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THE
LIFE AND WORK
OF THE SEVENTH
EARL OF SHAFTESBURY, K.G.
1
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THE
LIFE AND WORK
OF THE SEVENTH
EARL OF SHAFTESBURY, K.G.
BY
EDWIN H ODDER.
With flnrh-aits.
Vol. II.
OASSELL & COMPANY, Limited
LONDON, PJMS, NEW YORK # MELBOURNE.
1387.
lALL RIGHTS KKSEKVED.)
Hi/-
$5H7
590380
"■ 8. 54
CONTENTS.
CHAPTER XII.
1844.
p
Hatred of Oppression — Distressed Needlewomen — The Ameers of Scinde
— Motion for their Release from Imprisonment — Result of the Motion —
Tahiti— Queen Pomare— Pritchard the Missionary— War with France
imminent — Sir James Graham's Bill for Regulation of Labour in
Factories— Agitation— " The Ten Hours and No Surrender ! "—Dis-
tance Traversed by Children in Daily Work— An Amusing Experiment
by Lord Palmerston— A Masterly Speech— Attack by Mr. John Bright
— A Scene in the House — Peel in a Dilemma — Government Stratagems
to Rescind Votes — "Jack Cade" Legislation — Unpopularity of Sir
James Graham— A Distance Table— New Factory Bill brought in—
Motion for Introduction of New Clause— The Ten Hours Bill Argued
on Commercial Grounds — Sir James Graham Threatens Resignation —
Sir Robert Peel Follows Suit— A Signal Defeat— Mr. C. Greville's
A^iew of the Situation— Second Threatened Resignation of the Ministry
— Correspondence with Sir Robert Peel — Dissenters' Chapels Bill —
Report of Metropolitan Commissioners in Lunacy — Motion Thereon —
Public and Private Asylums — Lunacy in its Early Stages — Middle-
class Patients— Motion Withdrawn— Mr. Shell's Eulogy— Placing a
Son at School — Mrs. Fry — Visit of Emperor of Russia — Tour Through
Factory Districts — Receives Addresses — Fresh Schemes — Beset by
Bulls of Bashan
CHAPTER XIII.
1845.
Retrospect and Forecast — The Irish Secretaryship — State of Calico Print-
Works Bill to Regulate Labour of Children therein— At St. Giles's —
Defenceless State of Dockyards and Coast — Tractarian Movement —
Mr. Ward Censured and Deprived of his Degree — Converts to Rome —
Maynooth — Sir Robert Peel's Bill for Increased Grant — Excitement in
the Country — The Bill Carried — Sympathy with Ireland — Speech on
vi CONTENTS.
PAGE
Maynooth— The Evangelical Fathers— Jews' Society — Death of Bishop
Alexander — The Railway Mania — Two Bills on the Lunacy Question
— The Regulation of Lunatic Asylums — The Better Treatment of
Lunatics— Both Bills Carried — Appointment of Permanent Lunacy
Commission — Insanity of the Poet Cowper — The Society of Friends —
Tour in Manufacturing Districts — A Coming Storm — The Potato
Disease — Commission of Inquiry Appointed — A Letter to the Times —
Its Reception — Changes of View on Corn Laws — Letter from Lord
John Russell — Resignation and Re-appointment of Sir Robert Peel — A
Painful Alternative . . . . . . . . . .81
CHAPTER XIV.
1846.
Repeal of the Corn Laws — The Ten Hours Bill — Mr. John Bright — Seat
for Dorset Resigned — Hard Work in Factory Districts — Care of Ten
Hours Bill devolves on Mr. Fielden — Out of Parliament — In the Lobby
— Fall of the Peel Ministry — Lord John Russell, Prime Minister — The
Colonies — Indian Successes — Letter from Sir Henry Hardinge —
Gloomy Views — The Ragged School Union — Curious Coincidence of
Names — Labour for the Poor — The London City Mission — The
Labourers' Friend Society — Housing of the Poor — Perambulations in
Low Haunts of London — Speaking to the Outcasts — With Little
Children — The Model Lodging-House System Inaugurated — Article
in Quarterly Review — A Striking Narrative — Poverty and Riches —
Dreams of Future Work — Activity in Religious Circles — Young Men's
Christian Association — Early Closing Movement — Bishop Gobat — A
Foreign Tour — Belgium, Germany, Switzerland, Holland — "The Cells
where Memory Slept "— Invited to Stand for Bath — Famine in Ireland
— Pope Pius IX. — A Talk with Lord John Russell — Church Appoint-
ments—Unsuitable Education— Poverty . . . . . .125
CHAPTER XV.
1847 — 1850. THE TEN HOURS BILL.
In Lancashire— Mr. Fielden's Ten Hours Bill — Debate thereon in the
Lords — Lord Brougham — The Bishop of Oxford — The Bill Carried —
Rejoicings — Letter to the Short Time Committees — A Check to the
Rejoicings— The System of " Relays " and " Shifts "—A Test Case—
The Bill in Jeopardy— Mr. Baron Parkes' Adverse Decision in the Test
Case — An Appeal to the House — The Work of Agitation Renewed —
Sir George Grey's Proposal— Acceded to by Lord Ashley — A Split in
the Camp — The Government Bill becomes Law — The Principle Estab-
lished by the Ten Hours Bill— Recantation of Mr. Roebuck and Sir
James Graham — Letter from Mr. Roebuck — Mr. Gladstone on Factory
Legislation— Tributes— Summary of whole Subject . . . .188
CONTENTS. vii
CHAPTER XVI.
1847.
PAGE
Famine in Ireland— Day of Humiliation — National Education and Wes-
leyan Support — Letter from Lord John Russell — Election Speech at
Bath— Incidents of the Election— Returned Head of the roll— Ragged
School Business — Broadwall Ragged School — Roger Miller, City
Missionary — His Death — Article on Mrs. Elizabeth Fry— Quakers and
Quakerism — Article on Lodging Houses — A Hapless Wanderer— A
Round of Visits— Leader of the Conservative Party — Missionaries —
Miss Strickland— Highland Scenery— A Presentation at Bradford-
Party Spirit — Labours in Lunacy Cases — Baron Lionel Rothschild and
Jewish Disabilities— At Windsor— Dr. Hampden— Faith . . .212
CHAPTER XVII.
1818.
Coming Storm — Revolution in France — Flight of Louis Philippe — A
Revolutionary Epidemic — State of England— Louis Philippe Lands in
Sussex — Panic among English Residents in France— Efforts for their
Relief — Metternich Deposed—" Revolutions go off like Pop-guns ! " —
The Chartist Demonstration — Ends in a Fiasco — The Prince Consort—
A Conversation at Osborne — Letter from the Prince Consort — Letter
from Lord John Russell — The Prince Visits Homes of the Poor —
Presides at Labourers' Friend Society— May Meetings —Philanthropy
a Mania — State of Sanitary Science — Chairmanship of Board of Health
— Ragged Schools and Emigration -Condition of the Poor— Emigration
Scheme Expounded — Farewell Address to Emigrants—" Lord Ashley's
Boys'' — A Curious Letter— Anecdotes of Thieves— A Strange Expe-
rience— A Thieves' Conference — Lord Hardinge — Letter from Mr.
Gladstone— In Scotland again — Special Providences — With the Queen
Dowager— With the Queen at Harrow — Death of Lord Melbourne . 234
CHAPTER XVIII.
1819.
Habeas Corpus Act Suspended — Distress in Ireland — Plans and Projects —
Illness — Scheme for Subdivision of Parishes — Good Friday — Idle
Ecclesiastics — Attendance at Court — Capital Punishment — A Sorrow-
ful Narrative— Death of Son at Harrow — Effect on Lord Ashley —
Ragged School Emigration Scheme — A Very Precious Letter — Approach
of Cholera — Labours on the Board of Health — The City of the Plague
— Public Prayers — Correspondence with Lord John Russell and Sir
George Grey — Cholera Statistics — Lord Hardinge — Sanday Labour at
viii CONTENTS.
PAfiE
the Post-Office— Colle ':tion and Delivery of Sunday Letters Suspended
— The most Unpopular Man in the Kiogdom — The Order Prohibiting
Sunday Labour at Post- Office Rescinded 276
CHAPTER XIX.
1850—1851.
Trusteeship of Money — Miss Portal — Death of Rev. E. Bickersteth —
Mediation — Ash Wednesday — In Paris— Adolph Monod — Low Haunts
of Paris — At Madame Pozzo's — The President's Reception at the
Elysee— Lamartine — Theatres— Board of Health— Extra-mural Inter-
ment Bill— Death of Sir Robert Peel— Memories— In Scotland— The
Papal Aggression — Dr. "Wiseman — The " Durham Letter " — Great
Meeting at Freemasons' Hall — Letter from the Bishop of Oxford —
Speech on Progress of Popery — Action of English Catholics — The
Ecclesiastical Titles Bill — Archdeacon Manning Joins the Church of
Rome — Roman Catholics and Roman Catholicism — Christian Fellowship
— The Great Exhibition — The Shoeblack Brigade — Bible Stand in
Exhibition — President of British and Foreign Bible Society — Speech
at Anniversary Meeting — Model Lodging-House Bill — Common Lodg-
ing-House Bill — Death of Lord Shaftesbury — Lord Ashley Reviews his
Career ............. 308
CHAPTER XX.
1851 (june)— 1852.
Farewell to House of Commons — In the House of Lords — Speech on
Common Lodging-House Bill — Model Lodging-House Bill — Early Im-
pressions of House of Lords — First Acts of Power — St. Giles's — Sweep-
ing Reforms — The Truck System — Cottage Accommodation — Kossuth —
Socialism — Letter to Lord John Russell — Thomas Wright, the Prison
Philanthropist — A Coup d'etat — The Militia Bill — Brook Street,
Grosvenor Square — A Lunacy Case — May Meetings — At Ems — America
and France — Death of the Duke of Wellington— Chancellorship of
Oxford — Lying in State — The Story of the Madiai — An Amusing
Letter — "Uncle Tom's Cabin" — Slavery — Address from Women of
England — The Fugitive Slave Law — Friendships — The Rev. E.
Bickersteth — Mr. Alexander Haldane ■ — Revival of Convocation —
Letter from Mr. Gladstone — Auricular Confession — Resignation of
Lord Derby — Lord Aberdeen, Premier ....... 360
CHAPTER XXI.
1853.
The Poor of London — Progress of Ragged School Work — Advice to
Teachers — Inspiring Zeal — Refuges and Industrial Classes — Emigra-
tion—Address to Children — The Poor Displaced by Building Improve-
CONTENTS. ix
PAGE
ments — A further Common Lodging-Houses Bill — Juvenile Mendicancy
— Juvenile Delinquency — A Carious Episode — Challenged to Fight a
Duel — Correspondence with Lord Mornington — Youthful Offenders
Bill — The Waldensian Christians — Pasteur Meille — Peripatetic School-
masters— Foreign Taste — Protestantism Abroad — Anti-Slavery Agita-
tion— Stafford House — Reply from the Women of America — An
Editor's Mistake — China — London Missionary Society — Sanitary
Reform— " Unpardonable Activity " — The Board of Health Abolished
— Democracy — English Eadicals — Cobden on Education of the Masses
— Reply thereto — The Career of a Philanthropist — Financial Diffi-
culties — Lawyers — ■ Family Affairs — Rewards to Agricultural
Labourers — Palmerston's Reply to Scotch Memorialists . . . 409
CHAPTER XXII.
1854—1855.
Cloud in the East — State of England — Rumours of War with Russia —
War Declared-— Christians in Turkey — Russian Intolerance — Letter
from Lord Stanley — Letter to Lord Aberdeen — Letter from Lord
Clarendon — Religious Liberty in France — Correspondence with
Emperor of the French — M. Drouyn de Lhuys to Lord Palmerston —
Offer of Order of the Garter — Reasons for Declining the Honour-
Colonisation of Syria — Chimney Sweepers Bill Thrown Out — A
Mothers' Meeting — Harrow — Death of Lord Jocclyn — Death of Duchess
of Beaufort- — Wild Court — War in a Christian Spirit — Lord Raglan's
Despatches — Letter to Mr. Haldane — Mismanagement in the Crimea —
Change of Ministry — Palmerston, Premier — Offer of Duchy of Lan-
caster— Correspondence thereon with Lord Palmerston — Letter from
Lady Palmerston — Organisation of Sanitary Commission for Crimea —
Letter to Lord Panmure — Instructions to the Sanitary Commissioners
— Letter from Miss Florence Nightingale — Death of the Czar — Visit
of Emperor of the French — Letter to Mr. Evelyn Ashley — Offer of
Duchy of Lancaster Renewed — Letters from Lady Palmerston — In
Perplexity — Interposition of Providence — Religious Worship Bill —
Opposition of Lord Derby and the Bishop of Oxford — Success of the
Bill — Sardinia — National Education — Death of Sir Robert Inglis —
Milliners and Dressmakers — Death of his Son Maurice — Letter to Mr.
Evelyn Ashley — Woburn Abbey — Life Peerages ..... 458
THE
LIFE AND WORK
OF THE
EAEL OF SHAFTESBURY
CHAPTER XII.
1844.
Hatred of Oppression — Distressed Needlewomen — The Ameers of Scinde —
Motion for their Release from Imprisonment — Result of the Motion — Tahiti
— Queen Pomare — Pritchard the Missionary — War with France imminent
— Sir James Graham's Bill for Regulation of Labour in Factories —
Agitation — "The Ten Hours and No Surrender ! " — Distances Traversed by
Children in Daily Work — An Amusing Experiment by Lord Palmerston —
A Masterly Speech — Attack by Mr. John Bright — A Scene in the House —
Peel in a Dilemma — Government Stratagems to Rescind Votes — "Jack Cade"
Legislation — Unpopularity of Sir James Graham — A Distance Table — New
Factory Bill brought in — Motion for Introduction of New Clause — The Ten
Hours Bill Argued on Commercial Grounds — Sir James Graham Threatens
Resignation — Sir Robert Peel Follows Suit — A Signal Defeat — Mr. C. Gre-
ville's View of the Situation — Second Threatened Resignation of the Ministry
— Correspondence with Sir Robert Peel — Dissenters' Chapels Bill— Report
of Metropolitan Commissioners in Lunacy — Motion Thereon — Public and
Private Asylums — Lunacy in its Early Stages — Middle-class Patients —
Motion Withdrawn — Mr. Shell's Eulogy — Placing a Son at School — Mrs.
Fry — Visit of Emperor of Russia — Tour Through Factory Districts —
Receives Addresses — Fresh Schemes — Beset by Bulls of Bashan.
Lord Ashley was the sworn foe of oppression in
whatever form it might be exercised. It mattered
not to him whether the oppressed were nations or in-
dividuals, his whole nature rose against tyranny and
b
2 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XII.
injustice, and he could not forbear to throw himself
into the breach and assist the weak against the strong.
The year 1S44 opened with heavy demands upon his
S}rmpathies. At home his aid was claimed by oppressed
needlewomen — a class for whom he was always a willing
advocate ; and abroad by the ill-used Ameers of Scinde.
As usual, he found himself either left almost alone to
fight these battles, or else supported only by those from
whom he had the least reason to expect help ; and he
writes in his Journal : —
Jan. 5th. — Prepared as I am, I am oftentimes distressed and
puzzled by the s "range contrasts I find : support from infidels or
non-professors : opposition or coldness from religionists or declaimers !
I sometimes pause to reflect whether I can be right, whether I have
followed the true course, whether — when so many ' pious ' people
either thwart or discourage me — I must not be altogether in error.
They read and study the Bible ; they pray for guidance and light ;
they ask, and surely obtain, God's grace to judge aright; they
surely, too, must make (is it so in fact 1) their conduct the subject
and consequence of fervent supplication before and after they have
resolved to weaken my efforts 1 What can / do which they do not
do ] If I say with fervour before I act, ' Prevent us, O Lord, in all
our doings,' &c, so do they, doubtless, when they prepare a resist-
ance to me. They implore Almighty God that all their ' works
may be begun, continued, and ended in Him ! ' Is it so 1 If it be,
I am indeed gravelled.
The efforts of Lord Ashley on behalf of the needle-
women arose out of the following circumstances : —
Jan. 13th. — Mr. Paget is to be indicted for defamation because
he has published a book called ' The Pageant,' in which he sets forth
some of the Parliamentary evidence about the wretched milliners.
An admirable work, full of talent, zeal, and truth. Is it come to
this, that wicked abominations may not be proclaimed, and redress
1844.] THE AMEERS OF SCIXDE. 3
sought for helpless and oppressed women, but at the hazard of a
prosecution at law 1 How can I assist him 1 He has applied through
his solicitors to the Society for the Protection of Milliners and
Dressmakers to give him aid by promising support to those young
persons who shall offer their evidence
Jan. 17th. — Wrote to Mr. Paget on Monday ; said that cause
was common, defence ought to be so too ; requested leave to sub-
scribe £25 towards his expenses Told that he is pre-
pared to make a pitiful defence ; deny that the plaintiff was the
person intended, and then plead in mitigation of damages !
Jan. 20th. — Heard from Mr. Paget, civil and grateful, but he
declines pecuniary assistance. He is wrong in his opinion. His
course is difficult, no doubt ; would take a bold line could he secure
his witnesses from ruin. Seeley has offered to raise £100, and I the
same, to indemnify any wretched girls who may, for that reason, be
driven from their situations. His letter shows him in a fairer
light ; think he will assent. Hope so for the cause ; and his friends
should do so for his character.
Although, as far as Mr. Paget was concerned, the
matter rested here, the cause of the needlewomen was
not allowed to drop until its painful features had been
dragged into the full light, and the wrongs thus ex-
posed redressed.
Meanwhile, the time was rapidly approaching for
the reassembling of Parliament, aud Lord Ashley had
determined to bring forward at an early date a motion
for an address to the Crown, with regard to the treat-
ment of the Ameers of Scinde, who were suffering
imprisonment and deprivation of their rights from no
fault, as he conceived, of their own.
During the Parliamentary Session of 1843, the
affairs of India had, on several occasions, been brought
under discussion, more especially in connection with
b 2
4 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XII.
the recent conquest of Scinde. This district, compris-
ing about 50,000 square miles, had been formerly an
independent territory. It lay along the north-western
frontier of our Indian Empire, and was ruled conjointly
by a family of princes known as the Ameers of Scinde.
Eelations, for the most part friendly, had loug subsisted
between the Anglo-Indian Government and the Ameers.
But disputes arose in connection with the Afghan War
and the free passage of the Indus ; and the Ameers and
their subjects became still more dissatisfied when the
English deemed it necessary to occupy the fort of Kur-
rachee, and, in defiance of a previous Treaty, to force a
passage up the river for the conveyance of military stores.
In 184.2 other demands were made in vol vino; the sur-
render of national independence, and Sir Charles Napier
(who expressed his disapproval of the policy) was sent
to carry out the orders of the Government. War broke
out ; the British Resident was expelled from Hydera-
bad ; but at Meeanee, Napier, with 2,800 men, routed
an army ten times as numerous ; a million sterling in
treasure was seized, the six Ameers were thrown into
prison, and Scinde was permanently annexed to the
British Indian Empire.
These high-handed proceedings did not meet with
universal approval at home, and before the Session of
1843 closed, Lord Ashley gave notice of his motion on
the subject. As the time drew near for making it, he
wrote as follows : —
Feb. 3rd. — In bad heart altogether — shrink from the prospect.
Man is not formed to act in public life, and on grand questions, but
1841] THE AMEERS OF SGINDE. 5
in his gregarious character. There must be the taking of sweet
counsel together, both to cheer and to assist his efforts. But I am
absolutely alone ; no one says to me ' God speed.' I cannot calculate
on a vote, and most certainly not on a speech from any member.
On the 8th of February, 1S44, he brought forward
his motion for an address to the Crown praying- that
her Majesty will be " graciously pleased to take into her
consideration the situation and treatment of the Ameers
of Scinde ; and that she will direct their immediate
restoration to liberty, and the enjoyment of their estates,
or make such provision for their future maintenance as
may be considered a just equivalent." He had waited
until the close of the previous Session before he gave
notice, in the hope that appeals might arrive from the
imprisoned Ameers ; and these not having come, he had
intended to abandon his motion, lest from incapacity
he might compromise their interests. But a letter from
Sir Henry Pottinger in the Morning Chronicle of January
8th now compelled him to bring the matter before the
House. Sir Henry denounced the treatment of the
Ameers as " the most unprincipled and disgraceful that
had ever stamped the annals of our Empire in India."
That, Lord Ashley maintained, was true, to the very
letter. These princes were a fraternity of crowned heads,
each having a separate and independent principality, but
ruling conjointly and federally under the style and title
of the Ameers of Scinde. They inhabited a country
which their ancestors had acquired by conquest, and
ruled over a people of different language and religion
from themselves ; but, if that were to be used as an
6 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XII.
argument against them, it would recoil with tenfold
force upon ourselves. The East India Company had
recognised the Ameers as governors of Scinde, had
entered into friendly relations with them, and had tried
to prove to them that nothing but benefit could accrue
from an extended intercourse with the British Empire.
From 1758 to 1S09 there was a period of varying1
favour and disfavour, suspicion and fear, confidence and
jealousy. A Treaty was then made, declaring : " There
shall be eternal friendship between the British Govern-
ment and that of Scinde ; " and again : " Enmity shall
never more appear between the two States." Another
Treaty in 18.20 declared: "The two contracting Powers
mutually bind themselves, from generation to genera-
tion, never to look with the eye of covetousness on the
possessions of each other." The Ameers asserted that
they had faithfully observed the conditions and spirit of
the Treaty. In 1832, 1S34, and 1S3S, partial concessions
were obtained in our favour as to the navigation of the
Indus, and the placing of a British Resident at Hyder-
abad. Thenceforward there were suspicion and fear, and
a tendency to mutual distrust. In 1840, however, when
the insurrection at Gwalior broke out, the Ameers per-
mitted the transit of British troops, when hostility on
their part would have seriously injured us. Up to 1S42,
though strongly tempted by the disaffected, the same
peaceable demeanour was manifested by them, with the
exception of some petty intrigues, inevitable to Eastern
courts. In November, 1840, Lord Auckland declared
their conduct to be " most friendly ; " and in January,
1844.] THE AMEERS OF SGINDE. 7
1842, Lord Ellenborough expressed satisfaction at their
friendly disposition. But on the Gth of May, 1842,
Lord Ellenborough wrote to the Resident, Major
Outram : " The Governor-General is led to think that
you may have seen reason to doubt the fidelity of some
one or more of the Ameers of Scinde." Final conditions,
harsh and dishonourable to the Ameers, were then im-
posed. Lord Ashley thus explained the position : —
Little time was allowed for deliberation. The negotiations,
if such they could be called, were to be expedited by the presence of
an invading army. Violence naturally begat violence, and distrust
and dismay everywhere prevailed. The Beloochees were aroused to
arms, and the Ameers were unable to control them. The first attack
was on the Resident ; and no doubt this was a base and a vile act.
But what room for surprise was there at this event 1 The Battle of
Meeanee followed, and the Ameers were defeated and imprisoned.
Thus these famous Treaties, which commenced by declaring that en-
mity should never ensue, and friendship never be at an end, between
the two Powers, were wound up by the imprisonment of the Ameers ;
and the solemn promise never to look with the eyes of covetous-
ness on their dominions, issued in the conquest and annexation of
their territory. . . . But then they were charged with treachery.
No doubt they were. But where was the proof of this treachery 1
Over and over again he had called for proofs of this alleged treachery,
which was to justify what had been done. No doubt there was
abundant intrigue. No doubt the greatest distrust and alarm pre-
vailed, and the greatest desire to get rid of the British from their
territory. But was there no cause for this ? Was there not ample
cause for all this distrust and alarm, and also for the policy which
the Ameers had been compelled to pursue ] He would pass over all
the irritating acts — all the violence of language which had occurred
on both sides, and would come to the simple fact. What could be
alleged against the Ameers 1 What act of treachery or dishonour
on their parts, as an argument for their destruction and imprison-
ment \
8 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XII.
Lord Ashley then traced the process of encroach-
ment by the British Government in 183S. In that year
the Ameers were informed "that the article of the Treaty
with them prohibitory of using the Indus for the con-
ve}^ance of military stores must necessarily be sus-
pended." In December the fortress and ferry of Buk-
kur, the highway between India and Khorassan, was
demanded from, the aged Ameer Roostem Khan, and
ceded by him. This was the heart of his country, to
which Lord Auckland admitted we had no right. In
1842 Lord Ellenborough announced "the continued
occupation of Kurrachee,'' declared Ameer Roostem
Khan unfaithful, and called upon him to cede a
portion of territory to the Khan of Bhawulpore.
Troops were then advanced into the country with-
out waiting for auy hostile attitude on the part of
the Ameers : some of whom fled, while others pre-
pared for resistance. Sir Charles Napier proceeded to
confiscate the estates of those who resisted, not wait-
ing the result of the negotiations which Major Outram
was carrying on with the Ameers. He disregarded the
entreaties of the princes not to advance his troops, as
they could not restrain their Beloochees ; but pushed
forward, in spite of warnings from Major Outram, and
thus provoked the attack on the Residency, which led to
the Battle of Meeanee. The Ameers had been accused
of writing treacherous letters, but when they demanded
a sight of these letters, they were not produced. It was
said that they had been given to Ameer Ali Moorad, the
very person suspected of having forged them. It was
1844] THE AMEERS OF SCIKDE. 9
utterly improbable that they should have entertained
hostile intentions : they made no preparations to remove
their women or their treasures from Hyderabad. "When
they might have crushed us, they were prodigal in
assistance, contributing, by every facility they could
afford, to the recovery of our position and honour. Yet
they attempted our destruction (it was alleged) when our
troops, returning in victory, had rendered success in such
an effort impossible. Even if guilty, a sufficient penalty
had been exacted from them. " You have torn them
from their thrones," said Lord Ashley, "reduced
them to the level of your meanest dependants, seized
their dominions, incarcerated their persons, plundered
their houses, and exposed them to various forms of
privation and insult." To their ladies, whom they left
at Hyderabad, were allowed insufficient means of living,
while the Ameers, in their prisons, suffered deep dejec-
tion at the prospect of life-long confinement after the
important services some of them had rendered to the
English. Two sons of the late Ameer Noor Mahommed,
specially bequeathed by him to " the honour and kind-
ness of the British Empire," were taken from their
mother and placed in separate prisons. Two Ameers,
who had lived in retirement at Hyderabad, and had
taken no part in the war, were captured and separated
from their families, and to them, in reply to their re-
monstrances, Sir Charles Napier wrote that if they
troubled him any more with their falsehoods, he would
cast them also into prison ; adding : " You are prisoners,
and though I will not kill you, as you ordered your
10 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XII.
people to do to the English" (a charge which had never
been proved), " I will put you in irons on board a ship.
Shere Mahommed is a very weak man, and will soon
cause himself to be destroyed, and so will you unless
you submit more quietly to the fate which your own
rash folly has brought upon you. I will answer no
more of your letters, which are only repetitions of gross
falsehoods, which I will not submit to." This was
not the tone or the language which ought to have
been used to defeated men and fallen princes. How
did such conduct contrast with that pursued by Lord
Cornwallis and the Duke of Wellington towards the
family of Tippoo Sahib ? In the one case were conceded
every abatement of the rights of war, every mitigation
of its sorrows ; in the other, the pound of flesh was
exacted to the uttermost — loss of territory, loss of free-
dom, loss of domestic associations, loss of independent
means of sustenance for themselves and their children,
loss of everything but life. In conclusion, Lord Ashley
said : —
And yet, Sir, consider the difference of their claims. They
were the sons of our hereditary foe ; their father and grandfather,
steeped in everlasting hatred to the British name, had warred against
us for years with implacable fury ; had wroiight us enormous mis-
chief, and sworn to extirpate us from the soil of India. Here are
the sons and successors of ancient allies, men who have once been
hostile and oftentimes friendly, to whom we owe much, but who owe
to us little. Both, it is true, were taken in arms, but the one fight
was the conclusion of a long, premeditated, and ferocious hatred ; the
other, the beginning and the ending too, of a short and unwilling
hostility. Sir, we are often admonished, with oracular solemnity,
that our empire in Hindostan is founded on opinion. Is it the opinion
1844.] THE AMEERS OF SGINDE. 11
of our justice, our humanity, or our power 1 A wise and patriotic
Government would ardently pursue such a noble combination ; and
this House, by the fulness and promptitude of its reply to an injured
sufferer, would compensate for the enormous, though inevitable, con-
cession of despotic authority to the rulers of those distant regions.
Sir, the generosity of absolute power is cheap and safe and honour-
able ; true principle alone is of so attractive a nature as to lead many
to believe that a really Christian empire would soon acquire the
sovereignty of the world by the voluntary and eager resort of all
nations under the shadow of its wings. Whether, by such means as
these, Great Britain shall accomplish the dominion of the East, re-
mains to be seen. We have not, I fear, made an auspicious begin-
ning ; but if we are to gain no more by virtue, let us not lose what
we have by injustice. Let us hasten to wipe out the awful rebuke
passed by them on their Christian conquerors
' Hen pietas, lieu pri sea fides !'
saying, as they were led away into captivity, ' Now we perceive that
there is no hope for us of judgment or justice, until God Almighty
shall sit in the last great adawlut.' *
Of the long and forcible indictment thus brought
by Lord Ashley against the Indian Government, only
a very brief summary has been given here. A journal
that did not share in his views said of it : " The
splendid speech of the noble mover was worthy of his
humane and generous motive, and both were worthy of
his high character."! Mr. Roebuck followed with a
spiteful harangue, as usual abusing everybody all round;
and, after the debate had run its length, Sir Robert
Peel (the Prime Minister) defended the Indian Govern-
ment, apparently basing his defence on the general
* Hansard, Debates, 3 s., lxxii. 364.
t St. James's Chronicle, March 8, 1844
12 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XII.
principle that uncivilised nations were made to be con-
quered. He certainly did say, " I am afraid there is
some great principle at work wherever civilisation and
refinement come in contact with barbarism, which makes
it impossible to apply the rules observed amongst more
advanced nations." He stated that the liberation of
the Ameers was incompatible with the peace of India,
but that they would be removed to a greater distance,
where less restraint would be necessary, and £24,000
a year would be devoted to their maintenance and
service.
The result of the motion is thus told by Lord
Ashley in his Diary : —
Feb. 9th. — Wonderful success last night — personal success, I
mean, alas ! — in my motion respecting the Ameers of Scinde. But
what is the use of making speeches which are admired and extolled 1
I obtained but sixty-eight votes against two hundred and two for the
Government. Never did I see a more convincing proof of the per-
nicious effect of party on the moral sense : most were satisfied, in-
deed, some said so, and yet voted, because Peel did, point-blank
against me ! Peel, as usual, was narrow, and in a tone of morality
lower, by far, than the ordinary run of Ministers ; even John Russell
rebuked him !
Roebuck's amendment ingeniously contrived to divert argument
from my motion. It succeeded, and though my arguments were un-
noticed, thev had the advantage of beincr unanswered. A few Whi^s
with me ; many against me. To be sure, I had been exposed to
unusual solicitations to put off my motion ; all sorts of men, both
parties, friends, foes, but I was obstinate, and thank God for it !
Feb. 10th. — I am certain that Palmerston and John Russell, in-
fluenced a little by Peel's specious, though legitimate, policy, in
declaring that he objected to Roebuck's motion, voted against me,
because, as they had not read the papers, it was safer to vote with
Government than in opposition to it ; Palmerston I found really
1844.] TAHITI. 13
ignorant of everything. But how wisely and mercifully God over-
rules all things ! It had been suspected, and stated, that I had
concocted this movement with the Whigs ! Many Conservatives said
to Jocelyn, 'We never gave such an immoral vote before.' Public
opinion strongly with me. . . . Campbell, ex-Attorney-General, said
to me, very kindly, ' Any jury in England would have given you a
verdict.' Charles Wood said ' it was one of the best speeches I ever
heard in Parliament, and so was the reply.' . . A Christian kingdom
may refuse all intercourse with its neighbours, but if it open an
intercoui-se and derive advantages, it cannot turn round when well
satiated and exclaim, ' By-the-by, a thought strikes me, you are so
abominably wicked that really I must exterminate you ! '
The affairs of Scinde were not the only " foreign
affairs " engaging the attention of Lord Ashley. A
dispute between England and France, with reference to
Tahiti (Otaheite), threatened, at one time, to be attended
with disastrous consequences. Queen Pomare, the sove-
reign of the Island of Tahiti, a convert of English
missionaries, had placed herself — by compulsion, it was
alleged — under the protection of France, while her
sympathies, and those of her people, were with England.
There arose, in consequence, a coldness between the
French residents and the islanders.
The French Admiral, who had beguiled or compelled
the Queen into placing herself under the protection of
the French, arrived off the coast, and demanded that the
French flag should be hoisted above her own. Upon
her refusing to do this, he pulled down her flag, hoisted
that of France in its place, and proclaimed that Tahiti
was henceforth French territory.
Pomare at once appealed to England ; but France,
while disavowing the act of the French Admiral,
14 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XII.
considered that there was some intrigue on the part
of England to obtain possession of Tahiti, and would
not remove the French flag or cancel the proclamation
claiming the island as French territory.
For some time affairs remained in this critical state,
and then a further complication arose. An English
missionary, named. Pritchard, had exercised a very
powerful influence in Tahiti, and had been successful in
gaining many converts to Christianity, among whom
was the Queen herself. For some time prior to her de-
position he had been acting as English consul in the
island.
One day a French sentinel was attacked. In re-
prisal Pritchard was seized as the mover and instigator
of the disturbances by the natives, and D'Aubigny, the
commander of the French establishment, declared : " Hi*
property shall be answerable for all damage occasioned
to us by the insurgents ; and if French blood is spilt
every drop shall recoil on his head." Pritchard was
thrown into prison, and upon his release was expelled
the island. On his arrival in England, the story of his
wrongs produced a profound sensation, and stirred public
feeling into great excitement. Sir Robert Peel and Lord
Aberdeen both characterised his treatment as " a gross
and intolerable outrage."
Satisfaction was demanded of the French Govern-
ment, and M. Guizot, who, in the first instance, was
loud in his condemnation of the French Government,
was now equally loud in the profession of his anxiety
and that of the King, that justice should be done
1844.]
TAHITI. 15
in Tahiti and a good understanding restored with
England.
For some months there was great excitement ;
popular passion was hot on both sides, and war between
France and England at one time seemed inevitable.
However, on September the 5th — the last day of the
Session — Sir Eobert Peel announced that " the out-
rage on Mr. Pritchard, of Tahiti, had been arranged
amicably." Substantial compensation was made to
Pritchard, and Queen Pomare was ostensibly restored
to power. France would not withdraw her " protection,"
however, and to all intents and purposes Tahiti became,
in time, completely subject to French rule.
The course of these events was followed very closely
by Lord Ashley, and a few collected passages from his
Diary relating to them may be quoted here.
Feb. 21st. — Pead last night, with indescribable pain, and yet
every one might have foreseen it, that the French had taken full
possession of Tahiti, deposed Queen Pomare, and seized the sove-
reignty. Thus has fallen the only kingdom which, from its head to
its feet, in all its private and public relations, in all that it said,
permitted, or did, was a Christian State, founded on the truths of the
Gospel, and governed by the simplicity of God's word. Popery will
henceforward reign without control, with all its train of spiritual,
moral, and physical evils. What an inscrutable Providence ! But
England is without excuse. We might, humanly speaking, have
averted this mischief. It lay most easily and most securely, two
years ago, in Aberdeen's power. The sin is personal to the Ministry;
national to our Church and people. But what can we say or
protest as a nation 1 Will not they throw Scinde in our teeth 1
Feb. 24th. — Wrote to Aberdeen a short note about Tahiti to
assure him that it was far more than a question of the sympathy
of a few Dissenters.
16 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XII.
An". 3rd. — French agressions and insults renewed in Tahiti ;
it is a barbarous people, or they would not so insult a helpless
woman. Our Ministers are timid towards France and indifferent
towards the welfare of Protestant Pomare. Had they been as
their duty required, this could not have happened. Wrote to Peel
on the 31st to say that I should put a question to him. "Was
anticipated by Sir Charles Napier, the Commodore. Peel, how-
ever, gave a vigorous answer, and talked of the ' outrage.' . . .
Sept. 12th.— The question of Tahiti, they say, is settled. Aberdeen
has, of course, surrendered all that can be interesting to Protest-
antism.
Oct. 4th. — Grief and indignation cannot go beyond what I feel
against the French aggressions in Tahiti. A peaceable and helpless
people, a State presenting, as such, the only Christian model in the
world, are subjugated by savages and powerful Europeans, and inun-
dated with bloodshed, devastation, profligacy, and crime. God gave
the regeneration of this island to our people as a triumph of the
Cross ; and so it was a thing without pai-allel in the history of the
Gospel. The missionaries made it Christian ; they made it English
in laws and Constitution. It had, by God's blessing, under their
administration, everything but power and commerce. But, failing
these, it has obtained no sympathies, and in the hour of danger,
perhaps of extinction, finds not a single friend. The infidel and
lukewarm are indifferent ; the Tractarians are hostile ; the Evan-
gelicals wary. Public men estimate its value by political measure-
ments and the probable effects on their own ease and tenure of
office. What a disgusting and cowardly attitude for England, thus
to stand by and raise not a hand in defence of this merciful gift of
Providence ! God grant that the Tahitian people may endure and
triumph over this fraud and violence.
Interest in affairs abroad did not distract Lord
Ashley's attention from the more pressing affairs at
home.
The demand for further limitation in the hours of
labour had been urged by the working classes with
increased vehemence, especially in Lancashire and
1844.] GOVERNMENT FACTORY BILL. 17
Yorkshire, between the Session of 1S43 and the opening
of Parliament in 1844. The reports of the Inspectors
of Factories, issued from time to time, had been eagerly
read by those who were interested in the welfare of the
working classes ; and the agitation, headed by Lord
Ashley, was daily gaining fresh sympathisers, and, in
the same proportion, was concentrating the enmity of
those who were opposed to it. The time was ripen-
ing rapidly for the great struggle which was to end
in victory.
On the 5th of February, Sir James Graham in-
troduced into the House of Commons his promised
Bill for the Eegulation of Labour in Factories. It
contained no education clauses, but provided that
children should be allowed time in which to receive
education. The further objects of the Bill were to
ensure that the working-time for children should be
reduced to eight hours, and for persons above the
age of thirteen, to twelve hours a day. The definition
of a " child " was extended to mean children between
nine and thirteen ; that of " young persons " remained
as heretofore, namely, from thirteen to eighteen.
"I propose," he said, "that such young persons
shall not be employed in any silk, cotton, wool, or
flax manufactory, for an}T portion of the twenty-four
hours longer than from half-past five o'clock in the
morning till seven o'clock in the evening in summer,
and from half-past six o'clock in the morning, till
eight in the evening in winter, thus making thirteen
and a half hours each day, of which one hour and a
c
18 TEE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XII.
half is to be set apart for meals and rest, so that
their actual labour will be limited to twelve hours."
This was exactly what Lord Ashley did not want.
His contention was that the hours should be limited
to ten, and on that issue he would fight the battle
to the end.
On the 1 2th of February the Bill was read a second
time, and ordered to be committed.
Then went forth the rallying cry of " Ten Hours
and No Surrender ! " and it echoed through the length
and breadth of the land. The greatest enthusiasm
prevailed. Meetings were held, pamphlets were scat-
tered broadcast, and all the paraphernalia of agitation
was set in motion with a vigour that had never been
known before. Twelve delegates were despatched to
London to assist Lord Ashley in his labours, and
nobly they worked. London and Westminster were
divided into districts, and every Member of Parliament
in these districts was canvassed, the working of the
factory system explained, and its evils exposed.
One of the points which had often been called in
question was the actual distances traversed by children
in the course of their daily work. Lord Ashley had
stated that it sometimes — nay, often — happened that
they had to walk, or trot, from twenty-five to thirty
miles a day, a statement that had been characterised as
a " gross exaggeration," and altogether incredible.
An amusing incident in connection with this con-
troversy is recorded by Mr. Philip Grant.* Two of the
* Grant's " History of Factory Legislation."
1844.] AN AMUSING INCIDENT. 19
delegates — Mr. Havvorth and Mr. Philip Grant — made
a call in Carlton Gardens, where Lord Palmerston was
then living, and were denied an interview by the foot-
man. The carriage was standing at the door, and
Lady Palmerston was promenading on the balcony.
It was evident, therefore, that their visit was most
inopportune ; but, as they might have no other oppor-
tunity of an interview before the division, they con-
tinued to urge the importance of their mission.
"Whilst the altercation was going on, Lord Palmers-
ton happened to be passing from his dressing-room
to the dining-room, and seeing the twTo at the door,
inquired who and what they were. The servant at
once handed him their cards, and returned smiling,
bringing with him the glad news : ' His Lordship will
see you.' They were at once ushered into the large
dining-room, at that time so much famed for the even-
ing parties of Lady Palmerston and the munificent
dinners given by his Lordship. They found the Member
for Tiverton in excellent temper, dressed like a youth of
eighteen, and as lively as a cricket. Without ceremony
the subject was entered into, detailing some of the
hardships to which the factory children were subject.
The statements at first appeared to puzzle the noble
Viscount, and after a short pause he said, ' Oh, the
work of the children cannot be so hard as you represent
it, as I am led to understand the machinery does all the
work without the aid of the children, attention to the
spindles only being required.' To carry conviction to
a mind so strongly impressed with the ease and comfort
c 2
20 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XII.
of factory labour, for a moment staggered the deputa-
tion, when a lucky expedient occurred to the writer,
who, seeing a couple of large lounging chairs upon
castors, brought them to the rescue. Placing them in
the centre of the large room, they were made to perform
the operation of the 'spinning-mule,' Mr. Haworth
being placed, as it were, at the ' wheel handle,' and
with arm and knee pushing them back to their destina-
tion, or to what is technically called ' the roller beam/
whilst the writer performed the duties of the piecer,
trotting from one side of the room to the other, follow-
ing up the carriage, leaning over the imaginary advancing
' faller,' and picking up the supposed broken ends. To
complete the explanation of the mule, and to show the
part the engine performed, they were about to explain
by what power the carriage was caused to advance
slowly, whilst the ' stretch ' was being made and the
yarn twisted. The noble Lord at once caught the idea,
and, ringing the bell, the footman was ordered into the
room, and directed to run up one of the chairs slowly
to its appointed place (or what is called the end of
the stretch), whilst the noble Lord, catching hold of
the other chair, performed a similar office. Thus the
imaginary spinning and piecing were carried on for
several minutes. Lady Palmerston, who by this time
had become impatient for her drive before dinner,
entered the room, and appeared no little surprised to
see her banqueting room turned into a spinning factory.
Her ladyship, however, seemed to enjoy the illustration,
and remarked, good-humouredly, ' I am glad to see your
1844.] LORD PALMERS TON AS "OLD NED." 21
Lordship has betaken yourself to work at last.' The
veteran statesman, who appeared a little fatigued by
performing the duties of ' Old Ned ' (the engine), with
significant look and shrug of the shoulders, said, ' Surely
this must be an exaggeration of the labour of factory
workers.' Mr. Haworth, who had come fresh from the
wheel handle in Bolton, and bearing indelible marks
of the severity of his daily toil, exhibited the large
' segs ' upon his hands, at the same time, pulling up
his trousers, he said : ' Look at my knee, my Lord,' and
pointed to the hard substance produced by ' pulling up
the carriage.' The victory over the mind of the great
statesman appeared to be complete ; the illustration
given had deeply impressed his mind ; and he exclaimed,
heartily, ' If what you have shown me, and what you
have stated, be a fair illustration of the labour of factory
people, and the statements you have made be a fair
detail of the hardships to which they are subject, I can
no longer withhold my support from your cause, nor
can I resist the belief that the children, as stated
by Lord Ashley, have to walk or trot twenty-five
to thirty miles a day. I will, however, speak with
Lord Ashley on these points, and if your story be
even half corroborated by him, you may rely on my
support.' "
The statements were fully corroborated, and the
support of Lord Palmerston was henceforth never
wanting on behalf of factory children.
The course of events is thus noted in Lord Ashley's
Diary : —
22 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XII.
Feb. 27th. — Factory Bill postponed. Shall I ever prosper in
this 1 Will God smile upon the endeavour1? Heard that Mr. Bright
was waiting for his opportunity to make a most violent attack on
me. I dare say. . .
March 2nd. — Unpleasant rumours that Government (is it pos-
sible ?) will exert their Parliamentary influence to defeat the Ten
Hours !
March 4th. — Graham informed me this evening that ' if I would
not make an adverse statement,' so as to provoke debate and a reply
from him, he would grant the Committee. He clearly fears a full
expose. I answered that, as my statement was intended simply to
prove the necessity of investigation, if the necessity were admitted,
I should do wrong to detain the House by a long oration. Now,
if he had told me this a week or two ago, as he well might, I should
have been spared some very heavy reading and writing.
March 6th. — Moved for Committee last night in half a dozen
words. Graham thanked me for my silence.
March 8th. — Strange accusation that in the Times. Surely a man
wholly unconnected with the manufacturing districts was less likely
to be influenced by hopes and fears, either commercial or personal,
than one whose interests lay in the thick of them. I thought so
myself when I undertook the charge. ' It would have been more
graceful,' it adds, ' had I devoted my attention to agricultural
grievances.' Why, that question was not uppermost, was barely
thought of, when I laid hold of the factory wrongs in 1833 — at
that time the prominent topic of conversation. As for sacrifices : I
have lost office and every hope of political aggrandisement by my
adoption of this career ; I have had years of trouble, anxiety, ex-
pense ; I have foregone official income, though I much needed it,
broken every party connection, and stand alone, like an owl in the
desert, without knowing, day by day, whether I shall think or act
with any one man or any one man with me. And what of all this?
Why, I am, God be praised ! more happy in my losses than I could
possibly have been in any personal gain. 'Cast thy bread upon the
waters,' says the Book of Books, ' and thou shalt find it after many
days' . .
March 9th. — The Times bepraises Sidney Osborne's letter to me,
and adds : ' These factory ten-hours men never dreamed of agricul-
tural wrongs until forced to it by their fears.' Eight years' exclusion
1844.] A NOTABLE SPEECH. 23
from the paternal house, and three of utter impossibility to interfere
while there, will answer any imputations.
March 12th. — Had intended to take the chair at public dinner of
Journeyman Tailors' Society (euphonious and dignified name !), but
told by Cobden, as I entered the House, that he proposed to assail
the county of Dorset. Obliged, of course, to send excuse, and sit
out his speech — temperate and often true. Could not reply, taken by
surprise, had no paper with me. This was unfair on his part ; un-
willing, too, to come into collision with Bankes ; an unseemly sight,
two county members sparring with each other ; unwilling besides, by
a vote, to come into collision with Lord S., who would assert that
it was directed at him. No disguise on Cobden's part that he
wished to pay me off for exposing the factory districts. Felt humbled,
dejected, and incompetent. Had no heart within me. 0 God, let
not mine enemies triumph over me ! . . .
On March the 1 5th the Bill went into Committee,
and, in the discussion of the clauses fixing the limita-
tion of the hours of labour, Lord Ashley endeavoured to
obtain his purpose by moving that the word " night '
should be taken to mean from six o'clock in the evening
to six o'clock in the morning, thus practically limiting
the factory day to ten hours.
In support of his proposition, he made one of his
most forcible, comprehensive, and interesting speeches —
a speech which took two hours and a quarter in delivery,
and occupies twenty-eight pages of Hansard.*
In his opening sentence, Lord Ashley gave utter-
ance to that intense anxiety which, as the Diaries
clearly reveal, weighed down his spirit as he approached
the struggle. " Nearly eleven years have elapsed," he
said, " since I first made the proposition to the House
* Hansard, 3 s., lxx. 483.
24 THE EAEL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XIL
which I shall renew this night. Never at any time
have I felt greater apprehension or even anxiety ; not
through any fear of personal defeat, for disappoint-
ment is ' the badge of all our tribe,' but because I
know well the hostility I have aroused, and the certain
issues of indiscretion on my part, affecting the welfare of
those who have so long confided their hopes and in-
terests to my charge." Disclaiming the accusation that
he was actuated by any peculiar hostility against factory
masters, he met them with the challenge, " Strike, but
hear me." Taking for his standpoint the proposition
that the State has a right to watch over, and an in-
terest in providing for, the moral and physical well-
being of her people, he proceeded to show what foreign
powers were doing to recognise and enforce this prin-
ciple. Then, expatiating upon the immediate ap-
plication of this theme, he described minutely the
amount of toil and exertion required in the various
departments of factory labour, and the ph}rsical evils
proved to have resulted from it, when too long con-
tinued. He entered fully into the question of the
distances traversed daily by women and children, and
gave evidence, founded upon measurements and cal-
culations made, at his request, by one of the most dis-
tinguished mathematicians of the day, conclusively
proving that those distances varied from seventeen to
thirty miles, and that the exertion was materially in-
creased by the strain of having continually to lean over
the machine and then return to an erect position — a per-
formance that had to be undergone not less than from
1844.] UNNATURAL TOIL. 25
four to five thousand times a day. The physical effects of
this toil upon women was disastrous in the extreme, and
he adduced ample medical testimony in proof of his
assertion, besides pointing to the results shown in the
bills of mortality and the statistics of pauperism and
disease. Nor were the moral effects less disastrous. He
showed how impossible it was that the obligations of
domestic life could be performed by females employed
for long periods in factories. " Where, Sir," he asked,
"under this condition, are the possibilities of domestic
life ? How can its obligations be fulfilled ? Regard
the woman as wife or mother, how can she accomplish
any portion of her calling ? And if she cannot do that
which Providence has assigned her, what must be the
effect on the whole surface of society ? ': He demon-
strated, by incontrovertible facts and arguments, that
this unnatural toil engendered every possible form of
moral evil ; intemperance, impurity, demoralisation were
the inevitable consequences ; all the arrangements and
provisions of domestic economy were annihilated ; dirt,
discomfort, ignorance and recklessness were the por-
tion of almost every household, when the time of the
wife and mother was wholly monopolised by factory
labour.
Such a system, affecting the internal tranquillity of
the land and all relations between employer and em-
ployed, was a perpetual grievance, and must ever come
uppermost in times of difficulty and discontent. It
disturbed the order of nature, and the rights of the
labouring men, by ejecting males from the workshop
26 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XII.
and filling their places by women ; it was destructive of
the health of females, the care of their families, their
conjugal and parental duties, the comfort of their
homes, the decency of their lives, the peace of society,
and the laws of God.
In conclusion, he repudiated, in tones of righteous
indignation, the charge so often flung at him, that this
contest was but a struggle between the country gentle-
man and the manufacturers, and that he was actuated
by a wish to exalt the landed, and humiliate the com-
mercial, aristocracy. He said : — *
It is very sad, though perhaps inevitable, that such weighty
charges and suspicions should lie on the objects of those who call
for, and who propose, this remedial measure. I am most unwilling
to speak of myself ; my personal character is, doubtless, of no con-
sequence to the world at lai*ge ; but it may be of consequence to those
whose interests I represent, because distrust begets delays, and zeal
grows cold when held back in its cai-eer by the apprehension that
those whom it would support are actuated by unworthy motives.
Disclaimers, I know, are poor things when uttei*ed by parties whom
you listen to with suspicion or dislike ; but consider it calmly ;
are you reasonable to impute to me a settled desire, a single pur-
pose, to exalt the landed and humiliate the commercial aristocracy 1
Most solemnly do I deny the accusation. If you think me wicked
enough, do you think me fool enough for such a hateful policy 1
Can any man in his senses now hesitate to believe that the per-
manent prosperity of the manufacturing body in all its several
aspects, physical, moral, and commercial, is essential, not only to
the welfare, but absolutely to the existence, of the British Empire 1
No, we fear not the increase of your political power, nor envy your
stupendous riches ; f Peace be within your walls, and plenteousness
within your palaces ! ' We ask but a slight relaxation of toil, a
time to live, and a time to die ; a time for those comforts that
sweeten life, and a time for those duties that adorn it ; and, therefore,
1844.] MR. JOHN BRIGHT S ATTACK. 27
with a fervent prayer to Almighty God that it may please Him to
turn the hearts. of all who hear me, to thoughts of justice and of
mercy, I now finally commit the issue to the judgment and humanity
cf Parliament.*
At the close of this appeal, Sir James Graham rose,
and in a tone which he knew only too well how to use,
declared emphatically that her Majesty's Government
had determined to give the proposition of the noble
Lord their most decided opposition. The mill-owners
found an advocate in Mr. John Bright, who addressed
the House at considerable length, and in a style " per-
haps the most vindictive towards the working classes
ever used in the British Parliament, "f He ridiculed
the notion that there was any need for a new Factory
Act ; he contradicted Lord Ashlev's statements as to
the unhealthiness and other miseries of the manufac-
turing districts ; he violently attacked the whole body
of operatives who supported the Ten Hours Bill ; and
he declared that high wages and general prosperity
prevailed among the manufacturing population. Then,
taking up the old libel as to the condition of the
Dorsetshire labourers, he said Lord Ashley looked at
Lancashire through a telescope, but when he looked
at his suffering neighbours he reversed the glass. He
reiterated the groundless charge that Lord Ashley's
information had been obtained in an improper way,
and from a notorious character, whose story was
full of false statements and gross and malignant
exaggerations.
