- 
ited by  many  thousands  of  people — The  magnificent  ceremonial  in  St. 
Mary's  Cathedral — Religious  harmony  evidenced — A  union  of  creeds 
and  sympathies — Archbishop  O'Brien's  eloquent  sermon — A  great  pro- 
cession —The  Statesman  at  rest — Public  expressions  of  sorrow . .  443-458 

CHAPTER  XXVIII. 

CHARACTERISTICS  AND  HOME  LIFE.  Retiring  disposition  inherited— Dis- 
like of  politics — Love  of  country — Love  of  work — Love  of  justice  — 
Religious  feeling  —  Flome  life — Sir  John  and  Mr.  Gladstone  —  An 
example  to  all  Canadians 461-473 

APPENDIX. 

AN  ARTICLE  BY  LADY  ABERDEEN— SOME  DESPATCHES  AND  RESOLUTIONS 

OF  REGRKT. 


LIST  OF  ILLUSTRATIONS. 


PAGE. 

Her  Majesty  the  Queen , 2 

Rt.  Hon.  Sir  John  Thompson 3 

His  Excellency  the  Earl  of  Aberdeen     8 

Sir  John  Thompson,  aged  twenty-one  years 26 

Rt.  Hon.  Sir  John  A.  Macdonald 31 

Hon.  Alex.  Mackenzie,  M.P 41 

Sir  John  Caldwell  Abbott 51 

Sir  Mackenzie  Bowell 61 

Hon.  Wilfrid  Laurier 71 

The  Earl  of  Derby 81 

Hon.  Sir  Oliver  Mowat 91 

Hon.  Sir  Charles  Hibbert  Tupper 101 

Hon.  Edward  Blake Ill 

Hon  Geo.  E.  Foster 121 

Sir  Adolphe  Caron 129 

Sir  Frank  Smith 137 

The  Earl  of  Rosebery 145 

Hon.  W.  E.  Sanford 153 

Hon.  William  B.  Ives .161 

Hon.  A    R.  Angers 169 

Hon.  John  F.  Wood. .  .. 179 

Hon.  Sir  John  Carling 185 

Hon.  J.  J.  Curran 190 

Hon.  J.  A.  Ouimet 197 

Hon.  T.  Mayne  Daly 203 

Hon.  John  G   Haggart 208 

Chief-Justice  Meredith , 217 

Hon.  N.  Clarke  Wallace 225 

Hon.  J.  C.  Patterson 232 

D' Alton  McCarthy,  Q.C.,  M.P 241 

Hon.  John  Costigan 249 

Wm.  Paterson,  M.P.... 257 

Rev.  Dr.  Carman 267 

Hon.  J.  C.  Schultz 277 

Very  Hev.  G.  M.  Grant,  D.  D 287 

Rt.  Rev.  John  Cameron,  D.  D 305 

Hon   Thomas  Greenway S23 

Archbishop  Tache 341 

Louis  Henry  Davies,  Q.C 357 

Hon.  G.  W.  Ross 377 

Sir  John  Thompson  Speaking  395 

Her  Excellency  the  Countess  of  Aberdeen 413 

Windsor  Castle 421 

Gateway,  Windsor  Castle 432 

Hon.  Sir  Charles  Tupper 443 

H.  M.  S.  Blenheim 453 

Mr.  J.  S.  Thompson 460 


SIR  JOHN  THOMPSON, 
Aged  21  Tears. 


CHAPTER   I. 
A  GREAT  CANADIAN. 

The  Eight  Honourable  Sir  John  S.  D.  Thompson 
possessed  one  of  those  strong  minds  which,  in  different 
ages  of  the  world's  history,  have  occasionally  swayed  the 
destinies  of  nations  and  controlled  the  people,  by  pure 
force  of  intellect.  He  was  undoubtedly  a  great  man.  Tried 
by  ordinary  standards,  it  is  perhaps  difficult  to  comprehend 
his  marvellous  success  in  public  life.  He  had  no  adventi- 
tious surroundings  of  family  or  wealth.  He  did  not 
possess  a  commanding  personal  appearance  and  had  none 
of  that  magnetism  of  manner,  that  charm  and  fascination 
of  speech  and  gesture,  which  enabled  Sir  John  A.  Mac- 
donald,  Lord  Palmerston  or  James  G.  Blaine  to  lead  men 
whither  they  would.  Yet,  by  the  power  of  ability,  con- 
centration of  purpose,  and  force  of  character,  he  rose  with 
unique  rapidity  to  the  highest  place  in  his  province,  in 
his  party  and  in  his  country. 

The  last  nine  years  of  his  life  were  filled  with  tri- 
umphs which  came  not  as  the  reward  of  popularity,  nor 
upon  waves  of  national  passion,  but  as  the  results  of  a 
great  mind  working  with  patience  and  patriotic  zeal ;  with 
clear  insight  and  acute  intelligence,  upon  the  different 
problems  which  were  presented.  Triumphs  over  personal 
prejudice,  born  of  that  self -repression  which  made  a  strong 
man  shrink  from  the  arts  of  the  ordinary  politician  and 
take  refuge  in  a  coldness  of  manner  which  concealed  his 


24  LIFE   AND   WORK   OF 

really  warm  heart  and  many  generous  and  sympathetic 
qualities.  Triumphs  over  that  deplorable  sectarian  senti- 
ment which  for  a  long  time  refused  to  admit  the  greatness 
of  the  statesman  and  the  goodness  of  the  man  who,  in  early 
life,  had  obeyed  his  conscience  and  conviction  by  a  change 
of  religion.  Triumphs  of  oratory  at  the  Bar  and  in  Par- 
liament, upon  the  Bench  and  before  the  people.  Triumphs 
of  statesmanship,  in  the  treatment  of  race  and  creed  ques- 
tions which,  under  the  manipulation  of  demagogues,  threat- 
ened the  disintegration  of  the  Dominion  ;  and  in  the  control 
of  Parliamentary  matters  which  more  than  once  endangered 
the  unity  and  strength  of  the  party.  Triumphs  of  diplo- 
macy, which  forced  Mr.  Blaine,  with  all  his  acuteness  and 
ability,  into  the  confession  of  a  desire  to  obtain  commercial 
control  of  Canada  and  a  refusal  to  grant  reciprocity  on 
any  other  terms  :  and  which  compelled  the  settlement  upon 
satisfactory  lines  of  the  long-standing  Behring  Sea  troubles. 
Triumphs  as  an  Imperial  statesman  which  brought  about 
the  success  of  the  Intercolonial  Conference,  created  steam 
communication  with  Australia,  paved  the  way  to  closer 
British  unity,  and  led  to  the  heaping  of  honours  upon  the 
head  of  Canada  through  its  Premier  and  representative. 

It  was  a  combination  of  qualities  which  made  Sir 
John  Thompson  so  great  in  character,  so  successful  in  his 
career.  He  was  undoubtedly  self-confident  as  well  as  self 
sustained.  He  was  conscious  of  his  own  strength  and  did 
not  feel  the  necessity  of  intimidating  others,  or  of  asserting 
himself.  And,  as  Archbishop  O'Brien  said  shortly  afte>- 
the  Premier's  death,  he  had  the  quiet  repose  of  strong 
minds,  the  dignified  reticence  of  genius.  In  his  profession  : 
upon  the  Bench :  in  public  life :  in  the  Department  of 
Justice :  his  mastery  of  details  was  marvellous,  and  con- 
tributed greatly  to  his  success.  No  case  for  trial  in  his 
earlier  career  found  him  unprepared,  and  no  argument 


SIR  JOHN   THOMPSON.  25 

came  to  him  as  a  bewildering  surprise.  Lucidity  of 
thought  and  language  characterized  him  as  a  lawyer, 
marked  his  decisions  as  a  Judge,  and  his  State  papers  as  a 
Minister.  This  faculty  of  clothing  the  most  difficult  and 
involved  transactions  or  propositions  in  clear  and  concise 
language  he  possessed  in  an  extraordinary  degree.  Judge 
Townshend,  of  Nova  Scotia,  once  declared  that,  "  in  shap- 
ing, modifying  and  adapting  resolutions  and  statutes  to 
meet  the  views  of  public  bodies  of  which  he  was  a  member, 
I  think  he  was  unequalled." 

Like  most  really  great  men,  Sir  John  possessed  a 
wonderful  capacity  for  work.  He  never  seemed  to  be  in 
a  hurry,  and  yet  succeeded  in  constantly  despatching  an 
enormous  amount  of  business,  quickly  and  efficiently.  For 
some  time  before  the  death  of  Sir  John  Macdonald,  it  is 
an  open  secret  that  the  Chieftain  leaned  greatly  upon  his 
Minister  of  Justice,  who,  during  that  period,  as  well  as 
later  under  the  leadership  of  Sir  John  Abbott,  bore  the 
burden  of  work  in  the  House  of  Commons,  besides  the 
many  and  heavy  labours  connected  with  his  own  Depart- 
ment. Since  then,  also,  he  has  at  times  assumed  diplo- 
matic duties  and  taken  a  position  and  share  in  the  settle- 
ment of  questions,  such  as  the  Behring  Sea  and  Copyright 
problems,  which  must  have  demanded  much  time  and 
study.  And  in  addition,  there  have  been  the  continual  and 
normal  requirements  of  deputations,  speeches  and  journeys. 
Perhaps  it  would  be  an  elaborate  state  paper  to-day  upon 
the  London  election  case,  a  speech  in  the  House  to-mor- 
row upon  the  Tarte  charges,  an  address  the  next  da,y  upon 
the  unveiling  of  a  monument  to  the  Spring  hill  N.  S., 
miners.  And  Sir  John  Thompson  never  did  anything  by 
halves.  Whatever  he  undertook  was  done  as  well  as  ability 
and  close  observation  and  application  could  make  possible. 

In  reading  Sir  John  Thompson's  papers  and  speeches 


26 


LIFE  AND   WORK  OF 


upon  questions  like  those  of  Kiel's  execution,  the  dis- 
allowance of  the  Jesuits'  Estates  Act,  the  Copyright  Law> 
or  the  Manitoba  Schools,  one  is  struck  by  the  completeness 
and  thoroughness  of  his  argument,  the  keenness  and  analy- 
tical quality  of  his  mind,  and  the  industry  and  skill  dis- 
played in  obtaining  and  marshalling  the  facts  of  the  case. 
In  dealing  with  constitutional  or  international  questions, 
he  seemed  to  be  entirely  at  home.  Early  training  had  no 
doubt  made  him  familiar  with  the  Fisheries  question  as  it 
affected  the  Maritime  Provinces,  and  his  work  in  connec- 
tion with  the  Halifax  Commission  gave  him  a  still  wider 
insight  into  both  sides  of  the  dispute.  His  later  expe- 
rience as  a  Nova  Scotian  Judge  and  Premier  increased 
this  knowledge,  while  his  position  as  Minister  of  Justice 
finally  brought  him  into  touch  with  all  the  legal  complica- 
tions which  followed  the  abrogation  of  the  Fisheries'  Clause 
of  the  Washington  Treaty  and  the  unjust  seizure  of  Cana- 
dian vessels  in  the  Behring  Sea.  The  British  North 
America  Act  was  thoroughly  familiar  to  him  in  all  its 
intricacies,  and  every  shade  of  public  opinion  in  Canada 
recognized  frankly  his  high  judicial  insight  and  knowledge 
when  it  was  crowned  by  selection  as  one  of  England's 
arbitrators  in  that  brilliant  gathering  of  statesmen  and 
jurists  at  Paris. 

A  marked  feature  of  the  late  Premier's  character  was 
his  entire  unselfishness.  Devotion  to  duty  was  his  watch- 
word, disregard  of  personal  considerations  and  comfort  his 
principle  of  action.  Without  any  particular  liking  for 
politics  as  such,  he  left  the  Bench  of  Nova  Scotia,  with  its 
life  of  comparative  ease  and  affluence  and  the  prospect  of 
undoubted  and  high  promotion,  for  the  stormy  career  of 
statesmanship.  No  doubt  he  had  that  ambition  for  fame 
which  all  great  men  have  and  which  the  next  few  years  so 
fully  realized.  Perhaps,  also,  he  felt  that  it  was  possible 


SIR  JOHN  THOMPSON.  27 

for  him  to  render  greater  service  to  the  country  which  he 
loved  so  well.  Judging  indeed  by  his  subsequent  career, 
there  can  be  little  doubt  that  Sir  John  Thompson  did 
deliberately  surrender  the  ermine  of  ease,  as  he  at  a  later 
period  refused  to  take  the  Chief  Justiceship  of  Canada,  in 
order  to  devote  himself  to  promoting  the  welfare  of  the 
Dominion. 

This  quality  of  unselfish  loyalty  was  well  exhibited 
in  those  dark  days  which  followed  the  death  of  Sir  John 
A.  Macdonald.  It  was  a  time  of  political  stir  and  stress  ; 
a  moment  when  the  Conservative  party  was  bewildered  by 
the  greatness  of  its  loss  ;  a  period  when  very  little  causes 
might  have  produced  striking  and  startling  results.  A 
man  actuated  by  ambition  only  would  have  thought  and 
said  in  Sir  John  Thompson's  position  that  he  had  earned 
the  Premiership,  and  would  have  expected  it  as  a  right. 
But  Sir  John  was  a  true  statesman,  and  his  appreciation  of 
the  situation  made  him  see  that  the  patriotic  course  was  to 
step  aside  for  the  moment  and  to  continue  doing  his  duty 
in  a  high,  though  still  subordinate,  sphere.  No  doubt,  too, 
he  felt  the  consciousness  of  personal  power,  and  realized 
that  his  time  could  not  be  far  distant.  But  it  must  also 
be  remembered  that  at  "the  moment  in  question  no  one 
knew  the  full  strength  of  the  sectarian  feeling  in  Ontario. 
It  might  have  prevented  Sir  John  Thompson  from  ever 
obtaining  the  Premiership,  as  the  strength  of  a  similar 
sentiment  in  Quebec  in  earlier  days  kept  George  Brown 
permanently  out  of  power,  and  during  many  years  in  the 
recent  history  of  Ontario,  kept  Mr.  Meredith  in  Opposi- 
tion. 

In  still  another  way  was  his  self-sacrifice  shown.  No 
one  doubts  that  Sir  John  could  have  made  large  sums  of 
money  at  his  profession,  and  maintained  himself  and  his 
family  in  affluence.  So  also,  had  he  remained  a  judge,  or 


28  LIFE   AND   WORK   OF 

at  any  later  period  accepted  a  judgeship  once  more,  there 
is  every  probability  that  his  life  would  have  been  indefi- 
nitely prolonged,  and  his  promotion  rapid  ;  while  his  even- 
tual elevation  to  the  lofty  and  remunerative  post  of  a 
member  of  the  Judicial  Committee  of  the  Imperial  Privy 
Council  would  have  been  almost  a  certainty.  But  he  pre- 
ferred the  path  of  public  life  and  duty  to  the  ease  and 
dignity  of  the  Bench,  and  his  sudden  death  left  a  family 
unprovided  for,  which,  but  for  unstinted  devotion  to  his 
national  work,  would  have  had  ample  fortune  and  an 
assured  future. 

His  was  a  peculiar  style  of  oratory — typical  of  the 
man  and  his  work.  He  was  unable,  and  in  any  case  would 
have  been  unwilling,  to  move  the  masses  by  appeals  to 
prejudice  and  passion.  But  if  eloquence  h'nds  its  perfect 
expression  in  convincing  minds  and  swaying  intellects,  then 
Sir  John  Thompson  was  emphatically  a  great  orator.  His 
memorable  speech  upon  the  Kiel  question  placed  the  new 
Minister  of  Justice  at  one  bound  in  the  front  rank  of 
Parliamentary  debaters,  and  there  he  remained  until  his 
death.  Indeed  the  full  supremacy  of  his  master-mind 
could  hardly  be  appreciated  save  by  those  who  heard  and 
felt  its  operation  in  the  debates  of  Parliament.  Sir  John 
Macdonald  held  sway  in  that  Chamber  for  many  years  by 
the  force  of  matchless  political  skill  and  dexterity,  and  in  the 
latter  period  of  his  life  was  aided  by  a  ripe  and  respected 
experience ;  a  deep  personal  affection  on  the  part  of  mem- 
bers ;  a  devoted  and  united  following.  But  Sir  John 
Thompson  stepped  up  at  once  to  the  place  held  by  Sir 
Charles  Tupper  and  Mr.  Blake,  and  upon  their  retirement 
from  the  scene  his  supremacy  as  a  debater  was  practically 
unchallenged.  In  command  of  language  he  excelled  Mr. 
Blake,  who  is  known  to  have  put  much  labor  into  the 
wording  of  his  speeches :  in  beauty  of  expression  he  some- 


SIR   JOHN   THOMPSON.  29 

what  resembled  Lord  Rosebery ;  in  clearness  and  incisive- 
ness  of  style  he  might  have  been  compared  to  Mr.  Cham- 
berlain. His  rank  amongst  the  trained  debaters  of  the 
Imperial  Parliament  would  have  been  high;  his  place  in 
the  Canadian  House  of  Commons  was  the  highest. 

In  the  annals  of  the  British  Empire  he  will  hold  a 
permanent  and  lofty  place.  Under  his  leadership,  though 
fostered  and  guided  by  the  patriotic  hand  of  the  Hon. 
Mackenzie  Bowell,  the  movement  for  closer  British  rela- 
tionship found  expression  in  the  Ottawa  Conference  by 
means  of  which,  tariffs,  cables  and  steamship  lines  will  be 
freely  utilized  in  drawing  the  distant  parts  of  our  vast 
Imperial  realm  into  commercial,  political  and  personal 
•union.  As  the  London  Daily  News  so  well  said,  that  step 
4<  established  a  precedent  and  suggested  the  possibility  of 
.an  imperial  federation.  The  calling  of  it  belonged  almost 
to  the  dreamland  of  statesmanship "  But  the  result 
belongs  also  to  the  record  of  practical  work  and  progress 
which  Sir  John  perhaps  appreciated  more  than  sentimental 
-considerations.  The  latter  he  by  no  means  deprecated, 
however,  and  his  mournful  death,  almost  at  the  feet  of  the 
Sovereign  he  had  served  so  well,  illustrates,  as  did  his  life 
.and  policy,  the  famous  utterance  in  a  speech  at  Belleville : 
4t  He  who  serves  Canada,  serves  the  Empire,  and  he  who 
serves  the  Empire  serves  Canada  as  well." 

But  while  his  statesmanship  exceeded  the  bounds  of 
the  Dominion  and  stamped  itself  upon  Imperial  history ; 
while  his  heart  went  out  to  the  Mother-land  and  his  policy 
strove  to  bind  its  children  in  close  union  and  brotherly 
intercourse ;  yet  the  life  work  of  Sir  John  Thompson 
was  essentially  Canadian,  tie  was  emphatically  a  son  of 
the  soil.  Born  and  educated  in  Canada,  his  early  political 
battles  and  later  political  successes  were  all  fought  and 
obtained  within  the  Dominion.  Imperial  honours  were 


30  LIFE   AND   WORK   OF 

showered  upon  him,  and  more  of  them  might  have  come  in 
the  future,  but  they  were  bestowed  for  services  which  in 
benefiting  Canada,  benefitted  the  Empire  as  well.  He  was 
filled  with  a  passionate  patriotism  which  was  neither  un- 
derstood nor  properly  appreciated  by  the  people  during  his 
life-time,  being  as  it  was  to  a  great  extent  concealed  from 
view  by  his  calm  and  cold  exterior  and  by  the  even  flow 
of  his  logical  and  unsympathetic  oratory.  But  it  was  shown 
in  his  policy,  and  occasionally  surprised  the  public  in  some 
unusually  eloquent  and  striking  phrase;  while  his  death 
exhibits  the  man  as  he  really  was — unwilling  to  give  up  his 
post  even  under  the  physicians'  warning  of  a  fatal  termin- 
ation, because  it  might  lead  to  party  disorganization  and 
the  consequent  defeat  of  the  principles  he  held  so  dear, 
and  of  the  policy  he  considered  so  necessary  to  the  progress 
and  welfare  of  the  Dominion. 

No  one  but  a  true  Canadian,  devoted  to  his  country 
and  his  cause,  could  have  led  the  Conservatives  through 
the  troubles  .folio wing  the  fatal  Gth  of  June,  1$91.  But 
Sir  John  inspired  the  rank  and  file  of  the  party  with 
thorough  confidence  in  his  ability,  and  impressed  even  his 
most  bitter  opponents  with  respect  for  his  honesty  and 
honour.  The  result  was  that  his  moderation,  his  intellec- 
tual strength,  his  justice,  and  sincere  conscientiousness  had 
become  qualities  to  conjure  with,  and  had  lent  a  peculiar 
power  to  his  leadership  which  it  is  safe  to  say  would  have 
remained  unshaken  by  all  the  bubbles  and  foam  of  secta- 
rian advocacy. 

It  is  difficult  to  be  critical  concerning  such  a  life  and 
character  as  that  of  Sir  John  Thompson.  Apart  from  the 
sympathy  which  the  Angel  of  Death  creates  for  all  men 
and  particularly  when  it  comes  amid  such  surroundings 
and  with  such  dramatic  and  painful  suddenness,  it  is  not 
easy  to  find  faults  in  either  his  public  or  private  career. 


THE  RT.  HON.  SIR  JOHN  A.  MACDONALD,  P.C.,  G.C.B.,  Q.C:,  M  .P. 

First  Prime  Minister  oj  the  Dominion  of  Canada. 


SIR  JOHN   TH  )MPSO\f.  33 

Men  differed  from  him  in  politics,  but  all  united  in  praiso 
of  his  life,  his  motives  his  character,  his  attainments. 
When  death  came,  the  Opposition  press  was  as  eulogistic 
as  were  the  Government  organs.  Men  differed  from  him 
in  religion,  but  his  life  was  so  pure,  his  change  of  faith  has 
been  proved  tu  have  been  so  conscientious  and  at  the  time 
so  injurious  to  his  material  interests,  that  all  criticism  has 
been  hushed,  and  the  denunciations  of  Dr.  Douglas,  sincere 
as  that  eloquent  divine  no  doubt  was,  are  buried  with  him. 
His  faults  were  undoubtedly  few,  his  virtues  many.  He 
lived  indeed  as  though  he  fully  appreciated  the  fact  that 

"  Our  life  of  mortal  breath 
Is  but  a  suburb  of  the  life  Elysian, 
Whose  portal  we  call  death." 

It  is  not  fulsome  flattery  of  a  man,  who  was  good  as 
well  as  great,  to  say  that  his  whole  career  and  character 
constitute  a  noble  example  for  young  Canadians.  There 
was  never  any  doubt  that  Sir  John  Thompson  would  do 
right  in  any  public  emergency,  in  accordance  with  his  con- 
victions, and  up  to  the  extreme  limit  of  his  power.  His 
inflexible  purpose  compelled  respect  from  the  leaders  of 
his  party,  and  combined  with  his  high  character  and  great 
ability,  caused  his  Cabinet,  as  well  as  his  followers  in  the 
House,  and  in  the  country,  to  give  an  extraordinary  degree 
of  consideration  to  his  wishes.  A  well-regulated  ambition 
coupled  with  concentration  of  aim  and  a  wide  degree  of 
culture,  brought  him  the  highest  place  in  a  field  which  his 
patriotism  had  made  as  wide  as  the  Empire.  These  quali- 
ties render  the  career  of  Sir  John  Thompson  memorable, 
and  important  to  all  Canadians.  They  carried  him  from 
the  reporter's  table  to  the  foot  cf  the  Throne ;  they  made 
the  young  lawyer  of  other  clays  Minister  of  Justice  for 
this  wide  Dominion  and  a  British  representative  upon  more 
3 


34  LIFE  AND   WORK   OF 

than  one  important  occasion  ;  they  made  the  once  youthful 
politician  and  debater  a  great  Prime- Minister  and  powerful 
speaker.  They  will  carry  his  name  still  further  down  the 
corridors  of  time,  as 

"  Were  a  star  quenched  on  high, 

For  ages  would  its  light, 
Still  travelling  downwards  from  the  sky, 

Shine  on  our  mortal  sight. 
So.  when  a  great  man  dies 

For  years  beyond  our  ken, 
The  light  he  leaves  behind  him  lies 

Upon  the  paths  of  men." 


SIR  JOHN   THOMPSON.  35 


CHAPTER   IT. 
EARLY  DAYS. 

The  Province  of  Nova  Scotia  has  become  famous  for 
the  men  it  produces.  The  broad  Dominion  of  Canada 
from  end  to  end  has  felt  the  impress  of  their  virile  force 
and  unusual  ability.  The  name  of  Sir  Charles  Tupper  is 
stamped  in  vivid  letters  upon  the  pages  of  provincial, 
national  and  imperial  history.  The  eloquence  of  Joseph 
Howe  still  thunders  down  through  the  years  which  have 
passed  since  his  wonderful  voice  was  hushed  in  death. 
The  ability,  energy  and  skill  of  Sir  William  Dawson  have 
made  McGill  University  one  of  the  great  educational 
centres  of  the  world,  and  left  his  name  a  lofty  one  in  the 
difficult  realms  of  science.  The  great  work  of  Principal 
Grant  has  built  up  Queen's  University,  Kingston,  and 
his  fame  as  an  earnest  and  eloquent  exponent  of  Imperial 
unity  has  not  been  confined  to  the  shores  of  Canada.  The 
financial  ability  of  Hon.  George  E.  Foster  has  been  a  tower 
of  strength  to  three  Canadian  administrations ;  and  the 
rapid  rise  of  Sir  Charles  Hibbert  Tupper  in  reputation  and 
position,  presage  a  place  in  history  hardly  second  to  that 
held  by  his  distinguished  father. 

But  history  will  probably  say  that  the  career  of  Sir 
John  Thompson  was  more  remarkable  than  that  of  any 
other  native  of  Nova  Scotia.  His  rapid  rise,  his  lofty 
position,  his  great  honours,  his  dramatic  death,  all  com- 
bined to  render  the  life  of  the  fourth  Premier  of  Canada 
the  most  eventful  and  remarkable  in  the  national  annals. 


36  LIFE  AND  WOKtf   OF 

There  was,  however,  nothing  in  his  surroundings  to  indicate 
this  future  when  John  Sparrow  David  Thompson  was  born 
at  Halifax  on  November  10th,  1844.  His  mother,  a 
thoroughly  good  woman,  was  a  native  of  the  Orkney 
Islands,  her  maiden  name  being  Charlotte  Pottinger.  His 
father,  Mr.  John  Sparrow  Thompson,  was  a  man  of 
culture  and  position,  though  not  possessed  of  private 
means.  He  was  a  native  of  Waterford,  Ireland,  and  had 
emigrated,  when  quite  young,  to  the  Province  of  Nova 
Scotia,  then  an  isolated,  out  of  the  world  sort  of  place, 
possessed  of  charms  and  resources  which  seemed  to  be 
buried  in  almost  primeval  obscurity.  For  some  years,  Mr. 
Thompson  was  Queen's  Printer,  and  subsequently  for  a 
prolonged  period,  held  the  restricted  but  fairly  comfortable 
post  of  Superintendent  of  the  Nova  Scotian  Money  Order 

system. 

He  seems,  however,  to  have  participated  in  other 
pursuits  as  well,  and  was  assistant  editor  of  the  Nova 
Scotian,  at  a  time  when  Joseph  Howe  as  its  proprietor 
was  occupied  in  moulding  public  opinion  with  pen 
and  voice  and  influence.  Naturally,  he  fought  with  his 
chief  during  the  struggle  for  responsible  government 
in  the  Province,  and  naturally  also,  be  taught  his  then 
youthful  son  an  affectionate  regard  for  the  great  tri- 
bune, which  had  its  effect  in  later  days.  Mr.  Thompson, 
who  died  in  1867,  seems  to  have  enjoyed  in  his  day  a 
high  reputation  as  a  graceful  and  well-informed  writer, 
and  an  accomplished  gentleman.  The  circumstances  sur- 
rounding his  son's  boyhood  therefore  were  not  at  all 
unfavorable  to  the  youthful  development  of  any  remark- 
able qualities  which  he  might  possess.  But,  as  in  so  many 
other  cases,  the  child  hardly  seems  to  have  been  the  father 
of  the  man.  He  attended  the  common  schools  of  his 
native  city,  and  afterwards  took  a  course  at  the  Free 
Church  Academy  in  Halifax,  besides  receiving  most  care- 


SIR  JOHN   THOMPSON.  37 

ful  home  training  and  advice,  in  all  his  studies  and  pur- 
suits. 

At  the  early  age  of  fifteen  he  commenced  the  study 
of  law  as  an  articled  clerk  in  the  office  of  Mr.  Henry 
Pryor,  afterwards  stipendiary  magistrate  of  Halifax,  and 
was  called  to  the  Bar  of  the  Province  in  1865,  when  barely 
twenty-one.  He  is  described  in  his  student  days  as  having 
been  a  slight  and  rather  delicate  youth,  with  a  shy  and  timid 
manner,  and  as  utterly  devoid  of  anything  like  conceit  or 
self-assertion.  And  the  daily  work  of  the  junior  articled 
student  was  not  then  made  as  pleasant  or  useful  as  it  is  at 
the  present  time.  It  was  indeed  of  the  dullest  and  appar- 
ently most  useless  character,  including  such  labor  as  the 
copying  of  voluminous  writs  and  pleadings,  now  long  done 
away  with,  and  the  general  performance  of  a  class  of  work 
which  is  nowadays  handed  over  to  the  office  typewriter. 
Some  one  has  said  in  this  connection  that  it  was  a  formid- 
able undertaking  even  to  peruse  an  ordinary  set  of  the 
pleadings  of  thirty  years  ago  ;  it  was  a  still  more  difficult 
task  to  write  out  the  complete  copy  of  such  a  set ;  but  the 
superlative  was  reached  by  the  bewildered  student  in  the 
attempt  to  comprehend  the  precise  meanings  of  the  super- 
subtle  technicalities  thus  expanded  upon  so  many  pages  of 
foolscap.  Browning  may  indeed  be  termed  the  embodi- 
ment of  lucidity  in  comparison  with  the  intricate  legal 
phraseology  of  some  of  the  documents  of  a  generation  or 
two  since. 

But  "  Johnnie  :>  Thompson,  as  he  was  called,  not  only 
found  time  to  do  his  office  work  and  to  be  an  industrious 
student  of  the  principles  of  law,  but  also  to  master  the 
difficult  art  of  stenography.  Then  as  in  the  future,  what 
he  found  to  do,  he  did  thoroughly.  And  when  the  early 
years  of  hard  and  constant  struggle  at  the  bar  commenced, 
the  young  lawyer  was  only  too  glad  to  eke  out  his  income  by 


38  LIFE   AND   WORK   OF 

the  use  of  an  accomplishment  not  very  common  at  the  time. 
As  a  matter  of  fact  also,  there  is  as  much  difference  be- 
tween a  first-class  stenographer,  such  as  he  was,  and  one 
who  can  only  take  down  words  and  then  give  a  literal 
translation  of  them,  as  there  is  between  the  writer  and 
the  pen  he  drives  over  the  paper.  The  one  will  summa- 
rize in  a  short  time  a  ten-column  speech  so  that  it  will  not 
exceed  a  column  in  space  and  yet  include  every  salient 
point,  grammatically  worded,  and  perhaps  embellished  in  a 
way  ttk^  speaker  himself  was  incapable  of  doing.  The 
other  will  take  down  his  letters  from  dictation,  and  give 
an  exact  copy,  as  may  perhaps  be  his  duty,  without  the 
exercise  of  thought  or  of  any  special  ability. 

This  was  not  the  way  with  young  Thompson.  He 
practised  law  and,  at  the  same  time,  reported  the 
debates  of  the  Legislative  Assembly.  In  1867,  the 
Official  Reporter  of  the  House  was  Mr.  John  George 
Bourinot,  now  the  learned  and  distinguished  Clerk  of  the 
Dominion  House  of  Commons.  His  volumes  for  that 
year  make  acknowledgment  to  John  S.  D.  Thompson  for 
assistance  given,  and  in  the  succeeding  year  they  bear  the 
signature  of  Mr.  Thompson  as  Reporter-in-chief.  During 
the  four  following  sessions  he  continued  to  report  the 
debates  with  great  advantage  to  himself  in  the  gaining  of 
a  thorough  and  ready  knowledge  of  the  procedure  of  Par- 
liament. It  must  also  have  given  him  a  very  complete 
acquaintance  with  the  politics  and  political  leaders  of  his 
province,  and  been  of  great  assistance  when  he  later  on 
came  to  enter  the  House  of  Assembly.  Meanwhile  the 
reputation  of  the  young  lawyer  was  growing.  When  he 
had  been  at  the  Bar  but  little  more  than  two  years  he  had 
won  the  respect  and  confidence  of  the  Bench  and  of  his 
professional  brethren.  Simplicity,  sincerity  and  fairness 
seem  to  have  been  the  predominant  qualities  of  the  lawyer 


SIR   JOHN    THOMPSON.  39 

as  they  were  afterwards  of  the  judge  and  the  statesman. 
His  first  partner  was  Mr.  Joseph  Coombes,  for  whom  he 
did  the  office  work  and  prepared  briefs;  his  second, 
after  a  few  years  of  indifferent  progress,  trom  a  pecuniary 
standpoint,  was  Mr.  Wallace  Graham.  The  firm  thus  finally 
formed  was  a  success,  and  Mr.  Thompson  soon  rose  in  his 
profession  until  he  attained  the  foremost  place  before  the 
Provincial  Bar. 

During  these  years  he  worked  exceedingly  hard. 
Matters  were  complicated  by  his  father's  health  failing,  and 
for  some  years  the  son  performed  much  of  the  work  per- 
taining to  his  parent's  Government  position  by  sitting  up 
and  labour^  far  into  the  night.  It  is  a  melancholy  fact 
stated  by  one  of  his  friends  in  those  seemingly  distant 
days,  that  his  ambition  then  was  to  make  sufficient  money 
to  keep  his  own  family  from  ever  being  in  the  difficulties 
he  himself  had  experienced.  As  a  lawyer  during  this 
period  he  contributed  to  the  true  dignity  of  a  great  pro- 
fession, scorned  pettifogging  tricks,  and  was  ever  on  the 
side  of  peace  and  settlement  where  such  results  were  at 
all  possible.  His  powers  of  concentration  were  very  great, 
and  of  course  aided  him  not  a  little  in  getting  through 
multifarious  duties  and  in  winning  legal  successes. 

In  1870,  at  the  age  of  twenty-six,  John  Thompson 
was  married  to  Miss  Annie  Affleck,  daughter  of  Captain 
Affleck,  of  Halifax.  To  her,  the  partner  of  his  early 
struggles  and  his  later  greatness,  he  was  ever  the  most 
devoted  of  husbands,  as  he  has  been  to  his  children  a  most 
thoughtful  and  tender  parent.  But  the  marriage  was  not 
accomplished  without  some  difficulty.  Miss  Affleck  was  a 
Roman  Catholic,  he  was  a  Protestant.  His  family  were 
most  devoted  and  pronounced  Methodists  :  with  perhaps  a 
little  of  that  undue  religious  prejudice  which  is  apt  to  de- 
velop in  small  communities  and  in  the  hearts  and  minds  of 
the  very  best  of  people.  He  was,  however,  drifting  into 


40  LIFE  AND  WORK  OF 

closer  communion  with  the  Roman  Catholic  Church,  and 
had  about  this  time  been  deeply  impressed  by  a  series  of 
sermons  on  the  "Foundations  and  Doctrines  of  the  Church," 
preached  by  Archbishop  Connolly  of  Halifax,  an  ecclesiastic 
whom  he  greatly  admired,  and  who  soon  came  in  turn  to 
appreciate  his  young  friend's  ability  and  keenness  of 
thought. 

It  seems  clear  that  his  future  wife  had  little  or  nothing 
to  do  with  his  change  of  faith,  which  came  later,  and  which 
so  influenced  the  course  of  his  whole  life.  It  is  indeed  un- 
derstood that  they  never  discussed  religious  matters,  either 
before  or  after  marriage,  until  he  announced  his  intention 
of  becoming  a  Roman  Catholic.  During  their  engagement 
Mr.  Thompson  would  frequently  meet  her  at  the  church 
door  and  walk  home,  but  he  seldom  or  never  attended  the 
services  with  her.  At  the  time  the  marriage  was  decided 
upon,  Archbishop  Connolly  was  unfortunately  away  and  as 
mixed  marriages  were  never  celebrated  in  Halifax,  arrange- 
ments were  made  with  some  little  difficulty  to  have  the 
ceremony  performed  in  Portland,  Maine.  Canon  Power 
ultimately  gave  Mrs.  Affleck  letters  to  Bishop  Bacon  of  that 
place,  who  did  everything  possible  to  facilitate  matters. 
She  and  her  daughter  reached  there  early  in  July,  and  on 
.the  5th  of  the  month  the  young  couple  were  married  in 
the  Bishop's  parlor. 

A  year  afterwards  Mr.  Thompson  joined  the  Roman 
Catholic  Church.  A  change  of  religion  is  always  a  marked 
and  striking  action  whichever  direction  it  may  take,  and  in 
his  case  was  rendered  especially  noteworthy  by  the  silent 
opposition  of  his  relatives  and  friends,  by  the  fact  that  as  a 
boy  he  had  been  the  pride  of  the  Brunswick  Street  Metho- 
dist Sabbath  School,  and  as  a  young  man,  one  of  its  most 
efficient  teachers.  But  there  was  no  room  for  surprise  in 
the  matter.  His  friends  knew  that  for  years  he  had  been 


HON.  ALEX.  MACKENZIE,  M.P., 
Second  Prime  Minister  of  Canada. 


SIR   JOHN   THOMPSON.  43 

debating  the  question,  and  that  the  final  step  was  only 
taken  after  the  deliberate  weighing  of  arguments  and  con- 
clusions which  characterized  him  throughout  life.  He  was 
never  the  creature  of  circumstances,  and  there  cannot  be 
the  slightest  doubt  of  his  having  made  the  change  from  the 
highest  and  purest  of  motives.  As  he  remarked  at  the 
time  to  an  intimate  friend : — "  I  have  everything  to  lose 
from  a  worldly  standpoint  by  the  step  T  am  about  to  take." 
But  so  convinced  were  all  his  friends  of  his  sincerity,  and 
so  much  did  they  admire  his  high-minded  indifference  to 
any  success  which  might  be  attained  by  refusing  to  run 
counter  to  public  opinion  or  individual  prejudice,  that  they 
clung  to  him  all  the  more  closely,  and  his  popularity  grew 
rather  than  diminished.  A  few  months  after  the  event  he 
was  elected  an  Alderman  of  Halifax  in  the  fifth  ward,  and 
by  acclamation.  This  position  he  continued  to  hold  for  six 
years,  in  1874  being  also  elected  a  member  of  the  City 
Board  of  School  Commissioners.  Of  the  latter  body  he  was 
for  a  time  chairman.  In  civic  affairs  the  young  Alderman 
soon  took  an  active  and  prominent  part,  and  his  surviving 
colleagues,  as  well  as  the  records  of  the  Council  itself,  bear 
ample  testimony  to  his  ability  and  skill.  And  so  with  the 
School  Board. 

Education  was  then,  as  it  always  is  in  mixed  religious 
communities,  a  difficult  matter  to  deal  with  in  Halifax. 
There  were  no  Separate  Schools,  though  of  course  many 
private  institutions  were  maintained  of  a  more  or  less  reli- 
gious character.  The  School  Board  was  chosen  without 
reference  to  creed  and  it  had  to  manage  the  conflicting 
views  of  the  different  elements  of  the  people.  In  this  Mr. 
Thompson  showed  marked  skill.  It  is  said  that  he  hardly 
ever  offended  any  one.  He  did  not  believe  in  antagonizing 
people,  and  if  his  manner  was  too  cold  and  distant  to  win 
popular  affection,  his  qualities  at  least  compelled  publiq 


44  LIFE   AND   WORK    OF 

respect,  while  his  quiet,  dignified  way  of  discussing  matters 
prevented  people  from  taking  personal  offence  at  his  oppo- 
sition to  their  views.  He  once  warned  a  close  personal 
friend,  who  now  holds  a  high  judicial  place  in  the  Dominion, 
that  he  was  "too  impulsive,"  and  advised  him  to  use  every 
possible  argument  against  the  point  in  dispute,  but  never 
so  as  to  personally  offend  the  other  disputant.  And  there 
is  no  doubt  about  his  own  success  in  these  years  of  prelimi- 
nary struggle.  His  influence  in  the  Council  was  supreme, 
and  no  one  could  throw  oil  upon  the  troubled  waters  of  the 
School  Board  better  than  he.  Writing  on  Dec.  4th,  1877, 
the  Halifax  Herald  says  that  "  If  any  Alderman  ever  con- 
ducted himself  in  such  a  manner  as  to  win  popularity  and 
confidence  that  man  was  Alderman  Thompson." 

During  these  years  the  young  lawyer  was  for  some 
time  President  of  the  Young  Men's  Literary  Association  of 
Halifax,  and  of  the  Charitable  Irish  Society,  taking  a  deep 
interest  in  their  affairs  and  general  proceedings.  Naturally 
also  he  was  steadily  developing  his  debating  powers  as  well 
as  increasing  the  stores  of  information  and  knowledge  of 
precedents,  which  lie  at  the  basis  of  a  genuine  and  perma- 
nent Parliamentary  reputation.  The  shyness  of  early  youth 
soon  wore  away,  so  far  as  any  outward  manifestation  was 
concerned,  but  the  reserved  manner  remained  and  clung  to 
him  through  life.  But  then,  and  always,  he  disliked  public 
speaking,  and  for  this  reason,  probably,  was  never  a  good 
campaign  orator.  Any  audience,  however,  which  desired 
to  hear  a  clear-cut  analysis  of  the  questions  at  issue  with- 
out oratorical  frills  or  appeals  to  sentiment  and  passion, 
could  appreciate  an  address  from  John  Thompson,  and 
would  probably  leave  the  building  impressed  by  the  hon- 
esty and  honor  of  the  man,  as  well  as  by  the  logical  strength 
of  his  arguments. 

At  this  time  the  storms  which  had  swept  over  the 


sili  JOHN  THOMPSON.  45 

politics  and  parties  of  Nova-Scotia  were  somewhat  abated, 
though  much  of  bitterness  still  remained  The  great  figure 
of  Joseph  Howe  had  passed  from  the  scene  and  only  the 
memory  was  left  of  a  man  whom  the  Canadian  people  of 
to-day  can  hardly  appreciate  at  the  full  measure  of  his 
superb  ability  and  disinterestedness.  The  historic  battles 
which  he  waged  for  responsible  government  and  against 
confederation  had  brought  out  a  display  of  eloquence  and 
power  which  in  a  less  circumscribed  sphere  would  have  made 
Howe  one  of  the  great  men  of  the  age.  The  latter  contest 
was  a  struggle  of  giants.  The  sledge-hammer  blows  of  Dr. 
Tupper  ringing  against  the  shield  of  his  eloquent  antag- 
onist made  the  prolonged  battle  a  memorable  one  to  all 
Nova-Scotians,  and  the  literary  part  taken  in  it  by  Mr. 
Thompson,  senior,  as  a  devoted  friend  and  follower  of  the 
Anti-Union  leader,  was  by  no  means  small. 

During  this  period  the  Province  was  literally  deluged 
with  pamphlets  and  political  literature  of  all  kinds ;  the 
press  was  loaded  with  arguments  and  fiery  denunciation  ; 
the  air  was  filled  with  the  sounds  of  oratory.  Finally,  on 
the  18th  of  September,  1867,  the  new  Dominion  was  startled 
by  intelligence  of  the  terrific  defeat  which  the  supporters 
of  Canadian  federation  had  received  in  Nova-Scotia.  Out 
of  eighteen  members  of  the  Commons,  but  one  Confederate, 
Dr.  Tupper,  was  returned  ;  and  out  of  38  members  of  the 
Provincial  Assembly  only  two  Confederates  had  survived 
the  political  hurricane.  Howe  literally  held  the  Province 
in  his  hand  and  had  he  pleased,  during  the  next  year  or 
two  could  have  taken  Nova-Scotia  out  of  the  Union  and 
compelled  the  Dominion  to  conquer  it  or  else  wait  for  a 
turning  tide.  But  the  Imperial  Government  refused  to 
grant  constitutional  repeal  of  the  Union,  and  he  was  too 
loyal  a  man  to  dream  of  using  force.  Many  of  his  followers 
however,  began  to  assume  a  disloyal  attitude  and  to  even 
dally  with  American  sympathizers. 


46  LIFE   AND   WORK   OF 

Here  was  the  opportunity  for  the  Dominion  party, 
which  had  been  gradually  regaining  ground  during  the  in- 
terval. And  no  one  could  seize  an  opportunity  quicker 
than  Sir  John  A  Macdonald.  He  came  to  Halifax  and 
saw  Howe  ;  played  upon  his  love  of  British  connection  and 
closer  Imperial  unity  ;  convinced  him  of  the  serious  danger 
into  which  the  Anti-Confederates  were  drifting  and  the 
utter  impossibility  of  separation ;  offered  him  better  finan- 
cial terms  for  the  Province,  and  finally  won  him  over. 
Howe  entered  the  Dominion  Parliament  and  Government 
in  order  to  more  effectually  guard  the  interests  of  Nova- 
Scotia,  and  though  much  of  his  marvellous  popularity 
departed  with  that  act,  and  the  misrepresentation  to  which 
it  was  subjected,  he  nevertheless  lived  to  occupy  for  a  short 
time  the  Government  House  of  his  native  Province,  and 
when  he  died  received  the  tribute  of  heart-felt  and  univer- 
sal mourning  from  its  people. 

Mr.  Thompson,  who  had  in  the  meantime  lost  his 
father  by  death,  was  not  sorry  when  circumstances  com- 
pelled Howe  to  sever  himself  from  his  old-time  associates. 
His  admiration  for  the  man  was  very  great,  his  regard  for 
his  memory  was  afterwards  deep  and  sincere,  but  he  would 
never  have  followed  him  in  any  unconstitutional  action  or 
disloyal  advocacy.  This  union  of  Tupper  and  Howe — the 
Conservative  and  Radical  of  earlier  days — founded  the  Lib- 
eral-Conservative party  in  Nova-Scotia  which,  in  Provin- 
cial matters,  John  S.  D.  Thompson  was  to  lead  in  the  course 
of  a  few  years,  and  in  later  times  was  to  represent  in  the 
Government  of  the  Dominion.  About  1874,  he  became 
known  as  a  strong  advocate  of  protection  to  native  indus- 
tries, and  with  a  small  coterie  of  active  friends  in  Halifax, 
urged  the  issue  which  four  years  afterwards  was  to  sweep 
the  country  like  a  whirlwind. 

Meanwhile  he  was  connected  with  various  important 


SIR  JOHN   f  HOMPS  >N.  47 

cases  coming  before  the  Supreme  Court  of  Nova-Scotia, 
and  was  rapidly  acquiring  a  foremost  place  at  the  bar,  as 
well  as  in  municipal  politics,  and  in  the  appreciation  of 
public  men  who  were  able  to  judge  of  ability  in  those  rising 
around  them.  It  was  a  curious  friendship  which  existed 
at  this  time  between  the  young  lawyer,  with  his  cold 
and  reserved  manner,  his  suppressed  emotions  and  solid 
judgment,  and  the  emotional  and  impetuous  Archbishop 
Connolly,  with  his  fervid  temperament  and  characteristic 
Irish  eloquence.  Bishop  Cameron  of  Antigonish  describes 
his  first  meeting  with  Mr.  Thompson  as  being  at  a  dinner 
in  the  Archbishop's  house  some  years  after  the  religious 
change,  which  has  been  elsewhere  referred  to,  and  says  :  * — 
"  Dinner  over,  His  Grace  invited  us  to  his  room  and  began  to 
give  us  the  detailed  history  of  a  case  at  law  in  which  he  was 
largely  interested.  As  a  listener,  a  perfect  listener,  he 
(Mr.  Thompson)  impressed  ine  very  much.  And  when  he 
broke  his  dead  silence,  his  rapid  and  searching  examination 
was  a  study,  soon  followed  by  unbounded  admiration  at 
the  easy  skill  with  which  he  proved  that  he  had  already 
thoroughly  mastered  the  whole  complicated  subject  at  issue 
and  Completely  dissipated  every  difficulty  that  had  the  mo- 
ment before  seemed  all  but  insurmountable." 

Archbishop  Hannan,  who  succeeded  Dr.  Connolly  in 
1876,  was  not  upon  very  intimate  or  friendly  terms  with 
Mr.  Thompson,  and  the  latter's  action  in  defence  of  a  local 
religious  sisterhood  which  appealed  to  him  for  legal  aid, 
actually  embittered  their  relationship.  It  seems  that  the 
sisterhood  in  question  consulted  the  lawyer  regarding  cer- 
tain regulations  made  by  the  Archbishop  which  they  did 
not  like,  and  he  advised  an  appeal  to  Rome.  After  a  pro- 
longed controversy,  in  which  Archbishop  Lynch  of  Toronto 
was  accidentally  involved,  the  sisterhood  finally  triumphed. 

*Letter  to  the  Author,  dated  December  20th,  18(J4. 


48  LIFE  AND  WORK  OF 

But  this  was  sometime  after  the  period  now  under  consi- 
deration. 

Meanwhile  an  important  epoch  in  his  career  was  at 
hand.  During  the  thirty-three  years  of  his  past  life  he 
had  proven  the  possession  of  certain  qualities  which  almost 
ensure  success  to  the  man  who  has  them.  As  a  boy 
and  a  young  man  his  affection  for  his  parents  had  been 
something  remarkable.  His  father  naturally  inspired  re- 
spect, and  the  judicious  and  close  intimacy  to  which  he 
admitted  the  son,  did  much  to  mould  the  mind  and  char- 
acter of  the  future  statesman.  He  won  and  wedded  his 
wife  despite  the  difference  of  religion  which  his  education 
and  family  influence  made  a  considerable  difficulty,  and 
being  the  man  he  was,  it  is  probable  that  he  never  even 
considered  the  fact  that  her  lack  of  money  made  the  future 
depend  entirely  upon  his  own  exertions.  He  had  clearly 
shown  in  the  practice  of  law  and  in  the  practice  of  prelim- 
inary politics  that  the  performance  of  duty  and  the  main- 
tenance of  absolute  integrity,  were  to  him  far  more  pre- 
cious than  the  glamour  of  a  flerting  popularity,  or  the 
glitter  of  success  obtained  by  doubtful  means.  And  in 
the  public  recognition  o?  these  qualities  he  had  laid  the 
foundation  for  a  higher  potion  and  a  permanent  reputa- 
tion. 


SIK  JOHN   THOMPSON.  49 


CHAPTER  III. 
LAW  AND  POLITICS. 

The  time  had  now  come  for  Mr.  John  S.  D.  Thompson 
to  rise  out  of  the  Provincial  sphere  of  legal  practice  and  to 
take  a  place  amongst  the  more  or  less  leading  lawyers  of 
the  Dominion.  He  had,  it  is  true,  already  made  himself 
felt  before  the  Bench  of  Nova-Scotia,  and  had  been  con- 
nected with  a  number  of  important  cases.  He  had  thor- 
oughly familiarized  himself  with  the  law  and  practice  of 
his  own  Province,  but  as  yet  the  sphere  had  been  too  limi- 
ted for  fame  and  not  sufficiently  remunerative  for  wealth. 
But  in  1877  came  the  chance. 

In  the  early  part  of  that  year  the  Halifax  Fisheries' 
Commission  met.  It  was  the  outcome  of  the  Washington 
Treaty  of  1871,  by  the  terms  of  which  the  Americans  had 
been  given  the  right  to  fish  for  twelve  years  within  the 
limits  of  Canadian  waters  in  return  for  a  similar  right  on 
the  part  of  British  subjects  within  the  jurisdiction  of  the 
United  States.  As  this  latter  privilege  was  almost  value- 
less it  was  agreed  that  an  International  Commission  should 
meet  at  some  date  to  be  thereafter  arranged  and  settle  the 
amount  of  the  compensation  which  was  to  be  paid  Great 
Britain  on  behalf  of  Canada.  From  various  causes  nothing 
definite  was  done  during  the  following  half-dozen  years. 
It  was  not  the  fault  of  the  Canadian  Government.  On  the 
8th  of  February,  1877,  Mr.  Mackenzie's  administration  an- 
nounced through  the  Speech  from  the  Throne  that  in  spite 
of  every  effort  no  advance  had  been  made  in  obtaining  a 

4 


50  LIFE   AND   WORK   OF 

settlement  from  the  United  States  as  pledged  under  the 
terms  of  the  Treaty.  Sir  John  Macdonald  in  speaking  to 
the  Address  admitted  that  the  fault  did  not  lie  with  Can- 
ada, and  expressed  the  earnest  hope  that  the  incoming 
American  Government  would  "remove  the  stigma  that  had 
been  cast  upon  the  good  faith  of  the  American  people,"  by 
the  previous  and  positive  refusal  to  carry  out  this  provi- 
sion of  the  Treaty  of  Washington. 

The  expectations  based  upon  the  coming  into  office  of 
President  Hayes  were  promptly  realized,  and  on  June  15th 
the  Commission  met  at  Halifax.  The  central  figure  in  the 
gathering  was  M.  Maurice  Delfosse,  Belgian  Minister  at 
Washington,  who  was  named  by  the  Austrian  Minister  in 
London,  and  was  expected  to  hold  the  scales  with  absolute 
justice  between  the  British  Commissioner,  Sir  Alex.  T.  Gait, 
K.C.M.G.,  and  the  American  Commissioner,  Hon.  Ensign 
H.  Kellogg.  M.  Delfosse  was  elected  President,  and  per- 
formed his  duties  with  dignity  and  fairness.  Hardly  less 
important  personages  were  the  two  Agents,  the  British 
being  Mr.  (now  Sir)  Francis  Clare  Ford  ;  the  American,  the 
Hon.  D wight  Foster.  There  was  a  brilliant  array  of  coun- 
sel, the  British  side  being  especially  strong  in  this  respect. 
It  included  such  men  as  Joseph  Doutre,  Q.C.,  of  Montreal ; 
S.  R.  Thomson,  Q.C.,  of  St.  John,  N.B. ;  Hon.  W.  V.  White- 
way,  Q.C.,  of  Newfoundland  ;  Hon.  L.  H.  Davies,  of  Char- 
lottetown  ;  and  R.  L.  Wheatherbe,  Q.C.,  of  Halifax.  Upon 
the  American  side  were  Richard  H.  Dana,  Jr.,  and  Francis 
H.  Trescott.  But,  fortunately  for  the  case  he  had  to  pre- 
sent, Mr.  Dana  recognized  the  necessity  of  calling  in  to  his 
assistance  some  Nova-Scotian  lawyer  who  was  known  to 
be  thoroughly  posted  in  Maritime  Provincial  matters  and 
versed  in  the  law  of  maritime  nations.  He  selected  Mr.  J. 
S.  D.  Thompson  and  thus  gave  him  the  one  opportunity  he 
required.  It  was  with  him,  as  it  is  in  such  cases  with  all 
lawyers,  a  purely  business  transaction. 


SIR; JOHN  CALDWELL  ABBOTT,  K.C.M.G.,  Q.C.,  D.C.L. 
[Third  Premier  of  Canada. 


SIR   JOHN   THOMPSON.  53 

Two  sides  "in  an  important  international  case  had  to  be 
presented  before  certain  judges,  and  he  undertook  to  aid  in 
the  preparation  of  the  American  brief.  On  the  30th  of 
July  and  after  the  Commission  had  been  sitting  for  three 
days,  he  was  formally  introduced  in  the  following  words, 
extracted  from  the  official  minutes : 

"  Mr.  Dwight  Foster  then  requested  permission  to  in- 
troduce Mr.  J.  S.  D.  Thompson,  of  Halifax,  and  Mr.  Alfred 
Foster,  of  Boston,  who  would  attend  the  Commission  to 
perform  such  duties  on  behalf  of  the  United  States  as 
might  be  assigned  to  them." 

Those  duties,  so  far  as  Mr.  Thompson  was  concerned, 
were  sufficiently  onerous.  There  was  no  publicity  for  him 
in  connection  with  the  case ;  his  name  only  appears  once 
upon  the  minutes  of  the  meetings ;  he  delivered  no  speeches 
and  received  no  official  thanks.  Yet  there  can  be  no  doubt 
that  he  prepared  the  greater  part  of  the  American  case,  and 
especially  that  which  had  a  local  application ;  that  he  had 
to  make  a  profound  study  of  the  whole  Fisheries  question  ; 
and  was  required  to  analyze  the  evidence  produced,  for  the 
benefit  of  the  United  States  counsel.  His  reward  was  a 
large  fee — estimated  at  $6,000 — and  a  considerable  increase 
in  reputation.  As  the  Halifax  Herald  said  some  months 
afterwards,  "It  is  a  point  of  pride  with  us  that  Mr.  Thomp- 
son was  deemed  so  eminent  in  his  profession  as  to  be 
sought  after  by  the  American  Government " 

The  result  of  the  Commission  was  not  all  that  Canada 
desired  or  expected,  but  to  the  United  States  it  was 
intensely  unsatisfactory.  The  tribunal  awarded  Canada 
$5,500,000  by  a  majority  vote,  Messrs.  Delfosse  and  Gait 
supporting,  and  Mr.  Kellogg  dissenting.  For  nearly  a  year 
the  American  Government  delayed  the  payment  to  which 
they  were  in  honour  pledged,  and  while  at  least  one-half  of 
the  fifteen  millions  paid  by  Great  Britain  in  full  for  the 


54  LIFE  AND  WORK   OF 

Alabama  damages  was  lying  in  their  vaults  uncalled  for 
and  unclaimed.  Finally,  towards  the  close  of  1878,  the 
amount  was  handed  over,  but  only  after  an  ungracious 
protest  from  Mr.  Welsh,  the  American  Minister  to  England, 
in  which  he  declared  that  "  the  Government  of  the  United 
States  cannot  accept  the  result  of  the  Halifax  Commission 
as  furnishing  any  just  measure  of  value  of  participation 
by  our  citizens  in  the  in-shore  fisheries  of  the  British 
Provinces."  Mr.  Thompson  was  afterwards,  for  political 
purposes,  criticized  for  his  share  in  the  case,  but  the  very 
general  feeling  was  that  he  had  acted  perfectly  within  his 
rights  as  a  lawyer,  and  that  the  very  fact  of  a  leading 
Halifax  barrister  being  allowed  without  public  objection  to 
take  such  a  part,  showed  the  Canadian  desire  to  give  our 
rivals  every  fair  right  to  assistance  before  the  tribunal. 
It,  no  doubt,  helped  also  in  the  moral  compulsion  after- 
wards required  to  obtain  payment  of  the  award. 

In  November,  1877,  the  opportunity  came  for  one  who 
had  proved  himself  an  able  lawyer  to  show  whether  he  also 
possessed  the  qualities  of  a  politician  and  statesman.  As 
a  rule,  and  despite  the  number  of  lawyers  who  play  at 
politics  and  the  politicians  who  meddle  with  law,  the 
qualifications  are  not  often  combined  in  any  great  degree.  A 
training  in  law  is  apt  to  limit  the  intellectual  horizon  and 
restrict  the  broad-minded  interpretation  of  precedents  and 
that  freedom  of  mental  action,  so  essential  to  a  man  who 
aspires  to  true  statesmanship.  The  great  English  party 
leaders  have  never  been  lawyers,  and  men  like  Brougham, 
Eldon  or  Campbell  would  perhaps  have  been  greater  in 
character  and  reputation  had  they  adhered  to  law  and  not 
dabbled  in  politics.  And  it  is  probable  that  Mr.  Thomp- 
son's first  essay  in  political  life  was  not  in  the  end  success- 
ful, from  a  party  point  of  view,  because  he  was  inclined  to 
look  too  much  at  legislation  from  the  legal  standpoint  and 


SIB  JOHN  THOMPSON.  55 

think  too  little  of  popular  sentiment  in  connection  with  it. 
Other  and  specific  causes  there  were,  but  in  a  general  sense 
this  had  much  to  do  with  the  result. 

However,  all  went  well  at  the  beginning.  A  vacancy 
had  occurred  in  the  representation  of  Antigonish  county 
in  the  Local  House  of  Assembly,  and  a  movement  at  once 
commenced  for  the  nomination  of  Mr.  J.  S.  D.  Thompson. 
At  that  time  a  little  coterie  of  men  were  active  in  Halifax 
Conservative  circles,  all  of  whom  afterwards  attained  more 
or  less  eminence.  Robert  Sedgewick  is  now  a  Judge  of 
the  Supreme  Court  of  Canada  ;  Martin  J.  Griffin,  Editor  of 
the  Halifax  Herald,  is  Parliamentary  Librarian  at  Ottawa, 
and  a  well-known  Canadian  writer ;  Wallace  Graham,  Q.C., 
is  a  Judge  of  the  Supreme  Court  of  Nova-Scotia ;  C.  J. 
Townshend  became  a  member  of  several  Nova-Scotian 
Governments,  and  is  now  a  Judge  of  the  Province  ;  George 
Johnson  is  Dominion  Statistician  at  Ottawa.  There  were 
others  also,  including  Mr.  J.  J.  Stewart,  the  present  pro- 
prietor of  the  Herald.  And  the  way  in  which  they  clung 
together  was  as  remarkable  as  the  manner  in  which  the 
most  of  them  rose  to  fame.  Not  less  noteworthy,  perhaps, 
<vas  the  regard  in  which  Mr.  Thompson  was  held  by  these 
rising  men  of  his  own  home  city. 

On  the  21st  of  November,  the  Halifax  Herald  came 
out  with  an  editorial  declaring  that,  "  Should  Mr.  Thompson 
be  nominated  by  the  Opposition  in  Antigonish,  should  he 
accept  a  nomination,  at  least  seven-eights  of  the  city 
readers  of  the  Government  organs  will  be  found  hoping 
he  may  win.  For  the  organs  fight  against  him  under  the 
melancholy  disadvantage  of  knowing  that  the  majority  of 
their  party  look  upon  Mr.  Thompson  as  a  man  who  ought 
to  be  in  public  life,  who  will  be  in  public  life,  who  will 
make  his  mark  in  public  life,  and  who  has  the  ability, 
character  and  standing  to  do  credit  to  any  public  position 


56  LIFE  AND  WORK  OF 

in  which  he  may  be  placed."  Shortly  after  this  high 
tribute,  he  was  given  the  unanimous  Conservative  nomin- 
ation, and  during  the  brief  campaign  of  a  week  which 
followed  made  ten  speeches  in  the  constituency. 

But  it  was  not  all  clear  sailing.  His  opponent  was  a 
Roman  Catholic  Conservative  named  Joseph  McDonald, 
who  received  the  strong  support  of  the  Local  Government, 
and  who  expected  to  obtain  enough  Conservative  votes  to 
defeat  the  Opposition  [candidate.  The  Halifax  Chronicle 
commenced  the  campaign  against  Mr.  Thompson  by  the 
charge  that  he  was  the  nominee  of  Bishop  Cameron,  and 
that  "  his  religion  was  expected  to  have  more  to  do  with 
his  prospects  in  Antigonish  than  his  politics."  This  was 
rather  an  absurd  argument  to  address  to  a  county  which 
was  overwhelmingly  Catholic  in  population,  but  which  had 
for  years  shown  its  moderation  by  electing  one  Protestant 
and  one  Roman  Catholic.  And  in  connection  with  this 
iirst  appearance  of  a  statement  which  has  had  considerable 
currency  during  many  following  years,  a  further  extract 
from  the  letter  of  Bishop  Cameron,  which  has  been  pre- 
viously mentioned,  will  be  of  interest.  He  writes : 
"Towards  the  end  of  October,  1877,  I  was  convalescing 
after  a  serious  attack  of  illness,  when  one  day  I  received  a 
friendly  visit  from  Senator  Miller.  A  by-election  was  soon 
to  take  place  in  Antigonish.  In  that  connection  the 
Senator  said  :  '  What  do  you  think  of  the  idea  of  inviting 
Mr.  J.  S.  D.  Thompson  to  become  a  candidate  ? '  My  reply 
was  as  follows :  '  I  should  be  delighted  to  see  my  native 
county  represented  by  a  man  of  Thompson's  standing  and 
ability.'  Upon  my  being  asked  whether  Miller  would  be 
allowed  to  make  use  of  the  above  expression,  I  readily 
replied  that  my  words  were  but  the  honest  expression  of 
my  views,  and  that  I  was  not  ashamed  of  their  being  known 
to  all  whom  they  might  concern."  The  Bishop  then  goes 


&tR  JOHN   THOMPSON.  57 

On  to  say  that  he  resided  at  that  time  in  Arichat  and  did 
not  visit  any  part  of  Antigonish  County  during  the  cam- 
paign that  ensued. 

As  a  matter  of  course,  the  knowledge  that  Bishop 
Cameron  favoured  any  particular  candidate  would  help 
rather  than  hurt  him  under  such  conditions  as  prevailed 
in  the  contest,  and  there  can  be  no  doubt  that  the  Halifax 
Herald  hit  the  nail  upon  the  head  in  saying  that  even  if 
the  Chronicle  was  true  in  its  assertion,  Mr.  Thompson  was 
to  be  congratulated  on  having  secured  the  favourable 
regards  of  "  one  of  the  most  able  and  scholarly,  the  most 
refined  and  powerful,  ecclesiastics  in  the  Lower  Provinces." 
But  in  fact,  he  was  the  candidate  of  no  one  man.  Halifax 
Conservative  opinion  almost  pushed  him  into  public  life ; 
his  nomination  papers  were  signed  by  the  principal  men  in 
Antigonish  County,  which  in  any  case  had  strong  Opposi- 
tion leanings ;  he  did  not  seek  the  constituency,  it  sought 
him.  After  the  nomination,  his  speech  was  described 
by  a  local  paper,  The  Gasket,  as  something  unusual.  "  We 
have  heard  public  speakers  in  Canada,  in  the  States,  and 
in  our  own  Province,  and  we  fear  not  to  assert  that  Mr. 
Thompson  is  the  most  perfect  public  speaker  we  have  ever 
listened  to.  In  fluency  and  ease,  and  grace  and  vigour  of 
expression,  he  is  without  a  peer  in  this  country."  Other 
local  references  to  his  ability  and  gentlemanly  bearing 
indicate  the  forces  that  were  at  work,  and  which  finally 
resulted  in  the  large  majority  of  517. 

It  was  a  very  considerable  victory  for  a  young  man 
who  had  hitherto  only  taken  a  quiet  interest,  and  not  a 
public  part,  in  political  matters.  He  had  been  compelled 
to  fight  the  whole  Government  interest  and  an  alleged 
Independent  candidate,  besides  facing  a  constituency  to 
which  he  was  a  stranger,  and  in  which  he  had  only  a  week 
to  become  acquainted.  The  Conservative  Opposition  iu 


58  LIFE  AND   WORtf    OF 

the  Local  House  was  jubilant,  and  the  Herald  congratu- 
lated the  County  of  Antigonish  on  having  secured  the  ser- 
vices of  one  of  the  ablest  young  men  in  the  Province.  It 
congratulated  Nova-Scotia  upon  obtaining  the  public  ser- 
vices of  a  man  of  high  character  and  tried  ability.  It 
congratulated  the  Opposition  upon  such  an  accession  of 
strength  to  its  ranks. 

The  Government  of  Nova-Scotia  was  at  this  time  in 
the  hands  of  the  Liberal  party,  under  the  leadership  of  the 
Hon.  P.  C.  Hill.  A  large-  majority  of  the  Legislature  was 
at  its  back,  but  it  had  become  somewhat  weakened  by  a 
reckless  management  of  the  finances,  by  certain  scandals 
in  connection  with  details  of  administration,  and  by  the 
growing  unpopularity  of  the  Liberal  Ministry  at  Ottawa, 
coupled  with  that  omniscient  factor  in  political  affairs — 
hard  times.  Mr.  Thompson's  victory  in  Antigonish  marked 
the  turning  of  the  tide,  and  a  year  later,  at  the  same  time 
that  the  Mackenzie  Government  was  swept  from  power  by 
the  rising  waves  of  Protectionism,  the  Nova- Scotia  Minis- 
try was  so  badly  beaten  at  the  polls  that  only  eight  of  its 
supporters  were  returned  to  the  Legislature  out  of  a  mem- 
bership of  thirty-eight.  All  the  ministers  but  one  were 
defeated. 

Mr.  Thompson  came  back  to  the  Assembly  from  Anti- 
gonish  by  acclamation,  and  on  the  21st  of  ^October,  1878,  a 
Conservative  Government  was  formed  by  the  Hon.  Simon 
H.  Holmes,  who  took  the  portfolio  of  Provincial  Secretary, 
with  J.  S.  D.  Thompson  as  Attorney-General,  and  the  Hon. 
Samuel  Creelman,  a  veteran  Radical  of  the  days  of  Howe, 
as  Commissioner  of  Works  and  Mines.  Messrs.  C.  J. 
McDonald,  W.  B.  Troop,  J.  S.  McDonald,  N.  W.  White,  C.  J. 
Townshend,  and  H.  F.  McDougall  held  office  without  port- 
folios. The  new  Attorney -General  was  warmly  welcomed 
by  a  portion  of  the  press,  the  Herald  declaring  him  to  be 


SIR   JOHN   THOMPSON.  59 

of  high  standing  in  every  situation  of  public  or  private 
life,  with  a  reputation  as  clear  as  noonday  from  all  charges 
and  even  all  suspicions. 

Much  was  expected  from  the  new  Ministry,  and  in  a 
very  substantial  way  much  was  received.  To  extricate 
the  Province  from  financial  difficulties,  to  lift  its  railway 
system  out  of  the  hopeless  muddle  into  which  it  had  fallen, 
and  to  reform  the  loose  method  of  municipal  government, 
were  the  requirements  of  the  moment.  The  Premier  and 
his  chief  assistant  set  themselves  to  this  task,  and  in  three 
years  of  economy  and  retrenchment  paid  off  $70,000  of  the 
$400,000  debt  incurred  by  their  predecessors;  reduced 
expenditures  by  $150,000 ;  doubled  the  receipts  from 
mines ;  and  trebled  the  receipts  from  Crown  Lands. 

In  another  direction  considerable  success  was  achieved. 
The  preceeding  Government  had  subsidized  Provincial 
railways  to  the  extent  of  $1,400,000  during  its  term  of 
office,  but  without  securing  the  results  aimed  at.  There 
now  seemed  to  be  difficulties  in  every  direction.  Grants 
had  been  expended  without  half  the  work  being  done,  and 
in  the  case  of  the  Eastern  Extension  Railway,  the  Com- 
pany, contractors,  and  Government  appeared  to  be  in  a 
perfect  tangle  of  trouble.  One  or  two  minor  roads  were 
soon  completed  by  the  new  Ministry,  and  its  energies  were 
then  devoted  to  the  production  of  a  scheme  which  should 
effect  the  complete  consolidation  of  the  railways  of  the 
Province  under  the  control  of  an  English  syndicate. 
Some  local  men  of  wealth  were  interested,  but  the  principal 
members  of  the  Company  were  Sir  Henry  Tyler,  Lord 
Ashley,  Lord  Colin  Campbell,  and  other  Englishmen  of 
similar  standing.  Under  a  voluminous  contract  prepared 
by  the  Attorney-General,  the  Company,  after  considerable 
discussion,  both  public  and  private,  agreed  to  complete 
some  of  the  existing  roads,  and  to  construct  140  miles  of 


60  LIFE  AND  WORK  OF 

new  railway.  The  Government  in  turn  promised  con- 
siderable grants  of  land,  and  consented  to  guarantee  the 
interest  on  certain  bonds. 

There  seemed  to  be  no  general  opposition  to  the 
scheme.  From  one  quarter,  however,  came  steadfast  and 
stinging  criticism,  and  the  ability  with  which  Mr.  W.  S. 
Fielding,  then  editor  of  the  Halifax  Morning  Chronicle, 
handled  the  question,  not  only  effected  the  public  mind 
injuriously  to  the  Government,  but  helped  to  place  him  in 
the  prominent  position  which  he  afterwards  attained  of 
Prime  Minister  of  Nova-Scotia.  But  these  attacks  made 
no  impression  upon  the  Legislature.  In  opening  the  ses- 
sion of  that  body  on  January  19th,  1882,  the  Lieut.- 
Governor  was  very  optimistic,  and  prophesied  that  the 
railway  consolidation  arrangements  would  "  mark  a  new 
era  in  the  development  of  the  Province."  On  Feb.  1st, 
following,  Mr.  Thompson  delivered  a  long  and  powerful 
speech  upon  the  Railway  Bill,  which  embodied  the  scheme 
in  its  entirety,  and  the  measure  was  carried  by  a  sweeping 
majority.  It  easily  passed  the  Council,  but  the  success  of 
the  Liberals  at  the  polls  a  few  months  later  prevented  it 
from  ever  going  into  operation. 

Another  matter  dealt  with,  and  to  the  lasting  benefit 
of  the  Province,  was  the  reform  of  its  municipal  system. 
It  was  a  most  difficult  task.  The  old  method  of  municipal 
government  was  vastly  inferior  to  that  of  Ontario,  and 
even  to  the  system  which  had  been  established  in  New 
Brunswick  two  years  previously.  Attorney- General 
Thompson,  however,  went  into  the  matter  with  his  usual 
thoroughness,  and  seemed  to  be  utterly  oblivious  of  local 
popular  clamor  or  of  political  exigencies.  His  Municipal 
Corporation  Act,  which  finally  became  law,  effected  a 
genuine  revolution.  Each  county  in  the  Province  was 
incorporated  and  provided  with  municipal  self-government, 


SIR  MACKENZIE  BOWELL,  K.C.M.G.,  SENATOR, 
Fifth  Premier  of  Canada. 


SIR   JOHN   THOMPSON.  63 

largely  upon  the  Ontario  plan,  in  place  of  the  antiquated 
method  of  rule  by  Sessions  of  the  Peace  and  Grand  Juries, 
'ine  control  of  road  and  bridge  moneys  was  vested  in  the 
municipal  councils,  and  many  abuses  developed  as  the 
natural  outgrowths  of  an  old  system  were  done  away  with. 
It  was  natural  that  a  measure  of  wholesale  reform  such  as 
this  should  create  discontent  in  different  quarters.  The 
Liberal  Opposition,  as  a  matter  of  course,  opposed  and 
censured  it.  Magistrates  all  over  the  Province,  whom  it 
deprived  of  the  share  in  governing  the  counties  which  they 
had  hitherto  held,  were  naturally  indignant.  And  an  army 
of  officials  who  had  been  previously  connected  with  the 
expenditures  upon  roads  and  bridges  fought  vigorously 
against  the  new  proposals  and  against  Mr.  Thompson  as 
the  author  of  the  reforms.  But  the  measure  was  so  good 
as  a  whole  that  the  Legislature  could  hardly  refuse  to  pass 
it,  even  though  the  majority  knew  that  the  conscientious 
labours  of  the  Attorney-General  woul^d  deprive  the  Gov- 
ernment party  in  the  coming  elections  of  the  support  of 
what  had  practically  become  a  political  machine — the 
magistracy  of  the  Province. 

A  prolonged  effort  was  also  made  by  the  Holmes- 
Thompson  Government,  as  it  was  called,  to  abolish  the  not 
very  useful,  and  certainly  expensive,  Upper  House.  In 
1879,  the  Ministry  introduced  a  bill  for  that  purpose,  which 
was  passed  by  the  Assembly  but  thrown  out  by  the  Legis- 
lative Council.  An  address  to  the  Queen  was  then  carried 
through  the  popular  chamber  praying  for  such  amendment 
to  the  British  North  America  Act  as  would  permit  the 
Lieut.-Governor-in-Council  to  appoint  enough  members  of 
the  Upper  House  to  carry  the  measure.  The  latter  body 
presented  a  counter  address  to  Her  Majesty,  and  the 
Ministry  followed  that  up  with  an  able  document  prepared 
by  Mr.  Thompson,  and  endorsing  the  views  of  the  Assembly. 


64  LIFE   AND  WORK   OF 

The  Imperial  Government,  however,  refused  to  interfere, 
and  the  Legislative  Council  still  stands  as  one  of  the 
institutions  of  Nova-Scotia.  Other  legislation  was 
attempted  or  carried  out  and,  taken  altogether,  the  course 
of  the  Government  won  it  a  reputation  which  caused  so 
well-informed  a  paper  as  the  St.  John  Sun  to  declare  that, 
"  Nova-Scotia  had  never  been  so  well  governed  "  as  it  was 
during  this  period. 

Meanwhile  important  changes  were  pending,  and  on 
the  25th  of  May,  1882,  it  was  announced  that  a  re-con- 
struction of  the  Cabinet  had  taken  place.  Mr.  Holmes 
had  resigned  the  Premiership  on  account  of  ill -health,  and 
had  accepted  the  office  of  Prothonotory  of  Halifax.  The 
new  Ministry  was  formed  as  follows  : 

Premier  and  Attorney-General Hon.  John  S.  D.  Thompson. 

Provincial.  Secretary Hon.  A.  C.  Bell. 

Commissioner  of  Public  Works   .Hon.  S.  Creelman. 

Without  Portfolio Hon.  W.  B.  Troop. 

n  it         '. .Hon.  C.  J.  Townshend. 

Mr.  Thompson  became  Prime  Minister  as  a  matter  of 
course.  He  was  now,  as  a  leading  local  paper  declared, 
first  in  his  profession  and  first  in  the  Legislature,  while, 
"as  the  son  of  one  of  the  founders  of  Liberalism  in  Nova- 
Scotia,  he  still  retains  the  spirit  which  actuated  the  men 
who  won  responsible  government  for  us  a  nd  made  future 
reforms  possible."  But  he  was  destined  to  hold  the  position 
for  only  a  very  brief  period.  Dissolution  followed  early 
in  June,  and  in  the  elections  which  took  place  on  June  20th 
the  Thompson  government  was  defeated  by  a  majority  of 
five. 

The  Premier  himself  was  again  returned  for  Anti- 
gonish,  and  amongst  other  notable  selections  at  the  polls 
was  that  of  J.  W.  Longley  for  Annapolis,  and  W.  S.  Field- 
ing for  Halifax.  Early  in  July  the  Government  resigned, 


SIR  JOHN  THOMPSON.  65 

and  on  the  27th  of  the  same  month  Mr.  Thompson  accepted 
a  place  on  the  Supreme  Court  of  the  Province. 

There  were  many  reasons  for  the  defeat  of  the 
Ministry.  The  ability  displayed  by  the  Chronicle  in  its 
strong  but  unscrupulous  attacks  was  one  ;  the  enemies 
made  by  the  municipal  reforms  was  another;  and  the 
following  statement  by  Mr.  Fielding  in  a  speech  at  Halifax 
on  June  1st  was  widely  believed  :  ;<  As  Premier  we  have  a 
gentleman  who  has  many  friends.  It  is  well  known  that 
the  Hon.  gentleman  who  temporarily  fills  that  office  has  no 
intention  of  remaining  in  politics,  but  will  at  the  earliest 
opportunity  take  a  seat  upon  the  Bench  which  his  recog- 
nized ability  as  a  lawyer  fits  him  to  adorn." 

There  is  no  doubt  that  this  was  a  popular  impression, 
strengthened  by  the  Attorney- General's  disregard  of  the 
usual  arts  of  the  politician.  And  there  seems  also  to  have 
been  a  certain  limited  display  of  that  sectarian  spirit  which 
had  been  shown  in  the  first  contest  fought  by  Mr.  Thomp- 
son in  Antigonish.  When  a  very  few  scattered  votes  could 
change  the  result  in  many  constituencies,  appeals  to 
bigotry,  whether  secretly  or  openly  made,  would  naturally 
have  some  effect  in  a  general  election.  Of  genuine  religious 
narrowness,  however,  such  as  was  developed  at  a  later  period 
in  Ontario,  there  never  had  been  very  much  in  Nov;i-Scotia. 
But,  whatever  the  measure  of  influence  wielded  by  diverse 
causes  may  have  been,  the  battle  was  now  over ;  Mr. 
Thompson  had  ceased  to  be  Premier ;  his  star  of  political 
success  appeared  to  have  paled  forever ;  and  he  had  assumed 
at  the  early  age  of  thirty-eight  the  ermine  of  the  Provincial 
judiciary. 

There   seemed  to  be  no  discord  or  disagreement   in 

opinion  regarding  his  appointment.     The  Liberals   said : 

"  We  told  you  so."     The  Conservatives  declared   that  the 

ablest  lawyer  in  Nova-Scotia  had  taken  the  place  which 

5 


66  LIFE  AND  WORK  OF 

he  perhaps  most  desired,  and  which  he  was  splendidly  fitted 
to  fill.  Long  afterwards  a  few  whispers  were  heard  to  the 
effect  that  he  had  deserted  his  party  in  its  time  of  need, 
and -that  he  should  have  stayed  by  the  political  ship  in  the 
shadow  of  failure  as  well  as  in  the  sunshine  of  success. 
But  there  was  no  public  expression  of  this  feeling  at  the 
time,  and  it  was  confined  to  a  few  who  may  have  been 
offended  by  his  political  rectitude  or  judicial  manner  of 
dealing  with  party  questions.  The  Halifax  Herald  gave 
the  Tory  view  in  a  parting  eulogium  in  which  reference 
was  made  to  his  having  brought  order  out  of  Legislative 
chaos ;  inaugurated  many  valuable  reforms ;  secured  the 
completion  and  publication  of  the  Provincial  Law  Reports, 
and  rendered  the  Province  many  other  services  which  it 
would  feel  for  all  time  to  come.  An  interesting  tribute, 
unexpected  at  the  time,  and  destined  to  be  of  political 
service  in  years  to  come,  was  that  tendered  by  the  new 
Judge's  most  bitter  critic  and  ablest  journalistic  adversary 
— the  Morning  Chronicle.  Writing  on  July  27th,  that 
paper  spoke  of  him  as  probably  the  youngest  Judge  in  the 
Dominion,  and  then  went  on  to  say : 

"  In  politics  we  have  differed  from  him,  but  our  differ- 
ences have  never  prevented  a  recognition  of  his  fine  abili- 
ties and  high  standing  as  a  lawyer.  It  will  be  admitted  on 
all  sides  that  he  is  one  of  the  foremost  men  in  his  profession, 
and  possesses  all  the  qualities  necessary  for  a  good  Judge. 
.  .  .  We  predict  for  him  a  brilliant  judicial  career." 

It  was  therefore  under  very  favourable  circumstances 
that  Judge  Thompson  began  what  appeared  to  be  his  real 
life-work.  Politics  had  been  a  sort  of  passing  experiment 
in  which  he  had  not  succeeded  as  a  party  leader,  though 
proving  himself  more  than  successful  as  a  masterful  debater 
and  legislator.  And  during  the  next  three  years  he  did 
good  work  for  Nova-Scotia,  The  Judicature  Act  of  1884, 


SIR  JuIIN   THOMPSON.  67 

by  which  the  system  of  pleadings  and  practice  in  the  Pro- 
vince was  greatly  simplified  and  brought  up  to  the  standard 
of  Ontario  and  England,  was  chiefly  his  work.  He  took 
the  greatest  interest  in  the  founding  of  the  Law  School  at 
Halifax  in  connection  with  Dalhousie  University ;  contri- 
buted liberally  to  its  support  at  a  time  when  his  aid  meant 
life  or  death  to  the  institution ;  lectured  for  years  in  its 
nails  without  charge  and  while  holding  a  seat  on  the  Bench, 
and  devoted  much  time  in  other  ways  to  what  is  now  a 
most  successful  and  valuable  legal  establishment. 

Personally  he  displayed  many  of  the  qualities  of  an 
ideal  Judge.  He  was  prompt  in  decision,  fertile  in  prece- 
dent, invariably  courteous  to  the  members  of  the  Bar,  and 
was  undoubtedly  possessed  of  that  indescribable  qualifica- 
tion known  as  a  judicial  mind.  He  seemed  to  have  a  pecu- 
liar faculty  for  getting  down  through  a  huge  mass  of 
apparently  relevant,  or  really  irrelevant,  questions  to  the 
crucial  point  in  the  most  intricate  of  disputes.  No  student 
*t  college  ever  worked  harder  than  did  Judge  Thompson. 
Tn  pursuance  of  a  resolution  made  when  he  ascended  the 
Bench,  it  is  understood  that  during  the  years  he  remained 
in  his  position  he  devoted  at  least  five  hours  a  day  to  the 
study  of  law.  So  deep  was  the  impression  this  legal  know- 
ledge now  began  to  make  upon  the  public  mind  that  when 
his  lectures  upon  "Evidence,"  at  Dalhousie  University, 
were  announced,  a  large  number  of  the  barristers  of  Halifax 
enrolled  themselves  as  general  students  of  the  college  for 
the  purpose  of  hearing  them.  And  these  addresses  upon  a 
most  difficult  branch  of  legal  study  are  considered  to  be  of 
the  highest  value,  as  well  as  distinguished  for  lucidity  and 
scholarly  style.  When  therefore  the  call  came  to  higher 
duties,  and  in  his  case  to  national  responsibilities,  Judge 
Thompson  was  prepared  for  advancement,  as  is  every  man 
who  does  thoroughly  and  well  that  which  his  hand  finds 
to  do. 


68  LIFE   AND   WORK   OF 


CHAPTER  IV. 

ENTERS  THE  GOVERNMENT. 

By  the  autumn  of  1885  some  important  changes  in  the 
composition  of  the  Dominion  Cabinet  had  become  necessary 
Sir  John  Macdonald  was  not  all  that  he  had  once  been  in 
health  and  energy,  though  his  cheerines^  of  disposition 
showed  no  signs  of  failing.  Sir  Leonard  Tilley  had  found 
the  Finance  Department  too  great  a  strain  for  one  of  his 
years  and  strength,  and  the  ministry  was  therefore  about 
to  lose  the  services  of  one  of  the  best  trusted  of  Canadian 
statesmen.  Sir  Charles  Tupper  intended  also  to  shortly 
retire  to  the  High  Com  mission  ership  in  London,  and  Sir 
Alex.  Campbell  was  desirous  of  resigning  his  position.  To 
find  new  men  capable  of  in  some  measure  taking  the  place 
of  these  distinguished  veterans  was  the  task  which  the 
Premier  had  to  face.  And  it  was  all  the  more  important 
that  his  selections  should  be  men  of  vigour  and  ability  be- 
cause the  Kiel  question  was  at  this  moment  threatening 
the  party  with  disintegration  and  the  country  with  serious 
disaster. 

It  was,  therefore,  a  happy  stroke  of  wisdom  and  good 
fortune  combined,  when  Sir  John  Macdonald  called  in  Mr. 
Thomas  White  as  Minister  of  the  Interior,  and  Mr.  George 
E.  Foster  as  Minister  of  Marine  and  Fisheries.  Both  had 
been  of  considerable  service  to  him  in  the  preceding 
session  when  various  causes  had  made  debating  talent 
rather  scarce  upon  the  Conservative  side  of  the  House,  and 
both  were  well-known  throughout  the  country  as  skillful 
speakers  and  clever  politicians.  But  when  it  was  announced 


SIR  JOHN    THOMPSON.  69 

a  short  time  afterwards  that  the  most  important  portfolio 
in  the  Cabinet  at  that  moment — the  Ministry  of  Justice — 
had  been  offered  to  a  Nova-Scotian  judge  whom  the  Prime 
Minister  had  never  even  seen,  and  who,  as  a  politician,  had 
never  filled  the  public  mind  of  the  country  in  any  national 
sense,  there  were  undoubted  and  natural  expressions  of 
surprise. 

The  Dominion  Liberals  did  not  attack  the  appoint- 
ment of  Judge  Thompson  on  personal  grounds,  but  made 
the  mistake  of  trying  to  minimize  it.  Referring  to  the 
Ministerial  changes  generally,  the  Toronto  Globe  observed, 
on  the  26th  of  September,  the  day  after  the  new  Minister 
of  Justice  was  gazetted,  that  "  these  changes  and  shuffles 
are  of  very  little  consequence  to  the  country.  The  men 
who  remained  in  the  Cabinet  and  the  men  who  have  lately 
been  taken  into  the  Cabinet,  are  small  men  who  will  exer- 
cise no  influence  on  the  country."  Such  a  comment  upon 
politicians  of  the  calibre  of  White  and  Foster  and  Thomp- 
son is  enough  to  make  partisans  on  either  side  smile  to-day 
and  it  is  quite  safe  to  say  would  not  be  offered  by  the 
Globe  under  its  present  clever  management,  should  any 
similar  occurrence  again  take  place. 

The  Toronto  Mail,  then  under  the  able  editorship  of 
Martin  J.  Griffin,  was  on  familiar  ground  in  dealing  with 
the  Hon  John  S.  D.  Thompson,  and  naturally  did  him 
more  justice.  It  was  in  a  position  to  tell  the  Dominion 
something  of  his  services  as  a  lawyer ;  of  his  occasional 
successes  as  an  orator ;  of  his  "  high  and  unstained  per- 
sonal character  "  ;  of  his  eminence  as  a  judge ;  and  of  his 
reputation  since  1869  as  "  a  most  faithful,  high-minded, 
unselfish,  and  respected  advocate  of  the  policy  of  the  great 
chief  of  the  Liberal  Conservative  party  of  Canada."  Still 
it  must  be  admitted  that  the  country  as  a  whole  accepted 
the  appointment  largely  on  trust,  and  waited  for  time  and 


70  LIFE  AND   WORK   OF 

experience  to  develop  results  before  expressing  any  partic- 
ular opinion. 

The  Conservative  party,  of  course,  had  confidence  in 
Sir  John  Macdonald's  wonderful  judgment  of  men,  and 
those  who  followed  politics  closely  knew  also  that  there  must 
be  something  remarkable  in  the  new  Minister  or  he  would 
never  have  been  selected  to  fill  an  exceedingly  difficult 
post  at  the  moment  When  a  moht  complicated  constitu- 
tional issue  was  darkening  the  whole  national  horizon 
with  sectarian  and  sectional  storm  clouds. 

The  man  most  directly  concerned  did  not  want  the 
position.  His  party  had  almost  forced  him  into  public 
life  when  he  first  consented  to  contest  Antigonish  for  the 
Local  House.  During  the  following  period,  while  Mr. 
Thompson  held  office  in  Nova- Scotia,  he  made  as  few 
public  appearances  as  possible,  seldom  delivered  platform 
speeches,  and  though  he  laboured  earnestly  and  unre- 
mittingly, was  known  to  have  retired  to  the  Bench  with 
pleasure,  when  defeat  ultimately  came.  And  now  his 
party  had  again  demanded  his  aid.  It  was  given  with 
hesitation,  and  only  from  a  final  conviction  of  duty.  The 
well-known  statement  of  Sir  John  Macdonald's,  that  "  the 
great  discovery  of  my  life  was  the  discovery  of  Thomp- 
son," is,  like  most  epigrams,  somewhat  inaccurate.  It  was 
absolutely  necessary  that  a  successor  should  be  found  to 
Sir  Charles  Tupper,  and  Nova- Scotia  had,  of  course,  the 
first  claim  to  produce  him.  But  it  seemed  very  doubtful  if 
the  man  was  to  be  obtained  in  the  Province. 

Mr.  (now  Sir)  Charles  H.  Tupper,  and  his  distinguished 
father,  Mr.  Robert  Sedgewick,  Q.C.,  and  the  other  local 
Conservative  leaders  urged  upon  Sir  John  the  ability  and 
services  of  Judge  Thompson.  The  latter  however  told  his 
friends  he  would  not  take  the  position,  and  there  really 
seemed  to  be  no  one  else  upon  whom  the  mantle  of  Howe 


HON.  WILFRID  LAURIER,  Q.C.,  M.P., 
Leader  of  the  Canadian  Opposition, 


SIR  JOHN  THOMPSON.  73 

and  Tupper  could  for  the  time  being  fall.  Meanwhile  the 
claims  of  the  Hon.  George  E.  King,  ex-Premier  and  then 
Judge  of  the  Supreme  Court  of  New  Brunswick,  were  being 
pushed  by  friends  in  his  Province,  and  the  result  seemed 
very  doubtful.  Finally,  Mr.  C.  B.  Tupper,  Mr.  Sedgewick. 
and  others  went  once  more  and  urged  Judge  Thompson  to 
accept  the  post  they  thought  him  so  well  fitted  to  occupy. 
A  letter  from  Sir  John  Macdonald  was  taken  to  him,  form- 
ally offering  the  position,  and  stating  that  a  County  Judge- 
ship  had  been  accepted  by  Mr.  Mclsaac,  the  Liberal  M.P. 
for  Antigonish,  and  that  his  old  constituency  was  once 
more  open  to  receive  him. 

Sir  Charles  Tupper  at  the  same  time  and  with  the 
consent  of  Sir  John  Macdonald,  went  down  to  Antigonish 
in  order  to  obtain,  if  possible,  the  concurrence  and  aid  of 
Bishop  Cameron,  who  had  now  for  some  years  been  Judge 
Thompson's  closest  friend  and  confidant.  He  pointed  out 
to  the  Bishop  what  a  wide  sphere  of  influence  the  change 
would  open  up  for  his  friend,  and  how  greatly  in  the  inter- 
est of  Nova-Scotia  and  of  the  country  generally  it  would 
be  to  have  such  a  strong  man  in  control  of  the  Department 
of  Justice.  Bishop  Cameron  eventually  concurred,  and 
under  the  varied  pressure  thus  brought  upon  him  the  Hon. 
J.  S.  D.  Thompson  entered  the  Dominion  Cabinet.  The 
whole  proceed ure  was  a  great  compliment  to  the  man  and 
his  ability,  and  it  proves  also  that  the  astute  Chieftain  at 
Ottawa  had  been  more  than  favorably  impressed  by  what 
had  been  told  him  regarding  the  Nova-Scotian  Judge.  In 
this  way  he  may  be  said  to  have  "  discovered  "  him. 

But  the  fact  that  Mr.  D'Alton  McCarthy,  Q.C.,  M.P., 
was  first  offered  the  Ministry  of  Justice  before  Judge 
Thompson  was  approached  in  the  matter,  rather  tends  to 
make  the  appointment  one  of  those  accidents  of  politics 
which  bring  about  the  most  strange  and  striking  results. 


74  LIFE  AND  WORK  Of 

Mr.  McCarthy's  refusal  of  the  portfolio  really  paved  the  way 
for  the  successful  national  career  of  his  great  rival. 

It  must  have  required  considerable  courage  to  face  the 
large  opposing  majority  in  Antigonish.  Several  constitu- 
encies were  offered  the  new  Minister,  in  any  one  of  which 
he  would  have  been  elected  by  acclamation,  but  he  pre- 
ferred going  back  to  his  old  friends.  Without  hesitation, 
or  taking  time  to  ;<  sound  "  the  electorate,  he  faced  a  Lib- 
eral majority  of  333  ;  placed  his  faith  and  political  future 
in  the  hands  of  the  people  of  Ar^igonish;  and  despite 
renewed  appeals  in  certain  quarters  to  the  old  religious 
prejudice  ;  and  a  natural  local  desire  for  a  local  represen- 
tative such  as  Dr.  Mclntosh  was,  who  opposed  him  as  an 
Independent  Conservative  ;  the  brief  campaign  resulted  in 
a  sweeping  triumph  for  the  new  Nova-Scotian  leader  by 
the  splendid  majority  of  228. 

The  comments  of  the  Nova  Scotian  press  had  in  the 
meantime  been  generally  eulogistic  and  congratulatory. 
Unlike  that  of  Ontario  it  could  speak  with  knowledge  of 
the  past  record  and  of  the  personal  character  and  abilities 
of  the  lawyer  and  politician  who  was  now  to  enter  upon  a 
career  of  broader  statesmanship.  The  Halifax  Herald, 
speaking  on  the  24th  of  September,  when  the  appointment 
was  first  announced, represented  very  accurately  the  opinion 
of  most  of  the  intelligent  Conservatives  of  the  Province  : 

"  As  a  gentleman  the  new  minister  has  ever  been  a 
favorite  among  men  of  all  parties,  creeds  and  classes ;  as  ,-i 
lawyer  he  has  no  equal  in  the  Lower  Provinces,  and  few  if 
any  superiors,  in  Canada  ;  while  as  a  public  man  he  dis- 
played all  the  highest  qualities  of  an  ideal  statesman.  .  .  . 
Honest,  industrious,  broad-minded,  clear-headed  and  cour- 
ageous, with  a  thorough  mastery  of  his  profession  and  a 
patriotic  ambition  to  be  useful  in  his  day  and  generation, 
.\lr.  Thompson  is  unquestionably  of  all  the  men  in  the  Pro- 


SIR  JOHN  THOMPSON.  75 

vince  the  one  best  qualified  to  succeed  Sir  Charles  Tupper 
as  the  representative  of  Nova-Scotia  in  the  Government  of 
Canada." 

Fair  minded  Liberal  opinion  was  voiced  by  the  follow- 
ing from  the  Windsor,  N.S.  Courier  : — 

"  We  congratulate  the  people  of  Nova-Scotia  upon 
having  in  the  Dominion  Cabinet  a  gentleman  of  Mr.  Thomp- 
son's ability  and  untiring  energy.  He  is  an  excellent  speaker, 
a  clear-headed  lawyer,  and  will  undoubtedjy  fill  the  office 
to  the  satisfaction  of  the  country" 

Well-informed  opinion  outside  of  the  Province  was 
represented  by  the  Toronto  Mail — already  quoted — and 
the  Montreal  Gazette,  which  declared  that  in  the  new  min- 
ister the  Government  would  receive  a  valuable  acquisition. 
It  went  on*  to  describe  him  thus  : — "  A  profound  lawyer, 
universally  admitted  as  being  in  the  foremost  rank  of  his 
profession,  he  combines  the  qualities  of  a  sound  jurist,  with 
those  of  an  eloquent  and  effective  speaker,  who  will  prove 
a  valuable  addition  to  the  debating  power  of  the  Ministerial 
benches."  How  valuable,  not  even  the  Gazette  had  the 
faintest  conception  !  The  rabid  and  extreme  partisan  view 
may  be  obtained  from  a  despatch  sent  by  the  Ottawa  cor- 
respondent of  the  St.  John  Telegraph,  which  declared  that 
"  the  members  of  the  Orange  order  are  greatly  enraged 
over  the  appointment.  They  say  he  supplants  a  Protestant 
and  that  Kiel  will  not  be  hanged." 

There  was  a  very  interesting  discussion  following  upon 
the  appointment,  which  was  partisan  in  origin,  constitu- 
tional in  form,  and  not  exactly  personal  in  application.  A 
good  many  years  before  this  time  Vice- Chancellor  Mowat 
of  the  Ontario  Judiciary  had  stepped  down  from  the  bench 
to  assume  the  Attorney- Generalship  of  his  Province,  and  to 
enter  that  political  arena  in  which  he  has  since  had  such  con- 
spicuous success.  The  Conservative  press  and  speakers  of 


76  LIFE   AND   WORK   OF 

bhat  day  had  censured  the  Liberal  party  for  thus  degrading 
the  Bench  of  Justice  by  making  its  occupants  eligible  for 
party  favours  and  party  rewards,  and  had  especially  de- 
nounced Mr.  Blake,  the  retiring  Premier  of  Ontario,  who 
had  nominated  the  distinguished  Judge  as  his  successor 
and  had  urged  him  to  accept  the  post.  Whatever  force 
these  arguments  may  have  had  in  Provincial  politics,  and 
it  is  not  probable  that  an  occasional  retirement  from  the 
Bench  to  enter  political  life  will  ever  really  injure  the 
Judiciary,  they  had  still  less  in  connection  with  the  Domi- 
nion post  of  Minister  of  Justice. 

Who  indeed  could  be  better  fftted  to  administer  jus- 
tice for  the  nation  ;  to  control  the  law-work  of  the  Domi- 
nion ;  to  look  after  and  abolish,  modify,  change  or  amend 
its  laws,  than  one  who  had  previously  possessed  judicial 
experience  ?  Then  in  a  matter  of  precedents — those  things 
which  lawyers  and  politicians  appreciate  so  much  and 
which  constitute  such  excellent  reasons  for  action  or  inac- 
tion as  the  case  may  be — there  is  a  considerable  resemb- 
lance as  to  the  duties  performed,  between  the  position  of 
Canadian  Minister  of  Justice  and  that  of  the  Lord  Chan- 
cellor in  England.  In  the  Mother-country  many  of  the 
most  distinguished  holders  of  that  great  blue  ribbon  of  the 
legal  profession  went  from  the  Bench  to  the  woolsack. 
Amongst  them  were  Lord  Hardwicke,  Lord  Bathurst,  Lord 
Loughborough,  Lord  Truro,  Lord  Hatherley,  Lord  Camden. 
Lord  Campbell,  and,  greatest  of  all,  Lord  Elclon.  And  cer- 
tainly it  has  never  been  claimed  that  the  English  Bench 
was  degraded  thereby,  though  it  is  open  to  any  one  to  urge 
that  men  like  the  late  Lord  Chief  Justices  Cockburn  and 
Coleridge  have  left  greater  legal  reputations  than  the  vast 
majority  of  those  who  preferred  the  temporary  glory  of 
the  woolsack  to  the  lasting  splendour  of  a  distinguished 
judicial  record. 


SIR  JOHN   THOMPSON.  77 

But  none  the  less  the  discussion  was  entertaining,  and 
gave  the  party  organs  something  to  talk  about.  As  there 
was  nothing  special  about  the  new  Minister  to  denounce, 
they  fired  a  good  deal  of  political  ammunition  over  this 
little  point,  and  it  was  one  of  the  earliest  matters  referred 
to  when  Parliament  opened  its  fourth  session  on  the  25th 
of  February,  1886.  The  new  member  for  Antigonish  was 
introduced  for  the  first  time  to  the  House,  of  which  in  five 
years  he  was  to  be  leader,  by  Sir  John  A.  Macdonald  and 
the  Hon.  A.  W.  McLellan,  and  at  once  took  his  seat  as 
Minister  of  Justice.  At  the  same  time  the  Hon.  Thomas 
White  and  Hon.  George  E.  Foster  went  through  the  form 
of  introduction  and  took  their  places,  after  having  returned 
to  their  constituents  for  election  upon  appointment  to  office. 
Within  eight  years  from  that  day  four  out  of  those  five 
political  leaders  had  passed  through  more  or  less  eventful 
phases  of  political  life,  and  had  departed  from  the  scene  ! 
How  wonderfully  true  in  this  connection  seem  the  beautiful 
lines  by  Lowell : 

"  Life  is  a  leaf  of  paper,  white, 
Upon  which  each  of  us  may  write 
His  word  or  two. 
Then  comes  the  night." 

On  the  following  day  the  debate  upon  the  Address  in 
reply  to  the  Speech  from  the  Throne  took  place,  and  Mr. 
Blake,  as  leader  of  the  Opposition,  proceeded  to  pour  the 
usual  hot  shot  into  the  Ministerial  ranks.  He  was  parti- 
cularly sarcastic  concerning  the  two  different  opinions 
apparently  held  by  the  party  in  power  regarding  the 
appointment  of  judges  to  political  office.  It  was  with  them, 
he  declared,  not  a  matter  of  principle,  but  simply  one  of 
expediency.  And  then  speaking  of  the  Mowat  incident, 
he  said  :  "  I  was  told  that  I  had  degraded  the  Bench;  that  I 
had  soiled  the  hitherto  unspotted  ermine;  that  I  had  created 


78  LIFE   AND   WORK   OF 

a  feeling  of  want  of  confidence  on  the  part  of  the  people  in 
the  judges  of  the  land  ;  that  I  had  rendered  it  impossible 
for  the  judges  to  conduct  impartially  the  trials  of  election 
cases."  And  after  this  he  paid  his  respects  to  the  new 
Minister  in  a  style  which  was  meant  to  make  prominent 
Conservatives  feel  secretly  annoyed,  and  to  make  Mr. 
Thompson  slightly  uncomfortable  had  he  really  been,  as 
Mr.  Blake  supposed,  a  small  man  in  a  large  place. 

"I  congratulate  the  honorable 'incumbent  of  the  office. 
He  enters  Federal  politics,  as  the  French  would  say,  by  the 
great  gate.  For  him  there  is  no  apprenticeship  in  our 
Parliament.  ...  No  greater  compliment  could  be  paid 
a  public  man.  The  Government  felt  the  office  was  impor- 
tant ;  they  felt  they  had  no  one  available  in  Parliament, 
and  that  they  had  to  look  outside.  As  a  lawyer,  the  hon. 
gentleman  has  come  to  the  front  with ,  a  bound  over  many 
heads  ;  as  a  legislator,  he  begins  his  Federal  career  at  once 
as  a  Minister." 

In  his  reply,  Sir  John  Macdonald  chaffed  the  Opposi- 
tion leader  in  his  usual  effective  style ;  spoke  of  him  as 
"  the  dissolving  view "  of  the  Mackenzie  Government, 
sometimes  in  and  sometimes  out ;  referred  to  the  Hon.  W. 
B.  Vail  having  been  brought  into  that  Government  from 
Nova-Scotia  over  the  heaus  of  many  Liberal  members  in 
the  House ;  criticized  the  retirement  of  Vice-Chancellor  S. 
H.  Blake  from  the  Bench ;  and  spoke  of  the  elevation  of 
the  Hon.  E.  B.  Wood  to  the  Chief  Justiceship  of  Manitoba 
by  Mr.  Blake  as  the  employment  of  the  Bench  for  the 
reward  of  political  services.  Finally,  he  had  a  few  words, 
and  only  a  few  words,  to  say  about  the  new  Minister :  "  I 
looked  out  in  Nova-Scotia  when  the  (Ministerial)  vacancy 
existed,  for  a  lawyer  who  could  fill  that  position  creditably, 
and  I  found  him  in  my  hon.  friend,  and  if  he  were  not 
here  at  this  moment  I  might  enter  more  fully  into  the  fact 


SIR  JOHN   THOMPSON.  79 

of  his  fitness,  but  I  believe  that  even  the  hon.  gentlemen 
opposite  will  admit  before  the  Session  closes  the  correctness 
of  my  selection  and  choice." 