• Speeches, p. 115.
f Delegates' report quoted in " History of Factory Legislation," p. 75.
28 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XII.
This was more than Lord Ashley could bear, or
would have been justified in bearing. He rose to his
feet, and, aflame with impassioned earnestness, vehe-
mently demanded a full explanation of the insinua-
tions of Mr. Bright. The scene which ensued is still
memorable in the annals of Parliament.
" I think," said Lord Ashley, " the House will feel
that in some measure I have a right to make one
or two observations on the remarkable speech of the
honourable gentleman. I will thank the honourable
gentleman to explain that charge against me which
he has insinuated, and which he said he would not
pursue. I will not allow it to pass. I therefore throw
myself on the indulgence and on the protection of this
House, and I do request all honourable gentlemen
present to exert their influence, as members of this
House, and as gentlemen, to make the honourable
member for Durham pursue his charge, and state his
case."
Loud cheers followed this challenge. Then, in
evident confusion, and amidst loud expressions of dis-
approbation from both sides of the House, Mr. Bright
at first attempted to deny that he had made any charge,
and eventually concluded with an apology in these
words : " I regret if in stating these things I have
said a word that could be considered derogatory to
the character of the noble Lord. I know I have a warm
temper, but I meant no personal insult. I desired
merely to state facts, and I readily withdraw any
offensive expression."
1844.] THE MINISTERIAL MIND. 29
It was then two o'clock, and, on the motion of Mr.
Warburton, the debate was adjourned.
March 16th. — Factory Bill last night in Committee; moved, by-
arrangement with Sir J. Graham, amendment on word 'Eight' in
second clause. Spoke for two and a quarter hours. Never had a
greater weight on my spirits, and yet — God's everlasting goodness
be praised — obtained astounding personal success. Francis Egerton
made an excellent speech ; and Sandon, for a wonder, came out man-
fully. Bright made a violent assault upon me, with insinuations,
because he could not make charges ; brought him to account and to
apologies. What will be the issue 1 Had we divided last night, we
should, I am told, have beaten the Government ! The interval will
be favourable to them ; official whips will produce official votes.
March 17th. — Sunday. The anxiety and fatigue of the pre-
ceding week left me nervous and inattentive. Struck by the many
texts I hear and read, of consolation and encouragement. Almost
every book I have opened, and every passage of the Bible I have
glanced on, have conveyed more or less of invigorating sentiment.
Are there such things as Christian omens? If there be, surely
they were here.
March 18th. — Jocelyn came to me yesterday, after morning
service, and said that ' he had something important to communicate.'
Stanley had taken him aside on Saturday evening, and had urged
upon him the mischiefs arising from the amendment for ' ten hours '
that I had proposed. 'Ashley,' he added, 'does not know the con-
dition in which he places the Government. If he carries his point,
as it seems probable he will, two courses remain : we must either
throw up the Bill, for Graham is pledged to cany it as it is, or throw
it into his hands.' He then said a great deal more about the effect
such success would have in aiding the repeal of the Corn Laws, and
remarked : ' If Ashley is strong enough to beat the Government, he
must take all responsibility ; if he thinks himself strong enough to
defeat them here, perhaps he thinks himself strong enough to take
the Government.' Jocelyn said : ' What would you have Ashley do 1
He has given his life, you may say, to the question ; what would
you have him do? He could not surrender it.' Stanley replied in a
drawling, uncertain tone : ' I don't know ; I don't say what he could
do.' The upshot was that Jocelyn, without delivering a direct
30 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XII.
message, was to inform me of the Ministerial mind. He did so. I
replied that ' if my perseverance involved the repeal of ten thousand
Corn Laws, and the dissolution of as many Governments, I would go
on with all the vigour I could command ; that, were I disposed to
hold back, I could not do so in the smallest degree ; that even in a
mere question of politics, a man would be regarded as a sad specimen
of faithlessness who retired simply to gratify the convenience of his
Parliamentary friends, but that in this case, when I had toiled for
so many years, and placed the whole matter on the basis of duty and
religion, I should be considered, and most justly, too, a hypocrite
almost without parallel.' We rang the changes on all this, and
Jocelyn went away. I saw him again in the street, just before I
entered the Chapel Royal. ' I have seen Stanley again,' he said ;
'he never thought you could resign the question ; you were too deeply
pledged.' 'It would be a sad thing,' continued Stanley, 'for the
Government to appear as alone resisting the wishes and feelings of
the people ; it would look very ill to the country if the question
had a majority in the House, but was rejected solely by the Govern-
ment.' Then Lord Stanley added (0 tempora, 0 mores /), ' What
I meant was that you (Jocelyn) and your friends should not bestir
yourselves so much to obtain votes, and Ashley might save his
character by maintaining his point, and yet allow himself to be beaten ! '
If ever insult was put on an individual, here it was with a vengeance!
I told Jocelyn that ' the only difference was whether I should be an
open or a secret scoundrel.' I added that ' I would exhaust all
legitimate means to obtain my end, and that if defeated, I would
never cease to work on the sympathies of the country.'
On March the 15th the debate on the Ten Hours
Bill was resumed, and the proposal of Lord Ashley was
supported by Lord Howick, Mr. Becket (Leeds), Sir
George Grey, Mr. John Fielden (Oldham), Lord John
Eussell, Mr. Hindley (Ashton), Mr. Hardy (Bradford),
and Mr. Muntz (Birmingham).
The discussion was animated almost beyond prece-
dent, and the excitement grew to a point of intensity,
1844.] LEGISLATION FORESHADOWED. 31
when Sir Robert Peel, in a long and laboured speech,
pointed out that other branches of manufactures required
restriction more than the cotton, woollen, and silk
factories, namely, the Sheffield and Birmingham wares,
glass, porcelain, earthenware, calico printing, and, above
all, dressmaking and needlework, and he maintained
that by restricting labour in cotton factories, a pre-
mium was being placed on the laborious and cruel
employment of women and children in these other
manufactures. " Is the House prepared to legislate for
all these people ? " asked the Premier.
A tremendous cheer, and a cry of " Yes," answered
the demand of the head of the Government.
Sir Robert Peel, evidently much astounded by this
powerful and decisive response, continued: "Then I
see not why we should not extend the restriction to
agriculture." Another ringing cheer, from the agri-
cultural members, again threw the Premier from his
equilibrium, and Sir Robert Peel abruptly concluded his
speech by declaring that he could not undertake a task
which would involve so difficult and perilous an enter-
prise, above all human strength, and full of individual
injustice. " I cannot, and I will not, acquiesce in the
proposal of the noble Lord ! " was the emphatic ex-
clamation with which he sat down.*
Far-seeing as Sir Robert was in many things, he
little dreamt that he had called forth a foreshadowing of
Lord Ashley's future labours on behalf of the working
classes.
* Morning Post, March 18, 1844.
32 TEE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XII.
Lord John Russell -followed, and did good service to
the cause by drawing attention to the fact that Lord
Ashley's amendment introduced no new principle into
the Bill, and that he (Lord John Russell) could not see
what tremendous consequences would follow the limi-
tation of labour in factories to ten hours when the
Government themselves proposed a limitation, though
to a somewhat longer period.
The division resulted in 179 votes for Lord Ashley's
amendment and 170 against it, thus giving a majority
of 9 for the amendment ; but this vote the Government
endeavoured, by a stratagem, to rescind by going at once
to a division on the original question ; calculating, in
all probability, that, by taking a second division im-
mediately upon the other, the result would be confusion,
out of which they might make capital. The stratagem
failed, the result being : For Lord Ashley's proposition,
161 ; against it, 153. Majority for Lord Ashley's
proposition, 8.
In face of these two divisions, Sir James Graham
determined to make another effort to rescind the votes.
" Sir," he said, rising amid profound silence, " the
decision of the Committee is a virtual adoption of a Ten
Hours Bill without modification. To that decision,
with the utmost respect for the opinion of the Commit-
tee, I have an insuperable objection." Whereupon he
announced that he would not drop the Bill, but would
proceed with it up to the eighth clause, when Lord
Ashley would move that the word " ten ' should be
substituted for " twelve ': hours. He therefore moved
1841.] THE MINISTRY DEFEATED. 33
that " You now report progress, and ask leave to sit
again on Friday next."
March 19th. — Last night 'adjourned debate' on Factory Bill and
division. Can I believe the result 1 ' It is a night much to be observed
of the Lord.'- Oh, gracious God, keep me from unseemly exultation,
that I may yet creep alow by the ground to Thine honour, and to the
recovery of the people from Egyptian bondage ! The Red Sea is yet
before me, the enemy are in pursuit, and the wilderness has shut us
in ; but we will, by His grace, 'stand still and see the salvation of the
Lord.' He will cleave a path for us through the mighty waters, and
ordain in our mouths a song of praise in the land of promise and of
hope. My supporters wonderfully firm ; had no whipper-in, yet they
stuck to me admirably. The Government — that is, Peel and Graham
evidently out of temper. This seems as much the cause of their
opposition as anything else. Their speeches, ingenious in argument,
but wretched in principle and feeling, purely commercial : Peel
urging a decay of trade ; Graham, an abatement of wages. Neither
touched my facts or ai'guments ; but most unfairly Graham spoke a
second time, and at great length, before others had spoken once.
Peel argued, in fact, against all interference, and then appealed to
the House on the merits of his Bill ! denounced our legislation with
factories as unjust, quoted the condition of thousands of children
who are as yet unprotected (passing, in truth, on me the old sneer
of the Millowners & Co., that I was one-sided), and speaking as
Prime Minister, in detail, of all these horrors, declared that he had
no thought of assuaging them. In the sight of God and man he
abdicated the functions of Government. A curious division. My
members included very many who represented the mightiest trading
constituencies, and this on a commercial question !
The Ministers have signified their intention to try over again the
whole question by a division on Friday next. The interval will be
employed in every Government method of influence and coercion.
What engine can I employ to counteract and extinguish their fire 1
They are unjust, bitter, headstrong, but powerful. I am alone, but
I commit all to God, who will maintain His own work.
It is a wonderful event, an especial Providence ; is there a pre-
cedent like it] A single individual, unaided by a party, with scarcely
d
34 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XII.
a man whom he could trust to second him, has been enabled to de-
feat the most powerful array of capitalists, overcome the strongest
domestic apprehensions, and the most powerful Ministry of the last
fifteen years 1 Struggle as they will, the question is passed ; it may
be delayed in its final accomplishment, but surely it cannot be re-
versed. God give us faith, faith, faith ! . . .
March 21st. — An oppressive weight appears to have been removed
from my shoulders, and yet I cannot recover my elasticity. I feel
like a man that has been stunned or bled. I am conscious of a
change, but hardly of relief : partly the effect of long habit, partly
the effect of the foreseen Government hostility (and their power is
great !). I find no real comfort but in beholding God as the author,
and, I pray, as the finisher, of this work in His blessed Son Jesus
Christ. Ministers quite mad, using every exertion, no reasoning,
no misstatement, no falsehood almost, spared ! Expresses sent off
the whole of Sunday. I offered to delay ' Ten Hours ' for two years
and a half. Every one satisiied except Peel and Graham, who are
furious in temper.
On March the 22nd the debate on the Ten Hours
Bill was resumed, and Lord Ashley, in a brief speech,
in which he summarised, from the Ileports of Factory
Inspectors and other authorities, the vast moral and
social benefits that would accrue from the curtailment
of the existing sj^stem of excessive labour, concluded
by moving that the blank in the eighth clause be filled
with the word "ten."
A long discussion followed, in which Mr. Cardvvell,
Mr. Brotherton, Lord John Manners, Mr. Ward, Sir
Eobert Inglis, and Mr. Charles Buller took part, and
at its close there was a majority of three (186 to 183)
against adopting the word " twelve " as proposed by the
Government. Lord Ashley's amendment that the word
" ten " should be inserted in the eighth clause wTas then
1844.] A GOVERNMENT STRATAGEM. 35
put, when all who had voted for "twelve " now voted
"No; " but, inasmuch as five who had previously voted
" No " again did the same, confusion once more pre-
vailed, and the result was that 188 voted against the
amendment, and 181 for it, and it was lost by a
majority of 7 !
The stratagem of the Government had succeeded.
The question was reduced to chaos. The Government
proposal for a Twelve Hours Bill, and Lord Ashley's
proposal for a Ten Hours Bill, had both been negatived,
and the Bill was in extreme jeopardy.
In these circumstances, Sir James Graham postponed
statins: what the Government would do, and moved that
the Chairman should report progress.
Lord Ashley bowed to the decision of the House,
acknowledged that for the present he was defeated, but
declared that he " would persevere to the last hour of
his existence, and he had not the slightest doubt that,
at no very distant time, he should, by God's blessing,
have a complete victory."
March 23rd. — Last night victorious in rejecting Twelve Hours by
186 to 183 ; defeated in attempting Ten Hours, by 181 to 188 ! Yet
the cause is mightily advanced. God, in His wisdom and goodness,
demands a little longer trial of faith and patience. The consum-
mation will then arrive, and it will be the more evidently seen to
be His own work. House very kind. Charles Duller made an
admirable speech. What ignorance of the House, of the country,
and of mankind, have the Ministry shown. Feeling is very often
far better than logic for a guide to conduct. What a patrimony
had Peel : the especial protection of the working classes, and he Las
cast it away ! The majority, in fact, included the larger propor-
tion of manufacturing constituencies, and certainly the best of tha
d 2
36 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XII.
Government supporters. The House of Commons never saw, before
these events, such an utter resignation of party-feeling on all sides
to the assertion of a great act of humanity. The influence of
Ministers, used unscrupulously and unsparingly, obtained at last
but a majority of seven, and that not in support of their original
proposition. . . .
March 25th. — Globe of this afternoon contains a most direct
attack on me — 'ambition, love of office,' &c, &c. — 'the Prince
of Cantei-s.' What a scene in the House last night ! The tiptoe of
expectation, every one anticipating an Eleven Hours Bill. I was
prepared to accept it, reserving to myself the power of moving
whenever I pleased. It would have settled the question for at least
two years. Graham, I am told, very hostile in Cabinet. Peel for
it ; determined, however, to resist. Graham notified his opposition,
and signified that all who supported me were entering on a course
of 'Jack Cade* legislation.' Indecent, foolish, and stupid; but he
did himself thereby irreparable mischief. Consideration of Bill, or
rather of withdrawal of it, deferred till Friday next.
March 26th. — Consultations without end ; annoyances of all
kinds ; unabated anxiety. Prayed heartily for counsel, wisdom, and
understanding.
March 27th. — Resolved to act in conformity with my first im-
pression, and allow withdrawal of Bill. . . . Did so, and Graham
pledged himself to bring in a new Bill. I can, therefore, do on this
what I could not have clone on the old Bill — take a debate and
division on the simple question of ten hours !
It was generally anticipated that the Government
would endeavour to effect a compromise by proposing
an Eleven Hours Bill. When, however, it became
known that Sir James Graham proposed to bring in a
new Bill, and to stand doggedly to the Twelve Hours
* " H. B." published a lively caricature on this. Lord Ashley as
Jack Cade, followed by Lord John Manners, Sir R. Inglis, and Lord John
Russell, advancing against Sir Robert Peel and Sir J. Graham on the
defensive.
1844.] SIR JAMES GRAHAM'S UNPOPULARITY. 37
principle, and when, moreover, he expressed this in
words and actions which were intolerable, the excite-
ment, especially among the operatives, became intense.
The Committees united in memorialising the Queen
against " the ill-advised perseverance in a course of
cruelty and injustice, of your Majesty's principal Secre-
tary of State for the Home Department, who has
avowed his intention of withholding all relief from
oppressed women and children, and has sought to effect
his object, by means most insulting to the faithful
representatives of your Majesty's loyal subjects in
Parliament, and tending to degrade the high office
bestowed on him by your Majesty."
At this period of his career, Sir James Graham was
one of the most unpopular men in the country. Except
by a few personal friends, he was almost universally
disliked; and it is not surprising to find in Lord
Ashley's Journals some strong comments upon his
character and conduct. The " novel and somewhat
questionable course " he had pursued in endeavouring, by
stratagem, to rescind the votes in favour of the Ten
Hours Bill, had increased his unpopularity generally,
and in a marked degree among the friends of factory
legislation. But Sir James Graham had not yet shown
the whole length to which he could go, when his will
was thwarted ; and in the near future he was to
make a display of some of those qualities which kept
alive his unpopularity. He had an overbearing manner,
which in itself raised opposition ; and, once having
become convinced on any subject, his mind seemed to
38 TEE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XII.
shut its eyes, and he plunged deeper and deeper into
partisanship. " He exulted, as a strong man, in the
power he possessed, and sometimes," says his biographer,
" it must be owned, its exercise savoured of tyranny."*
It did so during this year, when the Factory Bill was
the burning question in and out of Parliament ; and the
friends and foes of the movement were agreed in this
perhaps more than in anything else — a common dislike
to Sir James Graham.
" While no man more diligently or conscientiously
devoted himself to his public duties," says his
biographer, writing of this time, " or displayed more
aptitude and ability in their performance, it cannot
be denied that his personal unpopularity at this
period was extreme. Why was it so, and what was
the cause? The question was continually asked, and
every one had a different explanation to give. ' How
do you account for it?' said a mutual friend, standing
one day below the bar, to a noble Lord whom Sir James
had lately complimented highly in debate, and towards
whom he had certainly never shown anything like dis-
respect. ' How ? Why just look at him, as he sits
there, with his head thrown back, and his eyes fixed
on the windows over the gallery, as if there was no-
thing going on in the House worth his listening to.' "
Another distinguished supporter, when asked why so
many people hated him, replied, " He has cocked
his hat on the wrong side of his head, and depend
upon it that's a mistake not easily got over." There
* " Life of Sir James Graham," by T. M. Torrens, ii. 199.
1S44.] CHARACTER OF SIR JAMES GRAHAM. 39
was something more than this, however, to account for
it. His manner, always uncertain, was frequently com-
plained of by those who had occasion to see him on
business at the Home Office. An old and attached
friend, speaking of this period, says, " Though I never
found him anything but courteous, considerate, and kind,
others were certainly not so lucky. Whether it was
impatience at having his time wasted, when there were
a hundred calls upon it daily he could not satisfy, or
whether it arose from unconscious faults of manner, it
is certain that he had become the most unpopular man
in the Government. You could not go into the Carlton
without finding some self-important country gentleman
half inarticulate with rage at the way in which he had
been treated ' by that intolerable coxcomb, whom Peel
had been fool enough to put at the Home Office, and
whom he was resolved never, so long as he lived, to
speak to again!' ... To the arts of conciliation he seemed
to think it unworthy of a Minister to stoop. To policy
or reason he was ready to concede, but amid clamour he
grew sulky, and his answer to threats was generally
conveyed in a tone that savoured so much of arrogance
and scorn as to render their reiteration certain. He
would initiate change, if the initiation were left to him
and those he acted with. It was not his way to do
anything by halves ; but having once made up his mind
to a particular line of conduct, his disposition led him
to pursue it, unmindful of importunity or deprecation.
There was in him, it must be owned, sometimes too
much of a haughty and imperious mood, which especially
40 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XII.
betrayed itself in his demeanour as a Minister. He
seemed as though he were haunted by a morbid fear
of appearing (as he phrased it) ' to be hustled into
doing anything by the mere pressure from without,'
so long as he believed that pressure could be resisted.
. He spoke and acted in public like one who
fancied it a duty to flout demagogism, and to overawe
the voice of querulous or menacing remonstrance." *
It is true that this was not the whole man. In the
home circle he was another being, but, as his biographer
adds, " The man who was idolised by his family and
beloved by his friends, from the moment he crossed his
own threshold appeared to assume a repellent air and
mien, as though he were haunted by the fear of being
intruded on." f
In the interval afforded by the Easter holidays,
between the withdrawal of Sir James Graham's Bill
and the introduction of a new one, Lord Ashley, long-
ing for a few days' repose, went on a short visit to
Dover ; but the Diaries reveal how little real rest there
was for him while the great question on which his
heart was set was pending.
April 3rd. — Dover. . . . Read the Bible with the boys; a
■useful and agreeable morning ; beautiful day ; walked to the top of
Shakespeare's Cliff; enjoyed the scene, the refreshing air, the hope
of renewed strength, and fuller service. . . . Home at seven, very
tired. I often think, when fatigued, how much less my weariness
must be than that of the wretched factory women. It has, at any
rate, this good result — that I feel and make additional resolutions to
persevere in their behalf.
* " Life of Sir James Graham," ii. 227.
t Ibid., pp. 272-3.
1844.] THE SIMPLICITY OF FAITH. 41
April 4th. — I know not what feeling predominates when one
paces these shores and surveys the fortresses. All now seem quiet
— nay, almost lifeless ; yet, a generation ago, superhuman activity
and unprecedented alarm made man and nature rivals in destruction.
With what sentiments of thankfulness, what confessions of sin, what
remorse for oblivion of mercies, ought we to stand on this protected
beach and contemplate the opposite shores ; not a hostile foot — though
millions panted for our ruin — trod upon our soil ; every hour of
existence as a nation was a fresh mere}'. . . .
April 5th (Good Friday). — Do what you will you cannot so
entirely banish the past and disregard the future as to make the
mind rest solely, simply, exclusively on the present hour. ' This is
the day that the Lord hath made ; let us rejoice and be glad in it.'
Much do I desii'e it, but I am haunted, and I know I shall be
haunted, by debates, divisions, spectres of attacks, defences, failure,
success. I am of a very nervous and excitable temperameut ; an
impression once made is not easily effaced ; it hangs to me like a con-
science. . . . As I taught the little children to-day, it seemed to
me wonderful in how small a compass is contained the whole sum
and substance of Christian religion. Volumes without end, years of
study, years of controversy, immense thought, immense eloquence
all expended, and mostly wasted, to dilate or torture that which
may be comprehended by the understanding, and relished by the
soul, of a simple child. What will all the learning in the world,
all the meditation of the profoundest spirits, add to the plain
facts of the fall of man and his salvation by Christ 1 Little but
perplexity and the embarrassment of that which is intrinsically
simple !
April 6th. — Mill-owners have got out a manifesto contradicting
me on every point, and specially on ' the distances.' I hold to my
statements. If I be refuted, my career as a public man is over ; I
could never again make a speech in the House of Commons or else-
where. I should be proved to be as near to a liar as a man can well
be, short of the actual dealing in falsehoods. . .
April 12th. — Panshanger. Rode with William Cowper to
Watton. Saw Bickersteth.* Rejoiced to have some conversation
with him ; he is full of faith, and truly and dearly loves our Lord
* Rev. E. Bickersteth, Rector of Watton, Herts.
42
THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY.
[Vnxv. XII.
and Master. But there are few, like him, proof against temptation
and expediency in the hour of trial. . .
April 15th. — Wrote a few clays ago a challenge to Greg and
Ashworth to meet Fielden and Kenworthy and superintend the re-
measurement of the distances. Will they accept it or no % I think
not. However, I shall, thank God, have a triumph in either case. If
they attend, I must prove my accuracy ; if they refuse, I shall prove
their dishonesty. . .
There was a long paper warfare on this subject. The
letters are still in existence, but it would be needless to
quote them here. Suffice it to say that the challenge
was evaded, and the accuracy of Lord Ashley's state-
ment was proved by incontestable evidence.
The subject was one upon which he had evidently
taken immense pains to be strictly precise ; there are
many notes among his papers to show this. Here is
one, apparently of a date earlier than the present
controversy : —
A Table showing the distance over which a Piecer must walk daily
in attending a pair of Mules, spinning Cotton-yarn of 40 hanks
in the pound, at Bolton-le- Moors, the Piecers being usually of the
ages of 14 to 21.
The Spinner
"puts up" 2,000
stretches daily on
each of two Mules,
each Mule being
eighteen yards
long, and there
being three per-
sons to attend to
them.
O
4,000
-z o
fc"
Ph„2.
o
d ■
._ ^
o .
O
44,000
25
The distance
from Mule to
Mule will vary
a little in some
Mills, owing
to a scarcity
or abundance
of room.
1844.] ANOTHER GOVERNMENT STRATAGEM. 43
Sir Robert Peel saw, or thought he saw, a way out
of the difficulty connected with Lord Ashley's Factory
measures. It is referred to in the following entry : —
April 17th. — London. Well, what nextl Can I believe my eai's?
Old Bonham* informed me (stating, while he did so, that it was almost
a breach of confidence, inasmuch as no hint of any sort or kind was
to be given) that Peel had determined to offer me the Lord Lieu-
tenancy of Ireland, with almost unlimited powers, in respect especially
of the Church. It came out very naturally, arising from a conver-
sation in which we were engaged ; he lamenting that my position
rendered office impossible, and that such a state of tilings was a loss
to Government in general. Peel, he said, had told him, and Graham
confirmed it, that no one in the kingdom could effect such good in
Ireland ; no one but myself could grapple with the landlords and the
prelates and maintain, against influence, the rights of the working
clergy. He had, he added, done wrong in mentioning it ; it might
have the appearance of wishing to abate opposition by such an oiler.
He trusted to my saying nothing. No one but himself, Peel, and
Graham had any idea of the scheme. I listened in silence and
astonishment ; a little gratified, but not at all in doubt. I quite
admitted that I could, probably, do more with the Irish clergy
than most men at present. I said no more. He argued, and some-
what urged. Silent, not offended, not puffed- up, not beguiled, fully
resolved never to do or accept anything, however pressed by the strong
claims of public necessity and public usefulness, which should, in
the least degree, limit my opportunity or control my free action in
respect of the Ten Hours Bill. Peel had told him that he would
not even breathe the sidject until after the Factory Bill had been dis-
posed of. God give me a right judgment in all things ! O God,
grant that I may never be seduced by any worldly motive to abandon
truth and mercy and justice ! Keep me from all specious patriotism,
and alike from all fear of man's reproach ! . . .
April 22nd. — One thing now perplexes and annoys me. I per-
ceive, or fancy that I perceive, within the last few months, a great
diminution of intellectual power. I have no energy, no command.
* Bonham was " whip."
44 TEE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XII.
If I attempt to speak, my utterance is unsteady. I have no flow of
ideas, and not much more of language. I feel no confidence, no hope,
no satisfaction. I positively dread the necessity of presenting even a
petition. I never open my lips without a prayer to God, and yet I
tremble at the duty. All this adds greatly to my sorrow.
April 23rd. — Which is the more wicked, a covert or a bare-
faced rogue '? Peter Borthwick went this evening to Henry Baring
(who told me of it the instant after the transaction) and made a
proposal. 'Would you like to hear,' said Baring to me, 'a specimen
of public virtue] Peter Borthwick has just said to me, "I have a
motion to-night ; pray keep me a House. You remember how I
voted on the Factory Bill. I voted against the Government. Now,
if you will keep a House until I shall have made my speech I will
vote for the Government." Do not show me up,' said Baring. How
can I march through Coventry with such a tale as this]
On the 3rd of May leave was obtained to bring in
a new Bill, and the occasion was utilised by Mr. Ward
(Sheffield), Mr. Roebuck, and Captain Rous, to make a
series of attacks upon Lord Ashley. The Bill was so
worded that it would not admit of any amendment being
proposed on any of its clauses, and it was therefore
necessary for Lord Ashley to give notice that he would
move the introduction of a new clause to the effect that
no young person should be employed more than eleven
hours a day, or sixty-four hours a week, and that from
October 1st, 1847, these numbers should be reduced to
ten hours and fifty-eight hours respectively.
It was -a night, as he says, " of trouble and rebuke."
May 4th. ... I was the direct and indirect target. They fired
at me without mercy, and left me, like a portrait of St. Sebastian, shot
through and through by their arrows. Had not intended to make
any reply ; perhaps I felt incompetent, as I always do now. Strong
1844.] TEN HOURS BILL VIEWED COMMERCIALLY. 45
in my cause and conduct, weak in my capacity. Ward's accusation
against my knowledge, my statements, my veracity, rendered an
answer inevitable. What kind of answer 1 Not one of declamation,
but one of facts, that involved much reading of documents, and at
half-past ten at night ! Why did not Ward make his attack before ]
But as a man, wishing to be thought a man of honour, I could not
decline the challenge. Alas for my necessity ! I began and ended
amid cries of ' Question ' and ' Divide.' Appeal was in vain. The
House had heard Ward and Roebuck, but it would not hear me, and
I spouted my papers with a heavy heart, a parched mouth, a feeble
voice, a faltering tongue, and a hopeless pertinacity — a spectacle
of present and future exultation to those who hate me and seek my
confusion. I am certainly conscious of a decline in physical and
mental energy during the last three months ; the fact I perceive,
I cannot arrive at the cause. I have had no sense of comfort from
above ; I have seen no pillar of a cloud by day or of fire by night ;
my spirits do not rally ; fears seem to have obtained undisputed
possession of my whole system ; I labour under a notion of solitude
without external aid or internal assurance ; what or whence is
it 1 ... I have yet before me another conflict. I am languid, weary,
diffident ; many assail, and no one defends me ; I am utterly with-
out resource ; I neither possess nor seek the 'arm of flesh.' I tremble
at the prospect. I never felt so forlorn as I do now. What is it 1 I
had an inward conviction of support in every other case ; in Collieries,
in Education, in Opium ; here alone I have never experienced a
cheering thought, an invigorating grace. Am I right in my purpose 1
Is it according to God's will 1 . . .
In moving the introduction of the new clause on the
10th of May, Lord Ashley set himself to the task of
meeting the objections that had been urged against the
Ten Hours Bill on commercial grounds — namely, that
it would cause a diminution of produce ; that there
would take place a reduction, in the same proportion, of
the value or the fixed capital employed in the trade;
that a diminution of wages would ensue to the great
46 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XII.
injury of the workmen ; and, lastly, that there would be
a rise of price, and consequent peril of foreign compe-
tition. Having examined and refuted these arguments,
he continued : — ■
Sir, this House is now placed in a novel position ; it is sum-
moned to rescind its resolution, not because new facts or new con-
ditions have appeared, but because the Minister has declared his
hostility. Nothing has been stated that was not stated before — no
fresh knowledge communicated, no unseen dangers discovered. The
House is summoned to cancel its vote, not upon conviction, but to
save a Government. . . . Sir, the whole question of representative
Governments is at stake ; votes have been rescinded before, but
never such as this. You are almost declaring, to those who are your
m-dinary friends, they shall never exercise a vote but at the will of
the Minister. This is a despotism under the forms of the Constitu-
tion ; and all to no purpose ; for your resistance will be eventually
and speedily overcome, but your precedent will remain.
In concluding his vigorous denunciation, he uttered
prophecies which, singularly enough, were soon to be
fulfilled to the very letter, although the causes leading
to those results were then entirely unknown. He
said : —
The feeling of the country is roused ; and so long as there shall
be voices to complain and hearts to sympathise, you will have
neither honour abroad nor peace at home, neither comfort for the
present nor security for the future. But I dare to hope for far
better things — for restored affections, for renewed understanding
between master and man, for combined and general efforts, for large
and mutual concessions of all classes of the wealthy for the benefit
of the common welfare, and especially of the labouring people. Sir,
it may not be given to me to pass over this Jordan ; other and
better men have preceded me, and I entered into their labours ;
other and better men will follow me, and enter into mine ; but this
1844.] A CRISIS. 47
consolation I shall ever continue to enjoy — that, amidst much in-
justice, and somewhat of calumny, we have at last lighted such a
candle in England as, by God's blessing, shall never be put out.
As soon as the loud and continued cheering ceased, Sir
James Graham rose, and for once appeared to be unequal
to the task of answering the arguments arrayed against
him, endorsed as they were by so many of his own
party and supporters. And it may be noted, in passing,
that, although the debate lasted for two nights, there
was no one in the House who even attempted to over-
throw the arguments adduced by Lord Ashley. It was
evident to the Ministry that a crisis in its history
had come, and Sir James Graham declared it in these
words : — " Sir, I shall not be unjust towards the noble
Lord, whatever others may be ; and I am quite satisfied
that the cause which he has advocated this evening can
never fall into the hands of a better advocate. I am
quite satisfied that his motives are of the highest and
purest nature, and he is no less an able and powerful
advocate than I believe him to be a sincere one. He
has, however, said, that her Majesty's Government seek
to exercise a tyranny upon this occasion. Now, Sir,
with humble submission, I say that I am quite prepared
to bow to whatever decision this House may come
to upon this question, but I can conceive no tyranny
greater; — none greater upon the part of the Crown, and
I should certainly say that it would be the extreme
of tyranny on the part of a popular assembly, to ex-
pect that any Minister should remain responsible for
the conduct of public affairs when the representative
48 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XII.
assembly of the nation, bearing so large a portion of the
whole power of the Government of the country, demands
a course to be taken which that Minister, in his judg-
ment and in his conscience, believes to be fatal to the
best interests of the country. I must say, with perfect
submission and perfect frankness, that I leave this case
to the decision of the House ; but with equal firmness,
and with equal frankness, I am bound to state that, if
the decision of the House should be that the proposition
of the noble Lord should prevail, it will be my duty to
seek a private station, hoping that the decision of the
House may be conducive to the welfare of the country."
The debate was continued with great animation,
Lord Howick, Mr. Bernal, Mr. C. Buller, Mr. Ferrand,
Mr. Muntz, and others, supporting Lord Ashley ; and
Mr. Liddel, Mr. G. Knight, Mr. Mark Philips, and Mr.
Hoebuck, opposing him. Mr. Roebuck, who was always
a strong enemy to Factory Legislation, distinguished
himself by giving utterance to one of the most violent
speeches ever heard in that House, even from him.
At one o'clock the debate was adjourned.
May 12th. — Sunday. At last a day of repose ! Have been in a
whirl by night and by day — occupied and anxious all day ; sleepless,
or if sleeping, like a drunken man, all night ; my head quite giddy,
and my heart absolutely fainting ; too much to do, in quantity, in
variety, and importance. Delivered at last, by God's especial mercy,
on Friday night, of my burden, not only tvithout failure, as I felt at
the time, but also with honour, as I learned afterwards. Oh, what
trouble, time, and perplexity removed !
The adjourned debate was resumed on Monday, May
13th. It was evident that the great Parliamentary
1844.] A CRUSHING DEFEAT. 49
struggle upon the subject was approaching its end; the
fate of the Ministry was trembling in the balance.
Among the speakers was Mr. John Bright, who
again gave the hottest opposition, while Mr. Macaulay,
who had hitherto voted against all legislation on the
subject, now declared himself in favour of the Ten
Hours Bill, and supported it in one of his brilliant
orations. But the case was doomed when Sir Robert
Peel, having addressed the House for upwards of two
hours, concluded by saying, " I know not what the
result may be this night, but this I do know — that I
shall, with a safe conscience, if the result be unfavour-
able to my views, retire with perfect satisfaction iuto
a private station, wishing well to the result of your
legislation."
This was decisive. In the face of such a contin-
gency there were many who felt they could not do
otherwise than vote against the measure they approved,
in support of a Ministry whose malevolent action in
threatening to break up the Administration unless the
House of Commons rescinded the vote it had oiven in
favour of the Ten Hours Bill, they disapproved. On
the question being put, the House divided. Ayes, 159;
Noes, 297. Majority against Lord Ashley's amend-
ment, 138.
It was a crushing defeat, but it was evident to all
the friends of the movement that the future triumph
could not much longer be delayed ; and Lord Ashley
left the House reiterating his determination to renew
the subject at an early date.
50 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XII.
May 14th. — Last night defeated — utterly, singularly, prodigiously
defeated by a majority of 138!! The House seemed aghast, per-
plexed, astounded. No one could say how, why, and almost when.
It seemed that 35 or 40 was the highest majority expected. Such
is the power and such the exercise of Ministerial influence ! ! . . .
May 15th. — The majority was one to save the Government (even
Whigs being reluctant to turn them out just now), not against the
question of Ten Hours. . . . Freernantle went from one member to
another assuring them of Ministerial danger, and thus each man be-
lieved that his own vote was the salvation of the Government.
May 16th. — Dined last night at the Lord Mayor's feast. Found
much sympathy, as I do everywhere. This great majority far better
for the question than one of, say, 25. It proves that there was no
division against the principle, but one to save the Ministry; it
begets, too, a high reaction. Called on to return thanks for the
House of Commons. Did so, but expressed slight surprise that I
should have been summoned to that duty at that particular moment,
adding, however, that the House ' consisted of a body of gentlemen
who would, on all occasions, do what they (here was charity !) con-
sidered to be their duty.' Well received. Peel and Graham tried to
make fair weather with me afterwards. Did not rebuff them, though
I could not feel either friendship or esteem. . . Amply satisfied now
that I permitted the withdrawal of the Bill. Should have been de-
feated by an equal majority, and the question would have been
ended for the Session. But what should I have lost 1 The interval
has produced all these public meetings, all the witnesses they ex-
hibited, all the feeling they roused, not only throughout those
provinces, but the whole country, and, finally, I have obtained a
debate and division on the true issue of the Ten Hours, not on a mere
technicality. Have I not, moreover, saved the Bill with all its
valuable clauses about machinery and female labour ] A withdrawal
or a vigorous resistance to it would have prompted the Ministers
to proceed no further ; an amendment, stoutly maintained in com-
mittee on the second Bill, would have deterred them from the third
reading It is now gone to the House of Lords. O God, prosper it !
' Cast down, but not destroyed.' I feel no abatement of faith,
no sinking of hope, no relaxation of perseverance. The stillest and
darkest hour of the night just precedes the dawn. 'Though it tarry,
wait for it,' believing that God sends you a trial, and yet bears you
1841.] MINISTERIAL INFLUENCE. 51
up with a corresponding courage; and, although you may pass not the
stream of Jordan, it is something that God has permitted you to
wash your feet in the waters of the promised land.
It is interesting to learn from contemporary sources
what was the impression left on various minds by these
stirring incidents, especially when these impressions
were made on minds holding opposite views.
One specimen only can be given here. Mr. Charles
Greville says : — *
" I never remember so much excitement as has been
caused by Ashley's Ten Hours Bill, nor a more curious
political state of things, such intermingling of parties,
such a confusion of opposition ; a question so much
more open than any question ever was before, and
yet not made so or acknowledged to be so with the
Government ; so much zeal, asperity, and animosity ;
so many reproaches hurled backwards and forwards.
The Government have brought forward their measure
in a very positive way, and have clung to it with great
tenacity, rejecting all compromise ; they have been
abandoned by nearly half their supporters, and nothing
can exceed their chagrin and soreness at being so for-
saken. Some of them attribute it to Graham's unpopu-
larity, and aver that if Peel had brought it forward, or
if a meeting had been previously called, they would not
have been defeated ; again, some declare that Graham
had said they were indifferent to the result, and that
people might vote as they pleased, which he stoutly
* C. C. Greville's "Journal of the Reign of Queen Victoria, 1337-52,"
vol. ii., p. 236.
e 2
52 THE EAEL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XII.
denies. Then John Russell voting for ' Ten Hours,'
against all he professed last year, has filled the world
with amazement, and many of his own friends with
indignation. It has, I think, not redounded to his
credit, but, on the contrary, done him considerable harm.
The Opposition were divided — Palmerston and Lord
John one way, Baring and Labouchere the other. It
has b3en a very queer affair. Some voted, not know-
ing how they ought to vote, and following those they
are accustomed to follow. Many who voted against
Government, afterwards said they believed they are
wrong. Melbourne is all against Ashley ; all the
political economists, of course ; Lord Spencer strong
against him. Then Graham gave the greatest offence
by taking up a word of the Examiner s last Sunday, and
calling it a ' Jack Cade legislation,' this stirring them to
fury, and they flew upon him like tigers. Ashley made
a speech as violent and factious as any of O'Connell's,
and old Inglis was overflowing with wrath. Nothing
could be so foolish as Graham's taunt. He ought to
have known better how much mischief may be done by
words, and how they stick by men for ever. Lyndhurst
rubbed his hands with great glee, and said, ' Well, we
shall hear no more of " aliens " now ; people will only
talk of " Jack Cade " for the future,' too happy to shift
the odium, if he could, from his own to his colleague's
back. The Ministers gave out, if they were beaten last
Friday, they would resign ; but they knew there was no
chance of it. Some abused Ashlev for not g-oino- on and
lighting again, but he knew well enough it would be of
1844.] POPULAR FEELING OX "TEN HOURS" DEFEAT. 53
no use. The House did certainly put itself in an odd
predicament, with its two votes directly opposed to each
other. The whole thing is difficult and unpleasant.
Government will carry their Bill now, and Ashley will
be able to do nothing, but he will go on agitating
Session after Session; and a philanthropic agitator is
more dangerous than a repealer, either of the Union
or the Corn Laws. We are just now overrun with
philanthropy, and God knows where it will stop, or
whither it will lead us."
The Bill passed to the House of Lords as a Govern-
ment measure. It was warmly opposed by Lord
Brougham on the third reading, but it became law on
the 6th of June, 1844.
During the time that this great and memorable
struggle was proceeding in Parliament, the whole coun-
try was in a state of great agitation. Friends of the
cause held meetings in all the large towns to support
the action of Lord Ashley, whose movements the factory
operatives and their friends watched with intense interest
and anxiety. Among those who greatly assisted him
in his labours were Mr. B. Jowett, Mr. W. B. Ferrand,
Mr. John Wood, and Mr. William Walker, of Bradford,
while eminent clergymen, dissenting ministers, medical
men, tradesmen, and operatives, vied with one another
in placing at the disposal of Lord Ashley evidence to
assist him in his arguments, and sympathy to aid him
in his toil. To the press he was greatly indebted ; and
Mr. Walter, in the columns of the Times, gave very
material aid to the cause.
54 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XII.
The new law, although not giving all that was
required, was yet a distinct gain, as it acknowledged
and established a new principle — namely, that adult
female labour ought to be restricted.
Soon after these events, the political world wras
thrown into a state of great excitement by the rumoured
resignation of the Ministry. On the 14th of June
the Government were defeated in Committee on the
Sugar Duties Bill, by a majority of twenty ; and at a
Cabinet Council, held two days later, it was settled that
Ministers would resign unless the House accepted the
Bill as originally framed. On the 17th, Sir Bobert Peel
held out the threat of resignation unless the House of
Commons rescinded its vote of the 14th, a course which
Mr. Disraeli described as " dragging his supporters un-
reasonably through the mire," and denounced as a
species of slavery, inasmuch as, at eveiy crisis, he
expected that his gang should appear, and the whip
should sound. "The Minister," he said, "deserved
a better position than one that could only be re-
tained by menacing his friends and cringing to his
opponents."
The result of the division was a majority of twenty-
two (233 to 255) in favour of the Ministry !
Twice in one month had Sir Bobert Peel summoned
independent and responsible men to rescind their votes,
a course that Lord Ashley described as " neither con-
stitutional, loyal, politic, nor Christian - like." He
wrote a private letter to Peel on the subject, as
follows : —
1S44.1 RESCINDING VOTES. 55
Lord Ashley to Sir Robert Peel.
June 18, 1844.
My dear Sir Robert, — During ten years of active and anxious
opposition I, with many others, devoted all my efforts (feeble, it is-
true, but most sincere) to bring you to the great and responsible
station you at present occupy. I had no purpose of my own to serve,
nor have I now ; but I cannot control the feeling which overpowers
me, nor withhold an expression of sorrow, that the political confidence
which began so long ago, and has been, I protest, faithfully observed
on my part, should at last have received so fatal a shock. I wish
to speak openly, and I prefer this mode of a private letter to a public
declaration in my place in Parliament.
When you summoned the House of Commons to reverse its vote
on the Factory Question, much as I hated the proposition and dreaded
the precedent, I was disinclined to go further than a few remarks
which duty required of me ; the case touched me too nearly, and I
feared the influence of temper. A second instance, however, and in
a matter where I personally have no concern, has forced me to con-
sider my future conduct in respect of a Ministry which avows and
enforces such perilous principles.
I have no sensitive apprehensions of a gradual, though silent,
approach to a more open system of trade ; I should be prepared to
go with you further, in many points, than you have hitherto gone ;
but I do entertain very deep and painful apprehensions of the issues
of such a system as you developed last night. I think it unconsti-
tutional and tending to dictatorship, under the form of free govern-
ment. I am unwilling to use the several terms my reflection suggests,
by which I should designate the policy in its aspects towards the
country, your supporters, and, above all, the Queen. I can think of
it only with astonishment and grief, convinced that the mischief now
done is irreparable, and destined to hasten the evil day which, in,
God's just anger, has long impended over us, and yet might have
been averted. I do not speak from any personal resentment, because
I am not one of those to whom your remarks were addressed.
I gave no vote on Friday — I stayed away from the House —
being inclined to support Mr. Miles, and yet disinclined to oppose
you.
5G THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. IChap. XII.
I pursued the same course on Monday ; but the speech you then
made, and the events which followed it, have rendered it impossible
that I should continue to entertain the hopes and feelings of former
days ; and duty, perhaps, demands that I should not conceal from
you my opinions.
Very faithfully yours,
Ashley.
The above letter is thus alluded to in the Diary : —
June 20th. — Wrote a private letter to Peel yesterday. Hesitated
long whether to do so. Determined at last in the affirmative, because
it is right to undeceive a leader who believes, or may believe, that
one is an unqualified admirer and supporter ; and because, if all would
tell Peel the truth, which he never hears, he might be wiser and
better. But how placed is that man ! Experience, it seemed, was
about to do something for him ; the debate in the Commons, the
cast-down looks of his friends, the misgivings of his own conscience ;
— truth, in fact, was about to reach him, when, yesterday, a number of
time-servers and trucklers met together at the Carlton, voted, unani-
mously, an address of unlimited confidence, and turned aside the
conviction which might have led Sir Robert to nobler things. He is
now satisfied, because a hundred unauthorised men have 'repre-
sented ' the sentiments of thousands who think otherwise ! . . .
The following was Sir Robert Peel's reply : —
Sir Robert Peel to Lord Ashley.
Whitehall, June 20, 1844.
My dear Lord Ashley, — I hear, with sincere regret, both on
public and private grounds, that the course taken by the Government
on the question of the Sugar Duties induces you to withdraw from
the Government that confidence and support which were given by
you from pure and disinterested motives, and of which they were
justly proud.
I thank you sincerely, at the same time, for having conveyed
to me your feelings and intentions in a manner least calculated to
1844. DISSENTERS' CHAPELS BILL. 57
aggravate the pain which the intimation of them must necessarily
give.
Believe me, my dear Lord Ashley,
Very faithfully yours,
Robert Peel.
Eeferring to the above letter, Lord Ashley noted in
the Diary : —
June 22nd. — Peel wrote a kind reply, but assuming that I had
totally withdrawn all support. I replied that I should still vote for
most of his measures, but could repose no great confidence. That I
should never seek a leader among the Whigs. He rejoiced upon
that, and expressed his great satisfaction.
But I have done good ; his tone is altered ; he has spoken in
a conciliatory manner, and, in fact, cried ' peccavi.' I cannot doubt
that my letter has materially contributed to it. He knows that
though I have few followers in the House, I have many who think
with me in the country. But, alas ! the mischief is done, it can
never be repaired. A wiser policy may retard, but it cannot prevent,
the consummation. I am deeply, deeply grieved. I tremble for the
issue to the nation, and I cannot forget ancient friendships, ancient
hopes, ancient co-efforts with Sir R. Peel. So, as usual, I am
victimised for the public good. . .
Among the measures of this Session was the Dis-
senters' Chapels Bill, relating to the condition of pro-
perty vested in Unitarian trustees for religious and
charitable uses. Soon after the Eeformation, the Act of
Uniformity had rendered illegal any gift for such uses,
except to the Church of England. This restriction
was removed by the Toleration Act of William III., as
far as Trinitarian Nonconformists were concerned ; but
Roman Catholics and Unitarians were exempted from
the benefit. They, however, were relieved by statute
58 TEE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XII.
in 1S13. There was one exception to these acts of
toleration still outstanding. It was that which "left
endowments under deeds of gift which did not specify
sectarian tests of application, to be interpreted by courts
of equity as they might deem fit, on the doubtful
balance of proof as to the opinions of the donor; although
the effect of such decision might be to divest a congre-
gation of the place of worship, the cemetery, and school-
house they had uninterruptedly held for fifty years."
The Dissenters' Chapels Bill was designed to set at
rest the doubts and the ceaseless litigation occasioned
by the anomalous state of the law ; and although stoutly
opposed by the Church and by evangelical Dissenters, it
was carried, and passed into law before the end of the
Session.
In addition to this Bill, a lengthened debate on the
condition of Ireland, and, later, on the Irish Church,
occupied much of the attention of Lord Ashley during
the Session, and frequent reference to these questions is
made in his Diaries.
Feb. 24th. — Debate on Ireland closed this morning at a quarter
past three, after nine nights of discussion ; result favourable to the
Government, unfavourable to Church. Peel and his colleagues
amply justified their administration of Ireland, and their conduct
in respect of the repeal movement and O'Connell. The Protes-
tant Church was furiously and brilliantly attacked, and most feebly
defended. Every argument, ingenious and true, urged against it ;
scarcely one advanced in its behalf. The Ministers declared their
resolution to uphold it, but assigned no reason which could conciliate
any one affection or satisfy any one doubt. John Russell said truly
that 'all their prospective difficulties were but as feathers in the
scale compared with the magnitude of the existing evil.' The Church,
1844.] PEEL OX THE IRISH CHURCH. 59
in fact, is assailable on twenty points, defensible only on one, and
that one is, that it testifies and teaches the truth. This ground the
Peel Ministry will never take, and therefore, say what they will,
they will warm no hearts, and appeal. to no principles, and will have
nothing but dry, shop-like details of possible, or probable, incon-
veniences, to set against the stirring and dazzling facts and senti-
ments of the complaining party. I, for one, could not support the
Church in Ireland, on the sole grounds taken by Sir Robert
Peel. . . .
Feb. '27th. — Never did I hear such a speech from a Minister!
never may I hear such another, as that last night from Sir P. Peel
on the Irish Church ! If the Church is defensible on those grounds
only, I, for one, will vote against it. Half an hour of surprise that
Roman Catholics did not act up to the engagement of ' acquiescing
in the Church arrangements,' and half an hour in ringing the
changes upon this : ' I assume there must be an Established Church ;
the Roman Catholic offers me one set of terms, the Protestant
another ; I prefer the Protestant ; ' and here was his conclusion :
'I will not surrender the Irish Church except' (with my life 1)
'under some overwhelming necessity of public policy!' What,
thou Minister ! does the Church, then, rest on no principle 1 The
arguments of the whole clique have a strong afiinity in form and
disposition on every subject. Sir W. Follett said, on the Dissent
Bill, that though a Trinitarian might have founded a Chapel, Ave
had no reason to believe that he wished those who came after him
to preach the same doctrine ! and that inexplicable statesman, Mr.
Gladstone, intimated that all Dissent tended to Socinianism, and
that a vast portion of the founders were, in fact, Unitarians !
June 28th. — Dissenters' Chapels Bill read a third time and
passed. Privately objected to a division, but was overruled.
July 16th. — Lords last night affirmed Dissenters' Chapels Bill by
a majority of 161 ! ! . . . A public man, holding my position and
entertaining my views, and bepraised (for I cannot say ' supported ')
by a certain portion of the religious community, is oftentimes in
serious embarrassments. Some plan is proposed ; he is required
to assist it ; he urges against the possibility, or expediency, some
deductions of his experience ; he is secretly suspected, or openly
accused, of want of faith, self-seeking, or relying on an arm of flesh;
he exercises no judgment, and falls into the scheme ; he is baffled,
60 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XII.
and mischief ensues, Loth to the cause and to himself in reputation
for common-sense. Will these gentlemen define the rules and the
situations in which human judgment may be safely and lawfully
exercised 1
July 17th. — The assertion of principle, even, may be so timed as
to be injurious. We must consider the many who are weak and
timid, though well-intentioned. They are effectually discouraged by
abortive attempts, and not easily rallied. Thus we lose support
when we need it, and make them ' to offend.' . . .