It  is  probable  that  a  very  few  months  of  intimate 
association  in  Cabinet  and  private  political  discussion 
would  be  all  that  was  necessary  for  a  man  of  Sir  John 
Macdonald's  keen  insight  to  have  guaged  the  ability  and 
knowledge  of  the  new  Minister  of  Justice.  But  in  making 
that  last  prophetic  remark,  even  he  could  hardly  have 
foreseen  the  skill  and  value  of  Mr.  Thompson  as  a  Parlia- 
mentary debater,  though,  no  doubt,  he  was  able  to  make  a 
shrewd  guess  at  the  truth.  In  the  course  of  a  few  weeks, 
however,  there  would  be  no  possible  doubt  concerning  the 
matter. 


80  LIFE   AND   WORK  OF 


CHAPTER  V. 

THE  EJEL  QUESTION. 

The  opening  of  this  session  of  the  Parliament  of 
1886,  was  perhaps  the  most  critical  period  in  the  life  of 
the  new  Minister  of  Justice.  At  a  crisis  in  the  history  of 
the  government  which  he  had  joined  and  of  the  party  to 
which  he  belonged,  he  found  himself  called  upon  to  bear 
the  burden  of  defence  against  the  fiercest  and  best  organ- 
ized attack  in  the  annals  of  Canadian  legislation.  Fresh 
from  the  Bench  of  his  Province  and  long  unaccustomed  to 
heated  discussions  and  party  strife,  he  was  to  endure  the 
lash  of  sectarian  bitterness  and  sectional  prejudice,  inten- 
sified as  it  was,  by  an  external  and  seemingly  successful 
campaign  of  unscrupulous  misrepresentation.  Unknown 
as  a  speaker  to  nearly  the  whole  of  his  critical,  or  already 
prejudiced,  audience  in  the  House,  he  had  to  face  the 
oratorical  graces  of  Mr.  Laurier,  the  powerful  eloquence  of 
Mr.  Blake,  and  the  fervid  utterances  of  a  score  of  others, 
who  were  borne  by  the  excitement  of  the  time  to  the  crest 
of  a  storm-tossed  political  wave. 

There  can  be  little  doubt  that  the  position  of  the 
Ministry  was  very  precarious.  The  old-time  influence  of 
the  Conservative  party  in  the  Province  of  Quebec,  seemed 
to  have  gone  forever.  The  magnetic  personality  of  Sir 
John  A.  Macdonald  appeared  to  have  lost  its  power.  He 
was  freely  denoun>»)d  in  great  French -Canadian  meetings 
as  "  the  enemy  of  our  nationality,"  and  was  even  burned 
in  effigy  at  Montreal,  whilst  the  Hon,  J.  A.  Chapleau,  the 


r 


THE  EARL  OF  DERBY,  G.C.R,  P.C., 

Late  Governor-General  of  Canada. 


SIR  JOHN   THOMPSON.  83 

eloquent  tribune  or  the  people,  was  bracketed  with  Sir 
Hector  Langevin  and  Sir  Adoiphe  Caron,  in  public 
resolutions,  as  "  traitors  to  their  country."  Kiel  was  to  be 
the  hero  of  Quebec  and  one  of  the  political  martyrs  of  his 
nationality:  Mr.  Mercier  was  to  be  the  leader  of  a  new  move- 
ment which  in  the  sacred  name  of  race  and  religion  was  to 
avenge  his  execution  :  the  Parti-Nationale  was  to  sweep 
out  of  existence  the  enemies  of  French  Canada  and  of  the 
Roman  Catholic  Church :  Mr.  Blake  was  to  stir  up  the 
Province  of  Ontario  against  those  who  had  committed 
what  30,000  people  on  the  Champ -de- Mars  in  Montreal, 
declared  "  an  act  of  inhumanity  and  cruelty  unworthy  of  a 
civilized  nation." 

From  the  moment  when  the  man  who  had  caused  so 
much  of  sorrow  and  bloodshed,  suffering  and  death,  was 
executed  at  Regina,  on  the  16th  of  November,  1885,  this 
agitation  had  grown  in  force  and  sunk  deeper  and  deeper 
into  the  hearts  of  the  people.  Popular  passion  is  always 
easy  to  arouse  when  questions  are  raised  touching  even 
the  fringe  of  creed  or  nationality,  and  Mr.  Mercier,  who 
was  trying  to  ride  into  power  upon  a  wave  of  sectarian 
prejudice,  seemed  utterly  indifferent  to  the  danger  of  his 
course.  And  in  allowing  the  law  to  be  carried  out  the 
Dominion  Government  had  to  face  a  double  difficulty. 
Not  only  was  the  situation  in  Quebec  critical  :  not  only 
did  Le  Monde,  a  Conservative  paper,  represent  the  senti- 
ments of  its  press  as  a  whole  in  declaring,  after  the 
execution,  that  "  Fanaticism  wanted  a  victim  :  Riel  has 
been  offered  as  a  holocaust :  and  Orangeism  has  hanged 
him  for  hate  and  to  satisfy  an  old  thirst  for  revenge  ":  but 
the  remarkable  utterances  of  the  Toronto  Mail  ami  Orange 
Sentinel,  provided  additional  fuel  for  the  flame  of 
excitement.  The  former  had  declared  on  the  3rd  of 
November,  preceding  the  execution,  that  "  as  Britons  we 


$4  LIFE  AND  WouK  OP 

believe  the  conquest  will  have  to  be  fought  over  again  and 
Lower  Canada  may  depend  upon  it,  there  will  be  no  treaty 
of  1763."  The  Sentinel  declared,  in  reply  to  fiery  state- 
ments from  Quebec,  that  the  Government  did  not  dare  to 
hang  the  rebel ;  that  "  English -Canadians  will  not  longer 
suffer  this  galling  bondage  :  and  the  day  may  not  be  far 
distant  when  the  call  to  arms  will  again  resound  through- 
out the  Dominion." 

Tremendous  pressure  had  been  brought  to  bear  upon 
the  French-Canadian  Ministers  to  resign  from  the  Dominion 
Cabinet.  They  were  told,  and  truly,  that  Mr  Mercier  was 
about  to  sweep  the  Province  of  Quebec,  defeat  the  Local 
administration,  and  then  turn  his  attention  to  aiding  Mr. 
Laurier  at  Ottawa.  Many  of  their  Conservative  sup- 
porters pointed  out  that  refusal  to  leave  a  doomed 
government  meant  political  extinction,  and  that  if  they 
attempted  to  condone  the  execution  of  Kiel,  even  a 
seat  in  Parliament  would  be  an  impossibility.  Whole 
batches  of  French-Canadian  Conservatives  decjared  that 
they  dare  not  support  the  Government  in  their  proposal 
to  let  justice  take  its  course,  or  in  their  subsequent 
definite  performance  of  that  duty.  Meanwhile,  Mr.  Blake 
had  not  made  the  outlook  more  pleasant  by  vigorous 
speeches  in  Ontario,  during  which  he  denounced  the  whole 
North- West  policy  of  the  Government.  If  appearances 
could  be  trusted  it  seemed  indeed  as  though  a  general 
break-up  of  the  national  Conservative  forces  was  about  to 
take  place. 

This  then  was  the  situation  when  the  Hon.  J.  S.  D. 
Thompson  faced  a  storm-tossed  House  of  Commons  on  the 
llth  of  March,  and  listened  with  stocial  composure  to  Mr. 
Landry's  long-anticipated  and  now  famous  motion  : — 

"  That  this  House  feels  it  its  duty  to  express  its  deep 
regret  that  the  sentence  of  death  passed  upon  Louis  Kiel, 


SIR  JOHN  THOMPSON.  85 

convicted  of  high  treason,  was  allowed  to  be  carried  into 
execution?5" 

Mr.  Landry's  speech  was  the  key-note  of  much  that 
followed   during  a   week's    debate.       He    described    the 
Government's  action  in  a  strain  of  the  fiercest  invective. 
It  was  a  provocation  flung  at  the  face  of  a  whole  nation- 
ality :  it  was  a  breach  of  the  laws  of  justice  :  it  was  an 
evidence  of  weakness  on  the  part  of  the  Ministry  :  it  was 
the  gratification  of  a  long-sought  vengeance :  it  was  the 
wanton  sacrifice  of  the  life  of  a  French- Canadian  Catholic 
upon  the  altar  of  sectarian  hatred  and  bigotry.     He  spoke 
of  the  petitions  that  had  been  disregarded,  and  considered 
the  actions  of  Kiel  to  be  those  of  an  insane  man  or  of  a 
monomaniac.     He  quoted  the  pardoning  of  Jefferson  Davis, 
the  exile  of  Arabi  Pashi,  and  the  treatment  of  Abd-el-Kader 
by  France,  as  affording  ample  precedents  for  the  forgiveness 
of  Riel.    Lt.  Colonel  Amyot,  another  Conservative,  followed, 
and  declared  with  all  the  vigour  of  passionate  declamation, 
that  after  an  examination  of  the  record  in  Kiel's  case,  the 
Ministry  had  ordered  the  hanging  in  spite  of  the  favourable 
nature  of  the  record :  in  spite  of  the  recommendation  to 
mercy  by  the  jury:  in  spite  of  the  madness  of  Riel,  winch 
was  admitted  and  proved  :  in  spite  of  the  petitions  which 
they  had  received.     "We  go  further"  added  the  orator, 
"  we  say  they  did  it  after  mature  deliberation,  in  order  to 
please  a  certain  section  of  the  country,  not  caring  about 
offending  the  other." 

Many  others  spoke.  Mr.  Clarke  Wallace  declared  that 
out  of  2000  Orange  Lodges  in  the  country  not  more  than 
six  had  passed  any  resolutions  whatever  upon  the  subject. 
Mr.  M.  C.  Cameron  denounced  the  Government  as  having 
"  trafficked  in  the  destiny  of  a  fellow  mortal."  Mr.  Lau- 
rier  made  a  speech  which  was  remarkable  for  the  purity 
9f  its  diction,  the  beauty  of  its  language  and  style,  lie 


86  LIFE  AND  W011K   OF 

stated  his  belief,  and  the  belief  of  his  Piovince,  that  the 
execution  -of  Kiel  was  "the  sacrifice  of  a  life,  not  to 
inexorable  justice,  but  to  bitter  passion  and  revenge." 
He  claimed  that  the  American,  English  and  French  press, 
almost  without  exception,  had  taken  the  ground  that  the 
execution  of  Kiel  was  unjustified,  unwarranted  and  against 
the  spirit  of  the  age.  He  urged  that  Kiel  had  been  deprived 
at  his  trial  of  certain  witnesses,  and  that  papers  and  docu- 
ments taken  from  him  and  his  house  had  not  been  placed 
at  the  disposal  of  his  counsel  as  requested.  He  compared 
Kiel  to  Jefferson  Davis,  and  quoted  from  the  evidence  of 
General  Grant  before  a  committee  of  the  American  Congress 
to  show  what  were  considered  the  rights  of  surrendered 
officers.  If  Kiel  had  thought  that  he  was  going  to  be 
treated  as  a  captured  rebel  he  would  have  escaped  instead 
of  surrendering  to  Major- General  Middleton.  Mr.  Laurier 
concluded  an  oration,  which  Mr.  Blake  afterwards  character- 
ized as  the  best  he  had  ever  heard  upon  the  floors  of 
Parliament,  by  appealing  for  that  justice  which,  in  his 
opinion,  the  unfortunate  half-breeds  had  fought  for  and 
had  never  yet  obtained. 

Sir  Hector  Langevin,  Minister  of  Public  Works,  arid 
the  nominal  leader  of  the  French-Canadian  Conservatives, 
referred  to  the  great  difficulties  which  he  and  his  colleagues 
had  been  compelled  to  contend  with  during  the  previous 
four  months  of  wild  excitement,  of  agitation  in  Quebec, 
and  counter -agitation  in  Ontario.  He  spoke  of  the  rebel- 
lion ;  its  inception  through  the  machinations  of  Louis  Kiel ; 
its  progress  and  final  suppression  by  the  gallantry  of  the 
Canadian  volunteers.  General  Middleton  had  kept  his 
promise  to  Kiel,  and  had  handed  him  over  in  safety  to  the 
civil  authorities.  He  had  been  tried  under  a  law  which 
was  put  on  the  Statute  book  when  the  Liberal  party  had 
been  in  power.  And  so  anxious  was  the  Government  in 


SIR  JOHN   THOMPSON.  8? 

give  the  rebel  leader  every  legal  chance  for  his  life  that 
the  case  had  been  carried  to  the  Supreme  Court  of  Mani- 
toba, and  thence  to  the  Judicial  Committee  of  the  Tmperia 
Privy  Council.  He  summed  up  strongly  and  eloquently  in 
the  following  words : 

"  We  are  the  Government  of  the  country ;  we  had  no 
revenge  against  this  man ;  he  had  done  us  nothing  person- 
alty ;  but  he  had  attacked  the  authority  of  the  Queen ;  he 
had  revolutionized  that  country ;  he  had  called  the  half- 
breeds  to  his  aid  and  had  deceived  them  in  a  most  shameful 
way,  as  the  missionaries  of  that  country  have  all  testified  ; 
he  had  destroyed  their  faith;  he  had  destroyed  their  religion 
to  establish  one  of  his  own,  and  my  friends  from  the 
Province  of  Quebec  call  that  man  a  compatriot !  No,  Mr. 
Speaker,  the  sober  second  thought  of  the  people  will  not 
be  so." 

Mr.  R)yal  contended  that  the  rebellion  was  a  crime 
against  God  and  humanity ;  Mr.  Gigault  thought  it  was  a 
political  scaffold  and  a  political  execution  that  took  place 
at  Regiua,  though  he  did  not  say  how  the  matter  could 
possibly  have  benefited  the  party  in  power.  Mr.  J.  J. 
Curran  (afterwards  Solicitor-General)  declared  that  the 
central  figure  in  this  war  of  races  and  religions  which  was 
being  inaugurated,  had  been  alternately  exhibited  as  a 
hero,  a  martyr,  a  fool  and  a  lunatic.  He  quoted  from 
documents,  speeches  at  the  trial,  interviews,  etcT,  in  order 
to  prove  that  Kiel  was  simply  an  ambitious  and  utterly 
unscrupulous  schemer.  Mr.  Coursol  denounced  the  attitude 
of  the  Toronto  Mail,  as  did  Mr.  Langelier,  who  contributed 
the  following  remarks  to  the  debate : 

"Our  ancestors,  when  only  60000m  number,  including 
men,  women  and  children,  stood  their  ground  for  five  years 
against  50,000  jgf  the  best  soldiers,  not  only  of  England, 
but  of  the  world.  Now  that  we  are  a  million  and  a  half 


38  LIFE  AND   WORK   OF 

we  could  offer  a  pretty  stiff  resistance  to  the  Tory  land 
grabbers  who  threaten  us." 

Sir  Adolphe  Caron,  in  an  eloquent  speech,  declared 
that  if  circumstances  should  ever  arise  similar  to  those  of 
last  year,  he  would  again  do  what  he  had  then  thought  was 
his  duty.  He  considered  that  Kiel  had  deceived  the  half- 
breeds,  and  showed  how  he  had  offered  to  sell  for  a  bribe 
both  his  followers  and  his  "  cause."  He  read  letters  from 
Bishop  Grandin  showing  the  trc  uble  and  misery  the  rebel- 
lion had  caused,  and  from  Kiel  to  "  Poundmaker."  which 
proved  that  he  had  tried  to  raise  the  Indians  in  revolt. 
Mr.  Chapleau,  in  a  most  able  effort,  defended  the  Gov- 
ernment's position  and  his  own  share  in  supporting  the 
law  of  the  land.  He  referred  to  the  brilliant  offers  made 
him  by  the  Parti-Nationale ;  spoke  of  his  refusal  to  take 
the  leadership  of  that  organization  in  Quebec,  which  for  a 
time  seemed,  and  was,  all  powerful;  and  urged  strongly  his 
conviction  that  Kiel  was  entirely  responsible  for  his  own 
actions. 

But  the  speeches  around  which  centered  the  greatest 
interest,  and  upon  which  depended  the  ultimate  verdict  of 
Parliament,  of  the  people  and  of  posterity,  were  those  of 
Mr.  Blake  and  Mr.  Thompson.  The  House  was  expectant 
when  the  leader  of  the  Opposition  rose  to  his  feet.  Tt 
looked  for  a  powerful  arraignment  of  the  Government ; 
for  close  reasoning ;  for  a  wide  display  of  constitutional 
knowledge  ;  for  vigorous  invective.  But  in  the  case  of 
the  Minister  of  Justice,  it  was  simply  curious.  Conserva- 
tives anticipated  a  fair  presentation  .of  the  case,  but  were 
hopeless  of  any  real  reply  to  the  great  speech  which  it  was 
known  Mr.  Blake  had  prepared.  And  Liberals  would  have 
laughed  exceedingly  had  aniy  one  hinted  that  Blake  might 
meet  his  match  in  the  short,  stout,  fresh -coloured,  young- 
looking  gentleman  who  had  just  come  in  t'roin  a 


SIR  JOHN   THOMPSON.  89 

Scotian  constituency,  and  who  was  to  soon  make  his  maiden 
speech  in  the  House.  Mr.  Blake  reviewed  the  whole 
matter.  He  went  into  the  history  of  the  rebellion  ;  the 
discontents  of  the  half-breeds  ;  the  action  or  inaction  of 
the  Government.  He-  c^onten.de^d  that  the  trial  had  not 
been  a  fair  one ;  tjiat^  the  choice  of  the  magistrate  had 
been  unfortunate,  and  that  the  evidence  and  facts  of  the 
case  proved  Kiel  to  be  insane.  He  spoke  of  the  disregard 
of  the  jury's  recommendation  to  mercy,  and  enlarged  upon 
the  question  of  executive  interference  by  the  Government, 
and  as  to  when  it  was  warranted.  His  case  w7as  a  very 
wide  and  varied  one ;  the  reference  to  authorities  was 
extensive,  and  many  precedents  were  produced  to  show 
that  as  Kiel,  in  his  opinion,  was  not  responsible  for  his 
actions,  he  should  not  have  been  executed.  The  speaker 
concluded  by  saying  that  though  he  knew  that  many  of 
those  of  his  own  race  and  religion  would  differ  from  him, 
it  was  his  conviction  that  the  sentence  should  have  been 
imprisonment  for  life  ;  that  by  the  execution  a  great  blow 
had  been  inflicted  upon  the  administration  of  justice,  and 
that  the  Government  was  responsible  for  it. 

In  making  what  was  really  a  great  speech  upon  this 
occasion,  there  is  no  doubt  that  Mr.  Blake  fell  into  the  fatal 
error  of  under -estimating  his  antagonist.  Had  he  felt  any 
comprehension  of  what  was  to  follow,  he  would  not  have 
made  his  argument  so  general  or  so  broad,  and  would  have 
depended  upon  the  strong  points  in  the  case  without  intro- 
ducing weak  ones,  which  seemed  specious  and  plausible  at 
first  sight,  but  which  could  not  stand  the  shock  of  logical 
and  keen  analysis.  Unfortunately  for  him,  too,  it  was 
past  midnight  when  the  speech  was  finished,  and  this 
gave  the  Minister  of  Justice  an  inestimable  advantage — one 
which  experienced  debaters  know  how  to  appreciate  and 
make  use  of.  He  promptly  moved  the  adjounjmept  of  the 


90  LIFE    AND   WORK    OF 

debate,  and,  after  a  couple  of  days'  interval,  rose  to  reply 
during  the  afternoon  of  Monday,  the  22nd  of  March. 

It  is  very  seldom  indeed  that  a  public  man  achieves  a 
reputation  of  the  highest  order  by  a  first  speech  in  Parlia- 
ment.    If  in  England  a  future  leader,  or  a  n  a  i  of  admitted 
and  commanding  ability,  makes  a  mere  favourable  impres- 
sion   upon  the  House,    he    is   considered    to    have   done 
exceedingly  well  for  the  first  time.     In  Canada  it  had  only 
been  the  case,  and  then  in  a  very  modified  form,  upon  one 
previous  occasion,  when  the  Hon    James  McDonald,  now 
Chief- Justice  of  Nova-Scotia,  delivered  a  maiden  speech  in 
the  Parliament  of  1873.     Of  course,  in  the  American  Con- 
gress where  only  pluck  and  pyrotechnics  are  required,  it 
is  comparatively  easy  to  make  an  oratorical  success  of  a 
first  effort.     But  in  the  case  of  the  Hon.  J.  S.  D.  Thompson 
success  meant  the  defeat  of  the  greatest  logician  and  debater 
in  the  House  of  Common?,  and  the  defence  of  the  Govern- 
ment's   position    in  a    matter    involving    most   intricate 
constitutional  issues.     It  meant  that  a  new  man  was  to 
pitt  himself  victoriously  against  a  veteran  in  Parliamentary 
debate  and    knowledge   of  constitutional  law.     It  meant 
that  he  was  to   become  a  power  in   the  House  and   the 
nation,  while  failure   involved  results  which  would  have 
made  his  subsequent  rise  impossible,  or,  at  least,  unlikely. 
The  Chamber   was  crowded   to  excess,  and  from  the 
moment  when  the  musical  voice  of  the  unpretentious,  and 
not  at  all  imposing,  speaker  was  first  heard,  until  he  sat 
down  at  the    end  of  two  hours,  he  held  the  close   and 
undivided  attention  of  the  House,  and  it  may  be  almost 
literally  said   that  a  pin  could   have  been  heard  to    fall. 
Those  who  know  the  normal  condition  of  the   Commons, 
no  matter   who  is   speaking,  in  regard  to   attention    and 
quietness,  will  appreciate  the  full  force  of  the  compliment 
thus  conveyed.     The  speech  was  strong,  clear  and  con  vine- 


HON.  SIR  OLIVER  MOWAT,  K.C.M.G.,  Q.C.,  M.P.T. 


sm  JOHN  THOMPSON.  03 

ing.  The  Minister  of  Justice  seemed  to  be  master  of  him- 
self, master  of  his  subject,  master  of  the  law  in  its  theory, 
practice  and  precedent,  master  of  his  audience.  He  pierced 
the  armour  of  Mr.  Blake's  argument  with  the  most  direct 
and  irresistible  skill,  and  while  not  ;ippealing  in  the  least 
to  his  hearers'  passions,  prejudices  or  sympathies,  he 
subdued  a  critical  and  censorious  body  of  men  by  pure 
force  of  reasoning  and  logical  argument.  Before  that 
speech  was  ended,  it  is  absolutely  accurate  to  say  that  he 
appeared  to  both  friends  and  opponents  as  a 

"  Tower  of  strength 
That  stood  four-square  to  all  the  winds  that  blow." 

Mr.  Thompson  first  deprecated  the  extreme  feeling,  if 
not  actual  animosity,  which  had  been  shown  throughout 
the  greater  part  of  the  prolonged  debate.  He  made  a 
statement  of  the  part  taken  in  the  case  by  his  own  Depart- 
ment— that  of  Justice — and  then  proceeded  to  combat  the 
claim  that  Parliament  was  a  court  of  appeal  in  criminal 
cases,  pointing  out  some  of  the  evil  results  which  might 
ensue  in  such  an  event.  He  defended  the  composition  of 
the  Regina  Court,  and  met  fully  and  squarely  Mr.  Blake's 
contention  that  the  Judge  was  an  inferior  one  and  the 
choice  unwise.  He  held  that  it  would  have  been  gross 
injustice,  and  a  very  dangerous  precedent,  to  have  enacted 
any  special  law  to  meet  the  case.  After  going  over  the 
evidence  and  proceedings  at  the  Kegina  trial,  Mr.  Thompson 
took  up  the  assertion  that  Kiel  was  a  political  offender, 
and,  therefore,  should  not  have  been  hanged.  He  instanced 
the  case  of  John  Brown ;  dealt  with  that  of  Lord  George 
Gordon  ;  quoted  Mr.  Gladstone  in  connection  with  the 
Fenians  and  the  murder  of  Constable  Brett,  and  gave  the 
opinion  of  the  English  Commission  on  Capital  Punishment, 
which  declared  that  "  in  cases  of  treason  accompanied  by 


04  LIFE    AND    WORK   Otf 

overt  acts  of  rebellion,  assassination  or  other  violence,  the 
extreme  penalty  must  be  maintained."  Lord  Cranborne, 
now  the  Marquis  of  Salisbury,  had  said  that  "  You  must 
treat  treason  as  the  highest  crime  known  to  the  law.  If 
you  impose  capital  punishment  for  murder  you  must  for 
treason." 

He  pointed  out  that  Lord  Bramwell  had  declared  that 
"  Treason  is  worse  than  murder,  because  it  involves  the 
taking  of  many  lives."  The  condition  of  a  new  country 
such  as  the  North- West  absolutely  required  strong  enforce- 
ment of  the  law,  and  any  laxity  in  the  punishment  of 
admitted  crime  would  have  been  a  criminal  act  on  the  part 
of  the  Government.  He  then  dealt  with  the  insanity 
question  in  a  lucid  and  convincing  manner,  and  asked  in 
that  connection  how  others  who  took  part  in  the  rebellion 
could  have  been  dealt  with  if  the  head  and  front  of  the 
movement  had  been  granted  executive  clemency.  "  I 
should  like  to  ask  how  the  Frog  Lake  murderers  could 
have  been  punished  if  the  man  who  incited  them  to  rebel- 
lion was  allowed  to  go  free  or  to  repose  in  a  lunatic  asylum 
until  he  got  rid  of  his  delusion  ? "  And  then,  in  a  few 
ringing  words,  he  concluded  his  speech  amid  loud  and 
prolonged  cheering : 

"  I  think,  Sir,  it  was  absolutely  necessary  for  us  to 
show  to  those  Indians,  to  every  section  of  the  country,  to 
every  class  of  the  population,  that  the  power  of  the  Govern- 
ment in  the  North -West  was  strong,  not  only  to  protect, 
but  to  punish  as  well  ;  and  in  the  administration  of  justice/ 
with  regard  to  those  territories  in  particular,  it  was 
absolutely  necessary  that  the  deterrent  effect  of  capital 
punishment  should  be  called  into  play.  (Cheers.)  I  am 
not  disposed,  remote  as  that  territory  is,  strong  as  the 
calls  are  for  vigorous  government  there  and  for  the  enforce- 
ment of  every  branch  of  the  law,  to  be  inhuman  or 


SIR  JOHN   THOMPSON.  95 

unmerciful  in  the  execution  of  the  penalties  which  the 
law  pronounces  ;  but  in  relation  to  men  of  this  class,  men 
who  time  and  again  are  candidates  for  the  extreme  penalty, 
men  who  have  despised  mercy  when  it  was  given  to  them 
before,  I  would  give  the  answer  given  to  those  who  pro- 
posed to  abolish  capital  punishment  in  France,  "Very  well, 
but  let  the  assassins  begin." 

With  the  close  of  this  speech  there  arose  a  new  figure 
in  Canadian  politics  and  a  chief  amongst  those  who  played 
the  leading  parts  in  the  great  game  of  public  life.  Three 
days  afterwards  the  division  was  taken,  and  the  Govern- 
ment found  itself  sustained  by  146  to  42.  Meantime,  the 
echoes  of  the  speech  delivered  by  the  new  Minister  of 
Justice  had  permeated  every  part  of  the  Dominion,  and 
the  man  from  Nova-Scotia,  the  stranger  who  had  entered 
the  great  arena  of  debate  and  overthrown  the  hitherto 
almost  invincible  Blake,  found  himself  famous  as  a  consti- 
tutional lawyer  and  powerful  speaker. 

Canada  has  every  reason  to  be  grateful  for  the  firm 
disposition  and  straightforward  character  of  its  Minister 
of  Justice  during  the  crisis  which  prevailed  in  the  autumn 
of  1885,  as  well  as  in  that  which  has  just  been  described. 
There  is  no  doubt  that  Sir  Hector  Langevin  had  given  his 
friends  in  Quebec  secret  assurances  during  the  storm  of 
protests  which  came  in  while  the  execution  of  Kiel  was 
pending,  that  a  commutation  of  the  sentence  might  be  and 
would  be  granted.  He  spoke  with  the  authority  of  a 
senior  Privy  Councillor  and  t  a  right  hand  man  of  the 
Premier's  for  many  a  long  year,  and  it  is  probable  really 
believed  that  his  influence  over  Sir  John  Macdonald,  both 
as  a  personal  friend  and  as  the  successor  of  Sir  George 
Cartier  in  the  French-Canadian  leadership,  would  be  suf- 
ficient to  eventually  obtain  it.  Hence  his  organ  Le  Monde 
was  permitted  to  join  the  chorus  of  protesting  papers  and 


96  liFE  AND  WORK  OF 

politicians ;  many  Conservatives  were  deceived  into  join- 
ing the  movement ;  and  it  was  only  when  the  agitation  got 
beyond  control  and  threatened  the  very  existence  of  the 
Conservative  party  in  the  Province,  that  Sir  Hector  woke 
up  at  the  same  time  to  the  dangerous  situation  he  had 
allowed  to  develop  in  the  ranks  of  his  own  followers,  and 
to  the  probability  that  he  would  be  unable  to  guide  the 
issue  in  the  Cabinet. 

Stronger  men  than  he  were  at  the  back  of  Sir  John 
Macdonald,  and  had  the  chieftain  entertained  the  least 
idea  of  interfering  with  the  course  of  the  law,  the  forceful 
personality  of  Mr.  Thompson  would  have  probably  averted 
the  evil.  There  is  no  indication  or  evidence  that  he  ever 
did  think  of  taking  such  an  action,  but  Sir  Hector  ap- 
pears to  have  been  in  a  serious  predicament,  and  the  crisis 
was  so  acute  that  a  weak-kneed  Minister  of  Justice  might 
have  been  cajoled  or  coerced  into  advising  that  the  sentence 
be  commuted.  The  excuse  thus  given  for  bending  before  the 
storm  might  have  been  accepted  or  it  might  not,  the  pro- 
babilities being  that  a  large  majority  of  the  Cabinet  would 
still  have  been  in  favour  of  the  upright  and  honourable 
course  which  was  in  the  end  pursued.  And  this  may  be  said 
without  considering  "  the  Old  Man's  "  masterful  disposition. 
But  none  the  less  was  the  fact  of  Mr.  Thompson  being  a 
Roman  Catholic  and  possessing  a  vigorous  will  and  char- 
acter of  his  own,  very  effective  in  keeping  the  Govern- 
ment united  to  all  intents  and  purposes  upon  the  question 
which  was  shortly  to  be  the  central  one  in  a  general  elec- 
tion, extending  from  the  shores  of  the  Atlantic  to  the 
rock-bound  coasts  of  the  Pacific. 


SIR  JOHN  THOMPSON.  97 

CHAPTER  VI. 

AN  ELECTION  AND  A  FISHERIES'  TREATY. 

The  campaign  which  preceded  the  Dominion  elections 
of  1887  brought  the  new  Minister  of  Justice  into  personal 
contact  with  the  people  of  Ontario.  Hitherto  he  had  been 
a  sort  of  political  myth,  powerful  in  the  Cabinet  and  in 
Parliament,  but  personally  unknown  to  the  public.  He 
was  now  to  be  introduced  to  Ontario  by  the  Chieftain 
himself,  and  to  take  a  leading  part  in  the  battle  upon 
which  depended  the  fate  of  the  party ;  for,  as  Ontario 
went,  so  it  was  felt  would  go  the  country.  The  Conserva- 
tives in  Quebec  were  fighting  a  lost  cause ;  Rielism,  and 
all  that  it  involved  of  racial  agitation  and  revengeful  cries, 
was  uppermost,  and  the  Province  on  Oct.  llth,  1886, 
returned  the  Liberals  to  power  in  the  Local  Legislature, 
and  placed  the  sweets  of  office  in  the  hands  of  Mr.  Mercier. 
Nothing  could,  therefore,  be  hoped  from  what  had  once 
been  the  mainstay  of  Canadian  Toryism,  and  everything 
turned  upon  the  rasult  in  Ontario. 

On  the  llth  of  November,  Sir  John  A.  Macdonald,  the 
Hon.  J.  S.  D.  Thompson,  the  Hon.  Thomas  White  and  Mr. 
W.  R.  Meredith,  started  in  the  afterwards  famous  private 
car  "  Jamaica  "  upon  their  political  tour  of  the  Province, 
commencing  with  a  large  meeting  at  Renfrew.     Mr.  Mere- 
lith,  who  was  conducting  his  own  campaign  at  the  same 
time  against  Mr.  Mowat,  and  who,  in  this  election,  came  so 
lear  to  winning  the  day,  did  not,  of  course,  speak  at  all  the 
leetings,  and  a  little   later  the  three  first-named  leaders 
rere  joined  by  Hon.  George  E.  Foster.     With   them  at 
7 


98  LIFE   AND  WORK   OF 

occasional  intervals  were  the  Hon.  J.  A.  Chapleau,  the  Hon. 
John  Costigan  and  Mr.  J.  J.  Cm-ran,  Q.C.  Everywhere 
the  reception  given  the  Ministers  was  not  only  cordial  but 
enthusiastic.  All  along  the  line  vast  crowds  turned  out  to 
see  the  "  Grand  Old  Man,"  and  the  hero  of  the  Kiel  debate. 
The  drill-hall,  rink,  or  city  hall,  as  the  case  might  be,  was 
invariably  crowded  to  the  doors,  and  it  was  not  long  before 
Sir  John  Macdonald  found  that  far  from  supporting  a  lost 
cause  in  Ontario,  he  had  the  great  mass  of  the  people  with 
him. 

It  was  known  to  his  intimate  friends  in  that  campaign 
that  Sir  John  had  expected  defeat ;  that  he  thought  Quebec 
was  going  solidly  against  him,  while  Ontario  would  do  well 
if  it  left  the  party  representation  about  equal ;  that  he  left 
Ottawa  weak  in  health  and  dispirited  to  the  last  degree. 
But  the  greetings  of  the  people  were  so  cordial,  the  meetings 
so  enthusiastic,  and  the  reports  began  to  get  so  favourable  as 
the  tour  progressed,  that  he  visibly  improved  in  health  and 
spirits  and  rapidly  became  himself  again.  Mr.  Thompson 
was  given  a  prominent  place  on  the  programme  of  almost 
daily  speeches,  generally  opening  the  ball  with  a  powerful 
arraignment  of  the  Opposition's  alleged  policy  of  race  and 
revenge  in  Quebec,  secession  in  .Nova-Scotia,  annexation 
in  New  Brunswick,  and  detraction  everywhere.  He 
invariably  handled  the  Kiel  question,  urged  the  preserva- 
tion of  the  Union,  and  spoke  of  the  oneness  of  the  Conser- 
vative policy  as  it  was  now  presented  in  every  part  of  the 
Dominion.  Mr.  White  or  Mr.  Foster  would  follow,  and 
then  Sir  John  Macdonald  would  close  with  a  few  pithy, 
witty  remarks.  Very  often  there  were  two  meetings — one 
in  the  afternoon,  and  one  in  the  evening  at  the  next  town. 

A  preliminary  mass-meeting  and  demonstration  was 
held  at  London  on  Sept.  10th,  1886.  Sir  John  Macdonald, 
Mr.  Thompson,  Mr.  White,  Mr.  Chapleau,  Mr,  Meredith 


SIR  JOHN   THOMPSON.  99 

and  Mr.  Carling  were  the  speakers,  and  the  "  Old  Man  " 
delivered  a  lengthy  and  elaborate  address.  The  Minister 
of  Justice  received  a  splendid  reception,  and  the  eloquent 
speech  of  Mr.  Chapleau,  the  great  Quebec  orator,  was  one 
which,  it  is  safe  to  say,  will  never  be  forgotten  by  those 
who  heard  it.  A  little  later,  on  Oct.  14th,  Messrs.  White, 
Foster  and  Thompson  addressed  an  immense  gathering  at 
St.  John,  N.B,,  and  the  Daily  Sun  on  the  succeeding  day 
observed  that  "  Too  much  cannot  be  said  in  praise  either 
of  the  style  or  matter  of  the  address  of  the  Minister  of 
Justice.  He  is  the  more  polished  speaker  of  the  three. 
Every  sentence  is  clear,  incisive  and  graceful." 

At  Owen  Sound,  on  Nov.  15th,  when  the  Ontario  tour 
really  commenced,  the  reception  was  particularly  elaborate 
in  arrangement  and  enthusiastic  in  spirit.  Mr.  Thompson 
was  warmly  received  and  brought  ringing  cheers  from  a 
great  audience  by  the  declaration  that  "  one  loyal  man  is 
as  good  as  ten  rebels."  Then  followed  a  large  gathering  at 
Dungannon  in  Huron  County,  and  on  Nov.  20th  the  party  v 
reached  Hamilton.  Here  we  find  in  Mr.  Thompson's  speech 
a  rather  amusing  comment  on  the  varied  policies  of  the 
Liberals.  "  There,  however,  Mr.  Blake  did  have  a  policy 
in  his  pocket.  He  had  a  right  to  christen  his  own  baby, 
and,  therefore,  he  called  it  the  '  alternative  policy.'  A 
better  name  for  it,  however,  would  have  been  the  'all- 
turnative  policy.' " 

Gait,  Listowel,  Stratford,  Guelph  and  Sarnia  were 
then  visited,  with  all  the  now  familiar  accompaniments  of 
tremendous  crowds,  torch-light  processions  and  loyal 
addresses.  At  Stratford  the  crowd  was  so  great  that  the 
Ministers  could  hardly  get  through  it  to  the  platform. 
When  they  did  get  there,  Mr.  Thompson  referred  to  "  the 
warm-hearted  hug"  he  had  received  as  one  which  a  man 
only  wanted  once  in  a  lifetime.  At  Sarnia  he  said  a  rather 
good  thing  at  the  expense  of  one  of  the  Liberal  leaders : 


100  LIFE   AND   WORK   OP 

''•  Sir  Richard  Cartwright  has  recently  stated  that  the 
Prime  Minister  ought  to  pass  into  nothingness,  but  these 
demonstrations  did  not  indicate  such  a  result.  Eight  years 
ago  he  had  himself  passed  into  nothingness,  and  he  was 
realizing  to-day  the  bitterness  of  the  old  axiom  that  out  of 
nothing,  nothing  comes." 

In  speaking  of  the  recent  Quebec  elections,  the  success 
of  the  Nationalists,  and  Mr.  Mercier's  promised  aid  to  Mr. 
Laurier  in  the  coming  Dominion  contest,  he  referred — with 
more  bitterness  than  usually  characterized  him — to  "the 
blasphemer,  Mr.  Mercier,  and  the  traitor,  Mr.  Laurier." 
It  is  not  unlikely  that  he  afterwards  regretted  the  violence 
of  this  language,  but  the  provocation  was  great,  and  the 
people  of  Ontario  only  partially  realized  then,  and  have 
forgotten  now,  the  terrific  storm  of  abuse  and  misrepresent- 
ation by  which  Quebec  had  just  been  carried  for  the  Local 
House,  and  by  the  continued  use  of  which  it  was  hoped  to 
capture  the  Dominion.  The  applause,  however,  upon  this 
occasion  was  long  and  continued.  The  episode  showed,  as 
did  a  certain  reply  to  Sir  Richard  Cartwright  some  years 
later,  that  the  Minister  of  Justice  could,  when  he  desired, 
denounce  his  opponents  as  vigorously,  as  he  could  argue 
with  them  skilfully. 

Immense  meetings  followed  at  Orangeville,  Orillia, 
Sunderland,  Port  Hope,  Peterboro',  Cobourg,  Deseronto, 
Welland,  Essex  Centre  and  Windsor.  At  Sunderland,  on 
Dec.  1st,  Mr.  Thompson  referred  to  the  name  applied  by 
the  Globe  to  the  party  of  speakers,  "  the  Chestnut  Combina- 
tion," as  being  in  a  certain  sense  correct.  The  successful 
receptions  to  different  Ministers  in  New  Brunswick,  Nova- 
Scotia  and  Ontario  were,  no  doubt,  becoming  unpleasant 
"  chestnuts  "  to  the  Liberal  organ.  "  And,"  said  he,  "  there 
was  another  sense  in  which  they  might  be  called  a  '  chest- 
nut combination,'  and  in  respect  of  which  they  gloried  in 


HON.  SIR  CHARLES  HIBBERT  TUPPER,  K.C.M.G., 

Minister  of  Justice. 


SIR  JOHN   THOMPSON.  103 

the  name.  They  were  able  to  go  from  one  Province  to 
another,  from  one  town  to  another,  and  tell  the  same  story 
to  the  people."  At  Deseronto  he  joked  with  the  same 
phrase  in  a  rather  effective  way  :  "  Why,  Mr.  Blake  him- 
self repeated  but  one  speech  in  every  part  of  Nova-Scotia. 
He  dished  up  chestnuts  roasted,  chestnuts  fried,  chestnuts 
on  the  hard  shell,  chestnuts  salted  down,  and  reproduced 
long  after  they  were  stale  and  out  of  use." 

Speaking  at  Peter boro  of  the  good  times  which 
followed  the  depression  of  1878,  and  as  an  illustration  of 
the  general  progress  under  Conservative  rule,  he  said  that 
an  old  and  wealthy  Maritime  Province  man  was  once  asked 
how  he  had  acquired  his  money,  and  replied,  "  I  bought  pro- 
perty when  the  Liberals  were  in  power  :  I  sold  it  when  the 
Tories  came  in."  At  Well  and,  Mr.  Thompson  declared  that 
"  Mr.  Blake  had  better  confine  his  attention  to  the  laborious 
and  malignant  satire  which  suited  his  disposition  so  very 
much  better  than  any  allusion  to  facts  or  figures."  At 
Windsor  he  once  more  struck  at  Mr.  Laurier,  as  one  who 
"justifies  murder,  pillage  and  rebellion  under  the  sacred 
right  of  resistance.  Do  not  the  settlers,  the  Government 
officials,  the  mounted  police  and  the  volunteers  possess  some 
sacred  rights  as  well  as  Kiel  and  his  associates  ?  " 

The  closing  meetings  of  the  tour  were  at  Lucan, 
Wingham  and  Chatham,  with  a  final  demonstration  at 
Toronto.  For  some  reason  connected  with  the  general 
campaign,  Mr.  Thompson  was  not  present  in  the  Queen 
City  on  Dec.  21st,  but  addresses  were  delivered  by  Sir  John 
and  by  Messrs.  White,  Foster  and  Chapleau. 

This  prolonged  tour  made  the  new  Minister  deservedly 
popular,  though,  of  course,  never  in  the  same  sense  as  was 
Sir  John  Macdonald.  His  proper  place  was  not  upon  the 
stump,  though  in  this  campaign  many  things  combined  to 
render  his  speeches  exceedingly  effective  and  useful  to  the 


104  LIFE   AND    WORK    OF 

party.  He  could  be  sarcastic,  and  at  times  hum'  -rous  in 
narrative,  though  never  magnetic  with  that  personal  merri- 
ment which  has  such  influence  upon  a  crowd.  He  was  also 
much  too  self-contained  and  deliberate  to  arouse  large 
gatherings.  Meantime  the  campaign  had  been  progressing 
all  over  the  country.  Mr.  Chapleau  had  done  much  to 
even  matters  up  in  Quebec,  assisted  by  the  efforts  of  Sir 
Hector  Langevin  and  Sir  Adolphe  Caron.  Sir  Hector  had 
finally  thrown  in  his  lot  with  the  Ministry,  and  his 
work  in  organization  during  that  time  of  political  uncer- 
tainty, and  amid  the  loss  of  party  followers  and  friends, 
and  the  smashing  of  party  ties,  was  of  great  value. 
Sir  A.  P.  Caron  was  always  an  effective  and  popular 
campaigner,  and  on  this  occasion  he  worked  like  a  Trojan. 
Between  them,  they  managed  to  hold  the  balance  so  that 
election  day  showed,  instead  of  the  expected  Liberal  sweep, 
a  representation  of  about  half  and  half. 

On  the  22nd  of  February,  1887,  the  ballot  box  settled 
the  destinies  of  Canada  for  a  few  years  longer.  The 
Maritime  Provinces  returned  a  pretty  solid  Conservative 
contigent,  Mr.  Thompson  being  elected  for  Antigonish  by 
a  majority  of  forty  over  an  old-time  antagonist  in  local 
politics,  Mr.  Angus  McGillivray.  Manitoba,  the  North- 
West  and  British  Columbia  went  straight  Conservative, 
and  Ontario  gave  a  fair  majority.  Once  more,  Sir  John 
Macdonald  had  appealed  successfully  to 

"  A  weapon  that  comes  down  as  still 
As  snowflakes  fall  upon  the  sod  ; 
But  executes  a  freeman's  will 
As  lightning  does  the  will  of  God." 

The  Kiel  question  was  thus  disposed  of  so  far  as 
Dominion  politics  were  concerned,  but  it  was  already  pro- 
ducing, in  the  form  of  Mercierism,  many  serious  evils,  of 
which  Sir  John  Thompson  himself  did  not  live  to  see  the 
end. 


SIR  JOHN  THOMPSON.  105 

The  cessation  of  party  struggles  at  home  for  the  time 
being,  now  gave  the  Government  an  opportunity  to  deal 
with  the  trying  and  difficult  Fisheries'  Question.  And  in 
writing  a  number  of  years  after  the  crucial  point  had 
been  faced  by  Canada,  Sir  Charles  Tupper  declared  that 
he  only  accepted  the  post  of  Plenipotentiary  to  Washing- 
ton in  1887  upon  the  condition  that  he  should  be  accom- 
panied by  the  Hon.  J.  S.  D.  Thompson  as  legal  adviser. 
There  is  no  doubt  that  he  very  fully  apprehended  the 
situation,  and  after  sitting  for  a  time  in  the  same  Gov- 
ernment with  the  Minister  of  Justice,  understood  how  great 
the  value  his  wide  knowledge  and  clear  grasp  of  interna- 
tional law  would  be  in  such  a  connection.  It  was  the 
revival  of  the  old,  old  question  which  had  been  settled  in 
1818,  settled  again  in  1871,  and  re-adjusted  by  the  Halifax 
Commission  of  1877.  Through  the  deliberate  abrogation 
of  the  Fisheries'  Clause  of  the  Washington  Treaty  by  the 
American  Government  in  1885,  the  Canadian  Administra- 
tion had  found  itself  face  to  face  with  the  alternative  of 
giving  the  Americans  a  free  hand  in  the  immensly  valuable 
in-shore  fisheries  of  the  Dominion,  or  else  of  falling  back 
upon  the  treaty  of  1818  which  gave  full  power  for  the  regu- 
ation  and  control  of  foreign  fishermen  in  British  waters. 

The  Government  had  naturally  taken  the  latter  course; 
made  the  necessary  arrangements  for  the  complete  protec- 
tion of  Canadian  interests  and  British  subjects  within  the 
three  mile  limit ;  and  prepared  to  endure  with  patience  the 
outburst  of  American  indignation  which  was  of  course  in- 
evitable. But  unfortunately  the  United  States  refused  alto- 
gether to  recognize  the  Canadian  construction  of  the  Treaty 
of  1818;  its  Government  denounced  the  protective  regula- 
tions as  unfriendly  and  illegal ;  its  fishing  interests  clam- 
oured for  action,  while  their  men  and  vessels  proceeded  boldly 
into  Canadian  waters  and  did  as  they  liked  without  regard  to 


106  LIFE   AND   WORK   OP 

either  law  or  license.  Armed  coasting- steamers  had  been  at 
once  despatched  to  the  disputed  fishing  grounds  with  orders 
to  capture  and  carry  into  the  nearest  British  port  any  vessel 
found  poaching  within  British  jurisdiction.  These  orders 
were  freely  obeyed,  and  during  the  next  two  years  many 
American  vessels  were  seized,  the  cases  tried  by  the  Cana- 
dian Maritime  Courts,  and  not  infrequently  the  cargoes  and 
vessels  confiscated.  More  than  once  there  had  been  colli- 
sions between  excited  crews.  More  than  once  bloodshed  was 
only  averted  by  the  merest  chance,  and  not  infrequently 
during  this  perilous  period,  the  possibility  of  a  war  between 
the  Empire  and  the  Republic  seemed  to  hang  upon  trifles 
light  as  air.  Many  were  the  menaces  from  the  other 
side  of  the  line.  The  abrogation  of  the  bonding  privilege, 
the  refusal  to  permit  Canadian  vessels  to  enter  American 
ports,  the  cessation  of  all  commercial  intercourse,  were  each 
in  turn  threatened  either  by  the  newspapers,  by  Congress  or 
by  the  President.  Canada,  however,  stood  firmly  by  what 
the  Government  believed  to  be  its  rights,  and  the  Minister 
of  Justice  was  at  one  with  the  Minister  of  Marine  and 
Fisheries  in  the  determination  to  uphold  the  legal  rights 
and  Maritime  interests  of  the  Dominion  and  of  its  large 
fishing  population. 

The  result  was  that  on  November  15th  of  this  year,  a 
Commission  met  at  Washington  to  discuss  the  points  at  issue 
and  make  an  attempt  at  settlement.  The  British  Plenipo- 
tentiaries were  the  Rt.  Hon.  Joseph  Chamberlain,  M.P.,the 
brilliant  and  keen-witted  English  Radical ;  the  Hon.  Lionel 
Sackville  West,  British  Minister  to  the  United  States,  and 
Sir  Charles  Tupper,  G.C.M.G.,  Canadian  Minister  of  Finance. 
The  American  Commissioners  were  the  Hon.  Thomas  F. 
Bayard,  United  States  Secretary  of  State,  and  Messrs.  W. 
L  Putnam  and  James  B.  Angell.  With  Sir  Charles  Tupper 
was  associated  Mr.  Thompson  as  legal  adviser. 


StR   JOHN   THOMPSON.  !()? 

No  more  fitting  appointment  could  have  been  made. 
The  Canadian  Minister  of  Justice  was  closely  in  touch  with 
the  business  and  legal  details  of  the  whole  question  ;  he 
understood  thoroughly  the  views  and  wishes  of  his  col- 
leagues ;  and  the  American  side  of  the  case  was  by  no 
means  new  to  him.  It  is  very  seldom  indeed  that  a  Pleni- 
potentiary in  negotiating  a  Treaty  has  the  assistance  of  an 
acute  legal  mind  which  not  very  many  years  before  had 
thoroughly  mastered  the  other  side  of  the  questions  at 
issue  and  prepared  the  brief  for  the  representatives  of  the 
country  which  he  was  now  to  meet  in  discussion.  And  no 
doubt  Mr.  Thompson's  acquaintance  ten  year's  previously 
with  American  methods  at  Halifax,  had  given  him  an  in- 
sight into  the  somewhat  tortuous  paths  of  American  diplo- 
macy which  was  useful  to  even  the  long  experience  of  Sir 
Charles  Tupper,  or  the  trained  intellect  of  Mr.  Chamberlain. 
So  far,  however,  as  Mr.  Bayard  was  concerned,  he  showed 
in  this  case  how  honourable,  straightforward  and  honest  an 
American  statesman  can  be  when  he  allows  himself  to  rise 
above  the  narrow  anti-British  prejudices  of  his  own  envi- 
ronment. 

A  great  deal  of  discussion  and  cross-firing  of  commu- 
nications between  the  three  Governments  concerned,  to- 
gether with  many  and  diverse  comments  by  the  newspapers 
of  the  United  States,  Canada,  and  Great  Britain,  followed. 
From  November,  1887,  until  February,  1888,  the  negoti- 
ations were  continued  off  and  on.  For  a  prolonged  period 
meetings  of  the  plenipotentiaries  and  their  counsel  were 
hell  almost  daily.  It  is  understood  that  many  able  papers 
were  submitted  to  the  British  Commissioners  upon  different 
questions  and  phases  of  the  general  problem  by  Mr. 
Thompson,  and  that  his  knowledge  and  quick  perception 
of  technical  and  legal  points  were  of  invaluable  service  to 
Sir  Charles  Tupper.  And  Canadians  of  the  future  when 


108  LIFE  AND  WORK  OF 

they  learn  something  of  the  wonderful  ability  and  unique 
power  of  mental  grasp  shown  by  Mr.  Chamberlain  upon 
this  occasion,  and  regarding  a  subject  of  which  he  had 
naturally  known  very  little  before  coming  to  Washington, 
will  indeed  regret  that  Sir  John  A.  JVlacdonald  had  not 
received  the  same  keen  appreciation  and  co-operation 
from  the  British  Commissioners  who  helped  or  hindered 
him  in  negotiating  the  Washington  Treaty  of  1871. 

On  the  15th  of  March  a  Treaty  was  duly  signed.  By 
its  terms  an  International  Commission  was  to  be  appointed 
for  the  decision  of  the  exact  limits  of  Canadian  waters, 
within  which  by  the  Treaty  of  1818,  the  United  States  had 
renounced  for  ever  all  rights  as  to  taking,  drying  or  curing 
fish.  A  method  of  calculating  the  three  marine  miles  of 
exclusion  was  decided  upon.  Privileges  were  mutually 
given  as  to  vessels  reporting,  entering  or  clearing  for  shelter, 
for  repairing  damages,  for  the  purchase  of  wood  or  the  ob  - 
taining  of  water.  Such  vessels  were  relieved  of  compulsory 
pilotage  and  of  harbour  and  other  dues.  Vessels  under, 
stress  of  weather  or  accident  were  to  be  allowed  to  unload, 
reload,  tranship  or  sell  all  fish  on  board,  subject  to  customs' 
regulations,  when  such  action  might  be  necessary  as  inci- 
dental to  repairs.  Full  privilege  was  given  for  the  replen- 
ishing of  outfits,  supplies,  etc.,  when  damaged  or  lost  by 
disaster.  Reciprocity  was  promised  by  Canada  whenever 
the  United  States  should  remove  the  duty  from  fish,  fish- 
oil  and  other  produce  of  the  fisheries  of  the  Dominion. 
Upon  this  step  being  taken  United  States'  fishing  vessels 
were  to  be  given  annual  licenses  free  of  charge  for  the  fol- 
lowing purposes : 

I.  The  purchase  of  provisions,  bait,  ice,  seines,  lines 
and  all  other  supplies  and  outfits. 

II.  Transhipment   of  catch,   for   transport    by   any 
means  of  conveyance. 

III.  Shipping  of  crews. 


SIR  JOHN  THOMPSON.  109 

Such  was  the  Treaty  finally  made,  in  which,  of  course, 
Newfoundland  was  included.  And  in  order  to  show  inter- 
national friendliness  and  prevent  any  possible  friction 
before  the  ratification  of  the  Treaty,  Canada  offered  the 
United  States  a  most  favourable  modus  vivendi  or  tempo- 
rary arrangement.  This  was  accepted,  and  all  seemed  to 
be  well  at  last  in  this  most  troublesome  of  disputes.  In 
presenting  it  to  Congress  on  February  20th,  President 
Cleveland  declared  that  "  the  Treaty  meets  my  approval 
because  I  believe  that  it  supplies  a  satisfactory,  practical 
and  final  adjustment,  upon  a  basis  honourable  and  just  to 
both  parties,  of  the  difficult  and  vexed  question  to  which  it 
relates."  And  in  speaking  of  the  modus  vivendi  which 
had  been  offered  by  the  British  plenipotentiaries,  he  said 
that  it  appeared  to  have  been  "  dictated  by  a  friendly  and 
amicable  spirit." 

On  the  2nd  of  March  a  banquet  was  given  Mr.  Cham- 
berlain in  New  York  by  the  Canadian  Club  and  its  Pres- 
ident, Mr.  Erastus  Wiman.  In  his  speech  the  distinguished 
English  statesman  pointed  out  the  difficulties  which  the 
Commissioners  had  encountered,  and  declared  that  they 
had  left  the  Treaty  "  to  the  calm  and  sober  judgment,  to 
the  common  sense  and  reason,  and  above  all  to  the  friendly 
feeling  of  the  peoples  of  both  countries."  He  gave  a 
brief  sketch  of  its  terms  and  of  the  concessions  made  on 
either  side ;  spoke  strongly  regarding  the  absolute  justice 
and  fairness  of  the  Canadian  policy  in  the  whole  affair ; 
and  concluded  with  an  appeal  to  the  United  States  Senate 
to  accept  the  settlement.  After  a  visit  to  Canada  and 
a  most  eloquent  address  in  Toronto,  Mr.  Chamberlain 
returned  to  England,  and  in  a  speech  at  Birmingham 
shortly  after  his  arrival,  declared  that  "  the  Canadian 
Government  and  its  representatives  were  desirous  of 
terminating  a  state  of  irritation,  dangerous  in  its  pos- 


110  LIFE  AND   WORK  OF 

sible  consequences,  which  had  existed  for  a  considerable 
time.  They  were  quite  willing  to  surrender  the  strict 
interpretation  of  their  rights,  and  extreme  contentions, 
and  to  deal  with  the  matters  submitted  in  a  spirit  of  equity, 
and  with  the  anxious  hope  of  promoting  neighbourly 
intercourse." 

A  little  later  Mr.  Bayard  wrote  that  "Conciliation  and 
mutual  neighbourly  concession  have  together  done  their 
honourable  and  honest  work  in  this  treaty,  and  have  paved 
the  way  for  relations  of  amity  and  mutual  advantage." 
In  the  beginning  of  April  the  measure  came  before  the 
Canadian  Parliament  for  ratification.  Mr.  L.  H.  Davies 
delivered  a  speech  of  general  denunciation,  and  was  followed 
by  Mr.  Thompson,  who  referred  to  the  onslaught  made 
upon  the  Treaty  by  the  Liberal  party  and  then  to  the 
equally  strong  claim  of  the  Republicans  on  the  other  side 
of  the  line,  that  the  interests  of  the  United  States  were 
sacrificed  in  the  arrangement :  — "  The  enemies  of  the 
Administration,  the  enemies  of  this  Treaty,  the  enemies  of 
Canada,  have  been  ringing  the  changes  which  he  (Mr. 
Davies)  has  reversed  here  to-night."  The  Minister  of 
Justice  proceeded  first  to  speak  of  the  Fisheries  as  Canada's 
most  valuable  possession,  and  one  thafc  would  as  the  years 
rolled  by  steadily  increase  in  value  ;  and  then  defended  the 
Canadian  interpretation  of  the  Treaty  of  1818 — "  It  was 
always  assumed,  even  in  the  courts  of  law,  that  the  enter- 
ing of  an  American  fishing  vessel  in  defiance  of  a  treaty 
would  result  in  the  forfeiture  of  the  vessel  and  her  cargo, 
and  we  were  only  putting  on  the  statute  book  in  1886 
what  had  been  the  view  of  the  law  acted  on  from  the 
earliest  times,  with  the  exception  that  the  seizures  in 
earlier  times  were  by  British  vessels  of  war,  and  that 
lately  they  have  been  made  by  Canadian  revenue  cutters." 
It  had  not  been,  he  declared,  an  "  anti-civilized  policy,' 


EDWARD  BLAKE,  Q.C.,  M.P.  FOR  LONGFORD, 
Late  Leader  of  the  Liberal  Party  in  Canada. 


sm  JOHN  THOMPSON.  113 

as  the  Liberals  had  called  it,  but  one  of  proper  protection 
of  Canadian  interests,  and  one  which  the  United  States 
carried  out  to  a  far  greater  degree  in  its  own  ports  and 
harbours.  "  1  support  this  Treaty,"  he  added,  "  because  it 
contains  fair  concessions  on  the  part  of  Canada  and  fair 
and  liberal  concessions  on  the  part  of  the  United  -States." 
He  then  pointed  out  that  Nova-Scotian  fishermen  did  not 
particularly  want  a  treaty — so  long,  in  fact,  as  their 
inshore  fisheries  were  protected  they  did  not  care  about  it 
at  all.  "  The  only  necessity  that  existed  for  one  was  the 
fact  that  our  neighbors  alongside  of  us  were  dissatisfied 
with  the  construction  which  we  put  on  the  Treaty  of  1818." 
And  then  came  an  eloquent  peroration  :  "  If  the  Govern- 
ment had  not  protected  the  fisheries  as  they  have,  with 
vigilance  and  with  strictness,  instead  of  occupying  the 
proud  position  we  occupy  to-day,  we  should  have  had  no 
treaty  on  the  Table ;  we  should  have  had  no  concessions  to 
make ;  we  should  have  received  no  concessions  in  return  ; 
our  fishermen  would  not  have  fared  as  well  as  they  have 
during  the  past  few  years ;  our  fisheries  would  not  have 
been  as  valuable  as  they  are  to-day,  and  neither  the  United 
States  nor  any  other  country  would  have  thought  it  worth 
their  while  to  go  through  the  solemnities  of  negotiating 
and  making  a  treaty  in  regard  to  fisheries  which  the  owners 
thought  so  little  of  that  they  did  not  take  the  trouble  to 
administer  the  laws  of  their  own  country  for  their  protec- 
tion." 

The  Treaty  finally  passed  the  House  of  Commons  with- 
out amendment  and  without  a  vote  being  taken.  In  the 
month  of  August  following,  however,  the  American  Senate, 
actuated  by  considerations  of  demagoguery  and  unfriendli- 
ness, very  far  removed  from  the  spirit  of  conciliation  and 
will  to  which  Mr.  Chamberlain  had  appealed,  sum- 
:ily  threw  out  the  whole  arrangement.  President  Cleve- 

8 


114  LIFE   AND    WORK    OF 

land  then  issued  his  remarkable  Message,  dated  the  23rd 
of  August,  in  which  he  declared  his  belief  that  "  the  treaty 
just  rejected  was  well  suited  to  the  exigency  and  its  provi- 
sions were  adequate  for  our  security  in  the  future  and  for 
the  promotion  of  friendly  intimacy  without  sacrificing  our 
national  pride  and  dignity."  And  then,  in  the  teeth  of  all 
honour,  friendliness  and  common  sense,  he  recommends  "  a 
policy  of  national  retaliation,"  one  which  "  manifestly  em- 
braces the  infliction  of  the  greatest  harm  upon  those  who 
have  injured  us,  with  the  least  possible  damage  to  ourselves"! 
"  I  recommend,"  he  continued,  "immediate  legislative  action 
conferring  upon  the  Executive  the  power  to  suspend  by 
proclamation  the  operation  of  all  laws  and  regulations  per- 
mitting the  transit  of  goods,  wares,  and  merchandize  in 
bond,  across  or  over  the  territory  of  the  United  States,  to 
or  from  Canada." 

Needless  to  say  no  overt  action  followed  this  extraor- 
dinary message.  The  President  was  given  the  authority 
desired  but  never  used  it :  the  ensuing  election  swept  him 
from  the  power  which  he  had  hoped  to  strengthen  by  this 
very  means  ;  and  the  Canadian  Government  fell  back  once 
more  upon  its  own  regulations  for  the  care  of  its  fisheries. 
But  it  was  not  the  fault  of  Canada  or  England  that  this 
measure  of  peace  and  conciliation  had  been  refused.  It  was 
not  the  fault  of  the  able  negotiators  who  had  spent  time 
and  labour  in  its  preparation.  It  was  the  strength  of  that 
anti-British  element  in  the  United  States  to  which  even  a 
President  with  the  strong  will,  clear  intellect,  and  vigorous 
convictions  of  Mr.  Grover  Cleveland,  found  it  necessary  to 
bow  and  to  offer  sacrifice,  as  did  the  men  of  old  before 
Molach. 

On  the  llth  of  September  the  work  done  by  Mr.'J.  S. 
D.  Thompson  was  rewarded  by  Her  Majesty  the  Queen 
with  a  Knight  Commandership  of  the  distinguished  order 


SIR  JOHN   THOMPSON.  115 

of  St.  Michael  and  St.  George,  bestowed  "  in  recognition  of 
his  eminent  services  on  the  Commission."  He  accepted  it 
with  that  loyal  appreciation  which  is  a  natural  accompani- 
ment of  true  modesty  and  genuine  ability.  It  is  said  that 
on  the  morning  Mr.  Thompson  was  apprised  of  the  honour 
conferred  upon  him,  Sir  John  Macdonald  put  his  head  into 
the  room  of  the  Minister  of  Justice  and  enquired  :  "  How  is 
Sir  John  this  morning  ?"  "  You  ought  to  be  best  able  to 
answer  that  question,"  replied  Sir  John  Thompson,  forget- 
ting for  the  moment  his  new  designation.  This  mark  of 
distinction  was  most  fully  approved  by  the  Canadian  press, 
and  the  Montreal  Gazette,  in  the  following  comment,  pretty 
well  voiced  public  opinion  : 

"  Though  but  a  young  man,  in  Dominion  politics,  Sir 
John  Thompson  has  won  a  foremost  place  among  the  coun- 
try's public  men.  As  Minister  of  Justice  it  has  been  his 
duty  to  act  in  a  number  of  cases  calling  for  the  greatest 
legal  skill  and  the  surest  judgment,  and  in  all  he  has 
acquitted  himself  with  honour,  even  when  in  opposition  to 
so  powerful  a  legal  authority  as  Mr.  Blake."  And  a  Par- 
liamentary question  was  now  about  to  darken  the  political 
horizon  which  would  require  all  the  skill  and  ability  pos- 
sessed by  the  Minister  of  Justice,  and  which  was  destined 
to  leave  its  mark  upon  the  remaining  years  of  his  public 
life. 


116  LIFE   AND   VVORtf    OB* 


CHAPTER  VII. 

THE  JESUITS'  ESTATES  ACT. 

The  action  of  the  Dominion  Government  in  the  case 
of  Kiel,  had  stirred  to  a  white  heat  the  prejudices  of  ultra 
Catholics  in  the  Province  of  Quebec.  Its  refusal  to  disallow 
the  Jesuits'  Estates  Act  was  now  destined  to  have  a  similar 
effect  upon  the  ultra  Protestants  of  the  Province  of  Ontario. 
The  ablest  defence  of  the  refusal  to  pander  to  the  sectarian 
elements  of  French-speaking  Canada,  had  been  made  by  Mr. 
John  S.  D.  Thompson.  And  his  great  deliverance  during  the 
debate  upon  Colonel  O'Brien's  famous  motion,  defended  up 
to  the  hilt  the  Government's  policy  of  refusal  to  interfere 
with  the  Provincial  legislation  of  Quebec,  at  the  dictation  of 
the  sectarian  elements  in  English-speaking  Canada.  By 
the  first  speech  the  Minister  of  Justice  made  his  reputation. 
By  the  second  he  confirmed  and  enhanced  it.  And  curiously 
enough,  they  were  each  made  upon  opposite  sides  of  the 
semi-religious  issue  which  has  more  than  once  threatened 
the  Dominion  with  serious  disaster. 

In  connection  with  this  Jesuits'  Estates  question  there 
seemed  to  be  combined  nearly  every  element  which  could 
embarrass  a  Government,  provoke  ill-will  between  the  Pro- 
vinces, raise  sectarian  issues,  and  make  the  action  of  the 
Dominion  Ministry  unpopular  whichever  line  it  might 
ultimately  take.  The  Premier  of  Quebec,  who  had  planned 
and  passed  the  legislation,  was  intensely  unpopular  in 
Ontario  and  other  Provinces,  because  of  his  speeches  during 
the  Kiel  agitation.  The  preamble  to  the  Bill  as  carried 
through  the  Parliament  of  Quebec  was  exceedingly  offensive 


SIR  JOHN   THOMPSON.  117 

in  its  terms  to  a  great  majority  of  Protestants.  The 
measure  itself  seemed  to  be  specially  adapted  to  misrepre- 
sentation and  to  the  uses  of  those  who  might  and  did 
believe  in  all  honesty  that  Roman  Catholicism  was  advanc- 
ing its  influence  and  power  to  a  dangerous  degree  through- 
out the  Dominion  of  Canada.  And,  although  it  is  a 
delicate  matter  to  refer  to,  there  can  be  no  doubt  that  the 
personal  position  of  the  Minister  of  Justice,  as  a  converted 
member  of  that  great  church,  was  freely  used  to  enhance 
this  injurious  sentiment. 

The  first  stages  in  the  history  of  the  affair  did  not 
indicate  any  serious  trouble.  On  the  3rd  of  July,  1888,  a 
Bill  for  the  settlement  of  the  long-standing  dispute  between 
the  Jesuits,  the  Clergy  of  the  Roman  Catholic  Church,  and 
the  Province  of  Quebec,  was  passed  without  opposition  or 
protest  through  the  Lower  House  of  the  Quebec  Legislature. 
It  passed  the  Upper  House  also  without  opposition,  and  in 
due  course  was  assented  to  by  the  Lieut.-Governor  and 
became  law,  subject  within  a  certain  period  to  disallowance 
by  the  Dominion  authorities  should  the  legislation  be  con- 
sidered unconstitutional  or  dangerous  to  the  interests  of 
the  country  as  a  whole.  At  first  there  was  neither  opposi- 
tion nor  serious  criticism.  With  the  exception  of  the 
Huntingdon  Gleaner,  not  a  paper  in  Quebec  discussed  the 
matter  from  a  hostile  standpoint,  and  the  Protestant  Com- 
mittee of  Public  Instruction  quietly  accepted  the  promise 
of  $60,000,  included  in  the  measure.  Mr.  Mercier  was 
therefore  justified  in  concluding  while  the  Bill  was  before 
the  Legislature  that  there  could  be  no  very  strong  feeling 
against  the  proposal  in  the  Province  interested.  Indeed 
the  Hon.  Mr.  Lynch,  a  Protestant  representative,  declared 
during  the  passage  of  the  measure,  that  "  there  was  noth- 
ing in  it  alarming  in  character." 

The  Hon.  Mr.  Starnes,  in  the  Legislative  Council,  said 


118  LIFE    AND   WORK   OF 

that  "  Protestants  and  Catholics  ought  to  be  satisfied  with 
the  manner  in  which  the  question  is  now  settled."  The 
Hon.  David  Ross,  declared  that  "  we  had  to  deal  with  a 
question  of  justice  and  I  gave  it  my  support.  The  Pro- 
testants whom  I  represent  in  the  Cabinet  are  well  satisfied 
with  the  settlement."  None  the  less  however,  Mr.  Mercier 
was  necessarily  well  aware  of  the  ultimate  result  of  such 
legislation,  especially  when  the  introductory  portion  of  the 
Bill  was  worded  in  a  way  so  peculiarly  offensive  to  large 
elements  of  the  national  population.  He  supplied  the  pro- 
vocation, and  it  is  hardly  unjust  in  view  of  his  previous  and 
subsequent  record,  to  surmise  that  he  did  it  deliberately, 
knowing  the  advantage  which  a  sectarian  agitation  in 
Ontario  would  be  to  his  own  political  position  in  Quebec. 

The  origin  of  the  question  was  simple  enough.  Stripped 
of  all  technicalities  and  complex  developments,  it  seems 
that  in  1791  the  King  of  Great  Britain  issued  a  proclama- 
tion suppressing  the  Order  of  the  Jesuits  in  Canada,  but 
leaving  them  the  use  of  their  estates  so  long  as  those  who 
were  then  members  should  remain  alive.  In  1800  the  last 
Jesuit  died  and  the  properties,  it  was  claimed,  were 
escheated  to  the  Crown.  But  in  cases  of  escheat  a  liberal 
proportion  is  generally  appropriated  to  the  carrying  out  of 
the  intention  of  the  donors,  or  to  indemnifying  those  who 
morally  may  consider  themselves  entitled  to  it.  And  the 
re-instatement  of  the  Jesuits  at  a  later  period,  together 
with  their  incorporation,  gave  them  this  moral  right — 
such  as  it  was.  Meanwhile  through  the  suppression  for  a 
time  of  the  Order  by  the  Pope,  it  was  also  claimed  that  the 
estates  instead  of  reverting  to  the  Crown,  passed  to  the 
dioceses  in  which  they  were  placed.  Hence  the  claims  of 
the  Quebec  Bishops  and  a  situation  generally,  which  for 
a  long  period  either  precluded  the  sale  of  the  lands  by 
the  Government  or  very  seriously  hampered  its  action  in 
dealing  with  them. 


SIR  JOHN    THOMPSON.  119 

At  every  step  it  was  met  by  protests  from  the  united 
hierarchy  of  Quebec  demanding  that  the  lands  should  not 
be  diverted  from  the  charitable  and  religious  purposes  to 
which  they  had  been  originally  devoted,  in  some  cases  by 
private  donors,  in  others  by  grants  from  the  French  King. 
Under  these  conditions,  and  it  must  be  remembered  in  a 
Catholic  Province,  several  Governments  had  attempted  to 
adjust  the*  question  but  without  success,  because  they  did 
not  like  to  negotiate  upon  the  fact  that  there  was  only  one 
authority  whom  the  Jesuits  and  the  Bishops  as  branches  of 
the  same  church,  could  each  recognize  as  an  arbiter,  and  as 
having  the  moral  power  to  act  for  them  in  the  settlement  of 
the  dispute. 

By  the  calling  in  of  the  Pope,  Mr.  Mercier  solved  the 
problem,  but  by  the  way  in  which  it  was  done,  he  created 
a  storm  in  Ontario  which  it  has  taken  years  to  calm. 
Summed  up  in  a  few  words  the  head  of  the  Roman  Catholic 
Church  consented  to  perform  the  part  of  an  arbiter,  and 
appointed  the  Archbishop  of  Quebec  to  act  as  his  attorney 
in  the  matter.  This  latter  arrangement  was  afterwards  can- 
celled, and  in  a  letter  dated  May  7th,  1887,  which  was  freely 
used  in  the  subsequent  Ontario  campaign,  the  Pope  states 
that  he  has  "  reserved  to  himself  "  the  right  to  settle  the 
question.  That  is  to  say,  he  reserved  to  himself  the  author- 
ity previously  given  to  the  archbishop.  Without,  however, 
going  into  the  matter  further  at  this  stage,  it  seems  clear 
that  the  business  arrangement  was  not  in  itself  as  bad  as 
it  has  been  depicted.  The  Quebec  Premier  claimed  that 
some  settlement  was  absolutely  necessary ;  that  the  Pope 
was  the  only  authority  recognized  in  a  church  dispute  by 
the  two  religious  bodies  in  question;  and  that  the  $400,000 
was  made  by  his  intervention  a  full,  legal  settlement  of 
claims  aggregating  82,000,000.  Nevertheless  the  in- 
troduction of  his  preamble  into  the  bill  and  some  of  the 


120  LIFE  AND   WORK    OF 

- 

correspondence  itself,  was  a  gross  illustration  of  political  de- 
inagogism  and  a  dangerous  menace  to  the  good-feeling  in 
Ontario  which  had  survived  the  ebullition  of  fanaticism 
of  a  couple  of  years  before  in  Quebec  itself. 

There  could  be  no  doubt  about  the  sentiment  which 
the  publication  of  the  bill  speedily  aroused  in  many  sections 
of  the  Upper  Province.  Aggressive  Protestantism  was 
stirred  up ;  Orange  Lodges  passed  denunciatory  resolutions  ; 
the  Mail  renewed  its  vigorous  and  able  but  unjust  and  un- 
wise attacks,  upon  Quebec  and  the  great  religious  institu- 
tions of  that  Province  ;  the  Jesuits  were  painted  in  the 
blackest  shades  which  tongue  and  pen  could  produce ;  and 
Equal  Rights  and  Disallowance  became  the  cries  of  the 
hour.  Though  this  ebullition  of  strong  and  sincere  senti- 
ment was  confined  to  a  limited  number  of  the  people  it  had 
the  usual  effect  elsewhere.  Extremes  in  one  direction  are 
almost  sure  to  produce  the  opposite  extreme.  The  Protes- 
tants of  Quebec  therefore  commenced  to  think  themselves 
aggrieved  and  a  section  of  them  began  to  agitate  and  pass 
resolutions  which  served  to  fan  the  flame  in  Ontario.  The 
unwise  language  which  is  always  used  in  sectarian  disputes 
stirred  up  both  sides  to  the  controversy  and  very  soon  the 
French-Canadian  press  was  denouncing  the  fanaticism  of 
the  Upper  Province  in  language  very  like  that  used  by 
many  Ontario  papers  during  the  Kiel  discussion. 

This  then  was  the  position  of  affairs  which  Sir  John 
Thompson  had  to  face  before  the  country,  and  in  the  great 
Parliamentary  debate  which  soon  became  imminent.  With 
the  forgetfulness  of  his  stand  in  the  Kiel  matter,  which 
always  characterises  a  busy  public,  he  was  looked  upon  by 
ultra  Protestants  as  the  central  figure  in  a  great  drama  of 
surrender  to  the  mandates  of  the  Church  which  he  was 
known  to  regard  with  such  devotion.  It  did  not  seem  to 
occur  to  many  of  them,  although  the  great  mass  of  enlight- 


t    ,      ..; ; _ ,..      ....: ; r 

HON.  GEO.  E.  FOSTER,  D.C.L.,  M.P. 

Canadian  Minister  of  Finance. 


SIR   JOHN   THOMPSON.  123 

ened  Canadians  believed  otherwise,  that  a  statesman  could 
be  a  Roman  Catholic  and  at  the  same  time  a  .patriotic 
citizen.  If  Sir  John  Thompson's  career  had  served  no 
other  purpose  than  to  dispel  such  bigoted  and  dangerous 
views  he  would  not  have  lived  in  vain. 

On  February  13th,  1889,  the  first  mutterings  of  the 
coming  Parliamentary  conflict  were  heard,  as  Mr.  J.  A. 
Barren,  Q.C.,  rose  from  his  place  in  the  House  of  Commons 
to  ask  five  questions  regarding  the  consideration  which 
the  Jesuits'  Estates  Act  had  received  from  the  Dominion 
Government.  Sir  John  Thompson's  reply  was  character- 
istically precise  and  complete : 

"  The  answer  to  the  first  question  of  the  hon.  gentle- 
man is  that  the  Act  referred  to  has  been  before  the 
Government  for  their  consideration;  to  the  second  question, 
that  the  Minister  of  Justice  reported  on  the  Act  to  His 
Excellency  the  Governor-General  on  the  16th  January  last; 
to  the  third  question,  that  the  Minister  of  Justice  reported 
that  the  Act  in  question,  together  with  the  112  other  Acts 
passed  at  the  same  session  of  the  Quebec  Legislature, 
should  be  left  to  its  operation  ;  to  the  fourth  question,  that 
the  report  of  the  Minister  of  Justice  was  approved  on  the 
19th  January,  1SS9,  and  the  result  was  at  once  communi- 
cated to  the  Government  of  Quebec  ;  to  the  fifth  question, 
that  the  Acts  of  the  Legislature  of  Quebec  for  the  session 
of  1888  were  received  by  the  Secretary  of  State  on  the  8th 
August." 

This  statement  set  at  rest  all  speculation  as  to  the 
course  the  Government  intended  to  pursue,  but  it  opened 
the  flood-gates  of  sectarian  agitation  and  made  the  Minister 
of  Justice  the  theme  of  much  fiery  denunciation  and 
loquent  invective.  The  Rev.  Dr.  Douglas,  Bishop  Carman, 
/anon  DuMoulin,  Principal  Caven,  Mr.  James  L.  Hughes, 
id  many  others,  denounced  the  action  or  inaction  of  the 


124  LIFE   AN£>   WORK   OF 

Ministry  in  permitting  the  Act  to  go  into  operation. 
Great  mass  meetings  were  held  in  Toronto  and  elsewhere  ; 
and  Mr.  D  Alton  McCarthy  was  urged  to  become  the  Pro- 
testant champion  and  to  take  the  field  against  those  who 
were  willing — it  was  claimed — to  sacrifice  religion  upon 
the  altar  of  political  expediency.  Finally,  after  many 
rumours,  and  amid  great  political  purturbation,  Lieut. 
Colonel  William  E.  O'Brien  moved  the  following  resolution 
in  the  House  on  March  26th  : 

"  That  an  humble  address  be  presented  to  His  Excel- 
lency the  Governor- General  setting  forth  :  I.  That  this 
House  regards  the  power  of  disallowing  the  Acts  of  the 
Legislative  Assemblies  of  the  Provinces,  ve.stjd  in  His 
Excellency  in  Council,  as  a  prerogative  essential  to  the 
national  existence  of  the  Dominion :  II.  That  this  great 
power,  while  it  should  never  be  wantonly  exercised,  should 
be  fearlessly  used  for  the  protection  of  the  rights  of  a 
minority,  for  the  preservation  of  the  fundamental  principles 
of  the  Constitution,  and  for  safe-guurding  the  general 
interests  of  the  people  :  III.  That  in  the  opinion  of  this 
House,  the  passage  by  the  Legislature  of  the  Province  of 
Quebec  of  the  Act  entitled  '  An  Act  respecting  the  settle- 
ment of  the  Jesuits'  Estates/  is  beyond  the  power  of  that 
Legislature.  Firstly,  because  it  endows  from  public  funds 
a  religious  organization,  thereby  violating  the  undoubted 
constitutional  principle  of  the  complete  separation  of 
Church  and  State,  and  of  the  absolute  equality  of  all 
denominations  before  the  law.  Secondly,  because  it  recog- 
nizes the  usurpation  of  a  right  by  a  foreign  authority, 
namely,  His  Holiness  the  Pope  of  Rome,  to  claim  that  his 
consent  was  necessary  to  empower  the  Provincial  Legisla- 
ture to  dispose  of  a  portion  of  the  public  domain,  and  also 
because  the  Act  is  made  to  depend  upon  the  will,  and  tHe 
appropriation  of  the  grant  thereby  made  as  subject  to  the 


gift  JOEtN  THOMPSON.  125 

control,  of  the  same  authority.  And,  thirdly,  because  the 
endowment  of  the  Society  of  Jesus,  an  alien,  secret  and 
politico-religious  body,  the  expulsion  of  which  from  every 
Christian  community  wherein  it  has  had  a  footing  has 
been  rendered  necessary  by  its  intolerant  and  mischievous 
intermeddling  with  the  functions  of  civil  government,  is 
fraught  with  danger  to  the  civil  and  religious  liberties  of 
the  people  of  Canada.  And  this  House,  therefore,  prays 
that  His  Excellency  ;will  be  graciously  pleased  to  disallow 
the  said  Act." 

Such  was  the  famous  motion  which  precipitated  an 
able,  but  somewhat  violent,  debate  in  Parliament,  and  still 
further  promoted  the  sectarian  agitation  in  the  country 
generally,  it  was  skilfully  worded,  and  was  intended  to 
obtain  the  support  of  all  who  believed  in  limited  Provincial 
powers;  of  all  who  disliked  or  dreaded  Roman  Catholicism  ; 
of  all  who  shared  in  the  popular  prej  udice  against  the 
Papal  spiritual  and  temporal  power,  and  against  the  Jesuit 
body. 

Colonel  O'Brien  delivered  a  speech  which  in  ability 
and  eloquence  surprised  the  House.  He  gave  the  lead, 
however,  in  a  direction  which  was  very  generally  followed 
by  his  supporters  in  debate,  and  endeavoured  to  hold  up 
the  Jesuits  to  popular  execration.  He  admitted  the  hard- 
ships, trials  and  sufferings  they  had  endured  in  attempting 
to  convert  and  civilize  the  Indians  of  early  Canadian  days, 
but  would  admit  no  good  points  in  their  work  or  history 
in  any  other  country.  Reference  was  made  to  the  glaring 
difference  between  this  grant  of  money  by  Quebec  to  a 
religious  body,  and  the  abolition  of  the  Clergy  Reserves 
in  Ontario,  in  order  that  perfect  religious  equality  might 
prevail.  In  dealing  with  the  Pope's  exercise  of  his  moral 
authority  over  the  parties  to  the  dispute,  he  quoted  from 
the  instructions  given  to  Governor  Murray  in  1762:  "You 


126  LIFE  AND   WORK   OF 

are  not  to  admit  of  any  ecclesiastical  jurisdiction  of  the  See 
of  Rome,"  and  of  those  in  which  Governor  Carleton  is 
reminded  in  1775,  "  That  all  appeals  to,  or  correspondence 
with,  any  foreign  ecclesiastical  jurisdiction  is  absolutely 
forbidden  under  very  severe  penalties."  The  subsequent 
relaxation  of  restrictions  was  claimed  to  be  simply  tolera- 
tion, and  not  the  giving  of  any  legal  right.  A  Jesuit  was 
described  as  "  a  being  abnormal  in  his  conditions  ;  he  has 
no  family  ties,  no  home  nor  country.  He  is  subject  abso- 
lutely to  the  will  of  his  superior.  Such  a  system,  such  an 
order,  being  subject  to  an  irresponsible  power,  must  be 
dangerous,  as  it  always  has  been  dangerous,  to  every  com- 
munity in  which  it  has  existed." 

Mr.  Rykert  followed  in  a  somewhat  vigorous  defence 
of  the  Jesuits,  by  quotations  from  Macaulay,  Parkman, 
and  others.  Perhaps  the  most  important  part  of  his  address 
was  the  following  extract  from  a  letter  written  by  the 
Very  Rev.  Principal  Grant,  of  Queen's  University,  Kings- 
ton: "If  the  matter  was  to  be  settled  at  all,  let  us  remember 
that  the  great  majority  of  the  people  of  Quebec  are  Roman 
Catholics.  I  do  not  see  what  else  Mr.  Mercier  could  have 
done  than  require  the  sanction  of  the  Pope  to  Ihe  bargain. 
It  may  seem  astonishing  to  Protestants  that  Roman 
Catholics  should  acknowledge  a  man  living  in  Rome  as  the 
head  of  their  Church.  But  they  do.  Protestants  must 
accept  that  fact  in  the  same  spirit  in  which  all  facts  should 
be  accepted."  The  delicate  satire  of  the  last  sentence  or 
two  is  simply  inimitible.  Mr.  Rykert  also  referred  to  the 
Pope's  interference  in  Irish  matters,  solicited,  as  it  was 
upon  more  than  one  occasion,  by  the  British  Government, 
and  notably,  to  his  denunciation  of  the  Plan  of  Campaign. 

Mr.  Barron  went  back  to  the  days  of  Elizabeth,  to 
statutes  passed  regarding  foreign  potentates  and  prelates 
at  a  time  when  England  had  been  in  serious  danger  from 


SIR  JOHN   THOMPSON.  12  / 

the  attempted  invasion  of  Philip  of  Spain.  He  claimed 
that  the  Act  of  Supremacy  remained  as  much  a  living  force 
in  the  Canada  of  1888  as  it  had  been  in  the  England  of 
1554*,  and  quoted  Todd  in  support  of  his  contention.  He 
also  instanced  the  Royal  instructions  to  the  Duke  of 
Richmond  when  appointed  Governor  of  the  Canadas  in 
1818,  and  in  reference  to  the  people  of  Quebec  :  "  It  is  a 
toleration  of  the  free  exercise  of  the  religion  of  the  Church 
of  Rome  only,  to  which  they  are  entitled,  but  not  to  the 
powers  and  privileges  of  an  established  Church.  . 
It  is  our  will  and  pleasure  that  all  appeals  to  a  correspon- 
dence with  any  foreign  ecclesiastical  jurisdiction,  of  what 
nature  or  kind  soever,  be  absolutely  forbidden  under  very 
severe  penalties."  He  claimed  that  the  Jesuits'  Estates 
Act  was  an  usurpation  of  the  right  to  make  denominational 
grants,  which  had  never  yet  been  allowed  a  Province ;  and 
strongly  denounced  the  Incorporation  of  the  Jesuits  in 
Quebec  in  1887. 

Mr.  C.  C.  Colby,  of  Montreal,  afterwards  for  a  short 
time  a  member  of  the  Government,  made  an  eloquent  and 
effective  appeal  for  moderation  and  toleration.  He  referred 
to  the  many  instances  of  it  in  Quebec,  where  for  some  time 
the  Hon.  H.  G.  Joly  de  Lotbiniere,  a  Protestant,  had  been 
Premier  and  the  representative  of  a  Catholic  constituency  ; 
where  the  Hon.  J.  G.  Robertson,  "  a  good  old  orthodox 
Presbyterian,"  had  for  years  been  Provincial  Treasurer 
under  the  Conservative  regimt ;  where  even  at  the  time 
of  speaking  two  Provincial  Ministers  out  of  seven  were 
Protestants.  Not  long  before,  Cardinal  Taschereau  had 
presided  over  a  mixed  meeting,  held  for  the  advancement 
of  temperance.  And,  in  concluding,  he  expressed  very 
strongly  his  opinions  as  a  Protestant  along  lines  which  will 
be  interesting  to  many  in  these  times  of  unrest : 

"  The  Roman  Catholic  Church — I  will  not  speak  of  it 


128  LIFE  AND  WORK  OF 

as  a  religious  body — I  look  upon  from  a  political  stand- 
point as  one  of  the  strongest,  if  not  the  strongest,  bulwark 
we  have  in  our  country  against  what  I  conceive  to  be  the 
most  dangerous  element  abroad  in  the  earth  to-day.  The 
Roman  Catholic  Church  recognizes  the  supremacy  of 
authority  ;  it  teaches  observance  to  law  ;  it  teaches  respect 
for  the  good  order  and  constituted  authorities  of  society. 
It  does  that,  and  there  is  need  of  such  teaching ;  for  the 
most  dangerous  enemy  abroad  to-day  in  this  land  and  on 
this  continent  is  a  spirit  of  infidelity ;  is  a  spirit  of  anarchy 
which  has  no  respect  for  any  institution,  human  or  divine  ; 
which  seeks  to  drag  down  all  constituted  authorities, 
emperors,  kings,  presidents,  from  their  seats,  the  Almighty 
from  the  throne  of  the  universe,  and  to  lift  up  the  Goddess 
of  Reason  to  the  place  of  highest  authority." 

The  Hon.  Peter  Mitchell  then  spoke  briefly,  and  was 
followed  by  Mr.  D'Alton  McCarthy.  It  is  impossible  to  do 
justice  here  to  the  able  effort  of  the  Equal  Rights  leader. 
He  was  forcible,  and  sometimes,  in  view  of  the  manifest 
unpopularity  of  his  position  so  far  as  the  House  and  its 
members  were  concerned,  became  almost  bitter.  And  it 
would  have  been  impossible  to  have  denounced  any  body 
of  men  more  strongly  than  he  did  the  Jesuit  organization. 
Mr.  McCarthy,  in  commencing,  claimed  that  he  should  have 
been  allowed  the  privilege  of  a  reply  to  some  one  of  the 
Ministers,  and  evidently  did  not  like  the  idea  of  being 
followed  by  Sir  John  Thompson  without  previously  know- 
ing the  lines  of  Ministerial  defence.  He  was,  however, 
unwilling  to  let  the  occasion  go  by  without  explaining  his 
reason  for  having  to  separate  himself  from  "the  political 
friends  with  whom  it  has  been  my  pride  and  pleasure  to 
act  up  to  this  time."  He  then  went  into  the  history  of  the 
Jesuit  claims,  and  of  the  limits  of  religious  toleration  and 
privilege  accorded  by  the  British  Government  from  the 


r 


SIR  ADOLPHE  CARON,  K.C.M.G.,  M.P. 

Postmaster-General  of  Canada 


SIR  JOHN   THOMPSON.  131 

days  of  the  cession  to  the  present  time.  Lengthy  quota- 
tions from  various  sources  were  given  to  show  that  finally 
the  estates  in  question  were  surrendered  by  the  Crown  to 
the  Province  for  educational  purposes  and  nothing  else. 

But  there  were  other  grounds.  "  I  say,"  declared  Mr. 
McCarthy,  "  that  either  this  Act  is  unconstitutional,  that  it 
is  ultra  vires  of  the  Province,  that  it  ought  to  have  been 
disallowed  upon  that  ground,  because  it  violates  a  funda- 
mental principal  of  this  country  that  all  religions  are  free 
and  equal  before  the  law  ;  or,  if  that  be  nob  so  as  a  legal 
proposition,  then,  Sir,  I  claim  that  there  should  have  been 
exercised  that  judgment,  that  discretion,  that  policy,  which 
would  at  once  stamp  out,  in  whatever  Province  it  reared  its 
head,  the  attempt  which  has  been  made  to  establish  a  kind 
of  State  Church  amongst  us."  Mr.  McCarthy  took  his  seat 
after  a  speech  which  those  who  heard  it  could  not  but  ad- 
mire, even  while  many  of  them  disliked  the  speaker  and 
had  at  every  opportunity  passionately  denounced  his  views. 
It  was  a  clear  and  cutting  arraignment  of  the  Government 
and  the  Opposition  alike,  and  it  made  him  immensely 
popular  with  the  element  in  the  country  which  had  been 
recently  stirred  up  to  boiling  point  by  various  religious 
cries. 

Sir  John  Thompson  had  a  most  difficult  duty  to  per- 
form in  his  reply,  and  that  he  was  brilliantly  successful 
from  the  logical  and  constitutional  standpoint  was  after- 
wards almost  generally  admitted.  In  making  his  first  great 
speech  in  the  House  he  had  been  obliged  to  win  his  way  to 
success  over  an  audience  to  which  his  personality  was  un- 
known and  against  an  antagonist  whose  place  was  thought 
too  great  and  secure  for  successful  attack.  Upon  this  second 
occasion  he  had  to  face  the  bitter  prejudice  which  only  reli- 
gious differences  can  arouse,  and  which  is  often  none  the 
less  real  because  it  is  concealed  beneath  a  nominal  support 


132  LIFE  AND  WORK  OF 

and  even  a  favourable  speech  or  vote.  He  fully  recognized 
also,  the  gulf  which  it  would  place  for  the  time  being  be- 
tween himself  and  many  of  the  people,  by  saying  in  a  few 
introductory  remarks  that  he  would  have  to  speak  "  under 
a  sense  of  the  fact  that  with  one  large  portion  of  the  people 
of  Canada  nothing  that  I  can  say  will  be  satisfactory,  and 
that  with  another,  and  I  hope  the  greater  portion,  no  de- 
fence of  the  Government  is  necessary."  But  as  in  the  Kiel 
question,  he  did  what  he  thought  his  duty  and  no  man  can 
do  more. 

The  Minister  of  Justice  began  by  pointing  out  in  refer- 
ence to  Mr.  McCarthy's  charge  of  unfairness,  that  it  was 
the  place  of  the  ministry,  and  especially  of  himself,  as  the 
minister  most  largely  responsible,  to  hear  the  charges  that 
were  to  be  brought  before  making  a  reply.  He  compli- 
mented the  member  for  Simcoe  upon  his  "  admirable  ad- 
dress," and  then  pointed  out  that  Mr.  McCarthy,  in  a  three 
hours'  speech,  had  presented  a  very  learned  and  complete 
case  for  the  purpose  of  "  proving  that  the  Jesuits  of  Quebec 
had  lost  their  title  to  the  estates  in  question — a  fact  which 
is  admitted  in  the  preamble  to  the  Act."  He  analyzed  the 
Treaty  of  1763,  and  summed  up  its  provisions  and  their 
relation  to  the  Act  of  Supremacy  as  follows  : — "  Obviously 
His  Britannic  Majesty  (in  granting  the  liberty  of  the  Cath- 
olic religion  to  the  inhabitants  of  Canada)  meant  that  there 
should  be  perfect  freedom  of  worship  in  the  newly  ceded 
country,  subject  only  to  the  legislation  which  might  be 
made  upon  this  subject  from  time  to  time  by  the  Parlia- 
ment of  Great  Britain,  certainly  not  that  it  was  subject 
then  to  the  laws  as  regards  freedom  of  worship  in  Great 
Britain ;  for  let  me  remind  the  House  that  instead  of  there 
being  any  such  freedom  at  that  time,  the  exercise  of  the 
Roman  Catholic  religion  then  amounted  to  the  crime  of 
high  treason  ;  and  no  dissenter  under  the  risk  of  being  im- 
prisoned, could  enter  a  conventicle  or  a  meeting-house." 


SIR  JOHN   THOMPSON.  133 

Sir  John  then  proceeded  to  summarize  the  correspon- 
dence between  Mr.  Mercier  and  the  Pope,  and  pointed  out 
that  the  latter's  intervention  really  only  consisted  of  a 
mediator's  part  between  two  rival  claimants  who  acknow- 
ledged his  moral,  spiritual  and  legal  authority  in  any  mat- 
ter pertaining  to  the  church,  and  that  his  "  consent "  to 
the  Quebec  Government  retaining  the  proceeds  uf  the  sales 
of  disputed  property,  was  merely  on  behalf  of  the  two  other 
claimants  and  subject  to  a  future  settlement  of  the  ques- 
tion. And  then  he  hit  at  Mr.  McCarthy's  religious  refer- 
ences and  the  abuse  of  the  Jesuits  which  had  been  introduced 
into  the  debate,  by  a  remark  regarding  "  the  theological 
questions  which  my  honourable  friend  from  Simcoe  and  I 
are  to  join  issue  on,  with  a  view  to  the  House  passing  judg- 
ment as  to  which  is  the  better  theologian  forsooth,  and  as 
to  whose  advice  on  the  subject  of  theology  His  Excellency 
the  Governor-General,  as  the  supreme  theologian,  is  to  take/' 
He  pointed  out  as  a  matter  of  business  in  this  transaction, 
that  the  Premier  of  Quebec  had  stipulated  that  before  the 
Province  should  be  asked  to  pay  over  one  dollar  of  the 
money,  it  should  have  a  conveyance  of  all  rights  and  titles, 
legal  and  moral,  to  the  disputed  lands ;  in  the  first  place 
from  the  Society  of  Jesus,  in  the  second  place  from  the 
Pope  himself,  and  in  the  third  place  from  the  Sacred  Col- 
lege of  the  Propaganda  and  the  Roman  Catholic  Church 
in  general. 

Sir  John  Thompson  did  not  attempt,  nor  did  he  desire, 
to  defend  the  manner  in  which  the  preamble  was  drawn 
ip,  or  the  loose  way  in  which  the  correspondence  had  been 
irried  on,  and  in  which  a  power  seemed  to  be  recognized 
it  did  not  really   exist.     But  he  did  point  out  that  all 
irther  claims  in  this  connection  were  made  impossible  by 
le  terms  of  the  arrangement.     And  he  also  declared  that 
the  history  of  the  scores  of  Canadian  Statutes  disallowed 


134  LIFE   AND  WORK   OF 

in  the  Mother-Country,  there  was  not  one  instance  of  a  pre- 
amble to  a  bill  being  considered  a  reason  for  such  action. 

As  to  the  supremacy  of  the  Queen  which  Mr.  McCarthy 
had  just  proclaimed  "  with  gravity  and  force  and  elo- 
quence "to  be  seriously  undermined  by  the  Act,  Sir  John 
observed  :  "  It  does  not,  I  submit,  place  the  public  money 
of  the  Province  at  the  disposal  of  a  foreigner ;  it  sets  aside 
a  sum  of  money  for  the  extinguishment  of  a  claim  upon 
the  public  property  of  Quebec,  and  then  calls  upon  those 
who  are  litigants  in  regard  to  it,  to  abide  by  the  decision 
of  their  arbitrator  in  the  matter.  ...  In  the  ordinary 
course,  it  (the  $400,000)  would  be  paid  to  one  of  the 
claimants  on  the  property ;  but  as  there  happen  to  be  two, 
it  is  paid  in  the  hands,  or  held  subject  to  the  order  of,  the 
person  who  has  to  settle  disputes  between  them." 

Upon  the  subject  of  Provincial  powers  in  legislation 
the  Minister  of  Justice  spoke  with  no  uncertain  sound. 
"  I  say  that  within  the  limits  of  its  authority  and  subject 
only  to  the  power  of  disallowance,  a  Provincial  Legislature 
is  as  absolute  as  is  the  Imperial  Parliament  itself."  He 
pointed  out  that  thirty-seven  years  before — in  1852 — the 
Parliament  of  Canada  had  actually  incorporated  St.  Mary's 
College,  Montreal,  a  body  of  the  Jesuits,  and  that  the 
division  list  on  that  occasion  showed  in  favour  of  the  action 
29  Protestants  and  27  Catholics.  He  referred  to  Stoney- 
hurst  and  other  great  Jesuit  institutions  in  the  England  of 
to-day  as  showing  what  a  dead  letter  the  old  religious 
laws  of  Elizabeth  had  become,  and  pointed  out  that  not 
only  had  the  Jesuits  been  incorporated  by  the  Quebec 
Legislature  in  1887,  but  that  the  whole  body  had  been 
incorporated  by  the  Dominion  Parliament  in  1871. 

He  claimed  that  a  society  of  teachers  and  preach- 
ers is  not  a  church,  and  that  money  paid  to  the  Jesuits 
could  not,  therefore,  be  the  endowment  of  a  Church.  And 


SIR  JOHN   THOMPSON.  135 

in  conclusion  he  declared  with  emphasis  and  earnest- 
ness that  "  whenever  we  touch  these  delicate  and  difficult 
questions,  which  are  in  any  way  connected  with  the  senti- 
ments of  religion,  or  of  race,  or  of  education,  there  are  two 
principles  which  it  is  absolutely  necessary  to  maintain,  for 
the  sake  of  the  living  together  of  the  different  members  of 
this  Confederation,  for  the  sake  of  the  preservation  of  the 
Federal  power,  for  the  sake  of  the  good- will,  and  kindly 
charity  of  all  our  people  towards  each  other,  and  for  the 
sake  of  the  prospects  of  making  a  nation,  as  we  can  only 
do  by  living  in  harmony  and  ignoring  those  differences 
which  used  to  be  considered  fundamental;  these  two  piinci- 
ples  surely  must  prevail,  that  as  regards  theological  ques- 
tions the  State  must  have  nothing  to  do  with  them,  and 
that  as  regards  the  control  which  the  Federal  power  can 
exercise  over  Provincial  Legislatures  in  matters  touching 
the  freedom  of  its  people,  the  religion  of  its  people,  the 
appropriations  of  its  people,  or  the  sentiments  of  its  people, 
no  section  of  this  country,  whether  it  be  the  great  Province 
of  Quebec  or  the  humblest  and  smallest  Province  of  this 
country,  can  be  governed  according  to  the  fashion  of  '300 
years  ago/' 

Mr.  Alex.  McNeill,  the  Hon.  David  Mills,  Mr.  Charlton, 
Mr.  Mulock,  Mr.  Scriver,  the  Hon.  Mr.  Laurier,  Sir  John 
A.  Macdonald,  and  Sir  Richard  Cartwright  followed,  and 
upon  a  division,  the  attitude  of  the  Government  as  well  as 
the  view  taken  by  the  Minister  of  Justice,  was  endorsed 
by  a  non-partisan  vote  of  188  to  13.  The  speech  of  Sir 
John  Thompson  had  been  a  magnificant  success.  At  its 
close  Mr.  Edward  Blake  crossed  the  floor  of  the  House,  and 
amidst  general  applause  congratulated  him  upon  what 
undoubtedly  been  his  greatest  effort  in  Parliament, 
an  argument  of  sustained  power,  delivered  by  a  brilliant 
twyer  with  all  the  "  cold  neutrality  "  of  an  impartial  judge, 


136  LIFE   AND   WORK   Of1 

it  will  remain  a  monument  of  oratorical  and  legal  ability. 
From  a  party  standpoint  there  was  perhaps  one  blemish 
upon  its  success.  A  defence  of  the  Jesuits  was  hardly 
required  from  the  Minister  of  Justice,  and  no  matter  how 
strongly  he  might  have  felt,  as  was  undoubtedly  the  case, 
that  they  were  grossly  misrepresented,  it  was  unnecessary 
and  under  the  stormy  circumstances  of  the  moment,  worse 
than  useless,  for  him  to  try  and  change  the  popular  preju- 
dice of  Ontario  and  other  Provinces. 

But  none  the  less  was  the  action  admirable,  and  it  can 
only  be  properly  appreciated  by  the  supposition  that  at 
some  critical  moment  in  the  future  political  development 
of  Quebec,  a  Protestant  member  of  the  Government  there 
should  feel  it  his  duty  at  whatever  risk  to  his  personal 
popularity,  to  defend  some  branch  of  his  church  from  a 
long  sustained  and  powerful  attack  made  on  historic 
grounds.  The  'Toronto  Mail,  of  course,  denounced  the 
Minister  of  Justice  and  his  speech  with  great  vigour  ;  the 
Globe  declared  it  to  be  "  a  combination  of  masterpieces. 
.  .  .  In  part  a  masterpiece  of  reasoning,  in  part  a  mas- 
terpiece of  casuistry,  and  on  the  whole  a  masterpiece  of 
audacity."  Sir  John  Thompfon  was  in  fact  singled  out 
for  most  of  the  attacks  which  marked  the  ensuing  Equal 
Rights  campaign. 


SIR  FRANK  SMITH,   K.C.M.G.,  SENATOR, 
Minister  without  Portfolio. 


SIR  JOHN   THOMPSON.  139 


CHAPTER  VIII. 

EQUAL  RIGHTS,  THE  FISHERIES  AND  THE  FRENCH 
LANGUAGE. 

The  phenomenal  majority  given  by  Parliament  to  the 
Government  in  connection  with  the  Jesuits'  Estates  ques- 
tion, proved  to  have  by  no  means  silenced  the  agitation. 
Both  political  parties  had  hoped  it  would  have  that  result, 
and  both  were  sincerely  anxious  to  get  rid  of  the  question 
before  the  general  elections  should  loom  upon  the  horizon. 
But  religious  sentiment  had  been  aroused ;  racial  prejudices 
had  been  stirred'  up ;  and  just  as  it  had  been  impossible  to 
control  the  storm  in  Quebec  over  the  execution  of  Louis 
Riel,  so  now  it  was  found  impossible  to  check  the  anti- 
Jesuit  agitation  in  Ontario  until  it  had  run  its  course. 

On  the  very  day  that  Colonel  O'Brien's  resolution  was 
proposed  in  the  House  of  Commons,  a  mass  meeting  had  been 
held  in  the  Pavilion  at  Toronto,  with  Mr.  W.  H.  Howland 
as  Chairman.  The  Jesuits'  Estates  Act  was  condemned  in 
no  measured  language,  and  the  speeches  of  men  like  Rev. 
D.  J.  Macdonell,  Mr.  J.  J.  McLaren,  Q.C.,  Principal  Caven, 
and  others,  were  fervent  and  denunciatory.  The  last 
motion  was  proposed  by  Mr.  J.  L.  Hughes,  and  appointed 
a  Committee  to  extend  the  movement  throughout  the 
Dominion  against  all  who  had  supported  or  condoned  the 
legislation  in  question.  This  was  the  beginning  of  the 
Rqual  Rights  Association  of  a  few  months  later.  On  April 
Jnd  another  large  meeting  was  held  in  the  Granite  Rink 
in  Toronto,  and  resolutions  of  approval  and  congratulation 
rere  tendered  to  the  "  noble  thirteen,"  who  had,  as  the 


140  LIFE  AND  WORK  OF 

phrase  of  the  moment  put  it,  stood  up  for  civil  and  religious 
liberty,  for  the  people  against  the  politicians,  for  true 
British  liberty,  and  against  any  union  of  Church  and 
State.  Mr.  McCarthy  delivered  the  principal  address  and 
accused  the  Minister  of  Justice  of  having  adroitly  mixed  up 
the  divisions  of  the  question  so  as  to  create  confusion  in  the 
minds  of  the  people.  "  He  had  been  perfectly  amazed  at 
the  speech  of  the  Minister  of  Justice.  He  had  heard 
speeches  in  which  the  hairs  were  split  very  freely,  but  he 
had  never  heard  any  arguments  more  specious,  misleading, 
and,  at  the  same  time,  so  captivating,  as  those  used  by  the 
Minister  of  Justice." 

In  accordance  with  an  address  issued  by  the  Citizen's 
Committee  to  the  people  of  Ontario  and  an  approving 
resolution  passed  at  this  meeting,  a  Provincial  Convention 
was  held  in  Toronto  on  June  llth  and  12th.  It  was  largely 
attended  and  very  enthusiastic.  The  Equal  Rights  Asso- 
ciation was  duly  organized,  with  influential  officers,  and 
with  Mr.  McCarthy  as  the  Parliamentary  leader  and  the 
real  chief.  Meanwhile  action  had  been  taken  in  Montreal 
by  Mr.  Hugh  Graham,  who  petitioned  the  Governor- 
General  to  refer  to  the  Supreme  Court  of  Canada  for  hear- 
ing and  consideration  an  inquiry  as  to  the  constitution- 
ality of  the  Incorporation  Act  and  the  Jesuits'  Estates  Act. 
This  was  sent  to  the  Minister  of  Justice  for  advice,  and 
eventually  the  request  was  refused.  A  most  able  State 
paper  was  published  in  August,  giving  Sir  John  Thomp- 
son's reasons  for  recommending  His  Excellency  not  to  grant 
the  appeal.  It  was  an  exhaustive  document,  both  in  its 
wealth  of  legal  learning  and  in  the  number  of  precedents 
produced. 

His  reasons  were  apparently  very  strong,  and  may  be 
concisely  summarized : 

L     The  petitioner  was  duly  represented  in  the  legisla- 


SIR  JOHN  THOMPSON.  141 

ture  by  which  these  enactments  were  adopted,  and  his 
representatives  there  seem  to  have  concurred  in  the  adop- 
tion of  both  these  statutes  almost  with  unanimity. 

II.  He  had  the  right  of  petition  and  remonstrance 
against  the  adoption  of  both  these  enactments,  but  does 
not  appear  to  have  used  it. 

III.  Ample  opportunity  was  afforded  for  such  pro- 
tests or  petitions  as  are  now  being  made,  before  the  Lieut.  - 
Governor  of  Quebec  was  informed  that  the  Acts  respectively 
would  be  left  to  their  operation.     There  was  an  interval  of 
several  months  which  was  not  taken  advantage  of  in  any 
way,  and  Mr.  Graham's  petition  was  not  presented  until  by 
lapse  of  time  in  the  case  of  the  Incorporation  Act,  as  well 
as  by  the  obligations  of  public  faith  and  honour  in  regard 
to  both  of  them,  it  had  ceased  to  be  in  the  Governor- 
General's  power  to  interfere  with  their  operation. 

IV.  The  petitioner  still  possessed  the  opportunity  of 
calling  the  attention  of  his  Provincial  Government  to  the 
desirability  that  the  statutes  referred  to  should  not  be 
acted  upon  by  the  transfer  of  the  public  money  and  pro- 
perty being  completed. 

V.  The  petitioner  also   possessed   the  right  to  call 
upon  the  Attorney-General  of  his  Province  to  take  legal 
proceedings,  in  accordance  with  the  law  of  Quebec,  to  test 
the  validity  of  the  Act  of  Incorporation.     "  If  that  Act 
should  be  decided  to  be  invalid  and  unconstitutional,  there 
can  be  little  doubt  that  the  second  Act  will  be  nugatory, 
as  the  grant  of  money  and  land  which  the  second  Act 

ithorizes  is,  by  its  terms,  to  be  made  to  the  corporation, 
jtablished  by  the  Incorporation  Act." 

Here  was  an  opening  for  action  pointed  out  with 
listinctness  by  the  Minister  of  Justice  himself.  Had  Mr. 
rraham  and  his  friends  taken  the  course  indicated,  it 
rould  have  been  a  turning  of  the  tables  indeed  upon  Mr. 


142  LIFE   AND   WORK   OF 

Mercier  and  his  Mi  istry,  but  the  idea  was  not  followed 
up.  The  object  of  'too  many  of  the  Equal  Rights  advocates 
in  both  Provinces  seemed  from  the  beginning  to  be  the 
embarassment  of  the  Dominion  Government,  and  not  the 
genuine  pursuit  of  equal  laws  and  equal  privileges  as 
between  race  and  race,  religion  and  religion.  Later  on  in 
Ontario,  as  Mr.  McCarthy  has  so  bitterly  complained,  this 
was  indicated  by  the  partisan  conduct  of  Mr.  Charlton  and 
Principal  Caven  in  the  Local  elections  of  1 890.  Sir  John 
Thompson  summed  up  his  advice  to  the  Governor-General 
in  the  following  words  : 

"  The  Acts  referred  to  in  the  petition  relate  only  to 
the  Province  of  Quebec.  They  do  not  conflict  in  any 
degree  with  the  powers  of  the  Parliament  of  Canada,  or 
with  the  rights  and  powers  of  Your  Excellency.  They  do 
not  concern  in  any  way  Your  Excellency's  officers,  and  they 
do  not  affect  the  revenue  or  property  of  Canada  or  any 
interest  of  the  Dominion.  They  should,  therefore,  in  the 
opinion  of  the  undersigned,  be  left  to  the  responsibility  of 
those  whom  the  Constitution  has  entrusted  with  the  power 
to  pass  such  enactments." 

Previous  to  the  publication  of  this  Report,  though 
some  time  after  its  submission  to  the  Governor-General -in 
Council,  His  Excellency  had  received,  on  August  2nd,  a 
deputation  at  Quebec,  which  presented  an  Ontario  petition 
160  yards  long,  and  containing  156,000  signatures ;  another 
signed  by  the  members  of  the  recent  Equal  Rights  Conven- 
tion to  the  number  of  860  ;  and  one  from  Montreal  and  the 
Province  of  Quebec  bearing  some  9,000  names.  The  peti- 
tioners asked  for  the  disallowance  of  the  Jesuits'  Estates 
Act.  Principal  Caven  was  the  chief  speaker  for  the  deputa- 
tion, and  the  reply  of  Lord  Stanley  of  Preston  was  listened 
to  with  deep  interest  and  attention.  As  the  Liberal  jour- 
nals throughout  the  country  claimed  in  the  discussion 


SIR  JOHN  THOMPSON. 

which  ensued,  that  the  Governor-General  spoke  practically 
from  a  brief  handed  him  by  the  Minister  of  Justice,  it  is 
important  to  note  how  substantially  his  views  really  did 
harmonize  with  those  of  Sir  John  Thompson. 

He  declared  that  in  his  opinion  the  introduction  of  the 
Pope's  name  in  this  case  had  not  in  any  way  weakened  or 
assailed  the  Queen's  authority.  He  spoke  from  his  personal 
experience  as  a  one-time  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  in 
England,  regarding  the  frequency  with  which  a  moral 
claim  is  recognized  when  no  legal  one  exists.  He  declared 
as  a  matter  which  had  been  carefully  investigated,  that  in 
this  nineteenth  century,  the  Society  of  Jesus  were  not  less 
law-abiding  and  loyal  citizens  than  were  the  majority  of 
people.  He  pointed  out  how  utterly  unconstitutional  it 
would  be  for  the  Governor- General  to  disallow  a  bill  in 
face  of  his  Minister's  advice,  and  in  the  teeth  of  a  large 
Parliamentary  majority.  Such  were  the  conclusions  pre- 
sented by  the  Governor-General,  and  endorsing  the  position 
assumed  by  his  Minister  of  Justice.  The  delegates  had 
nothing  to  say  at  the  moment  in  reply  to  His  Excellency's 
refusal  to  interfere,  but  later  on  they  met  and  formally 
protested,  urging  at  the  same  time  that  a  more  vigorous 
agitation  and  organization  for  the  promotion  of  Equal 
Rights  should  now  be  pushed  forward  to  a  successful  issue 

Some  time  after  this  occurrence,  in  February,  1891, 
Mr.  (now  Sir)  Mackenzie  Bowell  was  addressing  an  audi- 
ence at  Madoc,  Ontario,  and  stated  that  prior  to  arriving 
at  a  decision  "  Lord  Stanley  had  telegraphed  to  the 
Imperial  Government,  and  asked  the  law  officers  of  the 
Crown  whether  the  Act  was  within  the  power  of  the 
Province  of  Quebec  to  pass  it,  and  three  days  later  the 
answer  came  that  it  was  strictly  within  the  purview  of 
the  Legislature  of  Quebec,  and  further,  that  there  was  no 
necessity  to  refer  it,  as  the  petition  which  had  been 


144  LIFE   AND   WORK   OF 

received  suggested,  to  the  Judicial  Committee  of  the 
Privy  Council."  This  particular  step  was  therefore  not 
advised  by  Sir  John  Thompson,  but  it  is  very  probable 
that  Lord  Stanley  was  more  or  less  influenced  in  his 
general  conclusions  by  the  clear  and  forceful  reasoning  of 
his  Minister.  There  is  absolutely  no  ground,  however,  for 
believing  that  the  latter  actually  prepared  the  reply  which 
was  given  to  the  Equal  Rights  deputation. 

Shortly  after  this,  the  Protestant  Committee  of  the 
Quebec  Council  of  Public  Instruction — 25th  September- 
passed  a  resolution  accepting  in  the  name  of  the  Protes- 
tants of  the  Province  the  public  trust  imposed  upon  them 
to  distribute  the  $60,000  given  under  the  terms  of  the 
Jesuits'  Estates   Act.     Certain   conditions  were  made  to 
which,  however,  Mr.  Mercier,  as  Premier,  agreed  without 
hesitation,  and  on  the  5th  of  November,  the  closing  scene 
in  a  memorable  drama  took  place  in  the  City  of  Quebec. 
Here,  amid  a  large  gathering  of  the   Provincial  Ministers, 
the  Roman  Catholic  clergy  and  sundry  Protestant  repre- 
sentatives, the  $400,000   was   paid   over    in  the   manner 
decided  upon.     A  check  for  $160,000  was  handed  to  the 
Jesuits ;  $40,000  went  to  Laval  University ;  and  the  rest 
was   distributed   in   sums   of   ten   and    twenty  thousand 
amongst  the  different  dioceses.     In  accepting  the  check  on 
behalf  of  the  Jesuit  Order,  the  Rev.  Father  Turgeon,  S.  J., 
made  a  rather  interesting  remark :    "  I  also   thank    Mr. 
Mercier  as  a  Canadian.     Thanks  to  God  tirst,  then  to  him 
and  the  Legislature,  we  are  now  recognized  as  citizens. 
In  becoming  a  Jesuit  I  still  remained  a  Canadian.     Ancient 
Rome,  I  must  say,  conferred  the  title  of  citizenship  for  less 
than  has  been  done  by  our  fathers.     Our  Order  has  glorious 
pages  in  the  history  of  this  country.     Our  fathers  have 
shed  their  blood  for  the  country,  and  they  surely 
the  name  of  Canadians." 


THE  EARL  OF  ROSEBERY,  K.  G., 

Prime  Minister  of  Great  Britain. 


10 


SIR   JOHN   THOMPSON.  147 

Meantime  the  Equal  Rights  party  had  not  been  idle 
in  Ontario.  On  the  10th  of  October  a  mass- meeting  had 
been  held  in  Toronto,  and  the  Report  of  the  deputation  to 
Lord  Stanley  of  Preston,  received.  Principal  Caven  and 
Mr.  McCarthy  were  the  chief  speakers.  The  spirit  of  the 
audience  was  pretty  well  shown  in  the  hisses  which  upon 
one  occasion  greeted  the  name  of  Sir  John  Thompson. 
Mr.  McCarthy  declared  himself  against  the  teaching  of 
French  in  the  Ontario  public  schools ;  against  the  exten- 
sion of  the  Separate  School  system  through  privileged 
legislation ;  against  an  official  dual  language  system  in 
Manitoba  and  the  North- West.  A  few  months  later,  on 
April  30th,  1890,  the  Jesuits'  Estates  matter  came  up  once 
more  before  the  House  of  Commons,  upon  a  motion  by  Mr. 
Charlton,  claiming  that  the  question  of  the  constitutionality 
)f  the  Act  should  have  been  submitted  to  the  Supreme 
?ourt  of  Canada.  Sir  John  Thompson  spoke  in  defence  of 
ihe  Government's  course,  and  of  the  ground  taken  by  the 
>vernor-General. 

Referring  to  an  appeal  made  afterwards  by  certain 
jpresentatives  of  the  religious  minority  in  Quebec,  claim- 
ig  the  Act  to  have  been  an  invasion  of  their  rights,  the 
[inister  of  Justice  said  : 

"  The  petitioners  presented  their  appeal  and  it  having 
m  referred  to  myself,  I  recommended  that  a  day  should 
appointed  on  which  the  appeal  should  be  heard  ;  and  it 
is  quite  possible  that  if  the  claimants  had  established  any- 
thing like  a  case  for  the  interference  of  the  Governor-iu- 
Council  on  the  ground  that  the  rights  of  the  Protestant 
minority  in  Quebec  had  been  infringed,  a  reference  of  the 
question  as  to  whether  it  was  an  infringement  or  not  might 
have  been  made  to  t.ie  Supreme  Court  of  Canada.  But 
before  the  day  came  the  appellants  withdrew  the  appeal, 
and  they  did  it  on  account  of  the  statement  made  by  the 


148  LIFE  AND   WORK  OF 

Premier  of  Quebec  that  the  redress  they  desired  would  be 
given  without  any  appeal  being  made." 

It  will  thus  be  seen  that  on  the  broad  question  of  the 
constitutionality  of  the  Act  neither  the  Government  nor 
the  Governor-General,  nor  Sir  Richard  Webster  and  Sir 
Edward  Clarke,  the  Imperial  law  officers,  would  advise  or 
permit  an  appeal ;  but  upon  any  direct  claim  of  injury  done 
to  a  minority,  they  were  at  least  willing  to  consider  the 
question  in  all  seriousness.  In  speaking  of  the  charges  of 
religious  bias  made  against  himself,  Sir  John  Thompson 
took  the  opportunity  to  say :  "  I  am  very  far  from  finding 
fault  with  those  who,  rightly  or  wTrongly,  were  under  the 
impression  that  I  was  swayed  by  my  own  private  opinions 
in  tendering  the  advice  which  His  Excellency  had  acted 
upon.  While  I  feel  that  that  impression  was  unjust  to  me, 
I  was  only  too  glad  when  His  Excellency  was  disposed  to 
receive  the  deputation  and  to  give  them  his  answer  upon 
the  question." 

The  course  of  asking  the  Colonial  Office  to  obtain  the 
opinion  of  the  Crown  Law  Officers  was  declared  to  have 
been  His  Excellency's  own  action  "  not  by  our  advice  and 
not  by  our  request,"  though  "  we  accept  to  the  fullest  ex- 
tent the  constitutional  responsibility  for  such  action."  This 
debate  terminated  the  question  so  far  as  Parliament  was 
concerned.  The  Equal  Rights  Association  flourished  until 
the  disputes  connected  with  the  Local  elections  of  1890  in 
Ontario  practically  destroyed  its  influence.  Speaking  in 
Toronto  on  June  2nd  of  that  year,  Mr.  McCarthy  vigor- 
ously denounced  Mr.  Charlton,  M.P.,  for  not  supporting  the 
Equal  Rights  candidates  against  the  Mowat  Government, 
and  declared  that  he  and  others  simply  aided  the  move- 
ment for  religious  equality  so  far  as  it  might  injure  the 
Dominion  Government.  And  the  absence  of  Principal 
Caven  from  the  gathering  spoke  for  itself.  A  little  later, 


SIR  JOHN  THOMPSON.  149 

the  Provincial  Protestant  Association  rose  from  the  wreck 
of  the  previous  organization. 

During  the  three  years  following  the  elections  of  1887, 
many  other  important  matters  had  been  dealt  with  by  the 
Minister  of  Justice,  besides  the  much  too  prominent  Jesuits' 
Estates  question.  One  of  these  was  the  disallowance  of  the 
Montreal  District  Magistrates'  Bill,  passed  by  the  Provin- 
cial Legislature  under  Mr.  Mercier's  auspices.  This  measure 
abolished  the  Circuit  branch  of  the  Quebec  Supreme  Court 
and  vested  its  powers  in  two  Judges  clothed  with  a  similar 
jurisdiction  "  for  hearing  and  deciding  civil  matters  as  that 
exercised  by  the  said  Circuit  Court  of  the  District  of  Mon- 
treal." As  the  British  North  America  Act  gives  the  right 
of  appointing  Superior  Court  Judges  to  the  Dominion  Gov- 
ernment, Sir  John  Thompson  regarded  this  bill  as  a  distinct 
attempt  to  take  from  the  Dominion  Parliament  one  of  its 
constitutional  prerogatives,  by  simply  changing  the  name 
of  the  Court,  and  the  designation  of  the  Judge.  Hence  he 
recommended  its  disallowance. 

Incidentally  this  action  was  the  cause  of  his  first 
speech  in  Montreal.  It  was  in  Sept.,  1888,  during  the  by- 
election  in  which  Mr.  Lepine  and  Mr.  Poirier  were  the  can- 
didates for  the  vacancy  caused  by  Mr.  Coursol's  death.  The 
charge  was  freely  made  that  the  Minister  of  Justice  in  con- 
nection with  this  disallowance  had  been  actuated  by  hosti- 
*ity  to  the  French- Canadian  people.  And  this  at  a  time 
when  he  was  suffering  unmeasured  abuse  in  certain  other 
quarters  for  alleged  subservience  to  their  interests  and  reli- 
gious sentiments  ! 

Sir  John  Thompson  went  down  to  the  commercial 
metropolis  in  order  to  support  Mr.  Lepine  and  defend  the 
Government  and  himself.  The  old  Bonsecours'  market  hall 
was  filled  to  the  doors  by  a  mixed  multitude  of  men.  The 
Minister  of  Justice  spoke  in  a  low,  measured  voice  and  was 


150  LIFE   AND    WORK    OF 

listened  to  with  marked  attention.  He  explained  the 
nature  of  the  bill,  and  the  reasons  for  disallowing  it,  con- 
cluding with  a  vigorous  appeal  for  unity  of  race  and  creed. 
"  We  ask  you,"  he  said,  "  to  stand  by  the  old  principles 
that  Montreal  has  stood  by  so  long — the  National  Policy. 
We  ask  you,  above  all,  workingmen,  English,  Scotch,  Irish 
and  French- Canadian,  to  stand  by  your  country  which  is 
threatened  by  the  appeals  made  on  behalf  of  sectarianism 
ani  race.  When  any  man  tells  you  that  injustice  can  or 
will  be  attempted  in  this  country  against  a  French-speak- 
ing Roman  Catholic  Province,  you  can  laugh  in  his  face 
and  tell  him  you  are  not  a  fool."  The  Conservative  candi- 
date was  afterwards  elected  by  a  large  majority. 

On  the  26th  of  February,  1889,  the  Fisheries'  question 
again  came  up  in  Parliament.  Mr.  Laurier  moved  a  reso- 
lution expressing  regret  at  the  present  differences  with  the 
United  States  and  urging  that  steps  should  be  taken  for 
their  adjustment ;  and  for  the  securing  of  unrestricted 
freedom  in  trade  relations  between  the  two  countries ; 
direct  representation  at  Washington ;  and  the  renewal  of 
the  modus  vivendi.  The  debate  proceeded  for  some  days 
and  on  March  Ut  Sir  John  Thompson  rose  to  speak.  As 
illustrating  the  fairness  of  the  Government  and  its  desire 
for  the  maintenance  of  friendly  relations,  he  pointed  out 
that  on  the  abrogation  of  the  Washington  Treaty  by  the 
United  States,  the  Canadian  Government  had  offered  to 
extend  the  operation  of  the  Fisheries'  clause  until  the  close 
of  the  season.  When  the  Opposition  press  urged  that  the 
United  States  would  not  accept  this  otter  for  fear  of  claims 
to  future  indemnity,  the  Government  had  asked  Great 
Britain  to  inform  the  United  States  that  it  would  give  the 
use  of  the  fisheries  without  stint  or  price.  "  Now  the  cry 
is  that  we  folded  our  hands  and  did  nothing." 

The  Minister  of  Justice  then  went  on  to  say  that  "  the 


SIR  JOHN   THOMPSON.  151 

one  supreme  difficulty  which  the  negotiators  had  to  meet 
with  in  Washington  last  year,  was  the  conviction  which 
has  gained  ground  in  the  United  States,  that  we  were 
perishing  for  reciprocity,  and  were  raising  the  Fisheries' 
question  in  order  to  obtain  reciprocity."  He  stated  that  the 
proposal  made  to  the  American  Government  was  to  con- 
sider the  whole  question  of  the  fisheries,  and  in  order  to 
get  a  broad  and  liberal  settlement  of  the  question,  "  we 
throw  open  the  fishing  grounds  as  well  as  commercial 
privileges  to  the  American  fishermen  for  the  remainder  of 
1885,  on  the  assurance  of  the  President  of  the  United 
States,  that  he  would  recommend  to  Congess  that  a  Com- 
mission be  appointed  to  consider  the  fishery  interests  of 
the  two  countries."  After  six  months  enjoyment  of  the 
Canadian  fisheries,  together  with  the  right  of  obtaining 
supplies,  transhipment,  etc.,  the  President  sent  his  Message 
to  Congress,  and  the  Senate  replied  by  passing  a  resolution 
that  such  a  Commission  was  not  worthy  of  receiving  a 
vote  from  Congress  for  its  expenses !  And  only  seventeen 
members  voted  against  the  motion. 

When,  owing  to  the  vigour  with  which  Canada  pro- 
tected its  interests  during  the  following  period,  a  Treaty 
was  eventually  negotiated  (as  previously  described),  another 
modus  vivendi  was  offered  and  accepted.  The  Senate 
received  the  courteous  and  generous  offer  of  Canada  by 
throwing  the  Treaty  out,  and  thus  once  more  disarranging 
the  entire  relations  of  the  two  countries.  "  Yet  we  are 
told  that  we  have  made  no  concessions  to  these  people,  and 
that  every  fault  in  the  whole  negotiations  of  the  last 
twenty  years  has  been  with  us."  In  referring  to  the  Pre- 
sident's Retaliation  Message,  which  followed  the  Senate's 
rejection  of  the  proposed  arrangement,  Sir  John  Thompson 
declared  emphatically  that  "  while  no  one  would  regret  the 
enforcement  of  an  Act  of  Retaliation  by  either  of  the  two 


152  LIFE   AND   WORK   OF 

countries  more  strongly  than  I  would,  or  apprehend  more 
seriously  the  consequences  than  I  would;  if  any  such  danger 
and  difficulty  should  come,  the  Canadian  Government 
would  be  able  to  leave  its  record  to  the  judgment  of  any 
man  of  fairness,  honesty  and  probity."  And  since  then, 
owing  to  the  wise,  yet  strong,  administration  of  the  Cana- 
dian fisheries,  there  has  been  no  serious  trouble  with  the 
American  Government,  and  matters  have  adjusted  them- 
selves satisfactorily  to  the  general  terms  of  the  Treaty  of 
1818.  Such  difficulties  as  have  arisen  were  upon  the 
Pacific  Ocean  and  not  on  the  coasts  of  the  Atlantic. 

In  the  following  Session  of  1890,  a  question  which 
had  been  intermittently  discussed  for  some  months  past 
was  brought  before  Parliament.  The  dual  language  system 
in  the  North-West  Provinces  was  one  of  those  issues  which 
must  always  have  a  rare  charm  for  the  agitator.  It 
involved  a  stirring  up  of  race  sentiment  and  the  revival  of 
many  of  those  old  prejudices,  and  even  animosities,  which 
help  so  greatly  in  the  agitation  of  any  specific  question 
amongst  the  people  of  a  mixed  community.  And 
whatever  else  may  be  said  regarding  the  debates  in 
the  House  of  Commons  during  the  period  in  which  Sir 
John  Thompson's  influence  was  felt  within  its  walls,  no 
charge  can  be  made  that  they  lacked  interest.  The  Kiel 
debate  produced  a  score  of  eloquent  speeches  covering  the 
whole  ground  of  international  law,  and  of  experience  in 
the  punishment  of  rebels  and  the  treatment  and  trial  of 
political  prisoners.  The  Jesuits'  Estates  agitation  in  the 
same  way  had  been  the  cause  of  much  oratory  of  a  high 
rank  and  was  conspicuous  for  research  into  the  older 
history  of  Canada  and  into  the  constitutional  powers  once 
vested  in  the  French  King,  then  transferred  to  the  mon- 
archy of  Britain,  and  now  held  in  the  main  by  the 
Government  of  Canada  or  the  Executive  of  its  Provinces. 


HON.   VV.  E.  SA.NFORD, 
Dominion  Senator. 


SIR  JOHN   THOMPSON.  155 

As  studies  in  history,  in  constitutional  law,  and  in 
the  duties  owed  to  one  another  by  partners  in  a  Federal 
compact,  these  debates  may  have  been  illustrative  of  tht 
fact  that  good  does  sometimes  come  out  of  evil.  Perhaps  it 
would  be  more  correct  to  say  however  that  the  evil  which 
might  have  come  out  of  the  agitations  in  question,  was  to 
a  considerable  extent  averted  by  judicious  action  on  the 
part  of  men  who  were  Canadians  first,  Provincialists 
second.  And  the  discussion  of  the  questions  introduced 
into  the  Dual  Language  debate  of  1890,  was  not  less 
interesting  and  valuable  in  this  educational  sense  than 
were  the  others  which  had  been  dealt  with.  The  question 
in  itself  was  an  inevitable  product  of  the  race  and  religion 
cry  which  had  been  commenced  by  the  admirers  of  Louis 
Kiel,  promoted  by  the  assaults  upon  the  Jesuits'  Estates 
legislation,  continued  in  the  French  language  discussion  and 
terminated,  it  may  be  hoped,  in  the  Manitoba  Schools'  case. 

As  had  been  forshadowed  by  speeches  during  the 
Equal  Rights  agitation,  it  was  Mr.  McCarthy  who  moved 
in  the  matter.  On  the  22nd  of  January,  1890,  amidst 
considerable  excitement  in  political  circles,  he  introduced 
his  measure  for  an  amendment  of  the  North- West  Terri- 
tories Act,  abolishing  the  official  dual  language  system  in 
that  portion  of  the  Dominion.  His  speech  was  afterwards 
the  subject  of  very  wide  comment,  and  without  at  present 
going  into  the  reasons  for  the  denunciation  of  its  terms, 
may  very  fairly  be  described  as  unwise,  though  clever  and 
forcible  in  argument.  The  preamble  to  the  bill  made  it  in 
any  case  an  impossibility  :  "  It  is  expedient  in  the  interest 
of  the  national  unity  of  the  Dominion  that  there  should  be 
community  of  language  among  the  people  of  Canada,  and 
that  the  enactment  in  the  North- West  Territories  Act 
allowing  the  use  of  the  French  language  should  be  expunged 
therefrom." 


156  LIFE   AND   WORK   OF 

It  had  the  effect  of  mixing  up  the  question  of  an 
official  French  language  in  the  Parliament  of  Canada  and 
in  the  Province  of  Quebec  with  its  use  in  the  distant  terri- 
tories of  the  North-West,  where  comparatively  few  French 
Canadians  were  to  be  found,  and  where  very  little  real 
importance  could  be  attached  to  the  question  as  a  purely 
local  matter.  But,  under  existing  circumstances,  to  urge  its 
abolition  there  as  a  precedent  for  the  future  afc  Ottawa 
itself,  was  to  arouse  all  the  inflammable  French  sentiment 
in  Parliament  and  to  make  the  case  absolutely  hopeless 
from  the  first.  Mr.  McCarthy,  in  his  address,  gave  a 
history  of  the  Act  which  permitted  the  English  or  French 
language  to  be  used  in  the  debates  of  the  Council  or  Legis- 
lative Assembly  of  the  North- West  Territories  or  in  the 
Courts,  and  which  rendered  compulsory  the  printing  of  its 
records,  journals  and  ordinances  in  both  languages.  He 
quoted  many  writers  upon  the  necessity  of  one  language  in 
the  building  up  of  a  common  and  united  nationality ; 
denounced  the  racial  and  religious  difficulties  of  Canada  as 
primarily  due  to  the  differences  in  language ;  pointed  to 
Germany,  Russia  and  France  as  countries  whose  greatness 
and  unity  depended  upon  their  peoples  speaking  the  same 
tongue  in  private  and  public  life;  and  concluded  by 
announcing  that  "  My  desire  is  to  further  and  promote  the 
welfare  of  this  great  Dominion,  advance  its  national  life 
and  have  a  language  common  to  all."  Whatever  his  bare 
proposal  might  have  done  if  submitted  without  a  preamble 
or  speech  of  this  nature,  it  is  hardly  surprising  that  such 
remarks — made  by  a  member  whom  the  French  Canadians 
were  beginning  to  look  at  in  a  way  not  unlike  that  with 
which  Ontario  Orangemen  regarded  Mr.  Mercier — should 
have  aroused  all  their  susceptible  and  sentimental  regard 
for  the  language  of  their  ancestors.  The  speeches  at  once 
became  fierce  in  denunciation  of  the  proposal  and  of  its 
author. 


SIR  JOHN   THOMPSON.  157 

Sir  Hector  Langevin  denounced  it  as  a  development 
of  the  fanaticism  shown  in  the  Equal  Rights  movement. 
Speaking  of  the  French  settlers  in  the  North- West,  he 
declared  that  "  Providence  put  them  into  this  world,  and 
they  came  here  with  French  blood,  and  when  they  could 
speak  they  spoke  the  French  language.  They  went  there 
from  the  other  Provinces  knowing  that  the  subjects  of  Her 
Most  Gracious  Majesty  the  Queen  had  the  right  under  the 
laws  of  the  empire  to  speak  their  language  provided  they 
did  not  speak  treason."  It  could  not  be  a  matter  of 
expense  with  Mr.  McCarthy.  During  thirteen  years  the 
cost  of  public  printing  in  the  Territories  by  reason  of  this 
dual  language  system  had  only  been  increased  by  $4-,000. 
"  He  wants  to  tyrannize  over  the  French  Canadians  of  this 
country.  He  does  not  like  them.  He  hates  them  and  has 
hated  them  from  the  time  he  came  into  Parliament."  Sir 
Hector  took  the  line  which  was  followed  by  nearly  all  the 
speakers  from  all  parts  of  the  Dominion,  and  dealt  with 
the  proposal  as  an  attack  upon  the  language,  and  upon  the 
French  Canadians'  freedom  of  speech.  "  Just  now,"  he 
declared,  "  the  French  members  of  the  House  will  stand  as 
one  man  against  Mr.  McCarthy.  It  is  not  a  matter  of 
politics,  but  the  question  of  the  preservation  of  their  race 
and  nationality.  The  French  are  loyal  to  the  British 
Crown,  but  at  the  same  time  they  will  not  abandon  their 
language  and  religion  without  a  struggle." 

The  Hon.  David  Mills  referred  to  the  preamble  to  the 
bill,  and  the  speech  of  the  mover,  as  enunciating  a  principle 
far  more  important  than  the  measure  itself.  Mr.  McCarthy 
had  in  fact  "  laid  down  the  principle  that  there  could  only 
be  a  Canadian  nationality  by  having  one  language."  He 
had  spoken  as  though  it  were  an  offence  for  any  of  Her 
Majesty's  subjects  to  speak  the  French  language.  But,  said 
Mr.  Mills,  "  I  have  never  seen  an  oath  of  allegiance  which 


158  LIFE   AND   WORK   OF 

required  the  subject  to  speak  only  English.  The  British 
subject  may  talk  Italian  in  Malta.  French  in  Quebec,  Hindu 
at  Calcutta,  and  Chinese  at  rlong-Kong,  and  so  long  as  he 
does  not  speak  treason  will  not  sacrifice  any  of  his  rights 
as  a  British  subject."  He  pointed  out  that  the  dual  lan- 
guage system  was  in  operation  in  Cape  Colony,  and  Mauri- 
tius, as  well  as  in  other  places  within  the  Empire.  He  con- 
cluded by  referring  to  a  very  similar  attempt  made  early 
in  the  century  by  the  King  of  the  Netherlands,  which 
resulted  in  the  disruption  of  his  kingdom  and  the  estab- 
lishment of  the  separate  states  of  Holland  and  Belgium. 

Mr.  Laurier,  who  in  1877  had  beocme  leader  of  the 
Opposition  in  succession  to  Mr.  Blake,  illustrated  in  his 
speech  the  mistake  which  had  been  made  in  confusing  the 
issue  :  •'  Jf  it  (the  North-West  Bill)  were  not  to  be  followed 
by  any  other  ;  if  it  were  to  remain,  as  it  is  here,  simply  the 
abolition  of  the  French  language  in  the  North- West  Terri- 
tories ;  I  would  be  tempted  to  say,  let  the  measure  pass." 
And  then  he  quoted  from  a  speech  by  Mr.  McCarthy  in 
which  he  declared  that  "  we  must  buckle  on  our  armour 
and  make  the  French-Canadians  British."  He  went  on  to 
speak  of  the  high  attributes  and  qualities  of  the  people  of 
Quebec  in  characteristically  beautiful  language :  "  There  is 
not  under  the  sun  to-day  a  more  honest,  moral  and  intellec- 
tual race.  If  the  honorable  gentleman  would  come  to 
Lower  Canada  it  would  be  my  pride  to  take  him  through 
one  of  those  ancient  parishes  and  show  him  a  population 
to  which,  prejudiced  as  he  is,  he  could  not  but  apply  the 
words  of  the  poet : — 

4  Men  whose  lives  glide  on  like  rivers 
Watering  the  woodland, 
Darkened  by  shadows  of  earth, 
And  reflecting  the  image  of  heaven.' 

Let,  therefore,  the  two  races  stand  together,  each  with  its 
own  characteristics,  and  yet  united  in  a  common  object." 


SIR   JOHN   THOMPSON.  159 

Sir  John  Macdonald  in  his  remarks  voiced  the  principle 
of  moderation — the  true  basis  of  union.  "  We  have  a  con- 
stitution now  under  which  every  British  subject  is  in  a 
condition  of  absolute  and  perfect  equality — having  the 
same  rights  of  language,  of  religion,  of  property  and  of 
person — the  same  right  is  extended  to  every  race.  There 
is  no  conquered  race  in  this  country ;  we  are  all  British 
subjects,  and  those  who  are  not  English  are  none  the  less 
British  on  that  account."  He  denounced  Mr.  Laurier,  for 
having  tried  to  make  political  capital  out  of  the  measure, 
and  suggested  that  Mr.  McCarthy  had  commenced  at  the 
wrong  end.  "  If  the  butcher  goes  to  kill  an  ox,  he  strikes 
him  on  the  head  ;  he  does  not  cut  a  little  piece  off  the  tail." 
Mr.  McCarthy  should  have  commenced  his  agitation  in 
Quebec.  His  measure  was  "  like  the  sting  of  a  gnat ; 
merely  a  source  of  irritation."  Sir  John  announced  him- 
self in  favour  of  leaving  the  matter  to  the  decision  of  the 
Territorial  Assembly. 

Mr.  Chaplean  delivered  an  eloquent  and  fervent  speech. 
He  referred  to  the  fact  that  General  Murray,  the  first 
English  Governor  of  Quebec,  had  used  the  French  language 
in  all  his  dealings  with  the  King's  new  subjects.  "  I  take 
it  for  granted,"  declared  the  speaker,  "  that  the  quality  of 
British  citizenship  is  not  incompatible  with  a  foreign 
origin  ;  that  a  British  subject  may  be  of  French  origin  and 
a  Roman  Catholic."  He  spoke  of  the  use  of  French  in  the 
Windward  Islands,  in  Mauritius,  and  in  the  Seychelles. 
He  referred  to  the  teaching  of  Welsh  in  Wales ;  of  Gaelic 
in  Scotland  ;  and  of  various  native  languages  in  the  schools 
of  India.  So  in  the  Austrian  Empire,  where  a  number  of 
different  languages  were  taught  in  the  schools,  and  where 
the  Fundamental  Law,  promulgated  in  1867,  declares  that 
"all  the  races  of  the  Empire  are  on  a  footing  of  equality, 
and  each  one  of  the  nations  severally  has  a  right  that  the 


160  LIFE   AND   WORK    OF 

inviolability  of  its  nationality  and  its  language  shall  be 
secured."  He  quoted  Montesquieu  to  the  effect  that  men 
are  governed  less  by  terror  than  by  love  and  confidence. 
"  If  absolute  perfection  in  matter  of  Government  is  a  myth, 
it  is  a  fact  that  the  best  is  the  Government  which  adapts 
itself  most  closely  to  the  climate,  to  the  character,  the 
usages,  the  habits,  the  prejudices  even,  of  the  country." 

Late  in  the  debate,  Sir  John  Thompson  rose  to  speak, 
and  to  put  into  shape  the  policy  of  the  Government. 
Amendments  to  Mr.  McCarthy's  motion  had  been  proposed 
by  Mr.  Bechard  and  Mr.  Davin,  but  neither  were  considered 
satisfactory.  What  the  Minister  of  Justice  had  to  say 
was  very  little,  but  what  he  suggested  in  the  form  of  an 
amendment  was  very  effective.  He  pointed  out  how  little 
real  importance  there  was  in  the  mere  enactment  covering 
an  optional  right  to  the  use  of  either  French  or  English. 
"  I  have  seen  that  right  conceded  frequently  in  the  Legisla- 
ture of  my  own  Province  where  there  is  no  legislative 
guarantee  on  the  subject,  and  the  man  who  would  object 
to  the  Acadian  of  Nova-Scotia  speaking  his  own  tongue  in 
the  Legislature  of  his  own  Province  would  be  laughed  to 
scorn,  as  unworthy  to  sit  in  that  Assembly." 

But  he  strongly  urged  the  importance  of  the  laws 
being  published  in  both  languages,  where  it  might  be 
desired  in  the  interest  of  a  minority  ;  and  the  necessity  of 
permissive  legislation  concerning  the  use  of  either  language 
in  the  local  Law  Courts,  He  announced  his  intention  to 
propose,  therefore,  that  the  regulations  as  to  publishing  the 
ordinances  in  both  languages  and  permitting  the  use  of 
English  or  French  in  the  courts,  should  be  left  intact,  but 
that  the '  records,  the  journals  and  the  debates  of  the 
Assembly  should  be  referred  to  the  control  of  the  next 
duly  elected  Territorial  Assembly.  His  amendment  read 
as  follows,  and  was  carried  by  a  vote  of  117  to  03 : — 


I. 


HON.  WILLIAM  B.  IVES,  M.P. 

President  of  Privy  Council. 


II 


SIR   JOHN    THOMPSON.  163 

"That  this  House,  having  regard  for  the  long  con- 
tinued use  of  the  French  language  in  old  Canada  and  to 
the  covenants  on  that  subject  embodied  in  the  British 
North  America  Act,  cannot  agree  in  the  declarations  con- 
tained in  the  said  Bill  as  a  basis  thereof,  namely,  that  it  is 
expedient  in  the  interest  of  the  national  unity  of  the 
Dominion  that  there  should  be  unity  of  language  amongst 
the  people  of  Canada.  That,  on  the  contrary,  this  House 
declares  its  adhesion  to  the  said  covenant,  and  its  deter- 
mination to  resist  any  attempt  to  impair  the  same.  That 
at  the  same  time  this  House  deems  it  expedient  and  proper, 
and  not  inconsistent  with  the  covenants,  that  the  Legisla- 
tive Assembly  of  the  North- West  Territories  should  receive 
from  the  Parliament  of  Canada  power  to  regulate  the 
proceedings  of  the  Assembly  and  the  manner  of  recording 
and  publishing  such  proceedings." 

This  settled  for  a  time  a  question  which  in  itself  was 
insignificant,  but  in  its  environment  was  exceedingly 
unpleasant  and  disastrous  to  the  good  feeling  which  ought 
to  exist  amongst  all  races  and  creeds  within  the  Dominion 
of  Canada. 


164  LIFE   AND  WORK   OF 


CHAPTER  IX. 
THE  ELECTIONS  OF  1891. 

The  conflict  at  the  polls  which  commenced  by  the 
dissolution  of  Parliament  on  the  4th  of  February,  1891,  was 
in  many  respects  the  most  momentous  in  the  history  of 
Canada.  In  1874  a  general  election  had  overthrown  a 
Government  charged  with  corruption,  and,  whether  right 
or  wrong  in  this  particular  application  of  the  principle,  had 
clearly  demonstrated  that  Canadians  will  not  endure  even 
a  suspicion  of  dishonesty  in  their  rulers.  In  i  878  protec- 
tion to  national  industries  had  been  proclaimed  emphati- 
cally as  the  national  policy  of  the  country,  and  in  1882, 
amid  the  fair  weather  of  good  times  and  abounding  pros- 
perity that  policy  had  been  confirmed  and  strengthened. 
In  1887  a  dangerous  racial  and  religious  agitation  in  Que- 
bec had  been  rendered  almost  harmless  by  the  patriotism 
of  its  people  in  rallying  to  the  support  of  a  Government 
which,  whatever  its  faults,  had  acted  in  the  best  interests 
of  the  Dominion  by  allowing  the  law  to  take  its  course  in 
the  case  of  Louis  Kiel. 

But  four  years  later  a  new  question  had  arisen  and 
one  which  involved  a  clear  and  distinct  issue  to  all  who 
would  honestly  read  the  signs  of  the  times.  Leaving  to 
one  side  all  partisan  cries  and  strictly  partisan  statements  ; 
accepting  as  a  fact  the  loyalty  of  the  great  mass  of  the  peo- 
ple in  both  parties ;  waiving  present  consideration  of  the 
utterances  of  men  like  Wiman  and  Farrer :  it  yet  seems 
perfectly  plain  that  the  country  had  to  consider  during 


SIK  JOHN   THOMPSON.  1G5 

that  campaign  the  principles  of  British  unity,  British 
commerce,  and  British  sympathy,  as  against  Continental 
unity,  Continental  trade,  and  Continental  sympathy. 
There  were  side  issues,  of  which  the  cry  for  Equal  Rights 
was  by  no  means  the  least,  but  this  question  of  the 
British  Empire  versus  "the  Continent  to  which  we  belong," 
was  the  dominant  and  absorbing  matter  submitted  to  the 
consideration  and  decision  of  the  people. 

In  stating  this  fact  there  is  no  intention  of  charging 
any  one,  whether  leader  or  follower,  with  annexationist 
sentiments  or  with  personal  disloyalty.  But  in  dealing 
with  the  principles  which  daring  this  important  contest, 
Sir  John  A.  Macdonald  defended  with  such  vigour  as  to 
fatally  undermine  his  health ;  which  Sir  Charles  Tupper 
came  from  England  to  help  in  supporting ;  whi'ch  Sir  John 
Thompson  aided  by  many  a  speech  and  with  all  the  force 
of  his  clear  and  logical  eloquence ;  which  other  Conserva- 
tive leaders  joined  in  urging  with  a  passionate  earnestness 
unusual  in  Canadian  politics,  it  must  be  made  clear  that 
there  really  was  some  great  underlying  element  of  serious 
import. 

Apart,  therefore,  from  specific  utterances  and  party 
charges,  the  great  issue  lay  in  the  tendencies  of  the  two 
policies.  Everyone  knows  that  a  new  country,  like  a 
young  man,  should  have  some  high  ideal,  some  great  ambi- 
tion, some  future  hope  which  constitutes  in  itself  a  living 
principle  of  conduct  and  a  substantial  basis  for  present 
action.  During  the  dozen  years  in  which  it  had  held 
power,  the  Conservative  party,  with  all  its  sins  of  omission 
and  commission — and  no  public  organization  is  devoid  of 
them — had  evolved  ani  placed  before  the  people  some  such 
principle  and  plan  of  national  development.  It  was  in  this 
that  Sir  John  Macdonald  had  shown  his  supreme  states- 
manship. Without  the  sentiment  which  surrounds  the 


1  GO  LIFE  AND  WORK  OF 

ideal  of  Canada  for  Canadians  within  the  British  Empire, 
the  National  Policy  would  have  been  a  mere  fiscal  experi- 
ment, lasting  as  long  as  the  good  times  continued,  but 
blown  away  like  chaff  before  the  first  storm  of  depression 
or  financial  difficulty. 

But  when  the  people  clearly  recognized  that  the  whole 
tendency  of  this  new  policy  was  to  build  up  the  resources 
of  Canada,  by  the  development  of  trade,  inter-communica- 
tion, and  investment  within  the  Empire :  when  they  heard 
and  accepted  the  claim  that  it  was  none  the  less  British  for 
being  Canadian :  that  it  was  safe  from  the  charge  of 
dependence  on  either  Great  Britain  or  the  United  States : 
and  that  it  combined  national  sentiment  and  progress  with 
a  distinct  tendency  towards  closer  Imperial  connection  in 
the  future ;  the  natural  effect  was  a  strengthening  of  the 
protective  system  by  the  support  of  a  large  element  of  the 
people  who  considered  loyalty  of  the  first  importance  in 
conducting  the  affairs  of  our  rising  nationality. 

On  the  other  side  of  the  political  fence  there  had  been, 
however,  for  several  years,  as  Sir  John  Thompson  pointed 
out  in  several  of  his  more  important  speeches,  a  tendency  to 
deprecate  sentiment  in  the  conduct  of  public  affairs:  to 
denounce  loyalty  as  unimportant,  or,  at  the  best,  of  second- 
ary importance :  to  place  alleged  material  interests  first, 
and  national  ideals  and  aspirations  second.  And  as  the 
campaign  developed,  this  distinction  between  the  parties 
came  out  even  more  plainly.  The  Commercial  Union 
advocacy  of  the  Toronto  Globe  and  Mail  in  previous  years ; 
the  unfortunate  speeches  of  Mr.  Laurier  and  Sir  Richard 
Cartwright  in  Boston ;  the  mixing  up  of  the  party  papers 
and  leaders  with  the  annexationist  ideas  of  Messrs.  Wiman, 
Farrer,  and  Hitt ;  the  scarcely  disguised  support  given  to 
the  principle  of  discrimination  against  British  goods,  if 
necessary,  in  order  to  obtain  American  reciprocity;  all 


SIR   JOHN   THOMPSON.  167 

combined  to  add  strength  and  inspiration  to  Sir  John 
Macdonald's  famous  Manifesto  and  to  his  equally  vigorous 
denunciation  of  the  alleged  disloyalty  of  the  Liberal 
leaders. 

On  February  4th,  the  Government  gave  to  the  press  a 
despatch  which  had  been  sent  by  the  Governor-General  to 
the  Colonial  Secretary,  on  Dec.  13th,  1890,  outlining  the 
terms  of  certain  negotiations  into  which  his  ministers 
desired  to  enter  with  the  United  States'  Government. 
It  was  proposed  that  a  Joint  Commission  should  be  formed 
similar  to  that  of  1871,  and  with  power  to  deal  with  the 
following  questions : 

I.  Renewal  of  the  Reciprocity  Treaty  of  1854,  with 
necessary  modifications. 

II.  Re-consideration   of   the    Treaty    of   1888,  with 
respect  to  the  Atlantic  fisheries,  with  a  view  to  reciprocity 
in  fish,  and  in  the  privileges  of  buying  bait,  transhipment 
of  fish,  etc. 

III.  Protection  of  mackerel  and  other  fisheries  on 
the  Atlantic  coast  and  in  the  inland  waters. 

IV.  Relaxation  of  the  seaboard  coasting  laws  of  the 
two  countries,  and  also  of  the  coasting  laws  on  the  great 
lakes. 

V.  Mutual  salvage  and  saving  of  wrecked  vessels. 

VI.  Arrangements    for   settling   boundary   between 
Canada  and  Alaska. 

It  was  stated  that  the  presentation  of  these  proposi- 
tions arose  through  the  negotiations  which  had  for  some 
time  been  going  on  between  Newfoundland  and  the  United 
States,  and  in  which  Canada  insisted  upon  having  some- 
thing to  say.  The  United  States  Government  at  first 
demanded  separate  negotiations,  but  eventually  Mr.  Blaine 
expressed  a  willingness  to  discuss  matters,  and  a  desire  to 
know  the  basis  upon  which  the  Dominion  Government 


168  LIFE   AND    WORK   OF 

desired  to  act.  Lord  Stanley's  despatch  was  the  result. 
and  its  publication  at  this  moment  had  the  effect  of  making 
it  a  campaign  document,  and  of  taking  the  reciprocity 
wind  to  a  certain  extent  out  of  the  Opposition  sails. 

Naturally  the  Liberals  were  taken  aback,  and  many 
were  exceedingly  angry  at  the  clever  political  stroke.  It 
was  an  instance  of  "  the  Old  Man's  strategy,"  which  could 
be  fully  appreciated  at  the  moment.  And  the  terms  of  the 
preliminary  announcement  were  strongly  criticised.  It  was 
claimed  that  the  American  Government  had  never  consented 
to  negotiate  ;  that  the  whole  thing  was  a  fraud  intended  to 
deceive  the  electorate ;  and  that  after  the  campaign  was 
over  nothing  more  would  be  heard  of  it.  Strength  was 
added  to  this  view  by  the  publication  of  a  letter  from  Mr. 
Elaine  denying  that  he  had  ever  made  any  overtures  in 
the  matter,  and  asserting  that  only  the  very  widest  reci- 
procity would  be  considered  by  the  American  Government. 
Upon  the  other  hand,  Sir  John  Thompson  declared 
emphatically  at  the  great  mass  meeting  in  Toronto,  on 
Feb.  6th,  which  practically  opened  the  campaign,  that  "  we 
had  the  proposition  which  was  submitted  to  Mr.  Elaine; 
the  answer  that  Mr.  Elaine  made  to  us  was  that  he  was 
willing  to  enter  upon  a  preliminary  discussion  to  precede 
the  more  formal  commission  ;  he  was  willing  to  enter  upon 
that  discussion,  and  to  consider  all  points  embraced  in  it, 
but  would  not  be  prepared  to  do  so  until  after  the  4th  of 
March,  when  the  term  of  the  present  Congress  expires." 
It  is  safe  to  say  in  this  connection  that  where  the  personal 
statements  of  a  Canadian  and  an  American  leader  disagree, 
the  Canadian  people  as  a  whole  prefer  to  believe  the 
former.  And  that  was  about  all  that  could  be  said  upon 
the  subject  at  the  time. 

The  Toronto  meeting  was  a  great  success,  besides  being 
the   occasion   of   Sir   John   Thompson's   first   appearance 


HON.  A.  R.  ANGERS,  SENATOR, 
Minister  of  Agriculture. 


SIR  JOHN  THOMPSON.  171 

before  an  audience  in  the  Queen  City.  He  had  already 
been  down  in  Nova- Scotia,  accompanied  by  the  Hon.  C.  H. 
Tupper,  and  had  paid  a  hasty  visit  to  Antigonish,  where 
the  Liberals  had  been  raising  a  storm  by  attacking  Bishop 
Cameron,  and  where  the  Minister  of  Justice  had  once  more 
to  meet  the  bitter  feeling  aroused  through  denunciation  of 
clerical  activity  in  elections.  It  seemed,  indeed,  as  if  it 
were  his  fate  to  encounter  everywhere  this  religious  preju- 
dice, and  to  meet  sectarian  questions  in  every  portion  of 
his  political  career.  The  only  thing  which  marred  the 
success  of  the  great  gathering  in  the  Toronto  Auditorium 
was  the  rude  interruption  of  some  one  in  the  gallery  who 
shouted  out  the  word  "Jesuit"  when  the  Minister  of 
Justice  was  half-way  through  his  speech.  It  appeared  to 
have  an  unexpected  effect  upon  the  apparently  cool  and 
collected  speaker,  and  to  have  considerably  shortened  his 
address.  The  fact  is,  that  he  was  more  easily  moved  upon 
these  points  than  the  public  would  have  thought  possible, 
and  his  calm  exterior  gave  no  indication  of  the  passionate 
feelings  and  sensitive  disposition  of  the  man. 

None  the  less  was  his  speech  a  success  and  the  impres- 
sion made,  a  most  favourable  one.  The  other  speakers 
were  the  Hon.  Mackenzie  Bowell,  the  Hon.  G.  E.  Foster, 
the  Hon.  Frank  Smith,  and  the  Hon.  John  Carling.  The 
Minister  of  Justice  dealt  largely  with  the  Reciprocity 
question.  At  the  first  he  spoke  of  himself  in  a  character- 
istically plain  and  dignified  manner  :  "  Let  me  say  at  the 
outset  that  I  am  no  orator,  and  that  even  if  I  had  the  gift 
of  eloquence  it  would  not  be  useful  to  me  to-ni^ht  in  the 
task  that  is  before  me,  because  we  are  not  here  to  carry 
away  your  feelings  or  to  influence  your  passions  by 
eloquent  appeals,  but  to  make  a  plain  statement  as  behooves 
public  men  placing  an  issue  of  the  greatest  consequence 
before  this  country."  He  described  the  attitude  of  the 


172  LIFE  AND  WORK  OF 

Opposition ;  reviewed  the  history  of  Canadian  relations 
with  the  United  States ;  and  defended  the  Government  in 
its  dissolution  of  Parliament. 

Upon  this  latter  point  he  said  :  "If  you  and  the  people 
of  Canada  accept  the  policy  that  we  put  before  you  now, 
we  will  go  to  Washington  with  a  Parliament  behind  us, 
and  we  will  be  able  to  treat  with  Mr.  Blaine  with  the 
assurance  that  the  Premier  of  this  country  has  the  renewed 
confidence  of  the  people  of  Canada."  He  pointed  out  that 
the  Liberals  were  everywhere  criticising  the  Government's 
Reciprocity  proposal  as  impossible  of  success.  "  Well,  Sir, 
if  it  should  fail,  I  will  tell  you  why.  It  will  fail  because 
the  followers  of  Sir  Richard  Cartwright  have  put  on  record 
whole  volumes  against  Canada  with  regard  to  the  necessi- 
ties of  this  country,  and  with  regard  to  her  bankruptcy  if 
she  cannot  get  better  trade  relations  with  the  United  States. 
If  it  fails,  it  will  be  because  of  the  cloud  of  witnesses  he 
has  produced  against  his  country.  The  records  of  debates 
on  Reciprocity  in  the  House  of  Commons,  the  record  of 
evidence  given  before  Committee  after  Committee  of  Con- 
gress at  Washington,  have  the  names  of  these  men  appended 
as  indicating  that  this  country  can  be  starved  into  sub- 
mission." 

Sir  John  Thompson  concluded  his  speech  with  a  very 
clear-cut  definition  of  what  the  Government  would  do  and 
would  not  do :  "  We  appeal  not  to  the  sentiment  of  the 
United  States.  We  do  not,  in  the  words  of  the  gentleman 
who  presided  at  the  banquet  in  Boston,  and  which  Sir 
Richard  Cartwright  addressed,  look  to  them  for  the  sign  by 
which  we  conquer,  but  we  appeal  to  our  Canadian  fellow- 
citizens,  and  if  they  sustain  us  in  the  policy  I  have  stated 
to  you  to-night,  the  negotiations  will  proceed  in  March  for 
a  fair  extension  of  the  trade  of  this  country — not  for 
Unrestricted  Reciprocity,  not  for  any  surrender  of  our  tariff 


SIR   JOHN   THOMPSON.  173 

control,  not  for  any  discrimination  against  Great  Britain — 
but  for  a  fair  line  of  interchange  that  will  be  beneficial  to 
both  countries." 

The  campaign  was  now  in  full  swing,  and  it  soon 
proved  to  be  the  most  bitter  contest  ever  fought  in  the 
Dominion.  Sir  Charles  Tupper  brought  his  forceful 
eloquence  to  bear  upon  the  result,  and  at  Toronto,  Windsor, 
Hamilton,  Kingston,  London,  Halifax  and  Quebec  dealt 
sledge-hammer  blows  against  the  policy  of  the  Opposition. 
The  publication  by  Sir  John  Macdonald  of  the  correspon- 
dence between  Edward  Farrer,  Congressman  Hitt  and 
Erastus  Wiman,  follor/ed  by  his  eloquent  and  pathetic 
appeal  to  the  British  sentiment  of  the  people,  had  a  great 
effect.  In  his  manifesto  he  characterized  the  policy  of  the 
Liberals  as  being  veiled  treason,  and  denounced  it  as  involv- 
ing discrimination  against  the  Mother  country  ;  as  necessi- 
tating direct  taxation  to  the  extent  of  $14,000,000  annually; 
and  as  inevitably  resulting  in  annexation.  Mr.  Blake,  after 
having  resigned  the  Liberal  leadership  in  1887  into  the 
hands  of  Mr.  Laurier,  now  retired  from  Parliament  alto- 
gether, and  thus  weakened  his  party  by  the  defection  of  one 
whom  all  respected,  whether  they  were  in  harmony  with 
his  views  or  the  reverse. 

The  Conservatives  however,  did  not  have  things  all 
their  own  way.  A  manifesto  was  issued  by  the  Equal 
Rights  Association  vigorously  denouncing  the  Government 
for  its  action  in  connection  with  the  Jesuits'  Estates  and 
French  language  questions.  Mr.  Laurier  delivered  a  num- 
ber of  addresses  in  Ontario,  and  made  the  most  of  his  power 
of  persuasive  eloquence  and  his  personal  charm  of  manner. 
On  the  13th  of  February  he  published  a  manifesto  dealing 
with  Sir  John  Macdonald's  charges  and  explaining  his 
position  regarding  Unrestricted  Reciprocity.  He  accepted 
the  National  Policy  as  the  one  issue  put  forward  by  the 


174  LIFE   AND   WORK   OF 

Conservatives,  and  declared  the  platform  of  the  Liberals  to 
be  "  absolute  reciprocal  freedom  of  trade  between  Canada 
and  the  United  States."  He  denounced  the  premature  dis- 
solution of  Parliament,  proclaimed  the  loyalty  of  himself 
and  his  party,  and  arraigned  the  protective  tariff  as  a 
public  curse.  A  strong  point  in  the  Liberal  speeches  was 
the  effect  which  the  McKinley  bill  might  be  expected  to 
have  upon  the  farmers,  and  the  claims  that  these  anticipated 
evils  could  be  averted  by  giving  the  party  a  free  hand 
for  the  negotiation  of  a  wide  reciprocity  treaty  with  the 
American  Republic. 

Another  source  of  aid  was  the  influence  of  Mr.  Mercier 
in  Quebec.  He  had  made  every  preparation  to  leave  for 
Europe  in  order  to  float  a  loan  of  $10,000,000,  but  deferred 
his  trip,  because,  as  he  declared  at  a  mass  meeting  in  Mon- 
treal on  February  9th,  "  his  place  was  beside  his  esteemed 
chief,  Mr.  Wilfred  Laurier."  It  is  not  unlikely  that  he 
hoped  to  make  a  portion  of  the  proposed  loan  unnecessary 
by  thus  helping  into  office  a  leader  who  was  pledged  to 
carry  out  the  increased  subsidies  to  the  Provinces  proposed 
by  the  Inter-Provincial  Conference  of  a  few  years  before. 
"  Mr.  Laurier  accepted  the  resolutions,"  declared  the  speaker, 
"  and  promised  to  carry  them  into  effect  if  he  came  into 
power.  He  (Mr.  Mercier)  had  telegraphed  asking  him  if 
he  would  ratify  this  declaration  and  Mr.  Laurier  had  re- 
plied '  I  accept  the  declaration  as  the  expression  of  my 
policy.'  "  The  Rykert  scandal  in  the  scarifying  hands  of 
Sir  Richard  Cartwright  was  also  an  element  of  substantial 
help  to  the  Liberals,  while  the  severe  criticisms  of  the 
Toronto  Mail  and  a  speech  or  two  made  by  the  Hon.  Oliver 
Mowat  were  of  additional  service. 

As  much  can  hardly  be  said  of  the  assistance  which 
Mr.  Goldwin  Smith  tried  to  render.  His  letter  to  the  New 
York  Times  of  February  <Sth,  stating  that  the  Tories  "seek 


SIR  JOHN  THOMPSON.  175 

to  make  Canada  the  engine  of  the  Conservative  aristocracy 
of  Great  Britain  for  averting  the  triumph  of  democracy  in 
the  New  World,"  was  merely  regarded  as  a  renewed  effort  to 
prejudice  American  public  opinion  against  any  Conservative 
attempt  to  obtain  a  fair  and  reasonable  Reciprocity  Treaty. 
And  his  subsequent  letter  to  a  Toronto  paper  denouncing 
the  National  Policy,  only  helped  those  who  were  trying  to 
affix  the  disgraceful  stigma  of  annexationism  to  the  Liberal 
party.  His  aid  was  indeed  an  injury  to  the  Opposition  in 
this  campaign  as  it  might  have  been  to  the  Conservative 
party  had  the  distinguished  English  writer  remained  after 
1878  a  supporter  of  Protection  and  a  follower  of  Sir  John 
A.  Macdonald. 

Meanwhile  Sir  John  Thompson  had  been  making  a 
speech  or  two  in  Nova-Scotia,  and  attending  so  far  as  was 
possible  to  his  own  interests  in  Antigonish,  where  his  old 
opponent,  the  Hon.  Angus  McGillivray,  was  once  more  run- 
ning against  him.  As  his  majority  had  only  been  40  in 
the  campaign  of  1887,  care  was  required  at  this  juncture, 
especially  in  view  of  the  somewhat  unscrupulous  nature  of 
the  contest  on  the  part  of  the  Opposition  in  the  constitu- 
ency. Mr.  McGillivray  was  a  man  of  considerable  ability 
and  standing.  He  had  been  first  elected  as  a  colleague  of 
Mr.  J.  S.  D.  Thompson  in  Antigonish,  to  the  Local  Legisla- 
ture, and  had  been  re-elected  in  1882.  Three  years'  later 
he  became  Speaker  of  the  Assembly  and  continued  to  hold 
that  position  until  appointed  a  member  of  the  Local  Gov- 
ernment in  1887.  In  this  latter  year  he  had  for  the  first 
time  opposed  his  old  friend  and  fellow-Conservative  in  the 
elections  for  the  Dominion  House.  In  doing  so  he  came 
into  conflict  with  Bishop  Cameron,  which  was  not  a  very 
wise  thing  to  do  in  that  constituency,  and  had  been  beaten: 
though  not  by  a  very  large  majority. 

It  had  long  been  a  matter  of  course  in  Antigonish 


176  LIFE   AND   WORK   OF 

and  a  custom  which  the  people  regarded  with  respect,  for 
the  Bishop  to  intervene  in  the  elections.  Usually,  several 
Catholics  would  be  in  the  field,  and  he  would  express  a 
preference  for  the  one  or  the  other.  Then  upon  several  occa- 
sions one  Protestant  would  be  returned  to  the  Local  House 
and  one  Catholic,  showing  clearly  that  there  was  no  bigotry 
in  the  matter.  When  the  close  friendship,  which  has  now 
become  historical,  grew  up  between  the  future  Premier  and 
the  Bishop,  it  was  not,  therefore,  surprising  that  the  latter 
should  help  his  friend,  and  it  was  not  considered  anything 
unusual  ki  the  constituency  chiefly  interested.  In  his 
earlier  elections,  Sir  John  Thompson  had  been  greatly 
aided  by  this  influence.  In  1887,  Mr.  McGillivray,  how- 
ever, had  allowed  his  supporters  to  spread  abroad  the 
impression  that  the  Bishop's  sympathy  and  support  were 
no  longer  with  the  Minister  of  Justice,  and  that  a  letter  to 
that  effect  was  in  existence.  These  statements  brought  out 
a  characteristically  vigorous  manifesto  from  His  Lordship, 
addressed  to  the  electors,  and  urging  them  to  support  his 
friend.  An  extract  from  it  will  be  of  interest  and  impor- 
tance, as  showing  the  very  substantial  and  effectual  manner 
in  which  Bishop  Cameron  stood  by  Sir  John : 
"  To  the  Electors  of  Antigonish  County: 

"GENTLEMEN, — I  did  not  expect  that  designing  politicians  would  dis- 
turb you  by  organizing  a  factious  opposition  to  the  return  of  the  Hon.  Mr. 
Thompson  at  the  ensuing  election,  much  less  did  I  apprehend  that  either 
the  factionists  or  their  dupes  would  take  such  liberty  with  my  own  name 
as  to  oblige  me  in  honor  publicly  to  repudiate  their  misrepresentations  of 
my  views  and  sentiments  regarding  the  present  unseemly  contest.  ]n 
this  and  some  of  the  neighbouring  counties  it  is  asserted,  urged  and  con- 
fidently reiterated  that  my  estimation  of  the  Minister  of  Justice  has 
undergone  such  a  change  that  I  have  decided  not  to  support  him  any  more ; 
that  far  from  disapproving  of  his  being  ignominiously  discharged  by  you, 
I  have  furnished  Mr.  A.  McGillivray  with  an  assurance  of  my  entire 
unconcern  ;  nay,  that  he  had  in  his  pocket  a  letter  pledging  me  to  strict 
neutrality.  (It  is  scarcely  necessary  to  remark  that  such  a  statement  was 
never  made  either  by  Mr.  McGillivray  or  any  reul  frien.d.  of 


HON.  JOHN  F.  WOOD,  M.P., 
Comptroller  of  Inland  Revenue. 


12 


SIR  JOHN   THOMPSON.  179 

"  Gentlemen,  no  such  letter  exists,  no  such  assurances  have  been 
given  ;  while  my  estimate  of  Mr.  Thompson  is  even  far  greater  now  than 
when  I  last  had  the  honor  to  ask  your  suffrages  in  favor  of  his  election  in 
1885. 

"  About  seventeen  months  ago,  you  chose  him  as  your  representative 
in  the  House  of  Commons,  and  you  have  since  had  abundant  evidence  of 
the  wisdom  of  your  choice.  You  have  seen  that  he  has  proved  himself  to 
be  one  of  the  most  gifted,  most  honoured,  most  influential  and  most  irre- 
proachable statesmen  of  the  Dominion,  and  you  have  felt  that  his 
unequalled  success  is  a  source  of  legitimate  pride  to  yourselves  and  to  all 
Nova  Scotians.  You  have  seen,  also,  that  while  honouring  you  so  highly 
by  his  eloquence  in  debate,  and  his  wisdom  in  council  and  committee,  he 
has  never  neglected  your  more  immediate  public  interests — nay,  that  he 
has  promoted  them  with  a  success  altogether  unprecedented. 

"  Seventeen  months  ago  you  needed  postal  communication  and 
facilities  in  various  localities,  and  already  you  have  no  fewer  than  five 
new  post-offices  opened,  besides  more  frequent  mails  in  several  other 
places.  You  needed  improvement  in  our  railway  tariff;  through  Mr. 
Thompson's  strenuous  efforts  you  have  obtained  it.  You  needed  money 
to  repair  most  useful  public  works,  fallen  into  neglect  and  decay,  to  com- 
plete others  and  to  originate  more,  and  already  110  less  than  $34,346  has 
been  placed  at  our  disposal  for  that  purpose  ;  yet  this  magnificent  sum  is 
doubtless  but  an  instalment  of  the  amount  which  we  may  expect  under 
the  auspices  of  this  most  efficient  benefactor,  to  be  expended  for  our 
advantage.  Lastly,  he  has  been  mainly  instrumental  in  persuading  the 
Cabinet  to  undertake  to  build  a  railway  through  Cape  Breton,  as  a  Gov- 
ernment measure,  and  already  forty-five  miles  of  it  are  under  contract 
and  in  course  of  construction.  He  has  thus  conferred  an  inestimable  boon 
on  Eastern  Nova  Scotia  as  well  as  on  that  fine  Island  in  whose  prosperity 
we  all  feel  the  liveliest  interest. 

"  To  give  him  his  discharge,  in  existing  circumstances,  would  be  an  act 
of  senseless  ingratitude,  a  public  calamity  and  a  lasting  disgrace,  for 
which  I  trust  you  will  never  be  guilty  of  making  yourselves  answerable. 
In  a  word,  to  do  yourselves  full  credit,  you  ought  not  only  to  return  Mr. 
Thompson,  but  to  return  him  by  an  overwhelming  majority,  since  you 
have  not  been  allowed  the  privilege  of  electing  him  as  he  deserved,  by 
acclamation. 

"  The  above  is  my  reply  to  those  who  have  unathoritatively  dragged 
my  name  into  the  contest,  and  now,  gentlemen,  I  confidently  leave  the 
issue  in  your  hands,  and  remain, 

"  Your  devoted  well-wisher  and  servant  in  Christ, 
" JOHN  CAMERON, 

"  Bishop  of  Antigonish. 

"  Antigonish,  Feb.  11,  1887." 


180  LIFE  AND   WORK   OF 

During  the  canvass  of  the  constituency  which  took 
place  in  the  elections  of  1891,  Mr.  McGillivray  came 
out  with  a  vigourous  attack  upon  the  Bishop,  and  in 
reply  the  Rev.  Father  Macdonald  of  Stellarton  accused  the 
former  of  having  personally  made  the  very  statements 
which  Bishop  Cameron  in  the  above  circular  charitably 
disbelieved.  Archbishop  O'Brien  also  came  to  the  support 
of  His  Lordship,  and  indirectly  of  Sir  John  Thompson.  In 
an  address  delivered  at  Halifax,  he  eloquently  defended 
clerical  intervention  under  certain  conditions  and  in  certain 
circumstances  : 

"  The  interest  of  the  country  and  the  fond,  proud  love 
of  his  country  find  a  place  in  the  heart  and  engage  the 
attention  of  the  true  priest.  Hence,  should  a  candidate  for 
Parliament  advocate,  say  Unrestricted  Reciprocity,  and 
should  a  prelate  conscientiously  believe  that  to  be  the  first 
step  towards  annexation — should  he  have  good  reason  to 
believe  that  its  promoters  had  that  result  in  view,  namely, 
to  destroy  our  fair  Canadian  nationality  and  make  of  this 
country  the  battling  ground  of  carpet-baggers  and  traitors 
— should  he  not  advise,  exhort,  entreat,  aye,  and  command, 
his  people  to  vote  against  such  a  candidate  ?  " 

Needless  to  say,  in  a  Catholic  constituency  like  Anti- 
gonish  it  was  not  surprising  that  the  influence  of  such 
appeals  and  the  personal  popularity  of  a  prelate  so  respected 
and  esteemed  as  Bishop  Cameron,  should  have  had  great 
weight,  and  have  prepared  the  way  for  the  majority  of  227 
with  which  the  Minister  of  Justice  swept  away  his  antago- 
nist on  March  5th.  Before  that  final  result  of  the  cam- 
paign occurred,  however,  Sir  John  Thompson  delivered 
two  important  addresses  in  the  Province — one  at  Halifax 
in  conjunction  with  Sir  Charles  Tupper  and  the  Hon.  C.  H. 
Tupper,  on  February  14th,  and  the  other  at  Kentville,  four 
days  later.  The  Halifax  meeting  was  a  great  demonstra- 


SIR   JOHN   THOMPSON.  181 

tion.  Sir  Charles  Tupper  in  one  of  his  old-time  ringing 
speeches,  stirred  up  the  loyalty  and  enthusiasm  of  his 
audience  to  an  unprecedented  degree,  and  was  followed  by 
Sir  John  in  a  speech  which  seems  to  have  been  instinct 
with  unusual  earnestness  and  vim.  He  handled  the  Lib- 
eral party  without  gloves.  Referring  to  the  Reciprocity 
policies — restricted  and  unrestricted — he  declared  that 
"  the  Liberals  made  no  offer  to  negotiate,  but  proclaimed  in 
advance  that  they  were  prepared  to  give  away  everything 
The  Liberals  appealed  to  the  manufacturers  of  Boston  foi 
'  a  sign  by  which  to  conquer.'  Sir  John  Macdonald  appeals 
to  the  people  of  Canada,  and  says, '  To  you  I  look  for  the 
sign  by  which  to  conquer.  .  .  .  When  Nelson  was 
once  signalled  to  retire,  he  gave  the  command ;  '  Keep  my 
signal  for  closer  battle  flying,  and  nail  it  to  the  mast.' 
Mr.  Laurier  had  said  at  Halifax  that  he  nailed  his  Unre 
stricted  Reciprocity  colours  to  the  mast,  but  his  mast  has 
already  been  shot  away,  and  his  colours  all  tattered  and  torn 
are  hanging  in  ribbons  over  the  drifting  hulk  of  his  party." 
The  battle  now  progressed  with  intense  vigour  in  all 
parts  of  the  country  to  its  termination.  On  the  one 
side  were  "the  Old  Man,  the  Old  Flag,  and  the  Old 
Policy  " ;  earnest  appeals  to  British  sentiment  and  allegi- 
ance ;  fierce  denunciation  of  the  alleged  American  sympa- 
thies, policy  and  environment  of  the  Liberal  leaders. 
Upon  the  other  were  vigorous  protestations  of  loyalty ; 
charges  of  wholesale  corruption  against  the  Government, 
departmental  and  national  ;  advocacy  of  free  trade  with 
the  States  and  wider  markets  for  Canadian  produce. 
Incidentally,  there  were  Ontario  protests  and  votes  against 
those  who  had  refused  to  support  the  disallowance  of  the 
Jesuits'  Estates  Act ;  while  in  Quebec  Mr.  Mercier  directed 
all  the  smouldering  fires  of  the  prejudices  aroused  by 
the  old  Riel  agitation,  against  the  Dominion  Government, 


182  LIFE   AND   WORK   OF 

The  result,  however,  was  the  sustaining  of  the  Con- 
servative party,  policy  and  Ministry  by  a  majority  oi 
between  twenty  and  thirty.  Two  members  of  the  Gov- 
ernment, Mr.  C.  C.  Colby,  and  Mr.  John  Carling,  were 
defeated,  while  the  Opposition  lost  Mr.  A.  G.  Jones,  Mr. 
Peter  Mitchell  and  Mr.  Weldon.  And  thus  ended  the  most 
desperate  fight  in  the  history  of  the  Dominion,  and  one 
which  was  destined  to  indirectly  cause  a  greater  loss  to  the 
Conservative  party  and  to  the  country  than  any  which 
had  yet  taken  place.  Sir  John  Macdonald,  against  the 
advice  of  his  physicians,  had  taken  a  wonderfully  active 
part  in  the  campaign."  The  "  Grand  Old  Man,"  with  an 
energy  perfectly  phenomenal  in  one  of  his  years  and  physical 
weakness,  seemed  to  be  everywhere  urging  on  the  battle ; 
putting  life  and  soul  into  his  supporters;  arousing  the 
enthusiasm  of  vast  audiences  as  only  his  magnetic  person- 
ality could  do ;  and  giving  to  the  struggle  that  swing  of 
victory  which  was  necessary  to  overcome  the  many  adverse 
circumstances. 

Without  him,  indeed,  it  is  not  unlikely,  that  the  party 
would  have  been  defeated,  and  of  this  he  was  quite  well 
aware.  Taking,  therefore,  his  life  in  his  hand,  Sir  John 
Macdonald  had  gone  into  the  conflict  determined  to  win  one 
more  success  for  what  he  believed  to  be  the  fundamental 
principles  of  Canadian  nationality  and  progress — British 
connection  and  loyalty  to  the  'close  and  horourable  union 
of  the  Dominion  and  the  Empire.  But  his  efforts  in 
managing  the  campaign  and  addressing  immense  audiences 
almost  daily  for  weeks — upon  one  day  he  spoke  five  times 
— were  too  much  for  his  feeble  frame,  and  after  success 
had  been  achieved  the  inevitable  reaction  set  in,  and  the 
laurels  of  victory  instead  of  contributing  to  a  new  lease  of 
power  and  influence,  could  only  be  used  to  crow  i  the  tomb 
of  departed  greatness, 


SIE  JOHN   THOMPSON. 

CHAPTER  X. 
DEATH  OF  SIR  JOHN  MACDONALD. 

On  the  24th  of  May  it  became  known  to  the  public 
that  the  illness  of  Sir  John  A.  Macdonald  was  somewhat 
serious.  He  himself  did  not  appear  to  regard  it  in  that 
light,  however,  and  during  the  next  day  or  two  improved 
considerably.  On  the  29th,  when  the  fatal  stroke  fell  upon 
him,  he  had  been  dictating  letters ;  holding  a  long  conver- 
sation with  Sir  John  Thompson  upon  questions  of  public 
policy  and  party  tactics ;  and  receiving  a  visit  from  the 
Governor-General.  But  shortly  afterwards  the  paralytic 
seizure  came  and  stilled  the  busy  brain,  numbed  the  mar- 
vellous faculties,  and  silenced  forever  the  voice  which  had 
so  long  been  the  voice  of  Canada.  During  the  week  of 
anxious  waiting  which  followed,  a  sorrowing  people,  a 
sympathetic  Empire,  and  a  Queen,  who  is  as  great  a  woman 
as  she  is  a  sovereign,  watched  beside  the  sick-bed  at  Earns- 
cliffe,  where  the  greatest  of  Colonial  statesmen,  the  Father 
of  Canadian  confederation  and  the  champion  of  Imperial 
unity,  lay  fighting  his  sad  and  hopeless  battle. 

As  days  and  hours  went  by,  and  the  great  leader  was 
passing  slowly  away,  people  began  to  realize  what  enor- 
mous consequences  might  follow.  Sir  John  Macdonald  to 
many  minds  seemed  the  actual  embodiment  of  Canadian 
Conservatism.  To  them  he  was  the  party,  and  without 
him  the  party  was  nothing.  Others,  who  understood  more 
clearly  the  condition  of  affairs,  knew  that  there  were 
several  men  quite  able  to  take  the  leadership,  and  that  fore- 
most amongst  them  stood  the  Minister  of  Justice.  Outside 
of  Canada,  however,  there  is  no  doubt  that  the  name  of 


184  LIFE  AND  WORK   OF 

Sir  John  Macdonald  was  at  that  time  the  only  one  which 
could  be  said  to  bear  an  international  or  imperial  reputa- 
tion. He  had  grown  up  with  Canada.  His  policy  had 
made  itself  felt  abroad,  and  his  name,  in  many  places,  was 
synonymous  with  that  of  the  Dominion.  His  death,  there- 
fore, might  involve  political  chaos,  it  might  result  in  the 
disintegration  of  the  party  he  had  formed  and  led  so  long, 
it  did  undoubtedly  imply  serious  political  difficulties. 

Parliament  promptly  adjourned  upon  the  news  of  the 
Premier's  fatal  illness,  and  from  that  time  till  the  end 
came,  upon  the  memorable  6th  of  June,  1891,  the  pulse  of 
the  Canadian  people  was  stirred  as  it  had  never  been 
before.  Publicly,  of  course,  there  could  be  no  serious  dis- 
cussion as  to  the  future  leader,  as  to  the  future  of  the 
party  or  of  the  country.  But  privately  there  was  a  great 
deal.  Ottawa  was  disturbed  as  it  had  not  been  since  the 
days  of  1873,  when  the  fate  of  Sir  John  Macdonald's  first 
ministry  hung  in  the  balance  of  a  great  parliamentary 
trial.  Letters  from  all  over  the  Dominion  poured  into  the 
capital,  rumours  of  a  hundred  kinds  were  current,  consid- 
erations of  all  sorts  were  discussed.  It  was  recognized 
then,  and  in  the  week  which  followed  the  Premier's  death, 
that  Sir  John  Thompson,  by  force  of  ability  and  political 
service,  was  the  inevitable  leader — if  not  at  once,  then  in 
the  near  future. 

Had  there  been  an  impression  that  Sir  Charles  Tupper 
would  have  cared  to  take  up  political  life  again,  the  opinion 
of  the  party  would  have  probably  united  upon  him,  but 
the  circumstances  being  otherwise  there  seemed  a  large 
majority  of  sentiment  in  favour  of  the  Minister  of  Justice. 
Here,  however,  the  sectarian  element  intervened.  His  reli- 
gion it  was  claimed,  in  connection  with  the  Jesuits'  Estates 
and  other  questions,  would  fatally  prejudice  the  chances  of 
the  party  in  certain  portions  of  the  country  and  it  would  be 


HON.  SIR  JOHN  CARLING,  K.C.M.G.,  M.P., 

Minister  without]  Portfolio 


SIR  JOHN   THOMPSON.  187 

better  if,  for  a  time  at  least,  the  Premiership  of  the  Domi- 
nion were  placed  in  the  hands  of  someone  who,  in  the  exist- 
ing crisis,  would  be  able  to  unite  all  sections  of  the  Conser- 
vative forces.  The  name  of  the  Hon.  J.  J.  C.  Abbott  was 
suggested,  and  his  private  correspondence  at  the  time,  as 
well  as  that  of  Sir  John  Thompson,  illustrates  the  utter 
unselfishness  which  in  this  connection  characterised  the  two 
men.  In  a  letter  written  to  an  intimate  friend  on  the  4th 
of  June,  and  only  two  days  before  Sir  John  Macdonald's 
death,  Mr.  Abbott  commented  very  frankly  upon  the 
proposal  that  the  leadership  shouM  fall  to  him.  He  said  : 

"  I  have  heard  from  many  people  lately  very  similar 
ideas  of  the  situation  to  yours — but  from  none .  whose 
opinions  I  should  place  more  confidence  in.  But  I  hate 
politics,  and  what  are  considered  their  appropriate  methods. 
I  hate  notoriety,  public  meetings,  public  speeches,  caucuses, 
and  every  thing  that  I  know  of  that  is  apparently  the 
necessary  incident  of  politics — except  doing  public  work 
to  the  best  of  my  ability.  Why  should  I  go  where  doing 
honest  work  will  only  make  me  hated  and  my  ministry 
unpopular;  and  where  I  can  only  gain  reputation  and 
credit  by  practising  arts  which  I  detest,  to  acquire  popu- 
larity ?  Besides  breaking  up  all  my  family  arrangements 
in  which  I  have  settled  down  and  hope  to  spend  any  time 
I  may  hope  to  have  left,  now  that  I  have  reached  the 
allotted  span.  No  doubt  some  such  arrangement  as  you 
mention  would  be  the  best  solution  of  the  crisis — but  there 
are  lots  of  men  better  known  than  I,  and  better  capable  of 
working  out  the  political  problem ;  and  who  would  be  glad 
of  the  chance.  My  own  impression  is  that  Thompson  is 
the  man  to  be  sent  for,  and  I  should  think  he  could  carry 
the  work  through,  though  of  course  I  am  not  familiar  with 
the  feeling  in  Ontario. 

"  Yours  sincerely,     J,  J,  C.  ABBOTT." 


188  LIFE  AND   WORK  OF 

Such  a  letter,  written  by  an  old  man  who  in  shortly 
afterwards  assuming  the  heavy  duties  of  the  Premiership, 
accepted  a  burden  too  great  for  his  years  and  strength,  has 
a  pathetic  ring  in  its  every  line.  Little  wonder  that  he 
hesitated  to  surrender  his  quiet  home  life,  and  in  his  de- 
clining days  take  up  such  a  task.  But  none  the  less  it  was 
an  honour  which  many  would  have  liked  to  receive  and  a 
duty  which  few  ambitious  men  would  shrink  from  accept- 
ing, even  in  succession  to  such  an  unequalled  leader  as  Sir 
John  A.  Macdonald.  Writing  to  the  same  gentleman  on 
the  memorable  Gth  of  June,  Sir  John  Thompson  breathed 
very  similar  sentiments  : 

"  I  am  much  obliged  for  your  letter.  At  this  crisis 
any  member  of  the  Government  must  feel  grateful  for  the 
frank  advice  of  sincere  friends  as  1  well  know  you  to  be. 
1  fear,  however,  that  you  have  conceived  the  idea  that  I 
aspire  to  lead  the  party,  now  or  in  the  future.  No  greater 
mistake  could  be  made.  I  am  not  willing  to  take  that 
position  now,  or  to  enter  on  a  period  of  probation  with  a 
view  to  that  end.  I  hope  that  the  party  can  be  much  bet- 
ter led,  and  I  am  willing  to  serve  or  to  retire  as  may  seem 
best  to  the  man  who  shall  take  up  the  reins  which  have 
fallen  from  the  hands  of  Sir  John  Macdonald. 
"  Yours  sincerely, 

"JNO.  S.  D.  THOMPSON." 

The  death  of  the  great  Conservative  leader  on  the 
very  day  this  letter  was  written  compelled  action  while 
for  the  moment  interdicting  discussion.  Sir  John  Thomp- 
son had  moved  the  adjournment  of  the  House  after  brief 
speeches  from  Sir  Hector  Langevin  and  others.  And  the 
eloquent  tribute  paid  upon  that  occasion  to  the  memory  of 
the  dead  statesman  by  the  Hon.  Wilfred  Laurier  is  one  of 
the  bright  spots  in  the  record  of  Canadian  political  struggle. 


SIR  JOHN   THOMPSON.  189 

Then  followed  the  prolonged  State  funeral,  amid  such 
evidences  of  sincere  national  grief  as  are  very  rarely  given 
to  a  public  man,  no  matter  how  great  he  may  have  been  in 
character  or  achievement.  Sir  John  Macdonald  was  finally 
laid  away  in  the  distant  cemetery  at  Cataraqui,  amidst 
surroundings  of  almost  unique  sorrow  : 

"  Muffled  peals  and  drooping  banners, 
Bated  breath  and  measured  tread, 
Emblems  of  a  nation's  mourning 
For  her  great  and  noble  dead." 

With  the  passing  of  the  Chieftain,  came  the  imperative 
necessity  for  the  selection  of  a  new  leader  and  a  new  Pre- 
mier. Lord  Stanley  of  Preston,  had  postponed  action  for 
six  days  and  until  the  funeral  was  finished,  but  on  the  12th 
of  June,  it  was  announced  that  His  Excellency  was  in  com- 
munication with  Sir  John  Thompson  and  the  Hon.  Mr. 
Abbott.  Meantime  the  intrigue  and  speculation  customary 
in  Cabinet  crises  had  been  going  on.  Sir  Hector  Langevin, 
as  the  member  of  the  late  ministry  who  had  served  the 
longest  time  in  office,  and  who  by  virtue  of  his  leadership 
of  the  French  Canadian  wing  of  the  party,  really  had 
strong  claims  to  consideration,  was  being  strenuously  urged 
for  the  Premiership  by  Le  Monde  and  other  journals  of 
Quebec.  Unfortunately,  however,  he  was  resting  under 
the  shadow  of  the  Tarte  charges,  and  was  in  a  position 
which  Sir  'John  Thompson  had  declared  in  his  speech  at 
Halifax  during  the  general  elections,  made  an  investigation 
absolutely  necessary. 

Mr.  Chapleau  was  also  vigorously  opposed  to  him,  and 
publicly  urged  the  claims  of  the  Minister  of  Justice  to  the 
position.  "  I  regard  Sir  John  Thompson,"  said  he,  on  June 
12th,  "  as  the  only  man  who  can  give  the  quality  of 
stability  in  the  re- organization  of  the  Government.  He 
may  meet  with  Opposition  from  Ontario,  but  we  believe 


190  LIFE  AND  WORK  OF     . 

that  our  Ontario  friends  will  regard  it  as  a  duty  and  a 
necessity  to  join  and  co-operate  for  the  best  interests  of 
the  Conservative  party.  Sir  John  Thompson  is  essentially 
an  Englishman  and  a  Britisher,  and  as  he  himself  has  often 
pointed  out  in  his  speeches,  is  governed  by  political,  not  by 
religious  principles."  The  Ottawa  Citizen  urged  the  dis- 
tinguished services  and  abilities  of  Sir  Charles  Tupper, 
and  in  other  quarters  there  was  some  talk  of  Mr.  W.  R. 
Meredith. 

During  a  part  of  this  period,  Mr.  D'Alton  McCarthy 
was  in  Ottawa.  And  it  was  natural  that  the  presence  of 
the  man  who  for  years  had  been  looked  upon  as  Sir  John 
Macdonald's  successor ;  whose  legal  advice  and  political 
abilities  had  been  so  frequently  utilized  by  the  Chieftain 
prior  to  the  coming  of  Sir  John  Thompson  into  office; 
whose  place  as  an  Ontario  politician  was  now  so  peculiar 
and  so  antagonistic  to  the  Province  of  Quebec;  should 
have  created  much  interest  and  discussion.  The  Equal 
Rights  leader  had  one  interview  with  Sir  John  Thompson 
during  the  crisis.  Any  political  significance  was  denied  at 
the  time,  but  it  is  DOW  understood  that  Mr.  McCarthy  took 
the  opportunity  to  point  out  his  claims  to  the  Premiership, 
and  to  make  suggestions,  the  details  of  which  will  probably 
never  be  known.  Sir  John  was  very  non-committal  in  the 
matter,  and  a  little  later  on,  when  the  Governor- General 
discussed  the  formation  of  a  Cabinet  with  him,  and  he  felt 
obliged  to  decline  the  honour,  it  was  Senator  Abbott  whom 
he  recommended  to  His  Excellency. 

That  Mr.  McCarthy  could  not  afterwards  work  with 
the  Minister  of  Justice  is  therefore,  not  surprising,  apart 
altogether  from  their  differences  upon  the  Jesuits'  Estates, 
the  French  language,  or  the  Manitoba  Schools.  That  he 
was  not  consulted  in  the  subsequent  formation  of  the 
Thompson  Government  is  still  less  surprising.  And  that 


HON.  J.  J.  CURRAN,  Q.C.,  M.  P., 

Solicitor-General. 


SIR  JOHN   THOMPSON.  193 

he  has  since  drifted  entirely  away  from  the  Conservative 
party  is  a  natural  consequence  of  the  rivalry  of  two  able 
men  of  antagonistic  ambitions,  but  of  extremely  diverse 
views  and  characteristics. 

The  Governor-General  had  not  found  it  so  very  easy 
to  obtain  a  Premier.  When  His  Excellency  summoned  Sir 
John  Thompson  on  the  morning  of  the  12th  of  June,  the 
latter  hesitated,  and  advised  that  Mr.  Abbott  be  sent  for. 
After  an  hour's  conversation,  he  left  and  spent  some  time 
in  consultation  with  the  latter.  The  two  then  returned  to 
the  Governor-General's  office,  and  shortly  afterwards  it 
was  announced  that  the  Hon.  J.  J.  C.  Abbott  had  accepted 
the  duty  of  forming  a  Cabinet.  Four  days  later  a  com- 
munication was  read  to  the  House  of  Commons  from  the 
new  Premier,  stating  that,  "  I  have  communicated  with 
my  colleagues,  and  requested  their  consent  to  remain  in 
their  present  offices,  and  with  their  assent  submitted  to 
His  Excellency  my  recommendation  that  they  should  be 
continued  in  their  positions. "  This  was,  of  course,  approved, 
and  Mr.  Abbott  himself  assumed  the  post  of  President  of 
the  Council.  For  the  time  being,  the  Ministry  of  Kail- 
ways  and  Canals,  which  Mr.  Chapleau  thought  himself 
entitled  to  have,  was  administered  by  another  member  of 
the  Government. 

At  a  later  date  the  promised  re-construction  of  the  Min- 
istry took  place,  and  the  changes  may  as  well  be  noted  here. 
For  months  there  had  been  rumours  current  concerning 
Mr.  Meredith's  entry  into  the  Oabinet.  There  was  undoubt- 
edly a  strong  feeling  in  his  favour  throughout  Ontario. 
Able,  eloquent,  popular  and  genial,  the  present  Chief 
Justice  of  the  Province  had  always  held  a  warm  place  in 
the  hearts  of  its  people.  Though  unsuccessful  in  ousting 
the  clever  political  strategist,  who  has  so  long  held  power 
at  Toronto,  he  was  almost  equally  respected  by  party  friend 

13 


194  LIFE   AND   WORK   OF 

and  party  foe.  But  the  semi-religious  cry  of  one  or  two 
campaigns  and  the  anti  Separate  School  plank  in  his  plat- 
form, had  for  good  or  ill  antagonized  the  Roman  Catholic 
vote  and  made  it  as  difficult  apparently  for  the  Conserva- 
tive Opposition  leader  in  Ontario  to  enter  the  Dominion 
Government  as  it  was  for  him  to  win  success  in  the  Local 
elections. 

None  the  less  a  Cabinet  position  was  offered  him  by 
Mr.  Abbott  daring  the  re-construction.  Why  it  was  refused 
is  not  known,  but  that  the  offer  was  made,  and  with  Sir 
John  Thompson's  full  knowledge  and  approval,  is  beyond 
doubt.  The  Minister  of  Justice  as  leader  of  the  Commons 
would  have  much  to  say  in  connection  with  such  an  impor- 
tant matter,  and  it  is  interesting  to  note  how  far  removed 
from  bigotry  his  views  must  have  been.  But  this  particular 
arrangement  fell  through,  and  by  the  end  of  January,  1892, 
all  the  other  changes  had  been  effected.  Lieut. -Colonel 
J.  A.  Ouimet  entered  the  Government  in  practical,  though 
not  immediate,  succession  to  Sir  Hector  Langevin  and  took 
the  portfolio  of  Public  Works.  Mr.  John  G.  Haggart  was 
promoted  from  the  Postmaster-Generalship  to  the  Ministry 
of  Railways  and  Canals,  and  was  succeeded  by  Sir  Adolphe 
Caron,  who  handed  over  tne  Department  of  Militia  and 
Defence  to  the  Hon.  Mackenzie  Bowell.  Mr.  Chapleau  was 
given  the  Ministry  of  Customs — a  decided  promotion — 
and  his  old  position  of  Secretary  of  State  was  filled  by  the 
elevation  of  Mr.  James  C.  Patterson,  a  strong  party 
organizer  and  popular  politician,  of  clean  and  honourable 
record. 

Such  was  Mr.  Abbott's  completed  Cabinet.  A  word 
might  be  said  in  this  connection  about  one  of  the  most 
interesting  personalities  in  Canadian  politics — Mr.  Nicholas 
Flood  Davin.  There  is  no  doubt  that  the  brilliant  writer, 
orator  and  North- West  representative  had  at  this  time 


SIR   JOHN   THOMPSON.  195 

strong  claims  to  a  Cabinet  position.  His  friends  had  urged 
Sir.  John  A.  Macdonald  to  make  him  Minister  of  the 
Interior  in  succession  to  Mr.  Dewdney,  and  they  continued 
to  do  so  with  Mr.  Abbott,  although  the  post  had  in  the 
meantime  been  filled  by  Mr.  Daly's  appointment.  Mr.  Davin 
was  finally  offered  the  Lieut.-Governorship  of  the  North- 
West  Territories,  but  refused  it,  and  the  position  went  to 
Mr.  C.  H.  Mackintosh.  He  would  have  made  an  ideal 
Governor. 

The  accession  of  Mr.  Abbott  had  not  been  well  received 
in  all  quarters.  It  was  not  that  his  self-denial  and  patriotism 
lacked  appreciation,  or  that  his  ability  as  a  manager  of  men 
and  a  wise  tactician  was  not  considered  fully  equal  to  the 
task  before  him.  But  there  was  a  popular  impression  in 
French  Canadian  circles  that  Sir  John  Thompson  was  being 
put  to  one  side  on  account  of  his  religious  views.  La  Presse 
of  June  15th  declared  that  "  the  Catholics  are  not  going  to 
be  the  victims  of  exclusionisin  because  of  their  religious 
belief.  Sir  John  Thompson  is  the  most  remarkable  man 
in  our  Federal  politics,  and  he  has  the  right  to  be  judged 
from  a  political  standpoint."  Mr.  Chapleau  xras  also  dis- 
satisfied :  "  I  am  still  of  opinion  that  Sir  John  Thompson 
is  the  best  available  man  at  this  juncture.  It  seems 
apparent  that  the  obstacle  against  him  was  his  religion." 
The  Ottawa  Citizen,  on  finding  that  Sir  Charles  Tupper 
did  not  care  to  be  put  forward  for  the  position,  had  already 
come  out  strongly  for  the  Minister  of  Justice,  and  pro- 
claimed on  June  13th  that  "  No  more  able,  honourable, 
industrious,  courteous  and  painstaking  representative  can 
be  found  in  the  ranks  of  the  Conservatives.  He  is  loved 
by  all  who  know  him,  and  the  more  responsible  the  position 
he  is  placed  in  the  greater  intellectual  power  will  he 
display." 

But  these  utterances  were  without  result.     Sir  John 


196  LIFE  AND   WOKK   OF 

Thompson  knew  something  of  the  difficulties  which  threat- 
ened the  new  Ministry,  and  he  had  no  desire  to  add  any 
sectarian  complication  to  them  if  an  act  of  personal 
self-sacrifice  would  avail  to  avert  the  evil.  As  it  was, 
he  at  once  assumed  the  leadership  of  the  House  of 
Commons  in  fact,  if  not  in  name.  For  a  brief  period 
courtesy  gave  Sir  Hector  Langevin  a  certain  precedence, 
but  it  was  not  long  before  the  aggressive  and  merciless 
Opposition  placed  the  veteran  Conservative  leader  in  a 
position  where  self-defence  was  the  only  consideration. 
The  Toronto  Globe,  and  the  Liberals  generally,  did  not 
altogether  like  the  new  leadership.  The  organ  declared 
that  Sir  John  was  too  cold  and  grave ;  and  pointed  out 
that  the  blood  and  fire  that  leaps  and  flames  in  the  men 
who  seem  born  to  lead  their  fellows,  did  not  charge  through 
the  veins  of  this  studious  and  deliberate  politician. 

This  was  hardly  sufficient  ground,  however,  for  denoun- 
cing to  the  electorate  the  coming  wearer  of  the  mantle  of 
Sir  John  Macdonald.  The  Globe  could  not  charge  personal 
or  political  corruption  against  him,  so  it  alleged  that  he  was 
returned  for  his  county,  not  by  the  free  votes  of  the  people, 
but  through  "  the  strenuous  intimidation  of  a  Bishop."  It 
could  not  criticise  his  administration  of  the  Department 
of  Justice,  so  it  gravely  alleged  that  he  had  been  "a  failure 
in  the  Local  politics  of  Nova-Scotia."  It  was  difficult  to 
minimise  the  respect  in  which  he  was  generally  held  out- 
side of  the  ranks  of  extreme  bigots  and  partisans,  so  the 
public  were  informed  that  "he  came  from  a  remote 
Province."  However,  these  were  not  very  severe  or 
damaging  charges.  Far  more  injurious  were}the  comments 
of  the  Toronto  Mail,  and  it  is  not  unlikely  that  the  remarks 
of  that  paper  on  June  9th  had  influenced  him  considerably 
in  his  feelings  as  to  the  Premiership.  After  a  reference  to 
his  admitted  ability,  unblemished  character  and  high  sense 


Hox.  J.  A.  OUIMET,  M.  P. 
Minuter  of  Public  Works. 


SIR  JOHN   THOMPSON.  199 

of  honour,  the  Equal  Rights  organ  went  on  to  say  that 
"  the  obvious  objection  to  him  is  that  he  is  a  Roman 
Catholic  and  a  convert,  animated  by  a  convert's  zeal,  as  he 
showed  when  he  came  forward  to  lead  in  the  defence  of 
the  Jesuits'  Estates  Act." 

But  whatever  the  future  result  might  be,  he  had  now 
done  what  seemed  to  be  his  duty  to  the  party  and  the 
country,  at  a  crisis  which  can  only  be  appreciated  by  a 
recollection  of  the  familiar  phrase  used  for  so  many  years 
by  his  opponents  to  depict  the  time  when  Sir  John  Mac- 
donald  would  leave  the  scene  of  his  struggles  and  his 
victories  :  "  After  me,  the  deluge."  The  long- looked  for 
event  had  come,  but  other  men  had  picked  up  the  threads 
of  power  as  they  fell  from  the  nerveless  hands  of  the 
Chieftain,  and  his  words  uttered  in  Toronto  on  Dec.  18th. 
1884,  had  assumed  life  and  form  :  "  I  am  satisfied  that 
whoever  may  be  chosen  as  my  successor,  he  and  those  who 
act  with  him  will  move  in  the  same  line,  will  be  governed 
by  the  same  principles,  and  will  be  supported  by  the  same 
party." 

The  first  Session  of  the  seventh  Parliament  of  Canada 
resumed  its  work  with  a  most  satisfactory  Budget  Speech 
{'roin  Mr.  Foster,  following  upon  a  motion  of  Mr.  Laurier, 
which  showed  a  Government  majority  of  only  twenty. 
The  available  surplus  was  placed  at  $2,100,000,  and  the 
removal  of  the  sugar  duties  to  the  extent  of  $3,500,000  was 
met  by  an  increased  excise  and  a  reduced  expenditure. 
On  May  20th>  the  interminable  Franchise  Act  came  up  for 
discussion,  on  a  Liberal  motion  for  its  repeal,  as  being 
inconvenient,  cumbersome,  and  inefficient.  Sir  John 
Thompson  showed  how  useless  these  continued  debates 
were :  "  In  1885  we  had  a  most  elaborate  discussion  on 
every  principle  involved  in  the  measure ;  in  1886,  when  I 
had  occasion  to  introduce  some  amendments,  we  had  a  very 


200  LIFE    AND   WORK    OF 

long  discussion,  not  only  of  the  principles,  but  as  to  the 
expediency  of  repeal  ;  in  1887,  I  think  in  1888,  and  cer- 
tainly last  year,  we  had  every  argument  exhausted  and 
every  argument  reviewed."  He  then  pointed  out  that  the 
motion  would  make  it  necessary  to  fall  back  upon  the 
franchises  of  the  various  Provinces,  which  change  con- 
stantly and  are  never  alike. 

As  it  is,  the  Act  "  aids  in  securing  uniformity.  In 
some  of  the  Provinces  there  are  revisions  by  municipal 
authorities ;  in  others  by  municipal  officers ;  in  others  by 
sheriffs  who  are  officers  at  pleasure  of  the  Provincial 
Governments.  .  .  .  There  is  no  pretence  at  uniformity ; 
there  is  no  attempt  to  secure  any  kind  of  legal  qualifica- 
tion in  the  officers  appointed  to  do  the  work  of  revision  ; 
whereas  the  Act  now  under  consideration  establishes  a 
qualification  for  the  office  of  revising  barrister  second  to 
none  required  for  any  public  office  connected  with  the 
administration  of  any  law ;  second  only  to  that  required 
for  filling  the  highest  judicial  offices." 

On  May  29th.  Mr.  Laurier  moved  on  behalf  of  the 
now  aggressive  and  hopeful  Opposition,  a  vote  of  censure 
upon  Sir  Charles  Tupper  for  having  taken  part  in  the 
recent  general  elections  whilst  holding  the  post  of  High 
Commissioner  in  England ;  for  having  imputed  treason 
against  his  opponents ;  and  for  having  assailed  the  Grand 
Trunk  Railway.  Sir  John  Thompson  in  his  reply  made  a 
vigorous  defence  of  his  old-time  colleague  and  friend : — 
"  Sir  Charles  Tupper  in  one  place  after  another  has  shown 
that  while  certain  persons  had  put  themselves  forward  to 
promote  the  welfare  and  the  designs  of  the  Liberal  party 
in  this  country,  but  really  to  subvert  the  institutions  of 
this  country — before  the  Liberal  party  could  venture  to  go 
•  to  the  polls,  they  were  compelled  to  dissavow  all  connec- 
tion and  all  sympathy  with  any  such  designs  or  with 


SIR   JOHN    THOMPSON.  201 

individuals  who  were  promoting  those  designs."  Far, 
therefore,  from  imputing  disloyalty  to  the  Liberal  party, 
he  had  simply  shown  that  without  this  repudiation  they 
would  have  been  annihilated  at  the  recent  elections. 