The condition of the lunatic population of the
country, notwithstanding the legislation of 182S, still
left very much to be desired. In 1842 Lord Granville
Somerset had asked leave to bring in a Bill to extend
the Metropolitan system of inspection to the provinces,
and to appoint barristers as Inspecting Commissioners,
who should devote themselves exclusively to the service,
it having been found that the supposed annual visits of
magistrates frequently never took place at all. Lord
Ashley supported the Bill, which passed into law in July
of that year.* The Metropolitan Commissioners, now
invested with larger powers, thoroughly investigated the
state of the English and Welsh asylums, and presented
to Parliament in 1844 a valuable report, fitly called
" the Doomsday Book of all that, up to that time,
concerned Institutions for the Insane." It revealed a
deplorable state of things, however, in many asylums,
notwithstanding the various Acts of Parliament that
had been passed; but its publication laid the foundation
for wiser and more comprehensive enactments, in the
passing of which Lord Ashley was to take a leading
part.
* Hausard, 3 s., bd. 806.
1844.] REPORT OF LUNACY COMMISSIONERS. 61
He notes in his Diary : —
July 2nd. — Finished, at last, Eeport of the Commission in
Lunacy. Good thing over. Sat for many days in review. God
prosper it ! It contains much for the alleviation of physical and
moral suffering.
' It lias been well said that the services which Lord
Ashley rendered to this cause alone, would have carried
his name down to posterity in the front rank of English
philanthropists. His untiring labours in connection
with it ceased only with his life.
On the 23rd July he brought forward a motion for
an address to the Crown, praying her Majesty to take
into her consideration the Report of the Metropolitan
Commissioners of Lunacy, as, in the following Session,
the statute under which they acted would expire. He
called upon the House to consider in what form and to
what extent power should be confided to an adminis-
trative body for the government of lunatics throughout
the kingdom, and stated that " it was the duty of the
House to prescribe the conditions under which a man
should be deprived of his liberty, and also those under
which he might be released ; it was their duty to take
care that for those who required restraint, there should
be provided kind and competent keepers, and that, while
the patient received no injury, the public should be
protected." In commenting upon the immunity from
visitation of houses for single patients, he said : "A
power of this kind ought to be confided to some hands
that would hunt out and expose the many horrible
abuses that at present prevailed. No doubt there were
62 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XII.
many worthy exceptions, but the House had no notion
of the abominations which prevailed in those asylums.
It was the concession of absolute, secret, and irrespon-
sible power to the relatives of lunatics and the keepers
of the asylums, and exposing them to temptations
which he believed human nature was too weak to
resist." There was the temptation to keep patients
from recover}^, because the allowance (often as much as
£500 per annum) would then cease. So strong was his
opinion of the bad effect of this, that, if Providence
should afflict any near relative of his with insanity, " he
would consign him," he said, " to an asylum in which
there were other patients and which was subjected to
official visitation." The only control they had over
single houses was, that if patients resided more than
twelve months in one of these, the owner of the house
must communicate the name of the patient to the Clerk
of the Commission. This rule was either disregarded, or
evaded by removing the patient every eleven months.
The second class of houses to which he called
attention was the county asylums.
The total number of lunatics and idiots chargeable to unions and
parishes on the 1st January, 1844, was 16,821 : in England 15,601 ;
in Wales, 1,220. In county asylums there was provision for no
more than 14,155 persons, leaving more than 12,000, of whom there
were in asylums under local acts 89, in Bethlehem and St. Luke's
121, in other public asylums 343, while others were disposed of
otherwise, leaving in workhouses and elsewhere 9,339. Although
a few of the existing county asylums were well adapted to their
purpose, and a very large proportion of them were extremely well
conducted, yet some were quite unfit for the reception of insane
1844. PRIVATE ASYLUMS. 63
persons. Some were placed in ineligible sites, and others were
deficient in the necessary means of providing outdoor employment
for their paupers. Some also were ill-contrived and defective in
their internal construction and accommodation. Some afforded every
advantage of constant supervision, and of not giving any profits to
the superintendents, so that it was not necessary that the keeper
should stint and spai-e his patients in the articles necessary for the
curative process, with the view of realising a profit.
After specifying certain admirably managed county
asylums, he pointed out that twenty-one counties in
England and Wales had as yet no asylum whatever.
The expense of construction was one cause that had
operated to check the multiplication of these institu-
tions, some asylums having been erected on too costly a
scale, and others being much too large. It was far
better to erect two establishments of a moderate size in
different parts of a county, than one enormous central
building.
In speaking of the private asylums, which, on the
previous 1st of January, contained 4,072 patients, Lord
Ashley pointed out the evil of a system by which a
profit had to be made by the superintendents out of
pauper patients, who were taken in at a rate as low
as seven or eight shillings a week. It often happened
that an old mansion, transformed into an asylum, was
the residence of the superintendent and a few private
patients, while the paupers were sent into offices and
outbuildings.
After pointing out some of the glaring cases of
cruel neglect and ignorant and brutal treatment, detailed
in the Report, he said : —
64 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Caw. XII.
To correct these evils there was no remedy but the multiplication
of county asylums, and if advice and example failed, they ought to
appeal to the assistance of the law, to compel the construction of an
adeqiiate number of asylums over the whole country. If constructed,
however, on the same principles as had been adopted in many of those
now existing, they would be little better than useless, and mere
hospitals for incurables. Great beneBt, it was to be observed, as well
as great saving of expense, resulted from the application of curative
means at an early stage of insanity.
The keepers of all the great asylums stated that numbers of
persons, especially pauper lunatics, were sent there at so late a period
of the disease as totally to preclude hope of recovery. It was the
duty of the State to provide receptacles for the incurable patients,
apart from those devoted to the remedial treatment ; it would be
necessary also to enact that the patients should be sent without delay
to the several asylums.
He then adduced many facts and statistics to show
the importance of treating lunacy in its early stages, as,
where the practice had been adopted, the most beneficial
results had followed, while an opposite policy led to
confirmed madness, with little or no chance of recovery.
Turning to the question of restraint, he paid a high
tribute to "those good and able men, Mr. Tuke, Dr.
Hitch, Dr. Corsellis, Dr. Conolly, Dr. Vitre, Dr. Charles-
worth, and many more, who had brought all their high
moral and intellectual qualities to bear on this topic, and
had laboured to make the rational and humane treatment
to be the rule and principle of the government of lunacy."
Lord Ashley concluded his speech in these words : —
These unhappy persons are outcasts from all the social and
domestic affections of private life — nay, more, from all its cares and
duties — and have no refuge but in the laws. You can prevent, by
the agency you shall appoint, as you have in many instances prevented,
1844.] TREATMENT OF LUNATICS. 03
the recurrence of frightful cruelties ; you can soothe the clays of the
incurable, and restore many sufferers to health and usefulness. For
we must not run away with the notion that even the hopelessly mad
are dead to all capacity of intellectual or moral exei'tion — quite the
reverse ; their feelings, too, are painfully alive. I have seen them
writhe under supposed contempt, while a word of kindness and
respect would kindle their whole countenance into an expression of
joy. Their condition appeals to our highest sympathies,
'Majestic, though in ruin;'
for though there may be, in the order of a merciful Providence, some
compensating dispensation which abates within, the horrors manifested
without, we must judge alone by what we see ; and I trust, therefore,
that I shall stand excused, though I have consumed so much of your
valuable time, when you call to mind that the motion is made on
behalf of the most helpless, if not the most afflicted, portion of the
human race.*
On the assurance of Sir James Graham, that the
matter should receive attention next Session, Lord Ashley,
after a short debate, which served to draw public atten-
tion to the subject, withdrew his motion.
Mr. Sheil spoke in the debate, on the condition of
criminal and pauper lunatics in Ireland, and concluded
with a eulogy upon Lord Ashley in these words : "It
is a saying that it does one's eyes good to see some
people, and I may observe that it does one's heart good
to hear others ; one of those is the noble lord. (Cheers.)
There is something of a sursum corda in all that the
noble lord says. Whatever opinion we may entertain of
some of his views, however we may regard certain of his
crotchets, there is one point in which we all concur —
* Hausard, 3 s., lxvi. 1257. Shaftesbury's Speeches, p. 141.
/
G6 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XII.
namel}', that his conduct is worthy of the highest praise
for the motives by which he is actuated, and for the
sentiments by which he is inspired. (General cheers.) It
is more than gratifying to see a man of his high rank,
not descending, but stooping from his exalted position,
in order to deal with such subjects — not permitting him-
self to be allured by pleasure or ambition, but impelled
by the generous motive of doing good, and by the
virtuous celebrity by which his labours will be rewarded.
It majr be truly stated that he has added nobility even
to the name of Ashley, and that he has made Humanity
one of ' Shaftesbury's Characteristics.' ' * (Much cheer-
ing from all sides.) f
July 24. — Last night motion on Lunacy — obtained indulgent hear-
ing. The speech did its work so far as to obtain a recognition from
the Secretary of State that legislation was necessary and should be
taken up in my sense of it. Sheil made a neat allusion, by way of
compliment, to my great-grandfather's works. He added, too, ' the
noble lord's speaking is iisursum corda kind of eloquence;' this is the
most agreeable language of praise I have ever received; it is the very
style I have aimed at.
July 25. — My friend, the Times, in character as usual, charges
me with weakness. How can I be otherwise, not having in the House
even a bulrush to rest upon 1 ' No politician ! no statesman ! ' I never
aspired to that character ; if I did, I should not be such a fool as to
attack every interest and one half of mankind, and only on the behalf
of classes whose united influences would not obtain for me fifty votes
in the county of Dorset or the borough of Manchester. ' Rides but one
hobby at a time ! ' Of course ; a man who cannot afford to keep a
* It will be remembered that the third Earl of Shaftesbury was fhe
author of the well-kuown hook called " Ckaiacte.istics of Meu and
Maimers."
f Times, July 24, 1844.
1844.] PLACING A SOX AT SCHOOL. 67
groom, if he be rich enough to have two horses, must ride them
alternately. I have no aid of any kind, no coadjutor, no secretary,
no one to begin and leave me to finish, or finish what I begin ; every-
thing must be done by myself, or it will not be done at all.
Exceptional as were the public demands, in variety
and extent, upon the time of Lord Ashley, he did not
allow the claims of private and social life to pass
unrecognised. How he managed to get through his
labours, is a mystery only to be understood by those
who have made a study of the economy of time. It
was a mystery to himself, and he makes frequent entries
in his Diary like the following : —
So grievously hurried that I have not time to record anything.
Hurried in body and mind ; longing for a few days of repose
In bed late ; up early.
There are scattered throughout the Diaries, however,
very graphic indications of matters that were filling his
mind with joy or sorrow ; of duties and engagements
accomplished, and of plans and projects for the future.
In the early part of this year he placed his eldest son
at school in the Isle of Wight ; and a glimpse of his
fatherly solicitude is given in the following entries : —
January 2nd. — Dear Antony is about to start for school. I can-
not bear to part with him ; he is a joy to me.
March 4th. — What a blessed letter Minny received from
Antony this morning ! So simple, and yet so deep in its feeling and
its truth. Oh, well can I understand the gracious and precious
wisdom, the more than manly intelligence, that shone in the hearts of
Josiah and King Edward ! 0 God, make him, like Samuel, to walk
before Thee, in youth and in age, with joyful obedience, unwearied
service, and ever-increasing love.
J *
63 THE EAEL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XII.
June 28th. — Yesterday to Isle of Wight to fetch Antony, and
to-day returned with him. Praised be Thy holy name, 0 God,
for all Thy mercies to us and to him ! I found him well, happy,
and full of gracious promise. Minny went with me, and also
Francis, Maurice, and Evelyn. Very expensive ; hut we had in-
cautiously made the promise. Children hold much to such
engagements ; and the loss of money is of less account than the loss
of confidence. Admirable school ; all the care of solicitous parents,
with the encouragement of every manly thought and exercise. His
master is watering the seed that, by God's grace, I was permitted to
plant ; He alone can, and will, give the increase.
The claims of friendship were not lost sight of in
the pressure of other engagements.
March 17th. — Minny and I saw Mrs. Fry yesterday on the -bed
of sickness. Kissed her hand to show my respect and love. That
woman has, assuredly, been called to do God's work, and love her
blessed Lord and Master. May He yet spare her for further service,
and then take her to Himself.
It was only when a demand was made upon his time
that could do no more than gratify his own personal
pleasure, that he refused to comply with it.
June 12th.- — The Emperor of Russia is here, and firing away in
visits Have never in my public life been more hurried than
during last month ; not an hour to do anything, not a minute to
reflect. God grant that my engagements be good, for they are all-
absorbing ! Would have given a great deal, as the phrase is, to talk
to the Emperor ; did not succeed. Saw him at Chiswick ; fine-
looking man, though old for his years ; an accomplished and skilful
performer, shrewd and penetrating, knowing his audience, and supple
enough to bend to all their habits and requirements. Transmitted
to Kew on the Saturday evening (he sailed on Sunday), through
Brunnow, an addi-ess in behalf of the Jews, signed by the Bishops
of Ripon and Winchester, Lords Luton, Roden, and myself, Sir T.
Baring, Sir G. Rose, McCaul. and a few others. ' Charlotte
1844.] VISIT TO FAREHURST. 69
Elizabeth' * the mover and agent of the proposition. I had disapproved
of attempts to obtain personal interviews, cfcc, thinking the Czar had
a right to his incog, if he pleased, and that we ought not to take him
at an advantage. The memorial, however, being laid before me, I
could not refuse to attach my name, but on three conditions : — 1st,
that no reference was made to any past events, so as to imply a
censure ; 2nd, that no personal interview was to be demanded ; 3rd,
that it should be presented the last thing before his departure.
Address admirably drawn.
It was not until August that Lord Ashley obtained
the rest he had so long desired ; and even then it was
but partial repose. On the 3rd of August he reached
Hyde, in the Isle of Wight ; but the entry following
this record shows that on the 7th he " hurried up to
town to be sworn in as Commissioner in Lunacy — heard
and resolved to expose some shocking Welsh cases."
Then back again to the Isle of Wight ; but it is clear
that his mind was otherwhere.
August 10th. — Visited Parkhurst to-day with Jebb.t What a
harvest of misery and sin ; actual sin, prospective misery. Vain,
very vain, these corrective processes ; yet they must be attempted,
and duty must lord it over hope. One heart may be touched, and
one soul may be saved ; and it is worth all the trouble and all the
expense. But how ignorant and how criminal is the nation — quite
as ignorant, and far more criminal, than these wretched boys — which
permits, by its neglect, these tai'es to be sown, and then tediously
labours to uproot them ! . . . .
August 17th. — Long and solitary walk by sea-shore; much and
agreeable meditation. Thought over the example and history of
* " Charlotte Elizabeth" (Mrs. Tonna), a popular writer, especially for
the young. In her Factory and Jewish stories she gave an account of Lord
Ashley's aims and exertions, and greatly popularised them. " Judah's
Lion " was one of her tales that had an exceptionally large circulation.
t Colonel Jebb was head of the Convict Department.
70 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XII.
Daniel as a model and guide for statesmen. The scantiness of
his biography much to be l'egretted in this sense — his position and
conduct as Minister of the Empire of Babylon, a beacon and a pole-
star for the helmsmen of modern kingdoms. He ruled a nation
of religious belief diametrically hostile to his own. What was his
policy 1 What his action 1 A right understanding of this great and
good man's government would open the eyes and smooth the path of
a ruler in Ireland ! You would learn how Ministers can deal with
religionists of a different complexion, leave an established faith un-
touched by power, and yet l'etain their own integrity.
A few days later he paid a visit to St. Giles's
House.
August 23rd. — St. Giles's. 'Dear earth, I do salute thee with
my hand.' Left all my kids, Antony excepted, at Ryde. My heart
misgave me as I saw baby straining her darling little face through
the bars of the pier to get a last sight of us. ' I commit them unto
God, and to the word of His grace.' . . . Here I am in perfect soli-
tude, an immense house, a wide garden, hardly the step of a human
being, and no sound but that of a distant sheep-bell ; it is a moment
to reflect on God's prodigious and undeserved goodness to me and
mine. ' What am I, and what is my house, that Thou hast brought
me hitherto 1 '
August 28th. — Heard this morning of the death of W. Fry.* I
am deeply grieved ; a worthy man, a friend of the poor, and a devout
believer. It is a most serious loss to those who desire to see many
and mighty improvements in public and private conduct. I am
indebted to him for requesting me to undertake the Opium Question,
and for immense aid in the execution of it. I had hoped for still
further aid in the next Session.
Sept. 2nd. — Ryde. To Portsmouth to see the gun-practice of the
Excellent, commanded by my old friend Sir T. Hastings. ... If
the Government and nation would show half the zeal to defend
themselves from the Devil that they do from the French, we should
speedily become a wise and an impi-egnable people. . .
* William Storrs Fry, son of Mrs. Elizabeth Fry.
1844.1 TOUR IN FACTORY DISTRICTS. 71
Towards the end of September came the renewal of
anxiety and work in a journey through the factory
districts.
Sept. 26. — May God turn the hearts of the mill-owners and give
me grace in their eyes ! What a blessing were I quit of this under-
taking, and able to direct my efforts to other and untrodden fields !
Glad to be with my ancient and well-beloved friend Lady Francis ; * I
ever remember her in my prayers. They have built a tine house here;
they have done well to plant themselves, despite of tlie unpleasant
neighbourhood, in the midst of their duties and responsibilities.
Many people of wealth would have fled to brighter spots ; may God
bless them in their dwelling with years of peace and usefulness !
Sept. 27th. — I see by the papers that Dunn, the proprietor of
the Chinese Collection, is just dead. Thus I have lost in six weeks
two men (him and Fry) who most ably assisted me in the Opium
Question. How mysterious are the ways of God ! Well did old
Hooker say : ' The little we perceive thereof we darkly apprehend and
admire ; the rest with religious ignorance we devoutly and meekly
adore ! '
The campaign of Lord Ashley in the manufacturing
districts was very arduous, but it was well worth all the
toil. He saw, as he had never done before, how many
of the mill-owners, desperate in adversity and unthink-
ing in prosperity, were playing with men as with nine-
pins. He saw, in other cases, a growing readiness to
accept a limitation of hours to eleven, if not to ten, on
the ground that it would be physically and morally desir-
able. He went minutely into the question of " distances "
travelled during the day by the operatives, and found
that, despite the contradictions, he had rather understated
* Lady Francis Egerton, afterwards Couutess of Ellesmere. She was
a sister of Mr. Charles Greville. Lord Francis Egorton's place was
Worsley, near Manchester.
72 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XII.
than overstated them. lie perambulated the towns to
see for himself the actual condition of the people, the
filth and pallidness of house and person, and he sum-
marises some of his thoughts and plans thus : —
Oct. 17th. — Manchester. Returned yesterday morning. Great
hiatus in notes of life and thoughts ; very busy. What have I done
or seen 1 Must put in order for easier recollection. Saw at Gaw-
thorpe the two brothers of Shuttleworth — very pleasing and excellent
youths ; great zeal in tliat house for the working-people ; may God
prosper it ! Much work and good wages in all parts : hand-loom
weavers even in affluence ; wages advanced in many places. Will it
last? There are many experienced men who shake their heads; I
have repeatedly asked the cause (on human calculations) of this
activity ; have never received an approximation to an answer — the
operatives themselves distrust the period. Horner tells me there
are 300 new investments (great and small) of capital in the cotton
trade, which will partly show themselves in nearly fifty new mills.
When will the time arrive at which prosperity will show itself in
the erection of fifty new churches 1 Saw Dugdale's magnificent mill
at Lower-House, also his print-works. Saw, too, the fine works of Mr.
Thomson, near Clitheroe. An infinite number of small children in
these works for the luxury of men. This must be my next under-
taking ; ' Feed my lambs' is the command of our blessed Lord. May
He give me grace to conceive and execute a plan for the advancement
of His adorable Name, and for the welfare, temporal and eternal, of
many thousand souls. God helping me, I will go to it in the very
next Session. . . Went on 11th to Bradford. Put up with Minny
and W. Cowper at Walker's house. Peace be to that house — peace
of body and of soul — and to all that dwell in it. Saw the mill ; can
one view it, ought one to view it, without tears of thankfulness and
joy1? Order, cleanliness, decency, comfort, reciprocal affections
prevail ; there are the spirit and language of Boaz, and the spirit
and language of his servants — 500 children, under thirteen years
of age, are receiving daily the benefits and blessings of a bringing
up in the fear and nurture of the Lord. What a power to possess,
what a design to execute ! The little things broke into a loud
cheer ; it went to my very heart. Heard them conclude the studies
1844.] PROGRESS OF FACTORY LEGISLATION. 73
of the clay in united and touching prayer ; the form was beautiful,
and the singing reached the soul. . .
Lord Ashley met the Lancashire Central Short-Time
Committee, and a few of their friends, at the Brunswick
Hotel, to receive an address. In thanking them for it,
and for their appreciation of his services, he paid an
eloquent tribute to all the workers who had aided in the
agitation, and particularly to Nathaniel Gould, of Man-
chester ; the late Michael Thomas Sadler ; John Wood,
of Bradford ; Mr. Brotherton, Mr. Fielden, Mr. Oastler,
and Mr. Bull, men who, " when the question was sur-
rounded with greater hazards than it is at present, did
not fear to come forward and declare, in the face of con-
tempt, and prejudice, and power, that, by the aid of
God's blessing, they would strive against every diffi-
culty, and persevere until they had brought the struggle
to a successful termination."
In reviewing the position of the question, and con-
trasting it with that of sixteen years before, he enumerated
some of their gains, which were : an enactment limiting
the labour of children to six hours a day ; protection
against accident, death, and mutilation, from the un-
guarded state of machinery ; and the important pro-
vision that no woman, of whatever age, should be
employed in any mill or factory more than twelve hours
a day. He explained to those who were not conversant
with the forms of the House of Commons, the difficulties
that had beset the matter in the last Session of Parlia-
ment, showing how the Bill was in constant jeopardy and
how a false step would have caused the loss of it, the
74 TEE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XII.
object being to preserve the Bill, in order to get what
good they could from it, and at the same time to remain
faithful to the main principle of the Ten Hours. In
concluding, he denied that he was the enemy of the
factory masters, or of the factory system. " I am an
enemy of the abuses," he said, " but not of the system
itself," and he exhorted them to go forward with strength
and resolution, promising, on his own part, that he
would persevere with an unbroken and determined spirit
until a happy consummation of their united labours
should be reached.
During this visit a deputation waited on Lady
Ashley at the Albion Hotel to present her with an
address in which her self-sacrifice was recognised, and
the aid she had given to the cause, in consoling and
sustaining their leader in his arduous toil, was gratefully
acknowledged.
Oct. 19th. — London. Have called on many master-spinners.
Hear that they are gratified. Did so before I met operatives. Ad-
dressed a body last night. Admirable meeting ; urged the most
conciliatory sentiments towards employers ; urged too the indis-
pensable necessity of private and public prayer if they desire to attain
their end. Told what I felt, that unless religion had commanded my
service I would not have undertaken the task. It was to religion,
therefore, and not to vie, that they were indebted for benefits re-
ceived ! What a place is Manchester — silent and solemn ; the rumble
of carriages and groaning of mills, but few voices, and no merriment.
Sad in its very activity ; grave and silent in its very agitation. In-
tensely occupied in the production of material wealth, it regards
that alone as the grand end of human existence. The operatives,
poor fellows, to a man, distrust this present prosperity. Have
visited print works, Mr. Thomson's, Clitheroe ; Mr. Dugdale's, near
Gawthorpe; Mr. Field's, Manchester. Thirty-five thousand children,
1844.] TIME, THE SEED OF ETERNITY. 75
under 13 years of age, many not exceeding 5 or 6, are worked, at
times, for 14 or 15 hours a day, and also, i>ut not in these works,
during the night ! Oh, the abomination ! Now, therefore, God
helping me, I will arise and overthrow this Philistine. Oh,
blessed Lord and Saviour of mankind, look down on the lambs
of Thy fold, and strengthen me to the work in faith and fear, in
knowledge, opportunity, wisdom, and grace !
Soon after his return to London, Lord Ashley began
to revolve in his mind the programme for the Session,
and resolved that he would devote his energies, in the
first place, to the Ten Hours Bill, to a Bill for the
Protection of Children in Calico Print- Works, to a
Lunacy Bill, and, after that, to such other matters as
occasion offered.
His Diaries at this time are very full, and a few
extracts will show the current of his thoughts and the
scope of his aspirations : —
Oct. 26. — Everything now is rushing %t the 'landed proprietary;'
its overthrow is aimed at, illuc cuncta vergere. The comparative
prosperity of other branches of industry brings forward agriculture
in invidious contrast, and this feeling will continue, and perhaps
increase, until the day of manufacturing convulsion. Entails, primo-
geniture, large estates, etc. : all to be got rid of. Many even of
the Conservatives incline that way ; they perceive difficulties in
our social state, and catch at any solution. If so, the thing will be
done, and God prosper the issue ! But strange it is that all improve-
ment and salvation should be found in the overthrow of the "land-
ocracy," while the enormous accumulations of banking, trading, mill-
ing are to be petted and praised as the very fountains of universal
joy ! . . . Shall be much criticised and hated for the character of
my speeches to the workpeople ; am, nevertheless, satisfied that I
am quite right. The ' time ' that I seek in their behalf must be con-
sidered and treated as the seed of ' eternity ; ' if it be not so it will
certainly be useless, and probably lead to evil. This has been my
76 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XII.
object from the beginning, to persuade the working man to reverence
the religion which prompts toil, anxiety, endurance, and self-denial
on the part of others for his sake. . .
Oct. 30th. — London. Fogs, smoke, muffin bells. Much need of
internal light and joy ; very little external, yet promise myself occu-
pation and amusement even. Must look up Societies, Committees,
&c, and attend Police Courts. Must define clearly to my own mind
what I shall aim at just now, and confine myself, if possible, to it.
Nov. 3rd. — Sunday. Windsor Castle. Arrived yesterday. At-
tended service in St. George's Chapel ; exquisite chanting ; cold and
comfortless discourse, and yet better than the one I heard some two
or three years ago. Queen and Prince Albert at private chapel in
Castle. . .
Nov. 9th. — Good deal of business. No repose. Sittings renewed
in Lunacy. What a scene of horrors ! If such be the condition of
things under all our inspection, law, public opinion, and the whole
apparatus of 'philanthropy ' (what a sad word !), what must it have
been formerly, and what would it be again in a state of pure principle
of non - interference 1 Long interview with Roper, secretary to
Society for Protection of Needlewomen. I find, as usual, the clergy
are, in many cases, frigid ; in some few, hostile. So it has ever been
with me. At first I could get none ; at last I have obtained a few,
but how miserable a proportion of the entire class ! The ecclesiastics,
as a mass, are, perhaps, as good as they can be under any institution
of things where human nature can have full swing ; but they are
timid, time-serving, and great worshippers of wealth and power. I
can scarcely remember an instance in which a clergyman has been
found to maintain the cause of labourers in the face of pew-
holders. . . .
Nov. loth. — All sorts of things. First, I do not quite flourish in
town at this time of year. Good deal of work. Very little air and
exercise, and yet no repose. The loss of my periodical exercise on
horseback is very sensible. I am the worse for it. Met Pottinger
at dinner yesterday and to-day ; he is an opium man ; denies many
of the evils, and contends for the legalisation of the trade ! I talked
to him a good deal, and, strange to say, he seemed to know very
little about it ; nevertheless, there will be an aptness of men's minds
to accept and believe him, and I shall pass for a fanatic and an
exaggerator.
1844.] RUGBY AND ETON. 77
Nov. 18th. — Visited Peckham Asylum on Saturday last. Long
affair — six hours. What a lesson ! How small the interval — a hair's
breadth — between reason and madness. A sight, too, to stir appre-
hension in one's own mind. 1 am visiting in authority to-day. I may
be visited by authority to-morrow. God be praised that there are any
visitations at all ; time was when such care was unknown. What an
awful condition that of a lunatic ! His woi'ds are generally dis-
believed, and his most innocent peculiarities perverted ; it is natural
it should be so ; we know him to be insane : at least, we are told that
he is so ; and we place ourselves on our guard — that is, we give to
every word, look, gesture a value and meaning which oftentimes it
cannot bear, and which it never would bear in ordinary life. Thus
we too readily get him in, and too sluggishly get him out, and yet
what a destiny !
Nov. 21st. — Went yesterday to Rugby to examine the physical
and moral aspect of the place and see whether it would be a good
school for Antony. Hope— nay, think it will do ; universal
testimony, so far as I hear, in its favour from all who have sons
there. Saw Dr. Tait, and Cotton, the tutor ; both advised the age
of fourteen as, on the whole, the best ; much, said they, will depend
on the position he takes when he enters the school ; ' The great
advantages we offer are found in the higher grades ; every advance
in rank is regarded by the boys as involving an increase of respon-
sibility.' I fear Eton ; I dread the proximity of Windsor, with all
its means and allurements ; dread the tone and atmosphei*e of the
school ; it makes admirable gentlemen and finished scholars — fits a
man, beyond all competition, for the drawing-room, the Club, St.
James's Street, and all the mysteries of social elegance ; but it does
not make the man required for the coming generation. We must
have nobler, deeper, and sterner stuff ; less of refinement and more
of truth ; more of the inwai'd, not so much of the outward, gentle-
man ; a rigid sense of duty, not a ' delicate sense of honour ; ' a just
estimate of rank and property, not as matters of personal enjoyment
and display, but as gifts from God, bringing with them serious
responsibilities, and involving a fearful account ; a contempt of
ridicule, not a dread of it ; a desire and a courage to live for the
service of God and the best interests of mankind, and by His grace to
accomplish the baptismal promise : ' I do sign him with the sign of
the Cross, in token that hereafter he shall not be ashamed to confess
78 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XII.
the faith of Christ crucified, and manfully to fight under His banner
against sin, the world, and the Devil, and to continue Christ's faitliful
soldier and servant unto his life's end.'
Graham has asked me to undertake the Lunacy Bill, promising
to treat it as a Government measure. Prodigious work ! but cannot
refuse to lighten the burden on a Minister's shoulders. Agreed on
condition of full Government support in every respect. Oh, that I
might prosper and do something for those desolate and oppressed
creatures !
Nov. 26th. — Many starving people in the streets ; an alms here
and an alms there very unsatisfactory ; no effectual or permanent
good clone ; a very small iota of the mischief abated. It makes me
miserable, never absent from my thoughts, like having a bad taste
always in one's mouth. "Where is the root of the evil 1 It cannot
be inevitable to have so many poor. Poverty, of course, we must
have, but not, surely, deep and extensive destitution. It is wrong,
awfully wrong, that so many able-bodied and willing labourers should
want employment and bread. What can be done]
Nov. 28th. — Heard that Sir C. Napier was carrying 'judicial '
murder in Scinde ! Do not doubt it. The country was acquired by
fraud, insolence, and bloodshed, and, as Sallust says, must be main-
tained by the same means ! Will it be given to me to prosper in my
three works— Time Bill, Print-Works Bill, Lunacy Bill 1 Shall I,
by God's blessing, taste the fruit of these labours'? I fear not.
Thoughts of a great scheme for relief of people pass through my
mind. Would it be a measure of relief, or an aggravation of distress 1
Repeal duty on tea to one-sixth of present amount ; sugar the same;
repeal the malt tax totally, and the Corn Laws at the end of five
years ; keep on the income tax, raised to five per cent, for ten years.
I like the scheme very much.
Nov. 30th. — A fellow has taken the trouble to sneer against me
all across the Atlantic. Received this morning a New York paper
with a prodigiously long account of a game-law case in England.
On the margin, in manuscript: 'A case for Lord Ashley's philan-
thropy, from an American slave-holder.' Untrue in respect of me,
for I hate, and have always hated, these excessive preservations of
birds and beasts ; illogical in respect of the analogy, for there is no
similitude between the trade in human flesh and the over-rigid
custody of cock pheasants !
1844.] THE " STURMIXSTEB SPEECH." 79
Dec. 1st — Sunday. To St. George's in afternoon. A melancholy
sight : the parish church, with a handful of 'genteel folks,' and not
twenty square inches of space for the vulgar fry, choked up by
monopolising pews, excluding and affronting the working man !
Dec. 3rd. — Yesterday took chair of meeting on behalf of wretched
seamstresses. Good Heavens ! that in such a cause there should
have been so scanty an assemblage ! Happily, we had foreseen the
event, and had proportioned our room to our expectations. The
place of meeting was small, but, being tilled, assumed a dignity it did
not possess. No ' quality,' no wealth ; people very highly respectable.
My chief supporters, always zealous and kind, W. Cowper and Red-
mayne, the wholesale dealer. . . .
It will be remembered that in 1S39 the long
estrangement between Lord Ashley and his father
was followed by a hearty reconciliation. Unhappily,
that reconciliation was not to remain unclouded. The
career Lord Ashley had adopted, and the causes he had
espoused, were not such as met with the sympathy of
his father, and ever since the speech at Sturminster in
1843, in which he had spoken plainly of the responsi-
bilities of landed proprietors, there had been a growing
coldness, which had resulted as shown in the following
entry : —
Dec. 16th. — St. Giles's. The Sturminster speech is not forgotten.
It is one of the ingredients of his hatred* Curious occurrence : the
League are reviling me for doing nothing, at the moment I am turned
out of my father's house for doing too much.
Dec. 19th. — League busy; letter this morning to say that an
attack was to be made by Cobden on me, drawn from state of
dwellings at Martin and Damerham.f Duncombe tells me that a
spy has been there for three days. God be with me ! I am innocent
* The allusion is to Lord Shaftesbury.
f Martin and Damerhaui were outlying spots on his father's estate
80 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XII.
as a child unborn, and yet it seems that they will strip me at last of
all power to effect anything in the House of Commons. I commit
it all to God. He will yet deliver me.
Dec. 24th. — Christmas Eve. Bx-oadlands. ' Hallowed and gracious
is the time.' To-morrow a great day will be celebrated throughout
the Christian world ; brave ceremonies, sermons, processions, litanies,
and prayers, and yet millions will neither feel nor hear the benefit of
the Heaven-sent gift. A few may be comforted, a few exalted, a few
inspired by love and strengthened in their course, but the mass of
mankind will be cold to this most mighty reminiscence, this almost
incredible mercy of God, our common Father ! What a season for
united action, for mutual and reconciling prayer, for self-knowledge,
for self-abasement, for inquiry who we are, what we are, whence we
are, why we are ! . . .
Dec. 28th. — Private hints and my own suspicions have led me
to believe that my 'favour' has been, for some time, on the decline in
the county of Dorset. I have said but little, excepting my speech
at Sturminster ; but I am disliked, not only for what I have said,
but for what I have omitted to say. I cannot do as George Bankes
does — attend the agricultural meetings and farmers' clubs, and roar
out about Protection, the superhuman excellence of landlords, the
positively divine character of tenants, tickle the ears with fulsome
flattery, and rise in popularity as you rise in declamation. The
labourei's are generally ill-treated in houses and wages ; the gentry
and farmers know the fact, and know, too, that I think so ; hence
their aversion ! The proceedings of the late agricultural meeting at
Blandford confirm my opinion. I was mentioned but once, and my
name — amid cheers and three times three to many others — attracted
there but a cold ' Hear, hear.' It was introduced by Bankes clearly
not to honour me, but to furnish an attack on the Anti-Corn-Law
League. Well, let them do as they like ; I know— and God be
praised for it — that I am right ; and I will not abate one breath of
my lips to save the seat for the county. Nothing but bulls of
Bashan ; I am encompassed on every side.
CHAPTEE XIII.
1845.
Retrospectant! Forecast — The Irish Secretaryship— State of Calico Print-Works —
Bill to Regulate Labour of Children therein — At St. Giles's — Defenceless
State of Dockyards and Coast — Tractarian Movement — Mr. Ward Censured
and Deprived of his Degree— Converts to Rome — Maynooth — Sir Robert
Peel's Bill for Increased Grant — Excitement in the Country — The Bill
Carried — Sympathy with Ireland — Speech on Maynooth — The Evangelical
Fathers — Jews' Society — Death of Bishop Alexander — The Railway Mania
— Two Bills on the Lunacy Question — The Regulation of Lunatic Asylums
— The Better Treatment of Lunatics — Both Bills Carried — Appointment of
Permanent Lunacy Commission — Insanity of the Poet Cowper — The Society
of Friends — Tour in Manufacturing Districts — A Coming Storm — The
Potato Disease — Commission of Inquiry Appointed— A Letter to the Times —
Its Reception — Changes of View on Corn Laws — Letter from Lord John
Russell — Resignation and Re-appointment of Sir Robert Peel — A Painful
Alternative.
In the Ten Hours movement, there was little to he
done during this year, except to watch the working of
the new Bill, and to keep the Committees well together,
especially now that those who were pledged to Ten
Hours were reinforced by such powerful allies as Lord
Palmerston, Lord John Russell, Lord Ho wick, and Mr.
jVIacaulay.
The subject, however, was never out of Lord Ashley's
mind, and in an early entry in his Diary for the year we
find him reviewing his position : —
Jan. 11th. — It will be a singular thing if this great and much-
agitated question ends in a mere vapour; if the labours of twelve years,
and the anxiety and notoriety of forty, commissions and committees,
9
82 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XIII.
disclosures of sinfulness, cruelty, and peril, that make one's head to be
sick, and one's heart to be faint — terminate as tranquilly and entirely as
though nothing had been known and nothing attempted ; neverthe-
less (humanly speaking) such an issue appeal's to be most probable ;
1 can hardly anticipate a longer period (if so much) for efforts in the
House of Commons than the duration of the coming Session. Should
I be removed to the House of Lords. I shall be taken to an assembly
where it would be vain to propose siich measures, and I should leave
the other without a successor to my office. Is there any one who
would undertake the career from which I should have been removed 1
I know not the man. It is possible that the duty now would not be
so burdensome and painful • it is possible that, Moses-like, I may
have been a humble instrument to bring the people to the borders
of Jordan, while to some Joshua, at present unseen, may be given
the honour and delight of leading them into Canaan ; but if it be not
so, and any one be called to pass through what I have already passed
through, he will not do it willingly. Here are twelve years of
labour, anxiety, and responsibility, especially the first and the four
last ; but every year since 1836 has been one of toil and preparation,
though nothing, by defect of opportunity, may have appeared in
public. Eight years of open support and of suppressed antipathy
from the Conservatives tchile in Opposition ; three years of coldness,
and one of decided resistance from the same when in Government.
By taking this course of declaring and endeavouring to alleviate the
wrongs of the working people, I have made many enemies and shaken
the confidence of many friends. I have roused the manufacturing
interest and the Anti-Corn-Law League. Their fury knows no
bounds, and is incapable of repose ; papers of all kinds are levelled
at my motives and character, and their emissaries hunt me even intff
private life. The landed gentry, though more cautious, are sadly dis-
trustful, and begin to believe that, as much may be said on both sides,
my mouth had better be stopped, and nothing be said at all. I have
lost every political and many private friends. The thing has entered
into social life. The Quarterly Revievj even, and Lockhart, are gone
over to Peel. Except Fielden, Brotherton, and Inglis,* I am certain
of no one in public. I have borrowed and spent, in reference to my
income, enormous sums of money, and am shut out from every hope
* Sir Robert Inglis.
1845.] THE IRISH SECRETARYSHIP. 83
of emolument and every path of honourable ambition. My own near
kinsfolk dislike my opinions, and some persecute me. I am now a
sufferer in domestic relations, and I am excluded from my father's
house, in no slight decree because I was known to have maintained
the cause of the agricultural labourer. No one but myself can esti-
mate the amount of toil by da}r and by night, of fears and disappoint-
ments, of prayers and tears, of repugnances contended against and
overcome, of long journeys, and unceasing letters ; and will all this
have no greater result than the simple and resisted issue of the
Colliery Bill % ' I will stand on my watch-tower and will see.'
Not once or twice in his career had Lord Ashley
been agitated already by the question of accepting- or
refusing office. Whenever that question came to him,
it filled his mind with conflict. He was patriotic to the
core, and the responsibility of declining to accept any
position that would give him larger means of benefiting
the country, weighed heavily upon him. On the other
hand, the temptations to accept office were very great ;
his name was almost as familiar on the tongues of men
as that of the Premier ; there were large bodies of
the people who looked upon him as the one upon whom
their hopes were fixed, as the leader in all great social
and religious questions : he was still young, with a
young man's proper and laudable ambition ; and, more-
over, his private means were altogether inadequate to
the demands upon them.
Jan. 24th.- — Brighton. Colonel Wyndham has lent us his house,
and here we are ! Saw Bonham yesterday. Asked him who was to
be successor to Lord Eliot as Secretary for Ireland. ' Why should not
you take it V said he. ' The Factory Question,' I replied, 'stands in
the way.' ' Oh, no,' he rejoined, in a strain of droll logic, ' that is
an English question, and has nothing to do with Ireland. There may
9 2
84 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XIII.
be perhaps some difficulty on your part to accept Peel's measures for
Ireland, but I can see no other.' He then showed me a letter from
Sir J. Graham which he had just received. ' Is Ashley quite out of
the question for the Irish Secretaryship 1 The Factory Question is
settled, and he would find ample room for all his activity and for the
exercise of all his warm feelings in that career.' I remarked, ' There
would be enormous difficulties.' ' Doubtless,' he said, ' but would
you refuse in limine to talk with Sir Robert on the subject 1 ' ' iSo,
because I think that it would be a duty on my part to hear what the
Prime Minister had to say in urging any one to assist him in public
affairs.' ' It will be offered,' he continued, ' to Sidney Herbert, who
does not wish to go there ; but other situations will be open to him
by arrangements now in progress.' He added, among other things,
that I was desirable as a ' married man.' . . I walked home with
him, and talked on other matters. As we parted I said, ' I shall
keep your secret, but I must tell you that I see portentous difficul-
ties.' He proceeded to sweep away some questions of detail. ' Mine,'
I rejoined, ' are difficulties of principle.' Strange, strange, strange.
God give me wisdom and judgment and zeal ! A heart, above all
things, bent on His service and man's welfare, quite regardless of
man's opinion. Sir R. Peel may surrender the ' Ten Hours.' It is far
from likely, but possible, and just so likely as to render it unpardon-
able to me to break off all hope by pride and haste in the onset. If
he yield the point, I must, however greatly I detest it, accept office.
I fear the trouble, the crosses, the snares, the associations, too, of red
tape ; weak, unprovided, and unprosperous as I am, my career lies
among the questions and labours of social interests. He closed by
saying : ' After all, you may never hear of this again.'
Feb. 1st. — As Bonham said, 'I have heard no more of it;' it
would have been to no purpose, for nothing should have, or shall,
induce me to surrender these social and moral questions. Many
changes ; Gladstone goes out, I know not why ; Knatchbull, because
Peel is sick of him ; Sir T. Freemantle to Ireland ; S. Herbert and
Lincoln to seats in the Cabinet. It will be a Cabinet of Peel's dolls.
Cunning fellow ! How adroitly he has tarnished and then dismissed
the two ' farmers' friends ; ' thus he would dispose of every one either
actually or prospectively troublesome to him ; and so he would have
done with me.
Feb. 4th. — Bonham told Jocelyn that on Saturday night a special
1845.] CHILDREN'S EMPLOYMENT COMMISSION. 85
messenger was ready to fetch me up from Brighton that Peel might
offer me the Secretaryship for Ireland ; they learned, however, from
him, that I was firm on the Factory Question, and they would not,
therefore, expose themselves to a refusal.
Yeb. 5. — Peel expressed to Jocelyn his earnest, most earnest, wish
that I could be induced to take office — very likely. Graham, too,
said the same ; spoke of the folly of my perseverance ; that the thing
was hopeless ; and that I kept up bad feelings ! Bad feelings 1 Why,
I never called any one Jack Cade ! ' But,' added Sir James (it is
curious to discover their calculations), ' he will soon be removed to
the House of Lords ; he can do nothing with his Factory Bill there '
(most true), ' and then he will be sure to join us.' So here is their
device, to run their opposition against my father's life in the sure
and certain hope that an elevation (!) to the House of Lords is a
death-blow to my exertions ! 0 Lord, I besesch Thee again and
again, for Christ's blessed sake, turn the counsel of Ahithophel into
foolishness !
Feb. 7th. — Bonham confirmed to me yesterday evening all that
Jocelyn had said respecting the intended application to me to take
office, and then desired, in a very kind and friendly spirit, to learn
from me whether I considered myself as engaged to decline the
service of the country, until the Factory Question should have been
carried, adding that he could not regard such a decision as in any
way justifiable. I replied that ' so long as I had the opportunity
of asserting this great principle with even a shadow of success, I
was so bound.' He then spoke of the futility of the endeavour, and
hinted my prospective and speedy submersion in the House of Lords,
&c., &c. My unwillingness to take office, I rejoined, arose, not only
from the resistance made by the Minister to the Factory Bill, but
from the language and conduct of Peel and Graham on all social
questions, which I considered, in the sight of God and the welfare of
man, to be essential to our existence and honour.
Although, as we have said, there was little to be
done for the present in regard to the Ten Hours Bill,
Lord Ashley's attention was much engaged upon a kin-
dred subject, the Report of the Children's Employment
86 THE EAEL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XIII.
Commission, for which he had moved in the year
1840, and especially on the state of the Calico Print-
works. The lives of the poor wretched children who
were engaged in this branch of industry were made
miserable by reason of their cruel bondage. Employ-
ment began generally at from seven to nine years of age,
although there were cases known of children beginning
to work at three or four years old. The hours were al-
ways long; lasting, for young girls, as well as for adults,
from sixteen to eighteen hours a day, amid circum-
stances and conditions that were fearfully injurious to
health. The rooms -in which the work was carried on
were hot and unhealthy, and in the " singeing room "
the air was always full of small burnt particles, which
irritated the e}*es intolerably, so that all the children
were more or less affected with inflammation and other
diseases of the e}-es. The nature of their work was
distressing, as it required unremitting attention ; their
arms they had to keep in a continual rotatory motion,
and they were upon their feet the whole time they were
at work. The wages of these poor children were ex-
tremely low ; their education was totally neglected ;
and they were being ruined in body and soul by their
long hours of labour, often protracted far into the night.
Altogether, the young calico printers seemed to be
about the most miserable class o'f workers to be found
in the industrial population.
On February the 4th, Parliament was opened by the
Queen in person, and on the 5th, Lord Ashley gave his
notices, and obtained, by ballot, precedence for his motion
184.1] CHILDREN- IN CALICO Pit INT- WORKS. 87
respecting children occupied in Print-works. The in-
terval, as usual, was full of suspense, and every day his
hopes and fears are recorded, and all his thoughts run
in the direction of his labours. Thus he writes : —
February 7th. — The progress of crime, both in amount and in-
tensity, is dreadful ! How mysterious are the ways of Providence !
Why is it that children of the tenderest years are subjected to the
hercest tortures 1 God give us His Holy Spirit to amend our hearts
and lives, for we are desperately wicked- — they who do such things,
and we who do not prevent them. Shall I deliver my poor children
in the Print-works 1 God be with me !
February 9th. — Brighton. For days, and almost for weeks, I
have prayed, in the words of Lot, ' Give me this Zoar : behold, it is
but a little one.' This day that chapter was read as the first lesson;
and then came the reply : ' See, I have accepted thee in this thing
also.' I felt it almost like an answer from Heaven that I should
rescue my children in the Print-works, and, like the Israelites, ' T
bowed the head and worshipped.'
On February the 18th Lord Ashley moved, in the
House of Commons, " That leave be given to bring in a
Bill to regulate the Labour of Children in the Calico
Print- Works of Great Britain and Ireland." Although
the subject was much akin to others he had brought
forward, and the nature of the evidence was of necessity
almost identical, he startled the House, and eventually
the country, by the revelations he made as to the con-
dition of these oppressed and almost forgotten children.
In earnest and eloquent language he pleaded their
cause, dwelling upon every point that could touch the
heart of the House and draw forth sympathy to the
sufferers, yet avoiding any expression reflecting on the
conduct and character of individual Print-masters.
88 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XIII.
He was at a loss to conceive on what grounds an
opposition would be made to his proposal, the third in
the series he had brought before that House ; but he
hinted at the possibility in these words : —
Sir, in the various discussions on this and kindred subjects there
has been a perpetual endeavour to drive us, who seek the aid of the
law, from the point under debate, and taunt us with a narrow and
one-sided humanity ; I was told that there were far greater evils
than those I had assailed — that I had left imtouched much worse
things. It was in vain to reply that no one could grapple with the
whole at once. My opponents, on the first introduction of the Ten
Hours Bill, sent me to the collieries ; when I invaded the collieries,
I was referred to the Print-works ; from the Print-works I know not
where I shall be sent, for can anything be worse 1 Yet, if I judge by
what I have heard and read out of doors, I conclude that it will be
to the Corn Laws ; but let me appeal to the most zealous advocate
for their abolition, and ask him what their repeal could do more for
the benefit of the manufacturing classes than perpetuate the present
state of commercial prosperity 1 We have cheap provisions and
abundant employment ; but what, nevertheless, is the actual con-
dition of these children 1 The repeal of the Corn Laws would leave
these infants as it found them, neither worse nor better, precisely in
the condition in which they are, in those countries where no Corn
Laws prevail — in France or Belgium. Whatever it might do for
others, it would do nothing for these ; but I solemnly declare that, if
I believed the removal of the impost would place these many thous-
ands in a position of comfort, and keep them in it, I would, in spite
of every difficulty, and in the face of every apprehension, vote at
once for the entire abolition.
Sir, it has been said to me, more than once, ' Where will you
stop V I reply, without hesitation, ' Nowhere, so long as any portion
of this mighty evil remains to be removed.' *
The Bill, which received some opposition, and was
also subjected to some mutilation in its passage through
* Speeches, p. 165.
1845.] CHILDREN IN CALICO PRINT-WORKS. 89
the House, became law on June 30th as " The Print-
Works Act, 8 and 9 Vict. c. 29." Its provisions were
akin to those of the Factoiy Act of the previous year,
and contained similar clauses as to inspections and penal-
ties. The Act was defective, however, in many of its
provisions, Lord Ashley's proposals having been modi-
fied on lines suggested by Mr. Cobden. But, although
it did not remove all the evils, it mitigated many, and
the condition of the children was greatly ameliorated
thereby.*
Feb. 21st. — Time so occupied and harassed, no leisure for entry.
Print-works speech over on 18th. The House is weary of these nar-
ratives of suffering and shame ; the novelty is past, and the diffi-
culty, the apparent difficulty, of a remedy remains ; it catches,
therefore, at any excuse for inattention, and damns the advocate for
the toiling thousands, by courteous indifference. Civil' and even kind
to myself personally, though manifestly tired of the subject and
somewhat of me. Here is another burden added to my shoulders,
already bruised and peeled, to fight against an averted and reluctant
audience. Sir James complimentary, cold, hostile, subtle, admitted
the Bill, and made preparations to throw it out ! Public opinion,
too, either dead to the woe or preoccupied by trade ; not a newspaper
will give one syllable to the wrongs of these miserable whelps ; and
yet, how, without public opinion, can I make the least progress 1
However, be this as it may, I will against hope believe in hope ; I
will not throw up the cause ; I will, God helping me, persevere ; I
may have to mourn over the blighted prospects of these children, but
I shall find peace for myself.
March 26th. — Panshanger. Up at 7. Bright and soft morning.
Birds singing in a variety of notes. It is inspiriting and beautiful — a
general and cheerful prayer of all nature to God, the Author and
Preserver of all. ' Let everything that has breath praise the Lord.'
Aye, children in Print-works no less than birds and beasts and
* Yon Plener's "Factory Legislation," p. 35.
90 THE EAllL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XIII.
creeping things : but a fierce resistance is begun, fierce as though their
strongholds were assailed by a legion of angels. Alas ! J stand
alone ; not a ' penny-a-liner' with me : all dark, dismal, silent; but I
shall yet 'expect'
March 31.— Beautiful morning — seems to tempt one from duty
and business and make one idle. I could live in the country with
joy, but I must, <b)d willing, first accomplish my task in the active
haunts of men.
Although there were so many questions pending, and
under treatment, in which Lord Ashley was personally
engaged, he was not in any way indifferent to 1he
general drift of public affairs. On the contrary, his
Diaries abound in comments upon these, although it is
beside our purpose to record them here ; but the follow-
ing passage, relating to the defenceless state of our
coasts in those days, will be read with interest: —
March 31st. — This evening Navy Estimates iu House of Commons.