The  Minister  of  Justice  went  on  to  point  out  that 
while  the  Opposition  Leader  made  this  general  charge  of 
imputing  treason  against  Sir  Charles  Tupper,  he  had  not 
laid  on  the  Table  of  the  House  one  single  bit  of  evidence, 
or  one  solitary  extract.  Sir  John  then  sketched  the  posi- 
tion and  duties  of  the  High  Commissioner.  "  He  is  not  a 
foreign  ambassador.  He  is  simply  the  Agent  of  this 
Government,  living  in  London.  His  Excellency,  the  Gov- 
ernor-General, is  the  medium  of  communication  between 
this  and  the  Imperial  Government.  It  is  only  when 
special  views  are  to  be  passed  or  influence  used  that  the 
High  Commissioner  comes  into  action.  ...  It  is 
necessary  that  he  should  be  the  confidential  agent  of  the 
Government  he  serves ;  should  be  in  sympathy  with  its 
policy ;  should  strive  to  carry  out  that  policy ;  should  be 
the  depository  of  its  secrets.  To  be  competent  and  efficient 
he  cannot  help  having  political  sympathies." 

After  speaking  of  the  Grand  Trunk  and  Sir  Charles 
Tupper's  very  moderate  request  that  it  should  permit  the 
employe's  to  vote  as  they  liked ;  Sir  John  referred  to  the 
general  issue  at  the  election  in  vigorous  style : — "  I  think 
the  Leader  of  the  Opposition  is  somewhat  mistaken  in  the 
choice  of  his  expression  when  he  declares  that  Sir  C. 
Tupper  *  stooped '  to  take  part  in  those  elections.  Con- 
sidering that  the  fate  of  this  country  was  at  stake,  con- 
sidering that  the  trade  relations  of  this  country  were 
being  discussed  and  fought  over,  and  that  the  issues  with 
regard  to  those  trade  relations  were  perhaps  the  most 
important  ever  submitted  to  the  British  North  American 
Provinces,  I  do  not  think  that  anybody  could  fairly  be 


202  LIFE   AND  WORK   OF 

said  to  have  '  stooped '  in  order  to  take  part  in  that  con- 
test." The  motion  was,  of  course,  voted  down,  as  had  been 
the  previous  one  in  reference  to  the  Franchise  Act.  But 
the  majorities  all  through  this  difficult  session  were  small 
— averaging  about  twenty — and  requiring  a  most  watchful 
care  in  debate  and  division  on  the  part  of  the  Leader  of 
the  House. 

In  September  the  adjournment  came  after  a  prolonged 
surfeit  of  scandals.  It  was  the  longest  session  but  one  in 
the  history  of  the  Dominion,  and  the  worry  and  work 
which  it  entailed  upon  Sir  John  Thompson  no  doubt  laid 
the  foundation  of  the  physical  troubles  which  were  to 
eventually  carry  him  off.  But  he  came  through  it  all  with 
flying  colours  as  a  Parliamentary  leader,  a  debater  and  a 
minister.  He  proved  himself  capable  of  holding  together 
a  weakened,  almost  shattered  party,  in  the  face  of  a  terri- 
ble personal  loss ;  in  the  teeth  of  serious  and  injurious 
charges  from  a  strong  and  united  Opposition ;  in  spite  of  a 
small  and  shifting  majority.  It  was  indeed  a  severe  trial, 
but  as  on  previous  occasions,  he  had  risen  to  the  emergency. 


l 


jir 


Hox.  T.  MAYNE  DALY,  M.P 

Minister  of  the  Interior. 


SIE  JOHN   THOMPSON.  205 


CHAPTER  XI. 

THE  SCANDAL  SESSION. 

No  country  in  the  world  can  boast  absolute  purity  in 
politics  and  administration.  Few  in  this  respect  have 
stood  as  high  in  the  scale  as  Canada.  Elections  in  the 
Mother-land  are  known  to  cost  millions ;  the  constituencies 
are  carefully  "  nursed  "  for  years  by  would-be  candidates 
at  great  personal  expense ;  contracts  upon  occasion  have 
notoriously  been  given  to  inefficient  concerns  upon  very  in- 
sufficient grounds.  Yet  no  one  will  call  England  a  really 
corrupt  country.  In  the  United  States  unfortunately  there 
can  be  no  doubt  about  the  matter.  There  is  corruption  in 
the  Presidential  elections,  in  the  Congressional  elections,  in 
the  State  contests,  in  the  Civic  governments,  and  in  the  city 
elections.  It  is  a  far  cry, from  the  Pension  Bureau  to  the 
Lexow  inquiry,  but  in  all  the  varied  departments  of  Ameri- 
can politics  between  the  one  and  the  other,  there  is  proba- 
bly boodling  to  be  found  in  a  greater  or  lesser  degree. 

It  is  a  matter  of  deep  regret  that  the  Dominion  has 
not  been  able  to  keep  its  skirts  altogether  clean  in  this 
connection.  But  there  are  degrees  of  offence  in  this  as  in 
every  other  case.  And,  during  the  period  now  under  con- 
sideration there  were  two  parties  to  the  charges  of  corrup- 
tion. Quebec  had  covered  itself  with  disgrace  by  allowing 
its  Government  to  fall  into  the  hands  of  a  small  clique  of 
men  who,  under  the  brilliant  but  erratic  and  dangerous 
leadership  of  Count  Mercier,  had  pillaged  the  Province 
without  pity  or  remorse ;  had  enjoyed  for  years  a  deficit  of 


206  LIFE  AND   WORK   OF 

over  a  million  dollars  annually  ;  had  increased  the  debt  by 
some  $15,000,000 ;  had  rioted  in  luxury,  in  costly  houses,  in 
expensive  horses,  in  journeys  and  fetes.  The  Baie  de  Cha- 
leurs'  case  brought  much  of  this  home  to  the  Provincial 
Premier  and  his  Ministry  ;  the  Royal  Commission  did  more 
in  developing  the  investigation;  the  Lieut. -Govern or  finally 
gave  the  people  their  opportunity  by  dismissing  his  advisers 
and  calling  in  new  men  and  a  new  party.  The  elections 
which  followed  closed  the  drama  and  restored  the  Province 
to  its  former  honorable  position,  while  forever  burying 
under  the  all-powerful  ballot-box,  the  men  who  had  dis- 
graced its  name  and  temporarily  blackened  its  repute. 

The  Dominion  case  was  different.  The  charges  made 
against  members  of  the  Government  were  claimed  by  Sir 
John  Thompson  to  be  bitterly  partisan ;  were  proved,  so 
far  as  personal  corruption  was  concerned,  to  be  without 
foundation ;  and  dealt  in  the  main  with  a  system  rather 
than  with  individual  actions.  Where  charges  were  specified 
and  proved  against  officials,  punishment  was  swift  and 
sure,  though  never  merciless.  Where  they  were  vague,  as 
in  the  case  of  Sir  Adolphe  Caron,  every  effort  was  made  by 
Sir  John  to  bring  them  to  a  point  suited  for  investigation. 
Where  they  were,  however,  mere  fishing  expeditions, 
intended  only  for  the  purpose  of  throwing  partisan  mud 
in  the  hope  that  some  would  stick,  he  very  properly 
refused  to  aid  them  or  allow  of  their  being  carried  beyond 
a  certain  limit. 

But  none  the  less  the  session  which  followed  upon  the 
death  of  Sir  John  Macdonald  was  a  severe  strain  upon  the 
heart  and  mind  of  a  man  such  as  the  Minister  of  Justice. 
It  may  as  well  be  frankly  admitted  that  the  great  Premier 
whom  Canada  had  just  lost  forever,  was  not  afraid  to  use 
methods  and  means  in  building  up  the  Dominion  whi< 
would  have  been  absolutely  impossible  to  Sir  John  Thorn] 


SIR  JOHN   THOMPSON.  207 

son.  They  were  necessary  in  the  government  of  a  new 
country,  having  crude  and  ill-defined  institutions  and 
strong  internal  opposition ;  permeated  in  many  parts  with 
lack  of  confidence  in  its  own  powers  and  resources  and 
opportunities  ;  and  possessed  of  an  immense  area  together 
with  small  available  means  for  the  management  of  great 
party  conflicts. 

In  England  party  government  is  reduced  to  a  science, 
and  the  vast  sums  of  money  required  to  manipulate  elec- 
t/ions are  never  seen  or  perhaps  heard  of,  by  the  heads  of 
the  organizations,  except  in  the  most  vague  and  general 
way.  But  in  Canada  the  barest  expenses  can  hardly  be 
met,  and  money  for  the  most  legitimate  and  necessary  pur- 
poses is  difficult  to  obtain.  Ministers  here  are  more  or  less 
the  party  managers — though  the  fact  is  to  be  regretted — 
and  it  is  therefore  easy  for  some  of  the  money  contributed 
by  strong  supporters  to  come,  without  corrupt  intent  or 
consequences,  from  men  who  have  received,  or  might  receive 
in  the  future,  an  interest  in  government  contracts  or 
appointments. 

During  the  general  elections  the  most  wholesale  and 
Unfounded  charges  had  been  made  as  to  the  ''  boodling  "  pre- 
valent at  Ottawa.  It  was  alleged  that  the  Departments 
were  permeated  with  corruption  ;  that  vast  sums  had  been 
obtained  by  members  of  the  Government  during  many 
years  past  from  contractors  and  others  in  order  to  purchase 
the  constituencies ;  that  the  Conservative  ministers,  mem- 
bers and  the  government  officials  were  all  alike  corrupt. 
Mr.  J.  Israel  Tarte  was  elected  for  a  Quebec  seat  in  order 
to  ventilate  his  charges  against  the  McGreevy's  and  Sir 
Hector  Langevin,  and  the  Rykert  scandal  was  used  as  an 
illustration  of  what  was  alleged  to  be  the  prevalent  state 
of  affairs.  There  was  literally  no  end  to  the  rumours  cur- 
rent when  the  House  met  in  April,  and  possibly  the  worry 


208  LIFE  AND   WOKK  OF 

connected  with  this  situation  had  a  natural  effect  upon  the 
already  enfeebled  frame  of  the  Premier.  Be  that  as  it  may 
however,  his  death  postponed  for  a  time  the  action  which 
had  been  commenced  regarding  the  Tarte  enquiry. 

There  is  no  doubt  that  Sir  John  Thompson's  treatment 
of  the  Rykert  case  during  the  previous  session  was  approved 
by  the  country.  Mr.  J.  C.  Rykert  had  long  been  a  popular 
and  respected  member  of  the  Conservative  party  and  it  was 
hard  indeed  for  the  Minister  of  Justice  to  admit  the  unfor- 
tunate position  in  which  the  member  for  Lincoln  had  placed 
himself.  But  he  did  his  duty  in  this  as  in  subsequent 
cases.  Sir  Richard  Cartwright  had  moved  on  March  llth, 
1890,  that  Mr.  Rykert 's  conduct  had  been  "  discreditable, 
corrupt  and  scandalous."  It  was  claimed  by  him  that  the 
member  for  Lincoln  had  applied  for  and  obtained  certain 
North- West  timber  limits  in  the  name  of  one  John  Adams. 
The  latter  in  consideration  of  this  service  was  alleged  to 
have  agreed  to  assign  to  Mrs.  Rykert,  one-half  interest  in 
the  limits,  and  to  pay  one-half  of  all  the  proceeds  from  the 
sale  of  timber  thereon.  And  it  was  further  stated  that  on 
January  16th,  1883,  the  sum  of  $74,200  was  paid  over  in 
accordance  with  this  agreement.  Receipts,  letters  and 
other  documents  were  produced  in  proof  of  the  charges. 
This  in  brief  was  Sir  Richard's  case,  and  he  presented  it  in 
what  the  Minister  of  Justice  termed  a  most  "  inflammatory 
speech." 

Sir  John  Thompson  defended  the  Government  from  the 
charge  that  this  was  a  part  of  any  general  system  and 
showed  that  so  far  as  they  were  concerned  there  could  have 
been  no  more  corruption  in  granting  Mr.  Rykert  a  tract  of 
100  miles  for  a  friend,  than  there  had  been  upon  one  occa- 
sion under  the  Mackenzie  administration  when  200  miles 
had  been  similarly  granted  on  the  recommendation  of  Sir 
Richard  Cartwright  himself.  A  few  days  la^r  whe#  the 


HON.  JOHN  G.  HAGGAKT,  M.  P. 

Minister  oj  Railway*  and  Canals. 


SIR  JOHN   THOMPSON.  211 

debate  was  resumed,  and  after  a  brief  but  able  speech  by 
Mr.  Blake,  the  Minister  of  Justice  spoke  out  plainly  and  to 
the  point ;  describing  the  affair  as  "  a  case  in  which  the 
honour  of  Parliament  is  most  deeply  involved.  I  regard 
the  authenticity  of  those  letters  as  having  been  substan- 
tially established :  I  regard  this  correspondence  as  a  most 
shocking  correspondence,  and  one  which  appeals  to  the 
House  as  strongly  as  any  case  could  appeal  to  its  considera- 
tion for  justice,  as  strongly  as  it  can  appeal  to  the  mercy 
of  this  House.  ...  I  say  that  in  the  statements  made 
by  the  member  for  Lincoln,  he  has  failed  to  exonerate  him- 
self of  the  censure  which,  the  resolution  of  the  member  for 
South  Oxford  makes  him  subject  to." 

He  concluded  by  moving  that  the  matter  be  referred 
to  a  committee,  and  so  strongly  had  his  preceding  remarks 
convinced  the  House  of  his  desire  to  do  entire  justice  in  the 
case,  that  Mr.  Laurier  supported  the  motion  and  added  a 
somewhat  unusual  compliment :  "  I  desire  to  say  that  after 
the  strong  declarations  which  have  been  made  by  the 
Minister  of  Justice,  I  am  somewhat  inclined  to  modify  the 
conclusions  at  which  I  had  arrived."  Eventually  the 
Committee  reported,  and  so  unfavourably  to  Mr.  Rykert 
that  he  resigned  in  order  to  avoid  the  threatened  expulsion. 
He  was  re-elected,  but  did  not  stand  again  in  the  ensuing 
general  election. 

This  case  is  of  interest  only  as  showing  that  no  matter 
how  strong  might  be  the  personal  and  political  reasons 
against  a  given  line  of  action,  Sir  John  Thompson  was 
prepared  to  do  his  duty  in  the  beginning  of  this  regrettable 
series  of  scandals  as  well  as  in  the  end.  Of  course,  it  was 
impossible  that  he  should  please  his  party  antagonists 
during  the  Session  of  1891.  Nothing  but  the  expulsion  of 
half  the  Conservative  members  of  the  House,  and  the 
retirement  and  prosecution  of  most  of  the  Cabinet  Minis- 


212  LIFE   AND   WORK   OF 

ters,  would  have  satisfied  enthusiastic  Liberals  such  as 
Tarte,  Lister,  McMullen,  Edgar,  Oartwright  and  Charlton. 
But  moderate  men  were  pretty  well  satisfied  that  the 
abuses  which  had  undoubtedly  grown  up  during  a  dozen 
years  of  power  would  be  rectified  if  the  Minister  of  Justice 
could  have  his  way.  And  after  Sir  John  Macdonald's 
death  there  was  no  one  in  the  Government  who  was  pre- 
pared to  dispute  his  practical,  if  not  nominal,  supremacy. 
So  that  the  appeal  made  by  Mr.  Abbott  in  the  Senate  a 
couple  of  months  after  his  accession  to  the  Premiership 
was  looked  upon  in  the  country  as  a  fair  indication  of  the 
new  Government's  policy  :  "I  would  ask  the  hon.  gentlemen 
opposite  to  join  with  us  in  trying  to  find  out  ,what  the 
facts  are  about  this  alleged  rascality.  We  ask  them  to 
give  us  the  benefit  of  their  experience  in  this  enquiry,  to 
assist  us  in  ascertaining  the  facts  and  placing  them  before 
the  public,  in  order  that  they  may  be  dealt  with  properly, 
and,  if  found  guilty,  that  summary  vengeance  may  be 
exercised  upon  those  who  are  found  guilty  of  appropriating 
public  money — stealing — be  they  high  or  low." 

The  charges  against  Mr.  Thomas  McGreevy,  M.P., 
were  of  a  very  serious  nature.  They  were  important 
because  they  affected  the  reputation  of  a  prominent  Con- 
servative member  of  the  House  who  had  been  the  party's 
treasurer  for  many  years  in  Quebec,  and  who  was  known 
to  be  a  brother-in-law  and  intimate  friend  of  the  Minister 
of  Public  Works.  They  were  important  as  indicating  that 
Sir  Hector  Langevin  had  been  either  careless  or  criminal  in 
a  portion  of  his  long  administration  of  that  Department, 
and  as  showing  much  looseness  of  principle  to  be  prevalent 
amongst  certain  Quebec  politicians.  Sir  John  Thompson 
had  already  declared  at  Halifax  thxt  neither  he  nor  the 
Government  would  defend  Mr.  McGreevy,  or  excuse  him  if 
guilty. 


SIR  JOHN  THOMPSON.  213 

Mr.  Tarte  in  this  matter  was  a  man  with  a  mission. 
He  had  not  always  been  so,  and  had  at  one  time  been 
under  the  ban  of  the  Liberal  party  as  an  alleged  ''  Tory 
corruptionist."  The  public  interest,  however,  in  his  first 
speech  and  motion  had  been  very  great  for  some  time,  and 
the  galleries  of  the  House  were  crowded  when  on  May  llth 
the  slenderly-built,  wiry  little  man,  with  glossy  black  hair, 
and  wearing  a  fashionable  costume,  rose  to  his  feet.  Briefly 
summed  up,  the  charges  may  be  found  in  the  following 
paragraph  from  his  speech  : 

"  Since  1882  or  1883,  the  secrets  of  the  Department  of 
Public  Works  have  been  penetrated  and  divulged  for 
money  considerations  to  public  contractors  by  the  hon. 
member  for  Quebec  West,  Mr.  McGreevy,  and  according  to 
the  evidence  I  have  got  in  my  hands,  money  has  been  paid 
year  after  year  on  contract  after  contract,  large  sums  of 
money ;  that  during  that  period  of  time  he  has  used  his 
influence  as  a  member  of  the  Quebec  Harbour  Commission 
against  the  public  interest  on  numerous  and  important 
occasions." 

Various  documents  had  been  obtained  through  a 
quarrel  between  the  brothers,  Thomas  and  R.  H.  McGreevy, 
and  were  certainly  very  damaging  in  their  nature.  The 
claim  was  made  that  Sir  Hector  Langevin  was  implicated, 
and  that  large  sums  received  from  the  interested  contrac- 
tors had  gone  into  the  campaign  fund  of  the  Conservative 
party.  Mr.  McGreevy,  of  course,  denied  the  charges,  and 
the  Minister  of  Public  Works  demanded  the  fullest  inves- 
tigation. By  permission  of  the  Government,  the  whole 
matter  was  relegated  to  the  Committee  on  Privileges  and 
Elections,  and  the  ensuing  inquiry  was  most  thorough— 
both  sides  showing  every  disposition  to  get  at  the  truth. 
The  Government  retained  Mr.  B.  B.  Osier,  Q.C.,  to  help  in 
the  examination  of  witnesses.  Finally,  on  the  25th  of 


214  LIFE  AND  WORK  OF 

August,  the  Committee  met  to  consider  their  report,  and 
its  preparation  was  referred  to  a  Sub- Committee  composed 
of  three  Conservatives — Sir  John  Thompson,  D.  Girouard, 
and  Michael  Adams ;  and  two  Liberals — the  Hon.  David 
Mills  and  the  Hon.  L.  H.  Davies. 

Naturally,  they  could  not  agree,  the  chief  point  of 
difference  being  the  amount  of  responsibility  which  ought 
to  be  borne  by  Sir  H.  Langevin  in  the  scandalous  trans- 
actions proven  to  have  taken  place.  Ultimately,  a  majority 
and  minority  report  were  presented  to  the  House.  The 
former,  prepared  largely  by  Sir  John  Thompson,  concluded 
with  the  statement  that  "the  evidence  does  not  justify 
them  in  concluding  that  the  Minister  knew  of  the  conspir- 
acy before  mentioned  or  that  he  willingly  lent  himself  to 
its  objects."  The  latter  alleged  that  the  fruits  of  the  frauds 
went  into  the  pockets  of  the  contractors,  towards  the  funds 
of  the  Conservative  party,  or  to  the  support  of  Le  Monde, 
Sir  H.  Langevin's  paper.  Both  reports  were  considered  by 
the  House  on  Sept.  21st,  and,  after  a  prolonged  debate,  the 
majority  one  was  carried  on  a  party  vote  of  101  against 
86.  An  amendment  moved  by  Mr.  McCarthy,  acquitting 
Sir  Hector  of  connivance  but  finding  him  guilty  of  inex- 
cusable neglect,  was  voted  down. 

The  expulsion  of  Mr.  McGreevy  followed  upon  the 
motion  of  the  Minister  of  Justice,  and  a  little  later  Sir 
Hector  Langevin  practically  closed  a  prolonged  political 
career  of  much  useful  service  to  his  country,  by  resigning 
his  place  in  the  Ministry.  Prosecutions  were  afterwards 
instituted  by  the  Minister  of  Justice  against  those  concerned 
in  the  frauds,  and  several  convictions  were  obtained. 
Speaking  at  Perth  on  the  21st  of  November  following,  Sir 
John  Thompson  declared  that  the  Minister  of  Public 
Works  had  no  knowledge  of  the  robbery  which  had  been 
going  on,  but  that  he  had  fully  accepted  the  doctrine  of 


SIR   JOHN   THOMPSON.  215 

responsibility  for  what  took  place  in  his  Department  by 
resigning  his  position.  And  then  he  strongly  denounced 
the  Opposition,  and  at  the  same  time  explained  the  difficult 
position  of  the  Government  in  attempting  to  do  its  duty 
under  circumstances  which  would  have  been,  from  a  party 
standpoint,  greatly  improved  by  a  restriction  of  enquiry 
and  a  stifling  of  investigation  . 

"  While  our  attitude  was  that  of  challenging  investi 
gation,  inviting  investigation  even  to  the  extent  of  paying 
the  expenses  of  counsel  who  conducted  the  investigation 
on  behalf  of  our  opponents,  what  was  the  attitude  of  the 
Opposition  ?  Why,  during  the  discussion  of  these  mattere 
in  the  House  of  Commons,  instead  of  feeling  themselves 
impressed  with  the  responsibility  of  judges,  and  the 
responsibility  of  being  fair  between  man  and  man,  every 
insult  that  could  be  heaped  upon  the  accused  member  wa& 
rung  out  amidst  the  wildest  cheering  of  the  Opposition. 
When  they  were  deliberating  upon  the  question  of  whether 
a  man  should  be  found  guilty  of  corruption  or  not,  every 
incident  of  his  political  career,  or  the  career  of  the  men 
associated  with  him,  was  flung  in  his  face;  and  the  tribunal 
of  the  House  was  lowered  as  it  never  was  before.  As  time 
went  on  and  public  feeling  was  aroused  and  excited  by  the 
reports  of  these  scandals,  finding  that  opportunity  was 
given  by  the  Government  for  wide  investigation,  they 
became  bolder  in  their  charges,  and  towards  the  close  of 
the  Session  it  came  to  this,  and  it  has  been  in  this  state 
for  some  time  past,  that  a  public  man  has  only  to  be 
accused  in  order  to  be  adjudged  guilty." 

A  lot  of  minor  departmental  scandals  were  unearthed, 
and  considered  by  different  committees.  It  soon  became 
evident  that  a  very  loose  idea  of  public  morality  had  pre- 
vailed for  a  long  time  in  various  branches  of  the  public 
service.  But  there  was  really  nothing  personally  corrupt 


216  LIFE   AND   WORK   OF 

proved  against  the  Ministers,  though  in  one  or  two  cases, 
carelessness  in  looking  after  their  subordinates  was  very 
clearly  indicated.  The  light  that  was  shed  upon  the  whole 
system  of  Departmental  Government  was  so  keen  and 
searching,  that  the  session,  disgraceful  as  its  results  were 
in  a  certain  sense,  unpleasant  as  they  were  to  the  Govern- 
ment and  the  country,  could  not  but  do  a  great  deal  of 
good  in  purifying  the  service  and  lopping  off  the  excre- 
sences  of  corruption  which  had  developed  during  a  long 
term  of  office.  Sir  John  Thompson,  as  leader  of  the  House, 
gave  every  possible  aid  to  the  investigations,  and  it  is 
probable  that  had  the  desire  of  the  Opposition  to  obtain 
political  capital  not  been  so  keenly  exhibited,  even  greater 
good  would  have  resulted.  As  it  was,  many  officials  were 
dismissed  or  suspended,  and  others  prosecuted  and  punished 
upon  conviction.  But  the  fierce  party  feeling  which  was 
aroused  by  the  Liberal  method  of  pushing  charges  in  all 
kinds  of  directions,  often  with  very  little  proof,  and  chiefly 
with  a  view  to  picking  up  something  damaging  to  the 
Government,  was  so  exasperating  that  the  Minister  of 
Justice  often  found  it  difficult  to  keep  his  followers  in  line. 
As  an  illustration  of  this,  the  charges  against  the  Hon. 
Mr.  Haggart,  then  Postmaster-General,  may  be  mentioned. 
Mr.  Lister,  of  Lambton,  whose  fighting  characteristics  were 
fully  exhibited  during  this  stormy  session,  rose  from  his 
place  in  the  House  on  the  23rd  of  September,  and  stated 
that  to  the  best  of  his  knowledge  and  belief,  Mr.  Haggart 
had  been  interested  in  the  profits  of  a  contract  obtained  by 
Alexander  Manning,  Alexander  Shields,  and  others  in  the 
year  1879,  for  the  construction  of  a  branch  of  the  Canadian 
Pacific  Railway  from  Port  Arthur  to  Rat  Portage ;  that 
while  a  member  of  Parliament  he  had  received  large  sums 
of  money  from  these  contractors  which  he  had  used  for 
political  purposes  or  had  permitted  the  company  to  pay  to 


W.  II.  MEEEDITH,  Q.C.,  M.  P. 

Leader  of  the  Opposition  in  the  Legislature  of  Ontario, 
—now  Chief  Justice  of  the  Province. 


SIR  JOHN   THOMPSON.  219 

other  members  of  the  Government  for  the  same  object. 
It  may  be  readily  imagined  that  such  a  wide  and  far  reach- 
ing inquiry  as  was  thus  asked  for  in  the  dying  days  of  a 
prolonged  session  was  almost  too  much  for  the  weary 
legislators  to  endure. 

Mr.  Haggart  gave  a  prompt  denial,  and  stated  that  the 
same  charges  had  been  made  in  1880,  when  a  Royal  Com- 
mission was  appointed  to  inquire  into  all  matters  connected 
with  the  C.  P.  R.  In  the  evidence  given  before  that  body 
he  had  sworn  positively  that  no  such  sums  had  ever  been 
paid  to  him,  or  that  he  had  any  personal  interest  whatever 
in  any  contract  with  that  railway.  Mr.  Peter  McLaren, 
in  whose  name  his  stock  was  said  to  have  been  kept,  had 
made  at  the  time  a  similar  declaration  under  oath,  and 
they  were  both  ready  to  repeat  it.  Sir  John  Thompson 
pointed  out  that  Mr.  Lister  had  so  worded  his  charge  in 
requesting  a  committee  of  investigation,  that  no  responsi- 
bility would  lie  upon  his  shoulders  in  the  event  of  his  being 
unable  to  prove  the  statements  made.  He  added  that  the 
Independence  of  Parliament  Act  could  not  be  considered 
as  infringed  by  a  matter  which  had  occurred  during  the 
lifetime  of  a  Parliament  long  since  superseded,  and  went 
on  to  claim  that  the  whole  thing  was  a  mere  scheme  to  fish 
up  a  little  mud  from  the  bottom  of  some  old  political 
stream :  "  Here  is  an  accusation  laid  as  the  basis  for  an 
investigation  as  to  things  which  occurred  twelve  years  ago, 
against  a  Government,  only  one  member  of  which  sits  in 
the  House,  and  against  that  member  there  is  not  the  slight- 
est insinuation  in  this  ease.  Under  these  circumstances, 
let  us  consider  whether  there  must  not  in  reason  be  some 
limit  to  the  extent  to  which  we  are  to  go  back." 

The  motion  was  rejected  by  the  usual  party  vote,  and 
ro  days  later  Mr.  Haggart  laid  on  the  table  a  statutory 
jlaration  by  Mr.  Peter  McLaren,  in  which  he  swore  to 


220  LIFE   AND   WORK   OF 

the  truthfulness  of  the  Postmaster- General's  statements, 
and  explicitly  denied  the  charge  of  corrupt  payments  to 
the  Government.  A  little  before  this  the  Cochrane  scandal, 
in  which  the  member  for  East  Northumberland  was  accused 
of  having  trafficed  in  Government  offices  in  his  con- 
stituency, had  been  investigated,  and  the  majority  report 
had  admitted  improper  transactions,  but  cleared  Mr. 
Cochrane  personally.  The  inquiry  into  the  Printing  Bureau 
management  resulted  in  the  bitterest  and  most  disgraceful 
wrangles  of  the  whole  session.  It  is  almost  impossible  to 
discern  the  rights  of  this  matter  amid  the  partisan  storms 
by  which  Mr.  Chapleau's  connection  with  it  was  sur- 
rounded, and  in  any  case  it  would  be  useless  to  attempt  it 
here.  The  brilliant  French-Canadian  orator  has  done  his 
country  splendid  service  in  his  day,  despite  any  looseness 
of  business  management  which  can  be  charged  against  him 
in  this  connection,  and  he  may  do  it  still  more. 

But  all  these  complicated  questions,  violent  discus- 
sions, prolonged  committee  investigations,  and  the  per- 
sistent abuse  in  Parliament,  and  in  a  portion  of  the  press, 
made  this  session  the  most  arduous  since  Confederation  for 
the  Leader  of  the  House. 

The  air  became  somewhat  purified  after  the  adjourn- 
ment, and  much  good  was  expected  from  a  bill  introduced 
by  the  Premier  in  the  Senate,  and  carried  through  both 
Houses  early  in  September,  providing  for  the  suppression  of 
frauds  against  the  Government.  So  also  from  the  Royal  Com- 
mission appointed  to  enquire  into  the  working  of  the  Civil 
Service.  It  must,  however,  have  been  an  immense  relief 
to  Sir  John  Thompson  when  the  murky  cloud  which  had 
for  so  many  hot  and  weary  months  rested  like  a  pall  over 
Parliament  Hill  was  at  last  removed,  and  he  was  able  to 
give  to  his  department  and  to  public  business,  time  which 
had  so  long  been  given  to  debate  upon  most  disagreeable 
subjects,  and  to  party  tactics  which  he  never  liked. 


SIR  JOHN   THOMPSON.  221 


CHAPTER  XII. 

REDISTRIBUTION  AND  THE  BYE- ELECTIONS. 

To  the  people  of  a  young  country  the  census  is  always 
an  interesting  consideration.  To  the  politicians  in  Canada, 
where  a  redistribution  of  ;the  seats  takes  place  every 
decade,  should  the  movements  of  population  warrant  a 
change,  it  is  of  special  interest.  Much  was  expected  from  the 
census  ot  1891,  and  the  disappointment  which  followed  was 
natural,  though  not  altogether  justifiable.  A  few  pessimists 
expected  it  to  show  a  steady  drain  of  population  from  the 
country,  a  decrease  in  the  total  number  of  its  inhabitants, 
a  lack  of  progress  in  manufactures,  and  in  all  the^  elements 
of  prosperity.  But  optimists,  on  the  other  hand,  hoped  it 
would  show  a  population  of  six  millions  at  least,  and  a 
tremendous  industrial  development. 

An  army  of  4,300  enumerators  and  commissioners  had 
been  employed  under  the  command  of  Mr.  George  Johnson, 
Dominion  Statistician,  and  it  was  announced  that  the  regu- 
lations respecting  absentees,  and  the  rules  to  prevent  dupli- 
cation, would  be  unusually  stridt.  In  England  it  may  be 
said  that  40,000  enumerators,  and  in  British  India  nearly 
one  million  men,  were  employed  in  the  same  work.  The 
difficulties  encountered  in  taking  a  Canadian  census  are  by 
no  means  small.  The  immense  area  of  the  Dominion  had 
to  be  traversed  by  every  conceivable  method  of  locomotion, 
steamer  amid  the  islands  and  indents  of  the  Pacific 
st ;  pack-horses  in  the  Rocky  Mountain  valleys ;  dog- 
brains  on  the  plains  of  the  Saskatchewan  ;  canoes  and  port- 
in  the  great  lake  and  river  district  to  the  north  of 


222  LIFE   AND   WORK   OF 

Lake  Superior ;  buck-boards  and  boats  on  the  prairies  and 
in  the  rivers  of  Manitoba;  a  schooner  in  the  Gulf  of  St. 
Lawrence  ;  slow  and  toilsome  pedestrianism  in  Algoma  and 
other  districts.  Three  months,  however,  sufficed  to  give  to 
the  public  the  full  returns. 

A  summary  of  the  results  showed  that  the  population  of 
Canada  had  increased  from  3,686,000  in  1871,  to  4,324,000 
in  1881,  and  thence  to  4,829,000  in  1891.  The  increase, 
therefore,  during  the  preceding  decade  had  only  amounted 
to  504,000,  and  there  was  naturally  a  good  deal  of  disap- 
pointment and  dissatisfaction  expressed.  A  section  of  the 
press  was,  if  such  a  phrase  may  be  used,  almost  jubilant 
in  its  sorrow.  The  census  seemed  to  reveal  a  complete  fail- 
ure in  the  vigorous  efforts  which  had  been  made  to  promote 
immigration  and  to  keep  the  people  in  the  country,  while 
by  implication  it  was  made  to  prove  the  absolute  failure  of 
the  National  Policy  of  protection.  But  second  thoughts 
are  proverbially  best,  and  it  was  not  long  before  people 
saw  that  there  were  two  sides  to  the  question. 

Upon  reflection,  it  seemed  clear  that  population,  follow- 
ing the  universal  trend  of  modern  society,  had  during  the 
past  decade  drifted  into  the  cities.  In  protectionist  Canada 
as  in  free  trade  Britain,  people  had  flocked  to  the  centres 
of  population  and  industry.  The  larger  cities  of  the  United 
States  had  attracted  many  in  spite  of  the  inferiority  which 
most  Canadians  believe  to  exist  in  American  institutions, 
customs  and  modes  of  life.  The  introduction  of  agricul- 
tural machinery  had  further  helped  to  deplete  rural  popu- 
lations by  doing  away  with  much  of  the  hired  help  for- 
merly required,  whilst  the  decrease  in  the  price  of  cereals 
had  in  all  countries  enhanced  the  tendency  to  prefer  city 
work  to  farm  life.  Just  as  in  many  portions  of  the  United 
States  population  had  decreased  through  the  movement  to 
other  parts  of  the  country,  so  in  Canada  many  sections  had 


SIR   JOHN    THOMPSON.  223 

been  influenced  by  the  proximity  of  the  United  States,  and 
it  must  be  added,  by  the  praise  of  everything  American, 
which  has  been,  as  Sir  John  Thompson  more  than  once  said, 
so  often  heard  from  the  lips  of  certain  Canadian  politicians. 

To  Mr.  Abbott's  Government  the  local  increases  and 
decreases  of  population  brought  the  unpleasant  embarass- 
ment  of  a  necessary  redistribution  of  seats,  and  upon  Sir 
John  Thompson  as  leader  of  the  House  of  Commons 
during  the  busy  Session  of  1892,  fell  the  burden  of  the 
work  in  connection  with  this  difficult  and  never  popular 
matter.  He  was  compelled  to  alter  the  representation  in 
some  places  by  cutting  off  a  member  altogether,  in  others 
by  adding  one,  and  again  in  others,  by  a  re-organization 
of  the  electoral  limits.  Abuse  in  such  a  case  was  inevi- 
table, and  he  had  to  bear  the  brunt  of  it. 

The  Redistribution  Bill  was  presented  to  the  House 
by  the  Minister  of  Justice,  on  April  24th.  He  commenced 
his  speech  in  a  jocular  vein,  which  was  rather  unusual  with 
him,  and  chaffed  the  Opposition  upon  their  expectations 
of  a  pronounced  gerrymander,  a  prolonged  debate  and  a 
lengthened  Session.  "  I  am  happy  to  know  that  the  time 
of  departure  is  very  remote,  indeed,  and  that  there  will  be 
ample  opportunity  to  consider  all  the  merits  of  this  Bill, 
and  there  are  nothing  but  merits  in  it,  I  can  assure  my 
hon.  friends  opposite."  Sir  John  then  pointed  out  the 
necessity,  under  the  terms  of  the  British  North  American 
Act,  for  the  redistribution  of  seats,  and  gave  the  figures 

of  the  census  returns  as  follows  : 

1881.  1891 

Ontario 1,926,922  2  120  QRQ 

Quebec , 1,359,027  1488586 

Nova  Scotia   440,572  '450 '523 

New  Brunswick, 321,233  321*294 

Prince  Edward  Island 108,891  109*088 

Manitoba 62,260  154*442 

British  Columbia 49,459  92*767 

North- West  Territories 25,515  67,'664 


224  LIFE  AND  WORK   OF 

Under  the  provisions  of  the  Act,  therefore,  the  repre- 
sentation would  have  to  be  changed  in  several  Provinces 
as  regarded  numbers,  and  in  all  of  them,  so  far  as  the 
arrangement  of  constituencies  was  concerned.  Ontario  was 
entitled  to  retain  its  92  members,  and  Quebec  its  65  repre- 
sentatives. Nova-Scotia,  with  21  members,  was  now  only 
entitled  to  20;  New  Brunswick,  with  16  representatives, 
had  to  be  cut  down  to  14 ;  Prince  Edward  Island,  which 
had  six,  could  only  retain  five  ;  Manitoba  having  five,  was 
entitled  to  seven ;  the  Territories  would  retain  their  four 
members,  as  would  British  Columbia,  its  old  number  of  six 
representatives.  But  all  over  the  Dominion  population  had 
fluctuated ;  many  cities  had  increase^!  enormously  in  size ; 
and  some  rural  districts  had  become  entitled  to  increased 
representation,  whilst  others  had  decreased  greatly  in 
population. 

Beginning  with  Prince  Edward  Island,  Sir  John 
Thompson  described  the  various  changes,  in  a  detail  which 
it  would  be  wearisome  to  repeat.  Following  the  township 
lines  in  the  Island,  five  constituencies  had  been  formed 
averaging  22,000  of  a  population  each.  The  only  change 
in  New  Brunswick  was  the  taking  away  of  one  member 
from  the  combined  City  and  County  of  St.  John's,  which 
had  formerly  possessed  two ;  and  the  joining  of  the  Coun- 
ties of  Sunbury  and  Queen's,  which  together,  only  boasted 
a  population  of  17,000  souls.  In  Nova-Scotia,  the  two 
Counties  of  Queen's  and  Shelburne — one  with  10,610  people, 
the  other  with  14,954 — were  united,  leaving  the  Provincial 
unit  of  population  to  a  constituency,  about  22,000.  A 
number  of  changes  were  made  necessary  in  Quebec,  by  the 
growth  of  Montreal.  The  Government's  proposal  was  that 
Montreal  and  its  suburb,  Hochelaga,  with  a  united  popula- 
tion of  263,000,  should  have  seven  instead  of  four  members ; 
that  a  portion  of  the  old  constituencies  of  Montreal  and 


HON.  N.  CLARKE] WALLACE,  M.P. 
Comptroller  of  Customs. 


SIR   JOHN   THOMPSON.  227 

Hochelaga  should  be  added  to  the  Counties  of  Jacques 
Cartier  and  Laval,  so  as  not  to  increase  the  metropolitan 
representation  unduly;  and  that  the  County  of  Ottawa 
should  have  the  two  members  to  which  it  was  entitled. 
In  order  to  make  up  the  new  constituencies,  those  of  Three 
Rivers  and  St.  Maurice  were  joined,  and  other  changes  were 
made  in  the  thirteen  counties  lying  north  of  the  boundary 
of  the  Province  of  Quebec  to  the  County  of  Nicolet.  They 
were  only  entitled  to  nine  members,  but  were  allowed  to 
retain  ten.  Napierville  and  Vercheres  were  absorbed  in 
surrounding  counties,  and  St.  John's  and  Iberville  were 
united. 

Then  the  Minister  turned  to  Ontario  and  remarked 
that  very  few  changes  were  proposed.  Dr.  Landerkin  here 
interposed  one  of  those  interruptions  for  which  he  is  so 
well  known  in  the  House,  by  saying,  "  They  are  not  needed." 
Sir  John  faced  his  opponent,  and  amid  cheers  and  laughter 
rejoined :  "  I  think  there  are  some  changes  needed,  at  least 
in  the  representation  of  constituencies  in  this  House.  But 
we  have  decided  to  leave  that  in  the  hands  of  the  electors 
who  are  doing  it  so  admirably."  As  the  Conservatives 
were  just  then  sweeping  the  bye-elections,  this  little  hit  told. 
It  was  absolutely  necessary  to  give  Toronto  another  repre- 
sentative— in  the  city  itself  there  was  a  strong  demand  for 
more  than  one — and  to  also  give  an  additional  member  to 
the  rapidly  growing  population  of  Algoma.  This  was  done 
by  giving  West  Toronto  two  members  and  creating  the  con- 
stituency of  Nipissing.  The  two  new  seats  thus  given  to 
portions  of  Ontario,  were  obtained  by  a  re-construction  of 

e  constituencies  in  the  Niagara  Peninsula. 

It  so  happened  that  there  were  in  that  district  six 
seats  contiguous  to  one  another,  and  each  smaller  in  popu- 
lation than  the  ordinary  unit  of  representation — about 

!,000.      Monck  had  in  round   numbers   15,000   people; 


228  LIFE  AND   VOR  .    OF 

Haldimand,  16,000;  North  Brant,  17,000;  and  South 
Norfolk,  17,000.  The  Government,  therefore,  proposed  to 
wipe  out  North  Wentworth,  which  returned  a  Liberal  to 
Parliament,  and  Monck,  which  was  represented  by  a  Con- 
servative. The  four  constituencies  remaining  were  re-con- 
structed so  as  to  give  an  average  of  23,000  people  to  each 
one  of  the  four  representatives,  instead  of  the  previous 
average  of  16,000  to  each  of  the  six  representatives.  Othei 
changes  were  made  throughout  the  Province,  but  none  of 
very  great  importance.  Sir  John  Thompson  claimed  that 
those  undertaken  were  all  in  the  direction  of  equali- 
zation, and  along  lines  which  would  make  as  little  in- 
terference necessary  with  existing  electoral  divisions  as 
was  compatible  with  justice:  "The  re -construction  which 
will  take  place  is  confined  to  Toronto,  and  in  the  group  of 
districts  about  Lake  Ontario,  and  every  effort  has  been 
made  to  interfere  as  little  as  possible  with  the  representa- 
tion as  it  exists  at  present  on  geographical  lines." 

In  Manitoba,  Lisgar  was  changed  by  name  into  Selkirk, 
as  being  more  historically  appropriate  ;  the  City  of  Brandon 
was  made  a  constituency;  and  Marquette  was  divided, 
one-half  being  made  into  an  electoral  division  under  the 
appropriate  name  of  Macdonald,  after  "the  statesman 
who  devoted  so  much  of  his  life  to  the  development  of  the 
territories  out  of  which  the  Province  of  Manitoba  has  been 
created."  Some  changes  were  made  in  British  Columbia, 
by  which  the  New  Westminster  district  was  enlarged  geo- 
graphically and  given  two  representatives,  while  Yale  and 
Cariboo  were  joined  to  Kootenay  and  allowed  one  member. 
Vancouver  kept  its  one  representative,  and  Victoria  retained 
the  two  it  had  previously  possessed.  Such  is  a  bare  outline 
of  the  measure.  To  either  defend  or  criticise  it  is  useless. 
It  seems  indeed  to  be  the  fate  of  all  redistribution  measures 
in  Canada  to  possess  such  an  environment  of  partisanship 


SIR   JOHN  THOMPSON. 

as  to  make  fair  discussion  almost  an  impossibility.  Only 
combined  action  by  the  leaders  of  both  parties  would 
produce  a  generally  acceptable  arrangement,  and  that  would 
involve  an  abrogation  of  ministerial  responsibility  which 
puts  it  out  of  the  question. 

Sir  John  Thompson's  proposals  resulted  in  a  long  and 
acrimonious  conflict.  The  Conservative  politicians  and 
press  lauded  them  as  fair,  moderate  and  equitable;  the 
Liberals  did  the  reverse.  The  Montreal  Herald,  for 
instance,  denounced  the  bill  as  "  a  plan  for  deliberately 
stifling  the  voice  of  the  people,"  while  the  Toronto  Mail 
published  perhaps  the  severest  criticism  of  the  Minister  of 
Justice  which  had  yet  appeared  m  Canada.  And  accord- 
ing to  the  conclusions  of  the  same  paper,  the  Conservative 
party  under  the  redistribution  measure  stood  to  gain 
eleven  seats,  and  to  lose  only  four  at  the  next  general 
election.  In  the  House  the  discussion  was  prolonged  in 
speech,  and  minute  in  debate.  Every  one  had  something 
to  say,  and  usually  from  entirely  different  standpoints. 

The  address  of  Sir  John  Thompson  upon  the  second 
reading  of  the  bill,  was  a  closely  reasoned  and  fair  defence 
of  the  Government's  position  and  of  his  own  measure. 
Rising  from  his  place  on  June  2nd,  after  an  energetic 
speech  from  Mr.  L.  H.  Davies,  he  first  pointed  out  that  the 
bill  had  been  introduced  by  the  Governmont  in  the  dis- 
charge of  a  compulsory,  though  unpleasant  duty.  "  It  was 
not  introduced,  nor  was  it  proposed  with  any  design  to 
secure  party  advantage,  and  that  I  affirm  in  the  most  dis- 
tinct manner.  If  the  Government  had  designed  to  follow 
even  the  principle  of  re-adjustment  by  population,  they 
would  have  made,  with  regard  to  each  of  the  Provinces,  a 
measure  in  which .  the  application  of  the  principle  would 
have  been  far  wider  than  it  was  in  the  present  bill,  and 
would  have  secured  to  them  eminent  party  advantages." 


230  LIFE   AND   WORK   OF 

He  then  spoke  of  Mr.  Laurier's  amendment  proposing 
a  reference  of  the  whole  mattei-  to  a  conference  or  com- 
mittee composed  of  both  political  parties,  and  denounced  it 
as  unprecedented  and  impracticable :  "  I  have  never  heard 
in  all  the  history  of  Parliamentary  proceedure,  of  a  resolu- 
tion being  brought  forward,  the  object  of  which  was  to 
subject  legislation  to  the  two  political  parties."  The 
example  which  was  alleged  to  have  been  set  by  the  Eng- 
lish Parliament  a  few  years  before  was  one  of  many  cases 
in  British  history  arising  out  of  a  deadlock  between  the 
Lords  and  the  Commons.  And  the  arrangement  finally  made 
in  that  case  was  not  concerning  the  details  of  the  bill,  but 
upon  the  point  whether  it  should  form  part  of  the  general 
franchise  measure  or  not.  The  Minister  of  Justice  went 
on  to  say  that  the  principle  which  it  was  claimed  should 
guide  such  a  conference,  was  that  the  equilibrium  existing 
between  the  two  political  parties  in  the  country  at  the 
present  time  must  be  maintained  :  "  No  more  false  principle 
could  be  allied  with  a  measure  of  redistribution.  What 
political  party  in  this  country  has  a  vested  right  in  the 
equilibrium  of  parties  ?  " 

He  stated  that  not  one  of  the  papers  criticising  the 
measure  had  shown  a  careful  study  of  the  bill,  and  then 
placed  his  views  upon  the  general  question  very  clearly 
before  the  House :  "  He  should  say  that  whenever  a 
redistribution  bill  was  brought  forward  and  discussed,  the 
first  object  members  should  set  before  them  should  be  to 
interfere  as  little  as  possible  with  existing  lines,  and  not 
to  interfere  with  them  excepting  some  serious  occasion 
called  for  it;  but  that  when  the  serious  occasion  occurred  the 
measure  should  be  carried  out  without  regard  to  the  fate  of 
either  political  party,  or  to  the  equilibrium  of  parties." 

Later  on  in  the  Session,  the  Redistribution  Bill 
with  a  few  slight  alterations,  passed  the  House,  and  became 


SIR  JOHN  THOMPSON.  231 

the  basis  for  the  next  ensuing  general  election.  Mean- 
time, on  the  sixth  of  April,  Mr.  J.  D.  Edgar  had  made 
voluminous  and  very  serious  charges  against  Sir  Adolphe 
Caron,  the  Postmaster-General.  They  extended  in  their 
application  over  a  period  of  at  least  ten  years,  and  stated, 
in  brief,  that  the  Minister  had  aided  in  his  capacity  as  a 
member  of  the  Commons,  and  of  the  Government,  in 
obtaining  subsides  of  fully  a  million  dollars  for  the  Quebec 
and  Lake  St.  John  Railway.  It  was  further  alleged  that 
Sir  Adolphe  during  these  years  (1882-1891)  had  been  a 
member  of  the  Railway  Company  in  question,  and  had 
received  large  sums  of  money  from  these  subsidies,  which 
he  corruptly  used  in  helping  the  election  of  himself,  and 
certain  supporters  in  different  Quebec  constituencies. 

Mr.  Edgar  wished  all  these  matters  referred  to  the 
Committee  on  Privileges  and  Elections.  Sir  John  Thomp- 
son in  his  reply  pointed  out  what  experience  had  proved 
during  the  preceding  Session,  and  what  he  had  himself 
consistently  maintained  even  during  that  stormy  period, 
that  Parliament  was  not  a  suitable  court  to  try  cases  of 
this  nature.  He  concluded  a  speech  of  some  length  by 
refusing,  on  behalf  of  the  Government,  to  consider  the 
allegations  in  the  way  they  were  put  forward  by  Mr. 
Edgar,  stating  very  clearly  the  utter  impossibility  of  the 
House  consenting  to  a  motion  which  involved  the  investi- 
gation of  elections  in  some  twenty-two  Quebec  constitu- 
encies during  several  general  elections.  Every  opportunity 
would  be  given  to  a  trial  of  the  personal  charges,  but  a 
Parliamentary  consideration  of  the  broad  issues  presented 
in  a  certain  section  of  the  charges,  would  be  as  unconstitu- 
tional, as  it  was  impracticable  from  the  standpoint  of 
propriety  and  the  limitations  of  time. 

On  the  4th  of  May,  Mr.  Mackenzie  Bowell  presented 
an  elaborate  motion  which  included  every  allegation  made 


232  LIFE   AND   WORK   Otf 

by  Mr.  Edgar,  excepting  the  paragraphs  involving  an 
investigation  into  past  elections,  and  asked  for  their  refer- 
ence to  a  Royal  Commission  of  two  Judges.  This  was,  of 
course,  granted,  and,  eventually,  the  Hon.  A.  B.  Routhier 
and  the  Hon.  M.  M.  Tait,  of  the  Quebec  Bench,  were 
appointed  with  full  powers  to  try  the  charges  referred  to 
them  by  Parliament.  Then  came  the  surprising  refusal  of 
Mr.  Edgar  to  make  his  statements  good,  or  to  appear  before 
the  Commission  on  the  ground  that  a  portion  of  the  original 
allegations  had  been  eliminated.  When  the  affair  came 
before  the  House  again,  Sir  John  Thompson  dealt  at  length 
with  this  question,  and  pointed  out  that  the  Tarte  charges 
did  not  form  a  precedent,  as  they  referred  to  matters  con- 
nected with  the  improper  expenditure  of  public  moneys  by 
the  officers  of  a  department.  On  the  other  hand,  Clause  10 
of  Mr.  Edgar's  charges  which  had  been  eliminated  was  "  an 
attempt  to  try  some  sixty  or  seventy  elections,"  some  of 
them  already  tried  or  closed  in  the  Courts.  "  During  all 
the  practice  of  more  than  two  hundred  years,  no  such 
statement  as  that  which  has  been  eliminated  from  these 
charges  has  ever  been  preferred  to  the  British  House  of 
Commons  or  any  attempt  made  in  that  House  to  appoint  a 
Commission  on  such  a  charge." 

And  then  the  speaker  gave  Mr.  Mills  a  neat  little  bit 
of  a  lecture :  "  If  you  go  back  to  the  ages  to  which  the 
member  for  Both  well  has  gone,  you  can  find  precedents  for 
anything."  But  they  were  "  ages  to  which  no  man  claim- 
ing the  name  of  Liberal  should  be  otherwise  than  ashamed 
to  go  back,  either  for  Parliamentary  precedents  or  for  the 
maxims  of  a  political  creed."  He  concluded  with  a  denun- 
ciation of  Mr.  Edgar's  attitude.,  which  will  probably  be  long 
remembered  for  its  vigour  and  strength:  "  Did  anyone  ever 
hear  of  a  man  occupying  so  contemptible  a  position  in 
public  life  as  to  make  nine  or  ten  of  the  gravest  accusations 


I 


HON.  J.  C.  TATTKRSON,  M.P. 
Minister  of  Militia  and  Defence. 


SIR  JOHN   THOMPSON.  235 

which  can  be  made  against  a  public  man,  depriving  him  of 
honour,  of  character,  of  title,  of  a  seat  in  this  House  and  a 
seat  in  the  Government,  and  when  it  is  proposed  that  he 
should  go  before  a  judge  and  give  his  evidence,  shrinking 
behind  the  privilege  of  a  member  of  this  House  and  saying 
we  had  no  right  to  call  him  there.  If  there  is  an  atom  of 
manhood  in  his  composition,  body  or  soul,  he  will  meet  the 
man  he  has  accused  before  any  tribunal  where  British  law 
will  be  administered  and  fair  play  will  prevail." 

Eventually,  the  Royal  Commission  reported  such  evi- 
dence as  they  had  to  the  House  without  comment,  and  about 
four  months  afterwards — on  March  22nd,  1893 — Mr.  Edgar 
returned  to  the  charge  with  a  motion  declaring  that  the 
evidence  taken  had  established  facbs  which  should  have 
prevented  Sir  Adolphe  Caron  from  again  becoming  an 
adviser  of  the  Crown,  and  which  rendered  his  incumbency 
of  any  office  highly  improper.  Sir  Adolphe  defended  himself 
vigourously,  and  after  some  debate  the  matter  was  disposed 
of  by  the  resolution  being  defeated — 69  to  119. 

Another  matter  which  claimed  much  attention  during 
this  Session,  both  in  press  and  in  Parliament,  was  the 
London  election  case.  The  charge  in  brief  was  that 
Judge  Elliott,  the  revising  barrister,  had  used  his 
position  to  favour  the  Hon.  Mr.  Carling  and  to  elect  him 
in  the  teeth  of  an  adverse  majority.  No  one  who  knew 
the  strict  honour  and  honesty  of  Mr.  (now  Sir  John)  Carling 
would  ever  believe  him  guilty  of  benefiting  by  an  act 
which  he  understood  to  have  been  fraudulent.  But  at  the 
same  time  the  whole  question  was  so  technical  and  so 
entirely  a  matter  of  law,  that  the  Liberals  were  fully 
justified  in  pushing  its  investigation  in  the  proper  quarters 
and  in  the  proper  way.  When  the  subject  came  up  in  the 
House,  however,  as  it  did  on  several  occasions,  Sir  John 
Thompson  found  it  necessary  to  protest  against  the 


236  LIFE  AND   WORK   OF* 

aspersions  which  were  cast  upon  Judge  Elliott  from  a 
partisan  standpoint,  and  to  object — in  reply  to  a  speech 
made  by  Mr.  Mulock  when  presenting  some  petitions  from 
London — to  the  House  of  Commons  entering  into  any 
enquiry  of  the  kind  in  reference  to  County  Court  Judges. 

He  pointed  out  that  assaults  upon  personal  character ; 
political  attacks  such  as  that  of  Mr.  Mulock  ;  or  the  read- 
ing of  anonymous  newspaper  articles,  were  not  the  way  in 
which  to  try  a  judge  or  to  claim  the  right  to  do  so.  "  The 
progress  of:'  this  debate  illustrates  the  wisdom  of  the  statute 
passed  ten  years  ago,  to  provide  another  way  of  trying 
County  Court  Judges."  The  Minister  of  Justice  deprecated 
the  whole  discussion,  and  especially  in  view  of  Mr.  Lister's 
statement  that  there  was  no  intention  of  impeachment  or 
of  making  a  formal  request  for  the  Judge's  removal. 
Eventually, the  matter  was  allowed  to  rest,and  amidst  strong 
protests  from  the  Liberals  Mr.  Carling  retained  his  seat. 

While  these  matters  had  been  interesting  Parliament 
and  a  section  of  the  public,  the  people  at  large  had  been 
stirred  up  by  a  series  of  bye-elections  which  constituted  a 
complete  sweep  for  the  Conservatives.  There  Were  many 
reasons  for  this  success.  During  the  elections  of  1891,  Mr. 
Blake  had  announced  his  retirement  from  political  life,  and 
the  day  after  the  election  a  lengthy  document  addressed  by 
him  to  the  electors  of  West  Durham,  but  really  to  the  people 
of  Canada,  was  published.  In  it  he  vigorously  denounced 
the  Government's  policy  of  protection,  as  might  have  been 
expected,  and  also — as  was  not  expected — repudiated  the 
Opposition  policy  of  Unrestricted  Reciprocity.  He  de- 
scribed the  latter  as  involving  direct  taxation ;  a  uniform 
tariff  with  the  United  States  ;  discrimination  against  Great 
Britain ;  and  every  probability  of  ultimate  annexation. 
Such  a  manifesto,  proving  as  it  practically  did,  the  asser- 
tions made  by  Sir  John  Macdonald  and  the  Conservative 


SIR  JOHN  THOMPSON.  237 

party  as  to  the  meaning  of  the  Opposition  platform,  was 
really  a  staggering  blow  to  the  popularity  of  the  Liberals, 
although  it  did  not  immediately  effect  their  position  in  the 
House  or  still  the  buoyant  hopes  which  soon  arose  of  bene- 
fiting by  the  scandals  of  the  succeeding  Session. 

But  even  this  latter  solace  was  taken  away  by  the 
revelations  which  came  from  Quebec.  The  corruption  of 
the  Mercier  Ministry  was  the  Conservative  opportunity. 
It  soon  became  a  case  of  fighting  dirt  with  dirt,  and  the 
very  violence  of  the  Liberal  charges  at  Ottawa  brought 
about  a  corresponding  reaction  in  public  opinion,  when  it 
was  claimed  that  the  very  men  who  were  posing  as  politi- 
cal purists  at  the  national  capital  had  received  and  used 
during  the  late  elections  large  sums  of  money  from  the 
fund  provided  by  Quebec  boodlers.  And  it  is  safe  to  say 
that  whether  people  believed  orgaot  the  charges  that  Mr. 
Laurier  had  benefited,  in  a  political  sense  by  these  expen- 
ditures, they  did  very  greatly  dislike  his  refusal  to 
repudiate  Mr.  Mercier  in  the  Provincial  elections  which 
ensued,  as  well  as  the  practical  support  which  he  gave 
to  the  culprits  in  urging  the  people  to  vote  against  the 
Conservative  candidates,  and  "  against  Lieut. -Governor 
Angers,"  because  of  the  latter's  dismissal  of  his  recreant 
ministry. 

These  two  causes  contributed  greatly  to  the  marvellous 
success  of  the  Conservative  party  in  the  elections,  which 
resulted  from  the  unseating  of  numerous  candidates  in  the 
Courts,  And  added  to  them  was  the  wave  of  sentiment 
created  by  the  death  of  Sir  John  A.  Macdonald,  and  the 
accompanying  manifestations  of  popular  affection  and 
sorrow.  The  first  of  the  -bye  elections  had  not,  however, 
been  very  favourable.  Richelieu  went  Liberal,  and  in  a 
speech  delivered  at  Halifax  shortly  afterwards,  on  the  16th 
of  January,  Sir  John  Thompson  explained  the  result  as 


238  LIFE   AND  WORK   OF 

due  to  the  McGreevy  influence,  which  in  connection  with 
the  Richelieu  and  Ontario  Navigation  Company  controlled 
some  300  votes  in  the  constituency.     u  We  found,"  said  he, 
"  as  the  result  of  that  election,  what  we  might  have  told 
you  before,  that  you  cannot  prosecute  a  man  in  the  Courts 
of  Justice,  and  at  the  same  time  ask  him  to  walk  arm  in 
arm  to  the  polls  with  you.    .   .   .   My  friends  of  the  Opposi- 
tion, we  can  afford  to  make  you  a  present  of  Richelieu." 
On  February  2nd,  however,  the  victories  commenced 
with  Soulanges — which  came  back  into  the  Conservative 
column — and  was  followed  rapidly  by  the  gain  of  Prince 
Edward  County,  the  capture  of  Lennox,  the  carrying  of 
East  Elgin  by  494  of  a  majority,  the  winning  of  South 
Ontario  and  East  Hastings,  the  really  remarkable  victory 
of  the  Hon.  J.  C.  Patterson  in  West  Huron,  the  gain  of 
East  Simcoe,  the  election  of  Mr.  Carling  in  London,  and 
the  capture  of  Two  Mountains  in  Quebec.     Such  was  the 
partial  record  of   a  month,  followed  by  the  unexpected 
capture  of  South  Perth,  which  for  eighteen  years  had  been 
Liberal  without  a  break ;  the  change  in  Monck  from  a 
minority  of  260  to  a  majority  of  323 ;  the  victory  in  West 
Northumberland  after  a  keen  and  bitter  contest ;  and  the 
winning  of  East  York  after  its  vacation  by  the  lamented 
death  of  the  old-time  and  much  respected  Liberal  leader, 
the  Hon.  Alexander  Mackenzie.     Many  other  seats  were 
won  in  different  parts  of  the  country,  and  the  Government 
of  the  Hon.  Mr.  Abbott  found  that  instead  of  a  fluctuating 
Parliamentary  majority  of  about  twenty,  it  possessed  one 
of  between  sixty  and  seventy.     And  on  the  Queen's  Birth- 
day of  this  year,  the  Premier  who  had  sacrificed  so  much 
of  ease  and  comfort  and  health  to  the  cause  of  his  party 
and  the  country,  was  created  a  K.  C.  M.  G.,  at  the  same 
time  that  Mr.  Mowat,  the  distinguished  Liberal  Premier  of 
Ontario,  received  a  similar  and  deserved  honour. 


SIK  JOHN   THOMPSON.  239 


CHAPTER 

SIR  JOHN  THOMPSON  BECOMES  PREMIER. 

For  some  time  previous  to  the  retirement  of  Sir  John 
Abbott  it  had  become  clear  that  he  could  not  remain  at  the 
head  of  the  Government  very  much  longer.  The  Minister 
of  Justice  was  during  this  period  the  practical  chief  of  the 
Administration,  as  he  had  been  the  real  leader  of  the  Con- 
servative party  since  the  death  of  Sir  John  Macdonald. 
And  this  can  be  said  without  in  any  way  reflecting  upon 
the  great  services  undoubtedly  rendered  by  Sir  J.  J.  C. 
Abbott  in  a  time  of  trial  and  supreme  party  difficulty.  But 
Sir  John  Thompson  was  leader  of  the  House  of  Commons 
and  his  forceful  character  had  so  impressed  itself  upon  the 
country  while  he  held  that  position,  and  events  had  so 
clearly  combined  to  make  him  the  central  figure  in  the 
politics  of  the  hour,  that  it  was  not  at  all  surprising  to  find 
him'accepted  by  the  public  as  the  next  Premier,  long  before 
the  Governor-General  had  sent  for  him  to  form  a  ministry. 

The  logic  of  circumstances  is  sometimes  irresistible,  and 
the  rise  of  a  strong  man  in  politics,  as  in  most  other  matters, 
is  occasionally  aided  by  the  absence  of  qualifications  which 
to  many  people  may  have  appeared  absolutely  essential. 
Though  gifted  with  rare  ability  Sir  John  Thompson  pos- 
sessed one  defect  which  seemed  almost  fatal  to  his  success 
as  a  j-  avty  leader.  In  ordinary  cases  a  man  who  aspires  to  . 
control  a  democratic  electorate  and  a  complex  political  ma- 
chine, must  possess  the  capacity  of  creating  enthusiasm 
amongst  his  party  followers  and  of  stirring  up  a  sentiment 


240  LIFE   AND    WORK    OF 

of  warm  personal  allegiance.  This  the  incoming  Premier 
did  not  even  pretend  to  or  attempt.  Yet  it  is  probable  that 
his  dignified  and  reserved  manner,  combined  with  his  repu- 
tation for  honesty,  kept  at  a  distance  the  corrupt  elements 
which  instinctively  seek  the  political  centre  here  as  in  other 
countries,  and  helped  his  party  through  the  critical  scandal 
session  and  other  unpleasant  occasions,  as  no  qualities  of 
geniality,  and  mere  personal  graces  of  manner  could  have 
possibly  done. 

Up  to  his  time  it  is  also  very  questionable  whether  a 
Roman  Catholic  could  have  maintained  himself  in  the  Pre- 
miership of  Canada.  Before  Confederation  it  had  been  pos- 
sible, but  under  very  different  circumstances  as  regards 
population  and  balance  of  religious  power.  And  the  pecu- 
liar fortune  which  had  compelled  him  to  deal  with  such 
important  issues  in  connection  with  race  and  creed,  had 
apparently  augmented  this  difficulty.  But  in  reality  it  all 
tended  to  bring  into  prominence  a  question  which  the  nation 
— if  it  were  to  be  a  nation — could  only  answer  in  one  way. 
And  that  answer  was  greatly  facilitated  by  the  very  strength 
of  Sir  John's  convictions  and  the  pronounced  nature  of  his 
stand  upon  the  subjects  with  which  he  had  had  to  deal. 
For  Parliament,  the  party,  or  the  press,  to  refuse  under  such 
c'rcumstances  to  recognize  him  freely,  fully,  and  honestly,  as 
the  heir  to  a  position  so  well  earned  by  ability  and  service, 
was  to  put  out  of  court  one-third  of  the  Canadian  people ; 
shake  the  very  basis  of  Canadian  national  life;  and  place  the 
country  finally  under  the  fatal  influence  of  bitter  sectarian 
strife.  It  is  therefore  probable  that  the  absence  of  the  very 
qualifications  which  might  have  seemed  most  essential  to  Sir 
John  Thompson's  rise  in  power  and  position,  contributed 
rather  than  otherwise  to  his  success  in  public  life.  But,  of 
course,  only  the  certainty  of  his  great  ability  could  have 
enabled  him  to  make  these  hostile  circumstances  subserv-* 


I)' ALTON  MCCARTHY,  Q.C.,  M.  P.   '^^T 


16 


SIR  JOHN  THOMPSON.  243 

lent  to  personal  use.  Otherwise,  his  cold  manner  would 
have  involved  Parliamentary  unpopularity  and  loss  of  in- 
fluence as  a  leader,  while  the  religious  difficulty  would  have 
hopelessly  prejudiced  any  inferior  man  with  a  strong  sec- 
tion of  the  people. 

•  On  November  25th,  1892,  the  retirement  which  had 
been  imminent  for  some  time  was  announced,  coupled  with 
the  fact  that  Sir  John  S.  D.  Thompson  had  been  summoned 
by  His  Excellency  the  Earl  of  Aberdeen  to  form  a  new 
Cabinet.  A  correspondent  of  one  o*f  the  papers  went 
forthwith  to  interview  the  new  Premier  and  in  the  course 
of  the  evening  found  him  at  his  house  in  Lisgar  St.,  Ottawa. 
He  describes  a  children's  party  which  was  being  held,  with 
the  usual  merry-making,  home-made  taffy  and  other 
delights  of  childhood,  and  expresses  surprise  at  the  fact 
that  Sir  John  was  spending  the  evening  at  home  *  in  the 
most  ordinary  domestic  manner  imaginable." 

During  the  next  few  days  the  usual  rumours  filled 
the  air  with  every  variation  of  political  speculation  and 
partisan  criticism.  The  newspaper  correspondents  were 
kept  busy  telegraphing  surmises  as  to  the  personnel  of  the 
new  Cabinet.  In  one  case  it  would  be  Mr.  Meredith  as 
Minister  of  Justice ;  in  another,  Mr.  Christopher  Robinson, 
Q.C.,  of  Toronto ;  in  another,  some  suggested  arrangement 
with  Mr.  D'Alton  McCarthy.  One  paper  thought  Mr.  R. 
S.  White,  M.P.,  was  going  in ;  another  alleged  that  Mr.  W. 
B.  Ives,  M.P.,  was  to  take  Sir  John  Abbott's  place  as  the 
representative  of  the  Eastern  Townships  and  the  Protestant 
minority  of  Quebec ;  another  believed  Mr.  D.  Girouard, 
M.P.,  was  coming  in,  and  the  Hon.  Mr.  Chapleau  was  going 
out.  Finally,  the  new  Government  was  announced  on  the 
)th  of  December  as  follows : 


244  LIFE  AND   WORK   OF 

Premier  and  Minister  of  Justice Sir  John  S.  D.  Thompson. 

Minister  of  Trade  and  Commerce. . .  .  Hon.  Mackenzie  Bowell. 

-  Postmaster-General Sir  Adolphe  Caron,  K  C.  M.Q, 

Secretary  of  State .....  Hon.  John  Costigan. 

Minister  of  Finance Hon.  George  E.  Foster. 

"       "   Marine  and  Fisheries.  .  .Sir  C.  H.  Tupper,  K.C.M.G. 

"       "   Railways  and  Canals Hon.  John  G.  Haggart. 

^  u       «   Public  Works Hon.  J.  Alderic  OuimeW 

"       "    Militia  and  Defence Hon.  J.  C.  Patterson. 

"       "    t'.ie  Interior Hon.  T.  Mayne  Daly. 

"       "   Agriculture Hon.  A.  R.  Angers. 

Without  Portfolio Sir  Frank  Smith,  K.  C.  M.  G. 

' Sir  John  Carling,  K.C.M.G. 

President  of  the  Council Hon.  W.  B.  Ives. 

(In  the  Ministry  but  not  in  the  Cabinet.) 

Solicitor-General Hon.  J.  J.  Curran,  Q.C. 

Comptroller  of  Customs Hon.  N.  Clarke  Wallace. 

Comptroller  of  Inland  Revenue Hon.  J.  F.  Wood,  Q.C. 

There  were  a  number  of  important  changes  in  connec- 
tion with  the  new  Government.  The  proposed  re-construc- 
tion of  the  Department  of  Customs,  the  establishment  of  a 
Ministry  of  Trade  and  Commerce,  and  the  appointment  of 
a  Solicitor-General  to  relieve  the  Minister  of  Justice  of 
some  of  his  too  onerous  duties,  now  came  into  effect.  No 
better  selection  for  head  of  a  department  dealing  with  the 
trade  of  the  country  could  have  been  made  than  that  of 
Mr.  Mackenzie  Bowell.  His  long  control  of  the  Customs 
and  his  interest  in  trade  questions  pointed  him  out  as 
specially  adapted  for  the  post.  The  elevation  of  Mr. 
Curran  and  Mr.  Wood  was  the  reward  of  long  party  service 
which  no  one  could  dispute,  and  gave  them  positions  which 
they  were  eminently  fitted  to  fill.  The  appointment  of  Mr. 
Clarke  Wallace  was  a  stroke  of  political  wisdom  on  the 
part  of  the  new  Premier.  It  not  only  brought  to  his  side 
in  the  Government  the  recognized  head  of  the  Orange  order 
in  the  Dominion,  but  it  placed  in  control  of  the  Customs  a 


SIR   JOHN   THOMPSON.  245 

business  man  whose  administration  has  since  been  both 
able  and  popular. 

Mr.  T.  M.  Daly,  the  genial  member  for  Selkirk,  Man- 
itoba, had  succeeded  Mr.  Dewdney  as  Minister  of  the 
Interior  a  month  before  Sir  John  Abbott's  resignation,  and 
he  was  confirmed  in  his  place,  Mr.  W.  B.  Ives,  M.  P.  for 
Sherbrooke,  was  a  politician  of  long  standing  and  bore  the 
reputation  of  being  a  clear-headed  and  eminently  successful 
business  man.  The  retirement  of  the  Hon.  Mr.  Angers 
from  the  Lieut. -Governorship  of  Quebec  made  room  for  the 
appointment  of  Mr.  Chapleau  to  that  position,  and  for  the 
entry  into  national  politics  of  one  of  the  most  interesting 
and  honourable  men  whom  Quebec  has  produced.  Mr. 
Angers  united  culture  and  honour  in  public  life  with  the 
fullest  courage  of  his  convictions,  as  he  had  shown  in  deal- 
ing with  Mr.  Mercier. 

The  brilliant  qualities  of  the  Hon.  Charles  H.  Tupper 
and  his  honest,  straightforward  administration  of  the 
Department  of  Marine  and  Fisheries  pointed  to  his  remain- 
ing in  that  position,  while  the  financial  skill  of  Mr.  Foster 
was  retained  in  the  Department  whose  dry  details  and 
principles  of  management  he  had  enlivened  with  such 
genuine  eloquence.  Circumstances  caused  the  retirement 
of  Mr.  Carling  from  a  post  to  which  he  had  devoted  much 
time  and  patient  labour,  but  if  he  was  no  longer  Minister 
of  Agriculture,  he  had  shortly  afterwards  the  honour  of 
receiving  Knighthood  from  Her  Majesty  the  Queen.  So, 
rith  Sir  Frank  Smith,  whose  business  shrewdness  and 
experience  made  his  advice  invaluable  to  any  Cabinet. 
5ir  Adolphe  Caron  had  not  long  before  left  the  Department 
of  Militia  and  Defence,  in  which  he  had  done  such  really 
strenuous  service  during  the  rebellion,  and  he  once  more 
accepted  the  Postmaster-Generalship. 

Such  was  the  composition  of  the  Government  which 


246  LIFE  AND   WORK   OF 

Sir  John  Thompson  was  now  to  lead  amid  the  shoals  and 
rocks  which  are  always  strewn  so  plentifully  before  the 
ship  of  state.  His  accession  to  nominal,  as  well  as  real, 
power  was  well  received  throughout  the  country.  The 
French-Canadian  Conservative  press  was  a  unit  in  praise 
of  the  man  and  his  record,  his  ability  and  his  services. 
The  Ottawa  Citizen  spoke  of  him  as  "  a  statesman  of  the 
weightiest  calibre,  deep  in  his  knowledge  of  human  nature 
and  human  affairs,  of  extensive  reading  and  accurate  and 
varied  information,  an  orator  and  a  tactician  above  all." 
It  described  him  as  one  in  whom  the  country  had  full  faith. 
The  Toronto  Empire  declared  that  "in  every  duty  to 
which  the  necessity  of  the  hour  has  summoned  him,  Sir 
John  Thompson  has  been  a  conspicuous  success.  He  has 
been  a  brilliant  Minister.  He  is  the  absolute  master  of  the 
House  of  Commons."  The  Toronto  Globe  announced  that 
the  man  who  by  "  pre-eminence  of  ability  commands  the 
Premiership,"  had  at  last  got  it,  while  the  Montreal  Herald 
with  all  its  strong  Liberal  prejudices  declared  that  "  He 
has  rendered  the  Conservative  party  more  valuable  service 
since  Sir  John  Macdonald's  death  than  perhaps  any  other 
living  man  could  have  done.' 

The  Maritime  Provinces  were  enthusiastic  in  express- 
ing pride  at  the  success  of  the  leader  from  Nova-Scotia,  and 
the  press  was  almost  united  in  praise  of  his  personal  quali- 
ties and  admitted  abilities.  But  the  unpleasant  religious 
issue  refused  to  be  entirely  suppressed,  and  the  opinion  of 
militant  Protestantism  was  voiced  by  the  Toronto  Mail  of 
a  short  time  before  his  accession  to  power,  and  by  the 
Montreal  Witness  of  the  day  after.  The  former  declared 
it  "  difficult  to  believe  that  the  political  managers  of  the 
Orange  order  will  be  able  to  induce  the  order  for  the  sake 
of  spoils  to  trail  the  effigy  of  William  III.  behind  a  political 
confederate  of  the  order  of  Father  Petre."  The  latl 


SIR  JOHN   THOMPSON.  247 

announced  that  "  Sir  John  Thompson,  nominee  of  the 
Archbishop  of  Halifax  and  disciple  of  the  Jesuits,  has 
become  by  the  people's  permission,  absolute  ruler  of  Canada." 
It  seemed  useless  to  argue  with  this  sort  of  spirit.  It  was 
pointed  out  that  a  Catholic  Premier  would  be  apt  to  hold 
the  scales  of  .justice  very  rigidly  in  connection  with  those 
of  his  own  religion  so  as  to  prove  his  entire  freedom  from 
bias  or  bigotry.  It  was  urged  that  no  man  in  a.  Canadian 
Cabinet,  however  strong  might  be  his  influence,  could  in 
these  times  of  suspicion  either  counsel  or  practice  an 
injustice  towards  any  race  or  creed. 

But  it  was,  of  course,  little  use  placing  such  consider- 
ations— to  say  nothing  of  facts  regarding  a  statesman's 
honourable  character  and  career — before  men  who  did  not 
believe  that  a  Roman  Catholic  could  possess  any  qualities, 
good  or  bad,  which  were  not  subservient  to  the  will  of  his 
Church.  Perhaps  in  this  connection  the  brightest  and  best 
indication  of  what  was  really  the  opinion  of  a  vast  majority 
of  Canadians  found  expression  in  the  Globe's  further  com- 
ment upon  the  new  Premier :  "  With  the  fact  that  Sir  John 
Thompson  is  a  Roman  Catholic,  we  have  nothing  to  do.  It 
would  be  a  poor  tribute  to  the  liberality  and  intelligence 
of  the  Canadian  people  if  it  were  laid  down  that  a  Roman 
Catholic  may  not  equally  with  a  Protestant  aspire  to  the 
highest  office  within  their  gift,  and  any  attempt  to  arouse 
sectarian  prej  udice  over  his  appointment  will  not  make  for 
the  dignity  of  Canadian  politics  or  the  welfare  of  the 
country." 

In  assuming  the  responsibilities  of  his  position,  how- 
ever, the  new  leader  was  quite  well  aware  of  the  difficul- 
ties before  him.  Canada  will  never  be  an  easy  country  to 
govern,  and  whether  its  popular  ruler  be  a  Catholic  or  an 
Orangeman,  an  English-Canadian  or  a  French -Canadian, 
he  will  have  to  encounter  questions  of  the  most  conflicting 


24:8  LTFK   AND   WORK   OF 

interest,  and  the  most  embarassing  import.  And  in  speak- 
ing same  time  after  this  with  reference  to  the  arduous 
work  which  had  been  done  by  Sir  John  A.  Macdonald,  the 
new  Premier  gave  a  striking  description  of  the  labours  re- 
quired in  the  position  which  he  was  then  himself  filling. 
Day  after  day,  he  declared,  was  occupied  by  increasing  toil, 
unwearying  watchfulness  and  painful  devotion  to  details. 
Night  after  night  when  men  in  all  other  occupations  were 
enjoying  rest  in  their  homes,  he  would  be  at  his  work  in  the 
House  of  Commons,  seldom  leaving  until  early  morning,  and 
often  beginning  a  long  and  arduous  effort  after  midnight. 
This  was  the  work  which  Sir  John  Thompson  had  now  taken 
up  in  all  its  fulness,  and  that  he  never  shrank  from  any 
portion  of  it,  is  writ  large  in  the  history  of  the  next  two  years. 
Meantime  the  four  new  Ministers  had  gone  to  their 
constituents,  and  been  re-elected  by  acclamation ;  Mr. 
Wallace,  in  West  York,  Mr.  Wood  in  Brockville,  Mr. 
Ives  in  Sherbrooke,  and  Mr.  Curran  in  Montreal  Centre. 
The  speech  delivered  by  Mr.  Clarke  Wallace  in  the  village 
of  Weston  upon  the  occasion  of  his  re-election,  on  Decem- 
ber 21st,  contained  an  interesting  explanation  of  his  rea- 
sons for  accepting  office,  and  concerning  certain  Orange 
objections  to  the  new  Premier.  "  Sir  John  Thompson," 
said  the  speaker,  "  is  the  Premier  of  Canada  to-day,  and 
some  people  have  objected  to  him,  not  on  account  of  his 
lack  of  ability,  for  he  is  one  of  the  ablest  men  in  Canada ; 
not  because  of  his  want  of  integrity,  for  no  man's  reputa- 
tion is  more  unblemished;  not  because  of  his  want  of 
devotion  to  the  interests  of  his  country,  but,  and  I  will  put 
it  plainly,  because  he  is  a  Roman  Catholic.  I  do  not  view 
it  in  that  light.  I  do  not  consider  that  an  objection  to  a 
man's  becoming  Premier  of  Canada."  Be  then  went  on  to 
say  that  he  was  an  Orangeman,  and  was  proud  of  it ;  that 
he  had  been  one  for  almost  a  quarter  of  a  century ;  and 


HON.  JOHN  COSTIGAN  M.  P. 
Secretary  of  State. 


SIR   JOHN   THOMPSON.  251 

that  he  had  been  elevated  to  the  highest  position  within 
the  gift  of  the  Orangemen,  not  only  of  Canada,  but  of  the 
world. 

But  nowhere  in  the  principles  of  the  Order  could  be 
found  word  or  line  which  would  prevent  a  Roman  Catholic 
from  the  free  exercise  of  his  national  privileges :  "  Sir 
John  Thompson  is  a  loyal  Canadian.  He  has  the  same 
light  as  any  man  in  this  Dominion  to  accept  the  office  of 
Premier,  and  as  an  Orangeman,  I  am  bound  to  support 
every  man  in  the  exercise  of  his  constitutional  rights. 
Therefore,  I  stand  here  to-day,  on  my  obligations  as  an 
Orangeman,  consistently,  squarely,  and  I  believe  properly." 
This  manly  speech  by  Mr.  Wallace  did  much  to  place  the 
new  Premier  in  a  better  and  truer  light  before  a  portion  of 
the  community  which  had  been  inclined,  perhaps  naturally, 
to  feel  considerably  prejudiced  against  him. 

During  the  Session  of  1892,  immediately  preceding 
Sir  John  Thompson's  assumption  of  the  Premiership,  two 
events  had  occurred  which  are  worth  being  recorded. 
Reference  has  already  been  made  to  the  Redistribution 
measure,  to  the  Elliott  case,  and  to  the  Caron  charges  In 
his  motion  regarding  the  Crown  Prosecutions,  instituted  as 
a  result  of  the  Tarte-McGreevy  investigation,  and  in  the 
speech  which  accompanied  it,  the  Minister  of  Justice  amply 
vindicated  his  own  position  and  that  of  the  Government. 
His  resolution  as  presented  to  the  House,  on  April  12th, 
was  to  the  effect  that  all  statements,  admissions,  and 
evidence  produced  before  the  Committees  of  the  House, 
during  the  Session  of  1891,  should  now  be  available  for 
use  in  the  Courts ;  that  all  clerks,  stenographers,  and  other 
officials  in  the  service  of  the  House  should  be  eligible  as 
witnesses  ;  and  that  all  books,  papers,  and  other  documents 
which  had  been  previously  produced  should  be  once  more 
brought  forward,  and  used  in  the  trials  now  being  insti- 


252  LIFE   AND   WORK   OF 

tuted.  The  cases  named  were  those  against  Connolly  and 
McGreevy  for  conspiracy;  against  John  R.  Arnoldi  for 
malfeasance  in  office;  against  Talbot  and  Larose  for  con- 
spiracy ;  and  against  eleven  other  persons  or  firms  for  the 
recovery  of  money.  Some  opposition  was  made  upon 
constitutional  grounds,  but  the  motion  was,  of  course, 
carried,  and  enabled  the  Government  to  have  everything 
that  was  possible  done  towards  the  conviction  and  punish- 
ment of  those  who  had  defrauded  the  country. 

On  the  28th  of  June  an  incident  happened  which 
delighted  the  Convervative  members  of  the  House  beyond 
measure,  astonished  the  country  and  the  Opposition,  and 
perhaps  surprised  the  Minister  of  Justice  himself.  Some 
days  previous  to  that  date,  Sir  Richard  Cartwright  had 
announced  that  he  was  going  to  say  something  which  he 
wished  the  Leader  of  the  House  to  hear,  and  intimated 
that  he  intended  to  address  him  personally  and  particularly. 
When  the  time  came  he  made  a  characteristically  strong 
speech;  denouncing  the  judiciary  in  connection  with  the 
recent  election  trials ;  the  people  for  their  action  in  return- 
ing so  many  "  corruptionists  "  to  the  House  in  the  bye- 
elections  the  Government  for  renewed  evidences  of 
boodling ;  the  Minister  of  Justice  for  having,  as  he  alleged, 
purchased  a  seat  in  Parliament,  by  obtaining  in  1885  the 
appointment  of  Mr.  Mclsaac,  to  a  County  Court  Judgeship 
in  Nova-Scotia. 

If  the  speaker  had  intended  to  "draw"  Sir  John 
Thompson,  he  was  for  once  successful.  To  the  amazement 
of  its  members,  the  House  listened  to  a  speech  which  was 
absolutely  stormy  in  its  character,  bitter  in  its  invective, 
and  personal  in  its  application.  It  was  a  perfect  whirl- 
wind of  denunciation  from  a  man  upon  whom  the  Commons 
was  accustomed  to  look  as  the  embodiment  of  dignity,  of 
reserve,  of  suppression  in  language,  and  of  moderation  in 


SIR  JOHN   THOMPSON.  253 

tone.  But  the  delight  of  the  Conservatives  was  corres- 
pondingly great  at  the  revelation  of  this  new  side  to  the 
character  of  their  leader,  and  in  its  particular  application 
to  an  opponent  whom  many  disliked  personally  as  well  as 
politically. 

The  Minister  of  Justice  commenced  by  endeavoring  to 
find  some  reason  for  Sir  Richard's  effort  in  the  dying  days 
of  the  Session.  "  Perhaps,"  he  said,  "  in  ransacking  his 
speeches  of  the  past,  he  had  found  that  there  was  some 
adjective  which  he  had  missed,  and  he  wanted  to  get  it 
before  the  House."  Then  he  referred  to  the  address  just 
delivered,  as  "  one  of  those  war,  famine,  and  pestilence 
speeches  which  have  so  often  carried  the  country  for  the 
Government."  He  denounced  the  Liberal  leader  who  had 
turned  and  pointed  at  him  as  having  shown  an  intimate 
knowledge  of  criminal  law,  and  as  having,  no  doubt,  been  a 
successful  defender  of  dangerous  criminals.  "  Sir,"  said  the 
Minister  of  Justice,  ';  I  decline  the  hon.  gentleman's  brief." 
Sir  Richard  Cartwright  here  interrupted  with  the  remark, 
"  You  must  have  the  fee  first,"  and  brought  upon  himself 
the  following  onslaught :  "  I  have  had  some  experience, 
both  in  defending  criminals  and  in  prosecuting  them ;  I 
have  never  shrunk  in  my  calling,  as  a  member  of  the  Bar, 
from  taking  any  man's  case,  no  matter  how  desperate  it 
might  be,  for  the  purpose  of  saying  for  him  what  he  might 
lawfully  say  for  himself  ;  but  I  have  sometimes  spurned 
the  fee  of  a  blatant  scoundrel  who  denounced  everybody 
else  in  the  world,  and  was  himself  the  most  truculent^ 
savage  of  them  all." 

This  last  fierce  sentence  was  long  remembered  by  those 
who  heard  it,  and  is  still  cherished  by  the  many  who  have 
suffered  personally  from  Sir  Richard's  own  powers  of 
invective.  Then  Sir  John  Thompson  went  on  to  declare 
that  the  hon.  gentleman  would  rather  any  day  abuse  his 


254  LIFE   AND   WORK   OF 

country  and  defame  it  than  eat  his  breakfast.  "  I,  as  a 
member  of  the  Liberal-Conservative  party,  owe  him  such  a 
debt  of  gratitude  that  if  it  shall  be  necessary  to  retain  his 
services  in  the  party  which  he  does  not  lead,  and  which 
would  not  have  him  for  a  leader,  and  which  barely  tolerates 
him  as  a  supporter — if  it  be  necessary  in  order  to  retain 
him  in  that  capacity,  I,  for  one,  will  propose  a  subsidy  to 
Parliament  to  keep  him  there."  He  defended  the  Judges 
of  the  Dominion;  referred  to  the  pride  which  Sir  John 
Macdonald  had  always  taken  in  keeping  the  Judiciary  free 
from  the  stain  of  partisan  appointments  ;  explained  clearly 
but  briefly  the  reasons  for  the  transfer  of  Mr.  Mclsaac  from 
Parliament  to  the  Bench,  and  his  own  recommendation  of 
the  selection,  aside  altogether  from  his  personal  elevation 
to  a  position  which  he  had  twice  refused  before  finally 
accepting  it ;  and  vigourously  denied  the  fitness  of  Sir 
Richard  Cartwright  to  sit  in  judgment  upon  the  Judiciary 
— "  He  above  all  others  made  in  the  same  mould,  which, 
thank  God,  nature  broke  when  she  cast  him." 

Such,  in  a  nutshell,  was  the  famous  speech  which  Mr. 
Laurier  characterized  in  reply  as  a  descent  from  "  the 
language  of  Parliament  to  the  invective  of  Billingsgate." 
No  defence  of  Sir  Richard  Cartwright  is  required  in  this 
connection.  He  can  always  take  care  of  himself.  Nor  is 
it  necessary  to  criticise  Sir  John  Thompson  for  the  unique 
character  of  this  utterance.  That  it  was  unusual  is  suffi- 
cient evidence  of  the  tremendous  provocation  under  which 
•t  was  delivered,  and  that  it  was  instinct  with  all  the 
vigonrous  invective  of  a  strong  and  generally  suppressed 
nature,  simply  proves  that  the  Minister  of  Justice  was  a 
man  and  not  a  saint,  and  that  while  his  passions  were  as  a 
rule  thoroughly  controlled,  yet  they  could  at  times  burst 
out  and  show  his  opponents  that  he  was  well  able  to 
answer  fire  with  fire. 


SIR  JOHN  THOMPSON.  255 


CHAPTER  XIV. 
MANITOBA  SCHOOLS'  LEGISLATION. 

Manitoba  has  contributed  several  difficult  problems  for 
national  solution.  It  produced  Kiel;  it  developed  a  hot 
agitation  for  Provincial  rights  ;  it  has  given  the  Dominion 
a  separate  school  question.  Struggles  over  religious  educa- 
tion are,  of  course,  by  no  means  uncommon  in  Canada,  and 
the  one  which  Sir  John  Thompson  had  to  deal  with  has 
been  neither  better  nor  worse  than  difficulties  in  the  same 
connection  which  most  other  countries  have  at  times  had  to 
face.  Prior  to  1863  Ontario  was  torn  with  dissensions  con- 
cerning its  educational  system,  and  the  Hon.  George  Brown 
led  in  an  agitation  against  Roman  Catholic  separate  schools, 
which  was  as  earnest  as  it  was  finally  ineffectual. 

The  result  of  this  prolonged  conflict  was  that  it  became 
tolerably  clear,  for  good  or  ill,  that  it  was  impossible  to 
harmonize  Protestants  and  Roman  Catholics  upon  the 
question  of  education,  and  that  it  only  remained  for  the 
framers  of  Confederation  to  effect  some  compromise  by 
which  a  Protestant  minority  in  Quebec  and  a  Roman 
Catholic  minority  in  Ontario  should  be  provided  with  a 
secure  system  of  separate  schools.  This  was  achieved  by 
giving  them  in  each  case  a  constitutional  guarantee  of  all 
rights  and  privileges  existing  at  the  time  of  the  Union. 
They  were,  necessarily,  subject  to  the  jurisdiction,  in  other 
respects,  of  the  Provincial  Legislatures;  and,  curiously 
enough,  the  concessions  made  to  the  supporters  of  minority 
schools  in  each  of  these  two  Provinces  have  been  the  cause 
of  complaints  from  the  religious  majority.  The  separate 


256  LIFE  AND   WORK  OF 

schools,  therefore,  have  had  nothing  to  complain  of  in 
either  Ontario  or  Quebec. 

But  in  Manitoba  it  has  been  very  different.  The  sys- 
tem was  not  the  same  as  elsewhere ;  the  Province  did  not 
enter  the  Dominion  under  similar  conditions ;  and  the  fate 
of  the  schools  has  since  become  involved  in  the  general  and 
complex  question  of  Provincial  rights.  Manitoba  entered 
the  Union  in  1870.  The  population  was  about  equally 
divided,  between  Catholics  and  Protestants,  and  as  a  large 
influx  of  French  Canadians  was  expected  in  the  future,  it 
was  at  that  time  very  generally  believed  that  the  balance 
_would  be  more  evenly  preserved  than  has  been  the  case. 
Under  these  circumstances  the  Dominion  Parliament  had  to 
consider  the  power  which  it  might  be  desirable  to  invest 
the  future  majority  with,  and,  following  the  precedent  of 
the  Confederation  Act,  authority  was  given  to  the  Legis- 
lature over  education,  subject  to  jbhe  preservation  of  rights 
existing  at  the  time  of  the  Union.  And  it  was  afterwards 
claimed  that  the  privilege  of  an  appeal  to  the  Governor- 
General-in- Council  was  also  allowed  in  the  event  of  any  of 
those  rights  being  infringed. 

It  has  been  since  admitted  that  no  law,  ordinance  or 
regulation  existed  at  the  time  of  union  with  respect  to  edu- 
cation. The  point  of  the  future  dispute  turned,  therefore, 
upon  how  far  the  "  practice  "  then  prevalent  was  a  privi- 
lege and  right  under  the  laws.  Archbishop  Tache,  whose 
evidence  in  the  subsequent  Barrett  case  was  accepted  as 
accurate  and  complete,  states  that  there  were  a  number  of 
effective  schools  for  children,  some  of  them  being  regulated 
and  controlled  by  the  Koman  Catholic  Church,  and  others 
by  various  Protestant  denominations.  The  means  required 
for  the  support  of  the  Catholic  schools  were  supplied  partly 
by  fees  and  partly  out  of  funds  contributed  to  the  Church 
by  its  members.  During  this  period  neither  Catholics  nor 


— : 


WM.  PATERSON,  M.P. 
Brant  ford. 


SIR  JOHN   THOMPSONS  259 

Protestants  had  interest  in  or  control  over  any  schools  but 
those  pertaining  to  their  respective  beliefs. 

In  1871,  shortly  after  joining  the  Dominion,  a  law 
was  passed  by  the  Manitobaii  Legislature  which  established 
a  system  of  denominational  education  in  what  were  then 
called  the  common  schools.  By  this  act  twelve  electoral 
divisions,  comprising  in  the  main  a  Protestant  population, 
were  to  be  considered  as  constituting  twelve  Protestant 
school  districts,  under  the  management  of  the  Protestant 
section  of  the  Board  of  Education.  Similarly,  twelve  dis- 
tricts, made  up  chiefly  of  a  Roman  Catholic  population, 
were  constituted  an  equal  number  of  Catholic  school  dis- 
tricts, and  were  placed  under  the  control  of  the  Catholic 
section  of  the  Provincial  Education  Board.  Each  school 
division  raised  the  contribution  required  in  addition  to  the 
amount  given  from  the  public  funds,  as  might  be  decided 
at  its  annual  meeting.  And  without  the  special  sanction 
of  its  section  of  the  Board  of  Education,  only  one  school 
coTild  be  established  in  each  district. 

Changes  suited  to  the  differing  proportions  of  the  popu- 
lation were  made  in  1875 ;  but  the  general  principle  was  still 
maintained.  And  the  system  cannot  be  said  to  have  worked 
badly,  or  to  have  caused  any  very  serious  trouble  be- 
tween the  religious  divisions  of  the  Province.  In  1890, 
however,  a  portion  of  the  sectarian  wave  which  had  failed 
to  engulf  Ontario,  overcame  the  Protestants  of  the  Prairie 
Province — now  in  a  large  majority — and  the  Premier,  Mr. 
Thomas  Greenway,  with  his  able  lieutenant,  Attorney -Gen- 
eral Martin,  seized  the  favourable  and  popular  moment  to 
establish  a  common  school  system.  By  the  Act  then  passed, 
all  school  taxes,  whether  derived  from  Protestants  or  Catho- 
lics, were  appropriated  to  the  support  of  the  new  public 
schools,  and  the  old  arrangements  constituting  two  Boards 
of  Education,  were  of  course  repealed.  Needless  to  say  the 


260  LIFE  AND  WORK    OF 

Roman  Catholics  all  over  the  Dominion  were  seriously 
aroused  by  this  action.  It  seemed  to  threaten  their  rights 
everywhere  as  well  as  those  they  claimed  in  Manitoba. 

Strenuous  pressure  was  brought  to  bear  upon  the 
Dominion  Government  to  disallow  the  Act  as  infringing  the 
rights  of  the  minority.  A  petition  dated  6th  March,  1891, 
and  signed  by  the  Roman  Catholic  Archbishops  and  Bishops 
of  the  Dominion,  was  presented,  stating  that  both  the 
Schools'  Act  and  the  one  abolishing  the  dual  language  sys- 
tem in  Manitoba  were  "  contrary  to  the  dearests  interests  " 
of  a  large  portion  of  the  loyal  subjects  of  Her  Majesty ;  con- 
trary to  "  the  assurances  given  during  the  negotiations " 
which  determined  the  entry  of  the  Provinces  into  Confed- 
eration; contrary  to  the  terms  of  the  British  North 
America  Act,  and  of  the  Manitoba  Act ;  contrary  to  the 
principles  of  public  good  faith.  A  little  later,  on  April  4th, 
the  French  press  of  Quebec,  published  a  pastoral  letter, 
issued  by  Cardinal  Taschereau  and  the  hierarchy  of  the 
Province,  which  was  read  in  all  the  Catholic  Churches, 
and  claimed  that  the  legislation  in  question  would  "  destroy 
the  faith  of  the  Catholic  children  "  of  Manitoba,  and  would 
"  despoil  the  Church  of  its  sacred  rights."  It  urged  once 
more  "  the  control  of  the  Church  over  the  education  of 
Catholic  children  in  the  schools,"  and  called  upon  all  Catho- 
lics "  to  pray  and  to  work  for  justice." 

Following,  however,  the  precedent  set  in  the  Jesuits' 
Estates  Case,  the  Public  Schools'  bill  was  allowed  by  the 
Government  to  go  into  operation,  as  well  as  the  one 
abolishing  the  official  use  of  the  French  language  in  the  Pro- 
vincial Legislature.  But  in  the  case  of  the  Schools'  Act  the 
Government  intimated  its  willingness  to  pay  the  expenses 
involved  in  testing  the  constitutionality  of  the  measure. 
Meantime,  appeal  had  been  entered  by  Mr.  J.  K.  Barrett,  of 
Winnipeg,  in  the  interest  of  the  local  Catholic  ratepayers. 


SIR  JOHN  THOMPSON.  261 

and  against  two  city  by-laws  which  imposed  a  rate  of  taxa- 
tion upon  Catholics  and  Protestants  alike,  for  the  support 
of  the  public  schools.  He  claimed  that  the  old  law  was 
still  in  force,  and  based  his  case  upon  the  22nd  section  of 
the  Manitoba  Act,  under  which  the  Province  entered  the 
Union,  and  which  states  that  "  Nothing  in  any  such  law 
(Provincial)  shall  prejudicially  affect  any  right  or  privilege, 
with  respect  to  denominational  schools,  which  any  class  of 
persons  have  by  law  or  practice  in  the  Province  at  the 
Union." 

The  Manitoba  Government  maintained,  as  against  this 
plea,  that  a  Separate  School  system  was  not  really  in  exist- 
ence prior  to  the  Province  entering  the  Confederation  and 
that  consequently  the  Roman  Catholic  minority  possessed 
no  guarantee  whatever.  On  the  2nd  of  February,  1891, 
the  Court  of  Queen's  Bench  in  Manitoba  had  sustained  the 
validity  of  the  Act,  three  Judges  being  favourable  and  one 
opposed.  Chief  Justice  Taylor  gave  an  able  review  of  the 
case,  holding  in  substance  that  the  general  educational  in- 
terests of  the  people  had  been  dealt  with  under  the  dispu- 
ted legislation  and  that  no  rights  or  privileges  possessed 
before  confederation  had  been  affected.  Mr.  Justice  Dubuc 
— a  French -Canadian — dissented  and  upheld  the  Catholic 
contention.  The  case  was  at  once  appealed  to  the  Supreme 
Court  of  Canada. 

Towards  the  end  of  October  judgment  was  given  by 
the  latter  body  declaring  the  Act  ultra  vires,  allowing 
the  appeals,  and  quashing  the  city  by-laws.  Chief  Justice 
Ritchie  in  presenting  the  unanimous  decision  of  the  Court 
held  that  the  Act  of  Union  prohilited  the  abolition  of 
Separate  Schools  by  Local  Legislatures.  There  was,  of 
course,  great  excitement  in  Winnipeg  over  the  result,  and 
the  Local  Government  annoui  c^d  its  intention  of  at  once 
appealing  the  case  to  the  Imperial  Privy  Council.  At  the 


262  LIFE  AND   WORK   OF 

same  time  a  similar  test  case  on  behalf  of  the  Church  of 
England  in  Manitoba,  and  claiming  the  right  of  that  body 
to  have  separate  schools,  on  the  ground  that  the  Episcopa- 
lians had  possessed  parochial  schools  prior  to  the  Union, 
was  also  sent  forward  on  appeal.  Late  in  July,  1892,  the 
decision  of  the  highest  British  Court  of  Appeal  upheld  the 
Manitoba  Courts,  declared  the  legality  of  the  Act  of  1890, 
and  reversed  the  judgment  of  the  Supreme  Court  of  the 
Dominion.  Meantime,  in  advising  the  Governor-General- 
in-Council  to  allow  the  Act  in  due  course,  Sir  John  Thomp- 
son as  Minister  of  Justice,  submitted  a  Report  on  March 
2 1st,  1891.  which  has  since  been  the  cause  of  considerable 
controversy.  He  reviewed  the  admitted  legal  powers  of 
the  Provincial  Legislature  with  regard  to  education,  and 
the  questions  of  fact,  of  practice,  or  of  privilege  which  he 
declared  it  would  be  wiser  to  leave  to  the  decision  of  the 
Courts,  than  for  any  Government  to  attempt  to  deal  with. 
"  If  the  appeal  should  be  successful  these  Acts  will  be  an- 
nulled by  judicial  decision  and  the  Roman  Catholic  minority 
in  Manitoba  will  receive  protection  and  redress."  He  then 
pointed  out  that  if  on  the  other  hand  the  legal  controversy 
should  result  in  the  Manitoba  Courts  being  sustained  the 
time  would  come  for  consideration  by  the  Government  of 
the  various  petitions  which  had  been  presented  on  behalf 
of  the  ministry,  under  the  terms  of  a  portion  of  Section  22 
of  the  Manitoba  Act  which  reads :  "  An  appeal  shall  lie  to 
the  Governor-General -in-Council  from  any  act  or  decision 
of  the  Legislature  of  the  Province,  or  of  any  provincial 
authority  affecting  any  right  or  privilege  of  the  Protestant 
or  Roman  Catholic  minority  of  the  Queen's  subjects,  in  rela- 
t'on  to  education."  .  .  .  Parliament  may  make  remedial 
laws  for  the  due  execution  of  the  provisions  of  this  section, 
and  of  any  decision  of  the  Governor-General-in-Council." 
It  has  often  been  said  since,  that  Sir  John  Thompson 


SIR  JOHN   THOMPSON.  263 

expected  the  Schools'  Act  to  be  declared  ultra  vires,  and 
did  not  anticipate  that  this  right  of  appeal  to  the  Govern- 
ment would  ever  be  asked  for  or  utilized.  But  his  language 
in  concluding  this  Report  does  not  seem  to  admit  of  two 
meanings :  "  Those  sub-sections  contain  in  effect  the  provi- 
sions which  have  been  made  as  to  all  the  Provinces,  and 
are  obviously  those  under  which  the  constitution  intended 
that  the  Government  of  the  Dominion  should  proceed  if  it 
should  at  any  time  become  necessary  that  the  Federal 
powers  should  be  resorted  to  for  the  protection  of  a  Protes- 
tant or  Roman  Catholic  minority  against  any  Act  or  deci- 
sion of  the  Legislature  of  the  Province  or  of  any  provincial 
authority,  affecting  '  any  right  or  privilege'  of  any  such 
minority  '  in  relation  to  education/  " 

Upon  the  decision  of  the  Judicial  Committee  of  the 
Privy  Council  being  announced,  the  agitation  for  an  appeal 
to  the  Government  and  for  remedial  legislature  was 
renewed,  and,  of  course,  drew  increased  strength  from  the 
Report  just  quoted,  although  Sir  John  afterwards  claimed, 
and  especially  in  the  House  during  a  debate  on  April  26th, 
1894,  that  he  only  referred  to  the  petitions  received  at  that 
time  and  took  this  method  of  indicating  that  they  could 
not  then  be  considered  while  the  matter  was  still  pending 
in  the  Courts.  Strong  language  was  used  upon  both  sides 
in  connection  with  the  possibility  of  executive  interference. 
The  Toronto  Mail  declared  on  August  2nd  that  "  the 
tribunal  of  last  resort  has  pronounced  Manitoba  free  ;  and 
free  that  Province  shall  be  if  the  English  population  has 
any  voice  in  the  government  of  this  country."  Mr.  Mercier, 
speaking  in  Montreal  on  February  23rd  following,  urged 
with  equal  emphasis  upon  the  people  of  Quebec  that  "  we 
must  put  aside  all  the  divisions  and  hatreds  of  the  past, 
and  join  in  a  fraternal  union  to  place  two  millions  of 
French  Canadians  against  the  oppression  of  the  other 
Provinces." 