Who will ably and effectively exhibit the defenceless condition of our"
dockyards, and the whole line of our shores? Never was a great
nation, humanly speaking, in such a state of exposure. Steam-boats
have brought our antagonists to our level, and wind and tide have
ceased to be both our informants and our allies. Yet we repose on
former victories, believe in former . skill, and are assured of former
impunity for our coasts. Vain, presumptuous, and perilous self-
sufficiency ! A few hours, a surprise, a small squadron, might now
effect what many years, and a declaration of war, and the Meets of
Europe, could hitherto have found impossible. A combined move-
ment from Cherbourg on Portsmouth and Plymouth, open and un-
defended either by ships or batteries, might lay all our arsenals in
ruin, plunder the whole of our stores, and burn the entire range of
our future navies — the vessels in ordinary ! Any twenty-four
hours would suffice for the whole work ; the thing would be done
before an answer could be received from the Admiralty to the notifi-
cation that the French were in Portsmouth Harbour! Now, here is
the proof of it, and never has God in His mercy, no, not even to
1845.] DEFENCELESS STATE OF COASTS. 91
Hezekiah as against Sennacherib, exhibited a more singular and special
providence. Sir Thomas Hastings told me that he had received and
reported officially to the Government the intelligence that during the
negotiations respecting Tahiti, the French had collected in the
harbour of Cherbourg eight steam-vessels equal to the Corner, fully
equipped for wai', with troops on board, and ready to start at a
minute's notice — the commander would have learned, by telegraphic
despatch, that the negotiations were at an end, and, without declara-
tion of war — for such, says the Prince de Joinville, is now unneces-
sary— would, in sixteen hours, have reached both Portsmouth and
Plymouth ! What was there to oppose them 1 Absolutely nothing.
Not a steam-boat within a day's sail, not a gun-boat in the Harbour,
not a cannon mounted on the batteries to fire even a salute ! Had
they landed 10,000 men they might have kept possession for an in-
definite time ; three weeks at the least would be required to adapt
the mercantile steam navy for war purposes ; and had Woolwich been
occupied (and access to it is most easy), where would have been our
only means of defence 1 Where, then, would have gone our naval
supremacy, our Colonies, our foreign possessions'? in how many years
could we have replaced our loss1? It is awful to think of. We must,
in calling our few troops to the defence of the coasts, have left to the
lawless multitude, Ireland and the manufacturing districts — internal
and external terrors and peril at the same moment ! All this was
confirmed on the visit of the King of the French to England the other
day ; he spoke to John Pussell, who mentioned it to Palmerston,
from whom I have it. 'A war between England and France,' said
he, ' is much to be deprecated ; we should gain some advantages at
first, though we should, on the seas, be worsted in the end. I am glad
that our negotiations on Tahiti terminated favourably ; I should have
been grieved to do any injury to your capital, the seat of civilisation
and humanising commerce, but I was advised to make an attempt on
London, and I should have been successful.' To be sure he would.
Palmerston remarked that this was somewhat of a threat. I take a
very different view. The King knows well that his dynasty depends
on the position of England ; and he gave this as a hint for our
advantage, and not as an expression for insult ! AVell, well may wo
exclaim, ' O God, we have heard with our ears the noble works
that Thou hast done in our days ! '
92 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XIII.
In the ecclesiastical world, the sky was thick with
clouds and the air with portents. It was in this year
that the Tractarian Movement may be said to have
reached its crisis. Although Lord Ashley had keenly
watched every fresh development of the controversy,
he had not, hitherto, owing to the pressure of other
matters, taken much active public part in it. The stages
hy which the present position had been reached ma}r
be briefly told in this place. Early in 1844, Keble had
written: "We go on working in the dark, and in the
dark it will be, until the rule of S}rstematic confession is
revived in our Church." Later on he had complained
that it was impossible to ascertain the moral and
religious condition of the people " for want of being
able to use the arm of confession." Towards the end
of the year, Dr. Pusey had declared that he neither
could nor would subscribe the Articles of the Church
in the sense in which they were propounded by those
who framed them. Many public meetings were held in
various places, and it was the burden of their protests
that the High Church Party was attempting to bring
back into the National Church usages which were
associated in the minds of the people with the supersti-
tions and corruptions of Rome. Throughout the year
1S45, excitement ran high, notwithstanding the address
in the early part of that year by the Archbishop of
Canterbury, in which he recommended to the clergy and
laity mutual forbearance and concession on the points in
dispute between the Tractarian and the Anti- Tractarian
parties.
1845.] MB. WARD'S CENSURE AND DEPRIVATION. 93
On February the 13th there was a meeting of Con-
vocation at Oxford, to condemn a book written by the
Eev. George Ward, M.A., entitled, " The Ideal of a
Christian Church, Considered in Comparison with Exist-
ing Practice," and to deprive the writer of his degree,
on the ground that passages in his book were utterly
inconsistent with the Articles of Eeligion of the
Church of England, and with the declaration in respect
of these Articles, made and subscribed by Mr. Ward
previously, and in order to his being admitted to the
degrees of B.A. and M.A. respectively.
On a division, the condemnation of the book was
carried by 777 votes against 38G, giving a majority of
391 against Mr. Ward; and the proposition to deprive
him of his degree was carried by 569 to 511 votes.
February 13. — To Oxford to join in proceedings against Mr.
Ward ; his censure and deprivation of degree most necessary,
becoming, and just. Theatre full ; attention good. Mr. Ward, by
permission, defended himself in English : not insolent or impetuous,
but Jesuitical and shallow. Never did I think that, within those
walls, I should hear a clergyman of the Church of England use these
expressions : ' With others who, like myself, go to the full extent of
the Eoman Catholic doctrines;' and, 'I renounce no one doctrine of
the Eoman Catholic Church, provided it be a Eoman Catholic doc-
trine, and not one of corruption ; — provided it be a Eoman Catholic
doctrine — / mean, sanctified by the Pope.' Why, these two sentences
cancelled his whole defence, and proved the spirit in which he had
subscribed the Articles in a 'non-natural sense,' and decried the Ee-
formation. Majority of 391 for the censure; 58 for the deprivation.
Among the non-placets were Mr. Gladstone, Dr.
Hook, and Dr. Pusey.
Scarcely had the excitement caused by this decision
94 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XIII.
died away, than another case, similar in many respects,
came before the public. The Rev. F. Oakley, incumbent
of Margaret Street Chapel, and an intimate friend of
Dr. John Henry Newman, had written to the Bishop of
London claiming to hold the same principles as Mr.
Ward, and challenging him to institute proceedings.
The challenge was accepted, and on June 30th Mr.
Oakley Avas condemned by the Judges of the Arches
Court, his licence revoked, and he himself prohibited
from officiating in the Province of Canterbury until he
retracted his errors.
Events, soon after this, hastened to a climax. On
October Sth, Dr. Newman, in a letter to . a friend,
announced his intention to seek " admission to the one
Fold of Christ ; " and on November 1st, he, Mr. Oakley,
Mr. St. John, and Mr. Walker, all converts to Rome,
received the sacrament of confirmation in the chapel
of Oscott College, at the hands of Dr. Wiseman, while,
within the same month, the Rev. F. W. Faber was also
received into the Church of Rome.
It is noteworthy that in the midst of this excite-
ment Archdeacon Samuel Wilberforce was called to the
administration of the diocese of Oxford — the centre and
focus of it all.
It was at a period such as this, when men's minds were
greatly perplexed on ecclesiastical questions in general,
and in particular with regard to any tendency towards
Romanism, that the Prime Minister saw fit to bring for-
ward a measure which was to produce anxiety, amount-
ing almost to terror, in the ranks of Protestantism.
1845.] THE COLLEGE OF MAYNOOTE. 95
When Parliament met in February, it became known
that Mr. Gladstone had resigned his post in the
Ministry — the Vice-Presidency of the Board of Trade —
and in the course of the debate on the Address, the
reasons for this step were fully announced. Sir Eobert
Peel had intimated that the Government was about to
take into consideration the existing Acts relating to the
College at Maynooth, with a view to the improvement
of that institution by further endowment, and the
establishment of non-sectarian Colleges. These changes
were at variance with Mr. Gladstone's written and
spoken views upon the relations of Church and State,
and he at once severed himself from the Ministry, in
which he had rapidly risen to influence and power.
In a very short time there was a general commotion.
The spirit of Protestantism was roused, public meetings
and conferences were held, pamphlets were scattered,
sermons were preached, the question was the main topic
of conversation in every circle of societjr, and the most
strenuous efforts were made to kindle religious feeling
to a white heat, in order that the threatened extension
of Eoman Catholic endowment might be resisted to the
death.
The College of Maynooth, intended for the educa-
tion of the Eoman Catholic priesthood and the laity,
was not at that time in a position to supply the wants
of either. The building was incomplete, and what was
finished was falling into decay ; the library was wholly <■
insufficient; the funds were inadequate to meet the
salaries of the professors, and the accommodation was
96 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XIII.
altogether unequal to the demands. The proposal of
the Government was to place Maynooth on, at least,
some approximate level with the other Collegiate
Institutions of the Empire, without, it was alleged, in
any way interfering with its teaching or discipline.
The Ma}mooth Bill comprehended an increase in
the salaries of the president and professors, provision for
sixty additional students — making the number 500 —
and an augmentation of the grant to each. The annual
grant of £0,000 hitherto contributed towards the ex-
penses of the College, was to be increased to nearly
£30,000, not subject to an annual vote, and the repairs
of the College were to be executed, as in other public
buildings, by the Board of Works.
The excitement in the House on the introduction of
the Bill was prodigious, and the debate on the second
reading lasted over six nights, in the course of which
Mr. Disraeli launched philippic after philippic against
the Premier. " Explain to us," he cried, " why, after
having goaded Ireland to madness for the purpose of
ingratiating yourself with the English, you are now
setting England on fire for the purpose of ingratiating
yourself with the Irish."
It was in vain, however, for Mr. Disraeli to utter
his philippics, or for Colonel Sibthorp to say he would
" submit to have his head shaved off, rather than
forget that he was a Protestant ; " the second reading
was carried in the Commons by 323 against 176 ;
majority for Ministers, 147. With the exception of
Lord Ashley, Mr. Fox Maule, and Mr. Gr. Bankes,
1845.] THE MAYNOOTH GRANT. 97
no one who had held political office voted in the
minority.
The excitement in the ecclesiastical world was now
intense ; never before or since has there been such wild
commotion. An unceasing torrent of petitions against
the measure rained in ; angry denunciations were
hurled against the Government ; and every Evangelical
pulpit and platform in the land uttered its loudest
protest.
Lord Ashley was a Protestant of the Protestants,
and he stood forth in the name of the Evangelical bod}?"
of the Church of England, both in and out of Parliament,
in the strongest opposition to the measure. He was
not at this, nor at any time, " an apostle of mere blind,
unreasoning fanaticism." In 1S29, as we have seen,
he supported Catholic Emancipation by his vote, and, as
we shall see, he held sentiments with regard to Poman
Catholics for which few who knew only one aspect of
his character would have given him credit ; but he drew
a strong distinction between the persecution and the
patronage of Poman Catholics. Of the latter, now and
always, he was a consistent and determined opponent.
In the great popular agitation, he took an import-
ant part, and heavy demands were made upon his
time, already crowded with manifold labours of other
kinds. His speeches stand in striking contrast to
those of some who identified Sir Pobert Peel as the
veritable Antichrist — of Dr. Croly, for example, who
said that George IV. came to a premature end, and the
Houses of Parliament were burnt down, because Catholic
h
98 TEE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XIII.
Emancipation — " that unhappy, harsh, ill-judged, fatal
measure" — was passed in 18.29.
Throughout this period, Sir Robert Peel remained
unmoved. Since he had overcome Mr. O'Connell, the
bitterest of his enemies, he had become, as he thought,
master of Ireland ; and the panacea for soothing the
irritation of the conflict in which he had been victor,
was to be the extension of education in Ireland, among
the Roman Catholics as well as the Protestants.
He affected to regard the opposition to the Bill as
" mainly the opposition of Dissent in England — partly
fanatical, and partly religious — mainly unwillingness to
sanction the germ of a second Establishment, and to
strengthen and confirm that of the Protestant Church."
He was of opinion that many of his opponents " merely
yielded to the wishes of Dissenting constituents. Tariff,
drought, forty-six shillings a quarter for wheat," he
wrote to Mr. Croker, " quicken the religious impulses
of some ; disappointed ambition, and the rejection of
applications for office, others."*
He looked upon the storm which the Bill had raised
with indifference, being resolved to carry the measure,
and he professed to be careless as to the consequences
which might follow, so far as they concerned him or his
position.
The result was as he anticipated : the Maynooth
Endowment Bill was carried. Despite the repeated
efforts that were made for its repeal, it continued in
force until 1868. It was abolished by Mr. Gladstone's
* " Croker's Correspondence," vol. iii., p. 32.
1845.] IRELAND AND THE IRISH. 99
Government when the State Church in Ireland was
disestablished.
As, in the course of these volumes, we shall see Lord
Ashley standing forth as the champion of Protestantism
under circumstances in which his own individuality will
be more conspicuous, we shall only quote from one of
the many speeches in which he refers to the Maynooth
question ; and we quote from that one because it ex-
presses the deep interest he always felt in Ireland, and
his sympathy for the Irish people • —
Faith, we know, can remove mountains, and faith, we believe,
will remove the evils of Ireland ; but it must be no ordinary faith ;
perse veringly exhibited in no ordinary efforts. I never can speak of
that country without shame and remorse. Centuries of misgovern-
ment and neglect have brought that island into the condition it is
now in, from which all the wisdom, all the zeal, and the hearty desire
of every Government for the last quarter of a century has not been
able to extricate it. The evils of that country spring from her social
system, and spring from her religion, both alike traceable to this
country, and both demanding the succour and the sympathy of the
English people.
After referring to proposals for improving the social
condition of that country, he continued : — ■
Turning to the other suggestions which are made for the improve-
ment of Ireland, I do not think there are many here who will not
take very large exceptions to the plan of encouraging the Roman
Catholic religion, fostering its colleges, and endowing its priesthood;
fur these things involve great concession of principles, without any
compensating or proportionate benefit. Those who take the highest
ground of opposition, declare that they are sinful ; those who assume
a lower ground, maintain that they are useless in one aspect, and
perilous in another. That they are useless as means of conciliating,
you have the experience of the last twenty years, and more especially
h 2
100 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XIII.
in the recent legislation upon the College of Maynooth. The fact is,
that all our statesmen lie under a grievous mistake ; they endeavour
to control the people through the priests, whereas they should
endeavour to control the priests through the people. Depend upon
this — the difficulty does not lie with the Irish nation; the difficulty
lies with the sacerdotal and monkish orders, who, reversing the piety
of Aaron, stand between the living and the dead — the living word of
God and the dead congregation. Only allow profound security of
life and limb, with free discussion and an open Bible, and you will
cease to be perplexed in your determination how Ireland is to be
governed — Ireland,
' Great, glorious, and free ;
Bright flower of the earth, and first gem of the sea.' *
There are many references in the Diary to the
Maynooth question, only a very few of which we shall
extract, as the interest in the matter has now, to a
great extent, died out.
March 19th. — The other night a fresh attack on Peel by his old
antagonist, Disraeli — very clever and biting. Were not Peel the
most unpopular head of a party that ever existed, these things
would be put down by rebuke in public, and by frowns in private
society. . . .
April 4th. — Last night Maynooth earned (first reading) by 216
to 114, the whole thing almost a counterpart of 1829; the same
changes of principle, and by the same men. What a spectacle !
Why were the Whigs displaced? These measures go beyond any-
thing they ever proposed, or even imagined ; and yet Peel was
brought in to correct their mischiefs. The main cause of Whig
unpopularity was their confederacy with the Romanism of Ireland,
union with O'Connell, and supposed desire to act for the advance-
ment of the Papal Church. Peel w^as their opponent, and led every
one to believe that he was also their opposite, and therefore to sup-
port him. His conduct, then, is considered to be treacherous. And
is it not so 1 As for the measure, it is useless and foolish — foolish
* Speeches, p. 190.
1845.] SPEECH OX MAYNOOTH. 101
because it irritates and insults the opinions and feelings of a large
body of people in these realms ; and useless, because it will not con-
ciliate a single heart in England or Ireland. . . .
April 7th. — Maynooth will prove a stumbling-block ; the House,
as I foresaw, would readily pass it, but the country is becoming
furious. The Free Church of Scotland, the ' religious public ' of
England, Wesleyans, Dissenters, all alike are protesting and petition-
ing, probably with little chance of success, but with fixed resolution,
so far as in them lies, to cashier their representatives at another
election. What a strange ignorance, or haughty contempt of the
deep, solemn Protestant feeling in the hearts of the British people !
Can a statesman, ought a statesman, to force a measure, by dint
of a legislative majority, utterly hateful to the great mass of the
nation 1 . , .
April 8th.— I am resolved to oppose it on this ground : I leave
on one side the question of the increased grant and its lawfulness ;
because, upon that head, you are all at variance. I proceed to the
endowment of the College by Act of Parliament, with a grant of
large funds from, the national purse — you thus make it one of the
great institutions of the Empire, place it on a level in rank, and on
an eminence in favour, as compared with Oxford and Cambridge, and
confirm it by more powerful securities. This endowment and eleva-
tion lead necessarily to the endowment and elevation of the whole
priesthood of Ireland — you must, having raised them to a certain
level, keep them there, and this can be effected by adequate endow-
ment only. Thence the establishment by law of the Roman Catholic
Church, and the concurrent existence of two Established Churches !
The thing is another term for ruin !
It was not until April the 17th, on the second
reading of the Bill, that Lord Ashley made his
speech on the subject in the Honse of Commons,
although on one or two occasions he had gone there,
during the long continuance of the debate, with
the full intention of speaking. He felt considerable
hesitation as to the line he should adopt. To argue
it on financial grounds, would only be to give a
102 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XTII.
handle to the supporters of the Bill ; to argue it
on Church of England grounds, would place him in
the position of only representing the opinions of a
minority ; the theological objections were worn thread-
bare, and had become unpalatable ; and the argument
that there was political danger in the progress of the
Church of Rome, did not seem likely to be effective.
When he went down to the House he felt " dismayed
beyond all former fears," with not a thought in his
mind, and his memory a blank. It was with pardon-
able pride, therefore, that he was able to make the
following entry : —
April 18th. — I obtained last night nothing but compliments from
Whig, Tory, Radical, and even Roman Catholics. I can hardly
conceive why. I can only pray God that all may be turned to His
future service. . . Did all that I could to avoid harsh or personal
expressions against Roman Catholics sitting in face of me, and yet to
assert my Protestant principles. Glory to God, I effected both.
Redington, a Roman Catholic, said, in reply (no paper has reported
it), if all Protestants would so speak, and choose me for their leader,
it would raise a more fearful enemy to Roman Catholicism than any
other way. . . This is very remarkable, an effect quite amounting to
a sensation — produced by a single speech from a man in a private
station on a worn subject, and in the middle of a prolonged and
frequently adjourned debate ; it passes my comprehension. DTsraeli
said to me last night : ' I think it quite a duty to tell you what an
effect your speech has produced. I have spoken to-day to all kinds
of persons, from Crockford's up to the Bank, and have heard but one
voice. You have hit out a line of action and argument ; — °reat con-
ciliation with steady and full assertion of Protestantism. The very
violent, the discreet, the lukewarm, have all concurred in expressions
of approval. The peroration was of especial value.' I thanked
him, and replied that, ' standing as I did so much alone, these things
gave .me hearty encouragement.' 'Yes,' he added, 'I have long
1845.] MAY MEETINGS. 103
observed your single efforts, and I thought it a duty to break the
ice, and say what I have heard.' . . .
Although the second reading was carried by a
majority for Ministers of 147, that majority was
curiously composed — viz., Conservatives in favour of
the Bill, 158; Liberals, 1C5. Against: Conservatives,
145; Liberals, 31. Sixty-four Conservatives were
absent from the division.
April 21st.— It was a fearful minority: 145 of Peel's friends
voted against him. He had a majority of Conservatives in opposition
to his Bill. He lives, therefore, moves, and has his being through
John Russell.
The Bill was not read a third time until the 21st of
May, but its eventual success was regarded as certain.
Lord Ashley speaks of it in the following entry as if
already achieved.
May 3rd. — Ireland thankless, as I foresaw, for the boon ... Is
it not tor weaken the religious argument when you protest against
Maynooth, not because of its purpose, but because of its effects % The
effects have nothing to do with the arguments ; were they even good,
humanly speaking, it would be equally a duty to resist the national
and permanent teaching of that religion which was declared and
established by the Council of Trent. . . . What a blessing to me it
is that I am not tied by the strings of a Party either indoors or out !
The month of May brought Lord Ashley many
pleasures and duties in connection with the meetings of
religious Societies. Especially was his interest excited,
at this period, in the Jews' Society, which was enjoying
its palmy days. There had been everywhere a revival
of zeal on behalf of " God's ancient people ;" good news
was constantly arriving from Jerusalem of the labours of
104 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XIII.
the Bishop and his noble band of workers, and certain
promises and prophecies of the Scriptures were regarded
as about to be speedily fulfilled. As a matter of fact
their fulfilment was not accomplished, but the anticipa-
tion stimulated faith and hope in those who read, what
they thought to be, the " signs of the times."
It reminds one of the eleventh chapter of Hebrews, to
read the muster-roll of the " great cloud of witnesses " —
the Fathers of the Evangelical Church- — who were on the
platform at the " exciting meeting," as Lord Ashley calls
it, on the anniversary day in this year, most, if not all,
of whom, have now gone to their rest. There were
Sir Thomas Baring, the Bishop of Chester (Sumner),
Lord Ashley ; the Revs. E. Bickersteth, Hugh Stowell,
T. S. Grimshawe, F. C. Ewald, W. R. Fremantle ;
Dr. Wolff of Bokhara, Hugh McNeile, W. W. Pym,
and Dr. Marsh, of whom it may be said, " These all died
in faith, not having received the promises, but having
seen them afar off, and were persuaded of them and
embraced them."
Lord Ashley was singularly happy in his speech
from the chair. He said : —
Our Church and our nation have been called to the glorious
service of making known the Gospel of Christ to the many thousands
of Israel. ]STo\v, in whatever light I view this great question,
whether I regard it as purely secular, whether I regard it as purely
religious, or whether I regard it as partaking of both characters, I see
no subject which can surpass, or even approach it, in magnitude and
in all those attributes which feed the imagination and stir into life
the warmest energies of the heart. . . . We rejoice in the end and
hopes of this Society, as seeking the fulfilment of a long series of
1845.] DEATH OF THE BISHOP OF JERUSALEM. 105
prophecies, and the institution of unspeakable blessings, both in time
and in eternity, for all the nations of the world. We believe (and
we act, too, as we believe) that, if the casting away of the Jewish
people be the reconciling of the world, what shall the receiving of
them be but life from the dead ; and turn where you will to examine
the operations of this and all kindred Societies, and of every people
on earth, and you will see in our tardy progress, and in our compara-
tive unfruitfulness, the necessity of this revival. ... It is our duty,
our most high and joyous duty, that every effort be made, that no
exertion be spared, that all our toil be given, by day and by night,
that into every prayer, with all our souls, this special supplication
should enter, for the revival and exaltation, be it figurative or be it
literal, of repentant and forgiven Jerusalem. *
It was little dreamed by those who had taken
part in the meeting1, that before the year closed they
would have to mourn the death of Bishop Alexander,
the one, it was believed, who was to be the instru-
ment for carrying out many of the great schemes
on which their hearts were set. The sad event, and
its effect on Lord Ashley's mind, are thus recorded : —
December 15th. — Just received, in a letter from Veitch, the
examining chaplain, intelligence of the death of the Bishop of
Jerusalem, at Cairo. I would rather have heard many fearful things
than this sad event ; it buries at once half my hopes for the speedy
welfare of our Church, our nation, and the Children of Israel! What
an overthrow to our plans ! what a humbling to our foresight ! what
a trial to our Faith ! Alas, this bright spot, on which my eyes,
amidst all the surrounding darkness, confusion, and terrors of Eng-
land, have long been reposing, is now apparently bedimmed.
I am quite dismayed, and enter fully into the Scripture expression,
'amazement.' We were rejoicing in his expected arrival in England
to aid our efforts, and advance the cause ; he is cut down as suddenly
as a flower by the scythe !
* Jewish Intelligencer, June, 1845.
106 TEE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XIII.
But what is our condition 1 Have we run counter to the will of
God 1 Have we conceived a merely human project, and then
imagined ;t to be a decree of the Almighty, when we erected a
bishopric in Jerusalem, and appointed a Hebrew to exercise the
functions 1 Have we vainly and presumptuously attempted to
define ' the times and seasons which the Father hath put in His own
power1?' God, who knoweth our hearts, alone can tell. It seemed
to us that we acted in faith for the honour of His name, and in the
love of His ancient people ; but now it would appear that the thing
was amiss, and not according to God's wisdom and pleasure.
And yet, short-sighted, feeble creatures as we are, all this may
be merely a means to a speedier and ampler glory !
Did not perceive at first the full extent of my repulse, as it were.
The Bishop went out with his amiable wife and seven children, the
whole family, ' Hebrew of the Hebrews,' of the pure Jewish race.
I ardently, but fondly, believed that herein was an accomplishment
of the prophecy of Isaiah ; and every morning during the last four
years have I prayed that it would please God to ' accept this little
company as a present unto Thee in the Mount Zion, and give him
grace to say unto the cities of Judah, Behold your God in your
crucified, but now glorious, Messiah.' All at an end !
The year was memorable for a mania among specu-
lators, as curious as that of the South Sea Bubble.
The railway s}rstem had been in partial operation for
some years, but there had not been any remarkably
vigorous speculation in shares ; due in great measure to
the languor and depression that had prevailed since
1839. In 1843, a few adventurers had succeeded in
doin0, " a good thing " in railways ; and the notion soon
became prevalent that the best way to make money
grow, was to invest it in railways. Speculative capitalists
caught at the idea, and resorted to every available
means to create a demand for investment of the money
that had been lying idle for the past four years.
1845.] THE RAILWAY MANIA. 107
Success attended their labours ; a railway specula-
tive fever set in, and soon became an epidemic. Grave
and sedate people, no less than the dreamers of dreams,
seemed suddenly to have lost their senses ; the old and
the young, the millionaire and the thrifty artisan,
people of all ages, of both sexes, and of every rank, were
eager to risk all they possessed, so confident were they
that timely investment was the sure road to fortune.
Parliament was besieged by the promoters of Bills
for new railways ; and every fresh scheme proposed,
brought forward a host of enthusiasts, who, despite
the fact that the advantage to be gained from some
of these wild and ruinous propositions, could only be
the saving of a little time and a little money to
those who travelled or carried goods, were ready to
back up the designing and unscrupulous few who were
making gigantic profits by their frauds on the public.
It was at this time that Lord Ashley's father, Lord
Shaftesbury, so greatly distinguished himself as Chair-
man of Committees in the House of Lords. Much
labour also devolved on Lord Ashley in connection
with these railway matters in the House of Commons,
and there are many entries in his Diary to the follow-
ing effect : —
May 26th. — In the chair of Railway Committee ! Six days in
the week. Sharp work. . . .
June 7th. — Still in chair of Railway Committee !
This was happening at a time when he was more than
usually pressed with Parliamentary duties. He had
108 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XIII.
determined to brino; forward further measures with
regard to Lunatics and Lunatic Asylums, but " had been
let hitherto." The subject was continually in his
thoughts, and, at different periods of the early part of
the year, he writes in this strain : —
March 23rd. — To Surrey County Lunatic Asylum. A noble
establishment, and admirably conducted. A sight to make a man
who cares a fig for his fellows jump for joy and give thanks to God.
Surely we are on the advance to better things. Compare this with
the state of lunatics fifteen years ago, and what a change ! We see
it all around, but do we go fast enough 1 Is not the cup being filled
more rapidly by our iniquities than emptied by our obedience ! Oh,
that I might be permitted, by God's grace, to introduce and carry
my measures for the benefit and protection of this helpless
race ! . . .
May 7th. — Cannot get in my Lunacy Bills. Graham is not ready.
Session is slipping away. The labour and hopes of years will be
lost. 'All these things,' said old Jacob, ' ai^e against me.' God
grant, for I commit all to Him, that I may be alike persuaded of
the contraiy !
It was not until the 6th of June that Lord Ashley
found his opportunity, and then, at the request of the
Government, who had pledged themselves in the previous
Session to support him, he brought forward, simul-
taneously, two Bills : the first, " For the Regulation of
Lunatic Asylums," and the second, " For the Better
Care and Treatment of Lunatics in England and
Wales." In reviewing the past history and present
position of the question, he described the lamentable
state of the law prior to the Act of 182S, and the
partial benefits which that, and other Acts, had con-
ferred ; but pointed out that evasions of the law were
1845.] BILL FOR REGULATION OF LUNATIC ASYLUMS. 109
frequent, and that horrors of almost every kind were
possible under the existing system. He proposed now
to establish a permanent Commission, and thereby secure
the entire services of competent persons. The Bill
Avould give the power of more detailed and more fre-
quent visitations, fix the limit of expenses, and place
all asylums or " hospitals " under proper regulations.
My Bill will also provide an additional security against the im-
proper detention of pauper patients, by requiring that the persons
signing the order for their confinement shall personally examine them
beforehand, and that the medical officer who certifies as to their
insanity shall see them within seven days previous to their confine-
ment. I may add that neither of these safeguards exists at present.
I propose, also, that my measure should compel every person receiv-
ing a patient to state his condition, mental as well as bodily, when
first admitted, and the cause of his death when he dies. It will also
direct that every injury and act of violence happening to a patient
shall be recorded, and will require a case-book to be kept, thereby
affording additional securities against mismanagement, and showing
how far the patients have the benefit of medical treatment. It will
also authorise the visitors to enforce a pi'oper supply of food (in
licensed houses) to pauper patients, who are at present fed at the
discretion of the proprietor. Further, it will enable the visitor to
order the admission of a patient's friends ; at present they are
admitted or excluded at the caprice of the person who signs the
order for the patient's confinement. It likewise will enable the
visitors to sanction the temporary removal of a patient in ill-health
to the sea-side or elsewhere. It, moreover, will enforce an immediate
private return of all single patients received for profit, and authorise
the members of a small private Committee, named by the Lord
Chancellor, to visit them if necessary. This is the provision of the
law in France : in that country licences are prescribed for every
house, and certificates and visitors for every lunatic. The abuses
and cruelties perpetrated in these retreats for single patients
would surpass the belief of the House. . . . These returns are
110 TEE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XIII.
universally evaded at present, the law rendering it unnecessary to
make any return unless the patient has been confined for twelve
months. The Bill will give the Chancellor power to protect the
property of lunatics against whom a commission has not issued, by
a summary and inexpensive process, and it subjects all workhouses
in which any lunatic is kept to regular visitation.
The purpose of the second Bill was to extend the
system of county as}7lums. It provided that the
erection of county asylums should be compulsory, the
existing accommodation increased where necessary, and
separate buildings provided for chronic cases. The
Bill further provided for the prompt care and treat-
ment of all classes of lunatics ; that those whose
friends could not pay for them should be placed in an
asylum as paupers, and that all lunatics taken care of
by their friends, instead of being placed in asylums,
should be inspected quarterly by a medical man, and
lists of them returned to the Commissioners.
After giving details of the financial part of the
question, and a characteristically vivid description of the
horrors still prevalent in certain quarters under the
existing system, Lord Ashley urged the necessity of
utterly abolishing the practice of making pauper luna-
tics the prey of speculators. Appealing to the House —
" an assembly of educated, humane, and Christian
men " — on behalf of this utterly helpless class, who
"were under the marked visitation of a wise, though
inscrutable Providence — a class who could not make
the least compensation for their disinterested zeal and
labours," he said : —
1845.] BILL FOB BETTEB TREATMENT OF LUNATICS. Ill
It is remarkable and very humiliating, the long and tedious
process by which we have arrived at the sound practice in the treat-
ment of the insane, which now appears to be the suggestion of
common-sense and ordinary humanity. The whole history of the
world, until the era of the Reformation, does not afford an instance
of a single receptacle assigned to the protection and care of these
unhappy sufferers, whose malady was looked upon as hardly within
the reach or hope of medical aid.
To the wise and humane efforts of Pinel, to the
signal success of the Society of Friends, and that
remarkable family of the Tukes who founded the retreat
at York, Lord Ashley paid a high tribute, and concluded
thus : —
To secure not only the progress, but even the continuance of this
improved condition, we have need of a most active and constant
supervision ; if this be denied, or even abated, the whole system will
relapse. There is the strongest tendency, and it is not unnatural,
amongst the subordinate officers of every asylum, to resort to coercion;
it gratifies all the infirmities of pride, of temper, and of insolence . .
It is our duty, and our interest too, when we have health and
intellect— meus sana in corpore sano — leisure and opportunity, to
deliberate upon these things before the evil days come, and the years
of which we shall say we have no pleasure in them. Here are we
sitting in deliberation to-day ; to-morrow we may be subjects of this
fearful affliction. Causes, as slight apparently as they are sudden,
varying through every degree of intensity — a fall, a fever, a reverse
of fortune, a domestic calamity — will do the awful work, and then,
' Farewell, King ! ' The most exalted intellects, the noblest affec-
tions, are transformed into fatuity and corruption, and leave nothing
but the sad though salutary lesson— how frail is the tenure by which
we hold all that is precious and dignified in human nature." *
After a debate, in which there was no opposition,
leave was given to bring in the Bills, and Lord Ashley
* Hansard, 3 s., lxxxi. 180.
112 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XIII.
carefully guided their further course. On progress
being reported, Mr. T. Duncombe denounced the ap-
pointment of salaried Commissioners as "a job," and the
Board as a secret tribunal dangerous to the liberties of
English subjects.* He divided against the Bill, which,
however, passed this stage by 117 votes to 15. The
two Bills became law in 1845, and have been not inaptly
called " the Magna Charta of the liberties of the
insane."
The permanent Lunacy Commission now introduced,
whose functions were greatly widened, comprised six
paid Commissioners at salaries of £1,500 each. Lord
Ashley, who since its foundation had always been a
member, became unpaid Chairman of the Commission,
an office he retained until the end of his life.
June 7th. — Hiatus. Many tilings to record ; but large proportion
of tliem have fled from my memory. First, though not in order of
time, I must enter an expression of humble, hearty, and unceasing
thanks to Almighty God for my great success in the introduction of
the Lunacy Bills yesterday evening. Sir J. Graham seconded the
proposition in a very kind and fervid speech, and announced the full
support of the Government. Just as I had concluded my speech
amid applause from the House, two Masters in Chancery appeared
from the Lords, and announced their acceptance of the Bill for the
protection of women and children in the Calico Print-works. What
an answer to my prayers ; on the same day, and at the same hour !
June 30th. — Never have I suffered more anxiety than on these
Lunacy Bills. I dream every night, and pass, in my visions, through
every clause, and confuse the whole in one great mass. It is very
trying — perpetual objections, perpetual correspondence, perpetual
doubt ; and yet there are good feelings exhibited. Nevertheless, at
* Hansard, 3 s., lxxxi. 14] 6.
1845.] COWPER'S INSANITY. 113
this late period of the Session, one obstinate, ill-disposed, and stupid
man may impede our entire progress. . . .
July 2 2nd. — Have toiled through obstruction, insult, delay,
desertion, to the third reading, and have been detained all this clay
by Mr. Duncoinbe on clause by clause of the Bill, as he has a
rigid to do on this stage. What a time I have passed ! Every hour
of every day engaged in this Bill and its collateral troubles ! Not a
moment to myself for thought or comfort. Have had a violent
attack, brought on by labour and anxiety. Beached only the forty-
sixth clause ; the Lords yet in view, and this day the 2 2nd of July !
July 30th. — Both Bills passed Committee in the Lords, and they
are now quite safe. Most humbly and heartily do I thank God for
my success. Such a thing almost before unknown, that a man,
without a party, unsupported by anything private or public, but God
and His Truth, should have overcome Mammon and Moloch, and
have carried, in one Session, three such measures as the Print-works
Begulation and the two Bills for the erection and government of
Lunatic Asylums.
Aug. 20th. — Have been reading, in snatched moments of leisure,
'life of Cowper.' What a wonderful story! He was, when he
attempted his life, thoroughly mad ; he was never so at any other
time. Yet his symptoms were such as would have been sufficient
for any ' mad doctor ' to shut him up, and far too serious to permit
any 'Commissioner' to let him out, and, doubtless, both would be
justifiable. The experiment proved that Cowper might safely be
trusted ; but an experiment it was, the responsibility of which not
one man in three generations would consent, or ought, to incur.
We should, howevei', take warning by his example, and not let people
be in such a hurry to set down all delusions (especially religious
delusions) as involving clanger either to a man's self, or to the
public. There are, I suspect, not a few persons confined whom it
"would be just as perplexing, and yet just as safe, to release as the
poet Cowper.
Parliament was prorogued on the 9 th of August,
but there was little time for Lord Ashley to rest.
For him, repose consisted more in the change than in
the total absence of occupation ; and a mind like his,
i
114 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XIII.
active and hungry, needed something to feed upon more
definite and practical than speculation. It is not sur-
prising, therefore, to find the lull in one kind of en-
gagements occupied busily in other directions.
Sept. 1st. — The Society of Friends watch me with unparalleled
love or unparalleled malignity. Wherever I turn, I see, or hear, or
read, some token of their sleepless zeal. Mr. Bright gives me no rest
in the House of Commons; Ash worth in Lancashire; Pease has paused
but for a time in the public press. There is a Quaker, whose name I
forget, but who keeps all alive at Fordingbridge ; and now a Mr.
Wright, of Pontefract, has written to denounce the oppression of the
peasantry, ' thy tenantry near thy residence in Dorsetshire ! ' as set
forth in the Times of August 23rd. Replied to contradict his
assertions, and express my sense of the love the Quakers bear me
and their zeal for my reformation.
Sept. 12th. — Turning over in my mind some scheme of general
education, such, at least, as may bring the vast mass of the juvenile
population within the ' reading of the Bible.' It is sad to see, and
quite awful to consider, the vast multitude of immortal creatures
who live and die without ever hearing, except in an oath, the
name of Christ. This every one admits, deplores, and leaves un-
redressed. The more I think, the more I am embarrassed and
perplexed ; the Church on one side, which ought to be respected ;
the Dissenters on the other, who will make themselves heard,
seem to present insurmountable difficulties ; and meanwhile the
people perisheth !
In June, just when Lord Ashley's hands were full,
as we have seen, with the Print-works and Lunacy Bills,
Railway Committees, and other pressing affairs, some of
the Lancashire operatives had grown angry and sus-
picious because he hesitated, at that period, to broach the
Ten Hours question in Parliament. " It is not their
intention," he wrote in his Diary, " but they are mon-
strously unjust. No man, living or dead, has sacrificed'
1845.] IX THE GLOAMING. 115
for them the tenth part that I have done ; and what
motive can I have, but their interest, to be silent even
for an hour ! ': As soon, therefore, as circumstances
would permit, he made a tour in the manufacturing
districts.
Oct. 14th. — Manchester. On Ten Hours business. Met a delega-
tion of operatives ; heartily received ; all went off well ; plenty of
zeal and ' no surrender.' The cause has long been in the ground ;
now, surely, it is time for it to bear fruits upward.
Oct. 17th. — Bradford. In addressing operatives, urged two points
of, as I think, great importance. Held out, as a ground of hope,
the improved tone and temper of all classes of station and property
towards the working people ; the various efforts for their moral and
physical amelioration ; their question could not be stationary while
all the others advanced. Next, the value of the Ten Hours move-
ment ; it had been the beginning of all the movements ; it had
directed general and individual attention to the state of all the
classes of the working people ; it was, as it were, a representative
question — the interests and welfare of all were contended for under
the struggle maintained on behalf of this one. And, moreover, the
manner in which the operatives had conducted the question — no
violence of language or action, no threats, no expressions of ven
geance, no bitter accusations, no unhealable wounds — this was, I
told them, a bright example to the whole world of the mode in which
a people should demand, and will obtain, their inalienable rights.
Oct. 19. — Row ton. The evening sun is now falling across the
landscape ; the rest are gone to church, and I am left alone ; a
melancholy, not quite unpleasant, is spread over the whole, and I
seem, for the place recalls them, to travel over twenty years of my
bygone life. What a period ! and what treasures of opportunity
for good passed, and perhaps wasted ! I may, by God's especial
grace, have clone some few things ; but how many have I not done;
how many have I prevented, it is possible, in others ! Yet there is,
even here, a blessing in such a reflection : it will stimulate to further
efforts while it saves us from self-righteousness. The evening is
bright, soft, and peaceable. Would to God it could be eternal ! that
i 2
116 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XIII.
is, the peace, not the evening. We should long for a better country
and the brightness itself of the firmament. Pray for nothing, hope
for nothing, that could delay the Second Advent !
In the early part of this year, the Peel Adminis-
tration was standing, apparently, upon the firmest pos-
sible foundation, and when Parliament was prorogued,
on the 9th of August, there was not a cloud in the sky
to give warning of the coming storm.
Only two days, however, passed, before Sir James
Graham received a letter from a potato dealer, inform-
ing him that, from some unaccountable cause, a species
of blight, or other form of disease, had fallen upon the
potato crop of the country, and that all the potatoes
sent to the markets bore indication, more or less, of the
disease. The news soon received confirmation. It was
found that throughout the whole of Kent and Sussex
the disease was prevalent ; and, later on, similar reports
came from all quarters. In England, where the peop>le
— partly owing to the operation of the Poor Law — had
not to depend upon the potato for subsistence, the
threatened clanger was not so alarming as to suggest
the idea of famine. But in Ireland, if the disease
should spread there — there was no evidence at present
that it had clone so, the crop being later in its yield
there than elsewhere — the result would be disastrous
in the extreme, as the vast majority of the working
population were entirely dependent upon the potato
crop for their existence, and its failure would mean
nothing less to them than ruin and starvation.
The Government could not shut their eyes to this
1845.] TEE POTATO DISEASE. 117
terrible contingency, and frequent Cabinet Councils
were held. People began to inquire what these could
mean, for, as yet, the public in general were ignorant of
the approaching danger, and rumours were current
that there was a division among the Ministers.
A few weeks sufficed to explain the mystery, and
then there was a clamour for the immediate calling
together of Parliament, and, on the part of the
Anti-Corn-Law League, for the ports to be thrown
open.
Sir Robert Peel had come into office in 1841 to
maintain the Corn Laws, but now, seeing the extent of
the danger, his first consideration was the necessity of
throwing open the ports to the importation of provisions
of every kind.
This in itself would have been an easy matter, if it
were only to meet the present emergency ; the difficulty
would be to re-impose restrictions after they had been
once relaxed.
Towards the end of October, the news arrived that
the distemper was spreading throughout Ireland with
frightful rapidity, and on the last day of the month,
a Cabinet Council was held at Sir Robert Peel's resi-
dence, to deliberate on the alarming prospects of the
country. On the following day, he set before the Cabinet
his opinion that the Corn Laws could no longer be
maintained, that the existing duties should be at once
suspended, and the ports thrown open. No definite
action, however, was taken at that time ; a Commission,
consisting of the heads of departments in Ireland, was
J IS THE EAIIL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XIII.
appointed to take steps to guard against the sudden
inroad of famine, and the idea of an autumnal
Session was abandoned. Shortly after this, there arose
a great cry in Ireland, and the Mansion House Relief
Committee of Dublin interpreted it in a series of reso-
lutions which stated that there was undoubtedly ap-
proaching, throughout that land, calamitous famine and
pestilence, and which concluded by impeaching the con-
duct of the Ministry, for refusing to open the ports or
to call Parliament together earlier than usual.
In this position of affairs, the course adopted by
Lord Ashley is best told in his own words.
The following letter, addressed to his constituents,
was republished from the Dorset Count// Clironicle in
the Times of October 20th : —
Lord Ashley upon the Corn Laws.
(From the "Dorset County Chronicle" of Oct. 16.)
To the Gentry, Clergy, and Freeholders of the County
of Dorset.
Gentlemen, — The interval of the recess from public duties affords
me leisure to address you on the subject of my conduct as a Member
of the House of Commons.
I have taken the course of addressing you by letter, because it is
not likely that I shall have the pleasure, this year, of attending any of
your agricultural anniversaries ; and if, moreover, the period of a
dissolution of Parliament be nigh at hand, you may possibly be sum-
moned to exercise the elective franchise before another such oppor-
tunity occur for inquiry or explanation.
A requisition has, I understand, been numerously and respect-
ably signed, and circulated throughout the county, to call upon some
other gentleman, whose principles and whose practice are more in
184.",.]
THE CORN LAWS. 119
accordance with the views of those who have subscribed it, to offer
himself as a candidate at the General Election for the honour of
representing you.
I do not complain of this proceeding on the part of the requisi-
tionists ; they have exercised openly and legitimately a constitutional
ri^ht and probably a duty — yet it renders inevitable a declaration on
my part of the course I shall pursue, that we may not remain in
ignorance of the views of each other, and that I may not have any-
thing to suppress now and explain away hereafter.
But it will be very short, because I cannot promise you any
alteration. It would be desirable, I know; for I am fully aware
of the incompetent manner in which I have discharged the trust com-
mitted to my hand ; but that is an imperfection beyond my power to
amend, and thus, as I am unable to improve my abilities, and alto-
gether indisposed to change my conduct, I have the pain to find
myself at variance, for the first time during the space of fourteen
years, with many of those who have hitherto honoured me by their
countenance and support.
I will seize this occasion to touch the subject of the Corn Laws,
and the certain result of the present movement against them. It
appears to me that their destiny is fixed ; and that the leading men
of the great parties in the Legislature are by no means disinclined to
their eventual abolition. The debates of last Session have left no
doubt on this head ; both the candidates for power and the occupants
of it, approximated so much more closely than at any former period,
that most of the hearers were induced to believe that their difference
was less a matter of principle than a question of time.
If this be so, it is needless to argue the policy or impolicy of such
a change ; it would rather be wise to consider in what way you can
break the force of an inevitable blow. The sudden repeal of these
Laws would be destructive ; the gradual abolition of them would be
less injurious. You have at this moment the power to offer such
terms ; there is no certainty that you will retain it much longer —
our actual prosperity must come to an end ; and then the wide and
fearful pressure of commercial distress, with the hostility on one side
and the indifference on the other, of the great political chiefs, will
leave you, in an hour of especial difficulty, altogether without a
retuge or resource.
And now, gentlemen, with many and sincere thanks for the
120 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XIII.
kindness and confidence you have hitherto bestowed upon me, allow
me to subscribe myself, with much respect,
Your very faithful friend and servant,
London, Oct. 10th. Ashley.
The Diary continues : —
October 25th. — 1 cannot see my opinion on the Corn-Law ques-
tion in a different light. I am sure it is safe, and even necessary, in
the present position of affairs ; and as for the insinuation that I am
shifting or changing, I cannot treat regulations as principles. I have
written this in reply to Melbourne, and stated the case fully.
October 27th. — Violent articles in papers ; sent to me, of course.
League paper absolutely truculent ; every form of baseness ascribed
to me. Surely this extreme and ferocious bitterness from the two
opposites is a tolerable proof that I have hit the mean. This comes
of speaking the truth. Good it is, no doubt, that the truth should
be told, and it will, no doubt equally, at last prevail ; but the man
who speaks it is oftentimes a martyr to his sincerity, and others are
enlightened to praise him when he is either dead or ruined. I
fancy I see the motives of this eruption of anger. The high Pro-
tection party conceive that my letter gives an impulse to abolition,
the very shadow of which is frightful to them ; the Free Traders
conceive that it will aid to qualify their scheme of abolition by
adding time and modifications. Thus I have smevouslv offended
both sides; my strength, if I have any, will be found among the
reasonable, thinking men of the land.
I do not, cannot, repent of the step I have taken. But by adopt-
ing this line I separated myself from many with whom I had hitherto
acted. And I thus invited the assaults, the combined assaults, of
two parties, and, standing alone, lost the countenance (such as it is)
of the third ! I had, in this way, nothing to rest on but my general
influence and character. It was impossible to be blind to the
ill-suppressed hatred of many individuals of all classes ; and the
tone and language of the public papers, metropolitan and provincial,
develop the grounds of the animosity — ' canting, saint, hypocrite,
pretence of i-eligion, &c.' — everything, in short, that can pass a sneer
1845.1 THE CORN-LAW LEAGUE. 121
on the principles I have ventured to maintain. It has always been
so. and will be so to the end of time. God help me ! . . . .
For my own satisfaction and conscience I could not endure the
annual repetition of sham-fights, so to speak. We were summoned,
every Session, to make a plain, unconditional resistance to the repeal
of the Corn Laws. I had long suspected that it would be ultimately
unavailing, that the agricultural interest would some day be sum-
moned, either by the presence of commercial difficulty, or by the will
of the Minister, to reverse, in some following Session, the decision of
the one that had preceded. The last debate confirmed both this
opinion and that of utter hopelessness of continued resistance. What,
then, was to be done 1 I could not think this without saying it.
There arej no doubt, many occasions on which it is wise to be silent ;
but here I could not with propriety refrain from speaking out. I
could not deceive those whom I represented, by urging them on to
protracted resistance, by promising results which I was sure would
never arrive. I could not myself coldly persist in a line of conduct
which was (I thought, at least) fatal to the interests of the landed
gentry, and at variance with my own judgment of what was required.
I said it, therefore, and awaited, and do await, the personal con-
sequences ! . . .
The action of Lord Ashley had raised a storm
around him, such as was novel even in his experience.
Two years before, the Examine)' had said, "If this man
goes on as he now does, telling the truth to every one,
he will soon become the most hated person in England."
The prophecy now appeared to be about to receive its
fulfilment.
November 3rd. — At times I almost quail when I think of the
concentrated hatred against me.
Nov. 24th. — After all, what have I clone to provoke such con-
stant, minute, and pointed hatred ] The League hate me as an
aristocrat ; the landowners, as a Radical ; the wealthy of all
opinions, as a mover of inconvenient principles. The Tractarians
loath me as an ultra-Protestant ; the Dissenters, as a Churchman ;
122 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XIII.
the High-Church think me abominably low ; the Low-Church some
degrees too high. I have no political party; the Whigs, I know, regard
me as leaning very decidedly to the Conservatives ; the Conservatives
declare that I have greatly injured the Government of Sir R. Peel.
I have, thus, the approval and support of neither ; the floating men
of all sides, opinions, ranks, and professions, who dislike what they
call a ' saint,' join in the hatred, and rejoice in it. Every class is
against me, and a host of partisans in every grade. The working
people, catching the infection, will go next, and then, ' farewell,
King : ' farewell any hopes of further usefulness.
On the 22nd of November, a letter from Lord John
Russell, written from Edinburgh, and addressed to the
electors of London, appeared in the daily papers, an-
nouncing' his unqualified conversion to the principles of
the Anti-Corn Law League, and expressing his surprise
that, with calamity of an unprecedented nature threaten-
ing, Ministers had separated, apparently, without having
taken any steps to meet the impending scarcity. It
concluded in these unmistakable words : — " The Govern-
ment appear to be waiting for some excuse to give up
the present Corn Laws. Let the people by petition,
by address, by remonstrance, afford them the excuse
they seek Let the removal of restrictions on
the admission of the main articles of food and clothing,
used by the mass of the people, be required in plain
terms, as useful to all great interests and indispensable
to the progress of the nation."
On the re-assembling of the Cabinet two days after-
wards, it became evident that Sir Robert Peel had re-
solved either to repeal the Corn Laws or to resign. On
the 4th of December it was announced in the Times,
1845.] A CRITICAL QUESTION. 123
with all authority, though uot using the word itself,
that Parliament would meet at an early date, and that
the repeal of the Corn Laws would then be proposed by
the Ministers.
It is quite impossible now to realise the intensity of
the excitement caused by this announcement. How
the information found its way into that paper, remains
to this day a mystery, and it was indignantly denied by
the Ministerial press.
Lord Stanley and the Duke of Buccleuch intimated
to the Premier that they declined to be parties to
any measure involving the ultimate repeal of the Corn
Laws, and refused further to retain office ; and a feeling
having become prevalent that others would do the same,
Sir Robert Peel, on the 5th of December, repaired to
Osborne, and tendered his resignation to her Majesty.
Lord John Russell was summoned to form a Govern-
ment, but his arrangements fell to the ground, and
before the end of the year Sir Robert Peel was again
First Minister of the Crown.