264  LIFE  AND  WORK   OF 

Meantime  the  Dominion  Government  had  appointed  a 
Sub-Committee  of  Council  composed  of  Sir  John  Thomp- 
son, the  Hon.  Mr.  Bowell  and  the  Hon.  Mr.  Chapleau,  to 
hear  the  appeals  which  had  been  previously  presented,  and 
to  listen  to  Mr.  John  S.  Ewart,  Q.C.,  of  Winnipeg,  on  behalf 
of  the  petitioners.  On  November  27th,  Mr.  Ewart  intro- 
j-v-  duced  his  case  and  made  a  strong  deliverance,  and  on 
~  January  6th  following,  the  Sub-Committee  reported  to  the 
Governor-General-in-Council  a  synopsis  of  the  whole  matter, 
prepared,  in  all  probability,  by  Sir  John  Thompson,  and 
recommending  that  another  hearing  should  be  given  in 
which  the  Government  of  Manitoba  might  be  represented. 
The  Provincial  Ministry  refused,  however,  to  consider  the 
question  as  in  any  way  open  or  to  send  a  representative. 
The  Report  also  indicated  certain  bases  for  consideration  as 
to  whether  the  Governor-General-in-Council  'really  had  the 
power  to  grant  remedial  legislation  under  existing  circum- 
stances. 

These  suggestions  were  subsequently  brought  before 
the  Supreme  Court  in  the  form  of  six  questions,  and  were 
dealt  with  on  February  26th,  1894,  by  a  judgment  of 
interpretation,  which  held  that  the  Roman  Catholics  had  no 
ground  upon  which  to  ask  for  such  legislation.  The  Court 
stood  three  to  two  upon  the  question,  Mr.  Justice  Sedge- 
wick  not  taking  part  in  the  case  as  he  had  assisted  in  its 
preparation  while  acting  as  Deputy-Minister  of  Justice. 
Curiously  enough,  Mr.  Justice  King,  who,  as  Premier,  had 
many  years  before  assisted  in  abolishing  the  New  Bruns- 
wick Separate  Schools,  supported  the  Catholic  contention, 
while  Mr.  Justice  Taschereau,  a  French  Canadian,  opposed 
the  claims  of  his  own  co-religionists.  Incidentally,  this 
illustrates  the  high  character  of  the  Canadian  Judiciary. 
From  this  decision  the  minority  once  more  appealed  to  the 
Judicial  Committee  of  the  Privy  Council,  and  it  was  not 


SIR  JOHN   THOMPSON.  235 

until  after  the  death  of  Sir  John  Thompson  that  a  decision 
was  finally  reached  by  that  distinguished  body,  declaring 
that  the  Dominion  Government  under  the  British  North 
America  and  Manitoba  Acts  did  possess  the  right  to  grant 
the  remedial  legislation  which  had  been  so  clearly  fore- 
shadowed as  constitutionally  possible  by  the  Minister  of 
Justice's  famous  Report  in  1891. 

Following  upon  the  Government's  assumption  of  judi- 
cial functions  in  connection  with  the  hearing  of  the  peti- 
tions, and  prior  to  the  submission  of  the  new  phase  of  the 
question  to  the  Imperial  Privy  Council,  an  interesting 
debate  took  place  in  the  House  of  Commons  on  March  6th, 
1893,  which  was  engineered  by  that  master  of  political 
fireworks,  Mr.  J.  Israel  Tarte.  The  member  for  L'Islet  had 
just  returned  from  a  campaign  in  his  constituency  during 
which  he  had  vigourously  abused  the  Judiciary  of  Quebec, 
and  threatened  innumerable  revelations  of  Tory  and 
national  corruption.  He  was,  therefore,  in  splendid  trim 
to  fight  on  behalf  of  the  Manitoba  minority,  or  in  fact, 
upon  any  other  question  which  might  injure  the  Govern- 
ment of  the  day.  His  motion  expressed  "  disapproval  of 
the  action  of  the  Government  in  dealing  with  the  Manitoba 
school  question,  and  in  assuming  to  be  possessed  of  judicial 
functions  conflicting  with  their  duties  as  constitutional 
advisers  of  the  Crown." 

His  speech  was,  as  usual,  rather  interesting,  and  intro- 
duced, as  was  also  generally  the  case,  a  new  charge.  He 
declared  that  in  December,  1890,  when  the  general  elec- 
tions were  coming  on,  Mr.  Chapleau  had  been  sent  as  a 
delegate  from  the  Government  to  see  Archbishop  Tache, 
who  was  then  in  Montreal,  and  that  during  the  interview 
which  took  place  he  made  distinct  and  formal  promises  as 
to  Conservative  policy  in  the  Manitoba  Schools'  question. 
The  impulsive  Frenchman  then  pointed  triumphantly  to 


266  LIFE  AND  WORK  OF 

the  report  of  the  Minister  of  Justice  in  the  month  of  March 
following,  as  being  the  public  pledge  resulting  from  the 
private  promises.  Of  course,  this  statement  aroused  con- 
siderable discussion,  although  Mr.  Tarte's  tendency  to  make 
rash  and  irresponsible  charges  at  a  moment's  notice,  hardly 
made  it  a  matter  of  importance.  In  a  subsequent  criticism 
of  the  member  for  L'Islet,  Mr.  Lariviere,  a  Conservative 
member  from  Manitoba,  was  decidedly  witty.  He  declared 
that  Mr.  Tarte  "had  belonged  to  all  parties,  past  and 
present  (and  he  was  going  to  say,  future)  in  Canada.  He 
had  said  that  he  came  to  the  House  as  a  Conservative  to 
make  the  party  pure,  and  what  was  the  result  ?  Mr.  Tarte 
was  the  first  man  to  be  out  of  the  party." 

Sir  John  Thompson  in  his  reply  made  a  lengthy  and 
elaborate  defence  of  the  Government.  It  cannot  be  said 
that  he  had  a  sympathetic  audience.  However  wise  might 
be  the  action  of  the  Ministry  in  exercising  care ;  in  giving 
every  side  a  fair  and  full  hearing;  in  having  every  legal 
security  for  its  policy  in  the  premises;  the  delay  could 
hardly  be  popular  with  the  great  body  of  ministerial 
supporters  from  the  West  or  from  Ontario.  They  wanted 
the  question  out  of  the  way,  as  did  the  Opposition  mem- 
bers from  the  latter  province,  and  disallowance  was  so 
against  the  current  of  thought  and  sentiment  in  Ontario 
that  the  principle  of  full  justice  to  a  minority  hardly 
obtained  fair  play,  so  far  as  individual  feeling  was  con- 
cerned, though  receiving  it  in  practice  through  the  votes 
and  passive  support  of  the  members.  Upon  questions  of 
this  nature  Mr.  McCarthy  would  have  been  naturally  the 
leader  of  his  Province,  had  he  not  in  so  many  ways 
estranged  Conservative  sympathy.  'And  perhaps,  in  the 
interest  of  Canadian  unity,  it  is  as  well  that  such  was  the 
case. 

The  Premier  claimed  that  Mr.  Tarte  and  Mr.  McCarthy, 


REV.  DR.  CARMAN. 
Superintendent  of  the  Methodist  Church  in  Canada. 


SIR  JOHN   THOMPSON.  269 

though  as  opposite  as  the  poles  in  their  opinions,  were  in 
this  motion  working  together  against  the  Government. 
He  referred  to  the  New  Brunswick  school  case  and  to  that 
of  Prince  Edward  Island,  and  pointed  out  that  in  both 
cases  the  Roman  Catholic  minority  had  appealed  on  the 
ground  of  its  rights  being  prejudicially  affected.  Parlia- 
ment had  then  laid  down  the  principle  that  such  questions 
ought  not  to  be  settled  by  disallowance,  and  this  position 
had  been  further  sustained  by  the  action  taken  in  the 
Jesuits'  Estates  question,  although  the  latter  dealt  with  a 
Protestant  minority.  In  dealing  with  Mr.  Tarte's  charge 
regarding  the  alleged  promise  to  Archbishop  Tache",  he 
"  denied  that  any  such  promise  had  been  made,  or  that  any 
Minister,  or  any  other  gentleman,  or  any  living  person 
was  sent  or  delegated  or  authorized  by  the  Government  of 
Canada  to  go  upon  any  such  mission."  Archbishop  Tache 
"  knew,  as  the  Government  knew,  the  folly  of  exercising 
disallowance  in  such  a  case." 

Replying  to  the  question  whether  the  decision  in  the 
New  Brunswick  case  was  not  sufficient  in  its  general 
application,  without  new  appeals,  Sir  John  pointed  out  the 
obvious  fact  that  the  rights  of  the  respective  minorities 
rested  on  different  statutes.  Then  he  continued :  "  In  con- 
sequence of  the  phraseology  of  the  Supreme  Court  Act,  the 
Government  had  no  other  alternative  than  to  submit  the 
case  the  way  it  did,  but  they  were  far  from  being  influ- 
enced by  any  desire  to  assail  the  province.  The  litigation 
which  went  to  the  Judicial  Committee  of  the  Privy 
Council  was  from  first  to  last  on  the  subject  of  the  validity 
of  the  statutes  complained  of.  The  question  as  to  what 
rights  the  minority  might  have  in  an  application  by  way 
appeal  to  the  Governor-General  for  repress,  had  nothing 
do  with  the  question  decided  there  in  the  first  appeal, 
id  the  litigation  had  nothing  to  do  with  it." 


270  LIFE  AND   WORK  OF 

He  spoke  of  the  ground  taken  by  Mr.  Blake  in  1890, 
when  calling  the  attention  of  the  House  to  these  very 
matters,  and  claimed  that  his  arguments  at  that  tirnn 
"  applied  with  powerful  force  to  this  particular  question  ; 
that  Sir  John  Macdonald  accepted  the  resolution  submitted 
by  Mr.  Blake  in  the  sense  in  which  it  was  put  forward ; 
and  that  in  the  following  year  it  was  assented  to  by  the 
whole  of  Parliament  in  being  embodied  in  the  Supreme 
Court  Act.  The  exact  machinery  which  the  Government 
had  followed  in  the  Manitoba  schools'  case  was  that  which 
Mr.  Blake  had  suggested  and  Parliament  had  adopted." 

A  vigourous  defence  of  the  right  of  the  Government 
under  the  constitution  to  receive  petitions  in  a  judicial, 
and  not  a  political  sense,  was  made,  and  the  Premier 
instanced  as  a  case  in  point  the  duties  assigned  by  Act  of 
Parliament  to  the  Railway  Committee  of  the  Canadian 
Privy  Council.  He  concluded  a  strong  speech  with  the 
expression  of  a  belief  that  Manitoba  as  a  constitutional 
province  would  "  obey  the  dictates  of  the  highest  Court  of 
the  Empire  as  to  what  its  constitution  was." 

Mr.  McCarthy  on  the  succeeding  day  replied  to  this 
defence,  and  soundly  denounced  the  Government  for  its 
delay  in  settling  this  much  vexed  question.  The  decision, 
one  way  or  the  other,  was  vital.  "  It  was  whether  the 
Province  of  Manitoba,  with  a  population  of  150,000,  of 
whom  not  more  than  20,000  were  Roman  Catholics,  was 
to  have  imposed  upon  it  against  its  will,  a  Separate 
School  system."  He  declared  that  three-quarters  of  the 
people  in  Ontario  were  altogether  opposed  to  that  method 
of  education,  and  thought  "nothing  more  dangerous, 
nothing  more  subversive  of  the  principles  of  our  constitu- 
tion, could  be  tolerated  than  that  the  Cabinet  of  the 
Dominion  should  assume  to  act  in  this  or  any  other  ques- 
tion, as  a  judicial  body. 


SIR   JOHN  THOMPSON.  271 

Mr.  Laurier  made  an  interesting  assertion  in  connection 
with  a  new  claim  from  the  Manitoban  minority  to  the 
effect  that  the  limited  religious  teaching  allowed  in  the 
public  schools  of  that  Province  made  them,  in  fact  and 
reality,  Protestant,  and  not  national,  schools.  "  If,"  said  he, 
"  this  be  indeed  true ;  if,  under  the  guise  of  public  schools, 
the  Protestant  schools  are  being  continued  and  Koman 
Catholic  children  are  being  forced  to  attend  these  Protes- 
tant schools,  I  say,  and  let  my  words  be  heard  by  friends 
and  foes  over  the  length  and  breadth  of  the  land,  the 
strongest  case  has  been  made  out  for  interference,  and 
though  my  life  as  a  public  man  depended  upon  it,  I  would 
undertake  to  say  on  every  platform  in  Ontario  and  in 
Manitoba  that  the  Roman  Catholics  of  Manitoba  had  been 
put  to  the  most  infamous  treatment."  But  the  force  of 
this  utterance  is  somewhat  modified  by  the  fact  that  the 
genial  Liberal  leader  afterwards  visited  the  Prairie  Province 
but  refused  to  make  any  definite  pronouncement  upon  the 
question  of  whether  the  schools  were  in  any  degree  Protes- 
tant or  were  not.  After  three  days'  debate,  the  division 
was  taken  and  Mr.  Tarte's  resolution  was  defeated  by  120 
to  71. 

There  can  be  little  doubt  in  an  unbiassed  mind  as  to 
what  were  Sir  John  Thompson's  private  views  upon  this 
question.  It  would  naturally  be  one  of  sympathy  with  his 
co-religionists  in  the  hardships  they  claimed  to  have 
suffered  and  in  the  injustice  alleged  to  have  been  meted 
out  to  them,  and  which  had  been  so  vigourously  pourtrayed 
by  the  hierarchy  of  his  own  Church.  To  the  sincere 
Roman  Catholic,  religious  schools  appear  to  be  as  vital  and 
important  as  is  free  speech  to  the  agitator,  liberty  of  wor- 
ship to  the  Protestant,  or  British  connection  to  the  loyalist. 
Publicly,  his  policy  in  this  matter  indicated  the  fullest 
itention  to  do  his  duty  by  the  State  whichever  way  the 


272  LIFE   AND   WORK   OF 

verdict  of  the  Courts  might  eventually  go,  but  it  also 
pointed  very  distinctly  to  the  expectation,  if  not  hope,  that 
some  measure  of  remedial  legislation  would  be  ultimately 
found  necessary,  and  thus  harmonize  duty  and  inclination. 
And  who  can  blame  an  honest  Canadian,  be  he  Protestant 
or  Roman  Catholic,  for  desiring  such  an  end  to  any  vexed 
question  ?  So  long  as  a  public  man  and  a  statesman  puts 
duty  first  and  personal  wishes  second,  he  cannot  be  fairly 
criticised  for  hoping  that  the  two  may  be  eventually  com- 
bined. Nor  can  Sir  John  Thompson  be  blamed  by  any 
honourable  man  for  giving  a  Canadian  religious  minority 
every  possible  opportunity  for  obtaining  consideration  of, 
alleged  wrongs  and  the  use  of  every  available  judicial  priv- 
ilege. 

Looking  at  the  question,  therefore,  from  his  stand- 
point as  a  public  man,  it  was  essentially  a  legal  and  consti- 
tutional issue  ;  one  which  ought  to  be  kept  from  the  heated 
arena  of  party  politics ;  and  one  which  might  well  be 
decided  upon  a  non-partisan  basis  of  toleration  and  liber- 
ality. 


SIR  JOHN    THOMPSON.  273 


CHAPTER  XV. 

CANADA  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES. 

Upon  no  question  was  the  stand  taken  by  Sir  John 
Thompson  more  clear  and  distinct,  more  honourable  and 
popular,  than  his  position  regarding  Canadian  relations 
with  the  United  States.  He  was  known  to  hold  strong 
opinions  as  to  American  treatment  of  the  Dominion,  and 
concerning  the  policy  for  Canada  to  adopt  in  return.  He 
despised  any  attitude  of  weakness  or  timidity ;  he  disliked 
all  bluster  or  attempts  at  intimidation ;  he  was  honestly 
anxious  to  be  upon  the  friendliest  terms  with  the  great  Re- 
public which  might  be  compatible  with  the  protection  and 
development  of  Canadian  interests.  But  he  was  firm  as  a 
rock  in  the  refusal  to  discuss  any  reciprocity  which  might 
endanger  national  industries  or  give  the  slightest  hostile 
treatment  to  British  interests. 

For  many  years  past  the  American  government  has 
been  apparently  willing  to  come  to  some  commercial 
arrangement  with  Canada  which  might  give  the  manufac- 
turers of  the  United  States  control  of  the  markets  of  the 
Dominion,  and  at  the  same  time  weaken  British  connection 
by  the  congenial  process  of  cutting  away  the  ground  from 
under  British  trade  and  diminishing  the  Imperial  sentiment 
in  both  Canada  and  England  through  a  commercial  system  of 
discrimination  against  the  products  of  the  Mother-Country. 
To  this  end  the  Commercial  Union  movement  was  aided  by 
American  influence  and,  according  to  party  statements,  by 
American  money.  For  this  thinly  disguised  purpose,  the 
i'ulminations  of  Mr.  Goldwin  Smith  against  Canadian  pro- 
18 


274  LIFE  AND   WORK   OF 

tection  were  joyfully  welcomed  by  the  enthusiastic  support- 
ers of  American  protection.  With  this  in  view,  resolutions 
favourable  to  commercial  relations  of  the  closest  kind  were 
passed  by  Congress,  while  limited  reciprocity  was  abso- 
lutely refused  by  the  Government.  Now  and  then,  when 
the  success  of  other  methods  was  recognised  for  the 
moment  as  impossible,  threats  were  freely  used  against  the 
Canadian  Pacific  Railway,  attacks  were  made  upon  the 
Bonding  system,  or  fiscal  coercion  was  tried  such  as  that 
embodied  in  the  agricultural  schedule  of  the  McKinley  bill. 

Yet  it  can  be  safely  said  that  Canada  has  more  than 
done  its  duty  towards  the  United  States.  It  has  never 
abrogated  a  treaty,  never  broken  an  arrangement,  never 
obtained  American  territory  by  playing  upon  the  natural 
weakness  of  friendly  negotiators.  It  has  given  much  and 
received  little.  Many  unavailing  attempts  have  been  made 
to  obtain  a  fair  measure  of  reciprocity.  Friendly  manifes- 
tations have  been  constant  from  the  days  when  40,000 
Canadians  served  in  the  armies  of  the  North,  to  the  time 
when  all  Canada  joined  the  Republic  in  mourning  for  the 
murdered  Garfield.  The  partial  abrogation  of  the  Wash- 
ington Treaty,  the  Behring  Sea  seizures,  the  Atlantic  Fish- 
eries' dispute,  and  the  Washington  negotiations  of  1892, 
occupy  the  other  side  of  the  shield. 

And  not  the  least  of  the  services  which  Sir  John 
Thompson  rendered  the  Dominion  was  his  share  in  the 
attempt  made  in  1892  to  obtain  a  reciprocal  trade  arrange- 
ment with  the  United  States.  That  last  prolonged  effort 
indicated  in  its  results  as  clearly  as  language  could  express, 
the  impossibility  of  obtaining  a  treaty  such  as  Canadians 
could  honourably  accept.  It  proved  to  a  demonstration  that 
the  American  Government  would  consider  no  arrangement 
which  did  not  discriminate  against  British  goods,  place  a 
uniform  tariff  around  the  continent,  and  establish  some 


SIR  JOHN   THOMPSON.  275 

system  of  international  receipts  and  excise,  controlled  by  a 
Joint  Commission.  This  statement,  of  course,  applies  only 
to  a  Republican  policy.  The  Democratic  party  will  make 
no  reciprocity  treaties  with  any  country,  believing  that 
they  do  more  harm  than  good,  though  no  doubt  it  would 
negotiate  upon  the  basis  of  annexation. 

On  the  31st  of  March,  1891,  and  some  three  weeks 
after  the  general  elections,  Sir  Charles  Tupper  proceeded  to 
Washington  in  order  to  confer  with  the  British  ambassador, 
Sir  Julian  Pauncefote,  concerning  the  proposed  reciprocity 
negotiations.  On  April  2nd  he  visited  Mr.  Elaine,  the  Sec- 
retary of  State,  and  explained  the  desire  of  the  Canadian 
Government  to  obtain  some  immediate  basis  for  discussion. 
Mr.  Elaine  apparently  received  the  proposition  with  favour, 
and  Sir  Charles,  returning  to  Ottawa,  obtained  the  co- 
operation of  the  Hon.  Mr.  Foster,  Minister  of  Finance,  and 
Sir  John  Thompson,  Minister  of  Justice,  who  were  appointed 
to  act  with  him  at  the  informal  interview  which  had  been 
arranged,  and  during  the  farther  negotiations  which  were 
expected. 

The  three  delegates  arrived  in  Washington  on  the 
morning  of  the  6th  inst.  only  to  find  that  they  had  missed 
a  telegram  from  Mr.  Elaine,  asking  for  the  postponement  of 
the  meeting  on  the  ground  that  the  President  desired  to  be 
present  during  the  discussion — which  his  engagements  just 
then  did  not  permit.  However,  accompanied  by  the  British 
Ambassador,  they  waited  upon  the  Secretary  of  State  and 
were  cordially  received.  The  conference  was,  of  course, 
very  brief  and  the  visitors  left  for  home  the  same  day. 
The  New  York  Herald  very  pleasantly  announced  that 
their  return  was  "  neither  desired  nor  expected,"  and  that 
"  apart  from  his  own  reasons  for  not  letting  down  the  Mc- 
Kinley  barriers  raised  against  the  introduction  of  Canadian 
live  stock,  and  farm  and  dairy  produce,  the  President  had 


276  LIFE  AND   WOKK  OF 

excellent  grounds  for  believing  that  the  Senate  would  not 
ratify  any  reciprocity  made  with  Canada."  On  April  9th 
following  it  was  stated  that  the  negotiations  would  be 
renewed  on  October  12th.  At  that  date  another  postpone- 
ment took  place  on  account  of  Mr.  Elaine's  ill-health,  but 
finally  the  conference  was  held  early  in  1892,  commencing 
on  the  10th  of  February. 

The  discussion  which  then  took  place  between  Sir 
John  Thompson,  the  Hon.  Mackenzie  Bowell  and  the  Hon. 
G.  E.  Foster,  representing  Canada ;  Sir  Julian  Pauncefote 
representing  Great  Britain ;  and  the  Hon.  James  G.  Blaine 
and  General  J.  W.  Foster  representing  the  United  States ; 
was  exceedingly  important.  An  understanding  was  come 
to  regarding  the  Alaskan  boundary,  the  adoption  of  joint 
regulations  for  the  protection  of  the  fisheries,  for  recipro- 
city in  wrecking,  salvage,  and  towing  in  conterminous 
waters,  and  for  the  marking  of  the  boundary-line  on  Passa- 
maquaddy  Bay.  But  it  was  upon  the  question  of  trade 
relations  that  the  hitch  occurred  and  it  was  in  the  same 
connection  that  the  results  were  so  vital.  The  official  min- 
utes of  the  meetings,  from  which  a  few  extracts  must  be 
given,  are  signed  by  the  three  Canadian  Ministers,  and 
then  in  addition  there  is  each  day  appended  the  statement 
"  1  concur  in  the  above  minute  of  proceedings,"  signed  by 
Sir  Julian  Pauncefote.  Strong  partisans  might  possibly 
dispute  a  statement  supported  only  by  the  signatures  of 
members  of  the  Canadian  Government,  but  no  one  with 
any  knowledge  of  the  honourable  traditions  and  practices 
of  British  diplomacy,  and  of  the  high  rank  and  reputation 
held  in  it  by  the  British  Ambassador  at  Washington,  can 
for  a  moment  doubt  the  accuracy  of  minutes  endorsed  by 
him  as  correct. 

During  the  conference  which  took  place  on  the  first 
day,  Mr.  Blaine  pointed  out  that  no  treaty  or  arrangement 


n_ 


HON.  JOHN  CHRISTIAN  SCHULTZ. 
Lieut. -Governor  of  Manitoba 


SIR  JOHN   THOMPSON.  279 

could  be  made  which  did  not  involve  the  admission  of 
American  manufactures  into  Canada.  Mr.  Foster  asked  in 
return  "  whether  the  United  States  would  insist  on  differ- 
ential treatment."  Mr.  Elaine  replied  "that  the  treaty 
would  be  of  no  benefit  to  the  United  States  if  the  like 
treatment  were  given  to  other  countries,  especially  as  Great 
Britain  was  in  active  competition  with  the  United  States 
in  almost  every  line  of  manufacture."  On  the  following 
day  "  Mr.  Foster  frankly  and  fully  explained  the  difficulties 
which  prevented  Canada  from  giving  any  discrimination 
to  America  over  British  goods  or  of  arranging  for  the 
admission  of  all  products  free  from  one  country  to  the 
other.  Revenue  considerations,  national  .sentiment,  and 
trade  reasons  all  intervened.  Mr.  Blaine  was  equally  frank 
in  his  reply  and  declared  that  "  he  could  easily  understand 
why  Canada  was  reluctant  to  enter  into  a  treaty  of  un- 
limited reciprocity,  but  that  it  was  clear  to  his  mind  that 
no  other  arrangement  would  suit  the  United  States,  and 
that  it  must  be  accompanied  by  discrimination  in  favor  of 
the  United  States,  especially  against  Great  Britain,  who 
was  their  great  competitor,  and  that  it  must  likewise  be 
accompanied  by  the  adoption  of  a  uniform  tariff  for  the 
United  States  and  Canada  equal  to  that  of  the  United 
States." 

Such  was  the  announcement  which  might  have  been 
expected  to  set  at  rest  all  question  concerning  reciprocal 
trade  relations  between  Canada  and  the  United  States. 
But  it  was  very  far  from  doing  so.  The  Budget  debate  in 
Parliament  during  the  succeeding  Session  bore  ample 
evidence  of  the  fact  that  the  Opposition  proposed  to  adopt 
in  this  connection,  and  in  its  fullest  meaning,  the  words 
"  No  surrender."  After  a  number  of  speeches,  protesting, 
urging,  explaining  and  denying,  Sir  John  Thompson  took 
the  floor  on  March  29th,  and  gave  a  very  complete  history 


280  LIFE    AND   WORK  OF 

of  the  origin,  procedure,  and  results  of  the  negotiations. 
Their  commencement  had  been  very  simple.  In  connection 
with  Newfoundland's  attempt  to  make  a  separate  treaty  in 
1890  :  "  We  requested  Her  Majesty's  Government  to  ask 
that  we  should  be  included  in  any  negotiation  that  took 
place  between  the  United  States  and  Her  Majesty's  Gov- 
ernment in  regard  to  the  relations  of  Newfoundland  with 
the  United  States,  and  the  answer  of  Mr.  Elaine  was  that, 
while  he  was  not  willing  that  Canada  should  be  included 
in  negotiations  in  regard  to  the  Treaty  with  Newfoundland, 
he  expressed  a  strong  desire  to  conclude  a  wide  reciprocity 
treaty  with  Canada." 

Then  followed  the  basis  for  negotiations  cabled  to 
London,  which  also  furnished  the  reason  for  the  dissolution 
of  Parliament  in  February,  1891.  Meantime  Lord  Knuts- 
ford,  Colonial  Secretary,  had  wired  the  Governor-General 
to  the  following  effect  on  January  2nd  of  that  year: 

"  Mr.  Elaine  replied  that  to  endeavour  to  obtain  the 
appointment  of  the  formal  commission  to  arrive  at  the 
reciprocity  treaty  would  be  useless,  but  that  the  United 
States  Government  was  willing  to  discuss  the  question  in 
private  with  Sir  Julian  Pauncefote,  and  one  or  more 
delegates  from  Canada,  and  to  consider  every  subject  as  to 
which  there  was  hope  of  agreement,  on  the  ground  of 
mutual  interests ;  if  not,  and  to  run  so  grave  a  step  until 
by  private  discussion  he  has  satisfied  himself  that  good 
ground  existed  for  expecting  an  agreement  by  means  of  a 
commission.  He  added  that  he  would  be  prepared  to  enter 
into  private  negotiations  at  any  time  after  4th  March." 

In  this  despatch,  Sir  John  Thompson  pointed  out,  there 
was  no  request,  as  there  had  been  none  in  any  of  the  pre- 
vious or  following  correspondence,  for  secrecy  as  to  the 
fact  of  the  negotiations  taking  place..  The  discussions 
were  to  be  private,  as  a  matter  of  course  in  all  diplomatic 


SIR  JOHN   THOMPSON.  281 

negotiations,  but  there  was  apparently  nothing  to  prevent 
the  Government  from  making  a  public  announcement  in 
the  matter.  Hence  his  great  surprise  when  Mr.  Elaine,  on 
April  1st,  and  after  the  elections  were  over,  complained  to 
Sir  Julian  Pauncefote  that  a  breach  of  faith  had  been  com- 
mitted. It  now  transpired,  said  Sir  John,  that  a  serious 
blunder  had  occurred  in  the  sending  of  the  above  despatch 
from  London  to  Ottawa,  and  that  in  the  place  where  it 
will  be  noticed  a  hitch  in  the  composition  occurs,  a  sentence 
was  originally  included  asking  that  "  all  public  reference  to 
the  subject  should  be  avoided."  This  explanation  was 
received  with  satisfaction,  and  if  proof  were  required  that 
the  American  authorities  had  long  since  understood  the 
mistake  it  had  been  offered  in  the  sitting  of  the  Conference 
itself. 

During  this  year  the  Canal  Tolls'  question  came  up 
for  international  consideration.  It  was  another  illustration 
of  the  unreasonable  demands  made  by  the  United  States 
in  circumstances  where  Canada  was,  in  a  very  moderate 
way,  following  the  example  of  the  Republic  and  guarding 
its  own  interests.  By  the  Washington  Treaty  of  1871,  the 
American  Government  had  engaged  in  return  for  the  use 
of  the  Canadian  canals  on  terms  of  equality  with  the 
citizens  of  the  Dominion,  "  to  urge  upon  the  State  Govern  - 
ments  to  secure  to  the  subjects  of  Her  Britannic  Majesty 
the  use  of  the  several  canals  connected  with  the  navigation 
of  the  lakes  or  rivers  traversed  by,  or  contiguous  to,  the 
boundary  line."  This  was  never  done,  although  in  all  the 
years  that  followed,  the  Americans  freely  used  the  canals 
upon  which  Canada  and  its  people  had  spent  over  $50,- 
000,000  in  improvement  and  enlargement. 

In  every  way  the  Americans  and  Canadians  were 
)laced  in  Dominion  waters  upon  an  equal  footing.  But  of 
ite,  the  Canadian  Government  had  passed  regulations 


282  LIFE  AND  WORK  OF 

which  granted  a  rebate  of  18  cents  per  ton  to  any  vessel 
of  either  country  which,  coming  through  the  Welland 
Canal  and  without  going  to  an  American  port  for  tranship- 
ment, should  send  her  cargo  via  Canadian  ports  or  canals 
to  Montreal.  Yet  this  little  measure  of  legitimate  protec- 
tion to  Canadian  interests  raised  such  a  stir  as  to  finally 
result  in  a  "Retaliation  Message  from  the  President,  and  in 
all  kinds  of  threatened  complications.  And  this  from  a 
country  which  by  some  miserable  quibble  had  got  out  of 
the  privileges  granted  in  American  canals  under  the  sacred 
form  of  treaty  obligations  !  President  Harrison's  proclama- 
tion of  August  21st,  compelled  Canadian  vessels  to  pay  20 
cents  a  ton  in  passing  through  the  Sault  Ste.  Marie  Canal, 
and  the  same  toll  was  to  be  levied  on  American  vessels 
bound  for  Canadian  ports. 

Naturally  this  measure  interfered  considerably  with 
the  Canadian  vessels,  which  in  1891  used  the  Sault  Canal, 
and  carried  freight  to  the  extent  of  314,000  tons,  and 
passengers  to  the  number  of  10,000.  The  Government  did 
not  at  first  feel  like  yielding  a  point  in  which  they  had 
both  right  and  justice  upon  their  side.  Speaking  at 
Petrolia  on  September  7th,  Sir  John  Thompson  declared 
that  Canada  had  never  adopted  a  hostile  attitude  towards 
the  States,  or  that  the  Government  in  this  matter  had 
acted  unfairly  or  contrary  to  treaty  obligations.  He 
pointed  out  that  the  enormous  sums  which  had  been 
expended  by  Canada  upon  her  canals  had  "  resulted  as 
much  for  the  benefit  of  the  people  of  the  Western  States 
as  for  the  people  of  Canada.  Every  foot  which  Canada 
had  deepened  her  canals  or  widened  them,  and  every 
additional  lock  or  canal  which  Canada  had  built,  helped 
the  western  farmer  of  the  United  States  to  reach  his 
market,  and  enhanced  the  value  of  his  products." 

He  announced,  however,  that  the  Dominion  would  not 


SIR   JOHN   THOMPSON.  283 

meet  the  irritating  enactments  of  the  United  States  in  a 
beligerent  mood,  although  the  Americans  had  so  long 
used  these  canals  "  upon  the  same  terms  as  our  own  people, 
bearing  not  one  dollar  of  the  burden  which  it  had  cost  to 
build  them."  What  the  Government  had  done  in  this  con- 
nection was  entirely  within  its  rights,  and  consisted  in  the 
grant  of  "a  bonus  to  our  lake  marine  and  shipping  to 
cause  them  to  seek  our  own  ports."  They  had  been  urged 
to  retaliate,  as  they  well  could  do,  but  they  were  anxious 
to  avoid  quarrels  even  though,  as  he  believed  in  this  case, 
the  spirit  of  the  Canadian  people  would  fully  sustain  them 
throughout.  Hence  the  Government  had  said  that  "  while 
the  rebate  system  was  not  a  violation  of  any  treaty,  they 
were  willing  to  discontinue  it  after  the  present  year,  not 
because  of  any  wrong  involved,  but  simply  for  the  sake  of 
peace  and  good  neighborhood."  There  was,  of  course,  some 
criticism  regarding  this  apparent  surrender,  but  it  is  toler- 
ably obvious  in  view  of  the  rapid  work  then  being  done 
on  the  Canadian  canal  at  the  Sault — which  would  soon 
render  the  country  entirely  independent  in  the  matter — 
that  the  issue  was  hardly  worth  a  prolonged  dispute  with 
unreasonable  neighbors . 

Another  subject  of  serious  controversy  in  which  the 
relations  of  Canada  and  the  United  States  were  more  or 
less  involved  at  this  time,  was  the  Bond-Blaine  treaty. 
Mr.  Robert  Bond  was  a  member  of  the  Whiteway  Govern- 
ment in  Newfoundland,  and  like  so  many  of  the  politicians 
in  that  unhappy  island  seemed  to  possess  a  narrowness  of 
view,  and  an  inability  to  appreciate  imperial  considerations 
which  it  is  difficult  to  understand,  when  united  with  the 
possession  of  admitted  ability.  He  was  exceedingly 
mxious  to  negotiate  a  reciprocity  treaty  with  the  United 
>tates,  and  does  not  appear  to  have  cared  very  much  as  to 
the  methods  he  might  adopt  in  attaining  the  result,  or  as 


284  LIFE   AND   WORK   OF 

to  the  way  in  which  the  desired  end  might  affect  other 
countries  with  which  Newfoundland  was  connected  by  the 
mutual  tie  of  allegiance. 

Early  in  October,  1890,  Mr.  Bond  arrived  in  Washing- 
ton with  permission  from  the  Imperial  Government  to  enter 
upon  negotiations,  subject  to  the  assistance  of  the  British 
Ambassador,  and,  of  course,  to  the  final  approval  of  the 
arrangements  when  completed.  Hitherto,  in  1854,  in  1871, 
and  in  1888,  any  negotiations  concerning  the  fisheries,  in 
which  the  Maritime  Provinces  of  Canada  were  almost  as 
much  interested  as  the  people  of  the  Island,  had  proceeded 
concurrently.  Necessarily,  therefore,  the  Dominion  Govern- , 
ment  was  aroused  to  action,  and  Sir  John  A.  Macdonald  at 
once  cabled  to  the  High  Commissioner  in  London :  "  Can 
scarcely  believe  Newfoundland  has  received  authority  from 
Imperial  Government  to  make  separate  arrangement 
regarding  fisheries.  The  relations  of  all  the  North  Ameri- 
can provinces  to  the  United  States  and  the  Empire  would 
be  affected.  Please  represent  strongly  how  the  fishing  and 
commercial  interests  of  Canada  will  be  injured  by  such  an 
arrangement  as  Bond  is  currently  reported  to  be  making. 
.  .  .  Our  difficulties  under  the  new  American  tariff  are 
sufficiently  great  now." 

An  elaborate  report  was  also  submitted  to  the  Gov- 
ernor-General-in-Council,  signed  by  Sir  John  Thompson, 
Minister  of  Justice,  and  by  the  Hon.  C.  H.  Tupper,  Ministt 
of    Marine  and  Fisheries.     It  dealt  with  the  history  oi 
previous  negotiations  and  with  the  general  condition  oi 
the  fishing  interests  which  would  be  affected  by  the  Bond- 
Blaine  proposals.     Then,  in  reference  to  the  McKinley  bill 
the  infringement  of  the  Treaty  of  1818 ;  and  the  obvioi 
fact  that  an  arrangement  such  as  that  exhibited  in  th< 
draft  which  had  just  been  published ;  would  permit  New- 
foundland to  discriminate  against  Canada  in  favour  of 


SIR  JOHN   THOMPSON.  285 

foreign  country,  Sir  John  and  his  colleague  entered  the 
following  vigourous,  effective,  and  now  historic,  protest : 

"The  protection  afforded  by  the  Treaty  of  1818  for 
upwards  of  seventy  years  would  thus  be  taken  away  from 
Canadian  fishermen  and  Newfoundland  fishermen  alike, 
but  there  would  be  special  compensation  to  the  fishermen 
of  Newfoundland  in  the  shape  of  removal  of  duties,  while 
the  Canadian  fishermen  would  be  made  to  pay  enhanced 
duties  under  the  new  American  tariff.  While  this  would, 
perhaps,  be  the  most  effectual  method  of  impressing  on  the 
minds  of  the  Canadian  people  the  lesson  that  they  cannot 
be  British  subjects  and  enjoy  American  markets,  Her 
Majesty's  Government  can  hardly,  on  reflection,  feel  sur- 
prised that  Your  Excellency's  Government  have  not  for  a 
moment  believed  that  Her  Majesty's  ministers  would  co- 
operate with  the  authorities  of  the  United  States  in  incul- 
cating such  a  lesson  at  the  present  time." 

The  report  was  accepted  by  the  Cabinet  and  sent  to 
England.  Although  previously  favourable  to  some  arrange- 
ment, no  British  Government  of  the  present  day  would  act 
in  the  teeth  of  such  a  protest  from  Canada,  and  the  treaty 
was  promptly  "  hung  up."  Then  followed  the  effort  by  the 
Dominion  to  obtain  a  joint  treaty  of  reciprocity,  and  its 
failure  after  prolonged  negotiationa  Meantime  the  indig- 
nation of  the  Islanders  was  very  great,  and  the  correspon- 
dence between  their  Government  and  those  of  Canada  and 
England  became  peppery  in  the  extreme.  Newfoundland 
tried  to  retaliate  by  refusing  to  sell  bait  to  Canadian 
fishermen,  while  giving  Americans  all  they  desired,  and 
the  Dominion  returned  the  compliment  by  putting  a  moder- 
ate duty  on  fish  coming  from  the  Island.  Eventually  a 
Conference  was  agreed  upon  and  in  November,  1892,  Sir 
John  Thompson,  the  Hon.  Mackenzie  Bowell  and  the  Hon. 
J.  A.  Chapleau,  representing  Canada ;  Sir  William  White- 


286  LIFE  AND    WOKK   OF 

way,  the  Hon.  Robert  Bond,  and  Mr.  A.  W.  Harvey, 
representing  Newfoundland ;  met  at  Halifax  to  discuss  a 
mutual  arrangement,  and  incidentally,  on  the  part  of  the 
Canadian  Ministers,  to  see  if  the  troubles  could  be  settled 
upon  a  basis  of  confederation. 

The  Canadian  Minister  of  Justice  in  opening  the  dis- 
cussion, reviewed  the  history  of  previous  negotiations ; 
pointed  out  that  the  Bond-Blaine  Treaty  would  have 
resulted  in  a  distinct  discrimination  against  Canada ;  and 
would  have  greatly  restricted  the  rights  and  privileges  of 
her  fishermen.  He  suggested  that  the  following  principles 
should  be  assented  to  : 

I.  That  Canada  as  well  as  Newfoundland  should  have 
the  right  to  take  part  in  such  treaties  or  any  negotiations 
which  would  affect  the  interests  of  both  countries. 

II.  That  at  the  very  least,  no  convention  should  be 
concluded  which  both  countries  should  not  have  the  right 
to  avail  themselves  of. 

He  went  on  to  say  that  "  the  efforts  to  obtain  a  fair 
arrangement  with  the  United  States  were  only  relaxed 
(by  Canada)  when  it  was  found  that  the  conditions  imposed 
would  sow  the  seeds  of  Imperial  disintegration,"  and  he 
thought  that  "any  separate  arrangement  such  as  the  Bond- 
Blaine  Convention  would  divide  the  hitherto  united 
interests  of  the  British  American  dependencies."  Mr.  Bond 
claimed  that  his  Treaty  did  not  involve  any  discrimination 
against  Canada,  but  Mr.  Bowell  promptly  pointed  out  that 
in  flour  and  other  articles  it  provided  for  admission  into 
the  States  under  lower  duties  than  were  granted  similar 
Canadian  products.  Then  followed  a  discussion  of  an 
informal  kind  upon  Confederation.  Mr.  Bowell  in  an 
earnest  speech  urged  it  as  the  best  and,  in  fact,  the  inevit- 
able, settlement  of  all  their  material  difficulties,  and  as  a 
means  of  strengthening  British  power  upon  this  continent. 


VERY  REV.  G.  M.  GRANT,  D.  D. 

Principal  of  Queen's  University,  Kingston. 


SIR  JOHN  THOMPSON.  289 

Sir  William  Whiteway  expressed  himself  as  favourable  to 
the  principle,  but  thought  the  time  had  not  yet  come. 

Sir  John  Thompson  thought  it  ought  to  be  carefully 
considered  by  the  Conference,  and  might  constitute  "a 
solution  of  all  pending  difficulties."  Mr.  Harvey  opposed 
its  being  dealt  with  at  this  time,  while  Mr.  Chapleau  dis- 
cussed the  French  Shore  question.  Eventually,  an  under- 
standing was  arrived  at  with  regard  to  many  of  the  minor 
causes  of  friction,  and  a  little  later  the  Dominion  and  the 
Island  substantially  resumed  their  old  relations.  But  the 
Canadian  Government  positively  refused,  speaking  through 
Sir  John  Thompson,  to  withdraw  its  protest  against  the 
Bond-Blaine  Treaty.  Thus  ended,  for  the  time,  another 
incident  in  the  external  relations  of  Canada. 


290  LIFE  AND  WORK  OF 


CHAPTER  XVI. 
CONNECTION  WITH  THE  ROMAN  CATHOLIC  CHURCH. 

Sir  John  Thompson  was  not  a  man  who  wore  his  reli- 
gion upon  his  coat-sleeve.  In  that  respect,  as  in  all  other 
matters  of  daily  life,  daily  routine,  and  daily  action,  he  was 
unobtrusive  and  undemonstrative.  But  none  the  less  was 
he  firm  and  earnest  in  his  belief,  and  strong  in  a  life  which 
practically  embodied  his  deep  sincerity.  To  him,  as  it  is 
to  many  others,  religion  was  a  matter  of  the  most  vital 
personal  importance,  but  it  was  one  with  which  the  public, 
or  even  his  own  friends,  so  far  as  he  was  concerned,  had 
nothing  to  do.  It  was  in  his  estimation  and  as  far  as  can 
be  judged,  the  guide  to  conduct  in  his  private  life ;  an  aid 
to  right  living  and  to  right  dying. 

But  no  man's  religion  ought  to  be  a  subject  of  political 
discussion  or  consideration.  There  can  be  little  doubt  that 
he  even  thought  the  topic  one  too  sacred  for  ordinary  con- 
versation, and  that  the  denunciations  which  rang  fron\ 
more  than  one  Protestant  pulpit  and  permeated  the  utter- 
ances of  sundry  fervent  and  hot-headed  divines  during  recent 
years,  were  exceedingly  painful  to  him.  The  miserable 
insinuations  which  were  current  in  certain  circles  ever 
since  the  line  of  action  which  he  considered  it  a  duty  and 
necessity  to  take  in  French- Canadian  and  Separate  School 
matters  were  shafts  which  pierced  far  deeper  than  could 
have  been  thought  possible  by  those  who  viewed  the  states- 
man only  by  his  generally  impassive  demeanour,  and  his 
stoical  composure  under  attack. 

This  particular  mode  of  hostile  action  was  indeed  one 


SIR  JOHN    THOMPSON.  291 

which  he  found  it  impossible  to  deal  with.  Religion  would 
in  his  opinion  have  been  deeply  degraded  by  a  transfer 
from  the  pulpit  to  the  political  platform.  No  defence  was 
possible  or  necessary  for  an  honest  man's  change  of  creed, 
and  if  he  were  dishonest  in  such  a  case  there  could  be  no 
sincerity  or  honour  about  him.  Reply  therefore  was  out  of 
the  question,  and  Sir  John  was  obliged  to  endure  in  silence 
the  unfortunate  attacks  of  sincere  but  misguided  bigotry. 
His  life  meanwhile  was  so  clear,  his  reputation  so  high  and 
untarnished,  that  it  is  difficult  to  understand  how  honest 
men  could  have  persisted  in  the  circulation  of  slanders 
respecting  his  change  of  faith. 

Though  Sir  John  Thompson  believed  in  religion  as  a 
personal  factor  in  daily  life,  there  is  everything  to  show 
that  he  never  intruded  it  upon  the  sphere  of  politics.  Upon 
this  latter  ground  Christianity  was  a  word  wide  enough  in 
application  and  meaning  to  cover  all  sects  and  creeds,  and 
the  relations  of  a  statesman  to  all  national  organizations. 
He  might  have  strong  convictions  upon  certain  points  and 
a  strong  sympathy  with  a  certain  church  in  private  life 
and  private  thought,  but  he  was  not  in  office  because  of 
those  beliefs  or  on  account  of  that  sympathy,  and  therefore 
in  administering  the  affairs  of  a  complex  nationality  they 
had  no  public  place.  This  was  apparently  the  way  in 
which  Sir  John  looked  at  these  sectarian  issues  and  this 
standpoint  made  the  unprovoked  attacks  of  the  Rev.  Dr. 
Douglas,  of  the  Protestant  Protective  Association  and  of 
other  men  and  organizations,  all  the  more  difficult  to  bea  •. 

And  he  was  absolutely  right  in  this  view  of  a  subject, 
the  great  importance  of  which  in  his  peculiar  environment 
is  the  only  excuse  for  its  consideration.  But  in  all  coun- 
tries, religious  conflict  and  struggle  has  been  more  or  less  a 
curse.  In  some  few  cases  it  has  made  "  the  bounds  of  free- 
dom broader  yet,"  and  has  indirectly  done  mugh  good 


292  LIFE  AND  WORK  OF 

through  the  promotion  of  liberty  in  discussion  and  govern 
ment.  On  the  other  hand,  however,  nearly  all  the  historic 
battle-fields  of  Christendom  show  the  principles  of  bigotry 
to  have  filled  a  far  larger  place  than  did  ever  the  true  spirit 
of  Christianity.  Liberty  would  have  come  to  the  nations 
in  time  had  the  feuds  of  sects  and  creeds  never  disgraced 
the  name  of  religion.  When  therefore  the  old-time  senti- 
ment of  intolerance  was  revived  in  a  new  country  of  mixed 
races  and  creeds,  it  was  as  much  to  be  condemned  as  was  ever 
the  inquisition  of  Spain  or  the  execution  of  Roman 
Catholics  at  the  dictation  of  Titus  Gates. 

And  when  this  feeling  was  promoted  in  order  to 
further  personal  prejudice,  pander  to  individual  ignorance, 
or  aid  political  ends,  it  became  still  more  deplorable  and 
dangerous.  Looking  back  over  the  period  now  passed 
away  forever,  it  is  hard  indeed  to  understand  why  such 
fierce  personal  attacks  were  made  upon  Sir  John  Thompson, 
or  how  some  of  the  men  who  led  in  the  campaign  could 
have  been  so  blind.  It  was  perfectly  legitimate  to  criticise 
the  policy  of  the  Minister  and  of  his  party,  as  well  as  that 
of  the  Opposition,  in  connection  with  the  Jesuits'  Estates 
Act.  It  was  within  the  right  of  every  public  man,  and  of 
every  individual,  to  denounce  that  policy  from  a  political 
or  national  standpoint.  But  why  should  the  Minister  of 
Justice  have  been  picked  out  to  be  the  victim  of  so  many 
charges  of  undue  religious  influence  ?  Mr.  Laurier  never  en- 
countered them,  though  a  sincere  Roman  Catholic  in  faith 
and  practice.  The  real  reason  seems  to  have  been  his  leaving 
one  Church  to  join  another.  Yet  under  the  circumstances 
of  the  time  the  change  involved  serious  danger  to  his 
prospects  in  life.  His  friends  were  in  the  main  Protestants, 
and  strict  Methodists ;  he  had  then  never  seen  Bishop 
Cameron  and  could  have  had  no  idea  of  the  services  he 
was  afterwards  to  render ;  he  had  no  desire  for  public  life 


SIR  JOHN  THOMPSON.  293 

and  certainly  knew  very  little  about  Antigonish,  which 
happens  to  be  one  of  the  very  few  Catholic  constituencies  in 
the  Maritime  Provinces ;  his  future  success  in  law  depended 
G,efly  upon  Protestant  support;  his  wife  had  no  means  of 
her  own  and  therefore  could  not  have  proffered  him  any 
lure  of  wealth,  even  had  he  been  so  despicable  in  character 
as  to  have  considered  such  a  matter.  Yet  all  these  things 
were  alleged  against  him,  by  men  of  undoubted  sincerity. 

No  one  now  questions  his  honour  and  the  earnest 
honesty  of  his  convictions.  Archbishop  O'Brien,  of  Hali- 
fax, has  stated  in  a  communication  written  shortly  after 
the  Premier's  death,  that*  "  It  has  always  been  well  known 
that  conscientious  convictions  were  the  sole  cause  of  his 
submission  to  the  Catholic  Church.  Such  conversions  are 
not  at  all  uncommon  here.  There  was  no  earthly  hope  of 
gain  by  the  change ;  rather  the  prospect  of  temporal  loss. 
Yet,  so  convinced  were  all  Protestants  of  his  sincerity,  that 
not  one  of  his  former  friends  deserted  him."  Bishop  Cam- 
eron writes  in  a  similar  strain,  and  uses  language  which 
shows  how  great  was  the  friendship  existing  between  the 
two  men :  "  Neither  then  (the  first  election  in  Antigonish), 
nor  before,  nor  since,  till  the  hour  of  his  death,  was  the 
subject  of  his  religion  discussed  in  anyway  between  us. 
With  an  habitual  realization  of  the  Divine  presence,  he  was 
in  every  relation  of  life  an  exceptionally  good  man  in  the 
best  meaning  of  the  word.  I  never  expect  to  see  in  the 
public  life  of  Canada,  another  such  man,  take  him  all  in 
all" 

What  the  exact  process  of  reasoning  was  by  which  he 
gradually,  but  surely,  changed  from  Methodism  to  Roman 
Catholicism,  is  shrouded  in  uncertainty.  '  Possibly  the 
friendship  in  early  days  of  a  brilliant  young  Catholic 
litterateur  and  controversialist,  long  since  deceased — James 

'Letter  to  the  author,  Dec.  19th,  1894. 


294  LIFE   AND   WORK   OP 

Foley — may  have  first  turned  his  thoughts  in  that  direc- 
tion ;  undoubtedly  the  eloquent  sermons,  some  years  later, 
of  Archbishop  Connolly,  had  something  to  do  with  the 
final  consummation.  Probably  also  his  own  lack  of  im- 
agination, his  dislike  of  the  merely  emotional  in  religion  and 
life,  his  preference  for  precedence  and  power,  over  appeals  to 
passion  or  prejudice,  had  an  influence  upon  the  result.  And 
there  is  much  in  temperament.  John  Wesley,  warm  and 
impulsive  by  nature ;  liking  publicity  and  excitement,  could 
not  endure  the  cold  religion  of  the  Church  of  England,  and 
the  dull  formalism,  which  in  his  time,  obscured  its  worth 
and  hampered  its  work.  He  sought  some  brighter  and  more 
popular  form  of  religion  and  found  it  in  Methodism.  Sir 
John  Thompson,  on  the  other  hand,  with  his  cold  disposi- 
tion, his  dislike  of  familiarity  in  the  individual  or  on  the 
part  of  the  public,  his  fondness  for  retirement,  and  rever- 
ence for  authority,  must  have  naturally  found  the  Metho- 
dist Church  uncongenial.  One  can  hardly  conceive  such  a 
man  as  he  in  the  post  of  class-leader,  or  mixing  in  the 
pleasures  of  a  congregational  tea-meeting. 

Hence  there  is  no  great  difficulty  in  perceiving  the 
tendency  of  the  man.  And  in  his  search  after  something 
upon  which  to  rest  his  mind,  and  in  which  to  obtain  com- 
fort and  release  from  perplexity,  he  seems  to  have  been 
deeply  impressed  by  the  spectacle  of  the  Church  of  Rome, 
based  upon  centuries  of  tradition,  and  building  itself  up 
in  power  and  prestige  from  the  mists  of  antiquity.  It  had 
already  impressed  and  won  over  the  great  minds  of  New- 
man and  Manning,  and  no  strong  reason  exists  why  the 
same  influences  should  not  have  modified,  and  finally 
controlled,  th«  faith  of  Sir  John  Thompson.  The  sense  of 
spiritual  exaltation  as  experienced  by  many  Protestants 
does  not  appear  to  have  had  great  force  with  him,  and 
strong  as  was  his  belief  in  a  Divine  Being,  and  in  the  prac- 


SIR  JOHN   THOMPSON.  295 

ical  support  derivable  from  prayer,  he  was  probably 
greatly  helped  in  the  earlier  stages  of  his  religious  exped- 
ience by  the  external  aid  of  authority  as  voiced  by  the 
Church,  with  all  its  impressive  forms  and  its  many  cere- 
monies. 

It  took  Cardinal  Newman  six  years  of  mental  difficulty 
and  gradual  development  to  become  a  Roman  Catholic. 
Yet  during  the  four  years  which  preceded  the  period  of 
doubt,  he  tells  us  that  he  "  honestly  wished  to  benefit  the 
Church  of  England  at  the  expense  of  the  Church  of  Rome." 
To  Newman  eventually,  all  the  world  outside  of  his  Church 
appeared  drifting  into  atheism ;  Catholic  inquiry  had  in  the 
course  of  centuries  been  transmuted  through  the  power  of 
great  minds  into  a  sort  of  science ;  revealed  dogma  as  ori- 
ginally committed  to  the  Church,  and  as  declared  by  the 
Church  to  the  world,  had  assumed  all  the  charm  and  cer- 
tainty of  infallibility.  It  was  this  that  eased  his  mind  of 
doubt,  and  enabled  him  without  the  spiritual  sense  required 
from  a  sincere  Protestant,  to  throw  himself  into  the  arms  of 
Rome, and  to  say  some  time  after  his  change  of  faith:  "I  have 
had  no  anxiety  of  heart  whatever.  I  have  been  in  perfect 
peace  and  contentment."  So  it  may  have  been  with  Sir  John 
in  his  gradual  change  from  Methodism.  And  it  is  interest- 
ing to  note  in  this  connection  upon  the  authority  of  an 
intimate  friend,  who  also  served  under  him  in 'a  high  posi- 
tion, that  the  Minister  of  Justice  before  finally  deciding 
any  important  case — especially  if  it  affected  the  life  or  the 
property  of  an  individual — would  spend  a  few  moments  in 
silent  prayer. 

Observers  of  sectarian  agitation  and  its  baneful  results 
may  well  ask  how  many  of  Sir  John  Thompson's  critics 
along  these  lines  could  be  said  to  have  thus  brought  their 
religion  into  their  daily  life.  There  is  much  also  to  reflect 
upon  in  Archbishop  Walsh's  statement  regarding  the 


296  LIFE  AND  WORK  OP 

Premier  who  had  then  just  died:  "In  his  search  after 
truth,  he  but  followed  the  Protestant  principle  of  private 
judgment,  and  yet  for  daring  to  do  that  which  Manning 
and  Newman,  and  other  brilliant,  learned,  and  good  men 
had  done  before  him,  he  was  abused,  vilified,  and  de- 
nounced." There  is  equally  a  sad  degree  of  truth  in  the 
assertion  of  the  Hon.  G.  W.  Ross  upon  an  important 
political  occasion  at  a  later  date,  in  the  City  of  Toronto? 
that  the  late  Premier  of  Canada,  the  greatest  and  ablest 
man  in  the  Conservative  party  of  the  last  few  years,  could 
not  have  personally  carried  in  an  election  some  of  the 
wards  in  that  Conservative  centre.  It  is  at  least  suffici- 
ently near  the  truth  to  point  a  serious  moral  in  support  of 
civil  and  religious  liberty. 

Sir  John  Thompson  could  not  for  a  long  time  under- 
stand the  motives  or  reasons  behind  the  attacks  of  the  Rev. 
Dr.  Douglas.  They  were  so  fierce  and  unreasonable  and 
grossly  untrue,  and  yet  emanated  from  a  man  so  highly 
respected,  so  eloquent  and  admittedly  sincere,  that  it  is 
little  wonder  he  was  puzzled.  The  Methodist  orator 
declared  the  Premier  to  be  "  a  clerical  creation  " ;  pictured 
him  as  "  enthroned  in  order  to  manipulate  with  Jesuit  art 
the  affairs  of  this  country"  ;  described  him  as  "a  lay  Jesuit 
in  the  Government "  ;  spoke  of  "  the  contrast  between  the 
great  Chieftain  of  the  past  and  the  man  who  now  sits  in 
his  seat  and  wears  the  brand  of  pervert  on  his  brow  " ; 
gravely  accused  him  of  having  "  transformed  Mercier  into 
a  political  brigand,"  and  seemingly  endeavoured  to  make 
his  hearers  and  readers  and  followers  believe  that  Sir  John 
Thompson  accepted  Roman  Catholicism  in  order  to  promote 
his  political  chances,  and  used  his  political  power  in  order 
to  advance  the  interests  of  his  Church.  Such  allegations 
concerning  a  man  who  notoriously  lacked  political  ambition 
in  the  ordinary  sense,  and  who  possessed  a  sincerity  and 


SIR  JOHN  THOMPSON.  29? 

strength  of  personal  honour  all  too  rare  amongst  public 
men,  should  have  borne  their  own  answer  with  them. 

But  it  appeared  probable  that  Dr.  Douglas  must  have 
received  inspiration  from  some  special  direction  in  making 
these  attacks.  Sir  John  Thompson  believed  they  were 
instigated  by  outside  influence  at  a  time  when  the  brilliant 
intellect,  or  judgment,  of  the  old  man  was  somewhat 
weakening.  Though  a  Liberal  in  his  politics,  it  was  never 
thought  that  the  denunciation  was  dictated  by  personal  par- 
tisanship. It  is  understood,  however,  that  Sir  John  had 
ultimately  every  reason  to  believe  that  the  information,  or 
mis-information,  supplied  to  the  eminent  divine  came  from 
a  Methodist  minister  in  Nova-Scotia  who  united  with  his 
sacred  profession  a  very  violent  dislike  of  the  Conservative 
party  and  its  leaders.  As  illustrating  the  nature  of  other 
religious  attacks,  it  may  be  said  that  after  a  certain  series 
of  bitter  letters  and  miserable  insinuations  had  appeared  in 
the  Montreal  Witness,  Bishop  Cameron  wrote  from  Anti- 
gonish  saying  that  if  one  of  the  anonymous  detractors 
would  come  out  from  his  concealment,  he  (the  Bishop) 
would  prove  his  statements  to  be  a  mass  of  untruths. 
His  Lordship's  challenge  was,  of  course,  never  accepted. 

Yet  this  was  the  treatment  accorded  in  certain  circles 
to  the  man  who  took  his  political  life  in  his  hand,  and  on 
behalf  of  the  law,  the  whole  law  and  nothing  but  the  law, 
defied  in  1886  the  prejudices  of  his  co-religionists  in  Quebec, 
and  saved  the  Government  by  a  speech  which  embodied 
the  truest  doctrines  of  equal  rights  for  all,  under  the  con- 
stitution of  the  country.  As  he  well  said  at  London,  Ont.,  on 
Sept.  16th  of  that  eventful  year :  "  An  attempt  has  been 
made,  as  you  know,  to  deceive  the  people  of  the  Catholic 
faith  in  the  Province  of  Quebec  and  in  the  Lower  Provinces 
by  the  assertion  that  the  law  was  carried  out  in  Louis 
Kiel's  execution  at  the  demand  of  the  Orange  Association 


208  LIFE   AND  WORK   OF 

of  Ontario.  That  statement  we  do  not  hear  so  much  of  in 
the  Province  of  Ontario,  but  the  slander  that  I  was  desert- 
ing my  principles  and  evading  my  faith  was  made  because 
I  denied  then,  and  solemnly  deny  now,  that  there  was  a 
particle  of  truth  in  that  statement.  The  people  of  this 
country,  whether  they  are.  Orange  or  Catholic,  French  or 
English,  have  the  right  to  entertain  or  to  express  any 
opinions  they  feel  regarding  the  administration  of  public 
affairs." 

And  the  man  who  could  thus  defend  true  liberty  of 
speech  and  the  right  of  Orangemen  as  well  as  of  Catholics 
to  be  heard  npon  important  questions  ;  the  man  who,  as  a 
result  of  his  sta.nd  upon  the  Kiel  issue,  almost  lost  that 
alleged  pocket  borough  of  clericalism — Antigonish — in  the 
elections  of  1887  ;  was  the  object  of  these  unjust  denuncia- 
tions by  Dr.  Douglas  and  Dr.  Carman,  and  of  private  insinu- 
ations which  afterwards  formed  the  basis  of  many  a  P. P. A. 
organization.  This  Association  sprang  into  sudden  promin- 
ence during  Sir  John  Thompson's  Premiership.  It  was  the 
product  of  religious  prejudice  united  with  ignorant  sincerity. 
It  was  formed  out  of  the  more  violent  and  uncontrollable 
spirits  of  the  Equal  Rights  movement,  and  had  been  easily 
moulded  into  shape  by  American  agitators  upon  the  lines 
of  the  American  Protestant  Association.  The  organization 
obtained  a  marked  success  in  the  municipal  elections  of 
1884,  and  carried  two  or  three  seats  in  the  subsequent 
Ontario  election. 

Its  chief,  the  Rev.  J.  C  Madill,  won  a  brief  period  of 
prominence  by  sacrificing  the  true  principles  of  Christianity 
upon  the  altar  of  ambition  or  bigotry.  Speaking  at  Strat- 
ford on  August  16th  following  the  Provincial  contest,  he 
declared  that  Sir  John  Thompson  "  was  not  Premier  by  the 
voice  of  the  people.  It  was  Sir  John  A.  Macdonald  who 
carried  the  country,  and  Sir  John  Thompson  was  merely 


SIR  JOHN  THOMPSON.  299 

filling  in  his  time.  He  could  not  be  elected  as  a  Papist  or 
a  Jesuit,  and  no  Papist  or  Jesuit  would  be  allowed  to  rule 
at  Ottawa.  Before  they  would  submit  to  that  they  would 
fight  Derry  over  again  and  give  them  a  taste  of  the  Boyne." 

Such  talk  was  to  all  sensible  people  simply  demagogic 
and  disgusting.  Even  the  Huntingdon  Gleaner,  the' 
staunch  Protestant  and  Liberal  organ  of  the  Eastern 
Townships  of  Quebec,  denounced  it  as  inclining  all  fair- 
minded  men  to  support  the  Premier  in  order  to  prevent 
him  being  "  hounded  down  "  in  such  a  cowardly  fashion. 

Organizations  of  this  nature,  however,  do  not  last  long. 
The  P.  P.  A.  served  its  apparent  purpose,  in  causing  diffi- 
culty to  an  honourable  man  in  the  pursuit  of  duty,  and  now 
that  he  has  passed  to  the  bourne  whence  no  man  returneth, 
it  may  rest  in  peace.  In  this  connection  it  is  interesting  to 
note  how  often  the  word  "  Jesuit,"  was  hurled  at  Sir  John 
Thompson.  Though  intended  to  be  offensive,  it  is  question- 
able whether  the  epithet  really  was  so  to  him,  aside  from 
the  obvious  motive.  As  a  devout  Catholic,  he  would 
naturally  disbelieve  most  of  the  allegations  made  against  the 
Society  of  Jesus.  Indeed  his  admiration  for  controversial 
history  was  never  very  profound.  Speaking  in  the  House 
upon  one  occasion,  and  in  reply  to  some  inquiry  (25th  April, 
1890),  he  said,  with  a  simplicity  which  is  worthy  of  com- 
ment :  "  I  do  not  know.  There  are  many  facts  in  the  history 
of  this  country,  of  which  I  am  not  aware,  and  a  great  many 
statements  of  facts  in  regard  to  history,  I  find  controverted 
so  often,  that  I  am  not  able  to  state  a  positive  opinion  in 
regard  to  them." 

It  was  a  couple  of  years  after  this  that  Cardinal  Moran, 
of  Sydney,  Australia,  in  dealing  at  length  with  the  ques- 
tion of  the  Jesuits'  Estates  Act,  defended  the  Canadian 
order  with  an  earnestness  far  in  advance  of  that  shown  by 
Sir  John  Thompson,  during  the  famous  debate  in  Parlia- 


300  LIFE  AND  WORK   OP 

ment.  And  they  both  agreed  in  expressing  admiration  for 
the  services  of  the  Jesuits  in  the  early  history  of  Canada. 
The  Cardinal,  in  the  course  of  his  address,  also  made  a  most 
interesting  defence  of  his  Church  as  a  friend  of  liberty, 
of  science  and  of  true  progress. 

If,  therefore,  the  political  and  judicial  career  of  Sir 
John  Thompson  has  been  a  great  service  to  the  State,  as 
everyone  believes,  his  change  of  faith  in  early  days,  before 
the  future  of  power  or  success  was  dreamed  of,  has  turned 
out  an  equal  benefit.  It  has  proved  that  despite  limited 
but  always  noisy  sectarianism,  an  honourable  man  can 
win  his  way  to  position  and  popularity  in  Canada.  It  has 
proved  to  the  ignorant  or  indifferent  or  prejudiced  that  a 
Roman  Catholic  can  do  his  duty  in  governing  this  mixed 
community  as  well  as  a  Protestant.  It  has,  through  one 
man  bearing  successfully  the  brunt  of  vigorous  and  sus- 
tained attacks,  done  much  to  bring  both  divisions  of  the 
people  together  in  the  bonds  of  true  brotherhood  and  real 
Christianity.  And  if  a  message  of  warning  is  still  required 
for  the  future,  it  can  be  found  in  the  absolutely  accurate 
statement  made  by  the  Minister  of  Justice,  as  he  stood  at 
the  threshold  of  the  Premiership,  on  Sept.  7th,  1892: 
"  The  one  calamity  above  all  others  which  stands  before 
this  country  is  that  political  divisions  should  follow  the 
division  of  race  or  the  division  of  religion.  The  one 
danger  which  menaces  the  future  of  this  country  and  the 
union  of  this  country,  now  so  happily  being  accomplished, 
is  that-  men  should  stand  arrayed  against  each  other  on  the 
question  of  government,  because  they  differ  with  regard  to 
religion,  because  they  differ  with  regard  to  race." 


SIR  JOHN   THOMPSON.  301 


CHAPTER  XVII. 

FISCAL  MATTERS  AND  POLITICAL  PARTIES. 

The  administration  of  Sir  John  Thompson  assumed 
office  with  the  intention  of  carrying  on  the  historic  policy 
of  the  Conservative  party.  The  principles  of  that  party 
under  Sir  John  Macdonald,  under  Sir  John  Abbott,  and 
now  under  the  leadership  of  another  statesman  were  an- 
nounced as  being  one  and  the  same.  They  involved  a  con- 
tinuation of  protection  as  applied  to  Canadian  interests 
and  industries.  The  "  National  Policy  "  was  to  be  preserved 
and  strengthened,  and  free  trade  opposed  as  impracticable 
in  arrangement,  and  injurious  in  operation. 

But  none  the  less  was  the  air  full  of  rumours,  There 
was  an  undercurrent  of  serious  agitation  going  on,  caused 
in  part  by  the  success  of  the  Democrats  in  the  United 
States  and  in  part  by  the  first  touch  of  the  wave  of  de- 
pression. It  was  assumed  by  the  Liberal  party  in  all 
sections  of  the  country  that  a  free  trade  tide  was  sweeping 
over  the  Continent  and  that  the  success  of  Mr.  Cleveland 
indicated  pronounced  American  legislation  along  those 
lines,  together  with  some  sort  of  an  opportunity  for  Cana- 
dian reciprocity.  And  it  was  argued  that  as  hard  times 
had  so  greatly  helped  the  Democracy  in  the  States,  the 
same  cause  must  also  help  the  Liberals  in  Canada. 

The  indications  indeed  seemed  rather  unfavourable  to 
protectionists  generally,  and  Liberal  speakers  and  papers 
everywhere  compared  the  National  Policy  to  the  McKinley 
Tariff,  and  prophesied  a  free  trade  revolution  in  Canada 
similar  to  that  which  had  just  stirred  the  Republic,  Mean- 


302  LTF£   AND   WORK   OF 

while  the  farmers  began  to  organize  in  somewhat  more 
serious  fashion  than  had  hitherto  been  the  case.  The  Far- 
mers' Institutes  which  had  for  a  long  time  been  under  the 
friendly  patronage  of  the  Ontario  Government,  were  formed 
into  Patrons  of  Industry  lodges  and  an  order  was  estab- 
lished which  its  friends  and  members  expected  to  see  sweep 
the  Province  at  the  first  ensuing  Dominion  elections.  And 
its  success  in  the  Provincial  elections  of  1894  greatly  en- 
couraged this  hope. 

Mr.  McCarthy  constituted  another  disturbing  element 
in  the  political  outlook  of  the  new  Ministry.  To  his  other 
differences  with  them  he  had  now  added  a  tariff  issue,  and 
had  come  out  squarely  for  lower  duties  upon  English  goods, 
and  reciprocal  terms  with  the  United  States  as  soon  as  that 
country  might  be  willing  to  consider  an  arrangement  which 
would  include  manufactures  as  well  as  agricultural  pro- 
ducts and  raw  materials.  But  upon  the  question  of  discri- 
mination against  the  Mother- Country  he  was  as  firmly 
opposed  to  the  Liberal  policy  as  he  was  upon  other  issues 
to  the  Conservative  platform.  At  Stayner  on  January 
25th,  1893,  he  emphasized  two  points  of  opposition  to  the 
existing  tariff.  The  first  was  the  alleged  existence  of 
numerous  combinations  which  enhanced  the  prices  of 
necessaries  to  the  public,  and  the  second  was  the  sugges- 
tion that  as  the  Americans  were  about  to  adjust  and  lower 
their  duties,  Canada  should  do  the  same.  Accompanying 
this  reduction  however,  was  a  proposal  for  the  establish- 
ment of  a  maximum  and  minimum  tariff  by  which  the 
Dominion  should  discriminate  to  the  extent  of  ten  per  cent. 
in  favor  of  Great  Britain. 

Tariff  reform  of  some  kind  was  therefore  in  the  air, 
and  when  it  was  announced  that  Sir  John  Thompson  would 
deliver  an  address  at  the  important  annual  banquet  of  the 
Toronto  Board  of  Trade  on  the  5th  of  January,  much 


SIR  JOHN   THOMPSON.  303 

curiosity  and  interest  was  felt  in  the  coming  deliverance 
of  the  new  Premier.  Tt  was  a  great  occasion  Always 
successful  in  these  efforts,  the  Board  of  Trade  seemed  to 
have  this  time  excelled  itself  in  the  providing  of  distin- 
guished speakers  and  guests.  The  Governor-General,  Lord 
Stanley  of  Preston ;  Sir  John  S.  D.  Thompson,  the  Premier 
of  Canada ;  the  Lieut.-Governor  of  Ontario ;  Sir  Oliver 
Mowat,  the  veteran  Premier  of  the  same  Province ;  the  Hon. 
George  E.  Foster,  Minister  of  Finance  ;  and  Mr.  W.  0.  Van- 
Horne,  President  of  the  Canadian  Pacific  Railway,  were 
amongst  those  who  graced  the  occasion,  where  were  found 

"  Again  the  feast,  the  speech,  the  glee, 
The  shade  of  passing  thought,  the  wealth 
Of  words  and  wit,  the  double  health, 
The  crowning  cup,  the  three-times  three." 

It  is  needless  to  refer  at  length  to  the  speeches.  All 
were  good,  but  that  of  the  new  Prime  Minister  was  the 
most  important  and  certainly  the  one  which  had  been 
most  looked  forward  to.  Sir  John  Thompson  commenced 
his  speech  by  a  jest  which  created  much  amusement.  He 
referred  to  the  fact  that  his  Government  consisted  of 
sixteen  gentlemen,  thirteen  of  whom  averaged  47  years  of 
age.  "Their  youth  and  their  robustness  excited  the 
imagination  of  a  Toronto  poet,  who  indited  some  verses  to 
me  and  put  into  my  mouth  words  which  were  put  into 
Caesar's  when  he  said :  '  Let  me  have  fat  men  about  me, 
sleek-headed  men  who  sleep  at  nights  ' — and  I  could,  ladies 
and  gentlemen,  make  you  to-night  a  little  boast  about  the 
girth  and  weight  of  my  colleagues,  if  it  "were  not  that 
my  friend  Cassius  here — the  Finance  Minister — breaks  the 
record  and  utterly  destroys  the  average." 

The  Premier  then  handled  in  a  more  serious  vein  the 
national  problems  of  the  moment,  and  the  first  of  these  in 
tis  opinion  was  the  Manitoba  schools'  question.  He  pointed 


804  LIFE  AND   WORK   OF 

out  that  moral  anJ  religious  problems  which  come  home  to 
the  convictions  of  the  people  are  dangerous  to  the  welfare 
of  the  State  if  approached  in  any  partisan  or  political 
spirit  The  only  safe  gaide  to  any  safe  result  which  he 
could  see  in  such  a  connection,  was  the  exercise  of  tolera 
tion  and  of  concession,  so  far  as  it  did  not  infringe  upon 
principle.  The  Government  proposed  to  be  guided  by  the 
constitutional  law  of  the  country,  and  to  obey  its  dictates. 
As  to  his  personal  position,  he  said  in  words  which  have 
the  ring  of  true  and  manly  sincerity  : 

"  I  have  no  plea  for'  toleration  to  make  for  myself.  I 
want  no  sympathy  through  toleration  in  that  regard.  I 
am  not  occupying  the  responsible  position  which  it  is  my 
honour  to  hold  to-night  through  any  effort  of  my  own  or 
any  struggle  of  mine  for  political  distinction.  I  occupy 
that  position  simply  because  those  who  were  qualified  to 
decide,  and  who  were  bound  to  decide,  thought  that  I  could 
serve  the  state  occupying  that  position.  I  am  nothing 
more  than  a  public  servant,  and  if  I  should  succeed  in 
serving  the  state  well  I  shall  have  achieved  the  only  ambi- 
tion which  I  have  in  public  life." 

Amid  the  loud  and  constant  cheering  which  inter- 
rupted and  closed  these  sentences..  Sir  John  Thompson 
turned  to  consider  the  trade  question,  and  first  referred  to 
the  desire  of  Canada  to  be  on  the  most  amicable  terms 
with  the  United  States.  In  order  to  aid  this  object,  the 
Dominion  had  practically  given  way  upon  the  Canal  Tolls' 
question,  and  had  arranged  the  sugar  duties,  which  had 
been  a  cause  of"  uneasiness  and  complaint  to  the  Republic : 
"  We  think  that  we  have  shown  to  them  what  the  policy 
of  this  country  is,  and  shall  be  for  the  future,  in  so  far  as 
I  have  the  right  to  speak  for  it — a  policy  that  will  make 
us  to  the  United  States  the  best  of  neighbors,  although, 
please  Gocl,  we  shall  never  be  anything  feu.t  neighbors." 


THE  RIGHT  REV.  JOHN  CAMERON,  D.D,  P.H.  D. 
Bishop  of  Antigonish  t  N.S. 


2O 


SIR  JOHN  THOMPSON.  307 

But  he  spoke  with  doubt  regarding  the  attitude  of  the 
President,  and  indicated  the  possibility  of  his  attempting 
some  further  evidence  of  hostility  before  making  way  for 
Mr.  Cleveland.  One  month  later  President  Harrison  sent 
his  message  to  Congress,  asking  for  the  abrogation  of  the 
bonding  system,  which,  however,  he  was  fated  not  to  get 

The  Premier  went  on  to  express  grave  doubts  regard- 
ing the  extent  of  the  free  trade  legislation  which  the 
Democrats  were  likely  to  introduce,  but  announced  the 
intention  of  his  Government  to  take  advantage  of  the 
experience  of  the  United  States  ;  to  watch  its  tariff  changes; 
and  to  "  adopt  the  policy  for  this  country  which  will  be 
found  best  for  Canada  first,  and  best  for  the  Empire  next." 
Replying  to  some  one  who  had  asked  him  if  he  considered 
the  National  Policy  perfect,  and  assuming  for  the  moment 
that  only  the  fiscal  part  of  that  policy  was  meant,  he  replied 
in  words  which  were  afterwards  widely  discussed  : 

"  I  do  not  know  of  any  tariff  which  has  been  perfec- 
tion, and  I  know  of  defects  both  in  the  framing  and  admin- 
istration of  the  present  tariff  which  require  a  remedy. 
And  therefore,  sir,  we  do  propose  to  take  your  good  advice 
which  this  rnotto  gives  us,  and  'lop  the  mouldering  branches 
away.'  " 

The  speech  was  a  decided  success,  but  the  occasion  had 
its  limitations,  and  the  one  which  followed  on  January  14th, 
in  the  Toronto  Auditorium,  was  of  a  kind  more  calculated 
to  attract  popular  attention.  The  former  was  important 
as  affording  hints  concerning  the  policy  of  the  new  Govern- 
ment ;  the  latter  was  of  intense  political  interest,  as  being 
he  first  address  delivered  by  the  new  Premier  to  his  party 
d  the  country  at  large.  And  the  affect  of  the  demon  stra- 
n  was  increased  by  the  presence  of  ten  other  ministers, 
feature  of  the  meeting  was  the  spontaneous  and  enthus- 
tic  reception  accorded  to  the  Hon.  Mr.  Angers,  as  a  tribute 


308  LIFE  AND  WORK  OF 

to  his  manly  administration  in  Quebec.  And  the  aggressive 
oratory  of  the  Hon.  C.  H.  T upper  was  of  a  nature  calcu- 
lated to  stir  up  any  Canadian  audience. 

Sir  John  Thompson's  speech  must  be  read  to  be 
appreciated.  Most  of  the  great  audience  had  never  seen 
or  heard  the  Premier  and  seemed  to  be  somewhat  surprised 
when  the  full,  deep,  satisfying  voice  which  seems  to  come 
only  from  down  by  the  sea,  as  it  breaks  upon  the  shores 
of  the  Maritime  Provinces,  sounded  through  the  building. 
As  he  went  on  in  grave,  serious,  but  sincere,  style,  the 
interest  deepened  and  there  were  few  present  when  the 
speaker  concluded,  who  did  not  realise  that  he  was  a  man 
who  would  do  what  seemed  his  duty  in  any  emergency 
and  in  face  of  any  difficulties.  And  there  was  no  doubt 
about  the  Conservatism  of  that  speech.  It  meant  to  the 
assembled  throng  and  to  the  myriad  readers  of  the  succeed- 
ing day,  that  the  third  Sir  John  was  worthy  to  carry  the 
flag  planted  by  Sir  John  Macdonald,  and  supported  by  Sir 
John  Abbott.  It  meant  that  he  was  going  to  stand  by  the 
principle  of  Canada  for  the  Canadians,  and  the  British 
Empire  for  all. 

Some  portions  were  especially  vigourous,  as  for 
instance,  when  he  declared  that  a  little  while  ago  "we  were 
taunted  with  waving  the  old  flag ;  and  a  lot  of  traitors,  a 
lot  of  cowards  who  have  not  the  courage  to  be  traitors, 
although  they  have  the  will,  would  sneer  at  the  old  flag  : 
sneer  at  the  loyalty  we  inherited  from  our  fathers  :  sneer 
at  the  institutions  which  our  fathers  were  so  proud  to  leave 
us."  This  was  sufficiently  energetic  language,  and  it  cer- 
tainly pleased  the  audience  immensely.  But  the  memorable 
demonstration  had  its  pathetic  side,  as  did  so  many  other 
events  in  the  last  crowded  years  of  the  Premier's  life. 
When  President  Armstrong  of  the  Young  Men's  Conserva- 
tive Association  introduced  Sir  John  to  the  audience  as  one 


SIR  JOHN    THOMPSON*. 


301) 


who  would  provide  "  a  great  future  for  the  Conservative 
party,  and  would  not  only  legislate  for  the  demands  of  the 
hour,  but  for  the  demands  of  the  future,"  it  seemed  as  if 
the  new  leader  presented  the  very  picture  of  health,  vigour 
and  manliness.  What  a  commentary  upon  assertions  and 
appearances  that  future  was  destined  to  be! 

Parliament  met  on  the  26th  of  January.  The  chief 
topic  of  political  conversation  was  the  tariff  and  the 
proposed  changes.  Several  Conservative  members  had 
declared  in  favour  of  some  amendment.  Mr.  Cockburn  of 
Centre  Toronto,  Mr.  Davin,  Mr.  Boyd,  Mr.  Calvin  and  Mr. 
Mclnerney  of  New  Brunswick,  all  desired  some  altera- 
tions, though  their  proposals  were  not  very  radical.  Mr. 
McCarthy,  however,  and  his  faithful  colleague,  Colonel 
O'Brien,  were  pronounced  in  their  advocacy  of  lower  duties. 
The  Session  commenced  with  an  eloquent  speech  from 
the  new  Maritime  orator,  Mr.  Mclnerney,  who  moved  the 
Address  and  wound  up  his  peroration  by  quoting  lines 
eminently  appropriate,  not  only  in  a  general  sense,  but  in  a 
particular  application  to  the  statesman  who  was  then  at 
the  head  of  the  Government : 

"  Build  that  these  walls  to  coming  generations, 

Your  skill,  your  strength,  your  faithfulness  shall  tell ; 
That  all  may  say  as  storms  and  centuries  test  them, 
The  men  of  old  built  well." 

And,  so  far  as  Sir  John  Thompson  was  given  the  time, 
he  did  build  well.  Incidentally,  Mr.  Laurier  in  addressing 
the  House  four  days  later,  referred  in  generous  terms  to 
the  successful  career  of  the  new  Premier.  "There  has  been 
no  public  man  in  Canada  at  anytime,"  he  declared,  "whose 
advancement  has  been  so  rapid.  He  came  into  this  House 
at  a  comparatively  recent  date,  preceded  by  a  high  reputa- 
tion for  ability,  which  he  had  earned  in  his  own  Province, 
which  led  everybody,  friends  and  opponents  alike,  to  expect 


310  LIFE   AND   WORK   OF 

a  great  deal  from  him,  and  that  expectation  has  been 
realized  since  he  entered  this  House."  On  the  14th  of 
February  following,  Mr.  Foster  delivered  his  Budget 
Speech  and  announced  the  proposed  alterations  in  the  tariff. 
They  were  not  numerous,  and  consisted  merely  in  a  reduc- 
tion of  the  duty  on  binder  twine  from  25  to  12 \  per  cent., 
and  the  abolition  of  certain  restrictions  on  coal  oil.  But  it 
was  stated  that  at  the  close  of  the  Session  a  thorough 
inquiry  into  the  tariff  would  be  carried  out  by  himself,  the 
Minister  of  Trfcde  and  Commerce  anl  the  Comptrollers  of 
Customs  and  Inland  Revenue.  Personal  interviews  would 
be  had  with  the  merchants,  manufacturers  and  farmers, 
and  a  measure  of  Tariff  Reform  was  promised  for  1891  as 
the  result  of  this  investigation. 

As  Sir  John  Thompson  was  required  in  Paris  within 
a  couple  of  months  to  fill  the  distinguished  position  of  a 
British  arbitrator  on  the  Behring  Sea  Commission,  an 
effort  was  made  to  have  a  brief  session.  Mr.  McCarthy, 
however,  came  forward  in  March  with  a  long  tariff  amend- 
ment and  a  long  speech,  each  of  which  embodied  very 
fully  his  views  on  the  ever  burning  fiscal  issue.  He  con- 
tended that  the  protective  tariff  had  answered  its  purpose, 
and  was  now  merely  useful  for  the  development  of  trusts 
and  combines ;  that  it  was  becoming  burdensome  to  the 
consuming  classes  and  the  farmers ;  that  it  ought  to  be 
amended  by  the  substantial  reduction  of  cutoms  duties  in 
favour  of  the  United  Kingdom ;  and  that  a  light  reduction 
might  well  be  made  in  favour  of  the  United  States  and  of 
different  portions  of  the  Empire,  where  they  were  willing 
to  reciprocate.  Upon  one  point  he  spoke  with  no  uncer- 
tain sound.  He  was  "  absolutely  and  unequivocally  opposed 
to  any  kind  of  so-called  free  trade,  no  matter  whether  it 
gave  us  a  continental  market  or  not,  which  discriminated 
against  the  Mother-Land."  Dr.  Montague  replied  with 


SIR   JOHN    THOMPSON. 


311 


characteristic  eloquence  and  ability,  and  the  discussion 
eventually  closed  with  a  Government  majority  of  54 

Another  incident  in  which  Provincial  rights  were 
involved  took  place  during  this  Session.  Early  in  the 
year  certain  important  coal  mines  in  Nova-Scotia  had  been 
handed  over  by  the  Local  Government  to  an  American 
syndicate  under  terms  which  were  declared  to  be  extremely 
advantageous  to  the  Province.  But  many  Conservatives 
opposed  the  arrangement,  and  a  deputation  of  members  of 
Parliament  waited  upon  the  Governor  General,  and  asked 
him  to  disallow  the  measure  on  the  ground  chiefly  that 
foreigners  in  control  of  the  mines  might  fire  or  flood  them 
in  time  of  war,  thus  cutting  off  the  coal  supply  of  the 
navy,  and  proving  of  Imperial  as  well  as  Provincial 
injury.  Constitutional  questions  of  some  interest  were 
raised  as  to  the  propriety  of  individual  members  trying  to 
usurp  the  power  of  the  House  as  a  Legislative  body,  and 
of  the  Government  as  an  advisory  and  executive  body. 
Mr.  Mills  brought  the  matter  up  on  February  17th,  and 
after  some  slight  discussion  Sir  John  Thompson  stated  that 
the  whole  affair  was  a  mere  conversation  and  entirely 
informal ;  that  the  Governor  General  had  asked  to  have 
the  matter  put  into  such  a  shape  that  he  could  lay  it  before 
his  constitutional  advisers ;  and  that  no  opinion  could  be 
expressed  as  yet  because  the  statute  in  question  had 
not  reached  the  Department  of  Justice.  Eventually,  Sir 
John  took  the  ground  that  the  mines  belonged  to  the 
Province  and  that  the  Federal  authorities  were  not  entitled 
to  interfere  with  them.  The  bargain  might  be  bad,  but  it 
was  for  the  people  of  Nova-Scotia  to  deal  with  the  matter, 

not  the  Dominion  Government. 

Towards  the  close  of  the  session,  which,  as  expected, 
ras  a  very  short  one,  the  Premier  left  for  Paris  and  Mr. 
Coster  acted  as  leader  of  the  House.  A  couple  of  months 


312  LIFE   AND   WORK   OF 

after  the  adjournment  on  April  1st,  a  new  departmental 
scandal  developed  itself  and  one  which  was  promptly  dealt 
with.  Summarized,  it  showed  an  expenditure  of  $450,000 
upon  the  reconstruction  of  the  bridges  over  the  Lachine 
Canal  at  Montreal,  in  place  of  the  estimated  cost  of  $1 75,000. 
A  Royal  Commission  was  at  once  appointed  and  Mr.  Hag- 
gar  t  as  head  of  the  Department  of  Railways  and  Canals 
had  the  enquiry  pushed  in  every  possible  direction.  It 
was  soon  found  that  the  contracts  had  been  fraudulently 
handled  and  that  large  sums  had  been  wasted  without  the 
knowledge  of  the  Minister.  Of  course  the  question  imme- 
diately became  a  party  one,  the  Opposition  contending  that 
the  head  of  the  Department  should  have  known  something 
of  what  was  going  on  and  prevented  it :  the  Minister  and 
his  friends  declaring  that  the  usual  care  was  exercised  in 
making  the  payments,  but  that  the  frauds  had  occurred 
through  forged  pay  lists  and  gross  misrepresentation  on 
the  part  of  the  contractors.  The  Engineer  in  charge  of  the 
works  was  suspended  and  later  on  the  Minister  of  Justice 
had  a  suit  instituted  against  the  contractor  for  $143,000. 

There  is  no  doubt  that  Sir  John  Thompson  felt  keenly 
such  occurrences  as  this.  They  showed  a  tendency  to 
carelessness  or  dishonesty  in  the  connection  of  officials 
with  the  public  business  to  a  degree  which  would  not  be 
endured  for  a  moment  in  the  conduct  of  any  large  private 
concern.  Of  course,  a  Minister  cannot  as  a  rule,  go  behind 
the  properly  certified  pay  sheets  and  documents  of  his  de- 
partment, but  a  very  clearly  defined  impression  existed 
in  the  minds  of  .the  public  at  this  time  and  had  been 
growing  since  the  scandals  of  1891,  that  members  of 
the  Government  should  individually  exercise  more  control 
over  the  choice  and  qualities  of  their  subordinates,  as  well 
as  over  the  antecedents  and  characters  of  the  men  who 
were  given  contracts,  and  permitted  to  aid  in  the  great  and 


SIR   JOHN   THOMPSON. 


313 


necessary  work  of  carrying  on,  or  completing,  the  country's 
public  undertakings.  And  it  is  safe  to  say  that  Sir  John 
Thompson  sympathized  strongly  with  this  view. 

Meantime  tariff  questions  and  politics  had  been  com- 
ing more  and  more  to  the  front  throughout  the  country. 
The  Ministers  recently  selected  for  the  purpose  started 
their  inquiries ;  the  Patrons  of  Industry  formulated  their 
platform ;  Mr.  McCarthy  announced  his  policy  through  the 
medium  of  a  League  and  the  employment  of  an  organizer ; 
the  Liberal  party  met  in  convention  and  passed  resolutions 
both  varied  and  voluminous.  The  Patrons  declared  them- 
selves in  favor  of  British  connection ;  the  abolition  of  tie 
Senate ;  the  election  of  county  officials,  with  the  exception 
of  County  Judges ;  a  tariff  for  revenue  adjusted  so  as  to 
tax  luxuries;  reciprocal  trade  with  any  countries  which 
were  willing  to  negotiate  ;  prohibition  of  railway  grants ; 
and  the  preparation  of  the  Dominion  and  Provincial  voter's 
lists  by  municipal  officers.  The  McCarthy  policy  has  already 
been  pretty  well  outlined,  but  the  new  organization  had 
some  very  distinct  planks  regarding  the  absolute  right  of 
the  provinces  to  control  education,  the  necessity  of  having 
no  interference  with  the  Manitoba  Schools'  law,  and  the  de- 
sirability of  any  future  redistribution  of  seats  being  based 
upon  an  equality  of  population  and  upon  county  and  city 
boundary  lines. 

The  Liberal  Convention  at  Ottawa  early  in  July  was 
great  success,  and  the  delegates  certainly  could  not  com- 
)lain  of  the  .warmth  of  their  reception.     But  though  the 
reather  was  tropical,  the  work  done  in  platform  making 
id  speaking  was  very  considerable.     The  policy  finally 
jvolved  by  a  gathering    which    boasted  the  presence  of 
learly  every  prominent  Liberal  in  the  Canadian  commu- 
lity,  and  which  was  representative  in  ability  as  well  as  in 
lumbers,  may  be  summed  up  as  follows ; 


314  LIFE  AND  WORK   OF 

1.  Denunciation  of  the  protective  tariff. 

2.  The  necessity  of  low  revenue  duties. 

3.  Reciprocity   with   the   United    States   in    natural 
products  and  in  a  selected  list  of  manufactured  articles. 

4.  Arraignment  of  the  Government  as  corrupt. 

5.  The  necessity  for  great  economy. 

6.  The  repeal  of  the  Franchise  Act. 

7.  A  Dominion  plebiscite  on  Prohibition. 

8.  Reform  of  the  Senate. 

About  this  time  also  the  Protestant  Protective  Asso- 
ciation rose  out  of  the  ruins  of  the  Equal  Rights  organiza- 
tion, and  prepared  to  forward  a  mission  of  error  and 
misunderstanding.  So  far  as  can  be  authoritatively 
gathered,  its  platform  declared  bitter  opposition  to  Roman 
Catholicism  as  an  element  of  political  power ;  denounced 
all  religio-political  organizations  (except  itself)  as  enemies 
to  civil  and  religious  liberty  ;  favoured  one  general  unsec- 
tarian  school  organization  and  the  taxing  of  all  church 
property ;  repudiated  the  use  of  public  funds  for  any 
sectarian  purpose ;  and  proclaimed  it  "  unwise  and  unsafe 
to  elect  to  civil,  political  or  military  office  in  this  Dominion 
men  who  owe  supreme  allegiance  to  any  foreign  potentate 
or  ecclesiastical  power." 

Such,  in  brief,  were  the  various  political  divisions  and 
party  policies  which  the  Conservative  Premier  had  to  face 
upon  his  return  from  Paris  late  in  August.  A  tour  of  the 
Province  of  Ontario  followed  with  very  favourable  results 
to  Sir  John  Thompson  personally  through  an  increased 
acquaintance  with  the  people,  and  with  useful  results  to 
the  party  through  the  promotion  of  public  familiarity  with 
its  policy  and  with  the  new  leaders  who  were  so  rapidly 
replacing  those  of  a  previous  period, 


SIR  JOHN   THOMPSON. 


315 


CHAPTER    XVIII. 

THE  BEHRING  SEA.  QUESTION. 

In  1886,  the  year  following  Sir  John  Thompson's 
entry  into  Dominion  politics,  news  of  a  somewhat  serious 
character  had  come  from  the  far  north  of  the  American 
continent.  While  engaged  in  seal- hunting,  out  of  sight  of 
land,  and  in  what  is  generally  understood  to  be  the  open 
sea,  three  Canadian  schooners  were  seized  by  the  United 
States  revenue  cutter  Gorwin  and  taken  to  an  Alaskan 
port.  There  the  officers  were  tried  in  the  American  Court 
for  the  District  of  Alaska,  and  condemned  to  fines  and 
imprisonment,  while  their  vessels  were  confiscated — on  the 
general  charge  of  contravention  of  the  United  States  laws. 
This  high-handed  proceeding  attracted  immediate  and 
wide-spread  attention.  Throughout  Canada  the  feeling 
was  one  of  indignation,  though  not  altogether  of  surprise, 
the  people  had  some  knowledge  of  the  American  tendency 
claim  everything  in  sight  where  international  relation- 
ships were  concerned.  But  aside  from  any  injury  done  to 
inadian  citizens  and  British  subjects,  these  seizures — 
which  were  continued  from  time  to  time  during  ensuing 
rears — opened  up  wide  and  important  questions  of  Mari- 
time jurisdiction.  It  has  been  generally  assumed  that  the 
iw  of  nations  gives  complete  territorial  rights  to  the 
extent  of  one  marine  league  (three  miles)  from  the  shore. 
In  specific  cases,  by  custom  or  treaty,  the  right  of  a  nation 
to  control  a  greater  distance  may  have  been  admitted,  but 
these  were  the  exceptions  which  are  usually  taken  to  prove 
the  rule.  On  the  Atlantic  coast  of  Canada,  the  United 


316  LIFE   AND   WORK   OF 

States  for  years,  both  before  and  after  setting  up  this  claim 
on  the  Pacific,  had  tried  to  break  down  the  Canadian  right 
to  control  even  three  miles  from  the  shore.  But  whatever 
the  local  circumstances  might  be,  this  claim  to  jurisdiction, 
sixty  miles  from  the  coast,  was  practically  an  arbitrary 
assertion  of  a  complete  right  to  the  ownership  of  part  of 
Behring  Sea,  and  if  sustained  or  allowed  would  have  placed 
that  great  body  of  water,  eleven  hundred  miles  long  by 
eight  hundred  miles  broad,  largely  under  the  control  of 
Russia  and  the  United  States. 

The  charge  laid  against  these  vessels,  their  officers  and 
owners,  was  that  of  being  found  "  engaged  in  killing  fur- 
seal  within  the  limits  of  Alaska  territory  and  in  the  waters 
thereof,  in  violation  of  section  1956  of  the  Revised  Statutes 
of  the  United  States."  Obviously,  therefore,  to  make  these 
and  subsequent  seizures  legal,  a  great  part  of  Behring  Sea, 
or  what  was  really  a  portion  of  the  North  Pacific  Ocean, 
had  to  be  included  within  the  limits  of  American  jurisdic- 
tion. And  as  the  claim  to  this  authority  was  as  extensive 
as  might  be  the  wandering  instincts  or  fancies  of  the 
Alaskan  seal  in  the  vast  waters  of  the  Pacific,  it  will  be 
appreciated  as  a  pretty  large  one.  Several  reasons  were 
given  by  the  United  States  for  its  action.  One  was  nominal 
and  reasonable  in  appearance.  It  was  evidenced  in  an 
invitation  extended  to  Great  Britain,  France,  Germany, 
Sweden  and  Norway,  Russia,  and  Japan,  in  1 887,  asking 
them  to  "enter  into  such  an  arrangement  with  the  Govern- 
ment of  the  United  States  as  will  prevent  the  citizens  of 
either  country  from  killing  seal  in  Behring  Sea  at  such 
times  and  places,  and  by  such  methods,  as  are  at  present 
pursued,  and  which  threaten  the  speedy  extermination  of 
these  animals  and  consequent  serious  loss  to  mankind." 

This  philanthropic  cloak  was  exceedingly  pretty  in 
appearance,  but,  as  so  often  happens  in  diplomatic  matters, 


SIR  JOHN   THOMPSON.  3l7 

it  covered  a  very  sordid  reality.  For  many  years  the 
Alaska  Commercial  Company  had  enjoyed  a  practical 
monopoly  of  sealing  in  the  Aleutian  Islands  and  on  the 
Alaskan  coast,  the  value  of  which  to  them  and  to  the 
American  Government  may  be  estimated  by  the  report  of 
a  Congressional  Committee  in  1889,  which  declared  that 
the  Company  had  under  the  terms  of  their  contract  paid 
the  Government  $5,597,000  up  to  June  30th,  1888.  And 
the  total  amount  received  from  customs  duties  on  Alaska 
dressed  seal  skins  imported  from  England  was,  during  the 
same  period,  $3,426,000.  As  the  total  amount  paid  by  the 
United  States  to  Russia  for  the  purchase  of  Alaska  in  1867 
was  only  $7,200,000,  and  the  expenses  of  Government 
from  then  to  June,  1888,  had  not  exceeded  $400,000,  the 
advantage  of  a  continuance  and  extension  of  this  monopoly 
is  apparent. 

It  was  further  claimed  that  the  Russian  Government 
had  exercised  exclusive  control  over  these  fisheries  and 
over  the  seals  in  the  disputed  waters,  until  the  cession  of 
Alaska,  when  its  rights  passed  naturally  to  the  United 
States.  The  British  Government,  on  the  other  hand, 
expressed  every  desire  to  regulate  sealing  so  as  to  preserve 
the  species,  but  altogether  denied  the  American  claims  of 
wide  Maritime  jurisdiction,  and  pointed  out  that  the 
United  States  had  more  than  once  protested  against  the 
Russian  attempts  at  exercising  similar  powers.  Lord 
Salisbury,  in  voluminous  despatches,  apparently  proved  by 
extracts  from  the  diplomatic  correspondence  of  many  years 
before,  that  England  had  always  refused  to  admit  any 
Russian  claims  in  this  matter  of  jurisdiction  ;  that  a  Con- 
vention between  the  countries  in  1825  had  been  regarded 
on  both  sides  as  a  renunciation  on  the  part  of  Russia  ;  and 
that  Behring  Sea  had  always  been  considered  a  portion  of 
the  Pacific  Ocean,  and  not  in  any  sense  a  closed  sea,  as  was 


318  LIFE  AtfD    WORK  Of 

at  first  claimed  by  Mr.  Elaine  on  behalf  of  the  United 
States. 

Despite  the  most  conciliatory  correspondence  on  the 
part  of  Great  Britain,  and  every  effort  on  the  side  of 
Canada,  to  bring  matters  to  some  satisfactory  conclusion, 
the  element  in  the  United  States  which  is  always  delighted 
when  some  trouble  arises  between  the  Republic  and  the 
Empire,  continued  to  urge  active  aggressive  measures,  and 
to  praise  the  seizures  of  Canadian  vessels  which  were  still 
taking  place.  Canadian  fishermen  pursuing  an  honourable 
and  legal  occupation  were  stigmatised  as  "  poachers,"  and 
every  effort  was  made  to  hamper  and  injure  them  in  their 
work.  Finally,  when  it  was  announced  in  the  American 
press  early  in  1890  that  the  same  system  would  be  con- 
tinued during  the  ensuing  season,  Lord  Salisbury  appar- 
ently concluded  that  the  time  had  passed  for  conciliation, 
and  that  bluster  should  be  met  by  a  firm  announcement  of 
the  inevitable  result  of  maintaining  such  a  policy.  Accord- 
ingly, on  June  13th;  Sir  Julian  Pauncefote,  British  minister 
at  Washington,  was  finally  instructed  to  make  the  follow- 
ing declaration : 

"  Her  Britannic  Majesty's  Government  are  unable  to  pass  over  with- 
out noticing,  the  public  announcement  of  intention  on  the  part  of  the 
Government  of  the  United  States  to  renew  the  acts  of  interference  with 
British  vessels  navigating  outside  the  territorial  waters  of  the  United 
States,  of  which  they  have  previously  had  to  complain.  The  undersigned 
is  in  consequence  instructed  formally  to  protest  against  such  interference 
and  to  declare  that  Her  Britannic  Majesty's  Government  must  hold  the 
Government  of  the  United  States  responsible  for  the  consequences  that 
may  ensue  from  acts  which  were  contrary  to  the  established  principle  of 
international  law. " 

This  last  sentence  is  practically  the  diplomatic  way  of 
stating  that  if  a  certain  course  is  pursued,  force  will  be 
employed,  or  in  other  words  that  war  will  follow.  It  not 
only  supplied  ample  food  for  thought  to  those  who  asserted 


SIR  JOHN   THOMPSON. 

that  the  Mother- Country  would  never  fight  for  Canadian 
interests  against  the  Unite  1  States,  but,  as  is  always  the 
case  when  honest  boldness  encounters  unmeaning  bluster 
and  brag,  it  brought  the  whole  question  down  from  the 
clouds  of  controversy  to  a  reasonable  basis  for  settlement. 
And  no  more  seizures  were  made.  Early  in  1891,  negotia- 
tions for  arbitration  were  commenced,  and  each  country 
appointed  Commissioners  to  investigate  the  real  habits  and 
environment  of  the  seal.  Sir  George  Baden-Powell,  M.P., 
a  strong  friend  of  Imperial  unity,  and  Professor  George  M. 
Dawson,  of  Canada,  were  the  British  Commissioners ;  and 
Professors  Mendenhall  and  Merriam  those  appointed  by 
the  United  States.  A  year  later  an  arrangement  was 
consummated  pending  the  submission  of  the  questions  to 
Arbitration,  and  the  Treaty  to  that  end  was  finally  ratified 
on  May  7th. 

The  Tribunal  as  appointed  in  June  following,  was 
composed  of  some  very  eminent  men.  Under  the  terms  of 
the  treaty,  Great  Britain  selected  two  arbitrators,  the 
United  States  two,  France,  Italy,  and  Norway  and  Sweden, 
one  each.  The  British  arbitrators  were  the  Rt.  Hon.  Lord 
Hannen,  and  the  Prime  Minister  of  Canada.  The  former 
had  been  for  many  years  a  distinguished  English  judge, 
and  was  a  man  of  much  intellectual  force,  and  of  strong 
character.  Sir  John  Thompson  afterwards  said  of  him 
that  from  first  to  last  he  "  exhibited  the  strongest  determin- 
ation that  Canada  should  attain  justice,  both  as  to  legal 
questions  and  as  to  the  regulations,  and  was  not  in  the 
slightest  degree  moved  by  the  persistent  effort  which  was 
I  made  from  beginning  to  end  to  divide  the  British  from 
nadian  interests  in  the  matter." 