Dec. 23rd. — A question will shortly arise, which we, M.P.'s of a
certain complexion, shall be called on to answer — ' Do you intend to
vote for the Bill of Sir R. Peel, which will take away all protecting
duties (though gradually, perhaps) from British Agriculture 1 ' Weigh
the reply ; you may, in reference to the exigency of the country, and
of the times, be convinced that such an issue is inevitable, and, if
carefully introduced, not injurious ; you will say then that, ' if you
give a vote at all, it must be for abolition as against Protection.'
Have you a right to give such a vote 1 I will look to my own case ; I
was elected by an agricultural body, who expected, undoubtedly, that
what they called ' Protection,' should be maintained. I was not tied,
by their language or by my own, either to mode or to extent, to
124 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XIII.
sliding scale or sixty-shillings ; it was not a matter on which they
could have demanded, or I would have given, a pledge — but a new
case has arisen, one not then in the contemplation of either party, the
case of total abolition, one on which the electors would have had a
right to ask, and possibly I should have been ready to give, a decided
engagement. It seems then that, if I were to vote for abolition, I
should vote in a sense diametrically opposite to the sense of their
hopes and views when they chose me as their representative, and in
a way which, had it been then foreseen, would have, in all likelihood,
prevented my election,
Now we must take heed what we do, and pray earnestly to God
for a sound judgment, for counsel, wisdom, and understanding, that
those especially, who make profession of religion, may bring no
scandal on honesty and truth.
The last entry in the Diary for the year finds Lord
Ashley face to face with this alternative : —
Dec. 31st. — If Peel's plan be for total abolition, and I be disposed
to support it, must I not previously resign my seat 1 What a tre-
mendous sacrifice ! The Ten Hours Bill abandoned, and all my
projects at once extinguished ! God in His mercy give me wisdom
and prosper the issue.
CHAPTER XIV.
1846.
Repeal of the Corn-Laws— The Ten Hours Bill— Mr. John Bright— Seat for
Dorset resigned — Hard Work in Factory Districts — Care of Ten Hours
Bill devolves on Mr. Fielden — Out of Parliament — In the Lobby — Fall of
the Peel Ministry — Lord John Russell Prime Minister — The Colonies —
Indian Successes — Letter from Sir Henry Hardinge — Gloomy Views — The
Ragged School Union — Curious Coincidence of Names — Labour for the
p00r — The London City Mission — The Labourers' Friend Society— Housing
of the Poor — Perambulations in Low Haunts of London —Speaking to the
Outcasts — With little Children — Tbe Model Lodging-House System Inaugu-
rated— Article in Quarterly Review — A Striking Narrative — Poverty and
pjehes — Dreams of Future Work — Activity in Religious Circles — Young
Men's Christian Association — Early Closing Movement — Bishop Gobat — A
Foreign Tour — Belgium, Germany, Switzerland, Holland — " The Cells
where Memory Slept " — Invited to Stand for Bath — Famine in Ireland —
Pope Pius IX. — A Talk with Lord John Russell— Church Appointments —
Unsuitable Education — Poverty.
On the 2.2nd of January Parliament re -assembled. For
some weeks previously, public feeling had been strained
to the uttermost, and the announcements to be made by
the restored Minister were awaited with feverish anxiety.
But, although it was clear that Sir Robert Peel had
become a convert to the Manchester School, and that
it was his intention to abandon the Corn Laws he had
come into office to maintain, he did not make any
definite statement : " I will reserve to myself the un-
fettered power of judging what will be for the public
interest," he said; "I will hold office unshackled by
any other obligation than that of consulting the public
interest, and providing for the public safety."
126 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XIV.
A few days later, however (Jan. 27), he announced
his policy, into the details of which it is not necessary
that we should enter here. The important part of the
explanation was, that he proclaimed himself " an
absolute convert to the Free-Trade principle, and that
the introduction of the principle into all departments of
our commercial legislation was, according to his inten-
tion, to be a mere question of time and convenience."
Throughout this period, Lord Ashley was full of
anxiety. He had ever been an opponent of the
Repeal of the Corn Laws ; he had been sent to Parlia-
ment to defend them, but now he felt that defence
was no longer possible. Staunch Protectionist as he
had been, he could no longer conscientiously retain
his old opinions ; and he felt it to be his duty forth-
with to avow his conviction, and, as a consequence, to
resign his seat in Parliament. That this resolution was
not arrived at without a struggle, the entries in the
Diary abundantly testify. He was supported in the
step he was about to take by Lady Ashley, who went
with him, heart and soul, wherever duty called.
Jan. 15th. — Ought I not to be deeply thankful to Almighty-
God that He has given me a wife capable of every generous self-
denial, and prepared to rejoice in it, if it be for the advancement of
religion and the welfare of man 1 Oh, that my children may inherit,
by God's grace, of their mother's spirit, and find their truest pleasure
in the virtue and happiness of others !
Jan. 27th. — Ten o'clock at night. He (Peel) has just made his
statement, and, to my mind, it is most satisfactory. The landed
gentry ought to be content with the proposed adjustment ; nay,
thank God for it. If they do their duty by their estates and the
people on them, they will be richer and move powerful than ever ;
1846.] RESOLVES TO RESIGN HIS SEAT. 127
but 1 rejoice that this repeal of the Corn Laws will compel them to
care, and to some effort, at least, towards improvement.
If I remain an M.P. I shall vote for it in all its parts, and
throughout all its stages ; but can I remain so 1 Though no pledges
were given or asked, was there not between the electors and myself
an ' honourable understanding ' that ' Protection ' of some kind should
be maintained 1 If this be the case, I may not vote in direct con-
tradiction of the principle ; neither will I vote for it. Public
necessity and public welfare both demand the repeal of the Corn
Laws. I could justify such a vote before God, because I am con-
vinced that it would be for the best for every material and moral
interest ; but I have entered into relations with men, and I must
observe them, though it be to my own detriment. The slight in-
fluence I possess is founded on an estimation of character ; if that
be lost, I shall have nothing left for a ' stock-in-trade ; ' besides, I
must recollect the principles I have maintained, the language I have
held, the public professions I have made ; and it will then appear
far better that I should suffer any loss than give ' occasion to the
enemies of God to blaspheme,' and say that, ' after all, your religious
men, when they come to be tried, are no better than any one else.'
Many would say this ; many more would think it ; and I should
thus, by a deliberate act, have myself brought discredit on the public
profession of religion ; and, when I have endeavoured and prayed
that all my conduct might be to the honour of God, I should have
done more, in a single hour, to cast a stain on ' pious statesmen,' than
I could render of service to His holy name in the labours of twenty
years.
I remember, therefore, those blessed texts : ' Seek ye first the
Kingdom of God and His righteousness ; and all these things shall
be added unto you.' ' Commit thy ways unto the Lord ; and He
will direct thy paths.' In this hope I will surrender all : and main-
tain my integrity, while I lose my office.
I shall resign my seat, and throw up all my beloved projects ;
all for which I have sacrificed everything that a public man values ;
all that I had begun, and all that I have designed. Nearly my
whole means of doing any good will cease with my membership of
Parliament.
But God's will be done: 'Though he slay me,' said Job 'yet
will I trust Him."
128 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XIV.
Notwithstanding the fact that the agitation for the
repeal of the Corn Laws was occupying the attention of
the great bulk of the people, the Ten Hours Bill was
not allowed to languish. Lord Ashley, knowing that
there was little time for him to act in the present
crisis of affairs, left no stone unturned to advance the
cause he had so much at heart. It was evident that
there was an increasing inclination on the part of many
of the large mill-owners to adopt his views. Not a few
of them had made experiments in their own factories in
shortening the hours of labour, and had found the results
satisfactory. But there was still a strong opposition in
Parliament on the part of those who held that any re-
duction in the hours of factory labour would tend to
endanger the national interests. Many of the sup-
porters of. the League, however, had stated, both in
and out of Parliament, that if the Corn Laws were
repealed they would then vote in favour of the Ten
Hours Bill, although many entertained the curious
notion, that the necessity for factory legislation would
cease in that case. Mr. Cobden had said, " The demand
for labour will be so great that three masters will be
looking after one man," and Free Traders, generally,
took up this cry. The staunchest opponents of the
measure, were those who objected on principle to any
State interference with private rights, and foremost
among these was Sir James Graham.
The skill and judgment, the indomitable perse-
verance and importunity of Lord Ashley in the con-
duct of this great cause, were displayed now in the
1846.] TEN HOURS BILL RE-INTRODUCED. 129
midst of circumstances of a peculiarly embarrassing
nature.
On the 31st of January he resigned his seat. Two
days before taking that step, he re-introduced into the
House of Commons his Ten Hours Bill with every
prospect of success. He set forth briefly the arguments
bearing on the whole question, reserving for consideration
only those arguments which showed that the proposed
change would not injure the manufacturers nor seriously
diminish the wages of labour. In support of his views,
he adduced a large mass of important facts and informa-
tion recently collected, including the results of experi-
ments tried in several of the leading factories, as to
the effects of shortened hours of labour. He read the
remarks of the Committee of Operative Spinners, who
had hitherto been extremely opposed to the clause which
limited the labour of children to half-time, and who
had written to him as follows : —
We also instituted an inquiry into the moral and physical con-
dition of piecers and young persons now, as compared with the
same class in 1833, and from every quarter we learn that it is much
improved; and since the Bill of 1833, which restricted the hours of
labour to eight in the day, and that of 1844 to six in the day, with
enactments for education, their physical and moral condition has
been improved to such an extent, that they do not appear to be the
same race of beings. "We have recently conversed with a large
number of the operatives, and those men especially who have devoted
a large portion of their time, and much of their means, to the promo-
tion of this question, and they all declare that the benefits which
have arisen to themselves and their children are more than sufficient
to repay them for their time and sacrifices, and that sooner than go
back to the old system they would part with the last shilling they have
in the world in defence of the restrictive system of factory labour.
J
130 TRE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XIV.
Pie deduced from this testimony the strongest case for
further restrictions, and argued that the present system
gave to female children a certain amount of teaching
until the age of thirteen, and that then, at a period when
the acquisition and experience of whatever is practical
should begin, they were advanced to the full extent of
adult labour, and debarred, by their unceasing occupa-
tion, from the attainment of the knowledge, indispens-
able to their welfare in life. They became unsexed in
nature and habits by such constant abstraction from
domestic duties, and all the community suffered in con-
sequence. " There was wisdom," he said, " concentrated
wisdom, in the saying of Madame Campan, who, in
answer to a question of the Emperor Napoleon, ' What
shall I do for the benefit of France ? ' replied without
hesitation, 'Give us, sire, a. generation of mothers."
All the strength of his opponents was put forth
in the debate that followed, and Mr. John Bright was
again conspicuous for the warmth of his opposition. He
made, in the course of his remarks, a statement, to which
Lord Ashley intimated he would reply at the close of
the debate, and requested Mr. Bright to remain. Mr.
Bright, however, thought fit to leave the House, and
Lord Ashley justly complained of " great discourtesy
on the part of the hon. member for Durham, who,
having made a charge against him — a charge of a per-
sonal nature — had not remained in the House to hear
his reply to it, although he had requested him to do so."
The circumstance which gave rise to the charge was
very trivial in itself, but it may be quoted as a specimen
1846.] ME. BRIGHT 8 MILLS. 131
of the miserably weak character of the complaints
brought from time to time against Lord Ashley by
those who found that, in all probability, they were soon
to be on the losing side of the factory argument.
In 1844, when on a visit to Lancashire, Lord Ashley
was staying at Oldham, and, being within a very short
distance of Mr. Bright's mills at Rochdale, thought he
would go over there, not to inspect the mills, but
" simply and solely that he might see the lion, member,
or leave his name, because the hon. member having
attacked him in the House in a way which was highly
unjustifiable, he thought he would be acting, in collo-
quial phrase, 'like a gentleman,' to show him that
he entertained no resentment towards him, and wished
to meet him on friendly terms. He saw Mr. Bright's
brother, conversed with him for half an hour, but did
not go over the mills, first, because he did not wish it to
be thought that he had come there to spy out some
defect or discover some mismanagement in their arrange-
ment, and next, because he had never said anything in
disparagement of those mills. He believed himself to
be thoroughly conversant with all the operations of
mills, and did not deem it necessary to add to his ex-
perience by an inspection of Mr. Bright's. Yet that
gentleman now denounced him as one-sided in all his
statements because he had not gone over his mills ! '
In the debate of that evening, Lord Ashley was well
supported by Lord John Manners, Mr. Wakley, Mr.
Fielden, and others, and the Bill was read a first time.
Everything was ready for a further, and, it was hoped,
132 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XIV.
a successful campaign. But its future conduct was
reserved for other hands.
He probably little thought when, on the 10th of
May, 1844, he had said: "It may not be given me
to pass over this Jordan ; other and better men have
preceded me, and I entered into their labours ; other
and better men will follow me, and enter into mine," —
that his words were to be, in some respects, so speedily
fulfilled.
But, as we have seen, two days after he had re-
introduced the Ten Hours Bill, conscience demanded
that he should resign his seat in Parliament, and the
future charge of the Bill devolved on Mr. Fielden,
the Member for Oldham.
Jan. 30th. — Last night Ten Hours Bill. Through it, God be
praised, without failure. Not in heart, not in vigour ; but again I
say, God be praised ! . . . Most awfully reviled by Messrs. Bright,
Trelawney, Roebuck, and Escott, of which I took no notice, except to
clear away a misstatement by the belligerent Quaker. . . .
Jan. 31.— Heard from Farquharson. He gave me his own
opinion, and, no doubt, the true one, that the yeomanry would con-
sider me as ' acting in direct reversal of the principle,' &c. &c. ;
wrote, therefore, immediately for the Chiltern Hundreds, and am
now, for the first time in nearly twenty years, no longer a member
of Parliament ! Many will condemn me, some for doing that which
they ought to do ; some for appearing to sanction the principle of
delegation. Others will approve the course as wise and safe for
public men. Much touched by the honest and virtuous sincerity of
Fielden, Wood, and Philip Grant. They are, if any men be, deeply
anxious and deeply interested that I should remain a member
of Parliament, yet they did not hesitate for an instant. Moved
almost to tears they were, while they applauded my decision, and
hoped and believed that it would prove, eventually, the best.
1846.] CHANGE OF OPINIONS ON CORN LAWS. 133
Lord Ashley, although the most marked, was not
the only man who changed his opinion at this time
with regard to the Corn Laws, and who supported
that change of opinion by the resignation of his seat
in Parliament.
Referring to this circumstance, Sir Robert Peel, in
one of the masterly speeches which characterised the
period when the Corn Laws were being violently
debated, said : " Look to the change of opinion that
has taken place, not amongst mere politicians, which
you are apt to attribute to some selfish or corrupt
motive ; but look at the opinions now expressed, of
the sincerity of which conclusive proof has been given
by some of the most honourable men that ever sat
upon these benches. Did my noble friend, Lord
Ashley, vacate his seat for the county of Dorset from
• any interested or corrupt motive ? Did Mr. Sturt, or
Mr. William Patten, avow their change of opinion
from interested or corrupt motive? Did Mr. Tatton
Egerton offer to vacate his seat for Cheshire, or Lord
Henniker his seat for Suffolk, from any other motive
than a real conviction that the time was come for the
adjustment of the question of the Corn Laws? . . .
No ; and surely these afford proof that the Minister
who should suspend the law, and give a guarantee to
revive it whenever the period for suspension should
pass away, would have enormous, insuperable difficulties
to encounter."
Feb. 6th. — Bonham very anxious to see me yesterday before the
post went out. It was to say that a few persons had contributed
134 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XIV.
two thousand pounds towards the expenses of a re-election. I found
that Peel and Graham (is there an end of wonders 1) were among
them ! Their language was generous and delicate ; they instructed
Bonham to say that they considered a great public principle was in-
volved in my re-election ; that their assistance conferred no personal
obligation ; that if I were returned, and the next night moved the
Ten Hours Bill, and by success drove them from office, they should
consider that it was simply within the compass of my inevitable duty.
1 did not refuse at once. Such a decisive course has always some-
what of harshness in it ; but refuse I shall, because acceptance of
aid of that kind, however guarded and delicate the terms, limits
independence of thought and action. The parties who confer the
favour may expect nothing, but the party who receives it has a
sensation of being fettered. A requisition, I hear, to be got up on
Protestant grounds. God grant that I may ever stand firm there !
Feb. 9th Wrote to decline, very civilly and even thank-
fully, offer of two thousand pounds. . . . Times of yesterday contains
address of the Short Time Committee to electors of Dorset. It is
excellent, and, to me, most gratifying. ...
Feb. 13th. — Wrote yesterday address to announce that I could
not fight the purse of the County, and must, therefore, decline a poll.
On the nomination of a candidate to supply the
vacancy caused by his retirement, Lord Ashley took
the opportunity to explain in person to the electors of
Dorset his altered views.
Feb. 19th. — Dorchester. Kon nobis Domine. I have never
spoken so forcibly in my life. It touched, I could see, and I have
heard, half convinced, many of my opponents.
Having taken so important a step, which seemed
vitally to affect the Ten Hours movement, and conse-
quently the welfare of tens of thousands of operatives,
it was necessary that Lord Ashley should seize the
earliest opportunity to go again amongst the factory-
1846.] A FACTORY VISITATION. 135
hands to explain to them his action, and its bearings
upon the great question in which their interests were
so deeply involved.
March 2nd. — Manchester. ... It was a mighty comfort to these
excellent operatives that I promised to visit them.. Large and
crowded meeting in Town Hall. . . . Operatives in general feel
that I have advanced the question by the mode and subject of my
retirement. I told them that I had nothing to serve them with but
my personal character; that, had I continued in Parliament, while
I retained my seat, I should have lost my reputation ; holding the
opportunity, but throwing away the means to do them service. . . .
March 4th. — Preston. . . . This is hard work. Shall I accom-
plish it 1 Would to Heaven I were home again ! Monday, from
London to Manchester, and meeting in the evening ; Tuesday, to
Preston, and meeting ; Wednesday, to dine with Thomas Fielden,
and meeting at Ashton ; Thursday, to inspect large mad-house, and
a meeting at Bolton ; Friday, Oldham ; Saturday, to Bradford,
and dinner with Walker. God grant that Sunday may be quiet !
Monday, meeting at Bradford ; Tuesday, Halifax ; Wednesday,
Huddersfiekl ; Thursday, Leeds ; Friday, homeward, God be praised.
This is the pertinacious, unwearied revolution of a steam-engine ! . . .
Not satisfied with myself. Monstrous difficult to find a fresh
speech every night, and more difficult, too, to make them run on the
soft, conciliatory line ; to avoid all exciting topics, and, so that we
may attain our end, to leave out, in fact, all our reasons for it ! I
want to propitiate the masters, and yet encourage the workpeople.
' Soft sawder ' to the mill-owners (unless it be skilfully applied) is a
damper to the men ; and a stirrer to the men is a damper to the
mill-owners. Nevertheless, by God's blessing, I have hitherto been
passably successful. . . .
March 20th. — London. Received two days ago an address, agreed
to unanimously by the General Assembly of the Free Church of
Scotland, and signed by Br. McFarlane, as Moderator. It spoke of
my services and of the good that, under God, I had been enabled to
effect for the working people of the realm, with many expressions of
esteem, gratitude, and affection. Surely this is a remarkable event ;
that it is a most gratifying one I can best decide. Its peculiar
136 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XIV.
value is well described in Seeley's * letter to me on the subject. ' I
was much struck with the movement of the Free Churchmen. . . .
It was such a spontaneous motion ; the people have so little connec-
tion with you. There is no party object concealed, all these things
gave it value. Also, these are sour, hard men, the Camerouians of
our time. Also, they have raised, among the middle classes and the
poor of Scotland, nearly a million sterling in the last three years — a
thing unprecedented. Therefore I hold that document to be of value
to your children. I hope, too, that it is a shadow cast be/ore.'
The second reading of the Ten Hours Bill, which
Lord Ashley had introduced, was moved by Mr. Fielden
on the 29th April, and a debate, lasting the whole day,
ensued. At its close Sir James Graham announced the
determination of the Government. " There ought to
be no hesitation on the part of the executive Govern-
ment in a question of this kind," he said, " and I
announce our firm determination to resist the further
progress of this Bill."
For days beforehand, Lord Ashley had been in a
state of great anxiety and suspense. He had learned
that, despite the unanimity at the meetings in Lanca-
shire and the West Ridings, the operatives had yielded
to the intrigues of Mr. Hindley, and were willing to
accept a compromise in the shape of an Eleven Hours
Bill. To this he was steadfastly opposed, but he could
not interfere with any vigour, as he felt sure he would be
misrepresented, either as wishing to favour the Govern-
ment, or, as endeavouring to keep the measure in his
own hands. It must have been with a heavy heart that
* Mr. Seeley was the well-known publisher of that name.
1846.] THE IRISH COERCION BILL. 137
he went to the House on the night of the second read-
ing, hut he refers to it in his Diary very briefly : —
April 29th. — Factory Bill in House of Commons. "Waited in
lobby. Had not spirit to attend under the gallery. Many things
will be started in debate which no one can refute but mvself. Alas !
alas !
April 30th. — So Sir James Graham and his colleagues have de-
clared themselves against the Factory Bill. Heartless and dishonest
men ! The whole debate proceeded, and will proceed, on a lie ; on
the lie that the Bill is directed to the control of the labour of grown
men ! Alas ! alas ! I must have fallen very low, or this proposal
would not now be treated so contemptuously.
t
The debate was adjourned for a week. It was
resumed on the 13th May, and again on the 22nd, when
Lord John Russell spoke warmly in its favour, and
Mr. Macaulay supported the Bill in one of his brilliant
orations. When the House divided, however, the re-
sult was the loss of the Bill by a majority of 10.
For, 193 ; against, 203.
But influences were at work which were neverthe-
less greatly to expedite the movement.
On the 26th of June, the same day that saw the
Corn and Customs Bill receive the Royal Assent, the
Ministry of Sir Robert Peel was defeated, on the Irish
Coercion Bill, by a majority of 73. The result was,
the resignation of Sir Robert Peel and the return to
power of Lord John Russell and the Whigs. It was
now felt that new prospects of success were opening
up to the advocates of the Ten Hours Bill, as Lord John
Russell, and several of the members of his Government,
138 TEE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XIV.
were pledged to the principle of that Bill. It was
impossible to renew the question in the House that
Session, and therefore the whole energy of its sup-
porters was directed to keeping the interest in it alive
in the country.
The fall of the Peel Ministry was a source of con-
siderable satisfaction to Lord Ashley. We append two
extracts from his Diary, in which he gives, very clearly,
his estimate of the character and career of the deposed
Minister : —
May 18th. — On. Friday evening Corn-Law Repeal Bill passed
third reading. Disraeli made one of his invectives against Peel —
very pointed and powerful. Though I should not have spoken it
myself, I am forced to admit the truth of it ; though bitter in prin-
ciple and motive, it is hardly exaggerated in imputation. This
statesman's career is without precedent in the history of politicians :
he has begun by opposing, and ended by carrying (not simply sup-
porting) almost every great question of the day. He has availed
himself of the virtues and vices, the wisdom and the prejudices, the
desires and fears, of his friends and adherents ; for them or against
them, as his purposes required. He denounced ' party ' that he
might set up ' Peelism,' led the Tories and followed the Whigs,
holding power by the first and seeking praise in the second. His
opinions, 1 suspect, have ever been discordant with his conduct. He
thought with Canning on the Roman Catholic question, but acquired
consequence, distinction, power, and a party, by heading the re-
sistance to it. When resistance had become ti'oublesome, and raised
impediments in his way, he changed his front, developed his opinions,
seduced some of his followers, and browbeat the others.
He is forced out of office. His whole life is bent to discredit the
Whigs, and weaken their hold on the helm of power. All the changes
that could be rung on the bells of Popery, O'Connell, Protestant
Church, are performed by his friends ; he stands by, and, though he
guards himself against any precise and indisputable statements, which
1846.] REVERSES IN NEW ZEALAND. 139
may rise, ghost-like, out of Hansard, he leaves every one to suppose
that he shares the sentiments and approves the policy. Can any one
doubt that lie saw and encouraged those notions in the public mind,
hoping and believing that they would restore him to power 1 His
language to the Scotch deputation, as recorded by Fox Maule in the
Maynooth debate, would alone be sufficient to prove that assertion ;
his language in private once to me, as I rode with him in the Park,
that the cry of 'No Popery' had become necessary, plainly exhibited
what was passing through his imagination. I do not doubt, myself,
that he had at that time resolved, should he arrive at office, to endow
Maynooth !
Again, in 1841, had he not conceived — nay, more, devised — the
plan which he has since propounded 1 Had he not long disliked
the men by whom he was supported 1 and had he not determined
to sacrifice them to the commendations of his antagonists ?
Cunning, I fear, has ever ruled him ; he has employed it ardently,
though awkwardly, in the Factory Question ; he will employ it,
should he remain in office, in the matter of the Protestant Church in
Ireland ! . . .
June 26th. — Government defeated by a majority of 73 ! Far
larger than I had expected. Peel must retire, having reduced Par-
liament, party, and men's minds, to the original chaos. Will he
learn from this result his own miserable want of foresight and dis-
crimination 1 Not one of those whom he had hoped to conciliate,
not a Whig, or a ' Leaguer,' to whose principles, and for whose
applause, he had sacrificed his own consistency, voted in his behalf !
All the Whigs against him ! Cobden against him ! Bright against
him ! Where are his hopes, and Graham's, drawn from their re-
sistance to the Ten Hours Bill 1
Before proceeding to describe Lord Ashley's man-
ner of occupying the time during which he was out of
Parliament, a few extracts from his Diary, which have
been omitted in order not to break the thread of the
narrative relating to Factory Legislation, may be given
here.
Referring to reverses in New Zealand, in 1845,
140 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XIV.
when Colonel Despard was defeated by the Maoris, with
a loss of 500 killed and wounded, he writes : —
We cover the world with our colonies, and yet we have not, or
practise not, one single healthy principle of colonisation ! This last
was the best imagined of all. Religion went hand-in-hand with
political government, and we have, nevertheless, fallen short of the
mark. 1 should like to make each colony, so far as possible, a tran-
script of the mother-country. I would protect and train it unto its
riper years, and then give it, like a full-grown son, free action and
absolute independence. Thus Old England would not be ashamed
when she ' spoke with her enemies in the gate.' . . .
In Indian affairs Lord Ashley always took a deep
interest, and day by day, as the news arrived, commented
on the war in which our arms were engaged.
February 24th. — Details from India show a sad loss in officers
and soldiers. Sir Robert Sale killed ! But we have gained a victory,
and a just victory, without rapacity or aggression. Yet, glorious as
it is, I rejoice as much in the noble pi-oclamation of the Governor-
General, as in the triumph itself. Here is, at last, for the first time
since the days of Nelson, a direct, open, and pious recognition of
God's goodness in giving success to our arms. The order is dated on
Christmas Day, and closes with these paragraphs : —
' These grateful and heartfelt acknowledgments to the army for
its services cannot be closed without humbly remembering that our
thanks are due to Him who is the only Giver of all victory, and
without whose aid the battle is not to the strong.
' The Governor-General, therefore, invites every British subject
at this station, to return thanks to Almighty God, this day, at eleven
o'clock, for the mercies He has so recently vouchsafed us, by assem-
bling at the Governor-General's tent, where prayers and thanks-
givings will be read by the Govei'nor-General's chaplain.
' By older of the Right Hon. the Governor-General of India.
' F. Currie,
'Secretary to the Government of India with the
Governor-General.'
1846.] THE SIKH WAR. 141
April 1st. — A third great victory over the Sikhs in India. God
has put honour upon Hardinge, who humbly offered honour to Him.
April 2nd. — I trust that Hardinge will not fail through excess of
magnanimity. His conditions must be severe ; he' must demand,
and see effected, the total dispersion of the Sikh army. The interests
of civilisation, the only object which has reconciled us to this war,
are involved in such a policy. . .
April 3rd. — Hardinge's despatch (Times, April 2nd) containing
his ultimatum to the Sikh Government is of the noblest order —
dignity, moderation, justice, good feeling, and sound sense, appear in
every expression. He has done inestimable service to the character
of his country. ... I admire nothing more than the unanimity and
unselfish friendship of all the officers ; no jealousy, no self-seeking]
the interests of the country predominant. What faithfulness in the
native troops ! Surely, this speaks well for the equity of our Indian
Government. . . . ' I could have wept,' says the gallant old Gough,
'over the carnage in the Sutlej, had I not remembered the deliberate
cruelty those men had exercised towards the wounded and dying.'
Never was Divine retribution more manifest, never justice more
signal ! This army, stained with years of profligacy and murder of
kings and ryots, of friends and foes, wantonly invades the British
Empire, threatening fire, spoliation, and bloodshed, even to the walls
of Delhi ; and, almost in the twinkling of an eye, is ' melted like
snow in the glance of the Lord.' . . . These events have seized hold
of my imagination ; and, thank God, I do feel the sentiment of
gratitude and glory very deep in my heart.
April 5th. — Sunday. A thanksgiving is to be appointed.
Praised be God for this ! Heard yesterday from Peel. ' We shall
thus break through a bad principle, which has hitherto prevailed, of
not returning thanks to God for Indian successes.' These are his
words ; I am grateful for them.
Towards Sir Henry Hardinge, Lord Ashley enter-
tained feelings of strong personal friendship. A letter
from Sir Henry, who was this year created Lord
Hardinge, bearing npon the important events just re-
corded, will be read with interest : —
142 TEE EARL OF SEAFTESBVBY. [Chap. XIV.
Sir Henry Hardinge to Lord Ashley.
Simla, May 20th, 1846.
My dear Ashley, — I am very much obliged to you for your
letter. There is no man's approbation I value more than your own,
proceeding from a friend who has proved the sincerity of his prin-
ciples by his actions.
It has been a source of great consolation to me, in the midst of
the turmoil of the camp, that the war into which I was so reluct-
antly forced, is admitted by all to have been a just war, and that no
efforts were omitted to avert it. A righteous cause is the best pro-
pitiation for the aid of the Great Disposer of all events.
This overgrown Empire requires consolidation and peace. We
have the protection of the whole, as the paramount Power, with the
resources of one-half only of the soil ; and I should have been very
glad indeed, as the most prudent policy at the present time, to have
kept the Sikh nation as the advanced guard on our north-west
frontier, opposing a Hindoo Government to the Mohammedans and
Afghans, on this the most vulnerable point of our Empire.
I have strengthened our own frontier by annexing a valuable
portion of the Punjab to the British Empire. I have established a
Rajpoot Principality of the Hills as a counterpoise to the Sikhs in
the Plains. I have disbanded their mutinous army and deprived
it of 256 pieces of artillery ; one and a quarter million has been
exacted for the war expenses, and the Sikh power, curtailed of more
than one-third of its territories, now only exists by the aid of the
British garrison occupying Lahore.
I could not have annexed a very difficult country, larger than
England in extent, with 15,000 infantry, including 3,200 British
infantry, in February last. But if the experiment of re-establishing
a Sikh Government should fail, we must annex the whole, even up
to Peshawur. It is too early to say whether the experiment will fail
or succeed. It was impossible to have done more for want of means.
What has been done has been accomplished in sixty days, and whilst
it lasted, I hardly ever recollect severer fighting.
Our countrymen are noble fellows, and these Sikhs, drilled by
French officers, are undoubtedly the most warlike race to which we
have been opposed in the East.
1846.] GLOOMY VIEWS. 143
Jocelyn is a most satisfactory Secretary to have to deal with. He
comes to the point, and is very clear, and the Board of Control will
suffer a severe loss whenever he retires.
Conceive what an army this is to move. I had 15,000 infantry
at Lahore, and, in camp-followers, &c, 100,000 mouths to feed daily.
The Sikh army, having no difficulties of caste, are rough and ready,
and I long to enlist 10,000, but then, we shall not find them so docile
and faithful as our Hindoostanees.
Ever, my dear Ashley,
Yours very sincerely,
H. Hardinge.
A charge, if charge it may be called, was brought
against Lord Ashley very frequently, and at various
periods of his life, that he took a gloomy view of
things, and was too apt to look upon the dark side
of every prospect. He refers to this in the following
entry : —
Jan. 19th. — Yesterday Elliott* gave us, as he ahvays does,
blessed be the man, a most pious and excellent sermon — he touched
the signs of the times, and took, first, the good signs, reserving
the bad ones for a second discourse. He spoke of those who (and
therein, probably, with a glance at me) ever saw what was dark,
and never what was bright on the far horizon. Well, it is true.
Evil is more powerful and lasting than good ; evil is natural, good is un-
natural ; evil requires nothing but man as he is, good must find the soil
prepared by the grace of God. It is far more difficult, in a period of
specious tranquillity, to alarm than to soothe, to rouse than to lull,
mankind. For one who is active to avert a distant peril, I will find
a hundred who repose in present security. The prayer is as needful
for nations as for men, ' So teach us to number our days that we may
apply our hearts unto wisdom.'
* Rev. H. V. Elliott, of St. Mary's, Brighton.
144 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XIV.
It was not always that he entertained these gloomy
views, as an entry on another page testifies : —
Wilberforce was much harassed by letters and interviews on
cases of conscience ; he was selected as the spiritual adviser of many
parties. No one holds such a place in the present day ; and we may
draw, from this fact, the pleasing inference that the number of good,
and pious, and qualified men is very greatly increased. The revival
of religion and activity among the clergy has furnished, to nearly all
who may desire it, the means of spiritual edification and support ; a
true counsellor may be found nigh at hand in a thousand localities.
No sooner was Lord Ashley "out of Parliament '
than he entered on a campaign to which he had long
looked forward, whenever he should have the leisure to
undertake it. That campaign was a visitation of the
slums of the Metropolis, with a view to assist the work
of the Ragged Schools, the London City Mission, the
Labourers' Friend Society, and other organisations for
the welfare of the poor, and also, to institute a rigid
examination into the dwelling-houses of the humblest
of the working classes.
Before we follow him in this crusade, we must
go back a little in order to see what progress had been
made in the development of the Ragged School system,
and to speak of the history and operations of the
London City Mission and also of the Labourers' Friend
Society.
Thankful as Lord Ashley had been to have his
attention drawn, in 1843, to the Field Lane Ragged
School, and earnest as were his endeavours to as-
sist the labourers there, it was clear to him, and
1S46.] THE RAGGED SCHOOL UNION. 145
to everybody who had anything to do with the poor
of London, that no isolated efforts could affect the
general condition of the waifs and strays of the Metro-
polis. There were thousands of the children of the
lowest and most ignorant classes springing up, " sturd}'
of growth as weeds in a wheat field, and, like the latter,
gaining daily increase of strength at the expense of the
honest grain." They swarmed the streets ; they gam-
boled in the gutters ; they haunted the markets in search
of cast-away food ; they made plaj^grounds of the open
spaces ; they lurked under porches of public buildings
in hot and wet weather ; and they crept into stables or
under arches for their night's lodging. They lived as
the pariah dog lives, and were treated much in the same
way ; everybody exclaimed against the nuisance, but
nobody felt it to be his business to interfere.
The first practical effort to reach these outcast " city
Arabs," as they were called, was to lure them to the
Ragged Schools. But these were few and far between,
and, each having an isolated and independent existence,
was helpless to grapple with the evil, in any degree com-
mensurate with the need.
It became evident, to some who were deeply in-
terested in the matter, that the strength of these organi-
sations would be greatly increased by union, and in
April, 1844, the first steps were taken to institute a
society which has done an amount of good altogether
incalculable — the Rasped School Union — with which
the name of Lord Shaftesbury will always be intimately
associated.
h
146 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XIV.
Lord Shaftesbury was scrupulously exact in giving
" honour to whom honour was due," and would not allow
himself to be styled the " Founder " of a society when
that honour was due to another. As we have seen, he
was not the founder of Eagged Schools, nor was he the
founder of the Easrged School Union.
On the 11th April, 1S44, Mr. S. E. Storey, at that
time a solicitor's clerk, invited a few Eagged School
Teachers to meet him at his rooms, No. 17, Ampton
Street, Gray's Inn Eoad. Only three responded :
Messrs. Locke, woollen-draper, Moulton, dealer in
second-hand tools, and Morrison, a City missionary ;
an uninfluential band to a 1 appearance, and yet they
discussed the hardest problem of that day, and came
very near to a solution when they resolved, " That to
give permanence, regularity, and vigour to existing
Eagged Schools, and to promote the formation of new
ones throughout the Metropolis, it is advisable to call
a meeting of superintendents, teachers, and others in-
terested in these schools, for this purpose." That was
the first step towards the foundation of the Eagged
School Union, and those three unknown men were the
founders.
On the 26th April, forty superintendents and teachers
responded to the invitation and met at the St. Giles's
Eagged School, held in the loft of a cowshed in Streat-
ham Street, Bloomsbury — a neighbourhood known as the
Eookery of St. Giles's ; notorious for its filth and fever,
its riots and immoral revels, its rickety and dirty
dwellings, and its teeming population of the lowest of
1846.] THE RAGGED SCHOOL UNION. 147
the low. Here this little band of Christian workers
formed themselves into a Central Committee, and on
the 5th of July they decided that this association of
teachers should be called " The Eagged School Union."
At first they were anxious to affiliate themselves to the
London City Mission, and a formal proposition to that
effect was made, but it was wisely declined, as the City
Mission had, even then, more work in hand than it knew
how to manage. Messrs. Locke and Starey were ap-
pointed Secretaries, and requested to draw up the rules
for the regulation of the Union. It was only for a
comparatively short time, however, that Mr. Starey was
able to act as Secretary, owing to business demanding
his removal from London, when Mr. J. Gr. Gent was
appointed to fill the vacancy, an office he has retained
for thirty-five years. In November, six months after
the Union was originated, Lord Ashley was asked to
give the weight and influence of his name and personal
assistance to this feeble and somewhat insignificant
body of workers, by becoming President of the Union.
He responded thus : —
Lord Ashley to Mr. Wm. Locke.
November, 21, 1844.
Sir, — At the instant I had the pleasure of receiving your letter
I was contemplating a walk to Field Lane, that I might hear what
progress was making in your admirable undertaking.
I shall be happy to aid you to the full extent of my power, but
I am disposed to advise a little deliberation before we set up a
Society with all the apparatus of a President and Patrons. T shall
return to London, I hope, on Monday next ; it will then give me
k 2
148 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XIV
pleasure to see you and hear your report. We may, I think, do
much for these poor children.
God be with us ! your obedient servant,
Mr. William Locke. Ashley.
From the time that Lord Ashley joined the move-
ment, the Ragged School Union grew in importance and
usefulness, and for over forty years his love for, and zeal
in the cause never knew abatement or change. For a
great portion of this time the Union was under the
direction and responsibility of a Committee elected at
each anniversary, and of an Executive consisting of
Shaftesbury, President, Win. Locke, Hon. Sec, Joseph G.
Gent, Secretary, whose names appeared in all public
announcements, and on the certificates obtained by de-
serving scholars. These are not very common names,
and yet we find them standing in similar relative
positions 200 years ago.
Charleston and Carolina are names given in honour
of our King Charles II. The city of Charleston,
stands on a narrow slip of land, bounded on the
north side by the Cooper River, and on the south side
by the Ashley River. The names of these magnifi-
cent streams, which, at their junction, form the harbour
of Charleston, were given in honour of the first Earl
of Shaftesbury. The greater part of America was at
that time a wilderness, and at the disposal of King
Charles II. By means of a Royal Charter, the King
gave to the Earl of Shaftesbury and some others,
the whole tract of country between the parallels of 29
1S4G.J A COINCIDENCE OF NAMES. 149
cleg, and 31 cleg. 31 mm. N. latitude, and from the
Atlantic to the Pacific. This included an area of 500
miles from North to South, and of 2,500 miles from
East to West. Now comes the remarkable coincidence
of names. Shaftesbury was the most active and able of
the eight proprietors, aud, by agreement, undertook to
frame a constitution for the embryo colonies, suitable to
the period and the vastness of the territory. Assistance
was required by him, which he obtained from the illus-
trious Locke. The constitution drawn up contained
120 articles, and in its day was considered a grand
model ; but, in reducing the theory to practice, mighty
difficulties intervened. With a view to lessen these
difficulties, and to facilitate the working of the great
scheme, the services of a Mr. T. A. Gent were secured.
This gentleman visited the country, and afterwards
brought out a volume entitled " A Complete Dis-
covery of the State of South Carolina," which seems to
have been eagerly caught up by the public, as three
ships were soon sent out filled with emigrants. They
settled at Oyster Point, as the neck of land was called,
at the junction of Ashley and Cooper Rivers. On this
spot they built a village which grew into a town, and,
at length, developed into one of the strongest cities — so
strong as to seem to be impregnable.
Such were the labours of Shaftesbury, Locke, and
Gent 200 years ago; and, in another sense, such were
the labours of Shaftesbury, Locke, and Gent in recent
times ; but " the labours of the latter trio have been
to reclaim the moral wilderness, to purify and cultivate
150 THE EABL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XIV.
the moral wastes, and to set up spiritual fortresses that
shall be unassailable by the great enemy." *
The years 1844-6 were memorable in the life of Lord
Ashley if only on the ground that they saw him pub-
licly espousing the cause of poor ragged children and
organising fresh efforts in their behalf. The years were
memorable in the history of the Metropolis, for they
saw the commencement of a series of philanthropic
labours which were, in some measure, to improve the
condition of the outcast poor, to check the existing evils,
and to avert the calamities which many feared. When
Dr. Arnold considered the state of society about this
time, he said : — " It haunts me, I may almost say, night
and day. It fills me with astonishment to see anti-
slavery and missionary societies so busy with the ends
of the earth, and yet all the worst evils of slavery and
of heathenism are existing among ourselves. But no
man seems so gifted, or to speak more properly, so en-
dowed b}T God with the spirit of wisdom, as to read this
fearful riddle truly ; which, most Sphinx-like, if not
truly read, will most surely be the destruction of us
all." f
Lord Ashley had " the spirit of wisdom to read
that fearful riddle truly." He heard, as he believed,
the voice of Grod speaking directly to him, and he
went forward heart and soul into Bagged-School
work.
A few extracts from the Diary on the subject of
* Bagged School Union Magazine.
t Stanley's " Life of Arnold."
184C] BAGGED SCHOOL MEETINGS. 151
Ragged Schools will show the progress of his thought
and action in their behalf: —
Nov. 27th, 1845. — Last night Broadwall Infant Ragged School;
very humble, but very useful ; well received. . . . Many Dissenters ;
but it is high time to be thinking where we agree, not where we differ.
Tens of thousands of untaught heathens in the heart of a Christian
Metropolis cry aloud to God for vengeance.
Dec. 11th. — Just come back from a tea-meeting in Jurston Street
Sunday School, given to the ragged, half-starved, neglected children
of the locality — a sight to thank God for ! a sight to pray Him to per-
petuate,and extend !
I conceive I am acting in the spirit of the Bible and the spirit of
the Church of England. I conceive that I am proving myself a true
son of the Church in which I was baptised, and in which, by God's
blessing, I will die. I am violating none of her laws, precepts,
principles, or prayers ; none. But, if the conduct I pursue be at
variance with the doctrines and requirements of the Established
Church, I shall prefer to renounce communion with the Church
to abandoning those wretched infants of oppression, infidelity, and
crime.
March 19th, 1846. — Last night tea party at Jurston Street
Ragged School ; in the Chair. A wondrous company on the plat-
form ; these things are now becoming ' fashionable.' Humanity will
soon be considered ' elegant,' ' genteel,' &c. &c. Bishop of Norwich
came ; * a kind-hearted man, who goes, as he says, wherever he sees
my name. Strange as it was to see a Bishop in the middle of a
Dissenting school, surrounded by Dissenters, and supporting their
efforts, yet it was well and usefully done.
During the long period of Lord Shaftesbury's
Presidency" of the Ragged School Union he was always
in the Chair, at the annual meetings. But this was
the least part of his work. Much of the success
* Dr. Stanley, father of the Dean of Westminster. He was the only-
Bishop who was ever seen on Ragged School platforms. All the others
were, at that time, fearful of meeting Nonconformists.
152 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XIV.
of the Eagged School movement Avas due to the public
meetings which were held in a great number of
churches and chapels and halls in London and in
the large towns. At these meetings Lord Ashley
took the Chair on innumerable occasions, and in short,
pithy addresses set forth the claims of the poor. More
important still were the quarterly meetings of dele-
gates from the Metropolitan Eagged Schools, at which
he always presided, when every conceivable topic that
could assist the teachers *in practically carrying on the
work was discussed, new plans were formed, and pro-
gress was reported. A merely cursory glance through
the 30 volumes of the Ragged School Union Magazine
and Quarterly Records will give some idea of the stu-
pendous amount of work undertaken by him in this
movement, but even a close study of those volumes will
not give a full conception of what he wrought. For
many years the ragged children of London were rarely
out of his thoughts waking or sleeping ; he visited them
in their wretched homes, he saw them at their daily
work, he sat beside them in their schools, he let them
come to his house to tell him their troubles ; he pleaded
for them in religious and political assemblies ; he carried
their cause into the House of Commons and into the
House of Lords ; he interested the whole country in
their welfare, and, as we shall see, he achieved wonderful
results in their behalf.
The London City Mission had been established
by David Nasmith, who had already set on foot simi-
lar institutions in Glasgow, Dublin, New York, and
1846.1 THE LONDON- CITY MISSION. 153
elsewhere. It was in a room of his little house in
Canning Terrace, on the bank of the Regent's Canal,
on May 16, 1835, that he met two of his friends by
appointment, and the story of their interview is recorded
by him in these simple words : " After prayer we
three founded the London City Mission, adopted our
constitution, assigned offices to each other, and after
laying the infant mission before the Lord, desiring that
He would nurse and bless it, and make it a blessing
to tens of thousands, we adjourned."
Such was the origin of one of the most admirable
and valuable institutions of our time, and one that has
been the means of conveying temporal and spiritual
good to untold myriads.
Although Lord Ashley's name appears for the first
time on the records of that Society towards the end of
1845, he had, immediately after his discovery of the
existence of Ragged Schools, been in communication
with it, and henceforth, in all his labours on behalf of
the poor, he was to be indebted to the aid of the
London City Mission, as it, in turn, was to be indebted
to him.
How best to improve the condition of the labouring
population of the country, was a question which he had
long- been revolving: in his mind and which had demanded
a large share of his energies. While recognising the
value of every agency for bringing about the physical
and moral elevation of the people, he was more and
more convinced, as his knowledge and experience of
their actual state increased, that it was utterly futile to
154 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XIV.
attempt to educate and raise the masses unless at the
same time they were provided with decent homes.
Already he had stood forth as the pioneer of the
great question which, in after years, was to become so
conspicuous a feature of his labours — the Housing of
the Poor.
In 1842 he had assisted in founding what was then
known as the " Labourers' Friend Society," but was
afterwards named the " Society for Improving the Con-
dition of the Labouring Classes," the object of which
was, not to accommodate the people on a large scale —
such an undertaking would have been far beyond the
power of a simple Committee — but to ventilate the whole
question, and to keep in view the erection of Model
Dwellings for all the varieties and grades of industrial
life, and to show, in the buildings it would raise, what
was necessary for the comfort and health and decency
of the inmates, and also the lowest cost at which the
structures could be provided and the rents imposed, con-
sistently with a moderate though fair return of interest
on the capital expended. It had also another object in
view ; it wished to prove that in such amelioration " the
moral were almost equal to the physical benefits ; and
that, although numbers would decline or abuse the boon
extended to them, many would accept it joyfully and
turn it to good account." *
At first, Lord Ashley met with scant success in his
labours in this direction, but once having put his hand
to the plough, he was not the man to look back. The
* Article by Lord Shaftesbury in Nineteenth Century, xiv., p. 934.
1846.] THE LABOURERS' FRIEND SOCIETY. 155
time had not yet come for him to make any great
public stir in the matter, but meanwhile he never lost
an opportunity, of advocating the need of better dwell-
ings for the poor.
In 1844 the first public meeting of the Society for
the Improvement of the Labouring Classes was held at
Willis's Eooms, and an influential company supported
Lord Ashley in the chair. He vigorously exposed the
lamentable state of affairs, in regard to the shameful
dwellings in which the poor were compelled to live, and
urged that if the Society thus inaugurated, only did the
work that lay before it, it might, by strong representa-
tions to the Government, produce most beneficial results.
"Unite all your efforts," he said, "for this one great
object ; give it a fair trial ; be not discouraged by argu-
ments, however specious, and failure is impossible. Soon
you will see dawn, great moral, social, and political bless-
ings for those who are the noblest material God ever gave
a nation — the working classes of this country."
This appeal went far and wide, and one of the first
to respond to it was the Prince Consort, who, in the
following July, was graciously pleased to accept the
office of President of the Society.
Now the time had come when, owing to the cessa-
tion of his Parliamentary duties, Lord Ashley had that
leisure for labour which he had long coveted, and, as we
have said, he determined to devote it to visiting the
homes and haunts of the poor in the Metropolis. He
chose for his companions a medical man, and one of the
missionaries of the London City Mission.
156 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XIV.
There were two objects lie had specially in view in
the perambulations he was about to undertake ; first, to
explore the unknown parts of London and to see for
himself the lanes and alleys, and more particularly the
houses, in which the poorest of the poor and the lowest
of the low dwelt ; and next, to bring himself into per-
sonal contact with the people, so that he might better
understand their thoughts and habits, and qualify him-
self to grapple with their need.
Such a mission needed no ordinary man, and Lord
Ashley brought to it no ordinary gifts. Let any one who
thinks it an easy task to win the confidence of the poor
and the outcast ; to speak words to them that shall draw
out their real thoughts and feelings ; to seek to benefit
without patronising ; to give counsel without preach-
ing ; to preserve his own dignity amid the rough and
lawless, without placing any barrier to mutual approach ;
withal, to enter the abodes of filth and wretchedness,
where every sense sickens, and yet to appear at home,
and at ease ; let any one try the experiment, and then —
and not till then — the difficulty will be apparent.
Lord Ashley could do all this as few other men
could. He saw in the miserable creatures before him,
not thieves and vagabonds and reprobates, but men with
immortal souls that might be saved, and with human
lives that might be redeemed from their corruption. In
the woman with unkempt hair and tattered garments,
he saw, not the abandoned harlot, but the " woman
that was a sinner," who might yet be brought to the
feet of Him who would say to her, in the tenderest
1S4G.] SPEAKING TO CHILDREN. 157
of all human accents, " Go, and sin no more." But the
whole heart of Lord Ashley went out to little children ;
he grieved over their past neglect, their present lack of
opportunity ; and he yearned over their future. It is
no exaggeration to say that, in the whole course of his
life, he hardly ever passed a ragged child in the street
without the desire to stop and talk to it. Morning,
noon, and night, the welfare of the uncared-for and the
unthought-of children weighed upon his heart, and he
looked upon any day as lost in which he did not do
something, however little it might he, to make the
weariness of their lives less weary and their sadness
less sad. The words of the Master were ever ringing in
his ears — " Feed My lambs."
He possessed, in perfection, the art of speaking to
children, and few men ever spoke to them with greater
effect ; not because he was a " lord," nor because he
brought sensible benefits wherever he went, but because
lie could lay hold of the heart of a child, and soothe
it with gentle words, and because the accent, the tone,
the smile, the whole bearing of the man, impressed even
little children with the fact that he was intensely in
earnest. No man ever received greater encouragement
from visible results. Year after year he had seen the
law of kindness produce the most wonderful effects
on the minds of the wildest, the rawest, the most
ungovernable children ; often he had seen the heart
melted, for the first time, by the language of sympathy
and of love ; often his voice had been like the voice
of God speaking to the heart of a child. It was
158 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XIV.
always through the children that he hoped to win the
parents. As the shepherd, with refractory sheep, will
carry the lambs into the fold, certain that eventually the
sheep will follow, so his efforts were mainly directed to
reaching the children and to putting them in places
of safety, as the surest means of alluring their parents
thither. Wherever Lord Ashley went, during these
perambulations, the people clustered round him in groups,
and received him with respect. And it may be remarked
here that, throughout his life, although he went freely
among vagrants, paupers, harlots, drunkards, thieves
and criminals of all kinds, the refuse of society, he
never, on any one occasion, or in any circumstance,
received an insult. Everywhere the people were
grateful to him for the interest he took in their con-
dition, and, in the large majority of cases, answered
freel}r the questions he put to them.