The  American  arbitrators  were  men  of  ability  and 
nding,  though  thoroughly  imbued  with  the  idea  that  the 
public  was  always  right,  and  that  in  no  case  could  the 


320  LIFE  AND  WORK  of 

ends  of  justice  be  served  unless  the  American  contention 
was  maintained  up  to  the  hilt.  Mr.  Justice  Harlan  had 
been  a  Republican  in  politics,  and  Senator  Morgan  was  a 
Southerner,  and  a  somewhat  fiery  Democrat.  Baron  de 
Courcel,  who  represented  France,  was  a  distinguished 
jurist  and  diplomatist,  and  was  ultimately  selected  to 
preside  over  the  Tribunal,  which  he  did  with  a  grace  and 
dignity  worthy  of  the  highest  commendation.  Italy  sent 
the  Marquis  Venosta,  a  jurist,  an  ex- Minister  of  State,  and 
a  Senator.  Sir  John  at  a  later  period  described  his  written 
opinions  at  the  private  meetings  of  the  arbitrators  as 
having  shown  great  learning  in  legal  precedents ;  skill  in 
the  analysis  of  evidence  ;  and  wide  comprehension  of  Eng- 
lish law.  Mr.  Gregors  Gram,  the  arbitrator  appointed  by 
Sweden  and  Norway,  was  Minister  of  Foreign  Affairs  in 
his  own  country  and  had  obtained  much  varied  experience 
from  twelve  years'  spent  on  the  Mixed  Tribunal  of  Egypt. 
Meantime,  Canada  had  been  further  honoured  by  the 
selection  of  the  Hon.  Charles  H.  Tupper,  to  act  as  British 
Agent,  in  the  preparation  of  the  case.  Sir  Richard 
Webster,  Q.  C.,  Sir  Charles  Russell,  Q.  0.,  Christopher  Rob- 
inson, Q.C.,  of  Toronto,  and  the  Hon.  W.  H.  Cross,  M.P.,  were 
the  British  Counsel.  The  American  Agent  was  General  J. 
W.  Foster,  and  the  Counsel  were  the  Hon.  E.  J.  Phelps, 
formerly  Minister  to  Great  Britain,  Judge  Blodgett,  and 
Mr.  J.  S.  Carter.  The  points  submitted  for  decision  were 
as  follows : 

I.  What  exclusive  jurisdiction  in  the  sea  known  as 
the  Behring  Sea,  and  what  exclusive  rights  in  the  seal  fish- 
eries therein  did  Russia  assert  and  exercise  prior  and  up  to 
the  time  of  the  cession  of  Alaska  to  the  United  States  ? 

II.  How  far  were  these  claims  of  jurisdiction  as  to 
the  seal  fisheries  recognized  and  conceded  by  Great  Britain  ? 

III.  Was  the  body  of  water  now  known  as  the  Behr- 


SIR  JOHN   THOMPSON.  321 

ing  Sea  included  in  the  phrase,  "  Pacific  Ocean,"  as  used  in 
the  treaty  of  1825  between  Great  Britain  and  Russia,  and 
what  rights,  if  any,  in  the  Behring  Sea  were  held  and  ex- 
clusively exercised  by  Russia  after  said  treaty  ? 

IV.  Did  not  all  the  rights  of  Russia  as  to  jurisdiction 
and  as  to  the  seal  fisheries  in  Behring  Sea  east  of  the  water 
boundary,  in  the  treaty  between  the  United  States  and 
Russia  of  the  30th  March,  1867,  pass  unimpaired  to  the 
United  States  under  that  treaty  7 

V.  Has  the  United  States  any  right,  and,  if  so,  what 
right,  of  protection  or  property  in  the  fur  seals  frequenting 
the  islands  of  the  United  States  in  Behring  Sea  when  such 
seals  are  found  outside  the  ordinary  three-mile  limit. 

Besides  "these  questions  it  was  stipulated  that  in  the 
event  of  the  United  States  being  declared  to  have  no  ex- 
clusive rights  outside  of  the  three  mile  limit,  a  decision 
should  be  made  as  to  the  necessary  concurrent  regulations 
for  the  preservation  of  the  fur  seal,  and  that  the  arbitrators 
should  say  whether  damages  were  to  be  awarded  Canada 
in  the  event  of  the  decision  upon  questions  of  right  going 
against  the  United  States. 

Sir  John  Thompson's  appointment  as  an  Arbitrator 
was  hailed  with  general  satisfaction.  Even  his  strongest 
opponents  conceded  the  fact  that  in  judicial  qualifications 
id  breadth  of  intellect  no  better  selection  could  be  made. 
It  was  felt  that  his  known  firmness  of  character,  his  know- 
ledge of  maritime  law,  and  previous  experience  in  minor 
diplomatic  missions,  peculiarly  fitted  him  for  the  mainte- 
lance  of  Canadian  rights  at  this  important  juncture.  Con- 
fidence was  also  entertained  in  his  justness  of  view  and 
ibility  to  discriminate  between  blustering  claims  and  those 
founded  upon  at  least  a  measure  of  right.  The  Speech  from 
the  Throne  in  proroguing  Parliament  on  April  1st,  1893, 
practically  embodied  this  sentiment  of  fairness  in  words  no 

21 


322  LIFE  AND  WORK  OF 

doubt  approved,  if  not  prepared,  by  Sir  John  Thompson 
himself ;  "  the  nomination  of  the  Prime  Minister  of  Canada 
as  one  of  the  Arbitrators  affords  a  guarantee  that  the  in- 
terests of  our  sealers  will  be  properly,  though  not  unduly, 
safeguarded."  Only  those  who  have  been  able  to  closely 
follow  American  diplomacy  as  displayed  in  the  various 
Washington  Treaty  negotiations,  and  in  the  Alabama  and 
other  questions,  can  fully  appreciate  the  distinction  between 
the  calm  dignity  of  that  simple  sentence  and  the  assertive 
and  aggressive  nature  of  American  claims  in  general  inter- 
national differences. 

Every  possible  environment  of  luxury  and  hospitality 
awaited  the  Arbitrators  when  they  met  in  Paris  on  April 
4th.  Spacious  rooms  in  the  Foreign  Office  were  placed  at 
their  disposal,  and  entertainments  without  number  and 
without  price  were  given  them  by  the  kindly  leaders,  social 
and  political,  of  the  French  Republic.  But  it  was  a  period 
of  very  hard  work  as  well  as  one  of  enjoyment  in  the  form 
of  banquets  and  receptions.  There  were  specialists  present 
in  every  branch  covered  by  the  arguments  of  the  counsel 
— the  British  staff  included  more  than  fifteen — and  besides 
the  necessity  of  mastering  all  the  voluminous  special  re- 
ports thus  presented  numberless  drafts  of  each  argument 
had  to  be  studied,  and  modified  or  elaborated  by  the  arbi- 
trators to  suit  the  circumstances  and  their  convictions  in 
the  premises.  The  position  of  Sir  John  Thompson  was 
peculiarly  difficult.  As  the  Canadian  Premier  he  was  re- 
sponsible to  the  Canadian  Parliament  for  whatever  decision 
he  accepted.  As  a  British  arbitrator  he  was  responsible  to 
the  Imperial  Government  in  this  attempt  to  settle  a  ques- 
tion which  could  now  only  be  disposed  of  by  arbitration  or 
war. 

He  had  to  find  or  accept  some  plan  by  which  the  ulti- 
mately admitted  right  of  Canadians  to  seal  in  Behring  Sea 


HON.  THOMAS  GREENWAY. 
Prime  Minister  of  Manitoba. 


SIR  JOHN  THOMPSON.  325 

might  be  reconciled  with  the  equally  proper  desire,  as 
expressed  by  the  Americans,  for  the  preservation  of  the 
species  from  final  destruction.  He  had  to  face  the 
contention  of  the  United  States  that  Canada  was  the 
cause  of  the  whole  trouble ;  that  it  was  aggressive  and 
hostile  to  the  Republic ;  that  its  influence  was  so  great  in 
the  Imperial  Government  as  to  make  it  a  constant  source 
of  annoyance  to  the  United  States  and  the  cause  of 
unfriendly  relations  between  that  country  and  the  Empire. 
Fortunately  for  a  satisfactory  solution,  Lord  Hannen 
became  greatly  impressed  with  the  knowledge  and  force- 
fulness  of  character  displayed  by  Sir  John,  and  sup- 
ported him  strongly  in  the  various  discussions  which  took 
place.  And  it  was  natural  that  such  should  have  been  the 
case.  A  weak  Canadian  representative  would  have  in- 
volved a  lack  of  backbone  in  the  British  arbitrator,  no 
matter  how  well  intentioned  the  latter  might  have  been. 
A  strong  Canadian  meant  two  British  Commissioners  work- 
ing for  the  interests  of  both  Canada  and  Britain,  instead  of 
one  who  might  have  aimed  chiefly  at  the  making  of  a 
Treaty  which  would  relieve  England  of  a  serious  diplomatic 
trouble,  even  if  it  sacrificed  some  unappreciated  Canadian 
interest. 

The  arguments  of  counsel  on  both  sides  were  long  and 
able ;  although  the  Americans,  as  usual,  were  away  ahead 
in  the  amount  of  talking  done  and  in  the  length  of  speeches. 
One  unfortunate  occurrence,  was  the  use  by  the  American 
counsel  of  certain  documents  which  appeared  to  prove  the 
Russian  claim  to  exclusive  jurisdiction  in  Behring  Sea, 
but  which,  after  submission  to  the  Tribunal,  were  found  to 
the  astonishment  of  all  concerned,  to  have  been  very  clever 
forgeries,  perpetrated  by  an  employe*  of  the  United  States 
Department  of  State.  They  were  promptly  withdrawn,  but 
with  them  went  a  part  of  the  American  claims.  Finally, 


3*26  LIFE   AND  WORK  OF 

judgment  was  given  on  August  15th,  and  on  every  claim 
advanced  by  the  United  States  regarding  maritime  juris- 
diction and  exclusive  rights,  decision  was  given  against  the 
Republic,  and  in  favour  of  the  contentions  so  long  and  skil- 
fully maintained  by  Canada  and  Britain.  But  the  Tribunal 
decided  to  prescribe  regulations,  and  by  a  majority  vote — 
Judge  Harlan  and  Senator  Morgan  dissenting  because  they 
were  not  sufficiently  vigourous,  and  Sir  John  Thompson 
for  the  opposite  reason — it  was  settled  that  no  seals  were 
to  be  taken  within  a  zone  of  sixty  miles  of  the  Pribyloff 
Islands ;  that  the  close  season  was  to  be  from  May  1st,  to 
July  31st ;  that  only  sealing  vessels  with  a  special  license, 
and  a  distinguishing  flag  should  be  allowed  to  seal ;  and 
that  the  use  of  nets  and  firearms  should  be  forbidden.  It 
was  also  decided  that  an  indemnity — the  amount  to  be 
afterwards  settled — must  be  paid  Canadian  sealers  by  the 
United  States  Government,  for  the  vessels  and  cargoes 
which  had  been  unlawfully  captured. 

The  result  was  really  a  great  victory  for  British 
interests  in  both  the  Imperial  and  the  purely  Canadian  sense. 
In  the  former  connection  it  secured  an  invaluable  prin- 
ciple regarding  maritime  jurisdiction  which  it  would  have 
been  madness  for  the  Empire  to  have  allowed  any  infring- 
ment  of ;  it  settled  a  difficult  and  dangerous  question ;  it 
restored  friendly  relations  with  the  United  States.  In  the 
latter  it  proved  Canada  to  have  had  justice  and  right 
upon  its  side  ;  it  vindicated  the  policy  of  Canadian  states- 
men ;  it  showed  that  the  Mother  Country  was  standing 
behind  the  Dominion,  and  guarding  local  as  well  as  Im- 
perial interests  ;  it  freed  Canadian  sealers  from  the  charge 
of  poaching ;  it  promised  to  restore  to  them  the  property 
so  unjustly  taken  away.  The  only  objection  was  the  fear 
which  Sir  John  felt  as  to  the  effects  of  the  regulations  upon 
the  Canadian  sealing  industry,  which,  however,  were  so 


sm  JOHN  THOMPSON.  327 

happily  dissipated  by  experience,  and  by  the  unequalled 
catch  which  followed  during  the  season  of  189-t. 

Rewards  and  honours  were  freely  bestowed  upon  those 
taking  part  in  the  British  case.  Sir  Richard  Webster  and 
Sir  Charles  Russell  were  each  given  the  insignia  of  a 
G.C.  M.G.  The  latter  also  became,  not  long  afterwards,  Lord 
Russell  of  Killowen  and  Chief  Justice  of  England.  Mr. 
Christopher  Robinson,  Q.C.,  of  Toronto,  was  offered  Knight- 
hood, but  for  personal  reasons  declined  the  honour.  The 
able  young  Minister  of  Marine  and  Fisheries,  who  had 
devoted  so  much  time  and  labour  to  the  preparation  of  the 
case,  was  made  a  K.C.M.G.,  and  last,  but  not  least,  the 
Premier  of  Canada  was  called  to  the  Imperial  Privy  Coun- 
cil— and  became  entitled  to  the  greatly  valued  prefix  of 
"  Right  Honourable."  Membership  in  Her  Majesty's  Privy 
Council  is  a  rare  distinction  outside  the  United  Kingdom, 
and  within  its  bounds  is  considered  by  many  public  men  to 
be  ample  reward  for  a  lifetime  of  loyal  service.  For  many 
years  Sir  John  A.  Macdonald  was  the  only  Colonial  states- 
man who  had  attained  the  distinction  ;  then  William  Bede 
Dalley,  the  eloquent  Australian  politician,  who  was  instru- 
mental in  sending  the  famous  contingent  to  the  Soudan, 
joined  the  ranks;  and  a  few  years  later  Sir  Alfred  Stephen, 
the  greatest  of  Australian  jurists,  and  a  man  of  the  highest 
character  and  most  distinguished  political  reputation,  was 
appointed.  All  are  now  dead,  including  Sir  John  Thomp- 
son himself : 

"  Like  clouds  that  rake  the  mountain  summits, 

Or  waves  that  own  no  curbing  hand  ! 
How  fast  has  brother  followed  brother 
From  sunshine  to  the  sunless  land." 

Apart  from  the  distinguished  honour  bestowed  by  his 
Sovereign,  the  Premier's  services  upon  this  great  Imperial 
occasion  were  recognized  in  Canada  with  no  grudging 


328  LIFE  AND  WORK  OF 

praise  or  half-hearted  approval.  Politics  for  the  moment 
were  dropped,  and  although  there  was  some  slight  attempt 
afterwards  to  make  capital  out  of  the  apparent  danger  of 
the  sealers  from  the  new  regulations,  all  agreed  as  to  the 
commanding  ability  shown  by  Sir  John  Thompson  at 
Paris.  Speaking  at  Belleville  on  September  28th  fol- 
lowing their  return,  Sir  Charles  Hibbert  Tupper  referred 
enthusiastically  to  the  work  done  by  his  chief : 

"  I  desire  to  say,  and  history  will  tell  you  that  what  I 
say  is  true,  that  our  own  leader,  a  true  Canadian,  a 
Canadian  born,  took  first  rank  at  that  Tribunal.  While  I 
don't  say  that  your  interests  would  have  been  unsafe  in  the 
hands  and  under  the  management  of  English  statesmen,  I 
know  that  the  Britith  Foreign  Secretary  will  agree  with 
me  when  I  tell  you,  in  reference  to  this  question  and  the 
regulations  in  reference  to  the  settling  of  the  immediate 
interests  of  the  people  on  our  Pacific  coast,  that  we  would 
have  come  out  very  small  indeed  had  we  not  had  Sir  John 
Thompson  forming  one  of  the  court  which  heard  that  case." 

Senator  Miller,  speaking  to  an  interviewer  after  his 
return  from  a  prolonged  visit  to  Europe  during  the  months 
in  which  the  Arbitration  had  been  progressing,  declared 
with  equal  emphasis  that  two  things  had  been  conclusively 
proved  in  this  connection :  first,  the  ample  justice  of  the 
British  case,  and  second,  the  transcendant  ability  of  Sir 
John  Thompson :  "  Although  the  deliberations  of  the 
tribunal  were  private,  it  is  an  open  secret  that  the  Cana- 
dian Premier  was  the  master  mind  of  the  Arbitration,  and 
I  am  told  that  his  concise  and  able  replies  to  the  theories 
advanced  by  Senator  Morgan  and  Judge  Harlan,  in  their 
lengthy  addresses,  created  the  most  profound  impression 
on  the  minds  of  the  neutral  arbitrators."  And  somewhat 
similar  tributes  have  since  been  paid  by  Sir  R.  Webster 
and  Sir  C.  Russell. 


SIR  JOHN   THOMPSON.  o2f) 

Upon  his  reaching  Quebec  on  August  25th,  accom- 
panied by  Sir  Charles  Tupper  and  by  the  Minister  of 
Marine  and  Fisheries,  Sir  John  was  received  by  a  number 
of  prominent  men  and  welcomed  back  to  Canada.  In  an 
interview  with  a  Toronto  Empire  correspondent,  the 
Premier  dealt  at  length  with  the  issues  which  had  been 
involved.  He  pointed,  out  that  the  British  Government 
had  already  compensated  Canadian  sealers  to  the  extent  of 
$100,000  for  abstaining  from  seal  hunting  in  Behring  Sea 
during  the  operation  of  the  modus  vivendi,  and  that  under 
the  terms  of  the  Award  the  United  States  would  be  com- 
pelled to  pay  damages  for  the  vessels  illegally  seized  during 
many  years'  past.  The  claims  for  compensation  had  all 
been  filed  in  London,  and  carefully  adjusted.  It  may  be 
said  here  that  the  amount  ultimately  agreed  upon — 
$425,000 — has  not  yet  been  paid  by  the  American  Gov- 
ernment.* He  went  on  to  indicate  the  importance  of  the 
decision.  The  contentions  of  the  United  States  involved 
nothing  short  of  "  absolute  dominion  over  the  Behring  Sea 
for  all  purposes,"  and  the  American  claims  were  so  aggres- 
sively urged  that  "  there  could  have  been  but  one  solution 
of  the  difficult  situation  if  arbitration  had  not  been  resorted 
to,  and  that  was  war." 

The  next  day  Sir  John  Thompson  arrived  at  Alexan- 
dria on  his  way  to  Ottawa,  and  was  welcomed  by  a  crowd 
of  people,  a  band  and  a  royal  salute  from  some  guns  which 
had  been  mounted  for  the  purpose.  An  address  was  pre- 
sented, and  in  his  reply  the  Premier  dwelt  upon  the 
national  import  of  the  mission  from  which  he  had  just 
returned ;  its  removal  of  a  cause  of  serious  dispute  ;  and  its 
proof  of  the  advantages  accruing  from  British  connection. 
A  little  later  in  the  day  he  reached  Ottawa,  and  was  met 
by  assembled  citizens  and  presented  with  an  address  from 
•February  12th,  1895. 


330  LIFE  AND   WORK   OF 

the  Civic  Council.  Bat  the  compliment  he  most  keenly 
appreciated  in  this  connection  was  the  banquet  tendered 
by  the  St.  James'  Club,  Montreal,  on  November  21st.  The 
commercial  metropolis  had  already  on  September  12th, 
done  something  in  the  form  of  public  addresses  and  a 
public  reception  to  welcome  the  Prime  Minister  home,  but 
it  remained  for  the  St.  James'  Club  dinner  to  complete  the 
pleasant  tribute. 

A  large  number  of  prominent  political  opponents 
shared  in  the  demonstration,  and  it  was  this  which  so 
greatly  enhanced  the  pleasure  with  which  Sir  John  is 
known  to  have  regarded  this  particular  incident.  Always 
disliking  partisanship,  it  was  to  him  like  a  green  and 
beautiful  oasis  in  a  desert  of  political  expediency  and  party 
considerations.  An  interesting  feature  of  the  occasion  was 
a  letter  from  Judge  Davidson,  of  Montreal,  regretting  his 
inability  to  attend,  and  stating  of  the  Premier  that,  "  In  a 
sense  which  is  far  away  from  and  far  above  the  strife  of 
parties,  he  deserves  this  tribute  to  his  life  and  character  as 
a  public  man,  for  to  all  of  us  Canadians  he  stands  out  as  an 
example  of  the  lesson  taught  by  Demosthenes  that  '  man 
is  not  born  to  his  parents  only,  but  to  his  country/  " 

Sir  John  Thompson  appreciated  these  kind  words  so 
greatly  that  he  wrote  privately  on  November  27th  to  Mr. 
Justice  Davidson  in  a  style  which  indicates  how  much  he 
really  felt  political  abuse  and  misrepresentation : 

"  MY  DEAR  JUDGE — 

"  Our  friend,  Judge  Wurtele,  showed  me  your  very 
kind  letter  to  him  on  the  occasion  of  the  dinner  of  last 
week  at  St.  James'  Club.  1  thank  you  most  sincerely  for 
this  and  all  the  other  indications  of  your  kindness  which 
I  have  had.  The  banquet  was  a  splendid  affair,  and  the 
cordiality  of  everybody  was  very  charming.  I  owe  more 


SIR  JOHN  THOMPSON.  331 

thanks  than  I  can  ever  give  for  such  a  splendid  compli- 
ment. WTe,  who  are  in  political  life,  have  to  endure  many 
insults  and  suspicions  which  we  do  not  deserve,  and  must, 
therefore,  be  permitted  to  take  with  equanimity  kindnesses 
like  these  which  far  exceed  our  merits.  Friends  like 
Wurfcele  and  yourself,  and  a  few  others,  work  out  this  law 
of  compensation  in  such  a  way  as  to  relieve  public  life  of 
its  cares  and'odium. 

"  I  remain,  dear  Judge,  yours  sincerely, 

"JNO.  S.  D.  THOMPSON." 

At  the  banquet  itself,  which  was  presided  over  by  Sir 
Donald  Smith,  M.P.,  the  Premier  spoke  strongly  concerning 
the  valuable  results  of  the  arbitration : 

"  Canada  received  everything  she  would  be  glad  to 
have  accepted  after  a  triumphant  war,  and  she  got  them 
without  any  of  the  losses  which  war  would  have  entailed. 
The  lesson  which  bears  on  our  future  was  to  be  derived 
from  the  attitude  of  Great  Britain.  Her  forbearance  and 
sagacity  avoided  war,  and  the  treatment  accorded  Canada 
was  an  achievement  of  which  we  might  well  be  proud. 
When  we  appear  with  Her 'Majesty's  commission  in  our 
hands,  no  foreign  diplomat  dares  to  question  our  creden- 
ils." 

A  few  months  later,  on  March  16th,  1891,  and  during 
debate  on  the  Address,  Mr.  Laurier  attacked  the  Treaty 

account  of  the  regulations,  and  accused  Sir  John 
»ompson  of  having  returned  home  and  spoken  of  the 
proceedings  in  a  spirit  of  brag  and  bluster.  Nothing  could 
be  more  incongruous  with  the  known  character  of  the 
Premier  than  such  a  charge,  and  his  speech  in.  reply 
brushed  away  the  attack  like  cobwebs  from  a  ceiling.  He 
showed  his  complete  knowledge  of  the  intricacies  of  the 
whole  question,  and  in  a  very  short  time  demolished  his 


332  LIFE   AND  WORK   OF 

opponent's  fine-spun  theories,  concluding  with  the  state- 
ment that : 

"  I  have  professed  great  satisfaction  at  the  upholding, 
in  the  most  solemn  way  and  before  all  the  nations,  of  the 
doctrine  for  which  we  in  this  House  have  contended,  for 
which  we  have  contended  in  our  correspondence  with  the 
Imperial  Government,  and  for  which  no  Deople  in  this 
country  have  so  zealously  contended  as  my  hon.  friend  and 
those  who  sit  beside  him,  namely,  for  the  right  of  Canada 
to  have  a  ruling  voice  in  negotiations  which  affect  her 
interests." 


SIR  JOHN   THOMPSON.  333 


CHAPTER  XIX. 
SIR  JOHN  THOMPSON  AND  MR.  MCCARTHY. 

During  the  comparatively  brief,  but  important,  period 
of  what  may  be  termed  his  national  career,  Sir  John  Thomp- 
son had  no  mean  opponents  to  encounter  and  to  overcome. 
Mr.  Blake  was  a  f  oeman  worthy  of  any  steel.  From  a  purely 
intellectual  standpoint  he  was  probably  the  equal  of  any 
man  in  the  House  -of  Commons  and  the  superior  of 
most.  Oratorically,  he  was  not  unlike  the  Minister  of  Jus- 
tice in  the  days  when  they  were  pitted  against  each  other. 
They  both  had  the  same  faculty  for  amassing  information 
and  conveying  it  to  the  listener  in  logical  and  well- sustained 
periods.  But  Mr.  Blake  does  not  appear  to  have  been  as 
ready  in  his  command  of  language,  and  the  toil  which  he 
used  to  bestow  upon  the  preparation  of  an  important  speech 
and  the  committing  of  it  to  memory,  is  a  familiar  matter  to 
those  who  knew  him.  As  politicians  all  that  can  be  said 
in  a  few  words  is  that  one  succeeded  while  the  other  failed. 
Mr.  Laurier  was  a  delightful  opponent,  and  no  one  appre- 
ciated his  courtesy,  tact,  and  natural  graces  of  manner  and 
oratory  more  than  did  Sir  John  Thompson.  In  many  re- 
spects they  were  as  opposite  as  the  poles.  The  Liberal 
leader  was  apparently  open  in  speech  and  style,  excitable 
at  times  as  is  characteristic  of  his  race,  impetuous,  and 
somewhat  changeable.  Sir  John  was  always  a  reserved 
man,  and  this  tendency  increased  rather  than  diminished 
with  additional  responsibilities.  He  never  appeared  to  be 
excited,  or  so  rarely  as  to  make  it  almost  remarkable  ;  was 


B! 


334  LIFE  AND   WORK   OF 

never  rash  or  hasty ;  and  when  once  his  mind  was  made  up 
it  was  seldom  changed.  With  Sir  Richard  Cartwright 
there  was,  of  course,  many  a  tilt,  but  on  the  whole  Sir  John 
Thompson  appears  to  have  rather  admired  the  uncompro- 
mising political  hostility  of  the  Kingston  knight.  And 
this  may  be  said  in  spite  of  the  scathing  Parliamentary 
attack  of  a  certain  memorable  occasion.  He  is  known 
also  to  have  appreciated  the  ability  displayed  in  the 
Budget  criticisms,  which  during  so  many  years,  have  helped 
to  fill  up  the  bill-of-fare  in  the  House  of  Commons  with  a 
never  failing  raciness  of  invective  and  retort.  In  this 
respect  Sir  Richard  is  probably  the  most  powerful  speaker 
Canada  has  ever  possessed.  Without  the  ruggedness  of 
George  Brown  he  has  a  sarcastic  style  which  seems  to 
permeate  not  only  his  speech  but  himself,  and  which  cer- 
tainly makes  his  invective  the  bitterest  of  that  of  any  man 
in  Canadian  public  life. 

The  Hon.  David  Mills  was  another  opponent  whose 
knowledge  of  constitutional  precedents  and  deep  reading  in 
general  history  made  him  worthy  of  every  respect  and 
attention.  Mr.  L.  H.  Davies,  of  Prince  Edward  Island,  has 
for  a  long  time  ,been  one  of  the  Liberal  leaders  whose  place 
is  secure  in  the  event  of  party  success  at  the  polls,  and  his 
characteristic  Maritime  eloquence  had  been  known  to  Sir 
John  Thompson  since  the  period  of  the  Halifax  Fisheries' 
Award,  when  they  found  themselves  for  the  first  time  pro- 
minently opposed  to  each  other.  And  so  with  many  more 
—the  eloquent  Paterson  of  Brant :  Fraser,  the  forcible  free- 
trader from  down  by  the  sea ;  Lister,  the  fighting  Liberal ; 
the  fiery  Tarte  ;  the  irrepressible  Devlin.  But  the  one  man 
who  stands  distinctly  out  as  the  head  and  front  of  the  op- 
position to  Sir  John  Thompson  during  recent  years  is  Mr. 
D' Alton  McCarthy.  Circumstances  seemed  to  combine  in 
order  that  the  two  men  should  appear  in  sharp  antagonism 


SIR  JOHN   THOMPSON.  335 

to  one  another.  Mr.  McCarthy  had  refused  to  join  the 
Liberal  Opposition.  He  had  declined  tp_  any  longer  sup- 
port the  Conservative  party.  And  his  hostility  to  the 
Conservative  leader,  whether  personal  or  political,  was 
voiced  in  nearly  every  important  issue  which  has  come 
before  the  House  or  the  country  since  1887. 

The  unquestioned  ability  and  force  which  the  member 
for  North  Simcoe  displayed  in  his  speeches,  furnishes,  of 
course,  all  the  greater  tribute  to  the  success  with  which  Sir 
John  Thompson  surmounted  the  difficulties  so  greatly  aug- 
mented by  Mr.  McCarthy's  attitude  and  advocacy.  And  in 
the  same  way  the  high  rank  which  so  many  of  the  Liberal 
leaders  took  in  debate,  oratory,  and  upon  the  stump  illus- 
trated the  qualities  of  courage,  concentration  and  conviction 
which  were  needed  to  place  a  comparatively  new  man  firmly 
in  the  saddle  of  political  supremacy  and  to  maintain  him  in 
power. 

It  is  safe  to  say  in  this  connection  that  the  public  life 
of  Canada  has  never  seen  two  men  so  diametrically  opposed 
in  convictions  and  characteristics  as  were  Sir  John  and 
Mr.  McCarthy,  able  to  remain  so  long  within  the  ranks 
of  the  same  party ;  working  together  in  the  interests  of 
the  same  political  leader.  The  one  entered  the  national 
arena  in  1885  under  the  local  auspices,  and  with  the 
warm  co-operation  of  the  hierarchy  of  his  native  Prov- 
ince. Though  his  appointment  in  itself  was  a  tribute  to 
personal  ability  and  to  judicial  services,  it  is  none  the 
less  a  fact  that  his  environment  was  such  as  would  have 
imperceptibly  influenced  any  man  not  possessed  of  strong 
principles  and  a  still  stronger  sense  of  duty.  He  reached 
Ottawa  entirely  new  to  his  surroundings,  to  the  leaders  with 
whom  he  had  to  serve,  and  to  the  politicians  whom  he  would 
be  expected  to  lead.  He  came  also  heralded  as  a  lawyer 
of  high  ability  and  a  jurist  of  considerable  reputation. 


336  LIFE   AND   WORK    OF 

There  he  found  Mr.  D' Alton  McCarthy  established  as 
a  politician  of  long  standing,  of  experience,  and  of  cabinet 
rank.  A  close  friend  and  intimate  advisor  of  Sir  John 
Macdonald,  he  was  in  addition  the  leader  of  the  Ontario 
bar,  and  it  was  currently  and  very  correctly  supposed  that 
he  had  been  offered  the  particular  portfolio  which  Mr. 
Thompson  had  just  assumed.  Naturally  too  he  had  been 
consulted  for  some  years  past  upon  constitutional  issues  as 
being  an  eminent  lawyer,  and  upon  political  questions  as 
being  President  of  the  Conservative  Union  of  Ontario  and 
the  recognized  party  leader  in  that  important  Province. 
But  when  the  new  Minister  of  Justice  forged  to  the  front 
as  an  authority  upon  legal  matters,  and  as  one  upon  whom 
the  Prime  Minister  in  his  growing  physical  weakness  could 
confidently  throw  much  of  the  burden  of  what  may  be 
called  working  government ;  it  was  inevitable  that  the 
position  of  an  outside  supporter  and  friend  should  become, 
not  necessarily  less  confidential,  but  certainly  less  influen- 
tial. And  this  might  occur  without  reflecting  in  any  way 
upon  the  ability  and  services  of  Mr.  McCarthy. 

It  was  simply  the  inevitable  result  of  a  strong  man  tak- 
ing the  place  which  the  former  might  himself  have  filled  with 
eminent  success.  For  a  time  the  two  men  worked  together 
in  apparent  harmony,  but  it  was  not  long  before  the  diver- 
gence began  to  commence  and  develop.  The  Kiel  platform 
should  have  served  as  a  mutual  standing  ground,  but  even 
here  the  contrast  came  out  sharply.  Mr.  Thompson  (as  he 
was  then)  made  a  tour  of  the  Province  with  the  Premier 
during  the  elections  of  1887.  Everywhere  he  preached 
moderation ;  justice  and  fairplay  to  all  races  and  creeds ; 
toleration  and  a  united  Dominion.  Meantime,  Mr.  Mc- 
Carthy— Barrie  February  4th — was  paving  the  way  for  a 
very  different  policy  :  "  Do  you  suppose,"  he  declared,  "  that 
the  men  of  Ontario  are  willing  to  submit  for  a  prolonged 


SIR  JOHN  THOMPSON.  337 

period  to  a  condition  of  subjection  to  one  race—and  I  speak 
not  of  Ontario  alone  but  of  every  man  outside  of  the 
French  nationality  ?  .  .  .  Do  they  mix  with  us ;  assim- 
ilate with  us  ;  intermarry  with  us  ;  do  they  read  our  liter- 
ture  or  learn  our  laws?  No:  everything  with  them  is 
conducted  on  a  French  model,  and  while  we  may  admire 
members  of  that  race  as  individuals,  yet  as  members  of  the 
body  politic,  I  say  they  are  the  great  danger  to  our  con- 
federacy." 

Then  came  the  Jesuits'  Estates  Question,  and  the 
differences  along  these  lines  became  still  more  evident  and 
distinct.  Sir  John  Thompson  did  what  he  conceived  to  be 
his  duty  in  a  time  of  sectarian  danger  and  sectional  strife. 
He  even  went  slightly  out  of  his  way  to  defend  a  religious 
body  against  which  so  many  Protestants  have  been,  and 
are,  hopelessly  and  sincerely  prejudiced,  and  which  Mr. 
McCarthy  attacked  with  much  power.  He  endeavoured 
to  throw  a  wet  blanket  upon  the  agitation  which  Mr.  Mc- 
Carthy was  stirring  up  and  fanning  into  a  flame.  While 
the  one  was  counselling  moderation  and  talking  of  the 
rights  of  Provinces,  the  dangers  of  strife,  and  the  necessity 
of  governing  a  mixed  community  upon  principles  of  toler- 
ation and  kindliness  to  all,  the  other  was  telling  the  people 
of  Stayner,  and  incidentally  of  Canada — July  12th,  1889— 
that  "  now  is  the  time  when  the  ballot  box  will  decide  this 
great  question  before  the  people,  and  if  that  does  not 
supply  the  remedy  in  this  generation,  bayonets  will  supply 
it  in  the  next."  And  with  the  coming  of  the  French 
language  and  Manitoba  schools'  questions,  the  divergence 
between  the  two  leaders  became  so  marked  that  in  looking 
jk  it  is  difficult  to  see  how  they  remained  in  even  nominal 
lliance  as  long  as  they  did. 

Necessarily,  therefore,  as   Sir  John  Thompson  grew 
ito  leadership,  and  as  his  views  continued  to  have  more 

22 


338  LIFE   AND    WORK    OF 

and  more  weight  with  the  Conservative  party,  in  opposi- 
tion, at  least,  to  those  ennunciated  by  Mr.  McCarthy,  a 
public  political  separation  of  some  kind  became  inevitable. 
And  at  the  last  moment  the  thread  became  so  attenuated 
that  the  friends  of  both  leaders  were  simply  awaiting  the 
movement  which  should  make  it  snap.  As  it  happened,  the 
initiative  was  taken  by  the  Government  party  through  the 
medium  of  the  Toronto  Empire.  On  December  30th,  1892, 
that  paper  in  a  brief,  and  not  particularly  impressive 
editorial,  announced  that  "  for  some  time  past  the  political 
course  of  the  member  for  North  Simcoe  has  been  a  pro- 
longed and  entertaining  series  of  '  wobbles '."  It  declared 
that  Mr.  McCarthy  had  been  holding  quiet  meetings  in  his 
constituency  and  warning  his  friends  confidentially  that  he 
was  about  to  leave  the  Conservative  party.  The  article 
was  sarcastic  in  tone,  and  was  eminently  calculated  to  be 
offensive  to  the  politician  who  was  the  object  of  the  attack. 
A  wide  political  discussion  was  the  immediate  result. 
Mr.  McCarthjr  seized  the  occasion  to  say  that  he  had  been 
"read  out  of  the  party,"  and  really  did  not  seem  to  mind 
the  operation  very  much.  The  importance  of  the  news- 
paper deliverance  turned,  however,  upon  whether  it  was 
inspired  by,  or  known  to,  the  leaders  at  Ottawa.  A  mongst 
those  who  understood  the  close  relations  existing  between 
the  Empire  and  the  Government,  there  could  only  be  one 
opinion,  though  it  might  not  have  been  a  wise  one  to 
announce  at  the  moment.  And  now  that  this  particular 
page  of  journalistic  history  is  closed  forever,  it  can  do  no 
harm  to  say  that  the  political  policy  of  the  paper  was 
guided  very  largely  by  the  opinions  and  wishes  of  Sir  John 
A.  Macdonald,  and  of  Sir  John  Thompson  after  the  Chief- 
tain's death.  Not  that  either  of  the  leaders  would  offer 
suggestions  masked,  but  Mr.  Creighton,  as  the  Managing 
Director,  was  very  frequently  in  Ottawa,  and  was  always 


SIR  JOHN  THOMPSON.  330 

there  before  any  move  of  importance  was  made,  either  in 
politics  or  in  the  policy  of  the  Empire.  Financially,  it  was 
not  aided  by  advertising  and  Government  patronage  to 
even  a  fair  proportionate  extent,  and  certainly  not  by  the 
individual  help  of  Ministers ;  although  outside  opinion 
seemed  to  think  that  a  Government  organ  naturally  lived 
•ipon  the  Government. 

However  that  may  be,  the  denunciation  of  Mr.  Mc- 
Carthy, while  not  inspired  in  its  exact  wording  by  Sir  John 
Thompson,  was  without  a  shadow  of  doubt,  approved  by 
him  as  a  matter  of  party  policy  and  party  tactics.  The 
severance  was  coming  anyway,  and  at  the  critical  moment 
the  friends  of  the  Premier  might  as  well  be  allowed  to  take 
the  initiative.  And  aside  from  any  other  authority,  a 
comprehension  of  the  close  relations  existing  between  The 
Empire  management  and  the  Conservative  leader  would 
show  how  impossible  it  was  that  such  an  important  step 
should  have  been  taken  without  the  latter's  knowledge.  No 
doubt  also  this  fact  was  fully  appreciated  and  understood  by 
Mr.  McCarthy  himself.  Whether  it  was  a  wise  step  to  take, 
or  not,  is  a  debateable  question,  but  that  the  drifting  apart 
of  the  two  men  would  come  to  some  such  result  had  long 
been  absolutely  inevitable. 

After  this    occurrence    their  public    relations   were 
naturally  not  very  friendly.     That  there  was  any  personal 
hostility  felt  by  Sir  John  Thompson  towards  his  opponent 
md  critic  is  altogether  improbable.     Neither  by  word  or 
leed,  in  speech  or  document,  with  perhaps  one  exception, 
lid  he  exhibit  any  anger  or  bitterness  in  this  connection. 
Belleville,  during  the  demonstration  in  honour  of  Mr. 
>rby,  the  Premier  made  one  significant  reference,  but  it 
alone  in  the  many  speeches  of  that  autumn  tour  : 
The  men  who  would  divide  the  Conservative  party,  the 
len  who  would  divide  the   country — for  their  ambition 


340  LIFE   AND   WORK   OF 

goes  far  enough  to  divide  Canada  as  well  as  the  party — 
thank  God,  have  passed  out  of  our  ranks,  and  must  pur- 
sue their  nefarious  work  outside  of  them."  When.  Sir 
John  did  allow  .himself  scope  he  usually  spoke  strongly. 
Mr.  McCarthy's  position  in  his  own  defence,  and  in  reply 
to  The  Empire  was  at  first  strong  and  dignified.  In  a  letter 
published  on  January  2nd,  following  the  famous  editorial, 
he  claimed  as  much  right  to  belong  to  the  party  "  if  ser- 
vices and  devotion  count  for  anything,  as  any  man  now  in 
public  life."  He  then  outlined  the  points  upon  which  he 
differed  from  the  Conservative  leader : 

"  1.  With  reference  to  the  Act  respecting  the  Jesuits' 
Estates,  which  I  thought,  and  still  think,  ought  to  have 
been  disallowed  under  the  veto  power  by  His  Excellency 
the  Governor  General,  and  I  spoke  and  voted  accordingly. 

"2.  With  reference  to  the  provisions  regarding  the 
North- West  Territories,  whereby  the  French  language  had 
been  made  official  and  put  on  the  same  basis  as  the  English 
tongue,  which,  I  endeavored,  with  a  measure  of  success,  to 
expunge  from  the  statute  book. 

"  3.  The  enactments  as  to  the  separate  schools  in  the 
North- West,  which  I  have  sought,  and  at  times  aided  by 
some  of  those  who  are  now  Ministers  of  the  Crown,  to 
repeal. 

"  4.  I  did  most  strenuously  object  and  protest  against 
the  scheme  of  redistribution  of  seats  which  the  Govern- 
ment introduced  last  Session  and  which,  shorn  it  is  true  of 
some  of  its  most  objectionable  features,  passed  into  law." 

But  here  came  the  statement  which  has  made  this 
matter  historical,  and  which  lends  the  personal  element  to 
what  should  have  been  merely  a  political  incident.  Mr. 
McCarthy  goes  on  to  speak  of  the  National  Policy,  and 
points  out  that  "  Not  having  had  any  part,  and  not  having 
been  consulted  in  either  the  formation  of  the  Government 


MOST  REV.  ALEX  A.  TACHI£, 
Archbishop  of  St  Boniface,  Man, 


SIR  JOHN   THOMPSON.  24-3 

or  the  framing  of  its  policy,"  he  is  unable  to  reach  a 
satisfactory  conclusion  as  to  its  tariff  intentions.  This 
sentence  seemed  to  indicate  a  certain  amount  of  personal 
feeling  which  under  the  circumstances,  is  not  altogether 
surprising.  And  at  the  same  time  it  proved  that  he  regret- 
ted the  causes  which  had  so  perceptibly  and  steadily  driven 
him  along  a  road  which  seemed  to  most  people  capable  of 
only  one  termination.  When,  upon  Sir  John  Macdonald's 
death,  he  had  approached  the  Minister  of  Justice,  in  con- 
nection with  the  formation  of  a  new  Cabinet,  it  is  obvious 
that  he  then  believed  himself  as  fully  a  member  and  leader 
of  the  party  as  was  Sir  John  Thompson  himself. 

The  statement  thus  made  was  widely  commented 
upon,  and  was  practically  repeated  on  the  25th  of  January 
following  at  Stayner :  "  It  is  not  so  much  a  question  of 
policy  that  has  driven  me  out  of  the  ranks.  It  is  the  first 
time  since  I  have  been  in  public  life  that  I  have  been 
ignored  in  the  formation  of  a  new  Government.  If  I  can- 

o 

not  be  taken  into  the  confidence  of  the  councils  of  my 
party  it  is  time  to  assert  my  independence."  This  asser- 
tion was  followed  up  by  the  claim  that  the  Government 
were  responsible  for  the  action  of  The  Empire,  and  that 
the  latter  incident  was  a  principal  reason  for  his  now 
formally  withdrawing  from  the  Conservative  party  for 
which  in  days  gone  by  he  had  fought  so  brilliantly  and 
well. 

There  are  two  points  which  ought  to  be  considered  in 
coming  to  a  conclusion  upon  this  historical  matter.  One 
is  that  an  injustice  has  been  done  to  Sir  John  Thompson 
in  supposing  that  Mr.  McCarthy's  opposition  to  a  certain 
line  of  Government  policy  was  the  secret  reason  for  a  break 

>etween  the  leaders.     It  must  appear  from  what  has  been 
dd  that  such  a  result  was  inevitable,  apart  altogether 

from  the  one  being  a  strict  Roman  Catholic  and  the  other 


344  LIFE  AND   WORK   OF 

having  an  environment  of  stern  Protestantism.  The  fact 
is,  that  only  Sir  John  Macdonald's  leadership  could  have  held 
such  divergent  sympathies  in  any  kind  of  union.  When 
Sir  John  Thompson  became  the  practical  leader  in  1891, 
there  existed  no  earthly  reason  for  his  consulting  and 
working  with  Mr.  D' Alton  McCarthy.  It  might  have  been 
better  had  he  tried  to  do  so,  but  only  along  the  lines  of 
party  expediency,  and  even  the  wisdom  of  that  was  doubt- 
ful. The  truth  is,  that  Mr.  McCarthy  had  so  antagonized 
his  own  party  friends,  that  it  would  have  been  almost 
impossible  for  a  Prime  Minister  or  leader  to  have  asked  his 
co-operation  in  those  days  of  sectarian  and  sectional 
suspicion. 

But  justice  must  be  done  Mr.  McCarthy,  in  a  state- 
ment which  is  made  with  all  deference  to  his  distinguished 
abilities  and  public  services,  he  was  hardly  to  be  blamed 
for  expecting  consideration  and  attention  from  the  leaders 
who  had  succeeded  his  old  chief.  And  there  can  be  no 
doubt  of  his  consistency  and  independence  of  thought  and 
action  in  regard  to  French  Canadian  and  Roman  Catholic 
questions.  For  years  he  had  felt  earnestly  and  strongly 
that  something  must  be  done  to  check  what  he  considered 
dangerous  aggression,  and  a  man  who  had  really  sacrificed 
the  Premiership,  or  a  very  great  chance  of  obtaining  it,  for 
principle,  deserved  as  much  praise  as  he  very  often  received 
blame.  As  a  matter  of  fact  also  the  particular  questions 
which  he  brought  to  the  front — the  Jesuits'  Estates  Bill, 
the  French  language,  and  the  Manitoba  schools — were 
never  made  really  party  issues,  and  he  was  therefore 
justified  to  a  certain  extent  in  believing  himself  still  a 
Conservative.  And  this  despite  the  fact  that  the  whole 
tendency  of  these  agitations  was  against  the  national  unity 
and  good  feeling  for  which  both  the  political  parties  were 
nominally  struggling. 


SIR  JOHN   THOMPSON.  345 

He  probably  thought  the  issue  a  personal  one  between 
himself  and  Sir  John  Thompson.  For  a  long  time  indeed 
they  agreed  upon  the  fiscal  question,  and  while  that  was 
the  case,  it  is  difficult  to  see  how  Mr.  McCarthy  could  have 
been  "read  out"  of  the  party  unless  he  wanted  to  go. 
But  finally  that  link  went  also,  and  the  only  thing  which 
continued  to  evidence  a  bond  of  fellowship  was  loyalty  to 
a  common  sentiment  regarding  British  union,  and  objection 
to  any  touch  of  Continentalism  in  trade  or  principle. 
The  personal  element,  however,  showed  itself  more  and 
more  strongly  as  time  went  on,  and  this  must  be  pointed 
out  in  order  to  illustrate  the  justice  of  Sir  John's  conclu- 
sion that  they  could  not  longer  work  together  within  the 
same  party.  During  a  speech  at  Toronto  in  April  follow- 
ing The  Empire  episode,  Mr.  McCarthy  referred  to  what 
he  called  "  the  maintenance  of  the  dual  language  iniquity 
and  the  separate  school  anomaly  in  the  North- West,"  and 
asked  if  they  constituted  Tory  doctrine.  If  so,  then,  "  I 
am  not  a  Tory.  If  it  is  a  Conservative  plank,  I  want  to 
know  when  it  was  put  in  the  platform.  Was  it  when  Sir 
John  Thompson  took  charge  of  affairs  ?  I  think  it  was." 

Speaking  on  May  1st  at  Orangeville,  he  was  still  more 
explicit.  He  pointed  out  that  he  was  "  an  older  man  than 
Sir  John,  older  in  political  experience,  and  older,  too,  than 
most  of  the  statesmen  he  had  summoned."  But  the 
Premier  had  formed  his  Cabinet.  "  They  had  all  seen  it 
and  perhaps  they  liked  it.  It  was  a  wonderful  organiza- 
tion, so  nicely  balanced  between  the  orange  and  the  green. 
The  equipoise  was  so  excellent  that  it  could  not  move  for- 
ward— it  had  no  volition."  This  is  rather  bitter,  and  shows 
the  tendency  of  the  speaker.  At  Listowel,  on  October  12th 
he  observed  :  "I  am  perfectly  indifferent,  politically  speak- 
ing, as  to  what  the  future  may  have  in  store  for  me.  I  am 
lot  going  to  allow  any  man  to  silence  me ;  I  am  not  going 


346  LIFE   AND   WORK   OF 

to  bend  the  knee  to  Sir  John  Thompson  or  Mr.  Laurier,  or 
anyone  else."  Again,  on  Dec.  19th,  at  Millbrook,  this 
feeling  came  out  even  more  distinctly.  Referring  to  the 
then  recent  Liberal  victory  in  Winnipeg,  he  declared  that 
his  friends  there  had  done  much  towards  Mr.  Martin's 
success,  and  concluded  by  denouncing  Sir  John  Thompson 
for  his  somewhat  famous  phrase  used  about  this  time  in 
describing  the  two  Liberal  champions  of  Roman  Catholicism 
and  Protestantism  respectively,  as  "  the  Black  Tarte  and 
the  Yellow  Martin  " :  "  Mr.  Martin  is  the  man  who  framed 
the  law  which  repealed  Separate  Schools  in  Manitoba.  Is 
he  entitled  to  such  an  epithet  for  that  act  ?  Martin  will 
be  remembered  long  after  the  Premier  is  forgotten." 

It  is,  therefore,  evidently  impossible,  after  a  perusal  of 
Mr.  McCarthy's  speeches  before  and  since  the  event,  to 
blame  Sir  John  Thompson  for  his  action  in  December, 
1892,  or  to  suppose  that,  so  far  as  he  was  concerned,  per- 
sonal or  religious  feelings  had  anything  to  do  with  the 
matter.  Nor  is  it  incompatible  with  sincere  respect  for  the 
late  Premier's  memory,  and  regard  for  his  great  life-work, 
to  feel  that  the  Equal  Rights  champion  was  sincere  and 
consistent  both  in  wishing  to  remain  within  the  party  and 
in  finally  leaving  it. 

And  aside  from  the  later  developments  in  connection 
with  trade  and  tariff  matters,  upon  which  opinions  will  differ, 
both  Sir  John  Thompson  and  Mr.  McCarthy  seem  to  have 
been  honestly  consistent,  and  honestly  antagonistic.  The 
one  thought  that  in  a  country  of  mixed  nationalities  and 
creeds,  the  only  possible  and  permanent  union  was  a  system 
of  working  by  mutual  sympathy,  forbearance  and  tolera- 
tion. The  other  considered  it  absolutely  necessary  to  build 
a  nation  as  you  would  a  house,  upon  a  foundation  of  stone 
unmixed  with  any  other  article — a  basis  of  similarity  in 
sentiment,  uniformity  in  language  and  approximation  in 


SIR  JOHN    THOMPSON.  347 

creed.  The  one  was  a  man  of  iron  will,  with  intellect  and 
passions  under  stern  subjection  to  his  sense  of  duty.  The 
other  also  possessed  a  strong  will,  but  with  a  somewhat 
luidecmous  and  enthusiastic  temperament.  The  one  was 
willing  to  work  and  mould  existing  material  with  the  aid 
of  time  and  patience ;  the  other  was  ready  to  overturn 
existing  institutions  or  policies  on  the  chance  of  replacing 
them  with  something  better.  Both  had  great  ability.  One 
is  gone  from  the  land  he  tried  so  well  to  serve,  the  other 
has  still  the  opportunity  for  great  and  useful  service  to 
his  country  and  empire. 


348  LIFE   AND   WORK   OF 


CHAPTER  XX. 

THE  NEW  GOVERNOR  GENERAL  AND  A  POLITICAL  TOUR. 

Immediately  following  Sir  John  Thompson's  return 
from  Paris  he  had  the  privilege  of  joining  in  the  welcome 
extended  to  the  Earl  and  Countess  of  Aberdeen,  who  had 
come  to  take  up  the  reins  of  vice -regal  authority,  and 
incidentally,  to  cement  the  warm  friendship  which  had 
already  grown  up  between  themselves  and  the  Prime 
Minister.  Lady  Aberdeen,  in  an  article  contributed  to  an 
English  journal  shortly  after  his  death,  vividly  pourtrays 
the  occasion  of  their  first  meeting  Sir  John.  It  was  on  the 
Parisian  during  a  trip  to  Canada  in  1891.  "  *  I  want  to 
introduce  to  you  the  Minister  of  Justice/  said  another 
Canadian  friend,  himself  a  former  Minister ;  and  but  few 
words  were  necessary  to  impress  one  with  a  sense  of  confi- 
dence and  trust  in  this  quiet,  strong,  earnest-looking  man, 
in  whose  eye,  however,  there  played  a  twinkle,  and  whose 
smile  lighted  up  a  countenance  full  of  sympathy  and  kind- 
liness. It  was  not  difficult  to  accept  his  friend's  description 
of  him  as  '  the  ablest  man  in  Canada/  " 

Her  Excellency  then  speaks  of  the  rare  nature  with 
which  he  was  endowed  ;  of  his  power  for  deep,  true  friend- 
ship ;  of  his  constant  and  beautiful  thought  for  others  ;  of 
the  strong  friendship,  which  had  gone  on  deepening  between 
them  from  that  day  until  his  sudden  and  mournful  death. 
And  there  was  much  in  this  case  to  create  that  bond  of 
sympathy  and  mutual  respect  without  which  real  friend- 
ship is  impossible.  Sir  John  Thompson's  ideal  in  life  was 
the  performance  of  duty,  his  chief  motive  the  rendering  of 


SIR   JOHN   THOMPSON. 


.349 


service  to  his  country  and  empire.  The  ideal  of  Lord  and 
Lady  Aberdeen,  as  exhibited  in  their  innumerable  public, 
political  and  philanthropical  enterprises,  was  the  improve- 
ment of  the  condition  of  the  poor  and  the  elevation  of 
surrounding  humanity  in  comfort,  in  education,  in  thought* 
and  in  that  spirit  of  personal  aspiration  which  contributes 
so  greatly  to  the  uplifting  and  ennobling  of  those  engaged 
in  the  drudgery  and  routine  of  ordinary  life.  The  Canadian 
Premier  had  sacrificed  much  of  his  time  for  domestic 
happiness,  his  chances  of  financial  prosperity,  and  positions 
of  ease  and  dignity,  upon  the  altar  of  national  duty..  The 
Governor  General  and  the  Countess  of  Aberdeen,  on  the 
other  hand,  had  for  many  years  surrendered  the  time 
which  might  have  been  devoted  to  the  enjoyment  oi;  bound- 
less luxury,  and  the  pleasures  of  high  position,  in  giving 
themselves  to  energetic  and  unceasing  efforts  for  the  pro- 
motion of  the  people's  welfare  in  the  different  countries 
with  which  they  had  become  connected. 

It  is  not,  therefore,  a  matter  for  surprise  that  this 
warm  feeling  of  friendship,  should  have  grown  up  and 
strengthened,  until  the  cord  was  snapped  by  death.  Lord 
Aberdeen's  first  public  appearance  as  Governor  General  of 
Canada  was  most  successful  from  every  point  of  view. 
Upon  arriving  at  Quebec  on  September  17th,  Their  Excel- 
lencies were  welcomed  by  a  large  gathering  of  Cabinet 
Ministers  and  others,  and  on  the  following  day  Lord 
Aberdeen  was  duly  sworn  in.  His  address  upon  this  occa- 
sion deserved  and  received  the  careful  consideration  and 
sincere  respect  of  the  Canadian  people.  Especially  note- 
rorthy  was  the  definition  of  a  Governor  General's  duties  : 
Aloof  though  he  be  from  actual  executive  responsibilities, 
attitude  must  be  that  of  ceaseless  and  watchful  readi- 
less  to  take  part  by  whatever  opportunity  may  be  afforded 
to  him  in  the  fostering  of  every  influence  that  will  sweeten 


350  LIFE   AND   WORK   OF 

and  elevate  public  life  ;  to  observe,  study  and  join  in 
making  known  the  resources  and  development  of  the 
country  ;  to  vindicate,  if  required,  the  rights  of  the  people 
and  the  ordinances  of  the  constitution  ;  and  lastly,  to  pro- 
mote by  all  means  in  his  power,  without  reference  to  class 
or  creed,  every  movement  and  every  institution  calculated 
to  forward  the  social,  moral  and  religious  welfare  of  the 
Dominion." 

There  is  a  whole  volume  contained  in  this  eloquent 
sentence,  and  despite  the  difficulties  surrounding  the  posi- 
tion, and  the  occasional  criticisms  which  are  inevitable  in 
any  free  community,  the  vast  majority  of  the  Canadian 
people  feel  with  Sir  John  Thompson  in  some  of  his  private 
correspondence,  that  Lord  Aberdeen  has  earnestly  and  suc- 
cessfully lived  up  to  the  aspirations  contained  in  that  open- 
ing speech,  and  that  he  has  been  nobly  aided  by  Her 
Excellency.  And  it  is  interesting  to  note  in  this  connec- 
tion that  wherever  the  late  Premier  formed  a  personal 
friendship,  the  respect  and  admiration  of  those  with  whom 
he  was  thus  intimate,  became  almost  unbounded.  Close 
acquaintance  with  his  character  seems  indeed*  to  have 
inspired  feelings  which  show  how  true  he  was  to  principle, 
how  unassuming  he  appeared  to  be,  and  yet  how  impressive 
he  really  was,  in  private  as  well  as  in  public  life.  Famili- 
arity, instead  of  breeding  contempt  or  indifference  or 
modified  respect,  in  his  case  enhanced  every  sentiment  of 
trust  and  esteem. 

During  the  six  crowded  years  following  1887,  Sir 
John  Thompson  could  hardly  be  said  to  have  kept  in 
personal  touch  with  the  important  Province  of  Ontario. 
At  that  time  he  had  campaigned  with  Sir  John  A. 
Macdonald,  but  it  was  as  a  new  man,  and  in  company  with 
one  whom  many  people  almost  worshipped.  It  is  true  that 
he  then  made  a  most  favourable  impression,  and  that  his 


SIR   JOHN    THOMPSON.  351 

treatment  of  the  Riel  case  had  ensured  him  popularity  and 
respect,  but  still  the  public  memory  is  fickle,  and  the  pass- 
ing of  a  few  years  practically  wiped  that  important  tour 
off  the  slate.  In  the  meantime,  however,  he  had  grown 
into  the  central  figure  of  Canadian  public  life ;  had 
developed  an  Imperial  reputation ;  and  had  pursued  in 
regard  to  Provincial  legislation,  a  certain  line  of  policy 
which  had  not  conduced  to  popularity  in  portions  of 
Ontario.  Yet  he  was  unknown  personally  to  the  bulk  of 
the  Canadian  people.  In  a  Democratic  community  he  had 
in  fact  climbed  to  the  top  without  the  aid  of  so-called 
popular  qualities,  and  without  being  in  personal  touch 
with  the  all  powerful  electorate. 

But  it  was  now  felt  that  a  series  of  speeches  was 
desirable,  and  that  the  Premier  should  be  made  acquainted, 
so  far  as  was  possible,  with  the  local  leaders  and  the 
people  of  Ontario.  Especially  was  this  the  case  in  view  of 
the  trade  and  tariff  conditions  prevalent  in  the  United 
States,  and  voiced  in  Canada  by  the  various  organizations 
and  proposed  policies  which  made  1893  a  period  of  such 
widespread  fiscal  discussion.  He  had,  of  course,  outlined 
the  party  policy  during  the  first  weeks  of  the  year  in 
Toronto,  but  six  or  eight  months  is  a  long  time  in  politics, 
and  much  had  happened  since  then,  notably  the  financial 
crash  in  the  States.  Hence  the  interest  taken  in  a  tour 
which  was  immediately  pr-eceded  by  a  great  demonstra- 
tion and  reception  in  Montreal  on  the  12th  of  September. 
It  was  an  occasion  of  considerable  importance,  and  the 
address  presented  by  the  united  Conservative  clubs  of  the 
>mmercial  metropolis  was  so  full  and  complimentary,  and 
ibodied  so  clearly  the  policy  of  the  Premier  and  his 
irty,  that  it  deserves  to  be  given  here,  just  as  it  was 
>resented  to  Sir  John  Thompson  in  the  crowded  City  drill 
ill  with  its  dense  mass  of  cheering  people  : 


352  LIFE  AND   WORK 'OF  , 

HONOURABLE  SIR, — 

On  this,  your  first  public  visit  to  Montreal  since  the  representative 
of  our  Most  Gracious  Sovereign  entrusted  you  with  the  formation  of  the 
Government,  we  desire,  on  behalf  of  the  several  Conservative  organiza- 
tions of  Montreal,  to  extend  to  you  a  most  cordial  and  hearty  welcome. 

We  are  proud  to  have  the  privilege  of  greeting  you  as  a  leader  of  the 
Conservative  party,  and  in  that  capacity  as  the  exponent  of  the  principles 
to  which  we  are  cordially  attached,  through  whose  application  in  the 
administration  of  public  affairs  Canada  has  now,  for  many  years,  enjoyed 
a  progressive  prosperity  in  material  concerns,  contributing  to  the  promo- 
tion of  her  status  among  the  nations  of  the  world,  while  strengthening 
and  still  more  firmly  cementing  her  attachment  to  the  great  Empire  to 
which  we  are  proud  to  owe  allegiance. 

We  are  especially  gratified  at  the  opportunity  of  congratulating  you 
upon  the  successful  completion  of  the  important  duty  which  you  have  just 
discharged  as  a  member  of  the  Court  of  Arbitration  for  the  settlement  of 
the  dispute  arising  out  of  the  control  of  the  Behring  Sea  fisheries.  We 
recognize  in  your  appointment  as  one  of  the  British  arbitrators  on  the 
joint  high  tribunal  not  only  the  selection  of  one  of  the  most  able,  astute 
and  learned  subjects  of  our  Queen,  but  what  is  equally  gratifying,  an 
admission  by  the  Government  of  the  Mother  Country  of  the  right  of 
Canada  to  a  full  and  equal  voice  in  the  decision  of  all  matters  that  nearly 
concern  our  peculiar  interest,  and  we  may  be  permitted  to  add  from  the 
result  of  the  deliberations  of  the  court,  of  which  you  were  so  distinguished 
a  member,  that  in  common  with  Canadians  we  deeply  appreciate  the 
splendid  services  rendered  by  you  to  Canada  in  that  capacity. 

In  the  conviction  that  the  best  interests  of  every  class  in  our  beloved 
country  are  wrapped  up  in  the  perpetuation  of  the  cardinal  principles  of 
the  policy  upon  which  the  administration  of  public  affairs  for  the  past 
fifteen  years  has  been  based,  we  beg  to  tender  you  the  assurance  of  01 
continued  devotion  to  the  cause  of  the  Conservative  party  whose  honoui 
leader  you  are.     Its  policy,  we  are  well  aware,  has  been  assailed  by  fc 
within  and  foes  without ;  but  we  believe  that  the  practical  results  flowing 
from  the  application  of  that  policy  have  afforded  so  striking  an  objec 
lesson  to  the  electorate  of  this  country,  that  when  the  time  of  trial  comes, 
the  principles  we  espouse  will  be  once  more  triumphant.     And  that  object 
lesson  has  been  peculiarly  emphasized  during  recent  months  by  the  happ) 
condition  of  trade  in  Canada  compared  with  other  countries. 

We  are  persuaded,  moreover,  that  the  Government  of  which  you 
an  honoured  and  trusted  leader  will  continue  as  in  the  past  to  vindicat 
its  claim  to  the  confidence  of  the  people  of  Canada  by  shaping  its  policy 
to  meet  the  varying  conditions  of  trade,  and  by  harmonizing  every  interest, 
whether  labouring,  manufacturing,  agricultural,  mining,  fishing  or  6tl 


SIR   JOHN   THOMPSON.  353 

wise,  ami  shaping  all  in  unison  to  a  common  end — the  advancement  of  the 
welfare  of  a'l  classes  in  our  beloved  Dominion. 

In  conclusion,  permit  us  to  renew  the  assurance  of  pleasure  it  affords 
us  to  welcome  you  to  Montreal,  and  to  wish  yourself  and  Lady  Thompson 
the  richest  blessings  of  health,  long  life  and  every  prosperity. 
Signed  on  behalf  of  the  clubs, 

FRED.  C.  HENSHAW, 

President  Junior  Conservative  Club. 

P.    B.    MlGNACLT, 

President  Club  Cartier. 
C.  A.  MCDONNELL, 

President  Sir  John  A .  Macdonald  Club, 
J.  ADELAKD  OUIMET, 

President  Club  Conservateur. 
JOSEPH  H.  JACOBS  ;  BEAUMONT  JOUBERT, 

Hon.  Sees.  United  Conservative  Clubs. 

The  Premier  received  this  tribute,  accompanied  by  Sir 
Adolphe  Caron,  the  Hon.  Mr.  Angers,  the  Hon.  Mr.  Foster, 
the  Hon.  Mr.  Ouimet  and  Mayor  Desjardins.  He  spoke 
in  reply  first  in  French  and  then  in  English,  the  latter 
being  of  course  the  speech  of  the  evening.  In  this  connec- 
tion it  is  worthy  of  note  that  when  Sir  John  first  came  to 
Ottawa  in  1886  he  could  hardly  speak  a  word  of  French. 
But  recognizing  the  desirability  of  being  acquainted  with 
the  language  of  nearly  two  millions  of  the  Canadian  people 
he  had  devoted  himself  with  characteristic  energy,  and  amid 
all  the  innumerable  demands  upon  his  time,  to  its  acquisi- 
tion. The  address  was  delivered  in  his  usual  calm,  delib- 
erate and  judicial  style ;  every  word  being  well  weighed 
and  every  sentence  well  rounded.  It  was  not,  however,  a 
stump  speech,  and  from  current  comments  it  is  question- 
able whether  the  effect  was  as  great  as  the  ability  and 
honesty  of  the  effort  deserved. 

But  it  was  the  utterance  of  a  statesman ;  the  matured 
thought  and  expression  of  an  earnest  and  sincere  mind.  In 
his  opening  remarks  Sir  John  Thompson  spoke  of  what  his 

23 


354  LIFE   AND   WORK   OF 

predecessors  had  accomplished,  and  added :  "  I  venture  to 
express  the  hope,  as  the  highest  ambition  I  can  have,  that 
I  should  be  worthy,  at  least  in  effort,  at  least  in  disinter- 
estedness, and  at  least  in  earnestness  and  zeal  and  purpose, 
of  those  great  men."  He  then  referred  to  the  late  Liberal 
Convention  in  a  somewhat  sarcastic  way,  and  pointed  out 
that  the  Conservative  party  did  not  require  one  because  its 
policy  and  principles  were  known  to  all  men,  and  had  been 
over  and  over  again  approved  by  the  people  of  Canada. 
But  it  was  different  with  the  Opposition :  "  They  had  great 
need  of  a  convention  because  they  were  a  party  about  to 
change  their  platform.  They  had  done  it  very  often  before. 
We  had  seen  them  going  to  the  country  with  even  greater 
confidence  than  they  expressed  in  Ottawa  in  convention,  on 
other  platforms  altogether.  They  had  declared  for  conti- 
nental free  trade.  They  then  had  a  platform  of  commercial 
union,  and  only  nine  or  ten  months  ago  their  leader  de- 
clared that  on  Unrestricted  Reciprocity  they  would  live  or 
die." 

He  went  on  to  say  that  the  protective  policy  was  not 
a  fixture  in  application,  though  regarding  its  general  prin- 
ciples it  was  always  the  same.  It  was  a  fiscal  method 
which  permitted  modifications  and  in  fact  made  changes 
absolutely  essential,  in  accordance  with  the  constantly 
changing  circumstances  of  the  time.  Hence  the  recent  ap- 
pointment of  Ministers  to  investigate  the  condition  of  dif- 
ferent industries  and  interests ;  hence  also  the  promise  of 
moderate  tariff  reform  during  the  next  session  of  Parlia- 
ment. And  then  the  Premier,  amid  great  applause,  eulo- 
gised the  National  Policy  as  a  whole  :  "  We  think,  while 
we  admit  that  our  policy  in  the  past  has  not  done  all  we 
hoped  for,  that  it  has  achieved  very  great  results  for  Can- 
ada. We  think  ifc  has  increased  immensely  the  volume  of 
Canadian  trade  both  as  regards  our  exports  and  imports. 


SIR  JOHN   THOMPSON.  355 

We  think  it  has  succeeded  in  a  marvellous  degree  in  deve- 
loping the  interests  of  every  class  of  the  working  commu- 
nity. We  think  it  has  been  marvellously  successful  in 
establishing  public  works  all  over  this  country,  of  which 
any  country  in  the  world  might  be  proud,  and  which  have 
made  Canada  envied  by  other  nations.  We  think,  and  we 
know,  that  it  has  been  the  means  of  increasing  inter-pro- 
vincial trade — of  giving  the  home  market  to  our  people,  to. 
the  industrial  classes  of  different  sections  of  the  country, 
and  thereby  creating  a  greater  sentiment  in  favour  of  union 
between  the  different  provinces  of  this  great  Confederation." 

Sir  John  then  spoke  of  the  idle  and  breadless  working- 
men  who  were  being  fed  in  the  streets  and  public  parks  of  the 
great  American  cities  ;  of  the  failures  of  innumerable  banks 
in  the  United  States ;  of  the  great  commercial,  industrial 
and  financial  crash  which  had  taken  place  in  that  paradise 
of  the  advocates  of  unrestricted  reciprocity  ;  and  pointed 
out  that  the  Canadian  artisan  and  Canadian  interests  were 
going  along  comparatively  undisturbed  by  neighbouring 
disasters :  "  Every  one  knows  that  the  social  and  commer- 
cial life  of  the  people,  the  comfort  of  their  homes,  their 
abstention  from  crime  and  outrage,  their  obedience  to  order 
and  to  law,  their  respect  for  religion  and  authority,  are  a 
hundred- fold  better — in  this  beloved  country  of  ours — than 
in  that  boasted  land  from  which  these  gentlemen  sought  to 
take  their  policy." 

He  referred  to  the  effect  of  free  trade  and  the  absence 
of  protection  upon  the  unfortunate  farmers  of  England; 
to  the  American  depression  in  the  prices  of  products  and 
lands ;  to  the  condition  of  the  English  artisan  and  labourer. 
He  declared  the  policy  of  the  Government  to  be  the  main- 
tenance of  a  home  market  for  the  Canadian  people  and 
announced  it  to  be  their  intention  to  write  upon  the  tariff 
in  broad  distinct  terms,  that  the  industries  of  the  Dominion 


356  LIFE  AND   WORK   OF 

should  "  never  be  at  the  dictation  of  a  foreign  country." 
He  claimed  that  under  Mr.  Mackenzie's  Liberal  adminis- 
tration the  national  debt  had  increased  $8,000.000  per 
annum  with  little  to  show  for  it,  while  under  Conservative 
rule  it  had  grown  only  $6,250,000  a  year,  with  the  C.  P.  K 
and  many  great  public  works  as  a  result.  He  stated  that 
Canadian  commerce  had  fallen  off  $20,000,000  annually 
under  a  revenue  tariff,  but  had  increased  $28,000,000  a 
year  under  protection. 

The  Premier  then  turned  to  the  Manitoba  Schools' 
question  and  discussed  it  freely,  fully,  and  honestly.  He 
referred  to  the  charges  made  by  Mr.  Tarte,  regarding  a 
promise  of  remedial  legislation  said  to  have  been  given  to 
Archbishop  Tache"}  and  mentioned  "  the  solemn  denial  in 
writing  by  the  venerable  Archbishop  himself."  He  added 
his  belief  that  the  people  of  Canada  would  accept  the  word 
of  that  "  venerable  and  saintly  man  in  preference  to  that 
of  ten  thousand  Tartes."  In  reference  to  his  own  position 
he  pointed  out  that  "  time  and  again  I  have  been  accused, 
with  respect  to  this  question,  of  pandering  to  Catholic  in- 
terests. Time  and  again  in  another  province  I  have  been 
accused  of  entering  into  a  league  with  the  Roman  Catholic 
hierarchy  for  the  purpose  of  subverting  the  constitutional 
rights  of  a  province  of  this  Dominion." 

He  went  on  to  deal  with  the  problem  historically  and 
constitutionally ;  handled  Mr.  Laurier  without  gloves  for 
his  charges  of  cowardice  ;  and  then  made  a  somewhat  sig- 
nificant declaration  regarding  the  Liberal  leader's  claim 
that  if  the  public  schools  of  Manitoba  were  de  facto  Protes- 
tant schools,  then  Federal  interference  might  be  necessary : 

"  Once  for  all  we  have  to  decide,  if  the  public  func- 
tion is  imposed  upon  us  by  the  Courts,  not  what  the  schools 
are,  but  what  the  citizens  of  the  Province  make  them ;  and. 
therefore,  if  the  statutes  of  Manitoba  do  not  make  the 


SIR  JOHN   THOMPSON.  357 

schools  of  the  Province  Protestant  schools  and  do  not  justify 
the  public  schools  of  that  Province  being  made  Protestant 
schools,  the  Federal  Government  would  have  no  power  to 
interfere  if  any  contravention  of  the  law  there,  was  made 
to  the  oppression  of  the  minority." 

The  Dominion,  therefore,  if  given  the  power  to  inter- 
vene by  the  Courts,  could  only  do  so  upon  the  legislation 
itself  and  not  in  connection  with  any  system  which  might 
have  developed  in  spite  of,  or  through  lax  enforcement  of, 
the  law  upon  the  statute  book.  The  speech  concluded  with 
a  vigourous  denunciation  of  the  Canadian  independence 
idea  and  a  rousing  expression  of  loyalty  to  British  connec- 
tion. 

This  address  gave  the  keynote  for  the  ensuing  tour  of 
Ontario.  At  Belleville,  a  couple  of  weeks'  later,  perhaps 
the  most  important  of  these  series  of  meetings  was  held — 
the  occasion  being  a  demonstration  in  honour  of  the  popular 
local  member,  Mr.  Harry  Corby.  It  was  an  out-of-doors 
meeting  and  over  eight  thousand  people  gathered  from 
neighboring  counties  to  welcome  the  Premier  and  his  visit- 
ing colleagues.  Mr.  Baldwin  Falkiner,  President  of  the 
West  Hastings  Conservative  Association,  acted  as  chairman 
and  an  address  was  presented  from  the  Associations  of  six 
ridings  in  the  vicinity.  Sir  John  Thompson  was  given  a 
great  reception  and  stated  that  though  many  of  his  collea- 
gues as  well  as  himself,  were  new  men  and  unknown  to  the 
audience  personally,  they  none  the  less  stood  for  old  princi- 
ples. Amid  great  cheering  he  declared  that  "  the  ship  of 
state  has  not  been  a  ship  lying  to  in  the  storm,  but  it  is  a 
ship  which  has  made  many  prosperous  voyages,  a  ship 
rhich  carries  the  British  flag  still  aloft,  and  now  carries 
forward  the  hope  of  the  young  Canadian  people,  fuller  of 
ibition  to-day  than  it  ever  has  been  since  the  Union  was 
formed." 


358  LIFE  AND  WORK  OV 

Attention  was  drawn  to  the  wonderful  stability  of 
Canada  during  a  time  of  international  distress :  "  We  have 
seen  the  Australian  Colonies  swept  by  a  whirlwind  of 
disaster.  We  have  seen  the  markets  of  Great  Britain  para- 
lyzed by  financial  depression, — and  later  still  we  have  seen 
the  Western  States  swept  by  a  cyclone  of  disaster,  which  the 
President  of  that  country  officially  declared  was  stopping 
every  wheel  of  industry  and  turning  thousands  of  men  into 
the  streets."  He  spoke  of  the  McKinley  bill  having  checked 
exports  to  the  Republic  by  $5,000,000,  during  a  year  which 
had  seen  trade  increase  with  the  Mother  Country  to  the 
extent  of  $17,000,000.  He  stated  that  although  reciprocity 
in  any  fair  and  practicable  degree  had  been  declared  im- 
possible by  Mr.  Elaine  as  representing  the  Republican 
party,  yet  his  Government  had  informed  the  new  Demo- 
cratic administration — opposed  as  that  party  was  on  prin- 
ciple to  reciprocity  with  any  country — that  if  it  "was 
disposed  to  make  fair  tariff  concessions  based  upon  legisla- 
tion, such  tariff  concessions  would  be  met  by  the  Canadian 
Government  in  a  proper  spirit."  More  could  not  be  done  and 
even  that  much  turned  out  to  be  useless.  He  denounced 
the  Liberal  party  for  its  general  pessimism  and  its  constant 
changes.  In  this  respect  his  words  might  well  have 
brought  to  the  minds  of  the  audience  those  expressive  lines  : 

"  Drifting,  drifting,  ever  drifting, 
And  never  a  harbour  in  sight. 
A  pathless  sea,  a  moonless  night, 
And  the  clouds  are  never  rifting." 

Other  addresses  were  delivered  by  Sir  Adolphe  Caron, 
Sir  Charles  Hibbert  Tupper,  Mr.  Haggart  and  Mr.  Angei 
In  the  evening  a  banquet  was  held  at  which  the  Premie 
again  spoke,  together  with   Mr.   Costigan,  Mr.  Daly,  Mr. 
Clarke  Wallace,  Mr.  Curran  and  Mr.  Wood.     On  the  morn- 
ing of  September  25th,  Sir  John  reached  Berlin,  accom- 


Louis  HENRY  DAVIS,  Q.C. 
Formerly  Premier  of  P.  K  Island. 


SIR  JOHN   THOMPSON.  361 

panied  by  other  ministers,  and  visited  many  of  its  flourishing 
industries.     In  the  afternoon  they  arrived  at  Elmira,  and 
were  enthusiastically  welcomed  at  both  tho   open  meeting 
and  the  great  gathering  in  the  evening.     The  next  day 
Clinton  was  reached  and  a  large  audience  of  farmers  from 
all  over  the  county,  was  addressed  in  the  afternoon.     Sir 
John  concluded  a  brief  speech  by  expressing  the  hope  that 
"  the  spirit  of  Canadian  fellowship  and  enterprise,  and  of 
attachment  to  the  British  Empire  may  continue  to  grow. 
We  are  a  determined,  self-reliant  people,  determined  to  make 
a  name  for  our  country — the  best  half  of  this  Continent/' 
Extensive  preparations  had  been  made  at  Stratford  to 
welcome  the  Premier  and  his  colleagues.     The  skating  rink 
in  the  evening  was  filled  to  the  doors  with  .probably  nine 
or  ten  thousand  people,  and  the  numerous  addresses  pre- 
sented to  Sir  John  were — it  is  to  be  hoped — as  satisfactory 
to  him  as  were  the  speeches  delivered  in  reply,  to  the  people. 
At  Palmerston,  a  warm  welcome  was  given  on  the  afternoon 
of  the  27th  inst.,  and  in  the  evening  the  largest  political 
demonstration  which  is   said    to  have   ever  been  seen  in 
Bruce  County,  was    held  at   Walkertori.     The  town    was 
literally  packed  with  people,  and  after  the  public  meeting 
a  banquet  was  tendered  the  Premier.     On  the  following 
day,  flying  visits  were  paid  to  Tara  and  Port  Elgin,  and  a 
banquet  was  received  at  Southampton  in  the  evening.    The 
mass  meeting  in  the  Tara  rink  was  especially  interesting, 
as  evoking  a  declaration  from  Sir  John  in  favour  of  woman 
suffrage :     "  We  look  forward  to   it  as  one   of  the  aims 
which  are  to  be  accomplished  in  the  public  life  of  Canada, 
because  the  Conservative  party  believe  that  the  influence 
of  women  in  the  politics  of  the  country  is  always  for  good, 
I  think,  therefore,  that  there  is  a  probability  of  the  fran- 
chise being  extended  to  the  women  on  the  same  property 
qualifications  as  men." 


36  tIFE  AND  WORK   OF 

Lucan  was  next  visited,  and  then  Durham.  At  the 
latter  place  Sir  John  asked,  amid  loud  cheers  and  in  refer- 
ence to  the  situation  in  the  States  :  "  Where  would  Canada 
have  been  to-day  if  the  people  of  this  country  had  accepted 
the  Liberal  proposition  for  Unrestricted  Reciprocity  ?  " 

At  Mount  Forest,  Kenil worth  and  Arthur,  Sir  John 
Thompson  and  his  colleagues  were  greeted  with  veritable 
ovations.  At  the  latter  place,  and  on  behalf  of  the  North 
Wellington  Conservative  Association,  Mr.  Wm.  Kingston 
presented  an  Address,  part  of  which  was  unusually  inter- 
esting : 

"  We  watched  your  course  during  the  lifetime  of  our 
late  lamented  leader  with  ever-increasing  interest  and 
respect.  We  learned  to  value  the  loyal  support  and 
energetic  help  you  gave  him  while  a  member  of  his  Minis- 
try. We  feel  that  you,  better  than  any  man  living,  under- 
stood his  views  and  policy,  and  are  fitted  to  become  the 
depositary  of  his  traditions.  New  circumstances  require 
to  be  met  and  dealt  with,  and  we  believe  that  you  will 
meet  and  deal  with  them  in  an  independent  and  masterful 
way  as  in  the  past.  We  belong  to  a  party  whose  motto  it 
is  to  live  in  the  present — abreast  of  the  times — not  forget- 
ting our  past,  but  connecting  our  policy  smoothly  with  it." 

North  and  South  Perth  seemed  to  meet  at  Mitchell  on 
October  3rd  to  do  honour  to  the  Premier.  Owen  Sound 
contributed  a  demonstration  on  the  following  day  as  great 
as  that  which  had  welcomed  the  new  Minister  of  Justice 
and  the  old  Chieftain  in  1887.  Markdale,  Dunnville  and 
Glencoe  followed  suit,  and  on  the  evening  of  Saturday, 
Oct.  7th,  the  tour  closed  at  the  last-named  place.  Sir  John 
took  the  train  for  Montreal,  where  he  was  to  meet  Lady 
Thompson  on  her  return  from  Europe,  and  the  other 
Ministers  returned  to  the  Capital.  The  two  weeks  thus 
spent  must  have  been  most  gratifying  to  the  Premier.  The 


SIR  JOHN  THOMPSON. 


363 


innumerable  addresses  which  were  presented  indicated  the 
high  respect  and  esteem  in  which  he  was  held ;  the 
constant  references  to  the  Behring  Sea  Commission  showed 
how  the  results  of  the  arbitration,  and  his  connection  with 
it,  were  appreciated ;  the  receptions  and  banquets,  the 
waiting  crowds  at  the  stations,  ^together  with  the  great 
processions  in  many  places  and  the  enthusiasm  and  interest 
everywhere  exhibited,  conveyed  a  popular  tribute  which 
could  not  fail  to  be  satisfactory,  even  to  a  public  man  who 
cared  so  little  for  mere  partisan  applause  as  did  Sir  John 
Thompson. 


364  LIFE  AND  WORK   OF 


CHAPTER  XXI. 

As  MINISTER  OF  JUSTICE. 

Sir  John  Thompson  possessed  in  an  eminent  degree  the 
mind,  the  training,  and  the  aptitude  of  a  jurist.  And  he  was 
therefore  especially  well  qualified  to  administer  successfully 
the  Department  which  he  controlled  for  some  eight  years. 
However  disparagingly  opponents  might  speak  of  him  as  a 
politician,  a  diplomatist,  a  leader,  or  a  Prime  Minister  of  his 
country,  they  were  compelled  to  respect  the  admirable 
judicial  attainments,  natural  and  acquired,  which  he  was 
able  at  all  times  and  under  all  circumstances  to  bring  to 
the  consideration  of  great  legal  and  judicial  problems. 

His  career,  in  this  sense,  was  curiously  compact. 
Each  important  success  seemed  to  fit  into  some  future 
development  and  aid  in  furthering  his  interests,  perhaps 
years  afterwards.  His  first  important  case  at  the  Bar 
was  the  defence  of  a  negro  accused  of  some  petty  crime, 
whose  acquittal  he  secured.  His  first  appearance  in  the 
Supreme  Court  of  Nova- Scotia  was  in  1»74,  nearly  nine 
years  after  being  called  to  the  Bar,  when  he  acted  as 
junior  counsel  with  Mr.  R.  L.  Weatherbe,  now  a  Judge  of 
that  Court.  He  may  be  said  to  have  made  his  reputation 
in  pleading  in  the  celebrated  case  of  Woodworth  vs.  Troop 
et  al.,  during  the  same  year.  It  was  a  case  of  Provincial 
and  constitutional  importance.  The  plaintiff  was  a  member 
of  the  House  of  Assembly,  and  in  a  speech  made  during  the 
Session  had  charged  the  Provincial  Secretary  with  having 
altered  and  falsified  certain  public  records  and  documents 
of  the  Crown  Lands  Department,  after  the  signature  of  the 
Lieut.-Governor  had  been  appended.  A  committee  was 


SIR  JOHN  THOMPSON.  365 

appointed  to  investigate  the  charge  and  reported  that  there 
was  no  foundation  whatever  for  it.  The  House  then 
passed  a  resolution  demanding  an  apology  in  the  most  abject 
terms  from  Woo  1  worth — the  plaintiff — which  he  declined 
to  make.  Another  resolution  followed,  ordering  his  ex- 
pulsion from  the  House,  and  the  Speaker  instructed  the 
sergeant-at  arms  to  eject  him,  which  was  done.  Mr.  Wood- 
worth  then  brought  action  against  the  Speaker  and  the 
members  of  the  Committee. 

The  whole  question  turned  upon  whether  the  Courts 
of  the  Province  had  power  to  review  the  action  of  the 
Legislature.  Mr.  Thompson,  and  Mr.  Macdonald,  Q.C., 
acted  for  the  plaintiff  and  carried  the  matter  through  the 
various  Courts  until  it  was  finally  argued  before  the 
Supreme  Court  of  Nova-Scotia,  in  1876.  In  the  meantime, 
party  feeling  had  been  aroused  and  the  whole  Province 
had  taken  sides  for  or  against.  Then  it  was  that  the 
future  Minister  of  Justice  first  displayed  that  remarkable 
knowledge  of  the  rights,  duties,,  and  prerogatives  of  Parlia- 
ment, which  afterwards  so  greatly  distinguished  him. 
His  argument  won  the  case  and  settled  the  question  of 
the  power  of  the  Provincial  Legislature  to  punish  for  con- 
tempt. The  force  and  ability  thus  shown  is  said  to  have 
surprised  his  friends,  while  the  natural  result  was  an  im- 
mediate accession  of  public  favour,  and  his  subsequent 
appearance  in  many  important  cases  before  the  Supreme 
Court  of  the  Province. 

In  1879  Mr.  Thompson  became  Attorney-General  of  his 
Province  and  in  the  following  year  was  gazetted  a  Queen's 
Counsel.  In  1882  he  was  appointed  a  judge  of  the  Sup- 
reme Court.  He  sat  as  a  justice  of  the  Supreme  Court  of 
Nova  Scotia  untill  1886,  when  he  resigned  from  the  Bench 
and  re-entered  political  life,  being  called  upon  to  pre- 
side as  Minister  of  Justice  over  the  administration  of 


368  LIFE  AND   WORK   OF 

Canadian  law  and  constitutional  practice.  His  career  in 
this  high  office  appears  to  divide  itself  naturally  into  four 
distinct  phases.  The  political  control  of  great  constitu- 
tional issues  such  as  the  Jesuits'  Estates  act,  the  Kiel 
case,  and  the  Manitoba  schools  forms  one ;  his  attitude 
upon  moral  and  legal  reforms  and  upon  minor  and  technical 
questions  in  the  House  is  another;  his  policy  regarding 
general  Provincial  legislation  is  a  third ;  and  his  efforts  con- 
cerning important  Parliamentary  proposals  and  the  initi- 
ation of  legislation,  such  as  the  Criminal  Code  or  the 
Copyright  Law  is  a  fourth.  The  first  phase  has  been 
considered  with  more  or  less  fulness. 

It  is  interesting  to  note  in  a  general  way  how 
thorough  the  Minister  was  in  everything  connected  with 
his  work  and  the  administration  of  his  department.  Not 
satisfied  with  the  reports  of  subordinates,  he  himself  visited 
most  of  the  prisons  and  penitentiaries  under  his  jurisdic- 
tion. In  1887  he  travelled  through  Manitoba,  the  North- 
West,  and  British  Columbia  for  this  purpose  alone  ;  making 
no  speeches,  and  devoting  himself  entirely  to  business. 

In  the  House  of  Commons,  the  influence  of  the  Minis- 
ter of  Justice  was  all  for  good,  It  was  a  reforming, 
purifying,  yet  judicious  power.  He  was  incapable  of  legis- 
lating in  a  hurry,  or  of  putting  upon  the  statute  book  to- 
day reforms  which  would  have  to  be  modified  or  altered 
to-morrow.  And  he  could  be  very  sarcastic  in  dealing 
with  those  who  made  proposals  which  did  not  commend 
themselves  to  his  judgment.  Upon  one  occasion — June 
6th,  1888 — Dr.  Sproule,  a  well-known  member  of  the 
House,  moved  that  in  view  of  the  Jubilee  celebration  it 
was  expedient  to  pass  an  Address  to  the  Governor  General, 
asking  that  clemency  in  different  degrees  be  granted  to  all 
convicts  whose  conduct  had  been  meritorious  during  their 
term  of  imprisonment.  In  his  speech  Sir  John  dealt  both 
shortly  and  sharplv  with  the  idea : 


SIR  JOHN   THOMPSON.  367 

"  The  sentiments  which  actuate  the  hon.  member  who 
has  brought  the  motion  forward  are,  I  find  from  the  experi- 
ence which  I  have  had  in  office,  those  which  actuate  three- 
fourths  of  the  members  of  this  House ;  who  are  under  the 
impression  apparently  that  the  unfortunate  persons  who 
are  confined  in  the  penitentiaries  are  confined  there  either 
through  mistake  or  from  some  unforeseen  misadventure 
which  it  was  impossible  for  them  to  provide  against.  .  .  . 
I  think  if  I  may  express  the  sentiment  without  offence  to 
the  gentlemen  who  are  supporting  this  motion,  that  the 
most  unsuitable  way  we  could  devise  of  celebrating  Her 
Majesty's  Jubilee  or  attempting  to  confer  any  benefit  upon 
the  public,  would  be  to  let  loose  upon  the  community  a 
class  of  people  who  have  shown  themselves  able  by  long 
experience  to  inflict  the  greatest  injury  upon  the  com- 
munity." 

This  was  not  a  very  conciliatory  way  of  discussing 
the  suggestion  of  a  prominent  supporter,  but  it  illustrates 
the  principle  of  justice  which  permeated  the  speaker's 
character.  To  him,  divorce  legislation  was  a  peculiarly 
difficult  subject.  As  a  Roman  Catholic,  all  divorce  was 
objectionable ;  as  Minister  of  Justice  he  had  to  guide  the 
House  in  its  decisions  upon  the  divorce  bills  which  came 
down  from  the  Senate.  In  one  case — June  loth,  1887 — 
he  made  an  able  speech  in  favour  of  the  divorce  asked  for, 
and  one  which  Mr.  Davies,  who  followed,  described  as 
"  a  clear  and  lucid  opinion."  It  certainly  showed  a  very 
complete  knowledge  of  the  law  as  voiced  by  decisions  in 
the  English  High  Court  of  Justice  and  the  House  of  Lords  ; 
in  the  different  American  States ;  and  in  legislation  during 
centuries  past  and  gone.  He  concluded  with  the  significant 
remark :  "  I  only  refrain  from  voting  for  this  Bill  for  the 
|  reasons  that  I  should  give  for  voting  against  any  Bill  for 
!  the  dissolution  of  the  marriage  tie."  Upon  another  occa- 


368  LIFE   AND  WORK   OF 

sion — April  21st,  1890 — he  vigourously  opposed  a  certain 
petition  on  grounds  which  were  expressed  as  follows  : 

"  The  proposition,  then,  is  that  we  shall  dissolve  the 
marriage  simply  because  she  found  that  she  was  married 
to  a  person  not  able  to  support  her  as  well  as  she  hoped  he 
would  be.  I  cannot  imagine  a  ground  of  divorce  which 
would  be  more  stigmatised  in  those  countries  where  laxity 
of  principles  as  regards  divorce  is  prevalent ;  I  cannot 
imagine  an  application  for  divorce,  the  granting  of  which 
would  do  more  dishonour  to  this  Parliament  than  the 
passage  of  this  Bill.  I  shall,  therefore,  apart  from  my 
objection  to  divorce  on  general  principles,  oppose  this  Bill 
from  every  point  of  view."  Needless  to  say  the  "  relief  " 
asked  for  was  not  granted. 

Early  in  1888,  it  was  announced  that  the  Government 
intended  to  take  some  steps  to  check  gambling  in  stocks 
and  merchandize  and  to  control  or  abolish  the  "bucket 
shops,"  which  were  leading  so  many  young  men  along  the 
slippery  path  of  speculation  to  ultimate  ruin.  Speaking 
upon  the  measure  which  was  finally  carried  through  the 
House,  the  Minister  of  Justice  declared  that, 

"  There  is  a  limit  beyond  which  speculation  becomes 
merely  a  vice  and  profligacy  and  a  temptation  to  everybody 
to  get  riches  quickly,  even  if  they  do  not  get  them  IK  f  3stly. 
.  .  .  I  know  from  experience  that  numbers  of  persons 
belonging  to  respectable  classes  in  the  community  are  in 
our  different  penitentiaries  now,  in  consequence  of  bucket 
shop  transactions  which  led  them  on  to  embezzlement  and 
fraud  of  different  kinds." 

About  the  same  time,  the  Minister  moved  an  amend- 
ment to  the  law  relating  to  the  fraudulent  marks  on 
merchandize,  which,  as  he  said,  was  "  an  adaptation  of  the 
English  Act  to  Canadian  conditions."  By  this  measure 
protection  was  given  through  criminal  process  to  registered 


SIR  JOflN   THOMPSON.  369 

trade  marks ;  the  burden  of  proving  the  absence  of  fraud 
was  thrown  largely  upon  the  defendant ;  all  offenders 
became  subject  to  summary  conviction ;  the  law  was  en- 
larged so  as  to  deal  with  false  trade  descriptions  ;  provision 
was  made  regarding  search  warrants,  and  for  the  seizure 
by  the  Customs  authorities  of  goods  which  might  infringe 
the  law.  And  it  is  not  likely  that  these  and  other  enact- 
ments Jacked  severity  in  view  of  Sir  John  Thompson's  well 
known  hatred  of  dishonesty  in  all  its  forms. 

The  records  of  Parliament  contain  a  number  of  debates 
turning  upon  more  or  less  legal  issues,  in  which  the  Minister 
of  Justice  was,  of  course,  the  controlling  figure.  The  Baird 
election  case  was  one  of  these.  On  April  28th,  1887,  the 
matter  was  brought  up  in  the  House,  and  it  was  stated  that 
G.  G.  King  as  the  Liberal  candidate  in  a  Prince  Edward 
Island  constituency  had  received  1191  votes,  whilst  his 
opponent  G.  F.  Baird,  had  received  1130.  The  returning 
officer,  however,  declared  Mr.  Baird  elected  on  the  ground 
that  his  opponent's  nomination  papers  were  invalid  because 
of  his  deposit  not  having  been  made  by  a  duly  qualified 
agent.  In  his  reply  to  Mr.  Skinner,  of  New  Brunswick, 
who  had  urged  the  House  to  take  action,  the  Minister  of 
Justice  stated  that  it  was  not  a  matter  for  Parliamentary 
interference,  but  for  the  Courts  to  deal  with.  The  prece- 
dents quoted  had  occurred  previous  to  election  cases  having 
been  transferred  from  Parliament  to  the  Courts,  both  in 
Great  Britain  and  Canada.  All  details,  he  pointed  out, 
were  now  relegated  to  the  Judiciary,  the  House  only  retain- 
ing the  right  to  pass  upon  the  qualification  of  the  person 
returned  as  elected.  In  this  connection  he  instanced  the 
case  of  0' Donovan  Rossa,  whose  election  had  been  voided  in 
1870,  by  the  British  House  of  Commons,  because  of  his 
being  a  convicted  felon.  But  this  particular  question  was 
one  for  the  Courts  to  pass  upon,  as  it  involved  purely  tech- 
1  nical  and  legal  considerations.  24 

II 


370  LIFE  AND   WORK   OF 

Later  on,  the  matter  came  up  again,  though  in  a  very 
different  form.  Mr.  Baird  had  voluntarily  resigned  his 
seat  and  been  re-elected.  Prior  to  this  the  case  had  been 
taken  into  the  Courts  and  had  resulted  in  Mr.  J.  W.  Ellis, 
M.P.,  proprietor  of  the  St.  John  Globe,  being  imprisoned 
for  abusive  language  contained  in  his  paper,  and  directed 
against  one  of  the  Judges.  Meantime  the  returning-officer 
was  brought  before  Parliament,  but  was  eventually  dis- 
charged. On  June  6th,  1894,  Mr  Davies  introduced  a 
motion  of  serious  censure  upon  the  returning-officer,  who 
had  been  dealt  with  by  the  House  seven  years  before,  and 
upon  the  Judge  who  had  tried  the  more  recent  case.  In- 
cidentally, he  made  a  somewhat  violent  speech.  Sir  John 
declared  in  the  course  of  his  reply  that  "  Judges  have  been 
censured  for  having  left  their  business  of  judgment  and 
having  gone  into  politics.  We  are  being  asked  to  leave  our 
business  of  politics  and  to  go  into  the  business  of  judgment." 
As  usual,  he  urged  the  House  to  look  after  its  own 
affairs,  which  were  sufficiently  onerous: 

"Our  business  is  confined  to  the  politics  of  the  country 
— I  use  the  word  '  politics  '  in  its  larger  sense,  as  embracing 
legislation — and  when  we  step  out  of  our  sphere  and  under- 
take to  deliver  judgment  between  subject  and  subject. 
much  more  when  we  undertake  to  reverse  or  to  sit  in 
review  on  the  judgment  of  one  of  the  highest  Courts  of  the 
country,  we  lay  ourselves  open  to  the  very  condemn  ition 
that  this  resolution  would  pronounce  against  the  Court 
whose  opinions  it  criticises."  The  Premier  concluded  by 
declaring  that  all  "  the  abominations  of  the  Star  Chamber" 
were  included  in  this  one  resolution.  Needless  to  say  it 
did  not  pass. 

Another  case  which  came  up — May  9th,  1888 — and 
was  widely  discussed  as  involving  the  rights  of  the  press. 
was  the  imprisonment  of  J.  T.  Hawke,  Editor  of  the 


SIR  JOHN  THOMPSON.  37l 

Moncton  Transcript,  for  contempt  of  Court  in  commenting 
most  violently  and  personally  upon  a  judgment  of  the 
Supreme  Court  of  New  Brunswick  in  the  Westmoreland 
election  trial.  Without  going  into  details,  it  is  sufficient  to 
say  that  Mr.  Davies  urged  the  commutation  of  the  Editor's 
sentence,  and  that  the  Minister  of  Justice  stood  firmly  by 
the  dignity  and  impartiality  of  the  Bench.  Referring  to 
the  attacks  of  the  Moncton  Transcript  upon  Judge  Eraser 
in  particular,  he  declared  that:  "I  have  nothing  to  say  now 
in  regard  to  the  propriety  of  such  language  being  used  to 
public  men,  but  it  is  in  the  interests  of  the  free  adminis- 
tration of  justice  that  the  men  who  sit  on  the  Bench,  apart 
from  the  hurly-burly  in  which  we  live  and  struggle  day 
after  day,  should  be  free  from  such  attacks." 

A  little  later  he  moved  an  amendment  to  the  Criminal 
Procedure  Act  by  which  a  newspaper  proprietor,  publisher 
or  editor  charged  with  defamatory  libel  could  be  indicted* 
tried  and  punished  in  his  own  Province,  and  not  run  the 
risk  of  being  taken,  against  his  will,  to  another  Province 
under  varying  local  laws  and  conditions. 

A  brilliant  illustration  of  Sir  John's  knowledge 
of  legal  precedents  and  constitutional  principles  occurred 
on  March  18th,  1890,  when  Lieut. -Colonel  Amyot  moved  a 
sudden  amendment  to  the  Committee  of  Supply  resolution 
in  which  he  urged  the  exclusive  right  of  the  Provincial 
Executives  to  appoint  Queen's  Counsel  for  all  Provincial 
Courts  and  to  establish  rules  and  rights  of  procedure 
therein.  The  matter  came  as  a  surprise  to  the  Minister  of 
Justice,  but  he  was  fully  equal  to  the  emergency.  After 
analyzing  the  case  of  Lenoir  vs.  Ritchie,  which  had  been 
largely  depended  upon  for  the  Provincial  argument,  and 
proving  it  to  actually  support  the  opposite  contention,  he 
1  referred  to  many  other  cases  and  to  various  reports,  and 
!  went  on  to  say :  "  I  venture  to  differ  from  the  hon.  gentle- 


372  LIFE   AND   WORK   OF 

man  that  he  has  established  that  the  Crown  is  an  integral 

part  of  the  Legislatures  of  the  Provinces In 

reference  to  all  the  Provinces  of  Canada,  I  think  I  am 
speaking  within  the  lines  of  the  decisions — which  have  all 
run  one  way — proceeding  from  the  Judicial  Committee  of 
the  Privy  Council,  when  I  say  that  all  the  Legislative 
powers  and  constitutional  functions  which  existed  down  to 
that  time  (1867;  in  the  various  Provinces  of  British 
America  were  for  the  instant  taken  back  by  the  Imperial 
Government  and  re -distributed  under  the  terms  of  the 
British  North  America  Act." 

An  elaborate  argument  followed  upon  the  degree  in 
which  Her  Majesty  could  be  bound  by  Provincial  legisla- 
tion enacted  in  her  name.  The  speaker  claimed  finally 
that  the  Queen  did  not  really  form  a  part  of  the  Provincial 
Legislatures,  and  that  as  a  consequence  of  certain  decisions 
the  Provincial  Government  did  not  appear  to  have  the 
power  to  create  a  Q.C.  or  to  bestow  titles  of  honour. 

During  this  Session  Sir  John  had  to  deal  with  two 
very  technical  and  difficult  subjects  in  the  amendment  of 
the  law  relating  to  bills  of  exchange  and  promissory  notes, 
and  in  the  discussions,  negotiations,  and  arrangement  of 
the  "  Bill  respecting  Banks  and  Banking."  Several  depu- 
tations, composed  of  Mr.  B.  E.  Walker,  Mr.  D.  R.  Wilkie, 
and  other  leading  bankers  of  the  Dominion,  waited  upon 
the  Minister  of  Finance  and  the  Minister  of  Justice  at 
Ottawa,  and  the  details  of  the  present  very  satisfactory 
law  were  gradually  evolved.  It  is  understood  that  Sir 
John  Thompson  strongly  impressed  his  visitors  upon 
this  occasion  by  his  broad  views  and  intimate  acquaintance 
with  those  common  sense  principles,  which  after  all,  form 
the  only  true  solution  of  such  intricate  questions  as  those 
relating  to  finance  and  banking. 

A  very  onerous  portion  of  the  duties  which  Sir  Jol 


SIR  JOHN   THOMPSON.  373 

Thompson  had  to  perform  was  connected  with  the 
reviewing  of  Provincial  legislation.  The  Acts  passed  by 
each  Province  are  referred  after  the  prorogation  of  the 
Assembly  to  the  Minister  of  Justice,  who  in  turn  has  to 
advise  the  Governor  General  regarding  their  constitution- 
ality and  the  desirability  of  allowing  them  to  become  law  or 
the  reverse.  He  has  a  great  many  things  to  consider  in 
connection  with  these  varied  and  numerous  enactments. 
One  Province  may  pass  legislation  conflicting  with  another 
or  with  the  Dominion,  and  the  rights  of  the  Federal  Gov- 
ernment in  taxation,  in  property,  in  legal  matters,  in  its 
general  jurisdiction  or  in  its  control  of  the  thousand  and 
one  things  which  come  under  the  authority  of  the  Dominion 
rather  than  of  the  Provinces,  may  be  infringed.  Sir  John 
generally  took  the  ground  in  all  matters  involving  national 
and  political  issues  that  the  provinces  were  themselves  the 
best  judges  of  their  legislation,  and  he,  therefore,  refused 
to  advise  the  veto  of  any  such  measures.  Where  there  was 
a  constitutional  doubt  involved,  he  considered  the  Courts 
the  proper  medium  for  deciding  the  result. 

There    were  exceptions  to  this   rule.     According    to 

the  contract  made  between  the  Dominion  Government  and 

I  the  Canadian  Pacific  Railway,  dated  Oct.  21st,  1880,  it  was 

j  agreed  that  for  twenty  years  following,  no  independent  line 

j  of  railway  should  be  constructed  south  from  the  C.  P.  R.  in 

i  Manitoba,  so  as  to  unite  with  the  American  lines  and  thus 

introduce   American  competition.     Subsequent   Provincial 

and  Dominion  legislation  recognized  and  strengthened  this 

enactment.     On  July  4th,  1887,  however,  an  Act  for  the 

construction  of  the  Red  River  Valley  Railway  came  before 

j  the  Minister  of  Justice,  and  he  promptly  advised  its  disal- 

flowance   on    the   ground  that   it   infringed    the   general 

1  authority  of  the  Dominion  regarding  railway  legislation, 

!  and  that  the  provision  for  connecting  the  proposed  line 


374  LIFE   AND   WORK   OF 

with  others  outside  the  Province  was  in  excess  of  powers 
held  by  the  Legislature.  The  measure  was  accordingly 
disallowed  and  the  action  resulted  in  raising  a  perfect  storm 
in  the  Province  interested. 

Vigourous  protests,  fresh  legislation,  an  appeal  to  Her 
Majesty  the  Queen,  threats,  and  even  personal  encounters 
between  the  officials  representing  the  two  Governments  at 
the  scene  of  construction,  followed.  A  sub-committee  of 
Council,  composed  of  the  Ministers  of  Justice  and  the 
Interior,  was  appointed  and  in  a  most  elaborate  report 
submitted  on  January  4th,  1888,  went  into  the  whole  ques- 
tion, and  declared  that  "  the  manifest  international  charac- 
ter of  the  enterprise,  and  the  absence  of  all  pretence  of 
reason  for  it  as  '  a  local  work  or  undertaking,'  fully  justifies 
its  being  dealt  with  by  the  Government  of  Canada,  and  in 
the  interest  of  the  whole  Dominion."  The  sub-committee 
referred  to  the  great  sacrifices  which  Canada  had  made  in 
order  to  construct  the  C.  P.  R.  and  was  "  unable  to  recom- 
mend that  there  should  be  an  abandonment  of  the  policy 
of  preventing  the  trade  of  Manitoba  and  the  North -West 
from  being  diverted  for  the  benefit  of  \  foreign  railway 
corporations." 

In  this  particular  case  Sir  John  Thompson  seems  to 
have  considered  the  interests  of  Canada  as  a  whole  to  be  the 
important  consideration ;  illegality  being  a  secondary  mat- 
ter. In  a  special  report  some  two  months  later  he  declared 
that  "  it  cannot  be  asserted  that  in  pronouncing  the  veto 
upon  Acts  which  were  deemed  to  have  an  injurious  ten- 
dency as  regards  the  country  at  large,  Your  Excellenc; 
has  deprived  the  people  of  Manitoba  of  any  of  the: 
rights."  Eventually  the  matter  was  settled  by  a  co: 
promise  between  the  two  Governments,  and  the  measi 
was  allowed  to  go  into  operation.  But  it  is  interests 
as  being  an  exception  to  Sir  John  Thompson's  gen< 


SIR  JOHN   THOMPSON.  375 

policy  regarding  disallowance.  With  Provincial  legislation 
he  never  stood  upon  technical  or  constitutional  objections 
where  no  apparent  harm  could  result  from  allowance. 
Occasionally,  however,  Acts  were  vetoed  by  the  Minister's 
advise,  which  glaringly  infringed  Dominion  rights,  or 
perhaps  injuriously  affected  special  interests,  but  such 
occurrences  were  rare.  One  of  these  was  a  Manitoba  bill 
for  authorizing  external  companies  to  do  business  within 
the  Province.  Another  was  "the  District  Magistrate's 
Bill,"  passed  by  the  Quebec  Legislature  on  the  2nd  of  Octo- 
ber, 1888.  The  Report  of  the  Minister  of  Justice  upon 
this  occasion  was  a  most  elaborate  historical  disquisition, 
and  it  constitutes  a  valuable  State  paper. 

A  very  different  case,  with  a  different  result,  was 
the  allowance  of  the  Ordinance  passed  by  the  North- 
West  Territorial  Assembly  in  1892.  It  amended  the 
law  respecting  education  and  placed  that  subject  under 
the  control  of  a  Council  of  Public  Instruction.  As  in  Mani- 
toba, the  Roman  Catholic  minority  appealed  to  the  Domin- 
ion authorities,  and  were  strongly  supported  by  Archbishop 
Tache".  But  acting  on  Sir  John  Thompson's  advice,  the 
veto  was  refused  and  the  law  went  into  operation.  In  a 
lengthy  speech  upon  the  subject  on  April  26th,  1894%  the 
Premier  pointed  out  that  disallowance  would  not  have 
redressed  any  of  the  grievances  complained  of ;  that  the 
petitioners  had  not  asked  for  an  appeal  to  the  Supreme 
Court ;  that  they  •  were  mistaken  as  to  the  nature 
of  the  regulations  which  had  existed  prior  to  1892. 
"  I  think,"  said  he  "  that  the  House  will  be  disposed  to 
agree  that  after  all  we  came  to  the  safer  and  wiser  conclu- 
sion, although  it  has  created,  I  admit,  considerable  irritation 
on  the  part  of  those  who  had  formed  expectations  of  a 
more  speedy,  decisive,  and  heroic  remedy  being  given  to 
th;j  petitioners." 


376  LIFE   AND   WORK    OF 

With  Sir  Oliver  Mowat  the  Minister  of  Justice 
upon  the  most  friendly  personal  terms,  and  their  political 
or  legal  differences  were  conducted  upon  an  unusually  high 
plane.  The  former,  in  fact,  has  not  hesitated  to  express 
his  high  appreciation  of  Sir  John  Thompson's  business 
aptitude,  facility  for  settling  up  matters  long  in  dispute, 
and  general  legal  attainments.  Sir  John  was  determined 
to  get  all  the  old  questions  at  issue  between  the  Provinces 
and  the  Dominion  out  of  the  way,  and  had  initiated  several 
suits  against  Ontario  in  connection  with  Indian  claims  and 
titles  to  land. 

An  important  case  along  these  lines  was  that  aris- 
ing from  the  treaties  made  with  the  Indians  at  Sault 
Ste.  Marie  on  3rd  September,  1850,  under  which  the  Ojibe- 
ways  surrendered  to  the  Crown  all  the  land  north  of  Lakes 
Huron  and  Superior  to  the  Height  of  Land,  in  considera- 
tion of  certain  fixed  annuities.  The  treaty  contained  a 
provision  that  if  the  surrendered  territory  produced  suffi- 
cient revenue  to  enable  the  Crown  to  do  so,  without  incur- 
ring loss,  the  annuities  in  favor  of  the  Indians  would  be 
augmented.  This  had  since  proved  to  be  the  case,  and 
their  claim  had  been  pressed  for  consideration. 

Under  Section  111  of  the  British  North  America  Act 
the  Dominion  engaged  to  assume  all  the  liabilities  of  the 
late  Provinces  of  Canada,  so  that  primarily  the  Dominion 
was  admitted  to  be  liable  to  the  Indians  in  this  connection. 
Sir  John  Thompson,  however,  on  behalf  of  the  Government, 
claimed  that  Ontario  having  obtained  the  benefit  of  the 
land  and  the  revenues  received  from  it,  should  restore  to 
the  Dominion  the  moneys  already  expended  and  pay  the 
whole  of  the  annuities,  past  and  future.  Three  arbitrators 
were  chosen  to  deal  with  the  question :  Hon.  J.  A.  Boyd, 
Chancellor  of  Ontario  on  behalf  of  the  Province  of  Ontario; 
Sir  Napoleon  Casault,  Chief  Justice  of  Quebec,  on  behalf 


HON.  G.  W.  Ross,  LL.D.,  M.P.P. 

Minister  of  Education  in  Ont&rio, 


SIR   JOHN   THOMPSON.  379 

of  the  Province  of  Quebec ;  and  the  Hon.  Mr.  Justice 
Burbidge  on  behalf  of  the  Dominion.  As  a  large  sum 
of  money  was  involved  the  result  was  awaited  with  much 
interest.  And  as  ultimately  decided  it  was  very  largly  in 
favour  of  the  Dominion  ;  partly  in  favor  of  the  Provinces. 
Under  the  terms  of  another  treaty  made  with  the  Indians 
before  Confederation  and  dealing  with  certain  territories 
west  of  Lake  Superior  covering  thousands  of  square  miles 
in  extent,  sundry  disputes  regarding  jurisdiction  had  occur- 
red. Over  two-thirds  of  the  land  in  question  was  eventu- 
ally decided  by  the  Imperial  Privy  Council  in  the  St. 
Catharines  Milling  case,  to  belong  to  Ontario.  Meantime, 
however,  the  Dominion  Government  at  great  expense  to 
itself  had  extinguished  the  Indian  title  to  these  lands  by 
incurring  heavy  liabilities  for  large  perpetual  annuities 
and  by  other  payments  during  many  years  past,  which 
alone  had  reached  $800,000.  Sir  John  Thompson  finally 
brought  the  matter  before  the  Courts  and  it  is  still  pending, 
but  with  every  possibility  that  Ontario  may  eventually 
find  itself  interested  to  the  tune  of  some  millions  of  dollars, 
and  Quebec  in  a  smaller  sum. 

It  seems  to  have  been  in  connection  with  these  cases 
that  Sir  Oliver  Mowat  was  able  to  speak  so  highly  of  the 
late  Premier  at  the  time  of  his  death  : 

"  He  was  an  earnest  Canadian,  a  man  of  great  ability 
and  industry,  and  possessed  of  a  judicial. mind  and  sound 
judgment.  From  my  official  intercourse  with  him  after  his 
appointment  as  Minister  of  Justice  I  formed  a  high  opinion 
of  his  great  forwardness  and  business  aptitude.  I  think 
the  Conservatives  of  Canada  have  never  had  a  better  Min- 
ister, if  they  have  had  one  as  good." 

Another  legal  matter  in  which  Sir  John  Thompson 
took  great  interest,  but  which  he  was  fated  to  leave  still 
unsettled,  was  the  question  of  an  Insolvency  Law.  For  a 


380  LIFE   AND   WORK   OF 

long  time  it  had  been  felt  that  the  existing  system  was  in- 
efficient and  required  reform.  Finally  the  feeling  amongst 
Canadian  merchants  grew  so  strong  that  a  conference  was 
held  at  Ottawa  on  January  16th,  1893,  between  delegates 
from  the  Montreal,  Toronto  and  London  Boards  of  Trade ; 
and  the  Premier,  the  Hon.  Mr.  Foster  and  the  Hon.  Mr. 
Angers ;  with  a  view  to  the  introduction  of  a  measure  at 
an  early  session  of  Parliament  which,  while  extending 
reasonable  means  for  relief  to  the  debtor,  would  at  the 
same  time  protect  the  creditor  in  realizing  upon  the  assets 
of  bankrupts.  In  accordance  with  the  decision  afterwards 
arrived  at,  Mr.  Bowell  brought  a  Bill  before  the  Senate 
on  April  4th,  1&94,  dealing  with  the  whole  subject 
in  great  elaboration.  Unfortunately,  many  causes  com- 
bined to  prevent  it  getting  through  the  Commons  beyond 
the  first  reading.  Promises  were  made  however,  by  Sir 
John  that  it  would  come  up  and  be  pushed  at  the  ensuing 
session. 

It  is  interesting  to  note  in  connection  with  this  parti- 
cular portion  of  his  career,  how  strongly  he  felt  regarding 
the  powers  of  the  Local  Legislatures.  As  already  pointed 
out  he  seldom  used  the  right  of  disallowance.  But  he  went 
even  further  than  a  tacit  admission  of  the  wisdom  of 
letting  the  Provinces  govern  themselves  as  a  rule,  and  dur- 
ing the  debate  upon  the  Jesuits'  Estates  bill,  declared  that 
"  a  Provincial  Legislature,  legislating  upon  subjects  which 
are  given  to  it  by  the  British  North  America  Act  has  the 
power  to  repeal  an  Imperial  Statute  passed  prior  to  the 
B.N.A.  Act  affecting  those  subjects."  And  upon  this  point 
he  quoted  several  important  precedents.  In  subsequent 
discussions  upon  the  Copyright  Law  the  power  of  the 
Dominion  to  repeal  certain  Imperial  acts,  so  far  as  they 
affected  Canada,  was  urged  with  equal  distinctness  and 
with  far  greater  earnestness, 


SIR  JOHN   THOMPSON. 


CHAPTER  XXII. 
THE  CRIMINAL  CODE  AND  THE  Copy  RIGHT  LAW. 

Multifarious  as  were  the  duties  of  the  Minister  of 
Justice  during  the  years  in  which  he  filled  that  onerous 
office,  he  still  managed  to  find  time  for  great  reforms  as 
well  as  for  the  ordinary  work  of  his  department  and  for 
the  innumerable  matters  which  require  the  attention  of  a 
party  leader.  The  review  of  Provincial  enactments ;  the 
supervision  of  the  national  laws  and  of  general  legislation ; 
the  control  of  his  department ;  the  preparation  of  an 
immense  number  of  reports ;  the  presentation  of  the 
Government's  views  or  defence  upon  nearly  all  important 
Parliamentary  subjects  ;  the  preparation  or  supervision  of 
leading  appeal  cases  before  the  Supreme  Court  or  the 
Privy  Council ;  the  inspection  and  charge  of  the  prisons 
and  penitentiaries  of  the  Dominion ;  the  making  of  cam- 
paign speeches ;  the  participation  in  diplomatic  negotiations 
regarding  Behring  Sea,  the  Fisheries,  Reciprocity,  or  New- 
foundland ;  composed  but  a  portion  of  the  vast  amount  of 
work  which  he  had  assumed. 

In  the  midst  of  it  all  he  managed  to  put  into  shape 
and  pass  through  the  House  of  Commons  a  Codification  of 
the  Criminal  Laws  of  Canada,  which  in  itself  would  consti- 
tute a  lasting  monument  to  the  ability,  industry  and  know- 
ledge of  any  average  statesman,  During  the  Session  of 
1891,  the  measure  was  first  brought  forward  by  the  Minis- 
ter, chiefly  in  order  to  obtain  suggestions  from  all  who 
were  competent  to  deal  with  the  subject.  In  1892,  it  was 
again  introduced  and  was  found  to  be  greatly  modified  and 


382  LIFE   AND  WORK   OF 

improved  by  the  advice  of  Judges  and  of  other  leading 
authorities  in  the  legal  world.  The  measure  was  probably 
the  most  voluminous  ever  presented  to  the  House  of  Com- 
mons, and  contained  more  than  a  thousand  clauses,  covering 
fully  350  pages.  It  was  referred  early  in  the  Session  to  a 
Joint  Committee,  composed  of  the  very  ablest  men  in  both 
parties,  who  went  over  it  clause  by  clause  and  dealt  with 
it  in  an  honest,  thorough  manner. 

Here  it  was  that  Sir  John  Thompson  showed  his 
power.  In  Committee  he  was  always  at  his  best,  and  in 
dealing  with  a  non-partisan,  legal  question  of  this  kind  he 
naturally  held  the  very  highest  place  and  most  strongly 
impressed  himself  upon  the  legislation  under  discussion. 
So  skilfully,  ably  and  persistently  did  he  stamp  his  views 
upon  its  every  page  that,  in  point  of  fact,  the  Canadian 
Code  of  1892  deserves  to  be  called  after  its  maker  far  more 
than  did  ever  the  famous  Code  Napoleon.  Under  its  terms 
Canadians  were  enabled  to  boast  that  they  had  led  the  way 
amongst  English-speaking  peoples  in  the  enactment  of  a 
comprehensive  code  of  criminal  law.  In  briefly  introducing 
his  measure  to  the  House  on  April  12th,  the  Minister  of 
Justice  announced  that  "  It  will  deal  with  offences  against 
public  order,  internal  and  external ;  offences  affecting  the 
administration  of  the  law  and  of  justice;  offences  against 
religion,  morals  and  public  convenience ;  offences  against 
the  person  and  reputation ;  offences  against  the  rights  of 
property  and  rights  arising  out  of  contracts,  and  offences 
connected  with  trade  ;  it  will  deal  with  procedure  and  pro- 
ceedings after  conviction  and  actions  against  persons 
administering  the  criminal  law." 

The  final  report  of  the  Joint  Committee  to  which  it 
had  been  referred  did  not  appear  till  nearly  the  end  of  the 
Session,  but  it  was  accepted  without  serious  objection,  and 
the  new  Code  became  the  law  of  the  land.  Its  important 


SIR   JOHN    THOMPSON.  383 

features  were  numerous  and  in  fact  may  be  said  to  have 
almost  effected  a  legal  revolution.  Up  to  1869,  when  a 
first  effort  was  made  at  consolidation,  English  regulations 
and  proceedure  had  prevailed  in  all  the  provinces,  and  even 
after  that  date  the  English  law,  when  not  inconsistent 
with  that  of  Canada,  or  when  dealing  with  offences  not 
provided  against  in  the  Canadian  law,  still  obtained.  The 
new  Code  covered  all  the  ground  hitherto  untouched  by 
Dominion  regulation,  and  declared  the  English  criminal 
law  to  be  no  longer  applicable  in  Canada.  No  person, 
therefore,  could  in  the  future  be  proceeded  against  for  an 
infraction  of  any  Act  of  the  Imperial  Parliament,  unless  by 
express  terms  such  an  Act  was  made  effective  within  the 
Dominion. 

Important  legislation  was  settled  concerning  insanity. 
No  person  could  be  convicted  because  of  an  offence  com- 
mitted, or  an  act  omitted,  by  him,  when  labouring  under 
natural  imbecility  or  disease  of  mind.  The  condition 
specified  was  one  in  which  incapacity  existed  for  appreciat- 
ing the  nature  of  the  act,  or  omission,  with  which  he  was 
charged,  or  of  distinguishing  between  right  and  wrong. 
All  persons,  however,  who  might  be  slightly  affected,  were 
not  excused,  and  if  labouring  under  specific  delusions, 
though  in  other  respects  sane,  could  not  be  acquitted  on 
the  ground  of  insanity.  Various  crimes  were  defined, 
including  murder,  treason,  sedition,  corruption,  libel  and 
theft.  The  following  provision  is  especially  interesting  : 
"  Culpable  homicide,  which  would  otherwise  be  murder, 
may  be  reduced  to  manslaughter,  if  the  person  who  causes 
death  does  so  in  the  heat  of  passion  caused  by  sudden 
>rovocation.  Any  wrongful  act  or  insult  of  such  a  nature 
to  be  sufficient  to  deprive  an  ordinary  person  of  the 
>wer  of  self-control  may  be  provocation  if  the  offender 
;ts  upon  it  on  the  sudden,  and  before  there  has  been  time 
for  his  passion  to  cool." 


384  LIFE  AND  WORK  OF 

Treason  was  defined  as  an  attempt  to  kill  Her  Majesty 
or  the  Heir  Apparent,  or  exhibiting  a  desire  to  do  so  ;  as 
an  effort  to  depose  the  Sovereign  or  levying  war  in  order 
to  compel  a  change  in  legislation ;  as  an  endeavour  to 
overawe  the  Parliament  of  Canada.  Sedition  was  described 
as  involving  an  attempt  to  brinsr  the  Sovereign  into  hatred 
or  contempt ;  exciting  disaffection  against  the  Queen,  the 
Dominion  Parliament  or  any  Provincial  Legislature;  en- 
deavouring to  procure  an  alteration  of  any  State  enact- 
ment or  regulation,  by  unlawful  means.  And  then  came 
an  interesting  provision  :  "  Everyone  is  guilty  of  an  indict- 
able offence  and  liable  to  one  year's  imprisonment  who 
cites  or  publishes  false  news  or  tales  whereby  discord  or 
slander  may  grow  between  the  Queen  and  her  people,  or 
which  may  produce  other  public  and  private  injury." 

The  libel  law  was  modified  and  improved  while  stren- 
uous regulations  were  made  regarding  corruption.  Follow- 
ing the  lines  of  Mr.  Abbott's  measure  in  the  preceding 
year,  any  judge  or  justice  accepting  a  bribe  was  made  liable 
to  fourteen  years'  imprisonment ;  the  sale  of  contracts  and 
offices  was  made  punishable  with  other  indictable  offences, 
and  the  offender  was  to  be  disqualified  for  five  years ;  the 
contribution  of  money  to  election  funds  by  public  con- 
tractors was  declared  illegal ;  and  public  officers  were  pro- 
hibited from  accepting  commissions. 

Another  important  provision  was  that  by  which  either 
husband  or  wife  were  allowed  to  give  evidence  in  a  case 
where  the  other  was  concerned,  only  excepting  any  evidence 
which  might  be  based  upon  private  conversation  between 
the  two.  Then  there  was  the  not  less  vital  change  in  the 
law,  by  which  the  accused  could  testify  on  his  own  behalf. 
A  distinguished  Judge  is  authority  for  the  private  state- 
ment that  during  the  last  two  years,  since  this  enactment 
has  been  in  force,  he  has  found  it  most  useful.  Guilty 


SIR   JOLN   THOMPSON.  385 

parties  seemed  very  often  disposed  to  perjure  themselves 
and  to  finally  reveal  their  own  guilt  by  attempts  to  flounder 
out  of  difficulties  On  the  other  hand  it  was  found  to  be 
a  great  help  to  really  innocent  persons. 

Of  course  the  measure  had  its  critics.  Mr.  Justice 
Taschereau,  of  the  Supreme  Court,  a  jurist  of  distinguished 
reputation,  published  an  elaborate  denunciation  of  the 
whole  code.  His  position  in  the  matter  was,  however, 
much  weakened  by  failure  to  make  a  single  suggestion 
during  the  prolonged  period  in  which  the  bill  was  being 
considered,  and  by  omission  to,  in  anyway,  respond  to  the 
requests  for  advice  which  were  frequently  made  to  him. 
No  one  but  a  lawyer  of  wide  research  could  deal  with  the 
technical  objections  raised  by  His  Lordship,  but  it  must 
seem  to  any  impartial  layman  who  looks  at  this  completed 
code,  that  its  defects  are  like  spots  upon  the  sun — merely 
incidental  to  a  vast  and  varied  surface  of  light.  As  the 
poet  has  so  well  said : 

"In  every  w^ork  regard  the  writer's  end, 

Since  none  can  compass  more  than  they  intend, 
And  if  the  means  be  just,  the  conduct  true, 
Applause  in  spite  of  trivial  faults,  is  due." 

Sir  John  Thompson's  work  in  this  connection  is  indeed 
a  lasting  memorial  to  his  wonderfully  luminous  legal  intel- 
lect, and  to  his  rank  as  a  really  great  Minister.  And  there 
is  much  to  think  of  and  remember  in  the  eloquent  tribute 
paid  to  this  particular  achievement  by  Mr.  J.  T.  Bulmer,  of 
Halifax : 

"The  completion   and  passage  of   the  criminal   code 
marks  a  new  era  in  criminal  legislation  and  penal  reform, 
)t  only  for  Canada,  but  for  the  world  as  well.     It  is  as 
le  as  a  proposition  in  Euclid,  that  the  criminal  law  of 
Canada  is  above  that  of  any  nation  or  State  on  the  face  of 
earth.     It  embodies  most  of  the  suggestions  of  Bentham, 

25 


386  LIFE   AND   WORK   OF 

Becarri,  Livingston,  Mackintosh  and  Romily,  and  hundreds 
of  others  which  never  occurred  to  them,  and  is  the  first 
attempt  on  a  national  scale  to  make  criminal  law  synony- 
mous with  justice,  and  substitute  civilization  and  Christian- 
ity for  barbarism." 

It  may  safely  be  said  also  that  the  rank  and  place 
thus  taken  by  Sir  John  paved  the  way  for  the  offer  which 
would  inevitably  have  come  in  subsequent  years,  of  mem- 
bership in  the  Judicial  Committee  of  the  Imperial  Privy 
Council.  Whether  it  would  have  been  accepted  by  a  man 
who  declined  to  take  the  vacant  Chief  Justiceship  of  Can- 
ada, with  all  its  environments  of  ease  and  dignity,  because 
he  thought  his  duty  lay  in  assuming  the  Premiership ;  or 
whether  it  would  have  had  any  effect  upon  the  leader, 
who  practically  let  life  slip  away  from  him  in  the  attempt 
to  do  his  duty,  and  his  whole  duty,  by  the  State  ;  depends 
upon  circumstances  which  can  now  be  only  guessed  at. 
But  when  an  authority  like  the  late  Sir  James  Fitzjames 
Stephen,  declares  the  English  legal  system  to  be  merely  "  a 
mass  of  ill- arranged  Acts  of  Parliament.  .  .  .  finally 
consolidated  into  a  small  number  of  acts,  faithfully  pre- 
serving the  confusion  and  intricacy  of  the  material  from 
which  they  were  put  together,"  it  is  not  difficult  to  under- 
stand the  eventual  appreciation  which  must  have  followed 
the  achievement  of  the  Canadian  Minister  of  Justice. 

Upon  another  subject  in  which  Sir  John  Thompson 
was  enthusiastically  interested,  and  in  the  mastery  of 
whose  technical  and  difficult  details  he  had  expended  much 
research  and  labour,  success  did  not  come  during  his  life- 
time. On  the  very  verge  of  an  arrangement  regarding 
the  Canadian  Copyright  Law,  which  no  one  else  under- 
stood so  thoroughly  and  could  have  handled  with  so  many 
probabilities  of  a  satisfactory  result,  he  was  stricken  down. 
The  points  in  this  prolonged  dispute  are  not,  perhaps, 


SIR   JOHN    THOMPSON.  387 

appreciated  at  their  true  importance.  The  question 
involves  the  discussion  and,  perhaps,  re-arrangement,  of 
various  international  treaties;  ib  affects  the  general  question 
of  Colonial  self-government ;  it  includes  the  complaints  of 
Canadian  publishers  and  the  fears  of  British  authors  ;  it 
dates  back  through  fifty  years  of  contention ;  and  requires 
on  the  part  of  anyone  who  would  deal  with  it  in  states- 
manlike form,  a  mastery  of  the  official  communications  and 
voluminous  arguments  produced  by  half  a  century  of 
vigourous  disputation. 

The  origin  of  the  trouble  was  the  Imperial  Copyright 
Act  of  1842,  which  gave  copyright  throughout  the  British 
dominions  to  any  book  published  in  the  United  Kingdom, 
whether  printed  there  or  not.  Though  intended  to  give  a 
free  circulation  to  British  literature  within  British  terri- 
tories, it  was  soon  found  that  English  editions  were  too 
expensive  for  Colonial  requirements,  and  in  order  to  meet 
this  difficulty  an  amendment  was  introduced  in  1847  which 
allowed  the  Canadian  Government  to  impose  a  nominal 
author's  royalty  of  12^  per  cent.,  to  be  collected  at  the 
Custom  Houses,  and  to  be  handed  over  to  the  Imperial 
Government.  Under  this  new  regulation,  cheap  American 
reprints  soon  flooded  the  market  to  the  advantage  of 
Canadian  readers,  but  to  the  very  evident  injury  of  the 
local  book  and  publishing  trade. 

Then  followed  complications  in  connection  with  the 
Berne  Convention  of  1886,  and  the  ensuing  International 
Copyright  Act,  passed  by  the  British  Parliament,  which 
practically  threw  the  Canadian  market  open  to  British  and 

Linerican  publications,  without  any  control  by  the  Dominion 
>vernment  on  behalf  of  the  Canadian  publisher.     In  1875 

local  enactment  had  been  passed,  limited,  however,  to  the 
rights  of  Canadian  publishers,  in  connection  with   local 

'orks.     But  on  the  20th  of  April,  1889,  Sir  John  Thomp- 


388  LIFE  AND   WORK   OF 

son  introduced  a  measure  by  which  he  proposed  to  end  this 
sort  of  thing ;  to  test  the  power  of  the  Dominion  Govern- 
ment to  protect  the  Canadian  publisher ;  and  to  take  firm 
ground  upon  the  rights  derivable  from  the  Confederation 
Act  of  1867.  The  constitutional  position  he  described  very 
clearly : 

"  I  think  we  have  the  right  to  legislate  in  respect  to 
this  subject  irrespective  of  any  Statute  of  the  Imperial 
Parliament  passed  before  the  British  North  America  Act 
was  passed.  The  Imperial  Copyright  Act  was  passed  in 
1842.  The  Act  which  declared  that  Colonial  Statutes  were 
invalid  if  they  were  repugnant  to  Imperial  Statutes  was 
passed  in  1865.  Two  years  after  that,  we  received  the 
ample  gift  of  powers  which  the  British  North  America  Act 
contains.  In  the  exercise  of  those  powers,  we  have 
repealed,  sometimes  by  implication,  and  sometimes  directly, 
scores  of  Imperial  enactments,  in  addition  to  volumes  of 
the  Common  Law  of  the  United  Kingdom ;  and,  if  the 
objection  were  sustained  in  regard  to  the  exercise  of  our 
powers  on  the  question  of  copyright,  it  would  strike  off  at 
least  one-half  of  the  Revised  Statutes." 

In  dealing  with  the  difficulties  under  which  Canadian 
publishers  laboured,  the  Minister  of  Justice  pointed  out 
that  by  the  local  laws  an  author  can  obtain  copyright  in 
Canada  only  on  condition  of  his  printing  and  publishing, 
or  reprinting  and  republishing,  in  the  Dominion.  No  such 
condition,  however,  is  attached  to  the  copyright  of  English 
works  in  Canada,  and  practically  there  is  no  restriction 
upon  the  sale  of  American  reprints.  "  While  a  Canadian 
publishing  house  is  not  at  liberty  to  republish  an  English 
copyrighted  work,  a  publishing  house  in  the  United  States, 
having  obtained  a  transfer  of  the  rights  to  Canada  possessed 
by  an  English  author,  can  republish  in  the  United  States 
and  have  complete  command  of  the  Canadian  market, 


SIR  JOHN   THOMPSON.  389 

while,  on  the  other  hand,  it  is  impossible  for  a  citizen  of 
Canada,  under  any  circumstances,  to  obtain  copyright 
privileges  in  the  United  States." 

Residence  in  a  British  country  which  was  at  first  re- 
quired, had  become  entirely  nominal  and  a  perfect  farce,  so 
that,  to  sum  up,  the  American  author  by  obtaining  copy- 
right simultaneously  in  both  the  United  Kingdom  and  the 
United  States  was  able  to  capture,  without  any  considera- 
tion in  return,  the  absolute  control  of  the  Canadian  market. 
The  Minister  proposed  in  this  measure  that  unless  the 
author  who  had  obtained  British  copyright  should  at  the 
same  time  obtain  a  copyright  in  Canada,  and  republish  his 
book  there  within  a  week  after,  the  Minister  of  Agricul- 
ture should  be  at  liberty  to  give  a  license  to  any  Canadian 
to  publish  the  work.  He  added  that  this  might  be  thought 
"  a  strong  step  in  the  interests  of  all  those  connected 
with  the  publishing  industry  in  Canada,  and  it  may  be 
supposed  to  be  a  strong  step  against  the  British  author." 
But,  on  the  other  hand,  it  was  intended  to  enact  that 
there  should  be  an  excise  duty  on  all  the  books  published 
under  that  license ;  and,  said  the  speaker,  "  Those  who 
have  made  a  study  of  the  subject  assure  me  that  the  pro- 
ceeds to  be  derived  from  that  excise  duty,  will  give  the 
British  author  far  more  compensation  for  the  sale  of  his 
works  in  Canada  than  he  could  possibly  derive  by  other 
leans."  He  concluded  a  vigourous  and  most  effective 
>eech  by  a  declaration  of  his  belief  that  "  we  have  these 
>wers ;  if  not,  the  sooner  we  get  them  the  better." 

Passing  Parliament  unanimously,  the  Act  was  sent  to 
Imperial  Government  for  approval,  which  had  not  been 
iven   up   to   the   day   of   its    author's   death.      Protests 
yarding  the  delay,  and  urgent  State   papers  drawn  up 
Sir  John  Thompson  have  been  forwarded,  while  various 
)ther  efforts  have  been  made  to  get  the  law  into  opera- 


390  LIFE  AND   WORK   OF 

tion.  But  the  opposing  influences  have  been  too  great. 
It  is  claimed  by  the  Imperial  Government  that  such  an 
enactment  involves  the  abandonment  of  the  policy  of  inter- 
national and  Imperial  copyright  which  was  after  difficulty, 
asserted  in  1888  to  the  considerable  benefit  of  the  British 
author  in  various  markets;  that  it  is  inconsistent  with 
the  policy  of  making  copyright  independent  of  the  place 
of  printing — ia  other  words,  that  it  does  not  harmonize 
with  the  English  free  trade  idea — that  it  would  probably 
modify,  if  not  destroy,  advantages  gained  in  the  United 
States  by  the  arrangement  of  1891 ;  and  that  it  would  be 
injurious  to  the  British  authors  by  whom  the  Canadian 
market  (via  United  States  publishers)  is  chiefly  supplied. 

In  an  elaborate  memorandum  addressed  by  the  Minis- 
ter of  Justice  to  Lord  Knutsford,  as  Colonial  Secretary, 
on  July  14th,  1890,  these  and  other  contentions  are 
thoroughly  handled,  and  the  position  of  the  Canadian 
publisher  is  most  vividly  depicted.  The  results  of  the 
present  system  were  declared  to  be  exceedingly  disastrous : 

"  The  American  publisher,  unrestrained  by  any  inter- 
national copyright  law  or  treaty,  is  free  to  reprint  any 
British  work  and  to  supply  it,  not  only  to  the  reading  pub- 
lic of  the  United  States,  but  to  the  reading  public  of  Can- 
ada, while  the  Canadian  publisher  is  not  free  to  reprint 
any  such  work  on  any  terms,  unless  he  can  obtain  the  per- 
mission of  the  holder  of  the  copyright  in  Great  Britain.  In 
some  noted  instances,  this  has  actually  led  to  the  transfer 
of  printing  establishments  from  Canada  to  the  United 
States.  In  other  cases  English  publishing  houses  have  set 
up  branches  in  New  York  or  other  American  cities  with 
the  view  of  reprinting  for  the  United  States  and  Canada 
the  copyright  works  which  they  have  issued  in  London." 

He  points  out  how  impossible  it  is  for  a  Canadian 
publisher  to  compete  in  making  arrangements  for  the  right 


SIR  JOHN   THOMPSON.  391 

to  reprint  any  given  English  work,  with  American  firms 
which  not  <>nly  command  and  hold  their  own  market  of 
00,001X000.  but  in  addition  have  a  practical  monopoly  of  the 
Canadian  market  : 

'•  Inasmuch  as  the  Imperial  Copyright  Acts  forbid  the 
reprinting  of  copyrighted  works,  but  permit  the  importa- 
tion of  the  American  reprints.  In  many  modern  instances, 
the  British  copyright  holder  has  preferred  to  sell  his  right 
to  an  American  publisher  rather  than  to  a  Canadian,  and 
has  even  bound  himself  by  the  terms  of  sale  to  prosecute 
any  Canadian  who  may  reprint  his  work  for  sale  in  Canada 
—the  operation  which  the  American  sets  himself  about  at 
once." 

Sir  John  then  gave  at  length,  though  as  concisely  as 
was  possible,  the  history  of  the  whole  question,  together 
with  correspondence  which  had  taken  place  from  time  to 
time.  The  report  constitutes  in  fact  a  most  complete  and 
logical  presentation  of  the  case,  and  it  is  not  difficult  in 
view  of  the  compact,  yet  varied  knowledge,  displayed  in 
this  and  other  documents,to  realize  the  confidence  which  was 
felt  in  his  eventual  settlement  of  the  controversy.  And  it 
is  none  the  less  interesting  to  note  the  strong  expressions 
of  praise  which  in  this  connection  have  been  since  awarded 
to  the  late  Premier  by  political  opponents  of  the  most  pro- 
nounced kind.  If  Sir  John  Thompson  could  have  received 
these  expressions  of  non-partisan  approval  during  his  life- 
time, there  is  no  doubt  that  it  would  have  been  the  greatest 
pleasure  which  he  could  possibly  have  been  given. 

But  as  so  often  happens,  the  public  forget  during  a 
leader's  fighting  career  to  express  their  appreciation  in  a 
tangible  manner  or  in  one  which  a  sensitive  and  sometimes 
greatly  abused  statesman  can  enjoy ;  while  political  oppo- 
nents let  slip  many  an  opportunity  to  sweeten  and  render 
pleasant,  the  surroundings  of  party  stress  and  struggle, 


392  LIFE  AND   WORK  OB1 


CHAPTER  XXIII. 
AN  IMPERIAL  STATESMAN. 

Sir  John  Thompson  never  appeared  before  the  public 
as  an  enthusiast.  The  unwillingness  to  express  his  own 
strong  feelings  to  others  and  intense  dislike  of  those  who 
used  patriotic  phrases  as  a  cloak  for  unpatriotic  policies 
were  dominant  forces  in  his  character.  No  Canadian  was 
ever  more  earnest  in  believing  that  the  maintenance  of 
British  connection  and  the  development  of  Imperial  unity 
were  the  greatest  and  wisest  objects  for  Dominion  policy. 
But  it  was  only  by  slow  degrees  that  the  people  of  Canada 
generally,  came  to  appreciate  the  strength  of  this  sentiment 
and  then  more  by  the  practical  results  of  his  policy  than  by 
any  special  public  belief  in  his  loyalty  or  Imperialism. 

Where  Sir  John  A.  Macdonald,  by  phrase  or  precept, 
would  embody  the  national  regard  for  Britain,  in  a  way 
calculated  to  arouse  all  the  enthusiasm  of  the  people, 
and  thus  aid  him  in  the  carrying  out  of  an  Imperial 
policy,  Sir  John  Thompson  would  proceed  first  to  plan, 
and  then  to  quietly  put  his  schemes  in  practice  before 
inviting  that  public  approval  of  which  he  was  always 
reasonably  assured.  Yet  his  utterances  upon  these  lines 
were  by  no  means  few,  and  as  time  went  on  the  strength 
of  his  views  would  have  become  more  evident  and  more 
widely  known.  Speaking,  for  instance,  at  the  Ministerial 
Banquet  in  the  Mansion  House,  London,  on  Aug.  (Jth,  1890, 
and  in  response  to  the  toast  of  the  "Army  and  Navy  ani 
Reserve  Forces,"  the  Minister  of  Justice  for  Canada —as  he 
then  was — referred  to  his  pride  as  a  colonist  that  "  the  day 


SIH  JOHN  THOMPSON.  393 

had  come  when  friends  and  foes  alike,  in  considering  the 
strength  of  the  Empire,  had  to  take  into  account  the 
strength  of  the  Colonies  across  the  sea." 

O 

Upon  all  the  questions  which  came  up  from  time  to 
time  in  regard  to  Canada's  duty  to  the  Empire,  he  spoke 
with  no  uncertain  sound.  The  very  idea  of  discrimination 
against  British  products  in  favour  of  American  goods  was 
abhorrent  to  him  ;  the  advocacy  cf  Independence  he  consid- 
ered dangerous  to  the  Dominion,  both  in  the  present  and 
in  the  future ;  and  the  best  policy  to  pursue  was,  in  his 
opinion,  one  which  would  make  the  interests  of  Canada 
and  the  Empire  identical,  and  gradually  bring  the  wealth 
and  power  of  the  Mother  Country  into  operation  as  sub- 
stantial factors  in  the  development  of  Canadian  territory. 
In  resisting  successfully  the  efforts  of  Newfoundland  to 
introduce  the  wretched  precedent  of  discrimination  into  the 
Colonial  relationship,  he  did  a  great  and  perhaps  not  suffi- 
ciently appreciated  service  to  the  Empire.  His  action 
served  as  an  ample  protection  against  any  discrimination 
in  favour  of  American  goods  in  the  treaty  afterwards  made 
between  the  British  West  Indies  and  the  United  States. 
It  will  also  prove  an  efficient  precedent,  and  a  reason  for 
the  use  of  the  veto  by  the  Imperial  Government  in  the 
event  of  any  future  Canadian  administration  being  so  lost 
to  a  sense  of  national  honour  as  to  introduce  the  principle 
into  a  reciprocity  arrangement  with  the  American  Republic. 

At  the  same  time  Sir  John  Thompson  was  too  thorough 
a  Canadian  to  permit  of  his  ever  considering  British  inter- 
ests first  and  those  of  the  Dominion  second.  The  way  in 
which  he  stood  out  for  Canadian  rights  in  regard  to  the 
Atlantic  fisheries,  and  the  Pacific  Coast  sealing  interests ; 
the  Copyright  question,  and  the  British  treaties  which  limit 
the  freedom  of  Canadian  fiscal  action ;  are  proofs  whicL 
sufficiently  illustrate  the  fact.  He  bolieved  in  Canada 


394  LIFE  AND  WORK  OF 

having  the  very  fullest  power  compatible  with  its  position 
as  a  State  of  the  Empire,  and  had  its  interests  come  in 
conflict  with  those  of  England,  he  would  have  stood  for 
Canada  first.  But  he  considered  the  whole  matter  in  a 
very  different  spirit  from  that  wh'ch  must  have  actuated 
those  who  were  always  looking  forward  to  such  a  divergence 
of  destiny,  and  speaking  of  it  as  something  inevitable,  when 
in  reality  it  was  barely  possible. 

National  existence  he  considered  compatible  with 
British  connection,  one.  in  fact,  being  dependent  upon  the 
other.  Speaking  in  Toronto  on  January  6th,  1898,  the 
new  Premier  declared  that  "  every  man  who  is  a  Canadian 
at  heart  feels  that  this  country  ought  to  be  a  nation,  will 
be  a  nation,  and,  please  God,  we  shall  help  to  make  it  a 
nation  ;  but,  sir,  we  do  not  desire  that  it  shall  be  a  separate 
nation,  but  that  it  will  be  a  nation  in  itself,  forming  a 
bulwark  to  the  British  Empire,  whose  traditions  we  admire, 
whose  protection  we  enjoy,  and  who  has  given  to  this 
country  in  the  fullest  degree  the  right  and  the  power  of 
self-government,  and  agreed  to  extend  to  the  people  of  this 
country  every  facility  which  a  self -governed  and  indepen- 
dent people  could  desire  to  have." 

At  the  great  meeting  which  followed  a  week  later  in 
the  Auditorium,  he  proclaimed  amid  ringing  cheers  that 
"the  very  corner-stone  of  the  policy  which  we  have 
endeavoured  to  carry  forward,  which  we  will  build  our 
future  upon,  is  British  connection."  He  went  on  to  say 
that  it  was  the  bounden  duty  of  both  Liberals  and  Conser- 
vatives to  take  care  that  the  question  of  that  future  was 
not  trifled  with  ;  to  see  that  Canada  was  developed  as  "  a 
iirm,  strong  British  nationality  " ;  to  base  political  action 
upon  confidence  and  not  pessimism ;  to  spurn  the  annexa- 
tionist  emissary  from  the  door  of  every  true  Canadian  :  to 
cease  trifling  with  the  idea  of  annexation  "  by  paltering 


SIR  JOHN  THOMPSON, 
Speaking  in  the  Canadian  Bouse  of  Commons. 


SIR  JOHN   THOMPSON.  397 

with  independence."  It  was  not,  he  thought,  an  unworthy 
ambition  to  look  forward  to  a  distant  possibility  of  inde- 
pendence when  Canada  might  contain  a  great  and  populous 
nation,  but  "to  talk  of  it  as  being  practicable  or  reasonable 
within  the  present  generation,  is  to  talk  absurdity,  if  it  is 
not  to  talk  treason." 

At  the  present  time,  Canada  was  independent  in  the 
truest  sense  of  the  word,  with  the  greatest  possible  liberty 
of  self-government,  and  the  protection  of  so  powerful  a 
parent  that  no  one  could  menace  that  independence  or 
hamper  its  free  operation  and  development  But  in  view 
of  the  immense  power  and  intense  aggressiveness  of  the 
United  States  "  it  required  the  fullest  care  and  help  of  the 
Empire  in  order  to  keep  the  independence  of  Canada  and 
to  safeguard  the  rights  of  Canada."  The  man,  therefore, 
who  advocated  independence  while  the  Dominion  was  in 
this  stage  of  national  existence,  advocated  not  only  separa- 
tion from  Great  Britain,  but  practically  the  absorption  of 
this  country  into  the  United  States :  "  If  the  sentiments 
which  animated  the  people  of  the  Dominion  were  destroyed 
by  British  connection  being  severed^  and  the  moral  help 
and  the  prestige  of  Great  Britain  were  withdrawn  from  it, 
the  United  States  would  have  us  at  her  disposal  whenever 
she  pleased." 

In  an  elaborate  interview  given  the  papers  upon  his 
return  from  the  Arbitration  Tribunal  at  Paris, — August 
26th — Sir  John  Thompson  was  even  more  plain  and  for- 
cible: "  The  propagandism  for  Canadian  independence  is  a 
direct  and  plain  agitation  in  favor  of  annexation.  Nobody 
in  the  country  ought  to  be  deceived  about  that.  If  anyone 
wants  to  know  what  fate  Canada  would  meet  in  dealing 
with  any  international  question  standing  outside  of  the 
British  Empire,  he  had  better  read  the  record  in  the 
Behring  Sea  discussion.  Great  Britain  stood  by  us  nobly 


398  LIFE   AND  WORK   OF 

from  first  to  last,  and  she  guarded  every  interest,  that  she 
was  necessarily  asked  to  guard,  and  she. dealt  with  Canada 
in  all  matters  of  arbitration  as  fairly  and  as  zealously  as  if 
Canada  had  been  a  part  of  the  United  Kingdom.  Stand- 
ing alone  by  herself  Canada  would  not  have  received  one 
moment's  consideration,  and  any  discussion  of  rights  would 
have  been  disposed  of  in  short  order." 

A  few  weeks  later  at  the  demonstration  in  Montreal, 
on  September  12th,  he  denounced  "  the  wretched,  feeble 
voices  of  the  miserable  creatures,"  who  raised  the  cry  of 
annexation,  and  declared  that  after  closing  their  little  office 
in  Toronto,  some  of  them  had  gone  to  the  other  half  of  the 
Continent  "  for  which  they  have  such  a  profound  affection, 
but  in  which  they  will  find  the  people  have  a  profound 
contempt  for  renegade  Canadians."  It  will  not  be  surpris- 
ing in  this  connection  to  those  who  appreciated  the  strong 
though  suppressed  feelings  which  characterized  Sir  John, 
to  know  that  he  entertained  of  late  years  sentiments  of 
intense  dislike  to  Mr.  Gold  win  Smith,  as  the  champion  of 
views  for  which  he  felt  the  keenest  aversion.  He  found 
it  difficult,  indeed,  to  understand  how  a  cultured  English- 
man and  brilliant  writer  could  hold  such  dishonouring  and 
ignoble  opinions. 

Turning  to  the  Behring  Sea  matter,  he  pointed 
out  that  it  had  been  a  struggle  of  five  millions  of 
people  against  sixty  millions,  and  that  "it  was  not  by 
chattering  annexation  and  independence  that  Canada  had 
her  rights  assured  and  maintained  in  the  face  of  the 
nations."  It  was  because  Great  Britain  had  thrown  the 
majesty  of  her  flag  around  the  humblest  craft  which 
ploughed  the  waters  of  the  North  Pacific  ;  it  was  because 
the  Mother  Country  gave  Canada  an  equal  voice  in  the 
deliberations  of  the  Tribunal ;  it  was  because  the  Queen 
of  England  declared  that  at  the  bar  of  international  justice 


SIR  JOHN   THOMPSON.  399 

the  voice  of  able  and  eloquent  Canadian  counsel  should  be 
heard  upon  an  equal  footing  with  that  of  the  great  legal 
lights  of  Britain.  And  once  more  he  pronounced  the 
moral :  "  The  people  who  are  attempting  to  deceive  you 
with  the  story  of  independence  are  just  as  renegade  to 
every  interest  in  this  country  as  is  the  annexationist  him- 
self." 

Referring  again  to  those  who  spoke  of  it  merely  as  a 
possibility  in  the  distant  future,  the  Premier  continued  : 
•'That  is  a  worthy  aspiration  for  those  who  may  come 
after  us,  many  long  years  hence,  to  contemplate  ;  but  those 
who  speak  of  independence  in  the  present  state  of  Canada, 
or  in  any  condition  in  which  she  is  likely  to  be  within  the 
time  of  you  or  your  children,  are  not  talking  independence 
from  the  heart,  but  they  are  talking  it  with  the  lips,  and 
with  black  treason  in  their  hearts  to  every  true  Canadian 
interest  to  which  we  should  stand  firm." 

Yet,  with  all  his  strong  feelings  of  loyalty  and  intense 
aversion  to  anything  savouring  of  annexation  or  conti- 
nental ism,  Sir  John  Thompson  was  extremely  moderate 
and  fair  in  his  views  of  the  every-day  policy  which  should 
actuate  Canada  in  its  relations  towards  the  United  States. 
As  an  instance  of  this/and  apart  from  his  well  known 
attitude  regarding  reciprocity,  the  Alien  Labour  Bill  pre- 
sented to  the  House  in  1890,  and  urged  very  frequently 
afterwards,  may  be  mentioned.  For  years  the  United 
States  had  dealt  in  a  harsh,  almost  brutal,  manner  with 
Canadian  workingmen  who  had  crossed  the  border  to  seek 
employment,  who  had  perhaps  obtained  it,  or  who  were 
found  to  be  Canadians  after  having  .held  a  position  for 
possibly  many  years.  Under  the  terms  of  the  U.S.  Alien 
Labour  Law,  and  with  the  aid  of  inspectors,  or  of  the  lynx- 
eyed  representatives  of  some  labour  organization,  these 
men  would  be  discovered  and  promptly  put  out  of  the 
country,  with  little  consideration  and  less  respect. 


400  LIFE   AND   WORK   OF 

Naturally,  strong  feeling  was  aroused  by  these  indica- 
tions of  international  friendship  and  courtesy,  and  on 
January  27th,  Mr.  George  Taylor,  a  strong  Conservative 
and  prominent  supporter  of  the  Government,  introduced 
what  was  really  a  retaliatory  measure — a  Canadian  Alien 
Labour  Law.  Sir  John,  in  his  speech  during  the  debate, 
urged  moderation.  He  pointed  out  that  the  contract 
labour  regulations  of  the  United  States  applied  as  much  to 
Italy  as  to  Canada  in  principle,  although  naturally  their 
operation  was  more  immediately  felt  in  the  Dominion. 
Canadians  could  not  be  exempted  from  the  terms  of  the 
American  law,  even  by  special  arrangement,  without  the 
exemption  of  all  British  subjects.  For  the  United  States  to 
exempt  the  Dominion  would  be  to  make  Canada  the  back 
door  by  which  English  immigrants  of  an  undesirable  class 
might  gain  admittance.  For  the  Republic  to  exempt  British 
citizens  generally  would  be  to  practically  give  up  its  control 
over  the  incoming  of  the  product  of  European  slums,  to  be 
added  to  the  already  ample  population  of  American  slums. 

It  was,  he  thought,  a  matter  of  internal  policy,  entirely 
under  the  control  of  the  United  States,  one  which  they 
could  not  affect   and    in   which  they   should   not   endea- 
vour to    intervene,    even   though  American    officials   en- 
forced the  law  with  harshness  and  individual  ignominy. 
As  to  retaliation  :  "  T  do  submit  that  it  would  be  an  insane 
policy  to  adopt,  simply  because  harsh  and  irritating  legi 
lation  has  been  used  against  Canada."     Another  point 
consider  was  the  fact  that  it  would  interfere  with  immi- 
gration, and  unlike  the  United   States,  we  needed  mo] 
people  rather  than  less  :  "  It  would  be  unwise,  situated 
this  country  is,  to  impose  restrictions  of  this  kind  on  ani 
immigration  we  can  possibly  get."     The  proposal  was  not 
passed,  but  the  incident  shows,  as  did  the  modus  vivendi 
given  during  the  Atlantic  and  Behring  Sea  fishery  disputes  ^  j 

1 


SIR  JOHN  THOMPSON.  40l 

the  Canal  Tolls,  an>i  other  questions  ;  bow  anxious  Sir  John 
always  was  to  be  upon  the  best  possible  terms  with  the 
United  States. 

Reference  has  been  frequently  made  in  these  pages  to 
Sir  John  Thompson's  dislike  of  any  proposal  to  discrimi- 
oate  in  favour  of  the  United  States  against  any  part  of  the 
British  Empire.  Speaking  in  the  House  of  Commons  on 
April  425th,  1892,  he  declared  that  "  we  must  recognize  the 
sovereignly  of  the  Monarchy  of  which  we  are  subjects, 
and  our  relations  to  the  Empire  are  utterly  inconsistent 
with  the  idea  of  giving  a  preference  to  foreign  countries 
in  the  markets  of  this  country,  over  our  fellow  subjects  in 
other  parts  of  the  Empire,  and  in  Great  Britain  itself." 
For  this  reason  indeed  he  had  protested  so  energetically 
and  successfully  against  the  Bond-Blaine  treaty ;  for  this 
reason  he  had  watched  so  closely  the  American  and  West 
Indian  treaty  ;  for  this  reason  he  had  denounced  so  vig- 
ourously  the  Opposition  appeals  to  pessimism,  and  repre- 
sentation of  the  country  as  wrapped  in  misery  and  per- 
meated with  poverty  for  want  of  the  great  American 
market — which  could  only  be  obtained  by  discrimination 
against  the  Mother  Country. 

In  this  particular  speech  he  expressed  strong  disappro- 
bation of  the  previous  utterances  of  Mr.  Davies,  on  account 
of  this  dismal  and  sombre  hue  : 

"  Outside  of  my  darkening  window 
Is  the  great  world's  crash  and  din, 
And  slowly  the  autumn  shadows 
Come  drifting,  drifting  in." 

It  was  nearly  all  shadow  and  no  sunshine;  national  despair 
with  but  few  gleams  of  hope  or  brightness.  He  then  went 
on,  as  if  speaking  to  the  Mother  Country,  to  define  the 
Canadian  position  :  "  You,  with  our  choice  and  by  our  wish, 
have  laid  certain  burdens  upon  us  as  part  of  this  Empiie 

26 


402  LIFE   AND   WORK   OF 

we  have  to  a  certain  extent  to  maintain  our  own  defence, 
we  have  to  keep  up  the  British  institutions  which  we  got 
from  you,  and  in  bearing  our  own  financial  burdens,  it  is 
absolutely  necessary  that  we  should  be  masters  of  our  own 
tariff,  saving  one  thing  only,  and  that  is,  that  we  shall  not 
forget  the  duties  we  owe  to  the  Empire  by  agreeing  that 
any  foreign  country  shall  have  a  preference  over  you  in 
the  tariffs  which  we  make." 

This  is  the  declaration  of  a  man  and  a  statesman.  It 
defends  Canadian  rights  without  infringing  British  inter- 
ests; it  seeks  to  make  the  two  identical  rather  than  to 
discover  some  material  or  sentimental  flaw  in  the  bond  of 
union  by  which  separation  may  be  aided ;  it  proclaims  that 
each  section  of  the  Empire  owes  a  duty  to  the  other  por- 
tions, but  should  at  the  same  time  cultivate  a  spirit  of 
mutual  independence  in  all  matters  of  local  import.  And 
it  does  not  particularly  appeal  to  sentiment.  In  all  of  Sir 
John  Thompson's  speeches,  as  in  his  general  policy,  duty 
seems  to  have  been  the  first  consideration.  He  sought  to 
express  and  explain  the  obligations  Canada  was  under  to 
the  Mother  Country ;  the  obligations  which  Great  Britain 
bore  to  the  Dominion.  Each  had  a  duty  to  perform — in 
one  case  the  bearing  of  true  allegiance,  in  the  other  the 
giving  of  true  protection.  And  the  mutual  performance  of 
duty  would  result  in  benefit  to  all  concerned. 

From  the  standpoint  of  sentiment  he  said  little  in  his 
earlier  national  speeches,  although  his  fierce  denunciations  of 
annexation  and  the  advocates  of  that  idea,  indicated  clearly 
enough  that  he  felt  deeply  upon  the  subject.  The  future 
was  not  a  thing  which  his  strong,  practical  mind,  cared  to 
deal  with  very  much, except  in  the  way  of  warning.  Imperial 
Federation  he  did  not  publicly  discuss,  although  his  whole 
policy  was  permeated  with  the  principle  upon  which  it  must 
ultimately  be  developed.  Closer  union  with  the  Empire  in 


SIR  JOHN   THOMPSON.  403 

a  sentimental  sense,  he  did  not  specially  urge/  Yet,  no  man 
expressed  more  strongly  and  sincerely  the  necessity  of 
conserving  British  unity  in  all  practical  political  directions. 
Upon  the  question  of  trade  with  Great  Britain  and 
with  the  Colonies  there  could  be  no  doubt  whatever  con- 
cerning his  views.  Canada  was  to  him  the  pivot  upon 
which  the  commercial  and  maritime  destinies  of  the  Empire 
muet  eventually  turn.  Hence  the  importance  of  the  C.  P.  R; 
the  steamship  connection  with  Australia  and  England ;  the 
problems  of  cable  communication  and  preferential  trade. 
The  latter  he  hoped  for  rather  than  expected.  With  the 
other  Colonies  the  policy  was,  of  course  practicable ;  with 
England  the  difficulties  were  very  great.  Speaking  in  the 
House  on  February  29th,  1892,  he  declared  in  this  connec- 
tion that  "  with  or  without  a  preferential  market,  the 
market  of  Great  Britain  is  at  present  the  grandest  field  for 
the  products  of  this  country."  There  could,  in  his  opinion, 
be  no  comparison  between  the  demand  for  Canadian  pro- 
ductions in  the  Mother  Country  and  that  furnished  by  the 
United  States. 

Imperial  Federation,  or  the  future  of  the  Empire 
in  a  constitutional  sense,  Sir  John  Thompson  never  dis- 
issed  in  public.  It  was  too  purely  speculative,  and  while 
ich  closer  unity  was  desirable,  and  eventually  necessary  in 
>me  form  or  other,  was  probably  in  his  opinion  best  served 
id  hastened  by  building  carefully  the  foundations  of  mutual 
fection  and  respect,  of  trade  interchange  and  personal 
itcrcourse,  of  cable  communication  and  general  defence. 
Appreciation  of  the  greatness  and  power  of  the  British 
Empire,  of  the  desirability  of  its  remaining  undivided,  of 
the  weakness  of  Canada  standing  alone  beside  the  United 
States,  of  the  good-will  and  substantial  aid  given  in  recent 
years  by  the  Mother  Country  to  the  Dominion ;  all  these 
were  apparently  more  potent  forces  to  the  mind  of  the  late 


LIFE  AND  WORK  OF 

Premier  in  the  bringing  about  of  complete  Imperial  union, 
than  were  any  number  of  proposed  constitutions,  theoretical 
propositions,  or  appeals  to  abstract  sentiment.  Unlike 
Lord  Rosebery  and  Sir  John  Maedonald,  he,  therefore, 
never  identified  himself  directly  with  the  Imperial  Feder- 
ation movement,  although  his  British  policy  and  principles 
were,  of  course,  in  complete  accordance  with  the  work  of 
its  promoters. 

There  can  certainly  be  no  doubt  concerning  Sir  John 
Thompson's  rank  and  place  as  an  Imperial  statesman. 
Apart  from  the  Inter-Colonial  Conference,  which  may  be 
thought  to  constitute  the  central  event  of  his  administra-' 
tion,  he  had  shown  himself  in  diplomacy  and  in  arbitration 
a  man  worthy  to  hold  his  own  amongst  the  best  and  highest 
of  the  Mother  Land.  In  complications  of  iong  standing 
with  the  United  States  he  proved  himself  a  careful 
Minister  and  ashrewd  opponent;  a  protector  of  Canadian 
interests,  but  averse  to  anything  which  might  unduly 
endanger  British  interests.  In  the  Newfoundland  matter 
he  indicated  his  ability  of  looking  ahead  in  a  practical 
way,  and  his  desire  to  stand  up  for  future  Imperial  unity 
even  against  present  Imperial  Minister.:;.  But  he  was  none 
the  less  keen  in  his  recognition  of  any  sympathetic  states- 
manship in  the  Mother  Country.  Upon  one  occasion,  he 
asked  Lord  Aberdeen  as  Governor  General,  to  convey  to 
Lord  Ripon  the  warm  appreciation  of  his  colleagues  and 
himself,  concerning  the  Colonial  Secretary's  general  admin- 
istration of  affairs  with  which  Canada  had  been  connected. 
In  the  Behring  Sea  arbitration,  he  showed  the  inheritance 
of  those  judicial  qualities  of  mind  and  intellect  which 
make  British  diplomacy  and  legal  administration  the 
admiration  of  the  world.  His  broad  views  thus  gave  him 
an  Imperial  reputation  and  standing ;  his  conduct  of 
Imperial  matters  made  him  a  British  statesman  in  the 
fullest  sense  of  the  word. 


SIR  JOHN   THOMPSON.  405 


CHAPTER  XXIV. 

THE  INTER-COLONIAL    CONFERENCE. 

The  most  striking  event  of  Sir  John  Thompson's  brief 
Premiership  was  undoubtedly  the  gathering  of  representa- 
tive men  from  various  portions  of  the  Empire,  which  met 
at  Ottawa  with  a  view  to  the  promotion  of  Imperial  inter- 
ests and  unity.  In  the  future  it  may  loom  larger  than 
even  at  present,  and  in  history  the  Inter-Colonial  Confer- 
ence of  lcS94  will  be  recorded  as  a  memorable  incident  in 
the  chain  of  circumstances  which  helped  to  produce  a  united 
British  Empire.  It  has  been  the  great  mission  of  Canada 
to  forge  many  of  those  links  of  union. 

By  the  Confederation  of  its  Provinces  in  1867  an  im- 
petus was  given  to  the  federal  principle  which  now  perme- 
ates the  local  politics  and  fills  the  aspirations  of  the  people 
of  Australia  and  South  Africa.  By  the  construction  of  the 
Canadian  Pacific  Railway  it  opened  up  vast  territories  to 
British  settlement  and  cultivation  ;  created  cities  and  towns 
which  are  now  reaching  out  for  trade  with  the  distant 
east ;  provided  an  Imperial  highway  for  the  transport  of 
troops  and  munitions  of  war ;  and  completed  commercially 
that  unity  of  Canada  which  in  a  national  sense  had  been 
commenced  at  Confederation.  By  the  creation  of  a  steam- 
ship line  from  Vancouver  to  Sydney,  and  the  voting  of  the 
large  subsidy  which  indicates  the  ultimate  completion  of  a 
fast  line  of  steamers  between  Canada  and  England,  the 
Dominion  has  formed  a  substantial  basis  for  the  closer 
commercial  relations  which  should  in  the  future  exist  be- 
'tween  the  different  sections  of  the  Empire, 


406  LIFE    AND    WOKK    OF 

What  the  statesmanship  of  Sir  John  Macdcmald  initi- 
ated, the  brief  ministry  of  Sir  John  Thompson  continued. 
The  mantle  of  the  great  Imperialist  had  fallen  upon  one 
who  was  well  able  to  appreciate  the  importance  of  the  in- 
heritance and  to  aid  in  developing  the  practical  side  of  the 
far-reaching  problem  which  is  the  noble  birth-right  of 
every  British  citizen.  Early  in  September,  1893,  Mr.  Mac- 
kenzie Bowell,  Minister  of  Trade  and  Commerce,  had  been 
sent  on  an  official  mission  to  the  Australian  Colonies  for 
the  purpose  of  seeing  what  could  be  done  in  the  direction 
of  extending  interchange  and  promoting  a  mutual  know- 
ledge of  requirements  and  resources.  His  intimate  acquaint- 
ance with  Canadian  affairs  made  him  in  this  connection  an 
ideal  diplomatist,  an  advantage  which  was  further  en- 
hanced by  a  personal  enthusiasm  in  the  mission.  But — 
fortunately  as  it  turned  out — he  found  it  was  impossible 
to  negotiate  satisfactorily  with  so  many  distinct  Colonies 
in  the  short  time  at  his  disposal,  and  arrangements  were 
therefore  made  for  the  Conference  which  met  at  Ottawa 
on  the  28th  of  June,  and  to  which  South  Africa  and 
the  Imperial  Government  joined  in  sending  representatives. 

During  his  Belleville  speech  on  the  21st  of  September, 
Sir  John  Thompson  had  referred  to  this  Imperial  policy  in 
words  which  seemed  to  arouse  the  strongest  sympathies  of 
his  audience :  "  We  have  sent  different  lines  of  steamships 
to  every  part  of  the  world.  We  have  subsidised  them  on 
the  Pacific  to  the  Eastern  countries.  We  have  subsidised 
them  to  Australia,  and  we  are  holding  out  inducements  to 
get  upon  the  Atlantic  the  finest  line  of  steamships,  or  as 
fine  a  line,  as  crosses  the  ocean  in  any  part  of  the  world. 
To-day  one  of  those  steamships  on  the  Pacific  is  carry- 
ing the  Hon.  Mackenzie  Bowell  to  seek  to  extend  the  hand 
of  fellowship  and  friendship  and  intercourse  of  trade  with 
the  Australian  Colonies,  in  the  most  distant  part  of  the 
Empire." 


SIR  JOHN   THOMPSON.  407 

Referring  to  the  matter  in  the  House  early  in  the 
Session  of  189 1.  the  Premier  pointed  out  in  reply  to  some 
criticisms  from  Mr.  Laurier — March  16th — that  the  Gov- 
ernments far  away  on  the  Pacific  had  received  Mr.  Bowell 
"  with  the  cordial  hand  of  fellowship,  as  warm  and  gener- 
ous as  one  colonist  could  extend  to  another,"  and  had 
intimated  their  intention  of  discussing  the  proposals  in  a 
conference  to  be  held  in  Canada.  "  I  venture  to  say,"  con- 
tinued the  speaker,  "that  a  proposition  which  is  thus 
warmly  receive  1,  and  is  being  acted  on  by  four  or  five 
Governments  in  Australia  and  New  Zealand  is  not  one  to 
be  derided  as  unworthy  of  the  ambition  of  a  Government 
representing  this  country,  for  we  can  see  not  only  that 
commercial  interests  may  be  developed  and  extended  by 
the  promotion  of  trade  between  those  countries  and  Canada, 
but  that  we  shall  be  doing  honest  yeoman  service  to  the 
interests  of  the  Empire  if  we  draw  together  in  closer  bonds 
our  fellow-colonists  and  ourselves." 

The  result,  as  shown  by  the  meeting  at  the  capital  of 
the  Dominion  in  the  following  summer,  was  a  gathering  of 
most  notable  men  from  various  parts  of  the  British  realm. 
From  Great  Britain  came  the  Earl  of  Jersey,  G.C.M.G., 
who  had  been  for  some  years  a  most  popular  Governor  of 
New  South  Wales.  From  South  Australia  came  the  Hon. 
Thomas  Playford,  formerly  Premier,  and  now  Agent-Gen- 
eral in  London.  New  South  Wales  sent  the  Hon.  F.  B. 
Suttor,  M.L.A.,  Minister  of  Public  Instruction  ;  Tasmania 
had  the  Hon.  N.  Fitzgerald  as  its  representative ;  New 
Zealand  sent  a  prominent  business  man  in  the  person  of 
Mr.  Alfred  Lee- Smith;  Victoria  sent  Sir  Henry  J.  Wrixon, 
K.C.M.G,  Q.C.,  and  the  Hon.  Simon  Fraser,  a  Canadian  of 
days  gone  by.  Queensland  was  represented  by  the  Hon. 
A  J.  Thynne,  M.L.C ,  a  member  of  the  Local  Government, 
and  by  the  Hon.  William  Forrest.  Cape  Colony — now  the 


403  LIFE   AND   WORK   OF 

centre  of  a  new  policy  of  Imperial  expansion  under  the 
inspiring  influence  of  Mr.  Cecil  Rhodes — sent  Chief  Justice 
Sir  Henry  de  Villiers,  Sir  Charles  Mills,  Agent-General  in 
London ;  and  that  most  striking  personality,  the  Hon.  Jan 
Hendrick  Hofmeyr,  the  loyal  leader  of  the  Dutch  element 
at  the  Cape.  Canada  was  represented  by  the  Hon. 
Mackenzie  Bowell,  who  was  deservedly  elected  President 
of  the  Conference ;  Sir  Adolphe  Caron ;  the  Hon.  G.  E. 
Foster;  and  by  Mr.  Sandford  Fleming,  C.M.G.,  whose 
enthusiastic  interest  in  the  question  of  cable  communica- 
tion had  made  his  name  so  familiar  in  what  may  be  called 
the  politics  of  the  Empire. 

The  opening  of  the  Conference  in  the  Dominion 
Senate  Chamber  was  a  function  of  unusual  brilliance. 
The  Earl  of  Aberdeen,  Governor  General  of  Canada,  pre- 
sided, and  delivered  one  of  his  characteristic  speeches  in 
welcoming  the  delegates.  The  Chamber,  aside  from  the 
many  Colonial  delegates  and  visitors,  was  crowded  with 
distinguished  men  from  all  parts  of  the  Dominion,  and 
with  hundreds  of  ladies.  It  really  presented  a  most 
splendid  spectacle,  in  appearance  as  well  as  in  the  wide 
interests  which  such  an  assemblage  embodied  to  the 
reflective  on-looker.  Lord  Aberdeen's  address  was  most 
effective,  and  patriotic  in  the  broadest  sense  of  the  word. 
Sir  John  Thompson  followed,  and  welcomed  the  delegates 
in  a  speech  of  exceptional  eloquence.  Stirred  up  by  the 
occasion,  he  for  once  allowed  his  loyalty  and  Imperial 
aspirations  to  find  full  vent  in  a  brief  bub  really  delightful 
effort.  Friends  and  spectators  say  that  the  late  Premier 
never  looked  so  well,  so  dignified,  so  impressive,  as  he  did 
on  this  historic  day.  In  appearance  and  in  speech,  he 
appeared  more  than  worthy  to  represent  Canada  before 
the  delegates  from  so  many  parts  of  the  British  world. 

After  voicing  the  sentiments  of  welcome  felt  by  all 


SIR   JOHN    THOMPSON.  409 

Canadians,  and  speaking  once  more  in  their  name,  he  said  : 
"  I  can  assure  the  delegates  who  are  assembled,  that  our 
people,  filled  with  zeal  for  the  greatness  and  development 
of  their  own  country,  and  for  the  strengthening  of  the 
Empire,  are  delighted  to  see  the  kindlings  of  the  same 
ambition  in  the  sister  colonies  throughout  the  world."  He 
then  expressed  pleasure  at  the  idea  that  the  discussions  of 
the  Conference  would  be  more  immediately  and  chiefly 
connected  with  questions  of  prosperity,  of  commerce,  and 
of  communication,  within  the  Empire,  and  not  with 
disturbing  problems  of  foreign  relations,  and  of  peace  or 
war.  But,  and  here  his  characteristic  caution  came  in, 
"  we  realize  that  while  there  is  ample  field  for  the  widest 
patriotism  and  the  warmest  loyalty,  there  are  matters  of 
pure  business,  needing  the  closest  examination  and  scrutiny 
— matters  connected  with  trade,  with  steamships,  and  with 
telegraphs."  He  went  on  to  say  that  "  the  ocean  which 
divides  the  Colonies  should  become  the  highway  for  the 
people,  and  for  the  products  that  the  Colonies  produce." 

And  then  came  an  eloquent  sentence  which  voiced  his 
own  views  amid  the  enthusiastic  applause  of  his  audience, 
and  will  be  remembered  in  all  future  records  of  the 
gathering :  "  On  this  happy  occasion;  these  delegates 
assemble  after  long  years  of  self-government  in  their 
countries,  years  of  greater  progress  and  development  than 
the  colonies  of  any  Empire  have  ever  seen  in  the  past;  not  to 
consider  the  prospects  of  separation  from  the  Mother 
Country,  but  to  plight  our  faith  anew  to  each  other  as 
brethren,  and  to  plight  anew  with  the  Mother  Land  that 
faith  which  has  never  yet  been  broken  or  tarnished."  He 
concluded  by  expressing  the  hope  that  this  Conference 
would  be  but  "  the  prelude  of  occasions  on  which  we  shall 
not  only  meet  in  Canada  the  statesmen  of  the  other 
Colonies,  but  on  which  we  shall  be  able  to  meet,  with 


410  LIFE   AND   WORK   OF 

greater  facilities  than  we  now  possess,  the  people  whom 
they  represent." 

Lord  Jersey  spoke  earnestly,  and  to  the  point,  concern- 
ing the  opportunities  and  possibilities  of  the  Conference. 
In  the  course  of  his  speech  he  turned  to  the  Premier  and 
said:  "1  should  like  also  to  express  thanks  to  Sir  John 
Thompson  for  having  had  the  boldness  and  the  foresight 
to  call  this  Conference  together  in  order  to  bring  these 
subjects  within  the  range  of  practical  consideration.'  He 
went  on  to  say  that  the  spirit  which  inspired  him  was  one 
of  "  absolute  sympathy  with  the  far-seeing  policy  which 
has  called  us  together";  and  continued:  "It  is  with  wonder 
that  I  think  of  what  Canada  has  done  to  bring  the 
northern  and  southern  parts  of  the  Empire  together.  She 
has  linked  the  two  great  oceans  after  an  exhibition  of 
courage  and  constancy  and  skill  which  has  never  been  sur- 
passed in  the  history  of  the  world.  She  has  made  her 
country  the  half-way  house  of  the  Empire."  Facing  the 
Canadian  Premier  once  more  the  speaker  concluded  :  "  Sir 
John  Thompson,  in  the  name  of  the  country  which  I  repre- 
sent, the  Mother  Country,  I  take  up  the  pledge  of  faith 
which  you  have  so  ably  and  eloquently  tendered,  in  the 
full  belief  that  the  result  of  this  Conference  will  be  the 
strengthening  of  those  bonds  of  affection  and  of  interest 
which  should  always  bind  each  part  of  the  Empire 
together." 

In  the  evening  a  great  banquet  was  held.  Sir  John 
Thompson  was  unusually  witty  and  graceful,  and  in  the 
course  of  his  speech  made  a  reference  which  deserves  to  be 
recorded  as  being  both  effective  and  charming  :  "We  have  all 
been  striving  to  express  the  heartiness  of  the  welcome  we 
desire  to  accord  the  delegates.  For  my  part,  I  cannot  do 
better  than  recall  a  greeting  I  observed  was  lately  ottered 
to  the  Countess  of  Aberdeen,  during  her  tour  of  bene- 
volence in  Ireland :  '  You  are  as  welcome  as  sunshine.'  " 


SIR   JOHN    THOMPSON.  411 

After  a  loyal  address  to  Her  Majesty  the  Queen,  the 
Conference  settled  down  to  business.  Mr.  Bowell  delivered 
a  lengthy  and  able  review  of  the  questions  which  might 
come  up  for  consideration,  and  this  address  formed  a  useful 
basis  for  the  ensuing  discussions.  Without  going  into  the 
results  in  detail,  the  work  of  the  gathering  may  be  briefly 
summarised  as  follows  : 

I.  A  Resolution  in  favour  of  establishing  a  Customs 
Union  between  Great  Britain  and  the  other  portions  of  the 
Empire. 

II.  An  earnest  expression   of  opinion  in   favour  of 
preferential   trade  relations,  between  Canada,  Australasia 
and  South  Africa. 

III.  A  motion  urging  Imperial  action  in  the  removal 
of  certain  clauses  contained  in  existing  international  trea- 
ties, which  hampered  reciprocal  trade  agreements  between 
the  Colonies. 

IV.  Approval  of  immediate  steps  for  obtaining  cable 
communication  between  Canada  and  Australasia  free  from 
foreign  control. 

V.  A  request  to  the  Imperial  Government  to  commence 
the  survey  of  the  cable  route  at  once — the  expense  to  be 
borne  in  equal  proportions   by  the  British  and  Colonial 
Governments  concerned. 

VI.  A   suggestion   to   the    Imperial   authorities   that 
assistance  be  given  to  the  proposed  fast  Atlantic  line  of 
steamships,  by  diversion  of  the  subsidies  hitherto  granted 
to  the  American  line  from  Liverpool  to  New  York. 

But  the  results  which  follow  naturally  from  an  in- 
creased acquaintance  with  each  other's  interests  and  indus- 
tries, requirements  and  resources,  were  perhaps  as  important 
as  the  mere  resolutions  passed  by  the  Conference.  The 
Australians  and  South  Africans  came  to  Canada,  saw  the 
country,  learned  something  of  its  vastness,  its  hidden  and 


4-12  LIFE   AND   WORK   OF 

developed  wealth,  its  institutions  and  productions.  They 
told  the  Canadian  Ministers  in  conference,  and  the  Cana- 
dian people  at  the  banquets  tendered  them  in  Ottawa  and 
Toronto,  Montreal  and  Quebec,  something  of  the  prosperity 
and  possibilities,  the  loyalty  and  the  aspirations  after 
federal  unity,  which  characterized  the  Australasian  and 
other  Colonies.  The  representatives  of  the  countries  con- 
cerned, found  that  the  United  States  had  gradually  devel- 
oped a  trade  with  Australasia  which  was  well  worth  being 
considered  and  diverted — a  commerce  which  had  increased 
from  $4,200,000  in  1860,  to  nearly  $20,000,000  in  1892. 

And  the  great  bulk  of  this  trade  was  seen  to  be  in 
products  which  Canada  excels  in  manufacturing,  or  in 
articles  of  a  kind  which  she  now  obtains  largely  from  the 
United  States  instead  of  Australia.  The  Republic  was 
found  to  export  to  those  Colonies  considerable  quantities 
of  agricultural  implements,  carriages,  chemicals,  fish,  manu- 
factures of  iron,  steel,  leather  and  paper,  petroleum,  and 
manufactured  tobacco  and  wood.  Yet,  although  the 
Dominion  can  compete  in  nearly  all  of  these  products,  it 
only  sent  them  from  $300,000  to  $500,000  worth  a  year. 
Hence  the  very  evident  opening  for  a  substantial  inter- 
change. Du  ing  an  informal  discussion  at  the  Conference, 
Mr.  Suttor  enumerated  as  the  articles  which  Australia 
could  sell  to  Canada  :  wool,  which  is  produced  in  immense 
quantities,  frozen  beef  and  mutton,  which  can  be  got  in 
Sydney  for  two  cents  a  pound  and  costs  twelve  cents  in 
British  Columbia,  canned  meats,  raw  hides  and  skins,  hard 
woods  for  railway  ties  and  street  paving,  fruits  such  as 
lemons,  oranges  and  mandarins,  and  sugar. 

Amongst  the  things  which  could  be  taken  from  Can- 
ada would  be  paper,  which  is  not  made  in  Australia,  cotton 
o-oods  and  frozen  and  canned  salmon.  Mr.  Lee- Smith 

o 

stated  that  the  Massey- Harris  Co.,  of  Toronto,  had  already 

! 


HER  EXCELLENCY  THE  COUNTESS  or  ABERDEEN. 


SIR  JOHN   THOMPSON.  415 

shipped  4,000  cultivators  to  New  Zealand.  That  Colony 
could  send  woolen  goods,  superior  gum  and  flax,  and  rabbit 
skins,  and  would  purchase  frozen  salmon,  hops  and  paper. 
Other  articles  mentioned  by  delegates  were  rough  timber, 
matches,  and  petroleum,  all  of  which  could  be  obtained  from 
the  Dominion.  Sir  Henry  de  Villiers  said  that  the  Cape 
could  offer  wool,  diamonds,  wine  and  fruit,  and  would  take 
lumber  in  large  quantities,  together  with  agricultural  im- 
plements and  paper. 

The  subsequent  report  of  Lord  Jersey- to  the  Imperial 
Government  was  favourable  to  the  proposals  of  the  Confer- 
ence, with  the  exception  of  the  resolution  which  expressed 
a  hope  that  England  might  be  induced  to  herself  enter 
some  system  of  Imperial  Customs  Union.  He  referred  to 
the  greeting  given  by  the  Canadian  Premier  as  having 
"  struck  the  chord  which  vibrated  throughout  the  proceed- 
ings," and  went  on  to  deal  elaborately  with  all  the  questions 
discussed.  He  concluded  with  the  statement  that  although 
commerce  cannot  be  based  upon  sentiment,  it  is  still 
possible  for  the  latter  to  aid  in  clearing  away  obstacles  and 
in  diverting  the  stream  of  trade  into  new  channels.  The 
leading  men  of  the  Colonies  "  appreciate  the  value  of  the 
connection  with  Great  Britain,  and  the  bulk  of  their  popu- 
lation is  loyal.  It  is  within  the  power  of  Great  Britain  to 
settle  the  direction  of  their  trade  and  the  current  of  their 
sentiments  for,  it  may  be,  generations.  Such  an  oppor- 
tunitj7'  may  not  soon  recur,  as  the  sands  of  time  run  down 
quickly." 

At  a  banquet  given  on  July  8th  by  the  Hon.  Simon 
Fraser,  M.L.C.,  of  Victoria,  but  a  native  of  Nova  Scotia 
the  Premier  made  a  very  pleasant  after-dinner  speech. 
The  majority  of  those  present  were  Nova-Scotians,  and 
they  could,  therefore,  appreciate  the  force  of  a  portion  of 
his  remarks.  He  commenced  by  expressing  great  interest 


416  LIFE  AND   WORK   OF 

in  the  statement  made  by  Mr.  Fraser  to  the  effect  that  in 
departing  from  Nova-Scotia,  "  the  cradle  of  the  earth."  he 
had  been  moved  to  some  extent  by  the  predatory  instincts 
of  his  race.  "  It  was  the  Scotchman's  characteristic  to 
reach  out  to  the  ends  of  the  earth  in  order,  to  secure  what- 
ever he  could  lay  hands  on,  and  to  lie  down  alongside  of  it, 
too."  Then  turning  from  the  humourous  to  the  serious, 
Sir  John  expressed  great  pleasure  at  the  praise  of  Canadian 
development  which  their  host  and  visitor  had  expressed. 
"  That  record  of  progress,''  he  added,  "  will  still  continue, 
no  matter  what  party  guides  the  destiny  of  this  country 
On  this  part  of  the  continent  the  future  belongs  to  Cana- 
dians, and  the  sentiment  animating  our  people  is  that  she 
shall  be  great  in  the  Councils  of  the  Empire." 

With  these  and  other  similar  words  echoing  in  their 
minds,  the  representatives  of  many  States  of  a  vast  Empire 
finally  dispersed.  Their  mission  had  been  a  noble  one ;  the 
occasion,  a  unique  and  historic  event;  the  visit  to  the 
Dominion,  a  pleasant,  and,  it  may  truly  be  said,  a  profitable 
trip.  The  end  is  not  yet ;  and  as  the  Ottawa  Conference 
recedes  into  the  dim  distance  and  is  succeeded  by  other  and 
seemingly  greater  gatherings,  its  importance  may  be  some- 
what overshadowed  and  its  deliberations  partly  forgotten 
by  the  great  mass  of  an  Imperial  people.  But  it  is  safe  to 
say  that  history  will  do  it  justice:  and  that  down  through 
all  "  the  ringing  grooves  of  change "  its  resolutions  and 
results  will  be  carried  as  the  first  public  political  plank  in 
the  re-construction  of  the  British  Empire. 


SIR  JOHN  THOMPSON.  417 


CHAPTER  XXV. 
LATER  EVENTS  IN  A  GREAT  LIFE. 

In  the  middle  of  March,  1894,  commenced  Sir  John 
Thompson's  last  Parliamentary  Session.  But  neither  he 
nor  the  public  had  any  premonition  of  the  fact,  and  the 
months,  as  they  rapidly  passed  away,  were  as  usual, 
crowded  with  work  and  busy  achievement.  Speaking  in 
the  House  during  the  debate  on  the  Address  the  Premier 
took  occasion,  with  that  courtesy  which  was  so  character- 
istic, to  thank  the  Opposition  and  its  leaders  for  having 
facilitated  the  despatch  of  public  business  at  the  previous 
meeting  of  Parliament,  and  thus  enabled  him  to  get  away 
and  perform  the  important  duties  to  which  he  had  been 
called  at  Paris  :  "  I  venture  to  say  that  they  showed  a  high 
sense  of  patriotism  arid  public  duty  in  affording  me  that 
opportunity,  and  they  have  conferred  an  obligation  upon 
me  as  a  public  man  that  I  feel  bound  to  recognize  this 
evening." 

A  little  later  on  Mr.  Foster  introduced  his  Budget, 
and  explained  the  revision  of  the  tariff  which  had  been 
promised  in  the  preceding  Session,  and  pledged  again  by 
Sir  John  Thompson  and  other  Ministers  during  the  autumn 
tour  of  Western  Ontario.  He  stated  that  his  object  in  the 
changes  made  was  the  reasonable  protection  of  Canadian 
industries,  combined  with  due  care  for  the  rights  of  con- 
sumers. The  speech  was  elaborate  as  well  as  eloquent, 
and  it  is  not  difficult  to  understand  that  its  preparation 
and  the  tremendous  work  of  revising  a  tariff  composed  of 
some  900  items  had  affected  in  some  degree  the  health  of 

27 


418  LIFE   AND   WORK   OF 

the  Finance  Minister,  and  almost  prevented  him  from 
taking  part  in  the  Inter- Colonial  Conference.  The  whole 
tariff  was  changed ;  many  of  the  specific  duties  were  altered 
to  ad-valorem  ones;  and  a  general  towering  took  place. 
Mr.  Foster  estimated  the  total  loss  of  revenue  at  one  and 
a  half  millions.  The  Toronto  Mail,  which  would  hardly  be 
considered  as  too  friendly  at  that  time,  thought  four 
millions  nearer  the  mark,  and  declared  that  the  marked 
reductions  in  the  new  tariff  "  from  the  public  and  business 
point  of  view  are  to  be  commended." 

While  the  Budget  discussion  was  still  going  on,  an 
interesting  event  took  place  on  the  9th  of  April,  when  a  com- 
mittee from  the  Sir  John  Macdonald  Club,  of  Montreal,  pre- 
sented to  the  Conservative  members  at  Ottawa,  a  very 
handsome  portrait  of  Sir  John  Thompson,  to  be  hung  in 
the  party  caucus  room  of  the  House  of  Commons.  Sir 
John's  speech  in  acknowledgment  was  most  felicitous. 
He  began  by  saying  that "  the  genial  and  loyal  spirit  of 
the  Club,  in  making  the  presentation  is  admirable  be- 
yond description,  and  the  shortcomings  of  the  picture 
are  unhappily  all  my  own."  Then  in  a  more  serious  vein 
arid  with  a  significance  which  could  only  be  realized 
afterwards,  he  added  :  "  That  leads  me  to  think  that 
bye-and-bye  my  shortcomings  may  be  forgotten,  as  more 
important  questions  arise  on  the  political  surface.  Our 
hope  for  the  future  is  not  that  I  shall  for  all  time,  or  for  a 
very  long  time,  continue  in  the  leadership  of  the  party,  but 
that  the  party  shall  continue  to  be  led  by  the  lieutenants 
of  Sir  John  Macdonald  from  time  to  time,  the  men  who 
believe  in  his  principles  and  are  prepared  to  fight  for  them.' 

A  few  days  later,  on  the  12th  of  the  month,  the 
Premier  indicated  his  interest  in  all  questions  of  moral 
reform,  by  attending  a  meeting  of  the  National  Council  of 
Women,  which  was  then  being  organized  in  Ottawa  under 


SIR  JOHN   THOMPSON.  419 

the  inspiring  influence  and  Presidency  of  the  Countess  of 
Aberdeen.  Representatives  were  present  from  Montreal, 
Toronto,  Quebec,  Hamilton,  Winnipeg,  London  and  other 
places,  and  an  active  part  had  been  taken  in  the  proceed- 
ings by  Lady  Thompson,  Madame  Laurier,  Mrs.  Drummond, 
of  Montreal,  Lady  Ritchie,  Mrs.  Schultz,  of  Winnipeg,  and 
Mrs.  Grant  Macdonald,  of  Toronto.  Sir  John  Thompson 
left  a  crowded  Bouse  and  an  important  debate  to  be  pre- 
sent, and  seconded  a  resolution  expressing  the  belief  that 
the  new  organization  would  "  conduce  to  the  best  welfare 
of  the  country,  by  promoting  greater  unity  of  thought, 
sympathy  and  purpose,  amongst  women  workers  of  all 
classes  and  sections  of  the  people." 

He  commenced  a  brief  but  pointed  speech,  by  calling 
the  assemblage  a  National  Parliament  of  the  women  of 
Canada,  and  then  referring,  amid  laughter,  to  "  the  brother 
Parliament  on  the  Hill,"  which  he  had  just  left.  "  I  hope," 
he  continued,  "  that  it  will  further  be  said  of  Canada,  as 
the  result  of  this  movement,  that  we  are  not  only  the  most 
law-abiding  people — the  most  generous  in  our  charities — 
but  that  we  have  the  best  organized  system  of  charities  in 
the  world."  After  a  reference  to  the  appreciation  which 
public  men  should  feel  in  this  matter,  he  expressed  the 
belief  that  it  would  "  bind  together  in  sympathy  and  closer 
citizenship,  all  those  who  are  interested  in  charitable 
work."  He  spoke  of  his  pleasure  in  reading  the  resolutions 
regarding  the  consolidation  of  the  Canadian  people  and  the 
necessity  of  inculcating  patriotism  in  the  young,  and  con- 
cluded by  declaring  that  "  any  movement  which  tends  to 
bring  together  the  people  of  the  various  Provinces,  of 
different  opinions,  politics,  and  beliefs,  will  be  patriotic  in 
its  aim  and  in  its  work,  and  Divinely  blessed  in  its  results." 

During  this  Session  the  ever  present  Franchise  ques- 
tion came  up.  It  had  already  engaged  the  Premier's 


420  LIFE   AND   WOKK   OF 

attention  in  the  speeches  made  during  the  Fall,  and  he  had 
everywhere  denounced  the  Liberal  proposal  to  apply  the 
Provincial  franchises  in  Dominion  matters.     At  Arthur  on 
October    2nd,    he    had    pointed   out   that   the   Act    was 
"  founded   on   national  principles  and  it  is  necessary  for 
the   national    security   that   we   should   have   a   national 
franchise   in   this  country,   as   every  other  self  governed 
country    has,    with   the   single   exception  of  the    United 
States,  whose  example  it  is    not   always  wise  to  follow." 
,  It  being  necessary   to   have   a   revision   of  the  lists, 
after   an     interval    of  three    years,    Sir   John   Thompson 
on  June  14th,  introduced  an   amendment  to  the  existing 
Act,  which,  without  in  any  way  vitiating  its  general  prin- 
ciples, improved  it  in  detail  and  facilitated  and  cheapened 
it  in  operation.      After   dealing  with  the  subject  at  some 
length;  defending  the  position  of  the  Government;  and 
pointing  out  that  the  only  way  in  which  the  Dominion 
franchise  could  be  assimilated  with  the  Provinces  would 
be  by  the  latter  legislating  themselves  first  into  uniformity, 
he   referred  to  the  question  of   cost  and  observed  that : 
"  Hereafter,  when  the  list  is  once  framed  we  shall  have  the 
advantage  of  provincial  lists  to  start  from,  that  is  to  say, 
the  very  recent  lists.     We  shall  have  the  advantage  of  the 
more  recent  local  revision,  and  to  my  mind  these  two  cir- 
cumstances together  will  make  the  construction  of  the  lists 
from  year  to  year  very  rapid  and  very  simple,  and  if  I  am 
correct  in  this  assumption  we  shall  succeed  in  lessening  the 
expense  very  much  indeed." 

The  debate  upon  the  French  Treaty  a  month  after- 
wards brought  up  incidentally  the  Prohibition  issue  and 
the  temperance  question,  which  for  a  year  or  two  past  had 
been  creating  wide  discussion.  Sir  John  Thompson's  posi- 
tion upon  this  matter  seems  to  have  been  one  of  evolution. 
As  with  every  thing  else,  he  believed  in  moderation. 


SIR  JOHN   THOMPSON.  423 

Speaking  at  Orangeville  on  November  29th,  1886,  he  de- 
clared it  to  be  a  moral  and  not  a  political  question.  But 
"  the  time  is  coming  when  it  may  be  one  of  the  great  ques- 
tions of  the  day."  When  the  people  had  "  understandingly 
pronounced  upon  it ;  it  will  be  the  duty  of  the  Government 
— considering  the  interests  of  our  country  and  fair-play  to 
everybody  whose  interests  may  be  affected — to  obey  the 
voice  of  the  people."  Later  on,  this  hint  at  a  plebis- 
cite was  taken  up  by  Sir  Oliver  Mowat.  In  May  1888  he 
had  strongly  supported  an  amendment  to  the  Railway  Act 
making  any  person  selling  spirituous  or  intoxicating  liquors 
to  a  railway  employe*  subject  to  severe  punishment.  In 
reply  to  protests,  the  Minister  of  Justice  declared  it  to  be 
"just  the  same  as  selling  to  minors.  Persons  who  are  en- 
gaged in  a  business  which  we  restrict  must  take  the  risk 
of  violating  the  law." 

Speaking  at  Owen  Sound  regarding  the  issue  on  Octo- 
ber 4th,  1893,  he  was  very  explicit  in  reply  to  a  query  as 
to  his  views :  "  I  am  in  sympathy  with  prohibition  inso- 
far as  it  is  a  move  for  the  furthering  of  temperance  in 
this  country,  and  in  remedying  the  evils  which  the  temper- 
ance community  are  endeavouring  to  abate.  If  prohibition 
can  be  adopted  and  enforced  in  this  country,  I  am  in  sym- 
pathy with  that  movement."  In  connection  with  subse- 
quent questions  concerning  jurisdiction  to  deal  with  the 
subject,  his  opinion,  as  a  constitutional  lawyer  of  high  rank, 
given  in  the  same  speech  is  most  interesting:  "My  own 
mind  has  no  dou^t  whatever.  My  own  mind  is  that  the 
power  of  prohibition  rests  with  the  Dominion  Parliament, 
and  I  would  not  have  thought  that  that  could  be  contra- 
dicted if  it  were  not  that  so  great  an  authority  as  the  Pre- 
mier of  Ontario  has  challenged  that  position  and  asked  me 
to  get  the  opinions  of  the  courts  of  the  country  as  to 
whether  his  Government  or  ours  has  power  of  prohibition." 
There  is  certainly  no  shirking  of  the  issue  here. 


424  LIFE  AND  woint  otf 

As  to  the  Prohibition  Commission  which  the  Govern- 
ment had  appointed  in  1891,  he  stated  at  Durham  on  Sep- 
tember 29th  that  "  the  object  was  to  get  information  for 
the  people  as  to  what  was  going  on  in  Canada  with  regard 
to  the  liquor  traffic  and  the  results  of  experience  in  other 
countries  in  the  way  of  suppressing  it."  On  March  29th 
following  these  speeches  he  received  an  important  deputa- 
tion of  temperance  people  at  Ottawa,  but  positively  refused 
to  give  them  any  official  promise  or  pledge.  He  pointed 
out  that  the  Royal  Commission  had  not  yet  reported,  and 
that  the  matter  involved  a  displacement  of  revenue  to  the 
extent  of  nine  millions  of  dollars.  Business  considerations 
for  the  moment  were  more  important  than  sentiment,  and 
this  he  practically  told  the  deputation  ;  refusing  to  play  in 
any  way  to  the  gallery  of  prohibition  votes  to  which  one 
delegate  called  his  attention. 

The  discussion  of  the  French  treaty  in  the  House  dur- 
ing the  early  part  of  July  was  interesting  apart  from  the 
allegations  regarding  differences  in  the  Cabinet  over  its 
ratification.  The  temperance  people  did  not  at  all  like  it, 
and  the  vine-growers  were  afraid  of  it.  Sir  John  Thomp- 
son handled  this  part  of  the  subject  in  his  speech  on  July 
l()th :  "  I  appreciate  and  endorse  what  has  been  said  by 
several  members  of  this  House,  with  regard  to  the  advan- 
tages which  would  accrue  to  this  country  from  the  increased 
consumption  of  the  lighter  wines  instead  of  the  whiskey 
and  other  spirits  which  are  in  general  consumption  to-day. 
.  .  .  The  wines  of  this  country,  I  am  informed,  are 
sold  more  cheaply  than  the  French  wines  of  the  same 
class,  and  the  duty  which  will  still  remain,  one  would 
think  would  be  a  very  considerable  protection  indeed  to 
the  wine  growing  interest  of  this  country." 

He  appealed  strongly  to  the  House  to  sanction  the 
Treaty,  because  it  had  been  negotiated  with  and  through 


SIR  JOHN   THOMPSON.  425 

Imperial  aid,  invoked  at  the  request  of  Canada.  In  any 
event  it  could  be  abrogated  at  twelve  months'  notice, 
should  the  arrangement  not  be  finally  satisfactory.  Need- 
less to  say  the  Government  was  fully  supported  in  its 
policy. 

A  debate  dealing  with  the  character  and  conduct  of 
certain  judges  in  the  Province  of  Quebec  took  place  in  the 
House  about  this  time.  Charges  of  a  more  or  less  vague 
and  inconsequential,  but  none  the  less  unpleasant,  nature 
had  been  flung  at  the  French-Canadian  judiciary  by  Mr.  J. 
Israel  Tarte.  Sir  John  Thompson  wrote  a  letter  asking 
for  proofs  which  would  warrant  him  in  submitting  the 
allegations  to  a  Committee,  but  these  were  refused.  Mean- 
time he  obtained  evidence  that  many,  if  not  most,  of  the 
statements  were  baseless,  or  subject  to  explanation,  and 
these  particulars  the  Premier  submitted  to  the  House  on 
July  17th,  in  a  logical  speech  delivered  in  his  usual  judicial 
style. 

But  upon  the  whole  he  did  not  speak  very  frequently 
during  the  Session.  A  strong  utterance  upon  the  Mani- 
toba schools,  and  his  settlement  of  the  long  wrangle  in  the 
Public  Accounts  Committee  as  to  the  power  of  taking 
evidence  under  oath,  were  about  the  only  matters  he  took 
part  in,  besides  those  already  mentioned.  He  was  in  his 
place,  however,  every  day,  working  hard,  chiefly  in  the 
writing  of  letters.  Always  watchful  of  the  proceedings,  he 
was  as  quick  as  ever  in  detecting  anything  which  called 
for  a  reply,  and  in  directing  attention  to  it  through  some 
one  else,  if  he  did  not  care  to  speak  himself.  His  last  act 
and  practically  his  last  words  in  the  House  of  Commons, 
where  for  eight  years  his  influence  had  been  so  strongly 
i'elt,  and  been  so  useful  to  his  country  and  empire,  was 
in  moving  on  July  21st,  seconded  by  Mr.  Laurier,  that 
"  the  House  do  concur  in  the  address  from  the  Senate  to 


426  LIFE  AND  WORK  OF 

Her  Most  Gracious  Majesty  the  Queen,  tendering  cordial 
congratulations  upon  the  birth  of  a  son  to  Their  Royal 
Highnesses  the  Duke  and  Duchess  of  York."  His  first 
speech  in  the  House  had  been  in  defence  of  the  execution 
of  a  rebel  against  Her  Majesty's  authority  ;  his  last  words 
in  the  House  consisted  in  an  offering  of  its  congratulations 
to  the  Queen  ;  his  last  act  in  life  was  the  receiving  of  a 
high  honour  from  Her  Majesty's  hands. 

On  the  20th  of  August  Sir  John  paid  one  of  his  some- 
what rare  visits  to  Toronto,  in  order  to  inspect  the  Island 
construction  works  at  the  request  of  the  City  Council. 
He  came  down  from  Muskoka,  where  he  had  been  having 
an  all  too  brief  holiday,  and  was,  of  course,  presented  with 
a  long  address.  Later  in  the  day  he  was  given  a  banquet 
at  the  Pavilion  on  the  Island,  amongst  the  guests  being 
Sir  John  Gorst,  Q.C.,  M.P..  the  distinguished  English  Con- 
servative statesman,  who  happened  to  be  in  the  city ;  Sir 
Frank  Smith  and  Mr.  Clarke  Wallace.  The  Premier's 
speech  was  full  of  patriotic  aspiration.  He  expressed  the 
belief  that  sectionalism  was  disappearing  ;  that  the  time 
had  come  for  the  young  men — born  in  the  days  of  Confed- 
eration— to  take  their  place  in  the  field  of  Canadian  public 
life,  and  to  realize  that  "  the  first  principle  of  national  life, 
national  obligation  and  national  hope,  is  that  they  are 
Canadians  above  and  before  everything  else."  He  con- 
tinued with  a  reference  to  Sir  John  Gorst's  presence  ;  to 
the  statesmen  of  England,  who  are  "  the  statesmen  of  the 
Colonies  as  well "  ;  and  to  the  recent  Inter- Colonial  Con- 
ference. He  concluded  with  an  utterance  of  unusual 
warmth : 

"  We  are  not  ashamed  or  afraid  to  speak  of  our  loyalty. 
It  is  not  at  all  a  mere  boast.  It  is  not  a  mere  sentiment  — 
great  a  sentiment  as  it  is — but  it  is  the  sense  that  under 
the  rule  of  our  present  Sovereign,  this  vast  Empire  is  the 
empire  of  the  colonies  as  well  as  of  Great  Britain  herself." 


SIR  JOHN   THOMPSON.  427 

The  Toronto  Industrial  Exhibition  was  opened  by  Sir 
John  on  the  4th  of  September  following,  amid  the  usual 
ceremonies.  Accompanied  by  the  Hon.  Mr.  Bowell,  he 
received  an  Address  on  behalf  of  the  management  from  the 
President,  Mr.  J.  J.  Withrow,  and  delivered  a  speech  in 
reply  which  indicated  his  steadily  growing  power  of 
making  a  popular,  as  well  as  a  judicial  or  Parliamentary, 
oration.  His  strong  point  was  an  appeal  to  the  national 
British  sentiment  of  the  people  : 

"  As  one  of  the  public  men  of  this  country,  I  assert 
that  it  is  our  duty  to  remove  all  possible  causes  of  friction 
between  the  Mother  Land  and  Canada,  in  order  that  we 
may,  in  these  seven  Provinces  and  in  the  fertile  prairies  of 
this  Dominion,  truly  establish  British  polity  and  British 
institutions  upon  this  continent.  It  is  the  interest  of  every 
true  Canadian,  if  the  time  shall  come,  that  we  shall  make 
all  the  sacrifices  we  can  make  to  see  that  the  flag  which 
floats  over  us  shall  float  over  our  children  as  well  as  our- 
selves. And  it  is  the  first  duty,  I  say,  of  a  public  man  to 
help  to  sustain  the  greatness  of  the  Empire  as  well  as  of 
the  Dominion,  knowing  that  the  greatest  achievements 
which  the  people  of  this  Dominion  can  accomplish  are  to  be 
gained  under  British  rule  and  in  connection  with  the  Empire 
of  which  w.e  are  proud  to-day  to  form  a  part." 

The  loud  and  frequent  applause  which  greeted  these 
sentiments  showed  that  he  had  touched  the  popular  chord, 
and  was  at  last  learning  to  let  the  people  into  the  secret  of 
that  strong  inner  loyalty,  which  his  characteristic  aversion 
to  buncombe  or  display  had  hitherto  made  him  so  largely 
conceal  from  the  public. 

Hardly  a  week  later  the  Premier  performed  his  last 
public  function  in  his  native  Province.  On  the  llth  of 
September,  in  the  presence  of  5,000  people,  and  assisted  by 
Sir  Charles  Hibbert  Tupper,  the  Hon.  J.  W.  Longley,  and 


428  LIFE  AND  WORK  OF 

others,  he  unveiled  a  monument  at  Springhill,  N.S.,  erected 
to  the  memory  of  125  men  who  had  met  death  by  an  awful 
explosion  on  February  21st,  18*91.  His  words  were  few, 
but  he  took  occasion  to  point  out  that  the  Canadian  people 
were  as  fully  prepared  to  face  difficulties  undauntedly  as 
were  ever  the  brave  miners  of  Springhiil.  In  conclusion 
Sir  John  read  a  poem  in  commemoration  of  the  event 
composed  by  Mr.  W.  E.  Hefferman,  as  voicing  his  own  feel- 
ings and  that  of  his  audience. 

Foil-owing  this  came  the  unveiling  of  the  monument 
to  Sir  John  A.  Macdonald,  in  Queen's  'Park,  Toronto.  It 
is  a  notable  fact,  that  within  little  more  than  a  year  of 'his 
own  death,  Sir  John  Thompson  performed  the  chief  cere- 
monies at  three  memorial  functions.  And  the  compara- 
tively few  statues  which  are  raised  in  Canada  to  the 
memory  of  departed  greatness  or  present  worth,  adds  to 
the  force  of  this  coincidence.  At  Hamilton  on  the  1  st  of 
November,  1893,  he  had  unveiled  the  local  monument  to 
Sir  John  Macdonald  and  delivered  a  speech  worthy  to 
rank  with  the  best  ever  produced  by  such  an  occasion. 
With  him  at  this  event  were  a  number  of  the  other  Domin- 
ion Ministers ;  Sir  Oliver  Mowat ;  the  Lieutenant-Governor 
of  Ontario,  and  Lieutenant-Governor  Schultz,  of  Manitoba. 
Senator  Sanford,  who  had  done  so  much  as  chairman  of 
the  committee,  in  obtaining  the  necessary  funds,  presided 
at  the  ceremonies  and  addresses  were  delivered  by  Sir 
Adolphe  Caron,  Sir  Oliver  Mowat,  Sir  Charles  Hibbert 
Tupper  and  Mr.  N.  Clarke  Wallace.  But  the  Premier's 
speech  was,  of  course,  the  pivotal  part  of  the  programme. 
It  had  evidently  been  prepared  with  great  care,  and  per- 
haps reads  better  than  it  sounded  amic*  the  disadvantages 
of  moving  throngs  and  pouring  rain.  It  was  however,  a 
cultured,  patriotic  and  really  beautiful  eulogy  of  the  chief 
founder  of  Canadian  Confederation,  and  of  Canadian  Con- 
servatism as  understood  in  later  days. 