Bad as he had expected to find certain quarters of
the Metropolis, the actual state of things was a thousand-
fold worse than he had conceived possible. He found,
in some cases, hundreds of human beings — equal to the
population of a whole village — compressed and hidden
in a dozen small and wretched houses packed in a court,
the houses and court occupying less than the area of a
good-sized barn, or a village church, or a moderate-sized
emigrant ship. He saw how the people became liable
to disease ; why contagious maladies were not only bred
and extended, but likewise why they clung to these
places. He saw how utterly impossible it was for
the physician to minister in them with any degree of
1846.] DWELLINGS OF THE POOR. 159
satisfaction or success, for everywhere the drainage was
bad, the ventilation worse, and the light of heaven
almost excluded. He saw, too, that nature was at-
tempting to do her part towards that which sanitary
reformers recommended: she was attempting to reduce
the number of inhabitants, by commissioning fever,
scrofula, and other diseases, to slay them.
One of the things that appears to have struck
him with great force, and to have strongly laid hold
of his imagination, was the terrible injustice involved
in the want of sufficient accommodation. He found
that in a large number of instances, it was not ex-
treme poverty that had driven the inhabitants into
these dreadful dens — as they were earning what, with
proper management, might be called a decent living —
but the exorbitant prices charged for accommodation.
There were few house-rents so extravagantly high as
those paid by the veriest outcasts of our streets. The
tenant of a mansion paid a lower nightly rent, in pro-
portion to the space he occupied, and the cubic feet of
air he breathed, than did the miserable urchin who spent
his two or three pence for permission to stow himself
under a bed of a low lodging-house filled to suffocation
by the most abandoned of all ages — one of the twenty
or thirty inmates of a space not large enough for the
accommodation of more than two or three.
It was necessary to the purpose Lord Ashley had
in view, that publicity should be given to this state
of things ; and on the 22nd of May we find him at
a meeting of the " Society for Improving the Condition
160 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XIV.
of the Working Classes," held at the Hanover Square
Eooms, bringing the subject before an influential
audience as vividly as it could be brought. " I do not,"
he said, " speak merely from book ; I do not speak
merely from the accounts that have been given me ;
because I have, not onfv in past years, but during the
present year (having, from certain circumstances, rather
more leisure than I formerly had) devoted a very con-
siderable number of hours, day by day, to going over
some of the worst localities in various parts of this great
Metropolis." He startled his audience by some of the
revelations he made, of rooms " so foul and so dark that
they were exposed to every physical mischief that can
beset the human frame " — so foul that when a physician,
habituated to enter such places, visited them, he was
obliged to write his prescription outside the door ; of
courts and alleys thronged with a dense and most im-
moral population of every caste and grade of character,
but almost every one of them defiled by perpetual habits
of intoxication, and living amid riot and blasphemy,
noise, tumult, and indecency.
It was not enough, however, to state the evil ; active
practical steps must be taken to meet it, and Lord Ashley
announced that it was the intention of the Society, if
funds were forthcoming, to erect in the heart of the
parish of St. Giles's a Model Lodging-House — a house
where a young man coming up from the country for the
first time, or others who wished to live in a place where
some, at least, of the decencies of life were observed,
might find a place of retirement and shelter at a
1846.] THE BAGGED RACE. 161
moderate rent. This was the germ of that great Model
Lodging-House system, which has now sprung up in
the neighbourhoods once occupied by reeking courts
and alleys.
Not by lip only, but by pen also, Lord Ashley
turned to good account the results of his perambula-
tions. In the Quarterly Review for December, there
appeared a startlingly graphic article from his pen, on
" Eagged Schools," in which he gave the results of his
own observations of the habits of the clientele of those
schools, founded upon his recent visitations. He says : — ■
It is a curious race of beings that these philanthropists have
taken in hand. Every one who walks the streets of the Metropolis
must daily observe several members of the tribe — bold, and pert, and
dirty as London sparrows, but pale, feeble, and sadly inferior to them
in plumpness of outline. Their business, or pretended business,
seems to vary with the locality. At the West End they deal in
lucifer matches, audaciously beg, or tell a touching tale of woe. Pass
on to the central parts of the town, to Holborn or the Strand, and
the regions adjacent to them, and you will there find the numbers
greatly increased ; a few are pursuing the avocations above mentioned
of their more Corinthian fellows ; many are spanning the gutters
with their legs, and dabbling with earnestness in the latest accumula-
tion of nastiness ; while others, in squalid and half-naked groups,
squat at the entrances of the narrow, fetid courts and alleys that lie
concealed behind the deceptive frontages of our larger thoroughfares.
Whitechapel and Spitalfields teem with them like an ants' nest; but
it is in Lambeth and in Westminster that we find the most flagrant
traces of their swarming activity. There the foul and dismal pas-
sages are thronged with children of both sexes, and of every age from
three to thirteen. Though wan and haggard, they are singularly
vivacious, and engaged in every sort of occupation but that which
would be beneficial to themselves and creditable to the neighbour-
hood. Their appearance is wild ; the matted hair, the disgusting
filth that renders necessary a closer inspection before the flesh can be
102 TILE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XIV.
discerned between the rags which hang about it ; and the barbarian
freedom from all superintendence and restraint, fill the mind of a
novice in these things with perplexity and dismay. Visit these
regions in the summer, and you are overwhelmed by the exhala-
tions ; visit them in the winter, and you are shocked by the spectacle
of hundreds shivering in apparel that would be scanty in the tropics;
many are all but naked ; those that are clothed are grotesque ; the
trousers, where they have them, seldom pass the knee ; the tail-coats
very frequently trail below the heels. In this guise they run about
the streets, and line the banks of the river at low water, seeking
coals, sticks, corks, for nothing comes amiss as treasure-trove ;
screams of delight burst occasionally from the crowds, and leave the
passer-by, if he be in a contemplative mood, to wonder and to rejoice
that moral and physical degradation have not yet broken every
spring of their youthful energies.
Of these nondescripts he is tempted to have eccen-
tric doubts. " They look not like the inhabitants o' the
earth, and yet are on't," and so he proceeds to investi-
gate their natural history, their haunts, their habits,
their idiosyncrasy, their points of resemblance to the
rest of mankind, and the part they sustain in the great
purpose of creation. This brings him, first, to their
dwellings : —
Many a weary and pestilential search, and many a sick head-
ache, will prove to the disgusted inquirer that a large proportion of
those who dwell in the capital of the Britisli Empire, are crammed
into regions of filth and darkness, the ancient but not solitary reign
of newts and toads. Here are the receptacles of the species we inves-
tigate ; here they are spawned, and here they perish ! Can their state
be a matter of wonder 1 We have penetrated alleys terminating in
a cul-de-sac, long and narrow like a tobacco-pipe, where air and sun-
shine were never known. On one side rose walls several feet in
height, blackened with damp and slime ; on the other side stood the
dwellings, still more revolting, while the breadth of the wet and
bestrewed passage would by no means allow us the full expansion of
1846.] AMONG THE POOR. 163
our arms. We have waited at the entrance of another of similar
character and dimensions, but forbidden, by the force and pungency
of the odours, to examine its recesses. The novelty of a visit from
persons clad like gentlemen, gave the hope that Ave were officials ;
and several women, haggard, rough, and exasperated, surrounded us
at once, imploring us to order the removal of the filth which had
poisoned their tenements, and to grant them a supply of water, from
which they had been debarred during many days. Pass to another
district ; you may think it less confined, but there you will see
flowing before each hovel, and within a few feet of it, a broad, black,
uncovered drain, exhaling at every point the most unwholesome
vapours. If there be not a drain, there is a stagnant pool ; touch
either with your stick, and the mephitic mass will yield up its
poisonous gas like the coruscations of soda-water.
He draws a melancholy picture of children sitting in
these depositories of death, in a silence broken only by
an irritated scold or a pugnacious drunkard, their dis-
coloured faces and shrivelled forms recalling the living
skeletons of the Pontine Marshes. Nor are the interiors
more inviting : —
The interior of the dwellings is in strict keeping ; the smaller
space of the apartments increasing, of course, the evils that prevail
without — damp, darkness, dirt, and foul air. Many are wholly
destitute of furniture ; many contain nothing except a table and a
chair ; some few have a common bed for all ages and both sexes ;
but a large proportion of the denizens of those regions lie on a heap
of rags more nasty than the floor itself. Happy is the family that
can boast of a single room to itself, and in that room a dry corner.
These people, although all may not admit the
necessity, have a conviction that they must live ; and
Lord Ashley proceeds to describe their modes and habits
of life, their business and amusements. And then,
having thoroughly aroused intense interest in the waifs
/ 2
164 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XIV.
•
and strays of London, he plunges into a description of
what Kagged Schools are doing to meet the need of
these neglected creatures : —
Ladies and gentlemen who walk in purple and fine linen, and
fare sumptuously every day, can form no adequate idea of the pain
and the toil which the founders and conductors of these schools have
joyfully sustained in their simple and fervent piety. Surrendering
nearly the whole of the Sabbath, their only day of rest, and often,
after many hours of toil, giving, besides, an evening in the week,
they have plunged into the foulest localities, fetid apartments, and
harassing duties. We have heard of school-rooms so closely packed
that three lads have sat in the fireplace, one on each hob, and the
third in the grate with his head up the chimney ; and frequent are
the occasions on which the female teachers have returned to their
homes, covered with the vermin of their tattered pupils. All this
they have done, and still do, in the genuine spirit of Christian
charity, without the hope of recompense, of money, or of fame- — it
staggers at first our belief, but nevertheless it is true ; and many a
Sunday-school teacher, thus poor and zealous, will rise up in judg-
ment with lazy ecclesiastics, boisterous sectarians, and self-seeking
statesmen.
Then, with that thorough mastery of detail which
distinguished all his efforts, he quotes the statistics of
crime — a terrible revelation of the state of society in
those days — and he says : —
Here is subject - matter enough for the sentimental, for spare
teai-s, and wandering sympathies ! Those who, amidst the enjoy-
ments of existence, seek the luxury of woe in a poem or a romance
may learn that the realities of life are more touching than fiction ;
and the practical alleviation of sorrow, quite as delightful as the
happy conclusion of a novel.
He narrates some of the successes of those who have
engraved in the work of rescue, and concludes : —
1846.] POPULARITY OF BAGGED SCHOOLS. 165
We are often met with the interrogatory — ' What will you do
with these children when you have educated them ? ' A reply may
partly be found in the statements already given ; but question for
question — ' What will you do with them if you neglect to educate
them ] ' They are not soap-bubbles, or peach-blossoms— things that
can be puffed away by the breath of a suckling ; they are the seeds
of future generations ; and the wheat or tares will predominate, as
Christian principle or ignorant selfishness shall, hereafter, govern
our conduct. We must cease, if we would be safe, to trust in measures
of coercion and chastisement for our juvenile vagrants ; they are not
too many to be educated as infants ; they are far too many to be
punished as adults. We must entertain higher thoughts for them
and for England, and, witli a just appreciation of their rights and our
own duties, not only help them, by God's blessing, from these depths
of degradation, but raise them to a level on which they may run the
course that is set before them, as citizens of the British Empire, and
heirs of a glorious immortality.
This admirable article was the means of giving a
great impetus to Bagged School work. It was the talk
of the town ; people ran wild about it ; extracts were
inserted in all the papers ; and innumerable people made
applications to be taken to see the Ragged Schools.
Lord Ashley was greatly amused one day at hearing
two men discussing the article.
" I believe it was written by Lord Ashley," said
one.
" I don't think so, because his name isn't mentioned,
and it isn't like his style."
" Those are the very reasons that make me think
he wrote it," was the answer.
A few extracts from his Diary will show how com-
pletely absorbed Lord Ashley was in the beneficent
work in which he was engaged : —
1G6
THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XIV.
April 28th. — St. Giles's. This is my birthday. I am this clay
45 years old. Praised be the Lord that hath feci me all my life long
until this day. . . Starting for London, though clay be tempting
here, to take Chair at Ragged School as a sort of thankful offering
and appropriate duty.
May 29th. — Dined yesterday with . . . The courtesies of life
and ancient friendship demanded it. A splendid display of luxury
and grandeur, yet unsatisfactory. The contrast so great to the places
where I have passed so many hours lately, that I felt almost uneasy.
The few pounds, too, that I want, and shall not obtain, for the esta-
blishment of Eagged Schools, seemed wasted in every dish. All this
is very well, according to their wealth and station, now and then ; but
the crumbs which fall from their table are in scanty proportion to
the number and abundance of their feasts. A greater simplicity,
however, even in permitted things, would be more beneficial to the
poor, to society, and to themselves. A life so led rivets 'the world
in the heart ; ' and all the externals of good humour, pious language,
and occasional charities, &c, etc., only contribute a hollow and de-
lusive sanction to that system of things which the individuals, and
the world at large, have pre-determined to be right, because they
know it to be pleasant. . . .
May 31st. — Whitsunday. Broadlands Day beautiful.
Lose early, and went out, like Wilberforce, to make the field my
oratory ; but the prayers of the birds, and of all animated nature, had
more, no doubt, of sincerity and less of murmuring than mine. We
know well what we dislike and deplore ; but little do we know or
consider for what we ought to be thankful. I wish that every one
would daily and hourly set before his eyes, and confess, his sin and
the sin of his people : what we have received and done as individuals
and as a nation ; what we have left undone ; what, in the despite of
God's long-suffering, we persist in leaving undone ; our hopes and
fears ; our loves and hates ; our enormous wealth, and still more
enormous covetousness ; the cry of the poor, and the sensuality of
the rich ; and then, if there be but the smallest spark of grace in the
soul, we shall, one and all, exclaim with Job, ' Wherefore I abhor
myself, and repent in dust and ashes.'
June 8th. — Went to Lambeth on Ragged-School business; called
on a poor Irishwoman whose husband had just committed suicide;
bought, alas ! a ' pledge medal ' from the widow of a man who had
1846.] SIB WALTER RALEIGH. 1G7
hung himself in a fit of intoxication ! Took a short walk afterwards
in Park with my sweet Mary and the baby; dear Evelyn accom-
panied me. May God be praised. 01), if some Dives would give me
two or thi'ee hundred pounds, the price of a picture or a horse, I
could set up schools to educate six hundred wretched children ! . . .
June 12th. — I am now begging for four objects — circulars out
upon each. God give me, first wisdom, and then success ! Busy
in founding a Ragged School ; peculiar evils require peculiar remedies.
The natural history of these singular children cannot be read in any
page of the natural history of man ; they are things sui generis,
nondescripts, unknown or uncared for, yet sharp enough for any
mischief, and in numbers enough to cause any danger. God
has made them immortal beings, and no system will receive His
blessing that does not recognise their equality with ourselves. Alas !
alas ! I can set up a school which shall give education every evening
to 280 children for £58 a year — hardly more than it costs to prose-
cute one criminal — and yet I can barely collect the sum !
The labours of Lord Ashley were all -consuming.
His time was so broken to pieces by small details, public
and private, that if, perchance, he had a quarter of an
hour to spare, he hardly knew what to do with it ; so
many things offered themselves, that the period was
exhausted in making the selection. For a long time he
was only able to get through one book, of which he
writes : —
June ICth. — Have crawled by degrees through a very entertaining
Life, by Tytler, of Sir W. Raleigh. Energy, genius, speculative and
practical knowledge of all kinds, unlimited courage and perseverance,
promptitude at every moment, and adaptation to every circumstance.
What a chequered life ! what an unhappy close ! Indignation and
contempt towards that despicable reptile of the human race, James I.,
are impotent ; but I feel them as though he stood before me. As
dreams may be urged as an argument in favour of the immortality
of the soul, so may this sense of injustice, perpetrated whole centuries
ago, be maintained as a proof of final retribution !
168 THE EAliL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XIV.
Lord Ashley could not but think with some anxiety
of the future, and ask himself the question, whether
he should ever return to Parliament. Useful as his
present labours were, he felt himself " like a man at
sea without a rudder." He was constantly moving on,
but not to the point he desired. He was collecting
facts, examining evidence, and instituting inquiries,
none of which he could turn to account as he wished.
He felt that there was "no attraction or compensation
in the study of human misery and degradation, except
in the prospect of abating them," and in order to do
this, he must be back again in Parliament.
At length the future shaped itself to him with some
distinctness, and he wrote : —
June 1st. — I assume, if the Lord will, that I shall return very
speedily to the House of Commons. What, then, shall I do? I
must throw aside many questions in which I take a deep and glowing
interest, because I have neither time nor strength for them all —
Ireland, India, the Colonies. There is no likelihood that I shall be
called to official life, and the study of them, therefore, is not alto-
gether necessary. I have no party nor following, nor should I find
support anywhere to my peculiar opinions on these heads ; I should
be individualised, and reduced to a single unit. I am somewhat
differently situated, however, in respect to my especial questions;
and to them, therefore, I must confine ' les restes d'une voix qui
tombe, et d'une ardeur qui s'eteint.'
From these I shall select some three or four, such as I may hope
to compass in either an equal, or less, number of years ; and what a
blessed thing could I hear the word spoken to Joshua : ' The Lord
thy God is with thee, whithersoever thou goest ' !
I will take, first, the long-agitated, much-desired, and most blessed
Ten Hours Bill ; this, with a Parliamentary effort in behalf of the
' Ea<rtred Children,' will constitute the work of next Session. I will
then proceed with Church Eeform, a reform that shall restore it to
1846.] RELIGIOUS ACTIVITY. 169
the scheme of Cranmer, Ridley, and Latimer, and revive, if possible,
the primitive examples ; and the last that I dare to contemplate will
open a series of exertions to aid, spiritually and physically, the op-
pressed, forsaken, and heathen children described and reported on by
my Commission of 1840 — a vast and foul mass, which our avarice has
engendered, and our luxurious ignorance overlooks, and increases,
and perpetuates. ' "Who is sufficient for these things?' Not I alone,
but any one, if God be with him. And, now, O God, the Father of
the forsaken, the help of the weak, the supplier of the needy, who
hast diffused and proportioned Thy gifts to body and soul, in such
sort that all may acknowledge and perform the joyous duty of
mutual service ; who teachest us that love towards the race of man
is the bond of perfectness, and the imitation of Thy blessed self :
open our eyes and touch our hearts, that we may see and do, both
for this world and for that which is to come, the things which belong
unto our peace. Strengthen me in the work that I have now under-
taken ; give me counsel and wisdom, perseverance, faith, and zeal,
and in Thine own good time, and according to Thy pleasure, prosper
the issue. But, 0 Lord, pour into me a spirit of humility and fear ;
let nothing be done in a vain and wicked notion of righteousness and
merit, but in devout obedience to Thy will, thankfulness for Thine
unspeakable mercies, and love to Thine adorable Son, Christ Jesus,
with a constant and hearty confession of sin and unworthiness, and
everlasting hope through His merits alone, our only Redeemer and
Saviour.
June 3rd. — Another object I have, but I can leave the special
conduct of it to others, because societies are formed and joint-stock
companies on foot ; slow, it is true, and not very sure, but neverthe-
less in action — the health of towns and dwellings, of all 'physical
questions the most important by far, and exercising a terrible
influence on things spiritual.
In religious circles there was an almost restless
activity ; many important movements were beginning
to strike root, and, to employ a Scriptural metaphor,
often used by Lord Ashley to denote the early
indications of new life in religious work, there was
170 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XIV.
"the sound of a going in the tops of the mulberry
trees."
Never was there a time when religion was brought
more prominently forward, and public prayer more
largely attended. To Lord Ashley this did not sug-
gest relaxation of effort ; on the contrary, he felt it
was an hour in which every oue should be up and doing,
and he himself came forward more than ever into the
forefront of the battle. In speaking of the religious
aspect of the times at the meeting of the Pastoral Aid
Society, he said : " Certain it is that wherever there is an
advance towards God, there is always a proportionate,
perhaps a greater, advance towards evil, such is the
activity of the Wicked One ; and you will never be able
to ascertain until the day of conflict and decision shall
have arrived, on which side is the preponderance of
power. Our exertions, therefore, are more than ever
needed." It was in this year that Lord Ashley became
officially connected with the British and Foreign Bible
Society as Vice-President — that Society which, in his
3'outh, he had been taught to regard as revolutionary,
and as undermining the foundations of Church and
State ! A few years later he became its President, and,
until the close of his life, he never ceased to take the
deepest interest in its operations.
Two other movements, of which more will have to
be said hereafter, are referred to for the first time in
his Diaries, in this year.
Feb. 28th. — Night before last took chair at 'Young Men's Chris-
tian Association.' Four hundred persons to tea, a very striking
1840.] THE JERUSALEM BISHOPRIC. 171
scene — young shopmen, with their mothers and sisters, attending
really in a religious spirit. Last night presided in Covent Garden
Theatre at Anniversary of Metropolitan Drapers' Association for
early closing of shops. Both these Societies have their origin in the
Ten Hours movement.
The death of Bishop Alexander of Jerusalem, had
been a terrible blow to the friends of the enterprise
he inaugurated. He seemed to have been a man with
the special gifts and graces essential to the trust
reposed in him. His own zeal helped to keep alive the
zeal of those who, full of hope for Israel, lived in an-
ticipation that the hour for their restoration to their
own land would speedily arrive. The death of the
Bishop, cut off in the midst of his labours, when
engaged in his first episcopal visitation of the darkened
kingdom of Egypt, threw a gloom over these hopes,
which, as the years rolled on, were never again revived
in the same intensity.
According to the terms of the arrangement made on
the foundation of the bishopric, it was now the turn of
the King of Prussia to appoint a successor to the See
of Jerusalem. He selected Dr. Gobat, of the Church
Missionary Society, a German by nationality, who was
duly appointed, and retained his episcopate for thirty-
three years. He was a man of high character and
principle — an excellent man in every respect. Unfor-
tunately, however, he was not without enemies, and,
prior to his consecration, Lord Ashley had to defend
him from some odium and calumny. He believed in
the man thoroughly, and, throughout his career, gave
172 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XIV.
him hearty and persevering support in the difficult
position in which he was placed. Notwithstanding
opposition, Dr. Gobat's influence was felt throughout the
countries over which his jurisdiction extended, and
many abiding works have been left behind as memorials
of his labours. As the years went by, other difficulties
and dissensions arose ; the bishopric did not answer the
expectations formed of it ; Jerusalem showed no signs
of being " a city at unity with itself," and the saying
of Newman, " I have never heard of any good or harm
that bishopric has ever done," was bandied about until,
at last, it was endorsed even by some of those who in
1844 were most enthusiastic in its favour.
July 5th, Sunday. — Attended to-day consecration of Gobat as
Bishop of Jerusalem at Lambeth ! a deeply interesting ceremonial !
and God be praised that it is now accomplished ; but may it in the
Lord's mercy be the beginning of a new series of Gospel doings in
England and the East ! may it tend to hasten the Second and glorious
Advent !
On the 7th of July, Lord and Lady Ashley, accom-
panied by their four sons, started on a tour in Swit-
zerland in quest of health and repose. There were
important reasons why — " at this season, in a time of
great interest, of changing government, of schemes of
his own, of Commissions in Lunacy, and sittings on
the Malta College " — Lord Ashley should leave London.
It was, however, contrary to his own wishes, and
throughout the journey he was depressed and harassed
by the claims of his many conflicting duties. " I
am not very full of agreeable anticipations," he writes ;
1846.] IX BELGIUM. 173
" a little low-spirited. My heart returns to my objects
in public life."
From his ample Diary we shall only quote very
briefly. The first halting-place on the journey was at
Ghent.
. . . Went to seethe Church of the Beguines. . . I cannot get over
these Beguines ; they seem to be the ' ne plus ultra ' of uselessness.
What purpose do they serve, 750 of them, beyond making a sight
for curious foreigners, materials for a handbook, and aids to a
rhapsody ! Doubtless, the first view of the church was singular and,
to a certain extent, impressive, but only from its novelty. The large
white covering on the head of each gave an appearance as if the
church were studded with pigmy tents, but then the silence of the
assembly, and the attitude of prayer, struck the imagination, until
the bursting of the organ into something like a jig, after a few notes
of more reverential music, raised the eyes to the figure of the
Virgin, the great object of their adoration, a doll of about two
feet in height and figged out in a pink court-dress !
There is evidence in the Diary that, to Lord Ashley,
the first few days of the tour were full of irritation
and unrest. The cares and anxieties which had
thickened around him of late, had left their impres-
sion ; he was out of health, and jaded in body and mind.
The first real relief came to him, as it came in old
time to the Psalmist, " in the sanctuary of God."
Sunday. — -Attended service. An unknown man preached a
sermon from the text, ' Cast thy bread upon the waters, and thou
shalt find it after many days.' He proceeded to enlarge on the hopes
and duties of perseverance — never to be weary in well-doing, to
banish despair, or even despondency, in the pursuit of things tending
to the honour of God and the welfare of mankind. He directed his
discourse specially to ministers with cure of souls ; to philanthropists,
and to pai'ents. His observations were just, true, and affectionate;
174 TEE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XIV.
he dwelt more particularly on the cares, anxieties, and disappoint-
ments of parents, and showed that they were seldom, if ever, without
their fruit at the last ; he considered their labours and their prayers
as seed which might lie long before it sprang, and still longer before
the harvest, but he held it to be nearly sure, as the fulfilment of a
Divine promise. His entire discourse seemed a special message to
my doubts and apprehensions, a spur to my discouragements, a balm
to my failures, a word of exhortation to invigorate the mind into
which I had fallen during the last few days ! Blessed be His name !
At Carlsruhe, " built like a fan, of which the streets
are the ribs, and the tower from which you see it the
bulb," he enjoyed the forest scenery, and pronounced
his rest there to be " good, very good."
July 16th. . . . Baden. Certainly, it is a lovely spot ; nothing
is common, nothing is without its point. The undulating hills all
around, clad with the deep, close velvet of the Black Forest, keep the
place at all times in a dress of state. But I am sure that it shares
the climate of Aix and Carlsbad, and, clown in its luscious valleys,
would suck out every energy of mind and body. Ascended hill in a
carriage to view Alte Schloss. . . . When one stands on the pinnacle
of these remnants of former days, and surveys, even to giddiness, the
terrible abyss below, the almost unassailable strength of the fortress,
and endeavours to estimate the vice and violence against which these
preparations were made, and the sorrows and fears their inmates
must have often endured — first one heartily, aye most heartily, blesses
God that our lot is cast in a milder and a better age ; and then one
proceeds to sympathise with those victims of robbery and murder,
who, to flee from power, had made their nest in a rock. All this
sentiment continues in full force itntil you descend to the Neue
Schloss below, and there inspect the distressing dungeons and all the
various inventions and appliances of incarceration and torture. These
scoundrels inflicted as much as they suffered ; it was defect of means,
not excess of compassion, that restrained their hands ; the wretch
that screamed on the rack, or pined in the oubliette, had forecast
the same for the monster that thrust him in. These things, although
memorials of events long passed, turn me quite sick. I felt the same
1846.] GERMAN LIFE. 175
at Ratisbon three years ago ; I felt it here. Aye, well may we say
with David, ' Let me fall into the hands of God, and not into the
hands of men ! '
July 17th. — Read one of the 'Tales of the Genii' to the kids,
making such verbal alterations and omissions as propriety required.
Works of fiction may be read in moderation with considerable
effect ; and specially such as these, where there is always a high tone
of morality and sentiment. The author, by a hazardous attempt to
render, by his descriptions, the indulgence of the passions odious, has
excited thoughts which should ever be suppressed. The best way to
avoid sin is not to know it ; the knowledge of evil brought in both
the practice and the love thereof.
July 18th. . . . These Gemians lead an easy, sensual, sleepy life
of placid and noiseless current. It is wonderful that creatures of such
a vegetative habit should have produced, and should still be pro-
ducing, men and things of so high an order. Intellectually they are
very great ; were they physically equal in their energies to the
British people there would be nothing on earth to compare with
them — but it is not so. One Englishman will perform his work in
half the time that it takes two Germans to consider it, and whether
it be the stoker of a steam-boat, a banker's clerk, or a commissioner
of police, or a gentleman at dinner, the British nation will save both
time and trouble. Surely their mode of life in the present day, their
constant and friendly intercourse, their tranquil smoking, their baths,
their gardens, their naps, their mid-day retirement, are a wonderful
contrast to the savage conflict, the uproarious festivals, the dirt, the
prisons, and the everlasting watchfulness against danger, of the
Middle Ages.
Between Kehl and Strasburg, with " the air de-
licious, the tints on the mountains deep and rich, the
snug and picturesque cottages embosomed in trees, the
agreeable costume of the peasantry," there was sufficient
to " have furnished a hundred thoughts to verse-makers
and lovers."
In Strasburg a visit was paid to the grand monu-
ment of Marshal Saxe.
176 THE EAEL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XIV.
The piece of sculpture has made a great noise in Europe.* I
confess that, greatly as I admired many parts of it, the figure of the
Marshal made me laugh. He looks like a principal singer coming
forward to the lamps at the theatre to give us a popular air ; all
smiles and self-possession. The female figure is unequalled, and
there is much original genius and execution in the figure of Death.
As for the British lion, the Dutch bear, and the sentimental Her-
cules, they are good, but irresistibly comic !
Much later in life Lord Shaftesbury took an active
part in the movement in London for funeral reforms ;
and was even an advocate of cremation. It is interesting
to catch a glimpse of his views on these subjects at this
early date.
. . . Taken to see a dried Count of Nassau and his dried
daughter, all in their fine clothing as they were embalmed and buried
four hundred years ago. What is this passion that people have had,
and still have, to battle with nature, and resist, if they can, the
decree, ' Dust thou art and unto dust shalt thou return ' 1 Do they
believe in the resurrection of the body 1 If so, let them trust the
power and goodness of God. Do they disbelieve it 1 What satisfac-
tion to prolong the existence of a shrivelled, sapless, disfigured, and
disgusting carcase ! .
Alsace suggests to him this query: —
Why did the Allies in 1815, when they adjusted the kingdoms of
Europe, leave this German territory in the hands of France 1 It was
acquired by fraud and violence, by the actions of war in a period
of peace, under the authority of that arch-villain and exceeding
charlatan, Louis " le Grand." It is " as one of the royal cities,"
and should be restored to the German Confederation. I believe,
* Tt represents the Marshal as in the act of descending iuto the tomb,
opened for his reception by Death, while a female figure, symbolising
France, strives to detain him ; and Hercules, in mournful attitude, leans
upon his club.
1S-1C] GERMAN PHILOSOPHY. 177
however, that it is not ill-governed ; and had ic been restored to Ger-
many would probably have been annexed to some second-rate Duchy.
In his journeys, Lord Ashley always took care to
try and find out what signs of activity were being
shown in Christian work, and at Basle, the " Holy
City " of Switzerland, he discovered more regard for
religion, than in any other town of the Republic. There
were missiouary establishments and Bible societies and
Evangelical preachers and Sabbath observances.
Called on the Professor Hoffmann ; found him kind, intelligent,
and pious. He gave an encouraging account of the progress of
Christian principle and Christian action in Germany. He stated
that, seven years ago, he knew but rive persons of station who took
any interest in missionary operations ; he now knows fifty ; and that
their meetings, which at one time were ' well ' attended by twenty
persons, numbered at present nearly four thousand.
As set against this, however, he found that the pro-
gress of systematic and avowed ' Freethinking ' — the foe
he was hereafter to meet in constant battle — was increas-
ing to an alarming degree, and spreading even among
the poorer sort.
Here is a peculiarity among the German literati ; professorial
chairs are held, and public lectures given, by men of open, acknow-
ledged, and boastful Atheism ; nor does opinion frown them down.
We have bad people in England, but few dare to parade their make-
beliefs with ostentation and joy.
. . . Saw the cathedral — curious, and worth the walk if it were
oidy to pay respect to the memory of Erasmus. I have always a
sneaking sympathy with that man ; he saw the truth, loved it, and
yet he dared not to be a martyr in the hour of trial. I fear I should
have been a hare like him.
m
178 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XIV.
The fountains of the towns and villages, combining
ornament and use in a signal manner, were to Lord
Ashley a most agreeable feature : —
Had T a landed property I should erect them in every village for
the convenience of the people. The resort to them in the evening
recalls the primitive times and the narratives of Scripture. Just
now, under the window, there are assembled at one fountain several
women with their vessels, a number of nakeddegged children, and
many cows and oxen drinking. ' Our father Jacob gave us this well
and drank thereof himself, his children, and his cattle ! ' . . . The
sunset was lovely ; and, as it lighted up the distant peaks of the
snowy range of the Alps with its parting rays, revived the conso-
latory words of our blessed Lord, ' I will not leave you comfortless ;
I will come again unto you ! '
On the Lake of Lucerne he recalls some of the
deeds of patriotism achieved on its borders : —
But for my own part I feel no very great enthusiasm about
Helvetic Liberties. ... I find nothing to dwell upon, in the results
of such actions, on the welfare of mankind. The world has gained
no advantage in morals, politics, science or religion from the Swiss
people ; but the Swiss people have received an uncommon share
of admiration and countenance from the world. God grant them
virtue and peace. ...
Even at such an early date as 1S4G, the hand of
change was working wonders in Switzerland :—
Aug. 1st. — Interlaken. ... I saw this place two-and-twenty
years ago ; it was then a beautifully rural spot, an Auburn to have
delighted Goldsmith. Cows, cottages, and peasants, everything in
harmony with the scenery around, and the few strangers who flitted
past, or stationed themselves for a while in the modest inn, had all
the air of travellers, persons who had trodden, or were preparing to
tread, the mountains. This evening I drove along a miniature revival
of the Parisian boulevards — shops, benches, groups of fashionables
1S4G.J GUINDELWALB GLACIER. 179
in suitable conversation, hotels, casinos, and all that can banish the
country and bring in the town. The hills are still high, and the
pastures green, but they are peopled by a different race, and
' All, save the spirit of man, is divine ! '
At Grrindelwald the freshness and vivacity of the air
gave all the party elasticity and spirit, " with a capa-
city," says Lord Ashle}^, " I, at least, had not known
since I left England, to enjoy life." His admiration of
the glacier was unbounded : —
Never was a river born so suddenly and so magnificently. It
does not come creeping in a thread-like stream, from small and silent
fountains, but gushes forth in full size, like Minerva from Jupiter's
head, and rushing with thunder into an amphitheatre of mountains,
escapes through the windings of the valley. On either side of these
mighty pyramids of ice, stands an enormous mountain of naked
granite, and behind them rise the lofty and terrible peaks of the
Vischerhorn, covered with masses of everlasting snow. There they
all stand in the stillest and most awful majesty, engaged, as it were,
to watch the only thing that 1ms sound and motion, the river, which
issues forth from a beautiful archway, beautiful in the form and
colour of the ice, at the foot of the glacier.
The illness of his son Maurice, who was one of the
party, had given cause from time to time for great
anxiety, and on the 4th of August, the following entry
appears in the Diary: —
Maurice has become languid as a drooping flower ; the good
effects of the place are gone back ; we must return without delay to
England. . . .
■&j
The determination was not altogether in opposition
to Lord Ashley's desires.
m 2
180 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XIV.
I felt wonderfully well, and gloriously enjoyed existence, when on
the Wengern Alp ; I know not that I have been really elastic at
any other time during this tour.
They returned at once to Interlaken, and from
thence the travellers proceeded to Berne, en route for
Rotterdam.
Aug. 11th. . . . Berne is Protestant, no doubt, but its observance
of the Sabbath has nothing in it of the ' sour, ascetic stiffness ' of the
old Puritans. The blue-book of Connecticut is reversed here ; and if
jollity can recommend the Reformed faith, let the gainsayers seek
their refutation at Berne. The noise all night in the public street
was that of ' men dividing the spoil ; ' they shouted, they sang, they
marched, they ate and drank in the public saloons ; and 'the tabret and
harp were in their feasts.' Then came the cracking and re-cracking
of whips, the rumbling of diligences, the argumentations of bedless
loiterers. All conspired to drive sleep from my eyes, and respect
from my heart for the police of Berne.
Aug. 19th. — Rotterdam. Went to see a Dutch Fair, amused
beyond all precedent ; could have spent hours, had but minutes. We
must, if it please God, have at some future time a tour in Holland,
and a leisurely one ; nothing could be more interesting and in-
structive. . . . Why did we ever (God forbid that we should repeat
such a folly) go to war with the Dutch % Our interests are alike ;
one or two trifling questions of trade may, for a while, jilace us in
opposition, though on false grounds, but our great political interests,
all that concerns our social and national positions, are the same. . . .
A singular effect occurred last Sunday during the reading of the
Communion service. A Roman Catholic procession had stopped to
offer its adorations to the Virgin ; and just at the moment when the
song of idolatry began, the clergyman read, ' Thou shalt have none
other Gods but me.' The response, 'Lord have mercy upon us, and
incline our hearts to keep this law,' went with joy to one's very
heart
The passage from Rotterdam, occupying thirty-six
hours, was accomplished in a dreadfully rolling sea,
184:J.J AFTER MANY TEAMS. 151
with an adverse wind, heavy rains, and an awful thunder-
storm, but owing to a severe attack of mal de. mer,
Lord Ashley says : —
I regarded them with the indifference of a man who has more
important things to think of.
On the last page of the Diary there is the following
note : —
This journal, like the three of preceding dates, re-opened for the
first time (after having being written) in August, 1880. Never
kept, afterwards, the journal of a tour. The re-perusal of them is
best described in Cowper's words : —
' How soft the music of those village bells
Falling at intervals upon the ear
In cadence sweet, now dying- all away,
Now pealing loud again and louder still,
Clear and sonorous as the gale comes on !
With easy force it opens all the cells
Where memory slejjt.'
And so here. What experience of life ! what tenderness of feeling,
what truth of heart ! what depth of simplicity in these lines !
In all these journals, which I bequeath to my beloved daughter
Victoria, there may be seen consistency of the past with the present.
May have been right, may have been wrong, but at least do not con-
tradict myself and make the last half of my life antagonistic to the
first. Great infirmity, much trace throughout of original sin, and yet,
though now, on a revision, could wish, were it possible, to add much
to what is gone by, see nothing to take away. Never intended for
the eyes of any one but of myself and of that beloved woman now
gone to her rest, they are the entries of one day after another ; and
everything may be said against them but the charge that they were
not hearty and sincere. Victoria may find them interesting and,
possibly, even profitable.
Almost immediately after his return to London,
Lord Ashley received two important letters, one from
182 THE EAIIL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XIV.
Bath, and the other from Oxford, inviting him to be
the representative in Parliament of each of these con-
stituencies. He briefly records the fact in his Diary,
and adds : —
Nightmare ! and dreams all night. "Went up, of course, ' for my
degree.' *
Later on he writes : —
Oct. 3rd. — Offers from Bath to represent that place at the next
election — replied that I wished to have some assurances and guaran-
tees as to support and expense. Many, from the county, urge my
reconsideration of Dorset; but the matter is very doubtful. The Pro-
tection party are determined to regain all that they have lost, and
will, therefore, oppose my at least quiet return. I am not prepared
with any seat, nor have I, except Bath, any prospect of one.
Dec. 26. — Many kind letters from Bath, still urging me to
become a candidate, and engaging to bear every expense. I am not
anxious to accept the offer ; I have, indeed, ceased to be anxious, at
least I fancy so, to enter Parliament again; but I must receive the
deputation. I should prefer, no doubt, an honourable return to my
own county, but my enemies there are bitter, and my friends are
slow — every word that I read from the county confirms me in my
judgment, that I ought not to place myself forward unless invited
by a requisition, which, in all likelihood, I shall never have. . . .
The month of October found Ireland on the brink of
starvation. Lord Ashley had maintained that every
one ought, by private self-denial, to aid the legislative
effort for relief, and abridge his own consumption, that
"all might have a little." He never advised others to
do what he wras not prepared to do himself, and it is not
surprising therefore to meet with these records : —
* He used to say that, whenever he had a l'estless or disturbed night,
his dreams always recurred to the "going up " for his degree at Oxford.
184(3.] POPE PIUS IX. 183
Oct. 7th. — Found all provisions rising in price. Gave orders
that no more potatoes should be bought for the house. We must
not, by competing in the market, raise the cost on the poor man.
He has nothing after this to fall back upon. . . .
Dec. 12th. — Ireland is manifestly set for our punishment, the
slow but just punishment of a ruling power that thrust upon it
Popery, anarchy, and unsympathising proprietors. The nation is
irreconcilable to the Saxon authority. Our late repentance, and
numerous benefits, are perverted to our injury. Famine stalks
through the land. We expend money for their maintenance at the
rate of £127,000 a week; and the starving j)easantry can save,
from this effort of mercy and munificence, enough to purchase
arms to a greater extent than was ever before known for the
assault and overthrow of their benefactors ! And yet so besotted
are we, that all this is turned into an additional argument for the
endowment of the Irish priesthood ! . . .
Dec. 29th. — Ireland is terrible, terrible, teiTible. And the
year 1847 will be worse than 1846. Counsel has perished from
among us. We are at our wit's end. It is a just retribution for
our sins towards that country. ' Be sure your sin will find you
out.'
A few extracts from the Diary, selected from many,
will tell, in the briefest way, what were the subjects
pressing upon the thoughts of Lord Ashley towards the
end of this year of ceaseless activity : —
Sept. 1st. — A Pope called Pius IX. has mounted the Roman
throne. He is ' like the Son of Nimshi,' he ' driveth furiously.'
He will soon be the most popular, as he seems to be the most liberal
man of his day. Shouts attend him wherever he goes. His plans
for ' reform ' are more rapid and more extensive than the capacity,
at the moment, of the people to receive them ! To what will all
this grow1? Most assuredly these political advances cannot co-exist
with the maintenance of ecclesiastical monarchy.
Sept. 5. — Took chair on Thursday, at Bunsen's request, to form
Society for the Religious Care and Instruction of Foreigners, there
being nearly one hundred thousand in this land, and totally
184- THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XIV
neglected. Tholuck, Monod, and some American divines attended.
It was altogether highly interesting, and the scheme is one which
we are bound to attempt.
Sept. 16th. — The ' Evangelical Alliance ' is, like the Anti-Corn-
Law League, a 'great fact.' It does not appear likely, however,
to have practical results in the same proportion — its chief result, for
the present, must be that such a meeting could have been collected
and conducted on such principles and in such a manner.
Oct. 25th. — Dined last night with Kingscote, to consider plan
for larger admission of laity to services in the Church. To be
submitted to the Bishop of London. Our consultation seemed to
prosper, and all present were of one mind. It is a great under-
taking, and involves, so far as our human eyes can see, the per-
manency and efficiency of the Church of England.
Two days later Lord Ashley wrote to Lord John
Russell to request an interview, in order that he
might talk to him on the state of the Church, and on
the 29th he called on him by appointment. The inter-
view was a hurried one, hut the conversation then com-
menced was resumed at a further interview on the 31st.
Oct. 31st, — I shall here enter the topics of our first interview.
State of Universities ; proportion of tainted men who yearly enter
ministry ; effect of their clerical conduct ; indifference or indignation
of people ; progress of ' Gregorianism ' among wealthy ; result among
people at large ; Laud and Puritans ; efforts of Tractarians to sever
Church and State ; hence their desire to see bishops out of Parlia-
ment ; warned him against such a step without great consideration ;
cited conduct of Scotch bishops as proof of tyranny and ecclesiastical
despotism in those who had no public responsibility; mentioned
King Charles's Club at Oxford ; and observed a dangerous precedent
set by Archbishop of Dublin ; appointments of bishops, so far as
possible, from those who have had parochial experience ; assured him
that, through human infirmity, bishops in general inclined to High
Church rather than Low, and would be blind to many Tractarian
tendencies in one who exalted the episcopal office. To-day I resumed
1846.] INTERVIEW WITH LOUD JOHN RUSSELL. 185
by quoting the instances of Bishop Denison and Thirlwall to prove
the difficulty of judging the future characters of men — he saw it.
' You cannot,' I said, ' enjoy peace of conscience, amidst all these
difficulties, unless you make your appointments as in the sight of
God, knowing that you will render an account for the use of your
power.' He assented to this. I told him that I had not touched on
the spiritual character of their doctrines ; I had confined myself to
those points which chiefly affected Government > it was, however, to
be borne in mind that it was a soul-destroying heresy.' He asked
me what I knew of Archdeacon Hare ; I replied in terms of high
eulogy of his learning, eloquence, and piety. ' Is he not unsteady ] '
he said. ' I consulted the Bishop of Durham, who knew nothing
about him. ' ' His unsteadiness,' I replied, ' if he have any, arises
from his too deep study of German theology and German metaphysics ;
it breaks out in conversation, but will never influence his writing or
preaching.' ' Do you know Pelham V (he had, I perceived, seen my
list). ; Not myself, but those in whom I have confidence speak
most highly of him ; he is a superior man in firmness and decision
to his brother.' I then introduced the name of Archdeacon Shirley
as a person fit for any station, adding, ' he is a Whig ; and I say this
because I cannot pretend to be ignorant that, after all, a Minister
must listen to those who support him, and that, if cceteris paribus he
have a fit man on his side of politics, he may, for the sake of peace,
advance such a person.' ' Yes,' he replied, ' cceteris paribus. A
Minister is exposed to great annoyances if he overlook a man on his
own side.' He proceeded : ' I dislike Tractarians and Tractarianism;
but I, as much, dislike those parties who speak of the Roman Catholics
in such violent terms, and who would degrade them to the condition
of serfs, and who entertain sentiments bordering on persecution ;
men like Sir Culling Smith.' ' I have no sympathy,' I replied, 'with
any such excesses ; I do not approve of this unmeasured violence
you speak of ; but I see what is passing through your mind, and I
will be candid with you. Now, in this case, as in all where I have
spoken freely, it is not to obtain your secret opinions. I should be
ashamed of such a low, prying curiosity ; do not, therefore, make
me any answer or any observation. It is reported that the great
desire of your Government, it may not be actually their policy, is to
endow the Romish priesthood in Ireland. Now, if you think to
engage more than a fraction of the Evangelical body in such ub
183 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XIV
undertaking, you will make an awful miscalculation ; this is a point
on which they are, I am sure, quite resolved ; if you threaten that,
if the proposition be resisted, the Empire will be dismembered, they
will reply, ' Let it be dismembered ' ; if you say that desolation will
extend over the realms of England, they will answer, ' Let it be
desolated ' ; there is no consequence they will not endure, very few
degrees of resistance that they will not consider legitimate. The
Dissenters will join them, partly on the ground of dislike to Popery,
partly on the ground of dislike to establishments.' He seemed to
admit this entirely. ' I have now,' I added, ' taken up much of your
time ; I am much obliged to you for the opportunity ; I shall never
again intrude on you in these matters, unless you send me an invi-
tation ; and I shall then think it a duty to obey your summons.
May I, however, be permitted to send you a list of names 1 you will,
of course, throw it behind the fire, or consult it, as you may see fit.'
He assented ; we then parted. Same evening I saw Sir George
Grey. Russell had told him of our interview j ' I hate the Tract-
arians,' added Russell, ' because they persecute the Dissenters, and
I hate the Evangelicals because they would oppress the Roman
Catholics.' He assured me, however, that J. R. was exceedingly
well disposed. The truth is, that Russell, like many others, regards
Popery as a political system ; to be ruled politically ; to be resisted
politically ; to be considered, with all its branches, only as it affects
the political position of a Government. By this measure he will
estimate both men and things. God be with us ! I have, thank
God, done my duty ; I have ' testified ' to this Prime Minister, as I
did to the last ; the fruit from both may be about equal ; but I prefer
Russell as a man to Sir R. Peel.
Nov. 14th. — Yesterday to Broadwall to meet Committee on
Ragged School — established a class of industry for one evening in
the week : tailoring and shoemaking for the boys, needlework for
the girls— have undertaken to pay the expense ; am in hopes of
making nearly sufficient by one article in the Quarterly Review on
' Ragged Schools.' .
Macaulay argues, and well, that the term ' superficial ' is relative,
and can seldom be applied accurately. That which is profound in
one day becomes shallow in another ; the utmost depths of Roger
Paeon would be paddling-pools for the school-boys of our day. This
is not the objection to be raised agairst education altogether, or even
1846.] FINANCES. 187
the education of the present era. My objection is that all are taught
alike, whatever their stations, hopes, views, and necessities — there
is little practical, little of use for future application, and hoys are
ill-educated, not because their knowledge is acquired by rote and lies
mainly on the surface, but because they are lifted above their
political and social station, tilled with personal conceits, and inflated
with notions that they are fit to reform the world, and then
govern it.
Dec. 31st. — Croesus would be pauperised if he were to meet half
the demands that are made upon me every month ! Alas, I must
refuse the largest propoi'tion, and give very sparingly to the
remainder. I say ' alas,' because the cases are oftentimes meritorious,
and I shall always be misrepresented, and frequently misunderstood.
Many people choose to believe that I am rich, and ask accordinglv;
yet more than half of my income is borrowed, to be repaid at some
future day, with heavy accumulations of interest; eight children,
the two eldest costing me more than £200 a year each ; a ninth
coming, and an allowance from my father of only £100 annually
more than I had as a Bachelor at Oxford ! Are these sources of
wealth 1 . . .
CHAPTEE XV.
1847—1850. THE TEN HOURS BILL.
In Lancashire — Mr. Fielden's Ten Hours Bill— Debate thereon in the Lords —
Lord Brougham — The Bishop of Oxford — The Bill Carried— Rejoicings —
Letter to the Short Time Committees — A Check to the Rejoicings — The
System of " Relays" and " Shifts"— A Test Case— The Bill in Jeopardy-
Mr. Baron Parkes' Adverse Decision in the Test Case— An Appeal to the
House — The Work of Agitation Renewed — Sir George Grey's Proposal —
Acceded to by Lord Ashley — A Split in the Camp— The Government Bill
becomes Law — The Principle Established by the Ten Hours Bill— Recanta-
tion of Mr. Roebuck and Sir James Graham — Letter from Mr. Roebuck —
Mr. Gladstone on Factory Legislation — Tributes — Summary of whole
Subject.
The great struggle for the Ten Hours Bill was drawing
near its end, and, by the irony of fate, the victory was
to be achieved while Lord Ashley was out of Parlia-
ment. The winter of 1846-7 had seen him in Lanca-
shire, attending meetings in every large town, and
adopting all possible means to support the efforts which
Mr. Fieklen was to resume in Parliament in the ensu-
ing Session. Everywhere Lord Ashley met with an
enthusiastic reception. He reminded his hearers that
his opponents used to taunt him about the Corn Laws,
and argue that there lay the obstacle which prevented
the passing of his Ten Hours Bill. " With respect to
myself," he said, at a public meeting at Manchester,
" I know the arguments I used to encounter while the
Corn Law was yet in force — how often it was said,
1847.] THE TEX HOURS BILL. 189
' You are the cause of the long-time vexation ; it is you
who are to blame, because, for your own exclusive
interest, you keep up the price of bread, and prevent us
from entering- into competition with foreign manufac-
turers.' I recollect perfectly well one of your present
members saying, ' If I vote for the noble lord on the
Ten Hours Bill, will he follow me into the lobby for
a division on a motion for the repeal of the Corn
Laws?'" He went on to say that, now he had voted
for repeal, he asked for concession in return.
The object of Lord Ashley on all occasions, was to
encourage and stimulate the friends of the movement to
rally round Mr. Fielden with the same enthusiasm with
which they had rallied round him. Many, out of
friendship for himself, had said, " We may as well
relax our efforts, and wait until Lord Ashley is again
in Parliament," not realising that he was anxious, not
for his own honour, but that the measure might be
launched on the crest of the popular wave.
It must not be supposed that he alone was bearing
the whole brunt of the battle. In various parts of the
country Mr. Oastler and others were vigorously prose-
cuting similar labours, while a weekly periodical, The Ten
Hours Advocate, published by Mr. Philip Grant, an able
and zealous colleague, was, under the advice and guid-
ance of Lord Ashley, doing good service to the cause.*
On the 26th of January, Mr. Fielden moved for
leave to bring in the Ten Hours Bill ; the motion was
seconded by Mr. Ferrand, and leave was given. On the
* Alfred's " History of the Factory Movement," p. 218.
190 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XV.
second reading (Feb. 10) the subject was discussed
for several hours, Mr. Hume strenuously opposing the
measure on grounds of political economy, and Mr. Roe-
buck, who never lost an opportunity of attack, assailing
it on all sides.
There is a natural and mournful ring in the follow-
ing words from the Diary : —
Feb. 10th. — Factory Bill is under discussion in the House of
Commons. I lingered in the lobby ; had not spirit to enter the
House ; should have been nervously excited to reply, and grieved by
inability to do so.
March 1st. — Intense anxiety about Factory Bill. I dream of it
by day and by night, and work as though I had charge of the Bill.
March 12th. — Lady De Grey observed to me, last night, that I
was grown silent, and had lost all my spirits. It is quite true. I
have, during the last two or three years, been growing more melan-
choly and even stupid. It is, pei-haps, because I have little or no
play ; and that makes Jack a dull boy.
March 17th. — Long labour yesterday in furnishing John Russell,
at his request, with notes for a speech.
Notwithstanding all opposition, the second reading
was eventually carried by a majority of 108, and on the
3rd of May the third reading, after an animated debate,
was likewise carried by a majority of 63 !
When, ten da}'s later (May 13), the Bill was intro-
duced into the House of Lords, it was observed that
the attendance of bishops was larger than had ever been
known on any previous occasion.
The Earl of Ellesmere (formerly Lord Francis
Egerton), in moving the second reading, said that
having taken part in the discussions upon this subject
in another place, he felt it not unbecoming to occupy
1847.] THE TEX HOURS BILL. . 191
his present position. The measure, which had origin-
ated in the wishes of those who contributed by
their toil to the manufacturing wealth of the country,
had been wafted up to the Legislature by petitions
signed by thousands of the operative classes, who were
deeply interested in its success. It had received the
sanction of those whose lives were devoted to one
undeviating course of philanthropy — men of every
party, and of every religious denomination. It had
made its way to the Legislature, against the opposition
of those who brought to bear on it the most powerful
interest, and their still more powerful minds. It had,
however, been sanctioned by a considerable portion of
the Cabinet, and had been carried into their lordships'
House by a conclusive majority of the other House of
Parliament.
After Lord Faversham had seconded the motion, Lord
Brougham, apologising for interrupting the unanimity
which Lord Faversham had hoped would characterise
their proceedings, at once addressed himself to " the
large number of right reverend prelates whom he saw
assembled opposite," and laid before them his views of
the question in its relation to the morals of the people.
He based his argument on the assumption that the Ten-
Hours restriction would lower wages, and urged that
the condition of the labouring population in a thickly-
inhabited country, was always at the lowest possible
condition with respect to wages, and anything that
tended to make them worse, could not but be injurious
and reprehensible, and he then proceeded to draw a
192 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XV.
melancholy picture of a state of things never likely to
be witnessed. The vote for the second reading was
carried by a majority of forty-two. .
On the 17th of May the bishops again mustered in
full force. The debate was one of the most interesting:
ever listened to in the House of Lords, the most remark-
able speech being that of the Bishop of Oxford, who set
himself to the task of meeting the arguments used in
opposition to the Bill, which were grounded in great
measure upon a number of untrue assertions. It had
been taken for granted, in the first place, that great risk
wouid be run of driving British manufactures abroad ;
in the next place, that the factory labourers were un-
willing to assent to the proposed law ; and in the third
place, that a measure was about to be forced upon the
master manufacturers, which would deprive them of an
adequate supply of labour to carry on their mills with
profit. Having refuted these assertions, the Bishop ad-
dressed himself to Lord Brougham's argument, which he
himself had urged upon the labourers, who had replied,
" Why, this is the argument of my Lord Brougham ;
and there is nothing in it." Then, passing on to
the discussion of the practical question at issue, he
asked, " Could their lordships believe, that upon the last
two hours' labour of trembling hands, tending upon that
machinery, after long, unceasing, and heart-consuming
attention, when Nature almost refused to perforin her
functions — could their lordships believe that upon those
two last hours depended all the profits and accumula-
tions of the manufacturers ? He believed that the work
1847.] TEN HOURS BILL IN HOUSE OF 'LORDS. 193
done in those two last hours was infinitely inferior in
quality to that which was done in any other portion of
thedajr; it was demanding work when nature refused
the power of working ! ' Finally he showed how, for
years, this cause had been slowly winning its way
against the greatest of all human passions — the love of
gain, and in a powerful peroration, maintained that the
acquisition of wealth was based upon moral principles,
that there could be no moral wrong which was politi-
cally expedient, or that could tend to the production of
wealth ; but that, if they neglected the people in order
to make the nation rich, they would, in the end, make
the nation poor, by debasing the people.
The Bill was read a second time without a division,
nearly every member of the Bench of Bishops voting in
its support, and on the 1st of June it passed its final
stage.
May 18th. — Bill passed second reading in House of Lords by 53
to 11. How can we praise Thee, or thank Thee, O Lord1? One step
more, and all will be safe.
The Bishops behaved gallantly— 13 remained to vote ; three
spoke, and most effectively : London, Oxford, St. David's: Clarendon (!)
and Brougham (! !) in opposition. This will do very much to win the
hearts of the manufacturing people to Bishops and Lords — it has
already converted the hard mind of a Chartist Delegate.
June 1st. — Six o'clock. ISTews that the Factory Bill has just
passed the third reading. I am humbled that my heart is not burst-
ing with thankfulness to Almighty God — that I can find breath and
sense to express my joy. What reward shall we give unto the Lord
for all the benefits He hath conferred upon us 1 God, in His mercy,
prosper the work, and grant that these operatives may receive the
cup of Salvation, and call upon the name of the Lord ! Praised be
the Lord, praised be the Lord, in Christ Jesus ! . . .
n
194 TEE EARL OF SEAFTESBVBY. [Chap. XV.
This great victory was received throughout the
country with intense enthusiasm. The rejoicings in
the manufacturing districts were such as had never
been seen before. Lord Ashley and Mr. Fielden were
greeted with ovations wherever they went ; many of the
mill-owners welcomed the change, and arranged for
festivities in honour of the occasion. Medals were
struck in commemoration of the event, and the Queen
was graciously pleased to receive, at the hands of Lord
Ashley, one of these medals sent to her by the factory
operatives.
The importance of the Act of 1S47 becomes very
apparent, when Ave remember that out of 544,876
persons employed (according to the returns of that year)
in the textile industries, no less than 303,796 were
3^oung persons and women, whom the Act directly
affected ; the time of their labour being limited, from
the 1st of July, when the Act came into force, to
eleven hours a day or sixty-three hours Aveekly, and
from May the 1st, 1848, to ten hours a day or fifty-eight
hours weekly.
For forty years the subject had been before the
world, and for fourteen years Lord Ashley had been
working incessantly for the boon now granted. He
had, at the first, demanded that the agitation should be
carried on in the most conciliatory manner possible, and
now that the great principle of the Ten Hours' limit
had been affirmed by the Legislature, he urged that
there should be no noisy or affronting exultation.
Three days after the Bill had passed its final stage,
1847.] LETTER TO SHORT-TIME COMMITTEES. 195
he addressed a letter to the Short-Time Committees as
follows : —
My good Friends, — Although there is no longer any necessity to
name you collectively and as united together for the purpose of obtain-
ing a reduction of the hours of working in factories, I will address
a few words to you, in your capacity of representatives of the whole
operative body, on questions of the highest and dearest interest.
First, we must give most humble and hearty thanks to Almighty
God for the unexpected and wonderful success that has attended our
efforts. We have won the great object of all our laboui-s — the Ten
Hours Bill has become the law of the land ; and we may hope, nay,
more, we believe that we shall find in its happy results, a full com-
pensation for all our toils.
But, with your success have commenced new duties. You are
now in possession of those two hours which you have so long and
so ardently desired ; you must, therefore, turn them to the best
account, to that account which was ever in the minds of your friends
and advocates when they appealed to the Legislature on behalf of
your rights as immortal beings, as citizens and Christians.
You will remember the principal motive that stimulated your own
activity, and the energetic aid of your supporters in Parliament, was
the use that might be made of this leisure for the moral improvement
of the factory people, and especially the female workers ; who will
now enjoy far better opportunities both of learning and practising
those duties which must be known and discharged if we would have
a comfortable, decent, and happy population.
You will experience no difficulty, throughout your several dis-
tricts, in obtaining counsel or assistance on these subjects. The
clergy, the various ministers, the medical men — all who have been
so forward and earnest in your cause — will, I am sure, be really
delighted to co-operate with your efforts.
I need not, I know, exhort you to an oblivion of past conflicts,
and to hearty endeavour for future harmony. I trust that there
will be no language of triumph, as though we had defeated an enemy.
Let us be very thankful that the struggle is over, and that we can
once more combine, not only the interests, but also the feelings, of
employer and employed, in a mutual understanding for the comfort
n 2
196 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XV.
and benefit of each other, and for the welfare of the whole com-
munity.
I cannot entertain a doubt that you will liave anticipated me in
this respect ; it has been my endeavour from the beginning, to seek
and to advise all methods of conciliation ; and I can safely declare,
that in the periods of the greatest ardour or disappointment, I never
heard, either in meetings or from individuals, a single vindictive
expression.
Although the final completion of this great measure has been
achieved by another, I could not, after so many years of labour, take
leave of it altogether without a few words to you of advice and
congratulation. To no one could the lot have fallen so happily as to
our friend Mr. Fielden. He joined me in 1833 in the introduction
of the first Bill, and has been ever since, as you well know, your
able, energetic, and unshrinking advocate.
In bidding you farewell, I do not retire from your service. 1
shall, at all times, hold myself in readiness to aid you in any measures
that may conduce to the moral and physical welfare of yourselves
and of your children ; and I shall, indeed, most heartily pray that it
may please God to prosper this consummation of our toils with every
public and private blessing.
I remain, your very affectionate friend and servant,
Ashley.
It will be well in this place, perhaps, to glance at
some of the subsequent features in the history of the
Ten Hours movement.
At the time of the passing of the Act, a great
commercial crisis caused many factories to stop work-
ing, or at least to work only half time. There was,
therefore, at first, a reduction of wages, solely due,
not to the Act, but to a concurrent stagnation of trade.
"When, however, in May, 1848, the Ten Hours Day
came to be adopted, a revival of production had taken
1849.] THE SYSTEM OF "BELAYS:" 197
place. The legal working day was reckoned to begin at
5.30 a.m. and to end at 8.30 p.m., and the manufacturers
took advantage of this to work their young persons by
a system of " relays " and — what was still worse — of
"shifts" of hands, so as to keep the operatives employed,
and the mills in action, the whole of this time. The
masters who kept the time prescribed by the Act, were
loud in their denunciations of the practice. There was a
struggle between the manufacturers and the inspectors
on this point ; and the country justices, of the manu-
facturing class, assisted the mill-owners in thus evading
the purposes of the Act. Great alarm was created
among the operatives, and, in order to allay it, a test case
was got up by the Lancashire Central Short-Time Com-
mittee, and tried, when the bench decided that the law
was not explicit enough to enable them to convict, and
an appeal was entered to carry the case before a superior
court.
Throughout the year 1849, there was intense anxiety
amongst the friends of the Ten Hours movement, who
feared that the whole question would have to be re-
opened in Parliament. The old Committees were
re-established, tours of inspection were organised ; all
the machinery of agitation had to be called again into
use, and it was found that the system of " relays " was
spreading in all directions. The Masters' Association,
on the other hand, was equally active, and petitions
were drawn up against the Ten Hours Bill, and
circulated freely.
A few extracts from the Diary will show Lord
198 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XV.
Ashley's attitude towards the question during this
anxious time: —
March 5th, 1849. — The Ten Hours law is in jeopardy: God gave
it us in His mercy, and admirably has it worked, no reduction of
wages, no flight of capital, no misuse of vacant hours, nay, the
reverse of all this. Some of the masters, a small, thank God, though
powerful minority, have discovered a means of evasion. The Govern-
ment say that they cannot prevent it, and they will, therefore, par-
tially legalise it ! Here is fresh toil, fresh anxiety. Would to God it
were settled for ever !
June 8th. — Old John Fielden is dead. . . . Poor old Fielden ; he had
many kind qualities, and was a true and energetic friend to the Ten
Hours Bill : greatly, indeed, am I, and the operatives also, indebted
to him, and we shall miss him very seriously now, when wealth and
capital and avarice and power are again in arms against weakness
and poverty. The mighty boon of the Ten Hours law is nullified
by fraud and abused justice ; and they seek now to annihilate it by
open legislation !
Oct. 4th. . . . The Ten Hours agitation still alive. Mr. Oastler
and Mr. Stephens have seized the opportunity to revile me and place
themselves at the head of the operatives ; but I rejoice to say that
the operatives will neither believe them nor accept them. This
matter must be speedily determined by an appeal to one of the
Superior Courts : it is disgraceful that the Home Secretary has so
long neglected this pressing necessity.
Nov. 1st. — Mr. Oastler and a crew of others (I can use no milder
term), including Sam Fielden (why he?) are denouncing and reviling
me in every society, by day and by night, in speech and on paper,
as a traitor, and a thousand other things, to the Ten Hours Bill.
God knows my sincerity, my labours, vexations, losses, injuries to
health, fortune, comfort, position in that cause. It is true I told the
workpeople that I would assent (if they would assent, but not with-
out) to the concession of half an hour, provided they received in
return the immediate and final settlement of the question, and the
limitation of the range from fifteen to twenty hours, a concession the
masters alone could make. Here is my offence, and I am too busy,
and also too tired to begin a controversial defence. Like Hezekiah,
1850.] A TEST CASE. , 199
I ' spread it before the Lord.' ... I wish I could be cheerful, but
mirth hath perished.
It was not until the 8th of February, 1850, that the
test case came on for hearing in the Court of Exchequer.
The decision was awaited with feverish anxiety, as it
seemed that the whole effect of the statute hinged upon
it, aud the adverse judgment of Mr. Baron Parke, in
which it was decided that the system of " shifts " aud
" relays " was not contrary to the letter of the Act, was
received with dismay.
Feb. 1st, 1850. — Jiidges will decide adversely on factory case
submitted to them, and thus legalise relays ! The Attorney-General
said to me this afternoon, ' They will give judgment, not according
to law, but on policy.' ' Judge Parke,' he added, ' observed to me,
" I have no doubt that the framers of the Act intended that the
labour should be continuous, but as it is a law to restrain the exercise
of capital and property, it must be construed stringently." Might
not this judge have said and thought, with equal justice and more
feeling, ' This is a law to restrain oppression and cruelty, and alleviate
an actual slavery under a nominal freedom. I will, therefore, con-
strue it liberally ! ' . . .
Feb. 15th. — Adverse judgment in Court of Exchequer. Great
remedial measure, the Ten Hours Act, nullified. The work to be
done all over again : and I seventeen years older than when I began !
But, as" I did not commence, so neither shall I renew it, in my own
strength. My sufficiency, if there be any, is of God.
It was now clear that the cruel system which had
been declared legal, would spread rapidly throughout the
manufacturing districts. But Lord Ashley was equal to
the emergency, and, having in the interval taken his seat
for Bath, he, four days after the decision had been given,
introduced the question into the House of Commons, by
f calling the attention of the Government to the necessity
200 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XV.
for " taking some steps to obviate the very evil con-
sequences of that decision ; " and on March 14, after a
smart discussion, obtained leave to bring in a Bill. He
insisted upon immediate action, as, in the then present
state of things, with the mills going for fifteen hours
and the actual labour of young persons restricted to ten,
it resulted in their being turned out into the streets at
different intervals during the day, which was not only
an incentive to vice, but it made it impossible for In-
spectors to ascertain how many hours the hands really
worked. Even Mr. John Bright acknowledged the need
for settling what was, he admitted in some degree, an
unsatisfactory state of the law ; but he took occasion to
charge Lord Ashley with posing at one time as the
" hired advocate " of those who were anxious to paint
in the blackest colours the condition of the manufactur-
ing districts, " and at another time as if he were en-
gaged, in consequence of the passing of the Ten Hours
Bill, to paint an entirely different people."
Throughout the Session, the Ten Hours question
was constantly before the House, and every stage in its
progress was guarded anxiously by Lord Ashley. Sir
George Grey, on behalf of the Government, proposed a
plan to which Lord Ashley had previously agreed —
namely, in return for the strict limitation between six
and six, to allow ten and a half hours labour per day,
and not more than sixty hours per week. The real com-
pensation in this was — and it was worth all the rest —
that the time of labour was limited to a range of twelve
hours with a certain termination at six o'clock. There
1850.] "BELAYS" AND "SHIFTS." 201
were many amendments to this proposal, and endless dis-
cussions in and out of Parliament. Lord John Manners
moved that the factory day should be limited to half-
past five in the afternoon. Mr. John Bright seconded
a proposal to legalise the hateful system of " shifts and
relays," and to fix the factory day from half-past
five a.m. to half-past eight p.m. ! Both of these motions
were lost, as was also a motion by Lord Ashley, that
children between eight and thirteen years of age should
be included in the six to six clause. But, although this
was lost then, it was afterwards effected by Lord Pal-
merston, when at the Home Office in 1S53.
March 11th, 1850. — Saw Grey; lie proposes, in fact, an eleven
hours' bill, and admitted that it was so, offering at the same time
advantages in the reduction of the range from 15 to 12^ hours; all
mills to close at six o'clock. He would not interdict relays, and by
permitting them, enable masters to work for eleven hours ; why this 1
All has prospered under the ten hours, why thus propitiate Bright
and Ashworth 1 Evasions would be universal ; detection, impossible.
March 14th. — Grey fearful, vacillating, showing no principle —
matters appear well ; if all goes on as it has begun we shall prosper.
To-day is the clay of trial.
March 15th. — The case was unanswerable, the House with me;
Grey weak, vacillating, quibbling on legal points, yet admitting the
truth of the asserted improvements. Bright and Gibson angry,
though subdued.
May 7th. — Harassed day after day by this Factory Bill — im-
possible to get a stringent clause to prohibit relays : tried many and
failed — have resolved then, as only hope of ge*ing anything good
an 1 secure for the operatives, to accept Government Amendments.
I am sure that they are the best terms that ever will be offered, and
probably that this is the last time of their being offered. I fear, too,
division among the operatives, for, if some reject, some will accept
the terms ; once divided they are lost, the masters will effect an
Eleven Hours Bill !
202 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XV.
May 8 th. —Harassed exceedingly by Factory affair. — resolved to
adopt clauses of Government, and wrote letter to Times announcing
it. Expect from manufacturing districts a storm of violence and
hatred. I might have taken a more popular and belauded course,
but I should have ruined the question ; one more easy to myself, but
far from true to the people.
May 9th. — Two considerations £ave greatly determined me to
take the resolute course of accepting the Government proposals.
First, I felt most distrustful of the disposition of the House to
support me in the full demand for the 'ten hours.' The majority,
that, in 1847, gave victory to the old supporters of the Bill, were
governed, not by love to the cause, but, by anger towards Peel and the
Anti-Corn -Law League. Had not these passions interposed, there
would have been no unusual 'humanity.' Our position in this re-
spect, is now altered. Secondly, it is manifest that neither party
(the employers, or the men) is striving for what is considered to be
really essential. The two additional hours could give nothing of
value to the amount of production ; the two hours spread over the
week, could take nothing of importance from the operatives, the
rule being constant and rigid that the mills should be closed at six
o'clock every day. They are struggling merely for victory ; no side
chooses to be beaten. This may be natural, but I could not consent
to be the tool. Doubtless it is a blow to my reputation, because
many will misunderstand, while many will misrepresent, my position
and conduct.
After a long and wearisome course, the Bill was
passed, and received the Royal assent on July 26, 1850.
It reduced the legal working day for all young persons
and women, to the time between six in the morning
and six in the evening, with one and a half hours for
meals. This permitted ten and a half hours work on five
days in the week ; on Saturdays no protected person
was to work after two. Such was the main feature of
the Act 13 & 14 Yic. cap. 54, which has, since 1S50,
regulated the normal day in English factories.
1850.] EFFECT OF TEN HOURS BILL. 203
The principle established by the Ten Hours Bill
has had an effect, the importance of which it is difficult
to over-estimate, and, owing to the perseverance of Lord
Shaftesbury, that principle has been extended, until to-
day we have " a complete, minute, and voluminous code
for the protection of labour; buildings must be kept
pure of effluvia ; dangerous machinery must be fenced ;
children and young persons must not clean it while in
motion ; their hours are not only limited but fixed ;
continuous employment must not exceed a given number
of hours, varying with the trade, but prescribed by the
law in given cases ; a statutable number of holidays is
imposed ; the children must go to school, and the em-
ployer must every week have a certificate to that effect ;
if an accident happens, notice must be sent to the
proper authorities ; special provisions are made for bake-
houses, for lace-making, for collieries, and for a whole
schedule of other special callings ; for the due enforce-
ment and vigilant supervision of this immense host of
minute prescriptions there is an immense host of in-
spectors, certifying surgeons, and other authorities
whose business it is ' to speed and post o'er land and
ocean ' in restless guardianship of every kind of labour,
from that of the woman who plaits straw at her cottage
door, to the miner who descends into the bowels of the
earth, and the seaman who conveys the fruits and ma-
terials of universal industry to and fro between the
remotest parts of the globe ! " *
One of the most interesting circumstances in con-
* Morley's " Life of Cobclen."
204 TEE EARL OF SEAFTESBURY. [Chap. XV.
nection with the later labours of Lord Shaftesbury on
behalf of factory operatives was, that his steady per-
severance, in the long run, brought round to his side
many of those who had most stoutly opposed him. In
I860, Mr. Roebuck, who had formerly been bitterly
hostile, stood forth in Parliament and made his public
recantation. The question before the House was the
labour of children, young persons, and women employed
in Bleach works. He said : "I am about to speak on
this question under somewhat peculiar circumstances.
Very early in my Parliamentary career Lord Ashley, now
the Earl of Shaftesbury, introduced a Bill of this de-
scription. ... I opposed Lord Ashley at that time, and
was very much influenced in my opposition by what
the gentlemen of Lancashire said. They declared then
that it was the last half hour of the work performed by
their operatives which made all their profits, and that
if we took away that last half hour we should ruin the
manufacturers of England. I listened to that state-
ment, and trembled for the manufacturers of England — ■
but Lord Ashley persevered. Parliament passed the
Bill which he brought in. Prom that time down to the
present the factories of this country have been under
State control, and I appeal to this House whether the
manufacturers of England have suffered by this legisla-
tion?" (Loud cheers.)* The burden of his speech
throughout, was, that in his former tooth- and-nail op-
position, he had been wrong in almost every particular.
No sooner had Mr. Roebuck concluded than Sir
* Times, March 22, 1860.
1850.] MB. ROEBUCK'S RECANTATION. 205
James Graham came up to him, and, laying his hand
on his shoulder, said, " I am glad that you have read
your recantation, and I will read mine to-morrow."
Eoebuck's recantation was more fully announced in the
following letter, written a few days after his speech in
the House : —
Mr. Roebuck, M.P., to Lord Shaftesbury.
19, Ashley Place, S.W., March 24, 1860.
My dear Lord Shaftesbury, — I am much obliged by your
kind expressions and by your flattering appreciation of my labours
on behalf of the women and children working in Bleaching and Dye-
works. The praise, however, if any be due, belongs to yourself, for
the evidence supplied by the enactments which you promoted, made
a convert of me, and led me, as far as I was able, to imitate your
example and follow in your footsteps. That good will come of last
Wednesday's division I feel certain. The success of the measure is
now assured, and much misery, which has hitherto disgraced us, will
now be prevented. The present state, however, of these poor women
and children is a serious lesson to all legislators. It teaches us, in
a way not to be mistaken, that we ought never to trust to the
justice and humanity of masses of men, whose interests are furthered
by injustice and cruelty. The slave-owner in America, the manu-
facturer in England, though they may be individually good men,
will, nevertheless, as slave-owners and masters, be guilty of atrocities
at which humanity shudders ; and will, before the woidd, with un-
blushing faces, defend cruelties from which they would recoil with
horror if their moral judgments were not perverted by their self-
interest. It is happy for us that we have an impartial public around
us, who, being unswayed by evil interests, can, without a sacrifice,
give a just judgment.
Thanks again for your approval,
Believe me, very sincerely yours,
J. A. PtOEBUCK.
206 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XV.
True to his word, in a debate upon the same subject
(the Bleaching and Dye -Works Bill), Sir James
Graham rose and said : " I have a confession to make
to the House. Experience has shown, to my satis-
faction, that many of the predictions formerly made
against the Factory Bill have not been verified by the
result, as, on the whole, that great measure of relief for
women aud children has contributed to the well-being
and comfort of the working classes, whilst it has not
injured their masters. . . . By the vote I shall give to-
night I will endeavour to make some amends for the
course I pursued in earlier life in opposing the Factory
Bill."*
In March, 1864, Mr. Gladstone, in a speech on
interference by prohibition, referred to the Factory
Acts, and said, "It is an interference, as to which it
may be said that the Legislature is now almost unanimous
with respect to the necessity which existed for under-
taking it, and with respect to the beneficial effect it has
produced both in mitigating human suffering, and in
attaching important classes of the community to Par-
liament and the Government." In a note written by
Lord Shaftesbury in the margin of Mr. Grant's " His-
tory of Factory Legislation ':' are these words : " He
does not retract with the honesty of Boebuck and
Graham.''
In all quarters, testimony was borne to the bene-
ficial effects produced by the intervention of the Legis-
lature in the emplo}Tment of women and children in
* Times, May 9, 1860.
1850.] SUMMARY OF FACTORY LEGISLATION. 207
factories. To quote such testimony would be an endless
and unnecessary labour. One extract only, as a sample,
shall be given here. At a meeting- of the British
Association in Manchester, in September, 1861, Pro-
fessor Newmarch, in his opening address as President of
the Economic Science Statistics Section, after referring
to the progress of Factory Legislation, and the " wholly
successful " issue of the limitation of hours, said: "It
had consolidated society in this part of the island,
swept away a great mass of festering and growing dis-
content, placed the prosperity of the district on a broad,
solid, and safe basis ; on the orderly, educated, contented
labour of Lancashire, a security against foreign com-
petition, a guarantee of power, and fund of undivided
profits. These results had followed from the sagacious,
persevering, and moral exertions, of the advocates of
the Ten Hours Bill."
By far the most interesting summary and comment
upon the great Factory struggle, is supplied by Lord
Shaftesbury in some manuscript notes appended on fly-
leaves to Mr. Philip Grant's " History of Factory
Legislation." They were written towards the end ot
his life, and are as follows : —
My friend Grant has made some omissions, and especially in p. 145.
He has left out the whole history of what follows on my acceptance
of Grey's offer of a 'limitation of the hours between 6 and 6, with an
hour and a half off for meals,' thus making the working day 10i
instead of 10 hours.
It led to a violent disruption. Oastler, Walker, and the Fielden
family denounced me as a traitor, and never ceased afterwards to
hurt and slander me.
208 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XV.
I assented on the ground that twenty years of well-balanced con-
flict showed that neither party could gain its full purpose ; and that
compromise was the only solution. And the gain to the people was
far beyond the concession to the employers, who, for an additional
half hour, surrendered their right to take the hours of labour over
an interval of 15 hours with all the means of evasion, and agreed to
7 O
close their works at 6 o'clock.
This was recognised, at the very first, by very many of the opera-
tives, and, eventually, by all.
It, moreover, prevented a ' sore place ' by giving neither party the
absolute victory. And in nothing have I seen more reason to admire
and trust the factory-workers, than in their readiness to conform to
my advice (which I gave in abundant letters and speeches) that,
while there was much joy, there should be no insolent exultation,
no language of triumph, but expressions of gratitude, addresses of
friendly sentiments, and desire for harmony and common action.
All this had the desired effect ; for the masters, instead of a sulky
opposition, were zealous to aid the operations of the measure, and
hence, under God, its success.
From the first hour of my movement to the last, I had ever before
me and never lost sight of it, the issue of a restoration of a good
understanding between employer and employed.
He has also omitted to note the completion of the Act by bring-
ing, in 1853 (this we owe to Palmerston), the children between 8
and 13 under the 6 to 6 Clause. To this time, though the adults
and young persons were liberated after 12 hours' detention on the
premises, the children of tender years were detained 15 hours, many
of them, in Yorkshire, coming 3 miles to their work.
These new measures (the Extension Acts) were mentioned in the
Queen's Speeches both at the opening and the closing of Parliament
in 1867.
The next entry, on another fly-leaf, appears to have
been written at a later date : —
Forster* suggested that, in the preface to my ' published volume ' ( !)
I should set forth many of the obstacles that had beset my progress.
This could not be clone by myself ; the narrative would savour of
* John Forster, author of " Life of Dickens," and many other works.
1850.] REVIEW OF FACTORY LEGISLATION. 209
egoism. But for my children, if this book survive me, I may say
that they were many and severe. I had to break every political
connection, to encounter a most formidable array of capitalists, mill-
owners, doctrinaires, and men, who, by natural impulse, hate all
' humanity-mongers.' They easily influence the ignorant, the timid,
and the indifferent ; and my strength lay at first (' tell it not in
Gath ! ') among the Radicals, the Irishmen, and a few sincere Whigs
and Conservatives. Peel was hostile, though, in his cunning, he
concealed the full extent of his hostility until he took the reins of
office, and then he opposed me, not with decision only but male-
volence, threatening, he and Graham, to break up his administration
and ' retire into private life ' unless the House of Commons rescinded
the vote it had given in favour of my Ten Hours Bill. The Tory
country gentlemen reversed their votes ; but, in 1847, indignant with
Peel on the ground of Corn Law repeal, they returned to the cause
of the factory children.
Fielden and Brotherton were the only ' practical ' men, as the
phrase then went, who supported me, and to ' practical ' prophecies
of overthrow of trade, of ruin to the operatives themselves, I could
only oppose ' humanity ' and general principles. The newspapers
were, on the whole, friendly ; some very much so. A few, especially
the local journals, inconceivably bitter, though balanced by local
papers sound and hearty in their support.
Out of Parliament, there was in society every form of 'good-
natured ' and compassionate contempt. In the provinces, the anger
and irritation of the opponents were almost fearful ; and men among
first classes of workpeople, overlookers and others, were afraid to
avow their sentiments. It required, during many years, repeated
journeys to Lancashire and Yorkshire, no end of public meetings in
the large towns ; visits, committees, innumerable hours, intolerable
expense. In very few instances did any mill-owner appear on the
platform with me ; in still fewer the ministers of any religious deno-
mination. At first not one, except the Rev. Mr. Bull, of Brierley,
near Bradford ; and even to the last, very few, so cowed were they
(or in themselves so indifferent) by the overwhelming influence of
the cotton lords.
I had more aid from the medical than the divine profession ;
and ever must I record the services and skill of Mr. Fletcher of
Bury.
0
210 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XV.
The demands upon time and strength were quite up to my
powers, and, indeed, much beyond them. I suffered a good deal.
The operatives, themselves, did their duty. Their delegates,
whom they maintained at their own cost, were always active and
trustworthy men ; specially my friend and fellow-labourer, Philip
Grant, who was, in my support, as two right hands.
Perhaps the vai'ious efforts made by Sir R, Peel to induce me to
take office, were amongst the greatest of my difficulties. The attrac-
tions of office were not weighty ; but Sir P. Peel wishing, not so
much to have me as a member of his Government as to withdraw me
from the Factory Bill, spared no entreaties, no ' flatteries,' no almost
falsehoods, to entice me. He shifted his ground in every way, first
one thing, then another. Among other things, the Lord-Lieutenancy
of Ireland, as ' a man who would have great influence over the clergy
to induce them to accept reforms.'
In the Times of Saturday, April 11th, ]86$, there is a review of
the Life of Wilberforce ! There are many things said in it of him
that might be said of me, but they never will be. He started with a
Committee and a Prime Minister to back him. I started to assail
home interests, with every one, save a few unimposing persons,
against me. O'Connell was a sneering and bitter opponent. Glad-
stone ever voted in resistance to my efforts ; and Brougham played
the doctrinaire in the House of Lords.
Bright was ever my most malignant opponent. Cobden, though
bitterly hostile, was better than Bright. He abstained from opposi-
tion on the Collieries Bill, and gave positive support on the Calico
Print-works Bill.
Gladstone is on a level with the rest ; he gave no support to the
Ten Hours Bill ; he voted with Sir R. Peel to 'rescind the famous
division in favour of it. He was the only member who endeavoured
to delay the Bill which delivered women and children from mines and
pits ; and never did he say a word on behalf of the factory children,
until, when defending slavery in the West Indies, he taunted Buxton
with indifference to the slavery in England !
Lord Brougham was among my most heated opponents. He
spoke strongly against the Bill in 1847.
Miss Martineau also gave her voice and strength in resistance to
the measure.
By degrees some public men came round. Russell, then Lord
1850.] FRIENDS AND FOES. 211
John, did me disservice while he was Minister ; he espoused the
cause when turned into Opposition. Then Sir G. Grey adhered ;
and, towards the end, Macaulay gave us one of his brilliant and
effective speeches. My latter years in the House of Commons were
dogged by Oastler and the Fieldens, who resented my policy in
bringing all things to a happy conclusion by making and accepting
concessions to abate too much exultation in the operatives, and too
much soreness in the mill-owners.
The pressure upon purse and upon time was very great ; the
pressure upon strength was greater, but the pressure on the mind
was greatest of all. I endured terrible anxieties.
(I have omitted above that the famous O'Connell was, for a long
time, very bitter and hostile, and spoke of the ' good-natured non-
sense ' I delivered. He became, afterwards, much milder.)
What follows was written evidently after another
long interval : —
On May 15th, 1869, a great celebration at Bradford to uncover
Oastler's statue. The reception the operatives gave me was wonder-
ful. There must have been one hundred thousand people present ;
many had come from distant towns in Yorkshire.
o 2
CHAPTER XVI.
1847.
Famine in Ireland— Day of Humiliation — National Education and Wesleyan
Support — Letter from Lord John Eussell — Election Speech at Bath — Inci-
dents of the Election — Returned Head of the Poll — Ragged School Busi-
ness— Broadwall Ragged School — Roger Miller, City Missionary — His
Death — Article on Mrs. Elizaheth Fry — Quakers and Quakerism — Article
on Lodging Houses — A Hapless Wanderer — A Round of Visits — Leader of
the Conservative Party — Missionaries — Miss Strickland — Highland Scenery
— A Presentation at Bradford — Party Spirit — Lahours in Lunacy Cases
— Baron Lionel Rothschild and Jewish Disahilities — At Windsor — Dr.
Hampden — Faith.
There were many who did not hesitate to declare that
the scare produced by the threatened failure of the
potato crop in 1845, and the consequent famine, was
neither more nor less than a political coup. It was,
nevertheless, a terrible fact, and Ireland had been
plunged into unprecedented distress. In the autumn of
1846 the disease reappeared with greater virulence than
ever; and in 1S47 Ireland was in a state of absolute
famine. It is impossible to describe the terrible condi-
tion of that unhappy country ; tens of thousands were
threatened with actual starvation, and thousands more
were suffering from disease consequent upon insufficient
food. Then it was seen that the repeal of the Corn
Laws was a stroke of the wisest policy ; the ports had
not been thrown open one day too soon, nor had the
intimation to countries from whence grain could be
1847.] FAMINE IN IRELAND. ' 213
imported, been given an hour too early. The descriptions
in the daily press were of the most harrowing kind, and
the whole world was horrified by their shocking details,
to which there is, happily, nothing similar on record in
the annals of this country. The food of the people was
gone ; and although every effort was made to bring sup-
plies into the country, these were altogether inadequate.
Subscriptions were set on foot, work was improvised for
the unemployed ; but, notwithstanding this, the people
died in hundreds daily from dysentery, famine, fever,
and starvation. Never before had there been such
universal sympathy with suffering — all the nations vied
with one another in sending contributions towards the
relief of the distress — and never before had any country
in civilised lands and times been dependent for existence
upon one poor article of food. Despite all the efforts
that were made, " there was not a house where there
was not one dead." It was ascertained by the census of
1S51 that a million and a half of persons, of all ages, had
disappeared — either starved to death, destro}red by pesti-
lence, or fled the country.
In a great variety of ways the sympathies of Lord
Ashley were called out towards the suffering people, to
whom constant reference is made in the Diary through-
out these years of famine.
February 21st, Sunday. — Sermon for relief of Irish ; held one of
the plates in Park Street. Largest collection ever known here,
£192 14s. lid. Sad to see how many well-dressed people pass by
and oive not a brass farthing. . . .
February 26th. — Wrote to Bishop of London to urge day of
214 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XTI.
humiliation. It is something to reverence God as a nation, though
it be only externally.
March 24th. — The day appointed for fast and national humilia-
tion. At ten o'clock, prayers being ended, some bread and cocoa.
The savings in the house-books to go (it is the homage, not the sum)
to some Irish fund. Were this done in every family, thousands of
pounds might be collected. It has been a comfortable day to me ;
the service, the reading, the conversation, have all been consolatory
and profitable. Seldom have I known my heart more touched, or
my eyes more full. ... O God, may this people stand before Thee
in penitence, in prayer, confession, and forgiveness ! May they yet
be Thy instruments, for honour to Thee and welfare to the human
race, Thy chosen soldiers of the Cross of Christ against sin and the
devil !
In the early part of the year Lord Ashley was en-
gaged in rendering important service to Lord John
Kusseil, who was about to submit to Parliament a
scheme for the education of the people, based upon the
grant of £100,000 to be asked for during the Session.
He proposed to exclude Soman Catholics from the
benefit of the grant, and to take up their case in a sepa-
rate form. The details of his plan were submitted to
the House on the 19th April, when he expressed his
belief that any proposal for making State education
purely secular would be opposed to the opinion of
Parliament.
April 1st. — Much engaged in endeavouring to bring the Wes-
leyan body to accept and support new scheme of education.
Lord J. Russell to Lord Ashley.
Chesham Place, April 7, 1847.
My deab Ashley, — Your exertions to induce the Wesleyans to
accept our Minutes will, I trust, be successful.
But at all events, I cannot refrain from expressing the obligations
1847.] SPEECH AT BATH. ' 215
which I feel to you for your very active and judicious endeavours to
obtain the support of that most valuable body to our Minutes.
I remain, ever yours faithfully,
J. Russell.
April 15th. — All is well ! The Wesleyans have accepted the
Minutes. May God prosper the issue ! Took chair in evening-
yesterday of great education meeting in Freemasons' Hall. Very
enthusiastic, very successful ; everything prospered.
April 17th. — I cannot dispossess my mind of a suspicion that
John Russell meditates ' other ' things in a new Parliament, yet
that does not alter my desire and determination to aid him, heart
and soul, in all that is right. He has written to thank me for my
services in the negotiations with the Wesleyans. And truly they
were very opportune. Their hostility would have been disastrous.
April 23rd. — A majority last night on the Education Minutes of
345, forty-seven only voting against it ! I am truly thankful. May
the measure be prospered to the advancement of true; religion ! Now,
where would the Government have been had the Wesleyans joined
the Dissenters ? Their union would have damped the ardour of the
Church, and all would have been in confusion.
Lord Ashley had accepted the invitation of an influ-
ential deputation that had waited upon him, urging
him to stand for the representation of Bath, at the
forthcoming General Election, and offering to pay all
his expenses; and on the 25th May he addressed the
electors. In his opening remarks he gave a graphic
description of Parliamentary life. He said : —
I was almost willing to retire from public life, and all its dis-
tracting vocations ; for, however tempting to the young and inex-
perienced— however full of promise of usefulness and of honour to
those who have never tried it — the House of Commons does not
present, to its more practised members, such an amount of unalloyed
enjoyment a3 to render it, of all sublunary things, the most to be
desired.
216 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [chap. XVI.
The immense consumption of time, the constant demand on the
moral and physical energies, the enormous effort winch is required
to do the smallest good, and the misunderstanding and abuse which
constantly attend that attempt — these circumstances, when seen and
felt, greatly diminish the attraction of Parliamentary honours. Add
to these the state of public parties, the uncertainty of the opinions
of your own ordinary political friends, and the total impossibility of
reposing entire confidence in any public man— consider all these
things, and you have but little left to inspire any inordinate desire
of senatorial privileges.
The subjects he principally brought forward, were
those connected with the social condition of the labour-
ing; classes, indicating principles rather than precise
measures, and holding himself free to decide the time
and mode of asserting them; but, in all, he pledged
himself to maintain the " great principles of the Con-
stitution in Church and State — those great principles
which, ever since the Revolution of 1GSS, have been
recognised and cherished by the people of these
realms — the Crown, the Bishops, the Houses of Lords
and Commons, and eveiy institution ecclesiastical and
civil."
His opponent was Mr. Eoebuck, then his bitterest
antagonist in the Factory agitation. Mr. Eoebuck had
arrayed on his side capital, as well as considerable in-
fluence, the Jews alone subscribing £2,000 towards his
expenses, and he made, moreover, the usual extravagant
display which produced no inconsiderable impression
upon a certain class of electors in those days. Lord
Ashley, on the other hand, declined to allow banners,
processions, or even ribands ; determined that if he
triumphed, it should be a triumph of principles.
1847.] RETURNED M.P. FOR BATH: 217
July 24th. — Bath. Arrived yesterday— all seems quiet, and
appearances are not bad. It would require a world of argument to
make me vote for the repeal of the Septennial Bill ; a more frequent
repetition of the toils, expenses, excitement, and evil passions of a
contested election, would be awfully injurious to all parties. '
July 2Gth. — Mobbed on Saturday, and struck in the evening by
a man, who was instantly seized, his blow having been broken — yet I
shall continue to walk about. Violence is expected at the hustings ;
I trust that the police will do their duty. Attended several com-
mittees, very crowded, and very hot — all looks pretty well, but
' Dieu dispose.' Mr. R. is determined, I hear, to wither me by
sarcasms — doubtless he will have the opportunity to revile, and I
shall have none to answer ; but God judge between us !
July 28th. — The nomination has passed off quietly — people noisy,
but gooddiumoured. An immense meeting ; Mr. Roebuck, piano in
comparison of what I expected, so much so that I could not produce
the only part of my speech that I had prepared in answer to his
invectives !
Perceived a change in the popular feeling towards end of my
speech ; cries of ' Ashley for ever ! ' ten times more frequent all this
evening than before.
July 31st. — London. No time for entries till this morning-
many events ; returned, however, thank God, at the head of the
poll!
*A. . . . 1278
D. . . . 1228
R. . . . 1093
August 2nd. — I am deeply sensible of the immense value of the
mode in which I have been returned, and of the principles asserted
in it. I can never sufficiently thank God for the whole event, and
for the prospect it has opened to me of restoration to public use-
fulness. I have been excluded from Parliament for two Sessions, but
the time has not been entirely lost ; and I am now replaced in it in
a way the most honourable, and the most pleasant on record in the
history of elections. I did not ask a single vote ; I appeared but
* Lord Ashley, Lord Duncan, Mr. Roebuck. The latter was left at
the foot of the poll after a connection of fifteen years with the constituency.
218 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XVI.
once in Bath, and made a single speech before the week of the dis-
solution ; I did not pay a single farthing ; I had not an inch of
ribbon, a banner, music, or a procession ; not a penny during six
months was expended on beer ; nor had I one paid agent ; the
tradesmen conducted the whole, and with singular judgment and
concord. This is indeed a model for elections, and heartily do I
thank God that the precedent has been set in my instance. We had
no mob, no bludgeon-man, and trusted entirely to the police and
common sense
Aug. 7th. — The unanimity of the London press, great and small,
the blue-bottles and the gnats, against me and for Roebuck, is very
remarkable. Punch of yesterday added his sting. Such perseverance
cannot fail of some general effect on the public mind ; for, as Mr.
Hardwick, the architect, told us a few days ago, the repeated jars of
a train, passing over an iron bridge, were equal, in the aggregate, to
one mighty blow !
Auff. 9th. — Amused with the issue of Oxford election. Had
been requested to stand ; stated all my objections (of which I had
many) in reply, but consented, if my friends regarded it as a matter
of real principle. I see by the result that I should have come in.
I was proposed at Oxford, and Dr. Ogilvie, who takes the lead in that
place, would not allow the name of so low a churchman — one so con-
nected with the Pastoral Aid Society — to be mentioned. To avoid any
division, all agreed to seek out some one against whom nothing could
be said ; but then, as the price of that, they were obliged to adopt
a person for whom they could say as little, so Dr. Ogilvie took
Round, and subsequently finds out that he had rejected a ' low church-
man ' to espouse one who had played the ' dissenter ; ' and he loses
the election into the bargain !
The interest excited in Ragged Schools and the
London City Mission showed no sign of diminution.
Many influential persons were eager to see the strange
sights which Lord Ashley so graphically described by
pen and speech. The newspaper press lent material
aid in making the subject popular ; and the mustard
seed was beginning to spread itself into the largest of
1847.] ROGER MILLER, CITY MISSIONARY. 219
trees. Frequent notes similar to the following occur in
the Diary : —
March 27th. — To Pye Street at 11 o'clock to show Ragged
School to Fox Maule and Mr. Guthrie. Lord, how we ought to bless
Thee for this measure of success !
May 1st.- — An article in the Edinburgh Review on 'Ragged
Schools,' written, evidently, by one who knows nothing of them. ISTo
mention of our Ragged Union, no recognition of our labours and
services. The spirit of it is good — no tendency to irreligion. Now,
I discern the reason of their silence : I see a contemptuous allusion
to factory legislators, and any praise of the Union would involve a
praise of myself. Such things are in themselves of no value ; the
result is the sum and substance, wherewith we should be content ;
but to a public man, the praise of successful efforts, especially if he
be a ' philanthropist,' is stock-in-trade for further enterprise ; to
withhold it where it is due, is not so much to injure the man as to
retard humanity.
The Broad wall Ra^o-ed School in South London
Do
owed its existence to the indefatigable labours of Mr.
Roger Miller, a City missionary, who had at first
gathered about 130 of the most destitute and forsaken
children he could find, and, in a tumbledown building,
had laboured, week-days and Sundays, to lead them
into better paths. Soon, the crowds of applicants were
too numerous for the accommodation ; and Lord Ashley
happening to hear of this, sent for Mr. Miller, to see if
something could not be done to assist him in his work.
Lord Ashley seemed to know instinctively the men
he could trust, and with whom he could work ; and
once having taken kindly to a man he would trust him
implicitly, and work with him ungrudgingly. It was
so in this case ; and Mr. Miller was soon entered upon
220 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XVI.
his list of friends. This was no meaningless distinc-
tion implying mere patronage. He sought out in
men beauty of character and singleness of purpose, and
it mattered not to him whether they belonged to the
humbler walks of life or to the higher : he gave them
his friendship in no ordinary sense of the term. He
accepted the motto of the poet Young : —
"Judge before friendship, then confide till death."
Eoger Miller was a man whom Lord Ashley highly
esteemed. He was a frequent, and always a welcome,
visitor, and his simple, earnest devotion to the poor,
his practical piety, and his cheerful, hopeful faith,
were often helpful to the spiritual life of Lord Ashley.
The death of this faithful . missionary, just at a time
when his labours were more than ever needed, was a
serious blow, which deeply affected Lord Ashley.
June 7th. — This morning overwhelmed with grief ; hut God give
us faith and obedience. Miller killed in the Birmingham train on
Saturday night. I had seen him in the morning, well and full of
zeal. He was ejoinor to Manchester to bury his mother. How in-
scrutable are Thy ways, O Lord ! Write this lesson on our hearts.
Here was a man rich in good works, piety, truth, service to God and
man, labouring by night and day for humanity and religion, and
especially amongst the poorest of our race. He is suddenly cut off,
his work unfinished, his wife and children left destitute ! And this,
too, when so many profligate, idle, mischievous, useless, survive. Let
us rejoice that we know the issues of life and death to be, not only
in the poiver, but in the care, of our Father which is in Heaven ! He
is gone, I believe, to his rest ; and now, O God, give us the will and
the means to aid his widow, who is a widow indeed, and the children,
who are orphans ! But where shall I find another such for the charge
of our Bagged School 1 Where another so full of love, piety, earnest-
1847.] MRS. ELIZABETH FRY. 221
ness, discretion, and labour ] Lord, Thou knowest. Blessed Saviour
of mankind, remember Thine own words — ' Feed my lambs.'
June 9th. — A far greater man might have gone out of the world
with much less effect. All was grief on Monday at Broad wall ;
children and adults wept alike, and blessed the memory of poor
Miller. I have known men of a hundred thousand a year depart
this life, and every eye around dry as the pavement. Here goes a
City missionary at thirty shillings a week, and hundreds are in an
agony of sorrow. I have lost an intimate friend. We took, I
may say, ' sweet counsel together.' A gap has been made in my
life and occupations which will not easily be tilled up.
Lord Ashley had in early life often wished to devote
himself to science. At this period in his career he
seemed about to devote himself to literature. Two
articles from his pen appeared in the Quarterly
Beview for 1847. The first was on Mrs. Elizabeth
Fry, whose biography it reviews. We append the
following extracts : —
That this admirable woman had a special vocation for the office
she undertook is manifest in every step of her progress ; her intel-
lectual constitution was singularly adapted to the peculiar task ; add
to this the zeal which governed the whole, an enthusiasm regulated,
but never chilled, by judgment, and we have a character armed at
all points, ready to take up the gauntlet of every conceivable obstacle
that could impede her in the accomplishment of her great design.
Among subordinate, but very real advantages, we cannot fail to
count the succour she derived from her connection with the Society
of Friends. A little eccentricity of action was considered permissible,
and even natural, in the member of a body already recognised as
eccentric in opinions, eccentric in dress, eccentric in language. Philan-
thropy, too, had been the distinguishing characteristic of this
respectable brotherhood ; a devious effort for the interest of man-
kind passed in one of them without censure, almost without
observation. The Quaker habit and Quaker renown disarmed
hostility, nay, propitiated favour ; it secured the first introduction to
222 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XVI.
magistrates, to nobles, to ministers, to Emperors. When so much
was effected, the rest was sure ; her simple dignity of demeanour, her
singularly musical voice, her easy, unaffected language, the fit vehicle
of her unfailing good sense, her earnest piety, and unmistakable
disinterestedness, enchained the most reluctant ; and to every Cabinet
and Court of Europe, where religion or humanity could be main-
tained or advanced, she obtained ready admission as a herald of
peace and charity.
But, we must repeat, we take her as the exception, not as the
rule. The high and holy duties assigned to women by the decrees
of Providence are essentially of a secret and retiring nature ; it is
in the privacy of the closet that the soft, yet sterling, wisdom of the
Christian mother stamps those impressions on the youthful heart,
which, though often defaced, are seldom wholly obliterated. What-
ever tends to withdraw her from these sacred offices, or even abate
their full force and efficacy, is high treason against the hopes of a
nation. We do not deny that valuable seiwices may be safely, and,
indeed, are safely, rendered by many intelligent and pious ladies
who devote their hours of leisure or recreation to the Rarotoncas
and Tahitis of British Christendom — it is not to such that we
would make allusion ; our thoughts are directed to that total
absorption which, plunging women into the voi'tex of eccentric
and self-imposed obligations, merges the private in the public
duty, confounds that which is principal with that which is secondary,
and withdraws them from labours which they alone can accomplish,
to those in which, at least, they may be equalled by others.
######
We are amused, we confess, by her struggles with Quakerism,
and her ultimate surrender to a pedantic system, by which her
inner being could never be ruled. Though a member of a sect,
she, in truth, Avas no sectarian ; but, underneath the ostentatious
singularity of the mob-cap and light grey mantle, bore a humble
heart — and a heart that could give honour to whom honour was
due, whether he wore an ermine robe, sleeves of lawn, or the
foulest rags. We are at a loss for her reasons ; the ' concern ' —
such is the term — is not alleged in her journal to have offered
splendid advantages unattainable elsewhere. She may have yielded
to the persuasions of her many relatives, to the suggestions of
1847.] LODGING HOUSES. 223
convenience ; but, whatever the motive, she embraces, with true
self-devotion, the whole ; adopts, without reserve, the Friend's
ceremonial law ; and finds various philosophical arguments to fortify
the usage of 'thou' and 'thee' (pp. 56, Gl). 'I considered,' she
observes, ' there were certainly some advantages attending it ; the
first, that of weaning the heart from this world, by acting in some
little things differently from it.' ' Vain service all, and false philo-
sophy ! ' Our deep respect for many Quakers will not beguile us
into a fulsome conceit of the elevating and purgative powers of
Quakerism. They are men of like passions with ourselves ; they
may be seen in Mark Lane and on the Exchange, and pursue their
wealth and enjoy it with similar zeal and relish. Nor are they fully
weaned from the rougher and more stimulating diet of political
ambition. With the vow of separation upon them, they have recently
shaved their heads, and entered the world of Parliamentary service ;
how far they, or the public, have gained by this invasion of the
Nazarites is beyond our experience. One of them, however, must
have imbibed the humanising influence of ' thou ' and ' thee ; '
since the friend who knew him best, not long ago declared, that ' if
John Bright had not been born a Quaker he would most assuredly
have become a prize fighter ! '
In some particulars the work of Elizabeth Fry was
closely allied to that of Lord Ashley, and he reveals the
secret of its success in these words : —
She saw clearly and experienced the power of love on the human
heart, whether corrupted, as in the criminal, or stujaefied, as in the
lunatic. She saw that the benighted and wandering madman pos-
sessed and cherished the remnants of his better mind, and that he
clung to nothing so much as to that which all seemed to deny him —
some little semblance of respect. Sympathy is the great secret to
govern the human race ; and, whether it be in a prison, a ragged
school, a madhouse, or the world at large, he that would force men's
hearts to a surrender, must do so by manifesting that they would be
safe if committed to his keeping.