SIR   JOHN   THOMPSON.  429 

He  spoke  of  the  Canada  of  years'  long  past ;  of  the 
struggles  and  successes  met  with  by  Sir  John  Macdonald* 
in  the  early  days  of  the  Dominion,  and  before  the  Domin- 
ion was  a  fact ;  of  his  work  for  the  Empire  ;  of  his  labours 
for  the  party.  Sir  John  Macdonald  had  been  "  the 
master  builder  among  the  many  who  did  noble  work  in 
the  structure  of  the  nation."  His  patriotism  was  the 
mainspring  of  his  every  action ;  his  true  and  deep  Cana- 
dianism  was  "  the  pillar  of  cloud  by  day  and  the  pillar  of 
fire  by  night,"  to  multitudes  of  his  followers.  "  It  used  to 
be  a  popular  delusion,"  said  the  speaker,  in  referring  to 
the  Chieftian's  amiability,  kindliness  and  forbearance, 
"  that  when  he  took  a  new  colleague  he  required  from  him 
his  resignation  in  advance.  I  soon  found  that  when  he 
took  a  new  colleague  the  new  comer's  relations  to  his  Chief 
were  regulated  by  affection  and  not  by  command."  He 
was  a  great  parliamentarian.  He  was  "guided  by  the 
inspiration  of  heaven  which  falls  upon  truly  patriotic 
men."  He  was  ambitious  in  the  best  sense  of  the  word. 
"  Ambitious  to  infuse  into  the  minds  of  his  countrymen 
sentiments  and  ideas,  that  were  wider  than  the  issues  of 
party ;  ambitious  to  make  Canada  great ;  ambitious  to 
silence  the  voice  of  faction  and  the  noise  of  discord  ;  am- 
bitious to  leave  this  country  and  empire  better  off  for  the 
toils  and  sacrifices  of  his  life." 

The  ceremonies  in  Toronto  took  place  on  the  1 3th  of 
October,  1894,  and  constituted  the  last  public  function 
which  Sir  John  Thompson  was  destined  to  perform  in 
Canada.  Great  preparations  had  been  made  for  the  occa- 
sion ;  the  troops  had  turned  out  in  force ;  the  school 
children  in  thousands  ;  and  the*  people  in  crowds,  estimated 
as  high  as  thirty  and  forty  thousand.  Many  Cabinet 
Ministers  from  Ottawa  and  Toronto  were  present,  together 
with  distinguished  people  from  all  parts  of  the  Dominion. 


430  LIFE  AND   WORK    OF 

Mr.  E.  F.  Clarke  presided ;  Mr.  Mackenzie  Bowell  paid  a 
fitting  tribute  to  the  leader  he  had  served  with  for  so  many 
years ;  Mr.  G.  W.  Ross,  the  Ontario  Minister  of  Education, 
offered  a  most  eloquent  and  generous  tribute  to  the  great 
opponent  of  his  party ;  Sir  Adolphe  Caron  delivered  one 
of  his  characteristic  orations ;  Sir  Charles  Hibbert  Tupper 
was  brief  and  forcible;  Mr.  Hamilton  McCarthy,  the 
sculptor,  was  deservedly  called  upon  for  a  few  words. 

The  Premier's  speech  was  necessarily  short  in  compari- 
son with  the  one  delivered  at  Hamilton.  But  it  was  none 
the  less  inspiring  and  interesting.  He  spoke  of  the  day 
being  the  anniversary  of  that  "  field  of  glory,"  the  battle  of 
Queenston  Heights.  Sir  John  Macdonald's  was  "  the  kind 
of  loyalty  which  believes  that  the  true  interests  of  Canada 
lie  in  British  connection  and  British  institutions."  He 
referred  to  episodes  in  the  Chieftian's  career  when  he  had 
stood  up  for  the  Dominion;  when  he  had  dared  great 
things  for  his  country ;  when  "  the  flood  of  patriotism  had 
streamed  through  his  undaunted  heart."  And  then,  Sir 
John  Thompson  concluded,  in  words,  which  two  short 
months  afterwards  might  well  have  been  applied  to  him- 
self. 

"  May  the  statue  speak  of  one  who  was  great  because 
he  loved  Canada  much,  and  loved  and  served  his  Empire 
well,  and  of  whom  it  was  truly  said,  in  recollection  of  what 
he  had  accomplished  for  his  country,  and  the  example  he 
had  set  his  countrymen  : 

*  He  nothing  fears, 
The  long  tc -morrow  of  the  coming  years.'" 


GATEWAY  OF  WINDSOR  CASTLE, 


SIR  JOHN  THOMPSON.  438 


CHAPTER  XXVI. 
LAST  DAYS  AND  DRAMATIC  DEATH. 

Late  in  October  it  was  announced  that  the  Prime 
Minister  of  Canada  intended  to  take  a  trip  to  Europe, 
partly  in  order  to  be  sworn  in  as  a  member  of  the  Imperial 
Privy  Council ;  partly,  as  his  friends  knew,  in  order  to 
place  one  of  his  daughters  in  an  educational  institution  at 
Paris  ;  partly  for  a  rest  after  the  arduous  labours  of  a 
somewhat  prolonged  Session.  The  brief  visit  to  the  lakes 
of  Muskoka  in  the  course  of  the  summer  had  been 
pleasant  and  beneficial,  but  it  was  understood  that  a  still 
more  complete  rest  and  change  of  air  was  desirable. 

No  one,  however,  supposed  that  Sir  John  was  in  the 
slightest  danger,  or  that  his  ill-health  was  anything  more 
than  the  natural  and  temporary  result  of  too  much  work, 
and  too  little  exercise  and  recreation.  His  most  intimate 
friends  did  not  have  the  faintest  conception  that  the  end 
of  that  active  and  distinguished  career  was  at  hand. 
While  the  broad  Dominion  was  looking  forward  with 
pleasure  to  the  honour  about  to  be  given  by  Her  Majesty 
the  Queen  to  its  leading  and  most  representative  states- 
man ;  while  his  personal  friends  were  awaiting  his  return, 
crowned  with  Royal  approval  and  vigourous  in  the  enjoy- 
ment of  renewed  health  and  strength ;  the  angel  of  death 
was  in  reality  hovering  above  his  head,  and  the  shadow  of 
eternity  was  sweeping  slowly  athwart  the  dial  of  a  life 
which  could  ill  be  spared. 

That   Sir  John    Thompson   was  to  a  limited   extent 
aware   of  his    own    dangerous   condition  is  now   known, 
28 


434  LIFE   A^D    WORK    OP 

though  in  spite  of  premonitions,  he  could  hardly  have 
expected  such  a  sudden  and  startling  termination.  Before 
going  to  Muskoka  he  had  found  himself  suffering  some- 
what from  ailments  which  seemed  natural  to  his  physical 
condition — the  stoutness  which  had  been  growing  upon 
him  so  steadily  during  recent  years — but  he  supposed  that 
rest  and  change  of  air  and  scene  would  modify,  if  they  did 
not  entirely  remove,  the  trouble.  And  with  the  reticence 
which  was  such  a  marked  feature  in  his  character,  he  did 
not  talk  of  the  matter,  even  to  his  friends. 

Finally,  however,  he  accidently  mentioned  it,  and  was 
at  once  urged  to  consult  a  physician.  Later  on  this  was 
done,  first  in  Toronto,  then  in  Montreal,  and  ultimately  by 
a  consultation  in  Ottawa.  As  a  result  of  this,  he  received 
the  strong  advice  of  three  leading  physicians — Dr.  Roddick, 
Sir  James  Grant,  and  Dr.  Wright — to  the  effect  that  work 
should  be  given  up  entirely,  and  the  winter  spent  in  some 
warm  country.  The  symptoms  of  kidney  and  heart  disease 
were  declared  to  be  marked,  but  serious  danger  might  be 
averted  by  taking  the  course  outlined.  Otherwise  his  life 
was  liable  to  be  the  forfeit. 

But  here  was  displayed  the  personal  patriotism  of  the 
man,  and  the  devotion  to  duty  which  had  always  been 
such  a  prominent  trait  in  his  character.  He  told  the 
doctors  plainly,  and  no  doubt  with  accuracy,  that  the 
course  they  urged  would  cause  him  so  much  anxiety  and 
distress  on  account  of  the  political  complications  it  would 
create,  and  the  disturbance  it  might  make  in  public  aftiiirs, 
that  the  effect  would  probably  be  worse  than  if  he  remained 
at  his  work.  The  medical  men  finally  agreed  with  this 
view,  and  consented  to  a  compromise  by  which  he  promisee! 
the  cutting  down  of  his  daily  work,  and  undertook  the 
trip  to  Europe  which  was  shortly  afterwards  announced. 

It  is  clear  tl.at  he  did  not  realize  any  special  risk,  find 


SIR  JuHN   THOMPSON.  435 

had  every  hope  of  recovery.  Otherwise  he  would  never 
have  left  home  without  Lady  Thompson's  company  or  that 
of  the  invalid  child  whom  he  had  always  regarded  with 
such  a  wealth  of  affection.  Still,  it  is  evident  that  an 
occasional  premonition  of  the  end  did  come,  as  it  has  so 
often  come  to  others.  Writing  to  the  Countess  of  Aber- 
deen* two  or  three  days  before  he  left  Ottawa  on  that 
last  eventful  journey  of  his  life — Oct  >ber  27th — he  made 
a  most  pathetic  reference,  and  one  which  even  then  could 
not  have  been  understood  in  its  immediate  application,  to 
say  nothing  of  its  full  prophetic  meaning.  After  thanking 
Her  Excellency  for  some  papers  which  had  been  sent  to  him, 
and  speaking  generally  for  a  few  sentences,  he  continued 
as  follows : 

"  It  is  as  I  said  a  year  ago,  you  have  all  the  hearts  in 
the  country  with  you,  but  I  cannot  help  reflecting  when  I 
recall  what  was  done  by  Your  Excellencies  in  Ireland,  in 
the  Maritime  Provinces  and  in  the  West,  that  there  is  an 
end  to  the  burdens  which  the  greatest  energy  and  the 
strongest  constitution  can  bear.  I  did  not  think  'this  a  few 
months  ago,  but  I  found  it  out  before  last  Session  was  over 
and  I  see  it  now.  Sometimes  the  warning  to  stop  and  rest 
comes  very  suddenly  and  sternly." 

On  Nov.  7th,  Sir  John  Thompson  reached  London,  and 
was  examined  by  Sir  Russell  Reynolds,  who  corroborated 
the  views  already  expressed  by  the  Canadian  physicians, 
and  pronounced  a  hopeful  opinion  as  to  recovery  if  the 
advice  given  was  acted  upon.  He  then  left  for  the  conti- 
nent with  a  party  composed  of  himself,  his  younger 
daughter,  Senator  Sanford  and  Miss  Muriel  Sanford. 
They  went  from  London  to  Paris,  and  after  spending  a  few 
days  at  Nice  and  Monte  Carlo,  proceeded  to  Genoa,  and 

*  Published  by  the  kind  permission  of  Her  Excellency  to  the  author. 


436  LIFE   AND   WORK   OF 

thence  to  Rome.  From  there  they  journeyed  to  Milan,  and 
afterwards  visited  Florence  and  Venice.  Daring  this  trip 
it  is  understood  that  Sir  John  did  some  not  altogether 
beneficial  sight-seeing,  upon  one  occasion  climbing  up  the 
steep  stairs  of  the  lofty  tower  of  St.  Peter's  at  Rome.  After 
three  weeks  spent  in  this  way,  he  returned  to  London,  reach- 
ing the  metropolis  on  Nov.  29th.  Here,  again,  he  had  done 
a  rather  unwise  thing  in  hurrying  from  the  Continent  to 
keep  an  appointment  with  Lord  Ripon  at  the  Colonial 
Office,  travelling  all  night  and  in  some  discomfort,  in  order 
to  reach  his  destination  on  time.  Upo;i  several  occasions 
during  this  brief  tour  he  had  suffered  from  shortness  of 
breath  and  shown  symptoms  which  appear,  however,  to 
have  been  hardly  noticed  at  the  time. 

From  the  day  he  reached  Londun  until  the  night  he 
left  for  Windsor  Castle,  Sir  John  seems  to  have  become 
hopelessly  involved  in  work.  The  Copyright  question  was 
in  itself  a  most  complex  and  difficult  matter,  and  frequent 
interviews  with  the  Colonial  Secretary  and  others  seem 
have  brought  it  almost  to  the  verge  of  settlement.  A  little 
longer,  and  his  clear  head  and  great  knowledge  of  the  sub- 
ject would  have  achieved  the  result  so  long  desired  and 
aimed  at  by  the  Dominion  Government.  Perhaps  the 
appreciation  of  this  fact  drew  him  on  imperceptibly  into 
labours  which  he  would  have  otherwise  avoided.  Finally, 
it  was  announced  that  on  the  llth  of  December  he  would 
be  present  at  the  meeting  of  the  Royal  Colonial  Institute, 
an  1  would  leave  for  Windsor  Castle  in  the  morning  of  the 
next  day,  where  he  was  to  be  sworn  a  Privy  Councillor 
Her  Majesty,  and  remain  for  dinner  and  the  night.  It 
understood  also  that  he  intended  to  sail  for  home  on  th< 
19th  instant,  so  as  to  spend  Christmas,  or  a  part  of  tlu 
Christmas  season,  with  his  family. 

On  the  eve  of  the  fateful  day,  and  despite  the  advic 


SIR  JOHN   THOMPSON.  437 

of  Sir  Charles  Tupper,  who  was  to  preside  at  the  meeting, 
he  went  to  the  Royal  Colonial  Institute  in  order  to  hear 
an  address,  which  was  to  be  delivered  upon  the  Inter- 
Colonial  Conference  by  Sir  Henry  Wrixon,  one  of  the 
recent  delegates  So  interested  was  Sir  John  in  the 

O 

subject  that  he  seems  to  have  been  unable  to  stay  away, 
although  he  had  during  preceding  weeks  refused  the  many 
social  engagements  which  were  pressed  upon  him.  Of 
course,  the  audience  would  not  dispense  with  a  speech  from 
the  Canadian  Premier,  even  though,  with  characteristic 
modesty,  he  had  at  first  taken  a  seat  in  the  background. 
He  made  the  effort,  but  it  was  plain  to  all  that  he  was 
decidedly  unwell. 

That  last  speech  has  a  pathetic,  as  well  as  a  practical, 
value.  It  showed  Sir  John  Thompson's  great  interest  in 
the  subject,  and  breathed  his  strong  Imperial  aspirations. 
At  the  same  time  it  pointed  out  the  steps  whicli  it  was 
necessary  to  take  before  sentiment  could  be  chrystalized 
into  action,  and  it  revealed  the  policy  which  he  would 
himself  have  pursued  had  Providence  permitted.  He  began 
with  a  general  reference  to  his  health  and  to  the  subject 
under  discussion : 

"I  wish  the  strength  at  my  disposal  this  evening 
would  enable  me  to  express  all  I  feel  in  sympathy  with 
the  Colonial  Institute,  and  my  appreciation  of  the  paper 
we  have  just  heard.  The  Ottawa  Conference  had  for  its 
primary  and  significant  feature  the  appreciation  of  the 
whole  people  of  the  Dominion.  It  was  impossible  to  have 
exceeded  the  enthusiasm  felt  with  the  objects  of  that  Con- 
ference even  in  the  most  remote  parts  of  the  country.  A 
good  deal  had  been  said  about  meetings  of  that  kind  being 
characterized  by  a  display  of  sentiment  and  sentimentality. 
For  my  part,  I  look  upon  it  as  one  of  the  great  achieve- 
ments of  the  Conference,  one  of  the  great  justifications  for 


4?38  LIFE   AND   WORK    OF 

the  Conference,  that  the  sentiment  of  the  people  of  Canada 
responded  instinctively  at  the  first  mention  of  the  prepara- 
tions for  the  assembly." 

He  then  mentioned  the  tenders  which  had  been 
received  for  the  Pacific  cable,  and  which  indicated  a  cost 
of  one  million  pounds  less  than  had  been  anticipated,  and 
went  on  to  speak  of  the  fast  Atlantic  service — in  which  he 
took  so  great  a  personal  interest,  and  to  which  the  Cana- 
dian Government  had  offered  $750,000 — as  having  suc- 
cess practically  ensured. 

Sir  John  concluded  an  earnest  and  greatly  cheered 
speech,  which  he  had  evidently  made  longer  than  he 
intended  at  first, with  the  statement  that  "the  possibilities 
with  regard  to  trade  with  all  these  colonies,  at  the  Cape 
of  Good  Hope  and  in  Australia  and  New  Zealand  are  very 
great.  I  have  not  the  opportunity  or  strength  to  deal 
fully  with  them  this  evening,  but  in  common  with  Lord 
Brassey,  I  venture  to  hope  that  the  influence  of  this  meet- 
ing and  the  influence  of  all  who  sympathize  with  our 
projects,  will  be  liberally  extended  to  us,  and  that  the 
feeling  may  be  increased  here  as  it  exists  in  the  most 
distant  portions  of  the  Empire,  that  the  day  may  come  not 
only  when  the  colonies  will  be  united  more  closely 
together,  but  when  they  will  have  a  more  practically 
useful  connection  with  the  heart  of  the  Empire  itself." 

It  was  indeed  sadly  appropriate  that  the  last  public 
utterance  of  Sir  John  Thompson  should  have  been  words 
of  loyalty  and  the  voicing  of  aspirations  for  closer  Imperial 
unity. 

After  the  meeting  he  seems  to  have  recovered  himself 
somewhat,  and  Sir  Charles  Tupper  states,  appeared  in  good 
spirits  when  he  left  him  at  his  hotel,  about  11  o'clock.  The 
next  morning  he  started  for  Windsor  Castle,  where,  at  half- 
past  one,  he  was  sworn  in  by  Her  Majesty  as  a  member  of 


SIR   JOHN   THOMPSON. 

the  Privy  Council.  It  was  a  romantic  and  significant  scene 
apart  altogether  from  the  tragic  result.  Here,  in  the 
ancient  home  of  the  Sovereigns  of  England,  where  for  cen- 
turies loyalty  and  valour  had  been  rewarded  by  the  be- 
stowal of  similar  honours ;  where  the  great  men  of  the 
land  had  knelt  in  homage  to  a  long  line  of  other  monarchs ; 
where  Privy  Councillors  had  been  made  before  America 
was  discovered,  or  the  British  Empire  dreamed  of ;  the 
greatest  ruler  of  them  all  was  calling  to  her  Imperial 
Council  a  leader  from  the  distant  Dominion  which  had  de- 
veloped since  her  own  accession  to  the  Throne. 

But  the  act  of  homage  was  hardly  over  ;  the  well -won 
honour  had  only  just  been  received  ;  the  ink  was  scarcely 
dry  in  the  new  signature  to  that  roll  of  illustrious  names 
which  makes  the  history  of  England  so  proud  a  record ; 
when  the  hand  of  death  intervened,  and  closed  a  career  of 
loyal  and  devoted  service.  The  Court  Circular  of  that 
night  states,  with  the  usual  formal  brevity,  that 

"The  Queen  held  a  Council  at  half -past  one  o'clock  to-day,  at  which 
were  present  the  Marquess  of  Breadalbane,  K  G. ,  Lord  Steward  ;  the  Mar- 
quess of  Ripon,  K.G.,  Secretary  of  Stata  for  the  Colonies;  the  Right  Hon. 
Henry  Fowler,  M.P.,  Secretary  of  State  for  India ;  and  the  Right  Hon. 
Arnold  Motley,  M.  P. ,  Postmaster-General.  The  Marquess  of  Ripon  acted 
for  the  Earl  of  Rosebery  as  President  of  the  Council.  The  Hon.  Sir  John 
Thompson,  K.C.M.G.,  Q.C.,  Premier  and  Minister  of  Justice  in  Canada, 
was  introduced  and  sworn  in  a  member  of  the  Privy  Council.  Sir  Charles 
Lennox  Peel  was  in  attendance  as  Cleik  of  the  Council.  Lord  Hawk  es- 
bury  and  Sir  Fleet  wood  Edwards  were  in  attendance  as  Lord  and  Groom- 
in- Waiting." 

Then  followed  the  equally  brief  statement  that  to  Her 
Majesty's  great  regret,  Sir  John  Thompson  had  died  sud- 
denly of  syncope  a  few  minutes  after  leaving  the  Council 
room.  It  was  added  that  Sir  John  had  felt  unwell  on  his 
arrival  at  the  Castle,  and  had  mentioned  having  been  under 
medical  treatment.  Those  who  witnessed  the  sad  event 
testify  to  its  sudden  and  startling  nature. 


440  LIFE   AND   WORK   OF 

Lord  Breadalbane  at  the  time  gave  a  full  account  of 
the  memorable  occurrence.  "  After  Sir  John  had  been 
sworn,  we  retired  to  the  luncheon  room.  While  WQ  were 
sitting  there  he  suddenly  fainted.  One  of  the  servants 
and  I  each  took  his  arm,  got  him  into  the  next  room,  and 
placed  him  beside  the  window.  I  got  some  water  and  sent 
a  servant  for  some  brandy.  In  a  short  time  he  recovered 
somewhat,  and  seemed  much  distressed  at  having  made 
what  he  regarded  as  a  scene,  remarking,  "  It  seems  so  weak 
and  foolish  to  faint  like  this."  I  replied,  "  One  does  not 
faint  on  purpose  ;  pray  do  not  distress  yourself  about  the 
matter."  He  begged  me  to  return  to  luncheon.  Of  course 
I  would  not  hear  of  this.  I  remained  with  him  till  he 
seemed  completely  recovered.  He  rose  to  accompany  me 
back  to  the  luncheon  room.  I  offered  him  my  arm,  but  he 
walked  unaided.  He  cheerfully  remarked,  "  I  am  all  right, 
thank  you."  Meantime  Dr.  Reid,  the  Queen's  physician, 
whom  I  had  sent  for,  arrived.  Within  two  or  three  minutes 
after  Sir  John's  return  to  the  luncheon  room,  and  I  believe 
before  he  tasted  the  cutlet  or  whatever  was  placed  before 
him,  I  saw  him  suddenly  lurch  over,  and  fall  almost  into 
Dr.  Reid's  arms."  The  room  was  partially  cleared  and 
everything  possible  was  done,  but  without  avail.  The  end 
had  come. 

At  a  moment  when  Canadians  were  reading  with  plea- 
sure the  strong  utterance  of  their  Premier  the  night  before  ; 
when  his  family  and  friends  were  looking  forward  to  his 
announced  return ;  when  Miss  Helena  Thompson  had  just 
arrived  in  Paris  again  after  her  visit  to  London ;  there 
came  the  tidings  of  that  dramatic  death  almost  at  the  feet 
of  his  Sovereign  and  within  the  historic  walls  of  Windsor. 
To  quote  from  the  elegy  written  by  Mr.  Lewis  Morris : 

"  Dead  at  the  crest,  the  crown 
And  blossom  of  his  fortunes  this  strong  son 

Of  our  great  realm  sank  down 
Beneath  the  load  of  honours  scarcely  won." 


SIR   JOHN   THOMPSON.  44)1 

In  what  followed  can  be  traced  the  sympathy 
which  has  made  the  Queen  so  great  a  woman,  and  the  tact 
which  has  made  her  so  able  and  remarkable  a  monarch. 
Windsor's  Imperial  towers  never,  indeed,  witnessed  an  event 
which  so  typified  the  development  of  British  power,  and  at 
the  same  time  so  evidenced  the  real  union  of  hearts  existing 
amongst  a  world -wide  and  scattered  people.  The  body  of 
the  deceased  statesman  was,  late  in  the  evening,  placed  in 
a  coffin  and  removed  to  a  room  in  the  Clarence  Tower. 
Meantime  Sir  Charles  Tupper  reached  the  Castle  by  com- 
mand of  the  Queen ;  and  upon  Her  Majesty  learning,  in 
the  course  of  an  audience  granted  him,  that  Sir  John 
Thompson  had  been  a  Roman  Catholic,  a  requiem  mass  was 
ordered  to  be  celebrated,  and  was  attended  by  the  members 
of  the  Royal  household  and  by  various  Colonial  officials  who 
had  come  down  from  London.  The  body  was  then  taken 
to  the  Marble  Hall,  where  it  lay  in  state. 

Early  next  morning  the  Queen  gave  instructions  that 
the  removal  of  the  remains  to  the  station  should  be  accom- 
panied with  every  possible  ceremony  and  respect.  Her 
Majesty  with  her  own  hands  placed  a  wreath  of  laurels  and 
lilies  upon  the  coffin,  bearing  the  words:  "A  mark  of 
sincere  respect  from  Victoria  R.  I."  As  the  coffin  was 
borne  out  of  the  Castle,  placed  in  the  plumed  hearse,  and 
taken  to  the  special  train  which  waited  at  the  station 
draped  in  memorial  black,  the  Queen  stood  at  the  window 
above  St.  George's  gateway  and  watched  the  sorrowful 
function.  At  the  last  moment  Her  Majesty  had  placed 
another  large  wreath  of  laurel  upon  the  coffin — one  which 
was  to  lie  on  it  throughout  the  voyage  to  Canada.  Mean- 
while, Sir  Charles  Tupper  had  been  instructed  to  send  a 
message  of  sympathy  to  the  Dominion,  which  he  did  in 
the  following  cable  to  the  Governor  General : 


442  LIFE   AND   WORK   OF 

"The  Queen  has  personally  commanded  me  to  express  to  Your  Excel- 
lency her  deep  sympathy  with  the  people  of  Canada  in  the  sad  blow  which 
the  country  has  sustained  by  the  sudden  and  untimely  death,  of  the 
Premier. " 

As  soon  as  Miss  Thompson  could  be  re-called  from 
Paris,  she  reached  Windsor  by  the  Queen's  request,  together 
with  Senator  and  Mrs.  Sanford,  in  whose  charge  she  now 
was.  She  was  received  in  the  Council  Chamber,  where 
her  father  had  so  recently  been  sworn  into  the  Privy  Coun- 
cil, and  was  treated  by  Her  Majesty  in  a  manner  not  only 
sympathetic  but  affectionate.  Drawing  the  orphaned  ^girl 
to  her,  the  Queen  kissed  her  on  either  cheek  and  proffered 
the  most  deep  and  sincere  condolence.  On  December  14th, 
the  body  of  the  late  Premier  was  placed  in  state  in  the 
Chapel  of  Our  Lady,  in  Spanish  Place.  The  coffin,  of 
which  the  outer  shell  was  mahogany,  bore  the  Queen's 
wreath  and  a  heavy  shield  with  the  inscription : 

THE  RIGHT  HON.  SIR  JOHN  S.  D.  THOMPSON, 

P.O.,  K.C.MG.,  M.P..Q.C. 

Premier  and  Minister  of  Justice  of  Canada. 

Died  at  Windsor  Castle,  December  12th,  1894. 

Aged  50  years. 

R.  I.  P. 

It  was  placed  on  a  catafalque,  which  stood  upon  a  carpet 
of  purple  and  gold  velvet,  and  was  draped  with  a  pall  of 
rich  black  velvet  surmounted  by  a  large  golden  cross.  Many 
prominent  people  were  present  at  the  memorial  service, 
including  the  Marquess  of  Ripon,  the  Earl  of  Jersey,  Lord 
Tennyson,  Lord  Mount- Stephen,  Sir  Charles  Tupper  and 
Mr.  Cecil  Rhodes.  Miss  Thompson  was  also  present.  The 
mass  was  celebrated,  at  the  command  of  the  Queen,  by  the 
Rev.  Father  Longinoto  of  the  Town  of  Windsor,  Here  the 
remains  lay  in  state  for  some  days.  Meantime  it  was  an- 
nounced that  the  Imperial  Government  had  offered  the 
almost  unprecedented  honour  of  having  the  body  conveyed 


HON.  Sm  CHARLES  TUPPEB,  BART.,  G.C.,  M.G.,  C.B., 
Hiyh  Commissioner  for  Canada  in  England. 


SIR   JOHN   THOMPSON. 


445 


to  Halifax — back  to  the  Dominion  which  Sir  John  had 
served  and  ruled — in  a  British  man-of-war.  Lady  Thomp- 
.  son  accepted  the  proposal  as  presented  through  the  Governor 
General,  and  on  December  22nd  commenced  the  last  of  the 
tributes  of  respect  which  the  Queen  and  the  Mother  Land 
had  showered  upon  the  remains  of  Canada's  lamented 
Premier. 

The  journey  from  London  to  Portsmouth  was  made  a 
State  funeral  by  Her  Majesty's  command.  Arrangements 
were  made  that  there  should  be  no  stoppage  of  the 
special  train,  in  the  centre  of  which  was  a  splendid  funeral 
car  built  of  mahogany  and  teak,  and  containing  a  large 
compartment  which  was  in  reality  a  mortuary  chapel. 
The  ceiling  was  draped  with  Canadian  flags;  the  walls 
were  hung  with  black  cloth  dotted  with  silver  stars,  and 
caught  up  by  silver  cords.  In  the  centre  stood  a  magnifi- 
cent catafalque,  draped  in  black  with  silver  borders;  a 
large  silver  cross  at  the  head,  and  a  gold  crucifix  three  feet 
high  in  front.  The  engine  attached  to  the  train  was  also 
draped,  while  immediately  behind  it  was  a  car,  full  of  the 
wreaths  sent  by  prominent  persons.  The  railway  station 
platform  was  in  black,  and  the  officials  on  duty  were  all 
dressed  in  mourning  garments.  In  addition  to  this  the 
guards  and  other  railroad  men  detailed  to  accompany  the 
body  to  Portsmouth,  wore  a  special  mourning  uniform  such 
as  would  have  been  the  case  had  the  remains  been  those  of 
royalty. 

All  along  the  route  taken  by  the  train,  crowds  of 
people  waited  in  respectful  silence  and  watched  it  pass  by. 
As  soon  as  it  was  sighted  outside  of  Portsmouth,  the  many 
ships  in  the  harbour  half-masted  their  ensigns,  the  first  of 
the  twenty  minute-guns  boomed  a  salute,  and  the  flags 
ashore  were  dipped.  It  was  received  by  long  lines  of 
naval  and  military  officers  representing  all  branches  of  the 


446  LIFE   AND   WORK    OF 

two  services,  and  drawn  up  in  front  of  large  detachments 
of  marines  and  blue-jackets  detailed  as  guards  of  honour. 

The  coffin  was  at  once  removed  from  the  train,  and 
carried  to  the  ship  by  blue-jackets.  On  either  side  were 
the  pal  1- bearers ;  in  front  walked  the  Roman  Catholic 
Bishop  of  Portsmouth  in  full  purple  robes ;  together  with 
a  number  of  clergymen  and  priests.  Behind  the  coffin 
came  Lord  Pelham  Clinton  and  Major-General  Sir  John 
McNeill  representing  the  Queen ;  then  followed  the  mourn- 
ers ;  the  naval  and  military  officers  in  full  uniform  ;  the 
Mayor  and  Corporation  of  Portsmouth  in  their  robes  of 
office;  and  a  mass  of  people.  Senator  Sanford  had  ac- 
companied the  remains  from  London  by  request  of  Sir 
Charles  Tupper,  who  was  prevented  through  illness  from 
giving  the  personal  attention  which  was  necessary.  He  also 
crossed  in  the  Blenheim.  As  the  procession  commenced 
to  move,  the  general  silence  was  broken  by  a  crashing 
discharge  of  guns  from  the  Victory,  Nelson's  famed 
war-ship.  The  massed  bands  played  the  dead  march, 
and  all  the  sailors  and  marines  reversed  their  arms.  When 
the  coffin  was  carried  upon  the  Blenheim  there  was  another 
crash  of  artillery  and  more  funeral  music,  while  the  officers 
on  board  saluted. 

A  most  impressive  appearance  was  presented  by  the 
great  war-ship.  Her  sides  were  painted  black ;  her  wide 
gangway  was  draped  with  black  cloth ;  as  was  also  the 
way  to  the  mortuary  chamber.  Everything,  even  to  the 
minutest  detail,  had  been  arranged  in  the  most  perfect  anJ 
mournful  harmony.  A  short  and  solemn  service  was  held 
in  the  captain's  room,  which  had  been  fitted  up  for  the 
reception  of  the  coffin.  Here  upon  a  handsome  catafalque, 
draped  with  crape-bound  flags  and  black  cloth ;  surrounded 
by  sentries  and  covered  with  Her  Majesty's  wreath,  the 
remains  of  the  Canadian  statesman  lay  during  the  voyage 
to  Halifax. 


SIR  JOHN  THOMPSON.  447 

In  this  remarkable  manner  did  Sir  John  Thompson,  or 
all  that  was  left  of  the  statesman,  the  jurist,  and  the  true 
Canadian,  return  to  the  land  he  had  loved  so  well.  But 
it  can  be  truly  said  that  in  dying  he  had  yet  lived  into  his 
country's  life.  No  event  in  history  has  done  so  much  to 
enhance  the  bond  of  sympathy  between  Canada  and  the 
Mother  Land  as  did  the  death  of  the  Canadian  Premier, 
and  the  spontaneous,  universal  and  remarkable  sympathy 
which  it  evoked,  on  the  other  side  of  the  ocean  which  he  had 
tried  to  aid  in  making  a  great  British  lake.  The  sentiment 
show^n  by  the  Queen,  and  the  honours  showered  upon  the 
head  of  the  Dominion  through  its  representative,  could  in- 
deed be  appreciated  by  the  loyal  people  of  Canada.  And  so 
also  with  the  influence  for  good  which  Her  Majesty's 
treatment  of  the  religious  side  of  Sir  John  Thompson's  life 
and  career  would  naturally  have  upon  those  who  had  once 
been  prejudiced  against  the  statesman  for  something  which 
his  Queen — and  theirs  —  now  marked  out  for  special 
compliment. 

Thus  the  Blenheim  started  with  its  burden  of  sorrow 
for  the  shores  of  the  country  which  had  still  to  confer  the 
last  of  national  honours  upon  its  departed  statesman.  Jn 
the  eloquent  words  of  Mr.  Nicholas  Flood  Davin,  Sir  John 
Thompson,  "  after  being  rocked  as  a  child  in  a  fifty  cent 
cradle  in  a  Haligonian  cottage,  had  died  in  Windsor  Castle 
as  the  guest  of  the  Queen.  One  of  the  mightiest  ships  in 
the  British  Navy  had  become  his  bier,  and  the  cannon  of 
the  greatest  Empire  in  the  world  boomed  his  requiem." 


448  LIFE  AND  W011K  OF 


CHAPTER  XXVII. 
A  SPLENDID  AND  HISTORIC  BURIAL. 

The  great  British  war -ship  steadily  and  surely 
ploughed  her  way  across  the  stormy  Atlantic — timed  to 
arrive  at  Halifax  on  the  morning  of  the  first  day  of  the 
New  Year.  The  deceased  statesman  was  being  borne  from 
the  shores  of  England  with  honours  greater  than  those 
which  have  been  accorded  to  many  of  the  monarchs  of  the 
past  and  the  heroes  of  history.  Few  indeed  of  the  sons  of 
men  are  privileged  to  have  a  war-ship  for  a  hearse ;  a  great 
sovereign  as  a  mourner ;  a  mighty  empire  as  the  onlooker 
at  his  funeral  procession  ;  two  great  countries  and  a  rolling 
ocean  as  the  scene  of  his  burial. 

As  the  British  iron- clad  steamed  into  Halifax  harbour 
at  the  hour  and  minute  appointed,  the  cannon  boomed  out 
the  solemn  news  to  the  dense  crowds  who  filled  the  streets 
and  lined  the  wharves  of  the  Cronstadt  of  A  merica ;  and 
the  flags  of  the  forts  and  public  buildings  dipped  in  sym- 
pathy with  those  which  were  half-masted  upon  the  Blen- 
heim. Amid  the  firing  of  minute-guns  and  the  strains  of 
the  dead  march  played  by  the  ship's  band,  the  coffin,  still 
covered  by  the  flag  of  Canada,  was  borne  upon  the  shoul- 
ders of  stalwart  blue-jackets,  placed  upon  the  transport 
Lily,  and  received  on  board  by  the  two  sons  of  the  late 
Premier  and  a  number  of  his  former  colleagues  and  friends. 
As  the  sad  music  floated  in  over  the  waves,  like  the  sobbing 
of  the  sea,  the  transport  steamed  into  shore,  where  upon  the 
landing  stood  a  guard  of  honour,  and  the  Governor  General 
and  Lady  Aberdeen.  Here  the  coffin  was  transferred  to  a 


SIR    JOHN   THOMPSON.  449 

gun-carriage  drawn  by  four  powerful  black  horses,  and 
conveyed  to  the  Provincial  Building — where  the  remains 
were  to  lie  in  state — followed  by  a  long  procession  through 
streets  lined  with  the  men  of  the  63rd  Halifax  Rifles,  and 
packed  with  people  who  seemed  to  care  nothing  for  the 
pouring  rain.  The  day  added  gloom  to  the  feelings  of 
the  spectators,  while  the  mournful  music  harmonized  with 
the  surroundings  of  sorrow. 

When  the  destination  had  been  reached,  the  casket 
was  lifted  by  twelve  stalwart  soldiers  of  the  Imperial 
army,  carried  through  another  guard  of  honour,  and  placed 
upon  the  catafalque  in  the  centre  of  the  Legislative  Coun- 
cil room,  where  it  lay  in  state  during  the  succeeding  day. 
Here,  for  a  few  brief  minutes,  Lord  and  Lady  Aberdeen 
knelt  in  silent  prayer  beside  the  remains  of  their  departed 
friend  and  His  Excellency's  loyal  adviser.  The  lofty  and 
beautiful  chamber  was  almost  entirely  draped  in  black  and 
purple  silk  and  cashmere,  with  silver  trimmings ;  upon 
the  walls  hung  historic  portraits  of  Britain's  monarchs 
and  of  Nova  Scotia's  honoured  sons,  looking  down 
upon  the  remains  of  the  Canadian  Premier,  who  in  death 
had  so  linked  his  native  Province  with  the  memories  of  his 
Sovereign's  sympathy.  The  walls  were  draped  in  black 
cashmere ;  the  windows  were  surmounted  with  an  over- 
drape  of  purple,  trimmed  with  silver  fringe ;  the  pictures 
were  framed  in  crape  and  silver  fixings ;  the  ceiling  was 
covered  so  as  to  form  a  canopy  of  black  cashmere,  sur- 
mounted over  the  catafalque  .by  the  Royal  coat  of  arms, 
fitted  into  a  smaller  canopy  of  purple  and  black  silk. 

Upon  the  coffin  lay  the  handsome  pall  worked  by 
Lady  Aberdeen  with  her  own  hands.  It  was  a  beautiful 
piece  of  work,  made  of  rich  Irish  white  poplin,  lined 
with  satin,  with  a  large  gold-thread  cross  running  its 
whole  length.  It  was  bordered  by  a  plain  gold  fringe 
29 


450  LIFE   AND    WORK   OF 

and  cord.  Behind  the  catafalque  was  a  raised  dais  on 
which  rested  the  almost  innumerable  wreaths  from  all 
parts  of  Britain  and  Canada.  Just  below  the  Queen's 
memorial  were  the  maple  leaves  and  shamrocks  from 
Lord  and  Lady  Aberdeen,  while  near  by  were  flowers 
in  every  conceivable  form  of  beauty  and  abundance  from 
Sir  John  Thompson's  late  colleagues ;  from  the  Governors 
of  the  various  Provinces ;  from  Conservative  organizations 
throughout  Canada ;  from  the  Marquess  of  Ripon  ;  from 
the  Royal  Military  College  at  Kingston ;  from  the  British 
Colonial  Office.  During  the  2nd  of  January,  thousands 
and  thousands  of  people  passed  through  the  Chamber 
where  lay  the  remains  of  the  honored  Canadian  statesman. 
Around  the  catafalque  stood  a  guard  of  honour  composed 
of  members  of  Parliament,  who  replaced  each  other  in  turn 
during  the  day  and  the  succeeding  night.  Inside,  the 
throng  passed  slowly,  steadily  and  respectfully  through 
the  Chamber.  Outside  of  the  heavily  draped  building,, 
other  thousands  patiently  and  solemnly  waited  their  turns 
All  the  arrangements  of  this  memorable  state  funerali 
were  splendidly  carried  out.  At  six  o'clock  on  the  follow- 
ing morning  the  coffin  was  quietly  removed  to  St.  Mary's 
Cathedral  where  it  was  placed  upon  the  lofty  catafalque 
prepared  for  the  purpose.  At  an  early  hour  the  noble 
cathedral  was  filled  with  such  a  gathering  of  representative 
men  and  women  as  had  never  been  seen  in  Canada — not 
even  at  the  famed  burial  of  Sir  John  Macdonald.  The  in- 
terior of  the  sacred  building  was  in  itself  unique.  It  was 
magnificently  draped  in  all  the  possible  emblems  of  a  na- 
tion's mourning.  The  walls  were  hung  in  black  to  within 
four  feet  of  the  floor,  where  the  base  was  of  purple  cash- 
mere. Over  the  windows  were  silver  crosses.  Between 
them  were  handsome  banners,  while  above  and  surrounding 
the  altar  was  the  simple  text : 

"  I  am  the  Resurrection  and  the  Life." 


SIR  JOHN  THOMPSON. 


451 


The  massive  Corinthian  pillars  of  the  church  were  draped 
in  black  cashmere,  trimmed  in  white  and  purple,  gold  and 
silver.  The  ceiling  formed  an  immense  and  sombre  canopy, 
while  the  Bishop's  throne  was  in  purple  and  gold  ;  the 
altar  cloths  were  of  black  with  purple  velvet  trimmings  ; 
the  floor  and  the  aisles  were  covered  with  purple  cashmere  ; 
and  the  pews  were  draped  in  purple  and  crape.  Behind 
the  Episcopal  throne,  screened  from  public  view,  sat  Lady 
Thompson ;  inside  the  altar  rail  and  in  the  front  pews  were 
the  Governor-General  and  Lady  Aberdeen,  the  Lieut.-Gov- 
ernors  of  Ontario,  Quebec,  New-Brunswick,  Prince  Edward 
Island  and  British  Columbia  ;  Lieut. -General  Montgomery 
Moore  ;  Sir  John's  late  colleagues  in  the  Government ;  and 
representatives  from  very  many  of  the  leading  legislative, 
judicial,  political,  religious,  legal,  scientific,  military  and 
national  bodies  of  the  Dominion  of  Canada. 

Bishop  Cameron  of  Antigonish,  the  warm  and  faithful 
friend  of  the  deceased  Premier,  celebrated  the  requiem 
mass.  The  impressive  ceremony  was  performed  amid 
surroundings  of  regal  magnificence  and  solemnity.  With 
His  Lordship  were  Archbishop  O'Brien  of  Halifax  ;  Arch- 
bishop Bdgin  of  Quebec  ;  Archbishop  Duhamel  of  Ottawa  ; 
Bishop  Howley  of  St.  John's,  Newfoundland ;  the  Bishops 
of  St.  John,  N.B.,  Alexandria,  Rimouski,  and  Charlottetown, 
together  with  a  great  number  of  minor  ecclesiastical  digni- 
taries. The  "  Dies  Irae  "  was  exquisitely  rendered  by  the 
choir,  and  had  been  specially  translated  by  the  Archbishop 
of  Halifax  for  the  benefit  of  the  mixed  congregation.  It 
is  impossible  to  do  justice  to  the  sympathetic,  graceful  and 
effective  funeral  oration  delivered  by  Archbishop  O'Brien. 
The  career  of  Sir  John  Thompson  was  presented  and 
embodied  by  the  earnest  words  of  one  who  had  known  him 
well  and  appreciated  him  thoroughly.  His  Grace  dealt 
with  "the  integrity  of  life  and  the  conscientious  fulfilment 


452  LIFE   AND   WORK    OF 

of  onerous  duties,"  which  had  made  that  career  so  impor- 
tant, and  so  fitted  to  "  adorn  the  annals  of  a  nation  and  be 
an  example  and  instruction  to -future  generations."  The 
late  Premier  had  not  succeeded  by  external  influences  ;  by 
pandering  to  passion  or  prejudice ;  by  cunning  arts  or 
corrupt  devices.  It  was  rather  by  "  a  faithful  observance 
of  the  law  of  labour  imposed  by  the  Creator  on  the  human 
race,  together  with  intellectual  gifts  of  a  high  order, 
strengthened  and  made  perfect  by  a  deep  religious  spirit." 
The  Archbishop  referred  at  some  length  to  the  Chris- 
tain  life  and  character  of  Sir  John.  His  religion  had  been 
of  a  kind  to  develop  and  expand  his  intellectual  attain- 
ments ;  give  consistency  to  his  actions ;  strength  and 
vigour  to  his  reasoning ;  "  The  way  he  sought  the  Lord  in 
goodness  and  simplicity  of  IK  a  -fc  is  known  to  his  friends. 
He  recognised  it  to  be  the  first  duty  of  a  Christian  to 
follow  the  dictates  of  conscience  and  to  make  his  life  an 
outward  expression  of  his  inward  convictions."  At  the 
conclusion  of  the  mass  and  His  Grace's  memorial  address, 
there  occurred  a  most  significant  incident.  By  suggestion 
of  Lord  and  Lady  Aberdeen,  in  the  midst  of  the  highest 
Roman  Catholic  ceremonial,  and  in  honour  of  a  most  devout 
son  of  the  Church,  a  great  congregation  of  mixed  creeds 
united  within  the  walls  of  a  Roman  Catholic  Cathedral  in 
singing  that  exquisite  Protestant  hymn  commencing  : 

"  Now  the  labourer's  task  is  o'er  ; 
Now  the  battle  day  is  past ; 
Now  upon  the  farther  shore 
Lands  the  voyager  at  last. 
Father,  in  Thy  gracious  keeping 
Leave  we  now  Thy  servant  sleeping." 

Then,  as  the  vast  audience  stood  in  reverential  silence, 
the  solemn  music  of  the  Dead  March  pealed  from  the  organ 
and  the  coffin  was  carried  to  the  funeral  car.  Troops  lined 


SIR  JOHN   THOMPSON. 


455 


the  streets  from  the  Cathedral  to  the  cemetery  as  the 
immense  procession  slowly  formed  and  marched  behind  to 
the  strains  of  mournful  music  and  amid  buildings  draped 
in  sombre  hue.  Thousands  of  people  wore  mourning 
badges,  and  many  in  the  procession  were  clothed  in 
garments  of  black.  Three  hundred  blue-jackets  and 
mariners ;  two  hundred  of  the  late  Premier's  constituents 
from  Antigonish;  Lord  Aberdeen  and  his  staff;  the  Gover- 
nors of  Provinces ;  officiating  clergymen  in  their  robes  of 
office ;  senators,  members  of  Parliament,  judges,  ecclesias- 
tics and  ministers  of  every  creed ;  inarched  in  that  great 
procession. 

The  occasion  served  to  illustrate  that  religious  modera- 
tion and  toleration  which  the  dead  statesman  had  so  often 
and  earnestly  urged.  Their  was  no  precedence  in  the 
procession  save  by  length  of  service,  and  mingled  together 
in  one  common  tribute  to  departed  merit  were  men  of  such 
diverse  religious  views  as  the  Roman  Catholic  Archbishop 
of  Quebec  and  the  Rev.  Dr.  Carman,  Superintendent  of  the 
Methodist  Church  in  Canada ;  the  Episcopal  Bishop  of 
Nova-Scotia  and  the  Rev.  Dr.  Saunders,  Moderator  of  the 
Presbyterian  General  Asso  ibly.  Men  of  all  political 
shades  were  there.  The  Dominion  Conservative  leaders 
and  the  Provincial  Liberal  leaders;  the  officers  of  the 
Canadian  Pacific  Railway  and  those  of  the  Grand  Trunk, 
joined  in  honouring  the  late  Premier. 

Ifc  is  utterly  impossible  to  describe  the  procession. 
Halifax  was  so  full  of  people  that  not  a  tithe  of  them 
could  take  part,  and  they  had  to  remain  packed  along  the 
sides  of  the  streets  in  serried  masses.  Fortunately  the  day 
was  fine  and  clear.  The  funeral  car  was  a  splendid  struc- 
ture of  the  kind,  beautifully  covered  with  black  silk,  and 
draped  with  black  velvet,  trimmed  with  silver  fringe.  The 
coffin  was  placed  upon  a  catafalque,  surmounted  by  a  canopy 


456  LIFE    AND   WORK    OF 

which  rested  upon  four  Corinthian  columns  festooned  with 
flowers.  It  was  adorned  with  handsome  plumes  and  a 
silver  cross  and  crown.  The  car' was  drawn  by  six  horses, 
with  coverings  of  black  and  silver,  each  guided  by  a  man 
in  uniform.  The  pall-bearers,  who  walked  upon  either 
side  of  the  car,  were  the  Hon.  George  E.  Foster,  Sir  Charles 
H.  Tupper,  Sir  Frank  Smith,  Hon.  John  Costigan,  Hon. 
John  Haggart,  Hon.  J.  A.  Ouimet,  Hon.  J.  C.  Patterson, 
and  Hon.  W.  B.  Ives.  The  route  to  the  Holy  Cross 
Cemetery,  which  stood  in  the  centre  of  the  city,  had  been 
arranged,  so  as  to  pass  certain  points  of  historic  interest, 
and  after  an  hour's  march  through  lines  of  soldiers  and 
throngs  of  people,  and  accompanied  by  strains  of  music 
and  funeral  airs  from  all  the  great  composers,  the  cemetery 
was  finally  reached. 

At  the  draped  entrance  stood  a  guard  of  honour. 
Within  was  a  quaint,  old-fashioned  church  surrounded  by 
a  not  very  large  burial  ground,  crowded  with  the  graves  of 
those  who  had  found  a  last  resting  place  in  the  plot  given 
fifty  years  before  by  the  Imperial  authorities  to  the  "Roman 
Catholics  of  Halifax.  Hawthornes,  and  maples,  and  elms 
had  grown  up  thickly  in  this  sequestered  spot  in  the  heart 
of  an  important  city.  Another  site  for  a  cemetery  had 
been  obtained  and  was  now  largely  used,  but  here  it  had 
been  decided  to  lay  the  remains  of  Sir  John  Thompson, 
and  here,  after  a  few  final  prayers  by  Archbishop  O'Brien, 
all  that  remained  of  the  distinguished  Canadian  was 
hidden  from  sight  in  the  soil  of  his  native  province ;  in 
the  heart  of  his  native  city. 

Sir  John  Thompson  was  now  at  rest.  The  active 
brain,  the  patriotic  mind,  the  sturdy  character,  which  had 
carved  out  so  high  a  career,  had  gone  from  the  country  he 
served  so  well.  But  his  character  and  achievements 
remained,  written  on  the  scroll  of  Canadian  history.  As 


SIR   JOHN    THOMPSON. 


457 


the  Rev.  Dr.  Barclay,  of  St.  Paul's  Presbyterian  Church, 
Montreal,  so  eloquently  phrased  it :  "  The  tragic  ending  of 
his  earthly  career  shed  a  mingled  gloom  and  glory  on  his 
life,  on  his  family,  and  on  his  nation."  But  if  it  deprived 
us  of  a  great  leader,  it  endowed  us  at  the  same  time  with 
a  noble  memory. 

In  Canada  and  Great  Britian  the  Press  had  done  full 
justice  to  the  life  and  work  of  the  late  Premier.  Partisan- 
ship in  the  one  case  had  been  forgotten,  distance  in  the 
other  had  been  over-looked.  The  London  Daily  News  had 
rejoiced  in  his  labours  for  Imperial  Unity,  as  shown  in  the 
Ottawa  Conference,  and  declared  that  "  his  death  will 
still -serve  the  great  purpose  to  which  he  devoted  his  life." 
The  Standard  said  that  "  partly  on  account  of  his  ability 
and  tact  the  recent  history  of  Canada  has  been  one  of 
uneventful  prosperity."  The  Times  declared  that  under 
his  guidance  "the  position  of  Canada  had  been  confirmed  and 
strengthened."  The  Post  joined  with  Canada  in  mourning 
"  the  loss  of  so  able  a  man."  The  Telegraph  was  uncertain 
whether  the  loss  was  greater  to  Canada  or  to  England.  The 
Chronicle  thought  him  "a  man  of  sterling  qualities,  of 
whom  the  whole  English-speaking  race  had  good  reason  to 
be  proud."  The  Pall  Mall  Gazette  believed  him  to  have 
been  "the  best  type  of  a  lawyer- statesman,  cool  headed, 
profoundly  informed,  earnest  and  sincere,  and  with  the 
courage  of  his  convictions." 

In  Canada  the  newspapers  teemed  with  sorrowful 
comments.  Black  borders,  and  every  possible  expression 
of  sincere  regret  followed  his  sudden  death,  and  filled  their 
columns  during  that  prolonged  and  Imperial  funeral.  The 
remarks  of  the  Liberal  press  were  especially  kind  and  gen- 
erous— such  indeed  as  would  have  given  unspeakable 
pleasure  to  the  statesman,  when  alive.  The  Toronto  Globe 
referred  to  him  as  having  given  up  "his  plans  and  his 


458  LIFE  AND  WORK  OP 

preferences,  and  laid  his  remarkable  talents  at  the  service 
of  his  country.  For  the  dignity  of  the  Bench  and  the 
quiet  of  his  study  he  exchanged  the  turmoil,  the  cares,  the 
misrepresentations  and  the  ingratitude  of  public  life,  and 
finally  he  gave  his  life." 

The  Toronto  Mail,  which  had  in  other  days  so  strongly 
opposed  him,  declared  that  "  He  will  pass  into  history  as  a 
great  Premier,"  and  added  that  "  no  suspicion  ever  attached 
to  Sir  John  as  a  politician.  Sir  Richard  Cartwright  once 
said  of  him  that  his  hands  were  clean,  and  clean  they  cer- 
tainly were.  .  .  .  The  conduct  of  the  late  Premier  with 
reference  to  offenders  was  unquestionably  unprecedented. 
No  other  leader,  Liberal  or  Conservative,  has,  in  this  coun- 
try at  least,  been  ready  to  act  as  Sir  John  Thompson  did." « 
The  Woodstock  Sentinel-Review,  whose  record  is  one  of 
virile  Liberalism,  said  that  "as  a  statesman  Sir  John 
Thompson's  name  is  likely  to  hold  a  high  place  among 
the  men  of  Canada." 

The  Hamilton  Herald  declared  that  his  career  was  an 
object  lesson  for  young  Canadians :  "  His  character  all 
through  was  above  reproach.  He  was  a  thinker  and  a 
student,  and  spared  himself  no  trouble  and  no  research, 
to  master  every  detail  of  facts  that  he  was  called  upon 
to  deal  with,  and  to  acquaint  himself  fully  with  every 
phase  of  questions  requiring  his  consideration.  These 
issues  with  him  were  never  questions  of  politics  but 
questions  of  right  and  wrong.  Men  may  not  always  have 
agreed  with  him,  but  no  one  who  knew  the  man  and  his 
absolute  honesty  of  conviction  and  sincerity  of  purpose, 
could  fail  to  yield  him  the  unquestioning  respect  which 
was  his  due." 

And  so  with    a    long   list    from    the    old  world  and 
the  new ;  from  the  Imperial   country  in  which  he  died 
from  the  home  country  in  which  he  lies  buried. 


JOHN  S.  THOMPSON, 

Editor  of  the  N ova-Si otian;  Father  of  Sir  John  Thompson. 


SIR  JOHN  THOMPSON. 


461 


CHAPTER  XXVIII. 


CHARACTERISTICS  AND  HOME  LIFE. 

Sir  John  Thompson  had  inherited  much  of  his  ability, 
much  of  his  patriotism,  and  much  of  his  retiring  nature 
from  his  father.  The  latter  was  not  only  "  a  writer  of 
taste  and  genius  "  to  quote  his  celebrated  friend  and  col- 
league in  the  management  of  "  The  Nova-Scotian"  but 
was  a  patriot  of  the  good  old  Liberal  type  represented 
in  Ontario  by  George  Brown ;  in  Quebec  by  Luther 
Hamilton  Holton ;  in  Nova-Scotia  itself  by  Joseph  Howe. 
When  Howe  left  him  in  full  control  of  what  had  been  such 
a  powerful  Liberal  organ,  John  S.  Thompson  addressed  his 
readers  in  words  which  were  embodied  in  the  life  and 
policy  of  his  son  during  many  subsequent  years : 

"  From  early  years  I  have  been,  I  may  say,  instinc- 
tively attached  to  those  principles  of  civil  and  religious 
liberty  by  which  the  mass  of  my  fellow  subjects  would  be 
left  untrammelled,  except  by  wise  laws,  in  the  pursuit  of 
worldly  honour  and  power,  and  in  the  service  of  their  Great 
Creator.  These  feelings  have  grown  with  time  ;  what  un- 
sophisticated youth  adopted,  riper  years  approved ;  and  I 
feel  wedded  for  life,  through  evil  report  and  through  good 
report,  to  that  dispensation  of  freedom  which  is  consistent 
with  the  British  constitution,  and  which  may  be  in  most 
beneficial  harmony  with  proper  subordination  of  rank  and 
the  supremacy  of  the  laws." 

But  unlike  his  son,  Mr.  Thompson  never  entered  the 
stormy  arena  of  politics,  never  sacrificed  his  preference  for 


462  LIFE  AND  WOHK  OF 

retirement,  and  remained  to  the  last  cultivating  and  instil- 
ling literary  tastes  in  the  quiet  of  his  own  fireside.  The 
same  desire  for  home  life  and  quiet  pleasures  permeated 
the  character  of  Sir  John.  Without  a  knowledge  of 
that  fact  it  is  impossible  to  appreciate  fully  the  sacrifice 
he  made  for  his  country  in  entering  public  life.  The  Hon. 
David  Mills,  a  strong  political  opponent,  but  a  man  pos- 
sessed of  qualities  which  naturally  inspired  respect  and 
esteem,  in  a  speech  delivered  some  weeks  after  the  Premier's 
death,  quoted  words  which  fully  express  this  feeling,  and 
which  were  spoken  to  him  upon  one  occasion  by  Sir  John 
Thompson  : 

"  Do  you  like  this  life  ?  I  confess  it  has  no  charms 
for  me  ;  and  I  cannot  help  feeling  that  any  man  of  ability 
is  a  fool  to  come  here.  In  private  life  you  can  be  pecuni- 
arily better  off;  you  have  peace  of  mind,  domestic  enjoy- 
ment and  reputation  about  such  as  you  merit ;  but  here, 
what  have  you  got  *  A  blackened  reputation,  which  bad 
as  it  may  be,  some  think  is  better  than  you  deserve.  My 
advice  to  every  man  of  ability  and  sense  would  be  to  keep 
out  of  parliament." 

If,  however,  love  of  retirement  could  be  considered  a 
leading  characteristic  of  the  late  statesman,  love  of  country 
was  a  still  more  marked  one.  For  this  he  was  willing  to 
give  up  the  ease  and  luxury,  the  dignity  and  emoluments, 
the  comfort  and  domesticity,  which  came  from  a  high  posi- 
tion on  the  Bench.  For  this  he  toiled  at  Ottawa ;  for  this 
he  laboured  at  Washington ;  for  this  he  devoted  many  a 
weary  hour  to  the  Criminal  Code  or  the  Copyright  Law ; 
for  this  he  went  through  the  prolonged  sittings  of  the 
Commission  at  Paris,  and  listened  to  the  monotonous  argu- 
ments of  opposing  counsel ;  for  this  he  made  political 
speeches  which  he  detested  and  endured  partisan  abuse 
and  sectarian  attacks;  for  this  he  declined  to  take  the  Chief 


SIB,  JOHN  THOMPSON. 


463 


Justiceship  of  Canada ;  for  this  he  ultimately  sacrificed  his 
life,  through  overwork.  In  the  words  of  His  Lordship  the 
Bishop  of  Algoma,  at  San  Remo,  on  January  3rd  :  "  The 
sense  of  responsibility  for  his  gifts  seems  to  have  been  a 
distinguishing  characteristic  of  Sir  John  Thompson.  The 
talents  with  which  he  had  been  so  richly  endowed,  be- 
longed to  his  country,  not  to  himself.  They  were  a  sacred 
trust  committed  to  him  for  the  public  weal."  It  may  truly 
be  said  of  him,  in  the  words  of  the  poet,  that  he 

"  With  Canadian  greatness  linked  his  own, 

And,  steadfast  in  that  part, 
Held  praise  and  blame  but  fitful  sound, 
And  in  the  love  of  country  found 
Full  solace  for  his  heart." 

Love  of  work  and  appreciation  of  its  importance  in 
the  struggle  of  life  was  another  very  prominent  character- 
istic in  Sir  John  Thompson.  He  was  a  severe,  conscientious 
and  thorough  worker.  To  quote  the  Toronto  Mail  shortly 
after  bis  death :  "  It  was  hard  study  that  made  him  a 
lawyer.  It  was  application  that  gave  him  eminence  in  his 
profession,  whether  on  the  Bench  or  at  the  Bar.  It  was 
thought,  deep  and  long,  that  produced  the  Parliamentary 
speeches  which  made  him  famous.  It  was  unremitting 
labour  that  conferred  upon  him  what  we  describe  as  talent, 
and  won  for  him  the  confidence  necessary  to  his  position 
as  leader." 

In  Parliament  he  was  always  at  his  post.  If  the 
House  sat  till  daylight,  Sir  John  would  keep  his  seat. 
Upon  one  occasion  a  debate  lasted  through  the  night  and 
until  11  o'clock  the  next  morning.  When  the  members 
who  were  lucky  enough  to  be  allowed  to  go  away  to  sleep 
"on  call "  returned  next  day  they  found  the  Premier  sitting 
there,  half  asleep,  but  still  on  duty.  At  another  time  he 
remained  at  bis  post,  although  the  little  daughter  in  whom 


464  LIFE    AND   WORK   OF 

he  was  so  wrapped  up  was  known  to  be  lying  in  a  serious 
condition  at  home. 

A  stern  sense  of  justice  was  one  of  the  deepest  traits 
in  his  character.  It  was  this  known  sentiment  which  gave 
the  House  such  confidence  in  the  Minister,  such  respect  for 
the  man.  Justice  must  be  done,  whether  it  affected 
wealthy  contractors  and  Conservatives,  such  as  Connolly, 
Murphy,  and  McGreevy,  or  the  humblest  clerk  in  a  minor 
department  of  the  Government.  Many  stories  are  told  in 
this  connection.  In  Nova-Scotia  he  had  the  reputation  of 
being  a  very  severe  Judge,  and  especially  when  questions 
of  fraud  were  involved.  In  such  cases  it  Was  a  common 
saying — "  God  help  him  if  he  gets  into  Thompson's  hands." 
Upon  one  occasion  he  was  visiting  the  Penitentiary  at 
Dorchester,  N.B,  in  his  official  capacity  as  Minister  of 
Justice,  when  a  man  was  brought  before  him  who  com- 
plained that  his  period  of  sentence  had  been  too  long;  that 
the  punishment  was  far  too  great  for  the  offence — which 
he  described.  Sir  John  is  said  to  have  been  .greatly 
impressed  by  the  story  and  to  have  exclaimed,  "  That  does 
seem  a  long  sentence  for  such  an  offence ;  who  tried  the 
case  ?  "  "  It  was  Judge  Thompson,  your  Honour,"  came  the 
reply.  He  was  inexorable  in  cases  where  cruelty  to  chil- 
dren was  concerned.  At  one  time,  a  woman  had  been 
convicted  for  some  cruelty  to  a  little  child,  and  a  great  deal 
of  political  influence  was  brought  to  bear  on  the 
Minister  to  advise  her  release.  On  visiting  the  Peniten- 
tiary where  she  was  confined,  she  brought  up  a  further 
petition.  Sir  John  said  :  "  So  you  expect  to  be  let  out  ? " 
"  I  hope  so,  Sir  J<3hn,"  was  the  reply.  "  Well,  if  in  a  hun- 
dred years  from  now  you  were  living  and  I  was  still 
Minister  of  Justice,  I  would  not  let  you  out." 

Love  of  religion  and  appreciation  of  the  ordinances  of 
his  Church  was  another  deep-seated  influence  i.u  his  daily 


Sill   JOHN    THOMPSON. 


465 


life  and  public  career.  Reference  has  been  made  elsewhere 
at  some  length  to  this  subject,  but  a  little  more  may  be 
said.  Whole  volumes  were  written  and  uttered  concerning 
it  at  the  time  of  his  death.  A  very  striking  remark  in  this 
connection  was  made  by  the  distinguished  Presbyterian 
divine,  Rev.  Dr.  Barclay  : 

"  Whatever  differing  views  we  may  hold,  it  is  surely 
gratifying  to  know,  that,  alike  in  his  private  life  and  in  the 
discharge  of  his  public  duties,  he  was  not  ashamed  to  own 
his  Lord,  and  that  when  he  went  to  Windsor  to  have  an 
audience  with  and  receive  a  high  honour  from  his  earthly 
Sovereign,  he  carried  with  him  the  symbols  which  could 
not  fail  to  remind  him  that  there,  as  elsewhere,  he  was  in 
th«  audience  chamber  of  the  King  of  Heaven." 

The  symbols  of  his  creed  were  thus  with  him  in  his 
su-lden  death,  and  surrounded  him  in  his  Imperial  funeral, 
as  they  had  been  with  him  during  his  life. 

The  correspondent  of  a  daily  paper  writing  a  few 
months  before  his  last  journey  to  the  old  land,*  describes  a 
talk  with  him  amid  the  quiet  of  the  Muskoka  lakes,  upon 
religious  matters.  So  rare  was  it  for  him  to  say  anything 
upon  such  a  subject,  that  this  little  paragraph  is  doubly 
interesting : 

"  Do  you  accept  all  of  the  Apostles'  creed,  sir  ?  " 

"  Yes,"  he  said,  and  the  little  word  was  full  of  affirma- 
tion. 

"Even  the  resurrection  of  the  body?" — was  it  some 
unconscious  premonition  that  moved  me,  I  wonder  ? 

•'*  Whom  I  shall  see  for  myself,  and  mine  eyes  shall 
behold,  and  not  another,"  he  replied  with  gentle  gravity; 
and  then  he  spoke  about  the  difficulties  of  faith,  and  how 
he  had  come  to  realize  that  all  vital  belief  centres  about 
the  solemn  story  of  the  Incarnation. 

*Faith  Teuton  in  the  Toronto  Empire. 


466  LIFE  AND   WORK   OF 

Understanding  that  aright,  we  shall  know  all  else,  he 
said :  "  Christ  did  not  come  into  the  world  merely  to  teach 
morality,  that  can  be  taught  in  other  ways." 

The  home  life  of  a  public  man  in  British  countries  is 
sacred.  But  in  the  case  of  Sir  John  Thompson  the  per- 
sonal interest  of  the  people  was  so  greatly  aroused  by  his 
tragic  death ;  the  sympathy  of  the  Queen  was  so  kindly 
and  graciously  tendered  to  the  orphaned  daughter ;  the 
sentiment  of  the  country  was  so  sincerely  stirred  by  the 
lack  of  provision  left  for  his  family;  that  it  is  permissible 
to  say  that  no  more  affectionate  husband  and  father  ever 
lived  than  the  late  Premier  showed  himself  to  be.  His 
family  consisted  of  two  grown  up  sons  and  three  daughters. 
The  youngest  of  these  was  a  beautiful  and  merry  child, 
who  was  crippled  a  few  years  since  by  some  sadly  pain- 
ful accident.  Her  father  poured  out  money  like  water  in 
the  effort  to  have  the  trouble  cured,  but  in  vain,  and 
friends  of  the  family  describe  his  devotion  to  the  child  as 
something  touching.  Some  faint  idea  of  the  nature  of  the 
late  Premier's  home  life  crept  into  the  papers  during  his 
summer  stay  in  the  charming  Muskoka  cottage  lent  him 
by  Senator  Sanford.  And  a  writer  already  referred  to 
may  be  quoted  once  more  in  this  connection : 

"  Few  are  aware  of  the  almost  idyllic  relations  that 
exist  in  the  home  life  of  Canada's  Premier.  It  is  rarely 
given  to  see  affection  so  strong,  tenderness  so  great,  sincer- 
ity and  reverence  so  evident  as  that  which  is  woven  into 
the  close  bond  that  girds  the  family  life  of  Sir  John 
Thompson  Between  parents  and  children  exist  the  closest 
possible  ties,  ;.ind  one  feels  instinctively  that  all  that  the 
world  could  give  of  honours  would  weigh  as  nothing 
against  this  strong  family  affection." 

And  in  spite  of  the  stern  justice  which  he  endeavoured 
to  mete  out  to  criminals,  and  the  apparent  coldness  of  his 


SIR  JOHN    THOMPSON.  4G7 

manner  and  disposition,  the  late  Premier  was  essentially 
warm-hearted  and  sympathetic.  He  gave  freely  to  the 
poor,  but  always  quietly  and  without  ostentation.  He 
contributed  largely  to  religious  objects,  but  in  both  these 
respects  his  right  hand  knew  not  what  his  left  was  doing. 
Lady  Aberdeen,  in  a  striking  article  contributed  to  the 
Outlook  of  New  York,  tells  a  story  which  illustrates  his 
character  better  than  many  pages  of  eulogy  :  "  It  is  under- 
stood that  upon  one  occasion  a  woman,  whose  savings  he 
had  invested  for  her  many  years  before,  came  to  tell  him 
that  she  had  lost  her  money,  and  he  contrived,  with  great 
inconvenience  to  himself,  to  give  her  back  the  money,  con- 
ceiving himself  in  a  measure  responsible  for  the  loss." 

Sir  John  Thompson  was  often  urged  to  take  more 
exercise,  but  alleged  that  he  had  not  the  time.  Of  late 
years,  it  is  understood,  he  walked,  as  a  rule,  from  his  house 
to  his  office  in  the  Parliament  buildings  and  back  again. 
The  story  is  told  in  connection  with  a  well-known  Ottawa 
character,  that  upon  one  occasion  the  Premier  was  spoken 
to  in  this  matter,  and  replied,  "Exercise!  why  the  da^s  are 
not  long  enough  for  all  the  work  I  have  to  do.  About  all 
the  exercise  I  can  get  is  the  walk  from  my  house  up  to  the 
Hill  and  back.  I  go  up  Elgin  Street  one  morning,"  he 
continued,  with  a  twinkle  in  his  eye,  "and  the  next  morn- 
ing, in  order  to  circumvent  Henry  Wentworth  Monk,  I  go 
up  Metcalfe  Street." 

It  is  sad  to  note  that  one  of  the  pleasures  to  which  he 
looked  forward  in  his  last  trip  to  England  and  the  Conti- 
nent was  never  realized.  It  is  understood  that  Sir  John 
entertained  a  sincere  admiration  for  Mr.  Gladstone.  Hear- 
ing of  this  from  Lord  and  Lady  Aberdeen,  the  Grand  Old 
Man,  despite  his  known  desire  to  see  only  intimate  friends 
or  relations,  wrote  Sir  John  Thompson  inviting  him  to  pay 
a  visit  to  Ha  warden  Castle.  This  the  Canadian  Premier 


468  LIFE  AND  WORK  UF 

had  heartily  consented  to  do,  and  proposed  to  go  there  after 
his  visit  to  Windsor. 

Statesmen  and  leaders  of  the  people  seldom  die  rich. 
Their  emoluments  are  comparatively  small.  They  are 
excluded  from  many  means  of  legitimate  industry.  They 
cannot  indulge  in  speculation  or  honestly  take  advantage 
of  many  ways  of  making  money  which  come  to  them. 
They  have  numerous  and  great  expenses  in  the  shape  of 
public  and  private  contributions,  entertainments  and  sur- 
roundings. Strict  economy  would  be  impossible,  even  if 
their  minds  could  be  sufficiently  detached  from  the  respon- 
sibilities of  power  and  administration  to  look  closely  after 
matters  of  personal  expenditure.  Hence  it  was  not 
unnatural  that  Sir  John  Thompson  should  have  died  poor. 
A  couple  of  thousand  dollars  was  found  to  be  left  of  the 
money  he  had  saved  when  on  the  Bench  of  Nova-Scotia, 
but  including  life  insurance — which  it  is  probable  he  found 
difficult  to  get  in  later  years — the  estate  only  totalled  up 
to  $9,727. 

The  Government  were,  therefore,  justified  in  asking 
the  people,  for  whom  he  had  sacrificed  so  much,  to  con- 
tribute to  a  national  testimonial.  To  this  Sir  Donald  Smith 
wired  $5,000  from  London,  and  Senator  Ogilvie,  of  Montreal, 
added  $2,500 ;  the  Ministers  of  the  Crown  each  gave  $500, 
and  the  popular  subscriptions  very  soon  rolled  the  total  up 
to  $25,000.  It  would  have  been  much  larger  had  the 
public  not  been  aware  of  the  intention  of  Parliament  to 
make  an  additional  grant.  An  interesting  and  somewhat 
unusual  feature  of  this  spontaneous  offering  was  a  kindly 
letter  from  the  dead  leader's  old  opponent,  Sir  Richard 
Cartwright,  enclosing  a  hundred  dollar  cheque 

It  is  impossible,  in  conclusion,  to  do  justice  in  a  few 
words  to  the  life  and  work  of  Sir  John  Thompson.  But  the 
leading  features  of  his  character — love  of  country  and  love 


SIR  JOHN   THOMPSON. 


419 


of  home,  regard  for  religion  and  love  of  justice,  loyalty  to 
the  Empire  and  devotion  to  duty — may  be  considered  as 
the  basis  of  his  success  in  lite ;  the  root  from  which  sprang 
popular  approval  and  regard  ;  the  means  by  which  his 
reputation  grew;  the  source  of  the  honours  conferred  l>y 
his  Queen  and  country  ;  the  reason  for  the  example  which 
his  career  affords  to  all  young  Canadians  and  to  all  loyal 
citizens  of  this  great  Dominion. 


470  LIFE  AND   WORK   OF 


APPENDIX. 


CANADA'S  LATE  PREMIER. 

An  Article  contributed  by  Her  Excellency  the  Countess  of  Aberdeen,  to  the 
"  Outlook  "  of  Neio  York,  and  reprinted  by  permission. 

What  manner  of  man  was  this  whose  death  has  stirred  the  heart  of 
ajj  Empire,  whose  memory  was  crowned  with  laurels  by  his  Sovereign's 
own  hand,  and  whose  remains  were  borne  across  the  ocean  by  one  of  Bri- 
tain's proudest  war  ships,  and  followed  to  the  grave  by  the  representatives 
of  army  and  navy,  church  and  state,  and  of  every  party,  class  and  creed, 
amidst  the  mouring  of  a  people  ? 

Some  will  attribute  the  feeling  which  has  been  evoked  to  the  dramatic 
character  of  his  death — and  truly  all  the  circumstances  surrounding  i: 
were  such  as  to  leave  an  indelible  impression.  Here  was  a  man,  still  in 
the  prime  of  life,  who  had  risen  by  steady  and  successive  steps,  to  the 
highest  post  of  honour  in  his  own  country,  at  the  head  of  a  powerful  party, 
and  enjoying  the  respect  of  both  friend  and  foe,  called  by  his  Queen  to  her 
palace  to  receive  from  herself  a  signal  mark  of  recognition  of  service 
which  he  had  rendered  to  the  Empire.  And  scarcely  had  he  left  her  pres- 
ence when  the  startling  news  came  that  a  higher  summons  had  called  him 
to  the  presence  of  the  King  of  kings,  and  his  sorrowing  family  and  country 
were  left  to  realize  all  the  greatness  of  their  loss. 

All  that  queenly  thoughtfulness  and  womanly  sympathy  could  do  to 
soothe  the  grief  of  those  who  loved  him  and  the  country  which  trusted 
him,  was  done  by  Queen  Victoria,  who,  in  her  respect  for  the  religious 
persuasion  of  the  dead,  in  her  motherly  tenderness  toward  the  young 
daughter  left  fatherless  far  from  her  own  home,  and  in  her  beautiful  act  of 
royal  recognition  of  faithful  service,  in  herself  laying  the  victor's  wreath 
of  laurels  on  the  coffin  of  the  departed  statesman,  showed  once  more  the 
secret  of  the  power  by  which  she  has  strengthened  her  throne  and  the 
British  Constitution  for  well  nigh  sixty  years. 

Her  government  and  her  people  caught  up  the  note  and  honour  after 
honour  was  offered  to  the  remains  of  the  late  premier,  and  not  only  his 
own  country,  but  every  British  colony  throbbed  responsively  to  this  de- 
monstration of  the  oneness  of  the  British  Empire  and  of  the  reality  of  the 
ties  which  unite  all  its  component  parts. 


SIR  JOHN   THOMPSON.  471 

But  when  all  this  is  said,  and  more  than  fully  granted,  can  it  be 
asserted  that  it  was  merely  the  accident  of  Sir  John  Thompson's  death  at 
Windsor  Castle,  and  the  consequences  resulting  therefrom,  which  occa- 
sioned the  deep  feeling  perceptible  amongst  the  crowds  who  attended  his 
funeral,  and  which  has  left  such  a  keen  sense  of  bereavement  from  East  to 
West  in  the  \vide  Dominion,  even  after  the  first  outburst  of  sorrow  has 
spent  itself  ? 

What  is  the  secret  which  has  made  the  clergy  of  all  denominations 
not  only  voice  the  sorrow  of  their  people  but  hold  up  Sir  John's  life  as  a 
message  to  those  who  are  left ;  and  this,  although  in  early  manhood  he 
iiad  left  the  church  of  his  fathers  to  join  the  Roman  Catholic  Communion  ? 

What  is  it  that  makes  his  political  foes  speak  as  if  they  too  have  sus- 
tained a  personal  loss  ? 

What  is  it  that  makes  all  patriotic  citizens  feel  that  they  have  been 
suddenly  deprived  of  a  national  bulwark  on  which  they  depended  for  many 
years  to  come  ? 

Why  do  those  who  were  privileged  to  call  him  friend  feel  that  a  bright 
light  has  gone  out  and  that  a  great  darkness  has  overspread  their  lives  ? 

There  is  but  one  answer  to  these  questionings.  The  heart  of  the  peo- 
ple is  true  to  higher  instincts  when  it  gets  a  chance,  and  never  has  a  man's 
career  more  exemplified  the  power  of  character,  strong,  elevated,  trained 
character,  than  Sir  John  Thompson's. 

He  began  life  as  a  boy  at  Halifax,  with  but  few  advantages,  saving 
those  which  lie  in  a  public  school  education  and  in  the  influences  of  a  cult- 
ured home,  where  all  the  proud  traditions  of  mingled  Irish  and  Scottish 
descent  were  cherished  and  made  a  means  of  inducing  love  and  loyalty  to 
the  new  country  as  well  as  to  the  old.  His  father,  a  literary  man  of  no 
mean  capacity,  and  a  co-editor  with  Joseph  Howe,  was  the  reverse  of 
wealthy,  and  the  youth  had  to  work  his  way  upwards  by  his  own  personal 
exertions.  From  the  outset  a  distinguishing  feature  of  his  character  was 
a  marvellous  power  of  concentration  and  habit  of  industry,  and  it  was  the 
cultivation  of  these  qualities  which  enabled  him  by  degrees  to  give  proof 
of  his  more  brilliant  intellectual  qualities  and  which  insured  his  rise  from 
the  reporters'  chair  to  the  lawyer's  office,  and  thence  to  be  Alderman  of 
his  city,  Member  of  the  Provincial  Legislature,  Premier  of  his  Province, 
Judge,  Minister  of  Justice  for  the  Dominion,  Premier  of  Canada,  repre- 
sentative of  Great  Britain  during  the  International  Arbitration  Conferen- 
ces, and  at  last,  Privy  Councillor  of  (Jreat  Britain. 

In  each  and  all  of  these  capacities  he  has  left  a  record  which  any  man 
may  well  envy,  and  one  founded  not  on  mere  brilliancy  of  eloquence,  or 
ability  to  evoke  popular  sympathies,  or  cleverness  in  manipulating  party 
politics. 

Search  through  his  life,  ask  those  who  knew  him  best,  and  there  is 


472  LIFE   AND  WORK  OF 

but  one  testimony.  Thoroughness  of  work,  intensity  of  purpose,  single- 
ness of  aim,  unflinching  conscientiousness  and  a  prevailing  sense  of  the 
presence  of  God  marked  all  he  did  or  said.  The  poorest  clients  might 
depend  on  their  case  being  gone  into  with  the  same  thoroughness  as  was 
given  in  after  years  to  a  great  legislative  measure,  or  to  the  adjustment  of 
an  international  question.  Whether  the  matter  was  great  or  small  which 
he  had  in  hand,  he  considered  it  worthy  of  his  best  and  his  whole  atten. 
tion.  and  thus  it  has  come  about  that  during  his  comparatively  brief  tenure 
of  office  as  Minister  of  Justice,  he  left  the  stamp  of  enduring  work  on  the 
laws  of  the  country,  as  for  example,  in  the  splendid  accomplishment  of 
the  codifying  of  the  criminal  law,  which  he  carried  through  with  infinite 
pains  and  which  has  placed  Canada  ahead,  in  this  respect,  of  many  older 
countries.  When  listening  to  the  details  of  a  case,  he  would  often  sit 
looking  immovable  and  irresponsive,  but  when  the  moment  came  for 
summing  up,  or  charging  the  jury,  it  was  found  that  not  a  point  had 
escaped  him,  and  that  the  just  proportion  and  weight  of  all  the  facts  were 
given  with  extraordinary  precision  and  lucidity,  and  his  arguments  were 
so  forcible  as  to  carry  all  before  them.  His  public  speaking  was  eloquent, 
because  of  the  matter  which  it  contained  and  the  strength  of  his  reason- 
ing, mingled  with  a  quiet  by-play  of  humour  and  kindliness.  There  was 
never  any  of  that  straining  after  effect,  or  the  saying  of  words  for  the  sake 
of  saying  them,  which  mark  the  utterances  of  weaker  men.  And  in  this, 
his  speaking  was  after  all,  only  typical  of  the  man,  who  showed  his  great- 
ness in  his  simplicity,  humility,  and  entire  absence  of  egotism  or  self- 
consciousness. 

The  success  which  he  won  in  all  that  he  undertook  never  spoilt  him — 
to  the  end  he  was  as  a  child — willing  to  learn  from  all  and  never  so  full  of 
his  own  opinions  as  not  to  be  able  to  listen  to  what  others  had  to  say  But 
when  his  turn  came  to  speak,  there  was  no  hesitation,  and  he  could  hold 
his  own  with  the  best  of  them. 

The  leading  men  who  were  engaged  with  him  in  the  Behring  Sea 
arbitration,  and  on  other  public  occasions,  whether  in  Canada,  London, 
Paris  or  Washington,  such  as  Lord  Ripon,  Lord  Hannen,  Lord  Russell, 
Sir  Richard  Webster,  Baron  de  Courcel,  and  Mr.  Bayard,  have  all  given 
their  witness  concerning  the  great  influence  exercised  by  Sir  John's  ability 
and  strength,  and  calm  judicial  powers,  and  it  was  impossible  for  anyone 
to  come  into  close  contact  with  him  without  being  impressed  with  his 
exceptional  qualities. 

But  not  all  knew  that  beneath  the  calm,  almost  impassive  exterior 
there  raged  a  volcano,  and  that  it  was  only  by  stern  self-government  that 
lie  had  obtained  the  mastery  which  stood  him  in  such  good  stead. 

Many  who  knew  him  only  as  the  inflexible  judge,  whose  severity  in 
cases  where  there  was  the  slightest  deviation  from  honesty  and  upright- 


SIR  JOHN   THOMPSON.  473 

ness  was  proverbial,  could  scarcely  credit  the  tenderness  of  his  heart  when 
he  had  to  deal  with  the  erring,  the  poor  and  the  afflicted,  in  a  private 
capacity,  or  know  what  he  was  as  a  husband,  father  and  friend  in  the 
midst  of  his  own  home  circle. 

Of  his  personal  scrupulous  honesty  and  incorruptibility  many  instances 
could  be  given,  but  it  is  enough  to  point  to  the  fact  that  he  died  a  very 
poor  man,  although  he  had  been  in  a  position  where  he  could  have  grasped 
at  wealth,  and  that  not  his  bitterest  enemy  can  whisper  a  word  against 
his  memory.  But  even  to  mention  the  fact  seems  to  insult  him.  What 
else  could  be  expected  from  one  of  whom  it  is  told  that,  when  a  woman 
whose  savings  he  had  invested  for  her  many  years  ago,  in  what  was 
considered  a  good  investment,  came  to  tell  him  that  she  had  lost  her 
money,  he  actually  contrived  with  great  inconvenience  to  himself,  to  give 
her  back  the  money,  conceiving  himself  in  a  measure  responsible  for  the 
loss. 

And  when  his  change  of  religion  threatened  to  wreck  his  worldly 
prospects,  he  faced  the  worst  and  was  willing  to  endure  poverty  and  toil 
for  himself  and  his  family  rather  than  not  be  true  to  his  convictions.  And 
once  again,  only  a  few  weeks  before  his  death,  he  was  warned  that  con- 
tinuance in  the  public  service  might — nay,  would  probably  mean  death  to 
him,  whereas  rest  and  change  of  climate  would  probably  restore  him  to 
health.  But  to  his  mind  his  duty  was  clear.  "  It  would  be  cowardly  to 
resign  now  "  he  said.  And  so  he  remained  at  his  post,  and  at  his  post  he 
died,  and  to  few  has  it  been  given  to  work  so  much  good  for  their  country 
by  their  death. 

Is  it  then  matter  for  wonder  that  Canada  and  the  British  Empire 
mourn,  and  that  his  country  and  his  friends  can  only  yield  him  to  the 
ureat  beyond  with  resignation,  when  they  meditate  on  the  abiding  influence 
of  his  life  and  character  and  believe  that  it  will  surely  inspire  many  young 
lives  in  the  future  to  devote  themselves  thus  also  gloriously  to  the  service 
of  their  country  and  their  God  ? 


474  LIFE  AND   WORK   OF 


SOME  LETTERS  AND  DESPATCHES  OF 
IMPORTANCE. 

HER  MAJESTY  THE  QUEEN  TO  LADY  THOMPSON. 

Windsor  Castle,  London,  England, 

December  12th,  1894. 

It  is  impossible  for  me  to  say  how  deeply  grieved  I  am  at  the  terrible 
occurrence  which  took  place  here  to-day,  and  how  very  truly  I  sympathize 
with  you  in  your  deep  affliction. 

VICTORIA    R.I. 

THE  EARL  OF  ROSEBERY  TO  LORD  ABERDEEN. 

Please  express  to  your  Government  my  deep  regret  at  the  grievous 
calamity  which  has  deprived  your  Government  of  its  eminent  Premier. 

(Signed),  ROSEBERY. 

THE  MARQUESS  OF  RIPON  TO  LORD  ABERDEEN. 

Downing  Street,  12th  December,  1894. 

My  Lord, — It  was  with  feelings  of  deep  sorrow  and  regret  that  I 
telegraphed  to  you  yesterday,  announcing  the  death,  in  circumstances  so 
tragic,  of  Sir  John  Thompson.  The  grief  which  you  and  his  colleagues  and 
the  whole  of  the  Dominion  of  Canada  must  feel  at  the  premature  close  of 
Sir  John  Thompson's  career,  which  has  been  not  only  active  and  brilliant 
but  marked  by  solid  and  useful  statesmanship,  is  shared  by  Her  Majesty's 
Government  and  the  people  of  this  country,  who  feel  that  the  loss  is  a 
national  one.  The  deceased  statesman,  while  a  strenuous  supporter  of  the 
rights,  and  a  firm  believer  in  the  future  of  Canada,  was  at  the  same  time  a 
loyal  and  eloquent  advocate  of  everything  that  tended  to  the  unity  of  the 
Empire  to  which,  in  the  recent  arbitration  at  Paris  and  on  other  occasions, 
he  had  rendered  valuable  service.  With  his  personal  character  your  lord- 
ship is  of  course  much  more  familiar  than  myself  ;  but  even  the  brief 
acquaintance  which  I  enjoyed  with  him  impressed  me  with  his  genial  tem- 
per and  kindness  of  heart,  his  unassuming  modesty,  his  candour  and  up- 
rightness, and  unflinching  courage  in  maintaining  his  convictions.  With 
Lady  Thompson  and  her  family  I  feel  the  deepest  sympathy  in  the  irrepar- 
able loss  which  has  befallen  them. 

I  have,  etc., 

(Signed),  RIPON. 


SIR  JOHN   THOMPSON.  475 

FROM  THE  EARL  OF  DERBY,  G.C.B. 
LATE  GOVERNOR-GENERAL  OF  CANADA. 

Prescot,  Eng.,  Dec.  13th,  1894. 
Lady  Thompson,  Ottawa : 

Accept  the  deepest  sympathy  with  your  great  sorrow  from  your  sin- 
cere friends,  Derby,  Constance,  and  all  the  other  members  of  the  family. 

DERBY. 

FROM  THE  EARL  OF  JERSEY,  G.C.M.G. 

Blatchley,  England,  Dec.  13th,  1894. 
Lady  Thompson,  Ottawa  : 

I  beg  to  offer  you  my  deepest  sympathy.     The  sorrow  is  universal. 

JERSEY. 

FROM  SIR  OLIVER  MO  WAT,  PREMIER  OF  ONTARIO. 

Toronto,  December  13th,  1894. 
Lady  Thompson,  Ottawa  : 

I  desire  to  express  my  deep  sympathy  with  you  and  yours  in  your 
great  affliction  I  have  not  belonged  to  the  same  political  party  as  your 
lamented  husband,  but  I  saw  and  learned  enough  of  him  to  create  an  hon- 
est liking  on  my  part  towards  him,  as  well  as  great  esteem  and  respect. 
Canada  has  in  his  death  lost  one  of  her  truest  sons  and  greatest  public 
men. 

O.  Mo  WAT. 

THE  MARQUESS  OF  LANSDOWNE  TO  SIR  C.  TUPPER. 

Bowood,  Calne,  Wilts,  Dec.  14th,  1894. 

Dear  Sir  Charles.  — Allow  me  to  express  to  you  the  deep  concern  with 
which  I  have  heard  of  Sir  John  Thompson's  death.  He  joined  Sir  John 
Macdonald's  Government  while  I  was  Governor-General,  and  I  was  much 
thrown  into  contact  with  him  during  the  latter  years  of  my  term  of  office. 
It  was  impossible  to  know  him  without  being  impressed  by  his  immense 
ability  and  statesmanlike  power.  That  he  had  other  qualities  which  made 
him  a  most  agreeable  and  interesting  colleague,  no  one  is  better  aware  than 
yourself.  His  loss  is  a  very  deep  one  to  the  Dominion  and  to  the  Empire. 
I  cannot  end  these  lines  without  saying  something  of  the  deep  sympathy 
which  Lady  Lansdowne  and  I  feel  with  Lady  Thompson  in  the  calamity 
which  has  so  suddenly  befallen  her. 

Believe  me,  dear  S:r  Charles,  yours  sincerely, 

(Signed),  LANSDOWNB. 


476  LIFE  AND   WORK   OF 

FROM  THE  LIEUTENANT-GOVERNOR  OF  QUEBEC. 

I  can  find  no  words  to  describe  the  shock  I  felt  when  the  sad  news 
came.  Poor  Thompson  !  the  cup  of  his  life  was  filled  with  a  mighty  work 
manfully  done ;  with  universal  admiration  and  respect  from  friend  and 
foe,  with  well-deserved  Royal  recognition  of  his  services,  when  cruel  des- 
tiny dashed  it  broken  into  an  untimely  grave  Canada  mourns  over  the 
loss  of  one  of  her  most  illustrious  sons. 

J.  A.  CHAPLEAU. 

THE  AMERICAN  AMBASSADOR  IN  LONDON 
TO  SIR  C.  TUPPER. 

My  dear  Sir  Charles, — I  was  not  in  London  when  I  received  the  most 
painful  news  of  the  death  of  Sir  John  Thompson.  I  well  knew  his  worth, 
ability  and  patriotism,  and  mourn  his  loss,  not  alone  for  Canada,  but  for 
the  community  and  good  government  everywhere.  1  am  glad  to  see  Her 
Majesty's  Government  is  paying  fitting  honour  to  him  by  conveying  his 
remains  in  a  national  ship  to  the  country  he  loved  so  well  and  served  so 
faithfully  ;  and  had  there  been  any  way  of  testifying  my  personal -respect 
to  his  memory,  I  would  promptly  have  availed  myself  of  it.  Will  you  not 
do  me  the  kindness,  when  it  can  be  done  -without  intrusion,  to  make  ex- 
pression of  my  sincere,  condolence  and  sympathy  to  the  bereaved  widow 
and  family. 

Believe  me,  sincerely  yours, 

THOMAS  F.  BAYARD. 

FROM  SIR  CHARLES  MILLS,  AGENT-GENERAL 
FOR  SOUTH  AFRICA. 

London,  S.W.,  13th  December,  1894. 

Sir, — On  behalf  of  the  Government  and  people  of  the  colony  of  the 
Cape  of  Good  Hope,  I  offer  to  you  this  expression  of  their  sympathy  in  the 
loss  \*  hich  the  Government  and  people  of  the  Canadian  Dominion  are  now 
called  upon  to  suffer  by  the  sudden  and  unlocked  for  death  of  the  late 
Right  Hon.  Sir  John  Thompson,  the  distinguished  statesman  and  legist, 
who  was  but  yesterday  Prime  Minister  of  Canada. 

I  am,  sir,  your  obedient  servant, 

(Signed),  CHARLES  MILLS. 


SIR  JOHN   THOMPSON.  477 


SOME  RESOLUTIONS  OF  REGRET. 

It  is  impossible  to  bring  together  within  reasonable  compass,  the  sym- 
pathetic resolutions  called  forth  in  every  part  of  Canada,  by  the  sudden 
death  of  Sir  John  Thompson.  But  a  few  are  here  given  which  may  be 
considered  of  special  interest  as  coming  from  the  more  important  non- 
political  bodies.  It  would  be  out  of  the  question  to  give  even  a  list  of 
those  passed  by  Conservative  Associations. 

UNIVERSITY   SENATE,  TORONTO. 

The  Senate  of  the  University  of  Toronto,  on  motion  of  Mr.  Mulock, 
M.P.,  seconded  by  Rev.  Principal  Caven,  DD.,  passed  the  following 
resolution : 

That  the  Senate  shares  in  the  universal  sorrow  caused  by  the  death 
of  the  Premier  of  Canada,  the  Right  Honorable  Sir  John  S.  D.  Thompson, 
K.C.M.G.,  etc. 

The  Senate  is  deeply  conscious  of  the  great  loss  which  the  Dominion 
has  sustained  in  the  removal  of  a  statesman  so  eminent  for  his  abilities  and 
whose  devotion  to  the  interests  of  his  country  is  recognized  by  all. 

Sir  John  Thompson's  intellectual  endowments  were  of  a  very  high 
order,  and  had  been  diligently  cultivated  in  early  life  by  assiduous  study. 

He  seemed  easily  and  naturally  to  reach  the  highest  position,  whether 
in  the  profession  of  law  or  in  the  province  of  statesmanship.  No  sooner 
had  he  entered  the  public  service  of  the  Dominion  of  Canada  than  his 
great  force  of  intellect  and  character  began  to  be  felt.  His  clear  and  com- 
prehensive understanding,  his  mastery  of  facts  and  skill  in  arranging  them, 
together  with  his  power  of  direct,  simple,  statement,  made  him  most  able 
in  debate.  His  capacity  for  work  was  great,  and  it  may  be  feared  that  his 
untiring  application  to  onerous  duty  may  have  shortened  his  valuable  life. 
In  his  high  position  he  had  little  more  than  time  to  show  that  in  ability 
and  devotion  to  the  service  of  the  country,  he  was  worthy  to  stand  b<  side 
his  most  eminent  predecessors,  when,  in  the  inscrutable  providence  of  (Joel, 
he  was  called  away,  just  as  his  Sovereign  had  placed  the  laurel  wreath 
upon  his  brow 

The  Senate  thankfully  directs  the  attention  of  the  young  men  of 
Canada  to  his  example  of  the  consecretion  of  rare  gifts  to  the  service  of 
his  country,  and  looks  back  with  pride  upon  a  career  which  accumulated 
no  wealth  but  the  affection  of  his  countrymen.  It  unites  with  the  whole 
people  in  thanking  Her  Gracious  Majesty  for  so  fully  recognizing  hia 


478  LIFE   AND   WORK   OF 

eminent  talents  and  services,   which   will  not  be   forgotten  by  Canada 
nor  the  great  empire  to  which  our  country  is  proud  to  belong. 

The  Senate  prays  that  heavenly  consolation  may  be  imparted  to  Lady 
Thompson  and  the  members  of  her  family  in  this  the  day  of  great  sorrow, 
first  and  deepest  of  all,  theirs,  but  also  that  of  the  country  and  the  empire. 


THE  ALBANY  CLUB,  TORONTO. 

At  a  meeting  of  the  directors  of  the  Albany  Club,  a  letter  of  condol- 
ence was  drafted  and  forwarded  to  Lady  Thompson.  The  following  is  the 
text  of  the  letter  : 

To  Lady  Thompson,  Ottawa,  Out. 

We,  the  officers  and  members  of  the  Albany  Club,  Toronto,  of  which 
your  deceased  husband  was  honorary  president,  venture  to  intrude  upon 
your  privacy,  in  this,  the  hour  of  your  terrible  bereavement,  with  heart- 
felt sympathy. 

To  the  members  of  this  club,  allied  with  him  socially  and  politically, 
the  decease  of  Canada's  Prime  Minister,  in  the  ripeness  of  his  manhood 
and  the  plenitude  of  power,  is  a  matter  for  the  profoundest  regret.  Out- 
side and  beyond  us,  the  Conservative  party  at  large,  and  the  entire  people 
of  the  Dominion,  from  his  ocean  home  in  the  east  to  the  shores  of  the 
Pacific,  are  mourning  the  death  of  one,  trusted  alike  by  friends  and  oppo- 
nents. But  to  you  and  his  grief-stricken  family,  the  loss  comes  closer 
home  and  is  irreparable.  Fresh  from  the  throne  of  our  gracious  Sovereign, 
where  his  life  endeavours  had  just  received  recognition  in  the  bestowal  of 
one  of  the  highest  honours  in  Her  Majesty's  gift,  death  came  to  him  in  the 
very  moment  of  fruition.  The  life  full  of  promise  was  cut  short,  but  time 
had  been  given  him  to  show  those  qualities  of  head  and  heart,  that  will 
ever  keep  his  name  alive  in  the  page  of  Canadian  history,  and  in  the 
memory  of  those  who  knew  him.  He  had  accomplished  much.  An  able 
counsel,  an  upright  judge,  a  wise  representative  in  Parliament  and  a  pow- 
erful Minister,  enjoying  the  full  confidence  of  his  country,  he  ever  bore 
himself  bravely  in  the  eyes  of  the  public  as  a  man  without  reproach. 

In  private  life,  with  wife  and  family,  a  devoted  husband  and  affec- 
tionate father,  he  has  left  to  them  and  you  the  glorious  heritage  of  a 
great  and  untarnished  name. 

And  to  them  and  you  we  respectfully  tender  this  all  too  inadequate 

expression  of  sincere  condolence. 

C.  H.  RITCHIE, 

STAIR  DICK-LAUDEB,  President, 

Secretary-  Treasurer. 


SIR  JOHN   THOMPSON.  479 

THE  MONTREAL  BAR. 

The  following  resolutions  were  unanimously  adopted  : 

That  the  members  of  the  Montreal  section  of  the  Bar  of  the  Province 
of  Quebec  desire  to  give  expression  to  the  great  grief  with  which  they 
have  heard  of  the  death  of  the  late  Sir  John  Thompson,  K.C.M.G.,  Q.C., 
Premier  and  Minister  of  Justice  of  the  Dominion  of  Canada,  and  to  place 
on  record  their  sincere  appreciation  of  his  eminent  abilities  as  a  statesman 
and  a  lawyer,  and  of  his  probity  and  honour  as  a  man. 

That  in  the  death  of  the  late  Sir  John  Thompson  the  Dominion  of 
Canada  and  our  profession  have  sustained  an  irreparable  loss. 

That  we  desire  to  convey  our  respectful  condolences  to  the  family  of 
the  deceased,  and  that  the  secretary  be  requested  to  transmit  to  Lady 
Thompson  a  copy  of  the  foregoing  resolution. 


TRURO,  NOVA  SCOTIA,  BOARD  OF  TRADE. 

The  members  of  the  Trttro  Board  of  Trade,  as  Nova  Scotians,  share 
:n  the  grief  felt  by  our  fellow-countrymen  in  the  other  Provinces  of  the 
Dominion,  at  the  sudden  and  tragic  death  of  Sir  John  S.  D.  Thompson, 
Premier  of  Canada. 

His  brilliant  career  in  his  chosen  profession,  and  afterwards  in  the 
wider  field  of  National  Politics  commanded  the  admiration  and  respect  of 
all  classes.  When  to  rare  intellectual  gifts  was  united  an  evident  and 
conscientious  devotion  to  the  country's  interests  and  service,  we  realize 
more  profoundly  the  loss  that  has  been  sustained.  With  gifts  and 
opportunities  for  acquiring  wealth,  his  unselfish  sacrifice  to  duty  left  him 
a  poor  man,  and  he  died  rich  only  in  the  possession  of  the  regard  and 
esteem  of  his  fellow  citizens.  We  join  in  extending  to  Lady  Thompson 
and  her  family  our  sympathy  for  their  irreparable  loss,  and  one  which  is 
felt  most  keenly  not  only  throughout  Canada  but  the  Empire  as  well. 


A  TRIBUTE   FROM  THE   METHODIST  CHURCH. 

At  a  meeting  of  the  official  board  of  the  Truro,  N.S.,  Methodist 
-hurch,  held  on  the  18th  of  December,  Rev.  W.  H.  Heartz,  D.D.,  in  the 
chair,  after  fitting  remarks,  it  was  moved  by  the  recording  steward, 
seconded  by  the  financial  secretary,  and  unanimously 

Resolved, — That  this  board  cannot  but  deplore  the  inexpressibly  sad  and 
immeasurably  great'loss  the  Dominion  has  sustained  in  the  removal  of  one 
who,  at  so  early  an  age,  was  regarded  as  the  foremost  statesman  and  jurist 
in  Britain's  colonial  empire. 

That  the  board  take  the  opportunity  afforded  on  behalf  of  the  church 
to  extend  heartfelt  expressions  of  sympathy  and  condolence  to  the  widow 
and  family  of  Canada's  deceased  Premier,  with  fervent  prayers  to  the 
Uiver  of  all  good  that  He  will  bless  and  support  them  under  their  heavy 
affliction. 


The  Author  desires  to  express  his  gratitude  to  Their  Excellencies  the 
Earl  and  Countess  of  Aberdeen,  for  kind  assistance  given. 

He  also  wishes  to  sincerely  thank  His  Grace  Archbishop  O'Brien,  of 
Halifax  ;  His  Lordship  Bishop  Cameron,  of  Antigonish,  N.S.  ;  Mr.  Justice 
Sedgewick,  of  the  Supreme  Court,  Ottawa ;  the  Hon.  Senator  Sanford  ; 
Mr.  Martin  J.  Griffin,  Parliamentary  Librarian  at  Ottawa  ;  Mr.  W.  T.  11. 
Preston,  Legislative  Librarian  at  Toronto ;  Mr.  F.  Blake  Crofton,  Legis- 
lative Librarian  at  Halifax;  Mr.  James  Bain,  jr.,  City  Librarian,  Toronto; 
Mr.  W.  R.  Young,  M.A. ,  Librarian  of  Canadian  Institute,  Toronto; 
Mr.  Sandford  Fleming,  C.M.G.,  LL.D.,  Ottawa;  Mr.  Douglas  Stewart, 
Private  Secretary  to  the  late  Sir  John  Thompson  ;  Mr.  David  Creighton, 
Mr.  A.  H.  U.  Colquhoun,  Mr.  Christoper  Robinson,  Q.C.,  Hon.  T.  W. 
Anglin,  ex-M.P.,  John  A.  Ewan,  of  the  Globe,  Mr.  D.  E  Thomson,  Q.  C., 
Rev.  H.  J.  Cody,  Wycliffe  College,  Mr.  B.  E.  Walker,  General  Manager  of 
the  Canadian  Bank  of  Coinm  rce,  Mr.  J.  P.  Murray,  Mr.  W.  D.  McPher 
son,  Mr.  J.  M.  Clark,  M.A.,  and  Mr.  Arthur  Wallis,  of  Toronto;  Mr. 
Fred.  Cook,  Mr.  W.  J.  Healy,  Mr.  George  Johnson,  of  Ottawa  ;  Mr.  F  J'». 
Bligh  and  Mr.  Alderman  Wallace,  of  Halifax ;  Mr.  Nicholas  Flood  Davin, 
M.P.,  of  Regina,  and  many  others  in  different  parts  of  the  country. 


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