The second article was on " Lodging Houses," and
was written to assist the efforts being made by the
224 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XVI.
Labourers' Friend Society, in the same way in which
the article on Ragged Schools had assisted the Ragged
School Union.
Thoroughly conversant with his subject Lord Ashley '
set forth graphically the abominations of the then
existing lodging-house " system," and the efforts made
to supersede it. His description of a hapless wanderer
arriving in London, homeless, friendless, and seeking
a shelter, is here subjoined : —
The astonishment and perplexities of a young person on his
arrival here, full of good intentions to live honestly, would be almost
ludicrous, were they not the preludes to such mournful results. He
ali'dits, and is instantly directed for the best accommodation to
Duck Lane, St. Giles's, Saffron Hill, Spitalfields, or Whitechapel.
He reaches the indicated region through tight avenues of glittering
fish and rotten vegetables, with doorways or alleys gaping on either
side — which, if they be not choked with squalid garments or sickly
children, lead the eye through an interminable vista of filth and
distress — and begins his search for the ' good entertainment.' The
pavement, where there is any, rugged and broken, is bespattered
with dirt of every hue, ancient enough to rank with the fossils, but
offensive as the most recent deposits. The houses, small, low, and
mournful, present no one part, in windows, door-posts, or brickwork,
that seems fitted to stand for another week ; rags and bundles stuff
up the panes, and defend the passages, blackened with use and by the
damps arising from the undrained and ill-ventilated recesses. Yet
each one ;iffects to smile with promise, and invites the country
bumpkin to the comfort and repose of ' Lodgings for Single Men.'
He enters the first, perhaps the largest, and finds it to consist of
seven apartments of very moderate dimensions. Here are stowed —
besides children — sixty adults, a goodly company of males and
females, of every profession of fraud and violence, with a very few
poor and industrious labourers. He turns to another hostel — the
reader will not, we know, proceed without misgivings — but we assure
him our picture is drawn from real life. The parlour measures
1847.] LABOURERS' FRIEND SOCIETY. 225
eighteen feet by ten. Beds are arranged on each side of it. composed
of straw, rags, and shavings, all in order, but not decently, according
to the apostolic precept. Here he sees twenty-seven male and female
adults, and thirty-one children, with several dogs (for dogs, the
friends of man, do not forsake him in his most abaudoned condition),
in all fiftv-ei£fht human beings, in a contracted den, from which licdit
and air are systematically excluded. He seeks the upper room, as
more likely to remind him of his native hills ; it measures twelve feet
by ten, and contains six beds, which in their turn contain thirty-two
individuals — and these bearing but little resemblance to Alexander
the Great, Cujas the Lawyer, or Lord Herbert of Cherbury, whose
bodies yielded naturally a fine perfume. Disgusted once more, he turns
with hope to the tranquillity of a smaller tenement. Here, groping
his way up an ascent more like a flue than a staircase, he finds a nest
of four tiny compartments — and they are all full. It is, however, in
vain to search further. The evening has set in ; the tenants are
returned to their layers ; the dirt, confusion, and obscenity baffle
alike tongue, pen, and paint-brush : but if our bewildered novice
would have for the night a roof over his head, he must share the
tlcor with as many men, women, and babies as it has space for.
After further descriptions of the state of things the
article continues : —
Our readers will now have some notion of the ' system ' which it
has been the aim of the Labourers' Friend Society to attack. It
being asked once ' What is the best method of protecting against
depredation a barrel of small beer 1 ' the answer was ' Place alongside
of it a barrel of strong.' On this principle the Society determined to
act : and we shall now sketch the triumph of their superior barrel.
The experiment was successful, and paved the way
for attempting greater things, not only by the Labourers'
Friend Society, but upon their model, and not in London
only but in many of the large provincial towns and
cities.
In August Lord Ashley set off on a round of visits,
P
226 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XVI.
to take a little relaxation before the labours of the
new Parliament should commence.
Aug. 12th. — Broadlands. Went over yesterday to St. Giles's.
Minny, and the four boys ; no one there ; place solitary as the plains
of Tartary, but, thank God, it looked well and uninjured. A few
years ago I could have adopted a rural life, I could not, I think,
now ! My habits are formed on metropolitan activity, and I must
ever be groping where there is the most mischief. . . .
Aug. 23rd. — William Cowper writes to Minny, ' I hear Ashley
sometimes spoken of as the only man who is calculated to lead the
majority of the Conservative party, and certainly if he were an am-
bitious man he might assume a leadership with many followers next
Session, particularly on subjects relating to the Church, &c, <kc.'
Well, this is a new view of my futurity ; what sport for the news-
papers. If they shot at me while I was merely a cocksparrow, what
would they do when I had become a Popinjay ! no, no, no ; I have
opinions and feelings, strong and deep ; they may be right or wrong ;
but, right or wrong, they can never lead a party, because no party
would follow them.
Aug. 30th. — Byde. Reading ' Missionary Enterprises ' by Wil-
liams. It may well make us all blush — blush by contrast with the
missionaries, blush by contrast with the natives of the South Sea
Islands. Zeal, devotion, joy, simplicity of heart, faith and love ; and
we, here, have barely affection enough to thank God that such deeds
have been done. Talk of 'doing good ' and 'being useful in one's
generation,' why, these admirable men performed more in one month
than I or many others shall perform in a whole life ! O God, bless
our land to Thy service, and make every ship an ark of Noah to
bear the Church of Christ and the tidings of salvation, over all the
waters of the ocean.
Sept. 17th. — Galloway House. There cannot be a lovelier or
more enjoyable spot. The air is so elastic and bracing that it saves
one from Sybaritish atiections ; one feels up to doing something.
God give me a stock of health to be used in His service.
Dear old Duchess of Beaufort here ; talked much with her on the
Second Advent ; Ave both agree and delight in the belief of the personal
reign of our blessed Lord on earth. I cannot understand the Scrip-
1847.] IX SCOTLAND. 227
tures in any other way ; it is, however, a doctrine much abhorred by
certain people, and greatly ridiculed and persecuted in those who
profess it ; the adversaries argue and revile as fiercely as though they
attacked or maintained the fundamentals of the Christian religion,
whereas the reception of this text, however comfortable, is no matter
of faith.
Sept. 25. — Wishaw, Lord Belhaven's. Arrived here yesterday,
hospitably received ; found Miss Strickland, authoress of ' Lives of
Queens of England ' ; put up my bristles in fear, and prepared for an
onslaught of blue-stocking Tractarianism ; agreeably disappointed ;
a good-natured, kind-hearted woman. She spoke gloriously of my
public exploits, hence I suppose my becalmed spirit. . . .
Sept. 30th. — Aclmacarry. Visit to Lord Malmesbury. Found
here Ossulston, the Castlereaghs, and a Mr. Giles, a skilful limner.
Rose this morning at 6. The purple hills were tipjoed with the
rising sun, and all around is heathery mountain. It is like living at
the bottom of a teacup with lovely edges.
Oct. 2nd. — Impossible to describe the fascinations of these High-
land regions ; the hills must be seen, and the air must be breathed ;
one's old limbs become elastic, and we ' leap exulting like the
bounding roe ; ' it is a joy which fills the heart with thankfulness.
The colours and tints of every kind and hue, in most abundant
variety, enliven the valleys and mountains with a brilliant glory. It
looks as if some mighty giant, intending to do a landscape, had used
a whole district for his palette, and spread it over with all the colours
that singly or combined can exist in Nature. And as for the whole
effect, language is altogether impotent ; one's vocabulary will supply
no adequate terms, and must be content to admire in silence or by
short and emphatic ejaculations. . . .
Oct. 9th. — Rossie Priory. Been here since Wednesday ; it is a
fine possession, people hospitable and kind ; found here Sheriff
Watson — very glad indeed to meet him — a tutelar saint of Ragged
Schools ; also Sir David Brewster, a dear old man, combining beau-
tifully science and religion. ... I have been in good spirits
since my arrival in Scotland, and have laughed a great deal, perhaps
too much.
Oct. 13th. — Freeland (Lord Ruthven's). The heat and mugginess
of these beautiful, but close, valleys, almost kill me, by contrast with
the elastic, life-giving breezes of the Highlands.
p 2
223 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XVI.
Oct. 20th. — Boiling Hall, near Bradford, in Yorkshire. Yes-
terday evening the Short Time Commissioner of the West Biding
] (resented to Minny a f nil-length portrait of me, painted by Bird,
and an excellent likeness, as a memorial of gratitude for my services.
Nothing could have been more acceptable in every sense.*
Oct. 27th. — Row ton. The Government in their distress have
consulted Reel. He and Sir C. Wood were closeted together for four
hours, from eight till twelve o'clock at night on this monetary crisis ;
all quite right and yet rather mean. This is the man whom they
rejected from office a twelvemonth ago, as wholly unfit for the place ;
and now they call him to council. Party spirit is the ruling principle
of public men, says all experience ; Peel is an exception, so far only
as that his party is himself. . . .
On his return to London, Lord Ashley found abun-
dant labours awaiting him. One matter in particular
claimed his attention, and it was characteristic of him
that he would carry an urgent case to its final issue,
however pressing other claims might be. A lady, Mrs.
H., had been shut up as a lunatic, but, as far as Lord
Ashley, and three other Commissioners, could judge,
she was as sane as any woman in England ; and he
was pained and alarmed to find how, with all the safe-
guards of the law, there were still facilities for in-
carcerating a victim. He spared no pains in sifting
the evidence on both sides, and prosecuted the investi-
gation day by day until he had proof indisputable that
the lady was the victim of a cruel conspiracy, and was
perfectly sane. It need not be added that she was
set at liberty with the least possible delay.
The patience and skill and unwearying labour of
Lord Ashley as a Commissioner in Lunacy can never
* It now hangs at St. Giles's House.
1847.] A LUNACY CASE. 229
be told. One story out of many, illustrating the charac-
teristic promptness with which, even late in life, he
would examine a case an J take immediate action, may
be cited here.
A lady, Mrs. A., residing in the West End, was on
visiting terms with Mrs. B., a woman of fashion and
position. There was very little in common between the
two, and the visits of Mrs. A. would have been less
frequent than they were, had she not taken a more than
passing interest in a young lady, Miss C, who was
staying, indefinitely as it seemed, in the house of Mrs.
B. There was a great charm in her conversation, and
the visits of Mrs. A. seemed to afford her considerable
pleasure, although they were only of an occasional and
somewhat formal kind. One day when Mrs. A. called,
Miss C. was not there, and on making very pointed
inquiries, she was, after some hesitation, informed that
her young friend was out of her mind, and was in an
asylum fifty miles away from town, the name of the
asylum being mentioned.
That evening Mrs. A. felt troubled and distressed ;
she had seen Miss C. only a week or ten days pre-
viously, and perceived no indication of a disordered
mind. It was true she had observed indications of
sadness and depression of spirits, and had feared that
her young friend was not happy ; but that she was
out of her mind, and fit to be in an asylum, she
could not and would not believe. She was greatly
troubled, not knowing what to do or where to go. At
length it occurred to her that the Earl of Shaftesbury
230 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XVI.
was a Commissioner in Lunacy, and she went straight
away to his house, found him at home, and told him
the whole story. It was evening when she arrived in
Grosvenor Square, and dinner was on the table, but
within a quarter of an hour, Lord Shaftesbury was on
his wa}r to the railway station to go down to the asylum
and investigate the matter for himself. He did so,
and on the following da}^ the young lady was released,
it having been authoritatively ascertained that she was
not in a state to render it necessary for her to be an
inmate of an asylum.
The new Parliament was opened by the Queen in
person, on the 23rd November, and her speech was, for
the first time, transmitted to the chief towns in the
kingdom by the electric telegraph.
At the preceding General Election Baron Lionel
Eothschild was returned for the City of London — the
first Jew ever returned to the House of Commons ; and
in order that he might be allowed to take his seat,
the question of the removal of Jewish Disabilities was
revived. The subject had been frequently under dis-
cussion since Mr. Eobert Grant, in 1830, first brought
forward a Bill to enable Jews to sit in Parliament. At
that time a Jew was liable to everv kind of humiliation:
he could not vote unless he took the prescribed oath ;
he could not be an attorney, or practise at the bar, or
be employed in a school, and, in many other respects,
was " conspicuous in a free community as a man under
a social and political ban." In the course of years,
1847.] THE OATE OF ALLEGIANCE. 231
however, various concessions had been made, until all
the privileges of citizenship were accorded to him,
except the most coveted honour of all — the right to sit
in Parliament.
Lord John Russell moved a resolution to enable
Baron Rothschild to take his seat, and, although it was
strongly opposed by the Conservatives, the resolution —
" for the admission of Jews into Parliament " — was
carried by a majority of 253 to 186. The Bill was
eventually thrown out, however, in the Lords.
Lord Ashley took part in the debate, and his speech
told with considerable effect. His objection was not to
admitting them as Jews, but that the Oath of Allegi-
ance should be altered to suit them. " What I said in
effect was this," said Lord Shaftesbury, when telling the
story of these times to the writer : " You call on us to
alter the oath by striking out the words ' on the faith
of a Christian,' and ask the Legislature to affirm that
this is unnecessary. I will not be a party to playing
with the name of Christ, by striking it out of an oath,
to please any one. If you like to have no oath at all,
well and good, but I will have nothing to do with its
alteration, which is a practical denial of the faith."
The closing events of the year are thus recorded : —
Nov. 15th. — Dined with John Russell on Saturday last. 1 had
some thought of avoiding any ' private ' civilities ; but I determined
otherwise — he made a friendly advance and quasi-apology ; let us
forget all in the common necessity.
Nov. 19th.— Windsor Castle. Came here on Wednesday evening.
Queen kind and hospitable : may God shield her and her's from every
mischief, and above all, incline her heart to thoughts of service and
232 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XVI.
of love. My visits here mark the lapse of time and the progress of
things ; as such they have a tinge of melancholy in ' looking after
those things that are coming upon the earth.' Sir G. Grey here also ;
he is ' a good man and a just.' . . .
Nov. 25th. — Last night attended tea-meeting of Lambeth Ragged
School : 370 children, orderly, decent, happy ; here is a result of an
effort I made in July, 1846, and founded the school in conjunction
with Mr. Doulton the pottery master, and his sons.
Dec. 3rd. — No man in the present day can henceforward hope to
have the confidence of the country if he be not a master in the Israel
of money. But with such an accomplishment he might command it,
though he were Satan himself. . . .
Dec. 13th. — A singular correspondence in the paper to-day. The
Bishops (twelve in number, Winchester and Ely surprise me) re-
monstrate with Lord J. Russell for his appointment of Dr. Hamp-
den ! Their letter is weak, almost foolish, his reply is clever and
just. My opinion is quoted as having been given to Russell in sup-
port of the appointment. He did not previously consult me on it.
He asked me subsequently what I thought. I replied, ' I should
not, had I been Prime Minister, have made the appointment myself ;
but now that it is made, I venture to say that more good than evil
will, I think, come out of it. His appointment as Regius Professor
was infamous, because his writings at that time were Neological, of
the school of Strauss ; but. during the last four or five years he has
written and published very beautiful and orthodox discourses.' . . .
Dec. 15th. — To-morrow Jew Bill in House of Commons. I must
speak ; may God give me a mouth and wisdom ; if I fail I shall be
discouraged for any future effort : my spirit is far from elastic, I was
always easily depressed, I am more so now. . . .
Dec. 17th. — Who ever trusted in God, and was disappointed?
Spoke last night, and obtained (I am full of wonder) astonishing
success. How curious ! I was so frightened and dejected that I had
almost determined not to rise. A minute more of my predecessor's
speech would have consigned me to silence ! Now, 0 God ! grant
that whatever of reputation I may have acquired be thrown at Thy
feet for Thy blessed service ! Grant that, unlike Herod, I may give
Thee the glory ! . . .
Dec. 20th. — Now, is this result traceable, in His free mercy to
past faith 1 I resigned my seat in Parliament, and all my public
1847.] SOWING AND REAPING. 233
hopes and public career, that I might not give 'occasion to the
enemies of God to blaspheme,' and I surrendered everything to His
keeping. Mark the issue ; my Ten Hours Bill is carried in my
absence. I am returned to Parliament in a singularly and unusually
honourable way, and within three weeks I begin to occupy a higher
position than at any antecedent period : surely it is a completion of
the promise, ' Them that honour me, I will honour.' . . .
CHAPTER XVII.
1848.
A Coming Storm — Revolution in France — Flight of Louis Philippe— A Revolu-
tionary Epidemic — State of England — Louis Philippe lands in Sussex —
Panic among English Residents in France — Efforts for their Relief — Met-
ternich Deposed — " Revolutions go off like Pop-guns ! " — The Chartist
Demonstration — Ends in a Fiasco — The Prince Consort — A Conversation
at Osborne — Letter from the Priuce Consort — Letter from Lord John
Russell — The Prince Visits Homes of the Poor — Presides at Labourers'
Friend Society — May Meetings — Philanthropy a Mania — State of Sanitary
Science — Chairmanship of Board of Health — Ragged Schools and Emigra-
tion— Condition of the Poor— Emigration Scheme Expounded — Farewell
Address to Emigrants — " Lord Ashley's Boys " — A Curious Letter — Anec-
dotes of Thieves — A Strange Experience — A Thieves' Conference — Lord
Hardingc — Letter from Mr. Gladstone — In Scotland again — Special Provi-
dences—With the Queen Dowager— With the Queen at Harrow — Death of
Lord Melbourne.
The year 1848 was ushered in amid distrust, perplexity,
and doubt. Everywhere there was foreboding of some
unseen and undefined misfortunes. Men's souls were
stirred by strange presentiments.
It was not long before the first rumblings were
heard which presaged the approaching storm.
" Events are coming to the surface," wrote Lord
Ashley, early in the year. "We see the stir on the
waves, and we shall soon see the mass thrown up by the
volcanoes. Italy is in open revolution; Austria is
crumbling to pieces ; France internally is threatened by
reform conflicts ; England is harassed by falling revenue,
want of employment, republican principles, and Church
1848.] A REVOLUTIONARY EPIDEMIC. 235
dissensions ; America is rushing to debt, foreign con-
quest, and dissolution of States."
The great event which was to become the signal for
the pent-up fires to break forth all over Europe was
not a surprise to some, although unexpected by the
majority — a third revolution in France, the proclama-
tion of a Eepublic, the expulsion of the Orleans dynasty,
and the election of a Provisional Government and a
National Assembly.
It is not necessary to trace here, however briefly,
the causes which led to the Ee volution. The spark
which caused the explosion was an arbitrary attempt to
stop a proposed Reform banquet.
Lord Ashley took an intense interest in watching
the progress of events ; and his Diary gives a complete
epitome of the revolutionary epidemic, which spread
over nearly all the courts and capitals of the Con-
tinent. If we quote from it only sparingly, it is because
we wish to confine our extracts more particularly to
those passages which show the current of his own life.
Feb. 25th. — Are we not in times of wonder, distress, and danger 1
To-day the grass is, and to-morrow is cast into the oven. On
Tuesday" the King of the French Avas in all the plenitude of his
power, with an army of a hundred thousand men in Paris alone;
and on Thursday he is an outcast from his dominions, expelled with
indignity from his capital, his palace plundered, and himself cast
down to a private station. Revolution and anarchy are in the
ascendant ; the whole royal family is exiled, a Eepublic pro-
claimed, and France, apparently, on the eve of a democracy, a
consulate, and an empire ! ' Woe, woe, woe, to the inhabitants of
the earth ! ' None of this surprises me, except the electrical
suddenness of the event. The King has, for seventeen years, been
•236 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XVII.
combating the principles that placed him on the throne, resisting
the national feelings that were evoked and cherished to prepare
the Revolution of 1830, and fighting the whirlwind that he him-
self sowed as a storm. How could he, and his Minister Guizot,
suppose that a nation of thirty-two millions would rest content
with an electoral system based on 240,000 voters, one-half of
whom were Government placemen 1 One thing alone surprises
me : that they should have fallen into the same error as Charles X.,
and have been deceived in their estimate of the fidelity of the
soldiers ! This is really a judicial blindness, that with such an
example to guide them, they should have fallen into the same pit !
Feb. 26th. — A Republic is proclaimed, and anarchy reigns in
Paris. Revolutions, which in former days required years, are now
perfected in clays ; a week is an age for these extraordinary events.
' So great power in one hour is come to nought ; ' all his schemes
about dynasties, his astute and false diplomacy for the Spanish mar-
riage, his rigorous and absolute laws for the foundation of despotism,
his terrible army schooled in Africa, his vast fortifications of the
capital, his mighty authority among crowned heads as the ruler of
thirty-two millions of a military nation, all blown away like a soap
bubble ! ' Afflavit Deus.' . . . We are not safe here ; a falling
revenue in the face of a necessarily, I fear, increasing expenditure,
and a determination to admit no new taxes. Trade, too, is fearfully
stagnant, and distress prevails universally. In this state of things
comes a French Revolution ! . . . . Now what sufficient ground is
there for all this rebellion I The sagacious Cobden said, a week ago,
in taunting contrast with the English system: 'The French are
most happy, they have no privileged orders, no large properties, no
established Church ; they have obtained all that they want, another
Revolution is impossible ! '
"With the flight of Louis Philippe from France, the
spirit of Revolution was let loose in Europe. Every
country suffered more or less, but those countries which
suffered least were England and Belgium. In England,
however, disaffection had, in a limited degree, been for
some time growing, and the events in France brought it
1848.] CHARTISM. 237
to a bead. The Chartists, led by mad Feargus O'Con-
nor, who bad been returned for Nottingham at the
General Election of 1S47, immediately commenced an
agitation for "their rights." Their programme included
" Down with the Ministry," " Dissolve the Parliament,"
" The People's Charter," and " No Surrender ; " and pre-
parations were made to bold a monster demonstration
in April to demand these points.
The state of England was to some extent alarming.
In the manufacturing districts distress, almost unpre-
cedented, prevailed, and a revolutionary spirit was
abroad ; nevertheless, the people remained tranquil —
thanks, in no small measure, to the boon of the Ten
Hours Bill — and in Manchester alone some thousands
of the operatives enrolled themselves as special con-
stables. In London there was a spirit of turbulence
and lawlessness, excited partly by Mr. Ernest Jones, and
others like-minded, who urged the people not to fear
" the vile men of the law, the police, the troops, or the
shop-keeping ' specials.' In Ireland the United Irish-
man w^as urging its readers " to sell all that they had to
buy a gun." In Glasgow, Edinburgh, and Liverpool,
there was rioting and loss of life among the starving
and the unemployed.
Everywhere these symptoms caused a sense of un-
easiness ; no one knew what surprise and alarm the
next hour might not bring forth. Meanwhile, events
in Prance were hurrying on.
March 2nd. — If the King, instead of signing his abdication, had
thrown himself among the troops which remained firm, he might
238 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XVII.
have prolonged the monarchy of the barricades. But he has been
' demented ' for a long time past ; his obstinate maintenance of all
the corruptions of France, both in public men and public things,
because he chose to govern by them ; his eager pursuit of wealth and
place for his own children, the history of the Conde property, the
appanages, the Montpensier marriage, regarded simultaneously with
his apparent indifference to the social welfare of France, led the
whole nation to believe that he was Harpagon engrafted on Louis
XIV. Like the present Bishop of Exeter, lie over-reached himself
by his over-cleverness, and has now found that all the sagacity and
experience of the most tried of men are not necessarily ' counsel,
wisdom, and understanding.' . . But we are in a social revolution ;
the first was against aristocracies and established Churches, the
second against a particular dynasty, the third against that which
alone remains, the possession and rights of property ! The work-
people have thrust their special representatives, Blanc and Albert,
into the highest offices, and have propounded their own code of laws
for the regulation of labour. ... In England we have yet Conserva-
tive feeling enough to resist a storm. Our peril will arise from a
calm. A storm of violence we should shrink from or withstand ;
the calm of Republican success would inevitably breed a spirit of
imitation.
March 4th. — Louis Philippe is actually in England. He landed
at Newhaven, in Sussex, from an English steamer, on one of the
points selected, by his son Prince Joinville and others, as the fittest
for a descent upon the British territory ! He was kindly and hospita-
bly received. God be praised, adversity covers a multitude of sins.
March 8th.- — The activity of the Provisional Government in pro-
clamations is astounding. It takes away one's breath. They decree
everything ; they have deified the people, declared their sovereignty,
and now proceed to act with the assurance of divine power. Poor
victims ! they have no hope of existence but by promises and flat-
tery ; nor will these be able to give them one moment's security,
unless the balances in the treasury sustain the flimsy situation.
(Noise and disturbance yesterday and to-day in Trafalgar Square :
windows, lamps, and heads broken ; a mass of housebreakers and
pickpockets, swollen by idlers. In these days, however, everything
must be noted. More serious riots at Glasgow ; many shops of great
value plundered.)
1848.] ENGLISH WORKMEN IN FRANCE. 239
March 10th. — Breakfasted with Mahon, to meet Macaulay and
Carlyle ; pleasant, but strange.
Provisional Government have fixed wages of cab-drivers at three
francs and a half a day ; and the Minister of Instruction has issued a
circular to announce to the electors that ' education ' and ' fortune '
' are not required for a deputy.' An unlettered peasant ' would be
better for an agricultural district.' Go it, my hearty !
' France for the French.' All English workmen have been ex-
pelled, and with circumstances of great oppression and dishonour.
They were driven out by the bayonet ; not allowed to bring away even
their property, nor to receive their arrears of wages. Yet, without
their aid, not a railway could have been constructed in France, and,
I believe, hardly a factory carried on.
A general panic among the English residents in
Paris ensued. They fled in various directions, and
abandoned the city. Those only were left behind who
had no means of flight — artisans and domestics, de-
pendent for employment upon the better classes of their
countrymen. Nor was the situation of the English
artisans in the provinces any safer. There were many
thousands scattered over France ; in the factories of
Normandy alone, there were no less than 2,500 English
workmen employed. There, and elsewhere, riots were of
frequent occurrence, all masters who gave employment
to British artisans being marked out for attack. At
Boulogne, from one single factory, English workmen,
numbering, with their wives and families, 700 souls, were
dismissed in compliance with the demands of the rioters.
Turned out of their homes, denied employment or
public relief, with rents half a year in advance imposed
upon them, involving them in losses , met at the
savings bank, where their earnings had been deposited,
240 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XVII.
with the answer of " ~No funds," their case was des-
perate. They crowded the French outports, and cla-
moured to be sent back to their own country.
With Lord Ashley originated the scheme for their
relief. An influential committee was called together,
over which he presided ; funds were collected, agencies
were set to work, and Lord Palmerston and the
authorities at the Foreign Office gave effect to their aims
in various instances in which it might have been diffi-
cult for the committee to have realised them.
Among the results of their efforts, upwards of 6,000
refugees were brought over, cared for on their arrival,
and passed on to their respective destinations, while
special provision was made for the children of the
British Orphan School in connection with the Marbceuf
Episcopal chapel in Paris, which had been broken up
during the general panic in that city.
In referring to these and kindred efforts, and also to
a speech made by Lord Ashley, on the 16th of March,
on better " Medical lieliei to the Sick Poor," the Times
said, " Political Economists and men of the world vote
Lord Ashley a bore, but there is none of them who
would not rather have twenty speeches from him on
matters of Humanity, than one circular from Ledru
liollin ; ': while the JSIorning Chronicle, treating him
with contemptuous kindness, said, " No thinking man
concurs with Lord Ashley ; but it is a very good thing,
in these days, to have a nobleman who brings forward
the distresses and needs of the people, and gives them
assurances that their case will be considered."
1848.] REVOLUTIONS GO OFF LIKE FOP-GUNS. 241
It was in allusion to these remarks that the follow-
ing entry in the Diary was made : —
March 21st. — Amidst all this contempt and desertion, I may
rejoice and heartily thank God, that the operatives of Lancashire
and Yorkshire, suffering as they are, remain perfectly tranquil.
Such, under God, is the fruit of many years of sympathy and
generous legislation. In Manchester several thousands enrolled
themselves as special constables.
While uneasiness was increasing at home, " men's
hearts were failing them for fear " on the Continent.
March 23rd. — Insurrection at Berlin ! Insurrection at Vienna !
The Prince Metternich deposed ! It is astounding at first to see
how these great monarchies fall ! They seem as though they had
no roots, nor ever had any. The truth is, that for years their foun-
dations have been undermined ; they were as rotten a quarter of a
century ago ; but either the gale of wind was not strong enough, oi
it failed to hit them on the weak side, and at the right moment.
The first Revolution in France shook the whole system ; but war
and terror diverted men's minds. Peace brought reflection, com-
parison, anticipation. The second Revolution gave a blow on the
other side, and completely snapped the roots and loosened the earth ;
the third brought down the Cedar of Lebanon in a single gust !
Such is power, and such are human calculations. Terror, moral,
physical, and financial, is at its height — every tremendous passion is
about to be unchained. France seems surrendered by God to ' a
reprobate mind,' the Devil reigns for a while. I pass my time in
ejaculations; all is so wonderful, my thoughts are unconnected, and
expression proportionately incoherent. The King of Prussia has had
a conflict; he is apparently conqueror, he is actually conquered.
Mobs are everywhere triumphant, with more or less of moderation in
their demands at present ; the ultimate issue is certain. And ive
yet stand upright, a column in the midst of ruins. Glory be to Thee,
O Lord. . . .
March 25th. — Revolutions go off like pop-guns ! Lombardy is
242 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XVII.
in full revolt ; it will doubtless be severed from the Austrian
Empire. . .
March 30th. — Would to God that people, as men, and as patriots,
would lay these things seriously to heart, and see that they are such
lessons as never yet were given for the warning of a generation.
Lessons indeed ! What fall can be compared with that of Metter-
nich 1 That of Sejanus is the nearest to it ; but the difference is
striking : Sejanus lived at a time, and under a system, when such
reverses were common ; every one who took power, took it in the
fear, and even expectation, of death and confiscation. . . . We have
yet a tumult in store, English Chartists and Irish Repealers are to
have their dav. ' Count no man happy before he be dead,' count no
event small until it shall have passed.
Happily, the event so much dreaded — the great
Chartist demonstration — collapsed in a most ignominious
manner. But the alarm had been serious, and the pre-
cautions unprecedented. The military defence of the
metropolis was under the care of the Duke of Welling-
ton : troops were ready everywhere ; a quarter of a
million citizens were enrolled as special constables ;
Downing Street was barricaded. But on the day before
the "Demonstration" the Chartist leaders quarrelled
amongst themselves ; on the morning of the day these
dissensions were renewed ; the police informed the
rioters that they would not be allowed to cross the
Thames, and the whole affair ended in a ridiculous
fiasco.
April 10th. — The threatened day has arrived. How will it end 1
Referring to all the circumstances, I think it will close peaceably,
but who knows 1 We are in the hands of God. He has told us,
and would that one and all recognised from our hearts, ' Except the
Lord keep the city, the watchman waketh but in vain.'
April 12th. — It ended, how shall we sufficiently praise God,
1848.] THE PRINCE CONSORT. 243
according to our minutest prayers. All was peaceable. The meeting
at no time exceeded thirteen thousand. No more actual disturbance
than on ordinary days. The procession was abandoned, and the
petition came down in a hack cab. Surely the glory must be
to Him ' who stilleth the raging of the sea, and the madness of the
people.'
April 13th. — Nevertheless, I remain of the same mind. All
things are tending to a change. We are entering on a new political
dispensation ; and many of us probably will outlive the integrity
of our aristocratical institutions. Men are talking, they know not
why, and they do not reflect how, of this slight concession and that ;
of an ' enlargement of the franchise,' and other vagaries. No one,
except the Chartists, has asked for it, and they will rest satisfied
with nothing short of the whole. The middle classes are content, and
so are nineteen-twentieths of the working people ; but this will be
of no avail against indistinct terrors, ignorant uneasiness, and specu-
lative, not social policy. A Sanitary Bill would, in five years,
confer more blessing and obliterate more Chartism than universal
suffrage in half a century ; but the world, when ill at ease, flies
always to politics, and omits the statistics of the chimney-corner,
where all a man's comfort or discomfort lies. . . .
In the " Life of the Prince Consort," Sir Theodore
Martin, after describing the turbulent state of the
country" and the anxiety with which it was regarded by
the Queen and Prince, proceeds to say : " An oppor-
tunity arose during this month (May) for the Prince to
take the position before the world which he afterwards
occupied with so much honour, as the advocate of
measures for improving the condition of the labouring
classes. Four }^ears previously he had testified his in-
terest in the subject — one that always lay nearest to his
heart — by becoming the President of the Society which
had been established with this special object.* The
* The Labourers' Friend Society.
22
244 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XVII.
Society, in the meanwhile, had been making its \va}r
steadily, but slowly, for public attention had yet to be
awakened to the importance of the subject ; and it was
considered by Lord Ashley, and others of its active pro-
moters, that the appearance of the Prince in the chair
at a public meeting to advocate its interests at this time
might be attended with excellent results. The Prince,
ever ready to show his sympathy and interest for that
class of our community which has most of the toil, and
least of the enjojmients of this world,* at once fell in
with their views.'' f
It is somewhat singular that Sir Theodore Martin,
who elsewhere has described so fully the circumstances
leading up to any important event in the life of the
Prince Consort, should, in this instance, have omitted
all mention of them, and passed over in silence not only
the action of Lord Ashley in the matter, but also some
interesting details as regards the action of the Prince.
These omissions we are fortunately able to supply.
Under the date of the 19th April, Lord Ashley
entered in his Diary : —
April 19th.— Osborne, Isle of Wight. The Queen has sent for
me to talk over the condition of the working people ; and here I
am. I was obliged to put off Golden Lane Ragged School (W.
Cowper took the chair for me). Her Majesty very amiable and very
considerate for the poor. God be praised, who has put such thoughts
into her heart ! May they bring forth fruit to His glory on earth,
and her own peace in time and eternity ! . . .
* His own words in his speech at the meeting of the society, 18th May,
1843.
f "Life of the Prince Consort," vol. ii., p. 46.
1848.] AT OSBORNE. 245
From a memorandum found among the papers of
Lord Shaftesbury, and from conversations with him
upon the subject, noted down at the time, the following
particulars are obtained : —
" The Queen sent for me to Osborne ; the Fairy was
ready for me at Grosport, and I went. The Queen was
greatly alarmed, and so was the Prince, by the Revolu-
tion in France and the exile of Louis Philippe. They
feared the continuance of commotions in England, and
were desirous to know how they could exercise their
influence to soothe the people. The Queen, on my
arrival, expressed this sentiment very warmly, and added
at dinner, ' The Prince will talk to you to-morrow.
We have sent for you to have your opinion on what we
should do in view of the state of affairs to show our in-
terest in the working classes, and you are the only man
who can advise us in the matter.'
" On the following morning, during a long walk in
the gardens, lasting for over an hour and a half, I dis-
cussed with the Prince the condition of affairs and the
state of the nation. He asked me my advice, and how
he could best assist towards the common weal.
" ' Now, sir,' I said to him, ' I have to ask your
Poyal Highness whether I am to speak out freely, or to
observe Court form ? '
" ' For (rod's sake,' he answered, ' speak out freely.'
" 'Then, sir, I would say that at this juncture you
hold a position in which you can render to the country
far greater assistance than if you were its king. You
can speak as a king, represent a king, without the neces-
246 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XVII.
sary and inevitable restrictions of a king. Your pre-
sence, though formally different, is virtually the presence
of the Queen. My earnest advice to you is, that you
should put yourself at the head of all social movements
in art and science, and especially of those movements as
they hear upon the poor, and thus show the interest felt
by Eoyalty in the happiness of the kingdom.'
" ' What can I do ? ' the Prince asked, eagerly.
" ' On the IStli of May next, the anniversary of the
Labourers' Friend Society will be held, and if your
Royal Highness will accompany me, first to see some of
the dwellings of the poor, and afterwards to preside at
the meeting, I am satisfied it will have a good effect.
You should come in three carriages, and have the foot-
men in red liveries — even these things are not with
out their influence.'
" The Prince at once fell in with the suggestion, and
arrangements for carrying it out were discussed. But
when Lord John Russell heard it he was frantic, and
brought to bear every possible opposition, as he often
did with regard to other schemes which he did not
originate himself."
It was with no little regret that Lord Ashley
received the following letter from the Prince : —
H.R.H. the Prince Consort to Lord Ashley.
Osborne, April 23rd, 1848.
My dear Lord Ashley, — Lord John Russell did not like the
idea of my presiding at Exeter Hall on account of the i*isk of a dis-
turbance. I begged him to consider the question a little longer, and
to consult Sir George Grey before committing himself against it. I
1848.] THE PRINCE CONSORT AND LORD RUSSELL. 247
have received this morning the enclosed, which, I am afraid, is deci-
sive against the plan. Though I must admit that there is strong
reason against it, I sincerely regret it, as it will be difficult to find
another becoming opportunity for expressing the sincere interest
which the Queen and myself feel for the welfare and comfort of the
working classes. You may have opportunities for conveying our
sentiments. At any rate, our Society ought to be more prominently
brought before them, and they ought to be invited to make sugges-
tions for the amelioration of their own condition, to have these gone
into by those who understand the matter, and to give, in this way,
the means to the higher classes to assist them in their work.
Ever yours truly,
Albert.
The enclosure referred to in the above letter was as
follows : —
Lord John Russell to H.R.H. the Prince Consort.
» Chesham Place, April 22ncl, 1848.
Sir, — On considering further Lord Ashley's proposal to your
Royal Highness, it seems to me that the risk is greater than the
probable advantage. Any Chartist might attend and attempt to
speak ; such an attempt would be resisted by the meeting, and much
confusion might ensue. The triumphant reception of your Royal
Highness would not compensate for any disturbance of the meeting.
Sir George Grey, to whom I have spoken, concurs entirely in this
opinion. The Repealers in Dublin have become more violent since
my declaration, but the well-affected are confirmed in their loyalty.
In England the Chartists seem to be declining in numbers and
mischief.
I have the honour to be
Your Royal Highness's
Faithful and obedient servant,
J. Russell.
Soon after this Lord Ashley had another interview
with the Prince — at Buckingham Palace — and urged
248 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XVII.
him to persevere in his intention. "This is a matter,"
he said, " in which your Royal Highness is perfectly free
to act as yon may please, and my advice is that you tell
Lord John Russell that you are as good a judge as
he is."
On the 29th April the Prince wrote to Lord John
Russell : —
The book which you sent me certainly shows great disposition on
the part of some mischievous folks to attack the Royal family ; but
this rather furnishes me with one reason more for attending the
meeting, and showing to those who are thus to be misguided, that
the Royal family are not merely living upon the earnings of the
people (as these publications try to represent), without caring for the
poor labourers, but that they are anxious about their welfare, and
ready to co-operate in any scheme for the amelioration of their con-
dition. We may possess these feelings, and yet the mass of the
people may be ignorant of it, because they have never heard it ex-
pressed to them, or seen any tangible proof of it.*
Eventually the advice of Lord Ashley prevailed,
the opposition of Lord John Russell was over-ruled,
and the Prince wrote: —
From H.R.H. the Prince Consort to Lord Ashley.
B.P, a, 1848.
My dear Lord Ashley, — I am glad that all difficulties are
removed with respect to the meeting. Thursday, the 18th, at twelve
o'clock, will suit me perfectly. I must see you soon upon the subject;
perhaps you could call here to-morrow at four o'clock.
Ever
Yours truly,
Albert.
* Quoted in " Life of Prince Consort," vol. ii., p. 47.
1848.] SPEECH OF THE PRINCE CONSORT. 249
On the appointed day the Prince arrived with a
brilliant cortege, and, accompanied by Lord Ashley, went
to George Street, St. Giles's, and other streets in that
neighbourhood, entered house after house to examine
the actual state of affairs, and was received everywhere
with the utmost enthusiasm.* Later on the Prince
took the chair at the public meeting, and, as Sir Theodore
Martin says truly, " made it the occasion for the speech
which first fairly showed to the country what he was."
Lord Ashley refers to it in his Diary thus : —
May 19th. — Yesterday, a glorious meeting of the Lab. Friend
Soc. Prince Albert in the Chair — Non nobis Domine, non nobis
Domine ! but, God give us grace to bless Thee ; no drawback at all,
it is new life to our efforts. . . .
May 20th. — Hear little but satisfaction at the success of the
meeting, ' So wise, so opportune, so very happy,' all this because it
succeeded. What would have been the indignation and contempt
against me had it failed ! But God was my helper ; I may now, on
this stock of reputation for good judgment, obtain influence to do
good in other things. ' Put into my heart good desires, and enable
me to bring the same to good effect.' Prince Albert did his part
admirably, with remarkable grace and modesty. His speech, too,
was excellent in itself ; and it was his own. The success has been
hitherto complete ; almost every paper bepraises the step, and writes
upon it in an anti-revolutionary tone. Aye, truly, this is the way to
stifle Chartism. . . Rank, leisure, station are gifts of God, for
which men must give an account. Here is a full proof, a glowing
instance ! The aristocracy, after a long sej)aration, are re-approach-
ing the people ; and the people the aristocracy.
It was, however, a long time before any very sensible
effects were to be felt generally from these efforts. In
* " If the Prince goes on like this," said a Socialist to the Rev. Mr.
Branch, a zealous evangelist to the working classes, " why, he'll upset our
apple-cart ! "
250 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XVII.
proportion, however, as the mischief became apparent,
the labours of Lord Ashley increased, and we lind in
his Diaries many entries with regard to the state of the
people and their needs. Thus : —
May 25th. — What will be the event in Ireland 1 Everybody they
sav is armed to the teeth against the Saxon. The Saxon meanwhile
is giving from Saxon funds nearly four hundred thousand meals every
day to his Celtic assailant. But a moral poison pervades the whole
European atmosphere, and we here in England are beginning to be
affected. It is painful to listen to the desperate weariness with which
many declare that ' Repeal ' would be better than the present state
of things. . .
The meetings of the religious societies this year
were admirable beyond precedent.
May 12th.- — The speeches have been altogether of a deep and
feeling character, well suited to the times in which we live. The
effect of this month of May, with all its attendant ceremonies, is
indescribably beneficial ; it is a species of salt, and preserves, by the
purification of the atmosphere, even those who do not come in contact
with it. Very few of the wealthy or the noble appear on the plat-
forms, or take any interest in them. May God prosper the work ! . .
Yet it was thought by many that philanthropy was
becoming a mania. It was constantly receiving a large
share of notice. At one of the May meetings Lord
Ashley called attention to a special phase of the subject,
and the view he took is as true to-day as it was then.
He said : —
It is the fashion to bepraise the liberality of the people of England
in all matters of religion and charity. I confess that I think that
savours much more of adulation than of truth ; the fact is, that if you
look at the sums that are expended in these high pm^poses, they are
contemptible beyond expression, if they be measured by the revenue
1848.] STATE OF SANITARY SCIENCE. 251
of the country. And those who are the loudest in praising general
liberality are themselves the least inclined to aid its progress. The
fact is, that everything in the way of religion and charity that is done
in this country, is done by a small knot of chosen persons, whose
names you will find repeated in the catalogue of every charity that
spreads its benign influence to relieve the wants of the country.
The contributors to religious purposes are found to be the same
in all associations ; and if you take fifteen societies, I will undertake
to say the names of the same persons will be found in ten of
them. The great mass of the public stand aloof, and contribute
nothing towards the general exertions ; and it is most distressing
to see that when there is any purpose of profit or of interest the
money is dealt out in rapid thousands ; but when it is a question of
religion and charity, you have to collect your funds by tardy units.
Although there was no fear of philanthropy becom-
ing a mania, it was quite certain that practical efforts
for the general good, were considered and received, far
more willingly than they had ever been before. In two
such efforts Lord Ashley took a leading part in the
summer of this year, namely, the passing of the Public
Health Act, and the ventilation of the question of
Emigration for the ragged population of London.
In the early half of the present century sanitary
science may be said to have had no existence. Until
the visitation of cholera in London in 1831, no one
seemed to think that evil lurked in overflowing cesspools
and contaminated water, beyond the fact that the odour
of the one and the taste of the other were unpleasant.
When, however, a terrible plague threatened the land,
the causes were investigated, and to the inroad of cholera
we owe the first real impetus given to sanitary research.
Progress, however, was very slow. When the
252 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XVII.
calamity abated, people returned to their old ways, and
allowed the interest, which had been awakened in a time
of fear, to die out. But not so men of science, who
patiently investigated facts and traced out hidden
sources of malaria ; and not so philanthropists, who
continued to preach the good doctrine that cleanliness
is next to godliness.
In 1839 the first Report of the Registrar-General
and the fourth Report of the Poor Law Commission
were published, and they made such a startling revela-
tion of the state of the public health, and of mortality,
that general attention was again directed to the subject of
sanitation. Interest was sustained by a further Report
of the Poor Law Board in 1 842, and culminated in the
first Report of the Health of Towns Commission in 1844.
From that time forth the necessity of sanitary re-
form was never lost sight of, although practical steps
were taken slowly. A series of "Nuisances Removal
Acts " was passed in Parliament ; the first Act by which
summary jurisdiction was given to justices of the peace
to remove nuisances proved to be injurious to health,
coming into operation in 1846.
By far the most important Bill introduced into
Parliament on Sanitary Reform was the comprehensive
measure known as the Public Health Act, presently to
be referred to.
Lord Ashley spoke on the subject in the adjourned
debate (Sth May), claiming that this was essentially a
working man's question, as it affected every phase of his
life — his home, his capacity to eat and drink in comfort,
1848.] TEE CENTRAL BOARD OF EEALTE. 253
and his ability to gain a livelihood and rear a family in
decency and respectability. He argued that the same
condition of things, and habits of life, which give rise to
fever, also powerfully stimulated the action of immorality
and violence, and that the connection of misery with
filth, and crime with both, was inevitable. He was
satisfied that no genuine or lasting good could result
from education, so long as Parliament left the people in
their present physical and domiciliary condition. He
warmly supported the Bill, which became law during
this Session.
The Public Health Act of 1848 created a Central
Board of Health, and, as chairman of this Board, it was
Lord Ashley's duty, in conjunction with Dr. Southwood
Smith and Mr. Edwin Chadwick, to initiate a series of
reforms, and to undertake labours almost unprecedented,
especially in connection with the visitation of cholera,
which, in 1S49, swept from London, in the course of a
few weeks, no fewer than 4,000 souls.
On the 2Gth September the following entry occurs
in the Diary : —
September 26th. . . . I have accepted, at the urgent request ot
Morpeth, and through him of John Russell, the office (unpaid) of
Third Commissioner under the Health of Towns Act. It will in-
volve trouble, anxiety, reproach, abuse, unpopularity. I shall
become a target for private assault and the public press ; but how
could I refuse 1 First, the urgency of the request on the part of the
Government ; second, the immense and unparalleled value I always
attached, in public and private movement, to the sanitary question,
as second only to the religious, and, in some respects, inseparable
from it ; third, the public and private professions and declarations I
had made ; fourth, the mode, extent, and principles on which I had
254 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XVII.
pressed the Government, at all times, as a real and solemn duty, to
undertake the measure, promising invariably the utmost aid in my
power ; fifth, the Government accede to my request, and in the
face of great unpopularity, rebuke, toil, and vexation, introduce a
measure ; sixth, they cany it, and then turn to me and say, ' Re-
member all that you have done, spoken, promised, and give us aid
we now require ; ' seventh, can I forget their services on the Ten
Hours Bill 1 ; eighth, I have many things to ask of them yet ; with
what face can I do it, if I refuse them when they make a reasonable
request to me 't May God give me strength ! . . .
The second great practical question, in which Lord
Ashley took part this year, was that of Emigration.
On the 6th June he brought forward in the House
of Commons a motion, " That it is expedient that
means be annually provided for the voluntary emigra-
tion to some one of her Majesty's colonies of a certain
number of young persons of both sexes, who have been
educated in the schools ordinarily called ' Ragged
Schools ' in and about the metropolis." The speech
was a masterpiece of effective oratory, and although
bristling with facts and figures and details, it was so
well relieved by vivid and picturesque descriptions and
telling anecdotes, that it created a profound impression.
At the outset, he announced that he was not introducing
a controversial question, or assailing any interest, and
did not, therefore, anticipate any opposition, except from
those who believed they could suggest a better plan ;
and that it was less from any overweening confidence
that he had hit the true method, than from a desire to
excite discussion and stimulate general effort, that he
had propounded the matter for debate. He first gave
the clue to the sources of his information : —
1848.] EMIGRATION. 255
Till very recently the few children that came tinder our notice in
the streets and places of public traffic were considered to be chance
vagrants, beggars, or pilferers, who, by a little exercise of magisterial
authority, might be either extinguished or reformed. It has only of
late been discovered that they constitute a numerous class, having
habits, pursuits, feelings, customs, and interests of their own ; living
as a class, though shifting as individuals, in the same resorts ; per-
petuating and multiplying their filthy numbers. For the knowledge
of these details we are mainly indebted to the London City Mission.
It is owing to their deep, anxious, and constant research ; it is owing
to the zeal with which their agents have fathomed the recesses of
human misery, and penetrated into places repulsive to every sense,
moral and physical ; it is owing to such exertions, aided by the piety
self-denial, and devotion of Sunday-school teachers, that we have
advanced thus far. Certain excellent persons, who gave their energies
to Sabbath training, were the first to observe these miserable out-
casts, and hoping, by the influence of the Gospel, to effect some
amendment, opened schools in destitute places, to which the children
were invited, not coerced.
He stated that the numbers of this particular class —
estimated at great trouble and on the best authority —
exceeded 30,000 — naked, filthy, roaming, lawless and
deserted children, quite distinct from the ordinary poor.
He then described to the House the habits and dis-
positions of this wild race, their pursuits, modes of
livelihood, the character of their dwelling-places, and
the natural history, as it were, of the species. He ex-
plained how 1,600 of these street Arabs had been placed
under examination, and of these
162 confessed that they had been in prison not once nor twice —
many of them several times; 116 had run away from their homes,
the result, in many instances, of ill-treatment; 170 slept in lodging-
houses — nests of every abomination that the mind of man can con-
ceive; 253 confessed that they lived altogether by begging; 216 had
256 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XVII.
neither shoes nor stockings ; 280 had no caps, hats, bonnets, or head
covering; 101 had no linen; 219 never slept in beds — many had
no recollection of having ever tasted that luxury ; 68 were the
children of convicts ; 125 had step-mothers, to •whom may be traced
much of the misery that drives the children of the poor to the com-
mission of crime ; 306 had lost either one or both parents, a large
proportion having lost both.
Of the habits of these unfortunate children he gave
some graphic details : —
Many of them retire for the night, if they retire at all, to all
manner of places — under dry arches of bridges and viaducts, under
porticoes, sheds, and carts ; to outhouses ; in sawpits ; on staircases ;
in the open air, and some in lodging-houses. Curious, indeed, is their
mode of life. I recollect the case of a boy who, during the incle-
ment season of last winter, passed the greater part of his nights in
the iron roller of Regent's Park. He climbed every evening over
the railings, and crept to his shelter, where he lay in comparative
comfort. Human sympathy, however, prevails even in the poorest
condition ; he invited a companion less fortunate than himself, pro-
mising to 'let him into a good thing.' He did so, and it proved a
more friendly act than many a similar undertaking in railway shares.
In speaking of the mental, moral, and physical con-
dition of the children, he adduced the startling fact that,
in the previous year, 62,1 SI persons were taken into
custody, of whom 2.2,075 could neither read nor write,
and 28,118 had no trade, business, calling, or occupa-
tion whatever, and these figures only approximated to
the extent of the evil, as the records of the tribunals and
police courts, while they showed the numbers of those
whom the constable was quick enough to apprehend, did
not touch the vast amount of unseen and undetected
crime, breaches of public order, injuries to the peace,
184S.] EMIGRATION SCHEME. 257
property, and safety of individuals, nor yet the pre-
valence of that training1 which forms those children to
a character perilous to the well-being of society.
In describinp; the nature of the efforts which had
been made to rescue these children from their evil habits
and associations, he pointed out that there had been
many plans proposed for dealing with them, such as the
erection of schools (but this was not feasible, because
there were no existing agencies by which they could
be superintended or controlled), or the adoption of the
" hospital system," and the erection of barracks for
their reception ; and the conclusion at which he had
arrived was, that, in the present aspect of affairs, there
was nothing better than that the Ragged School system
should be extended as much as possible.
The system, however, must, as I have said, be stimulated; and
the proposition which I make to the Government is this : that the
Government should agree to take every year from these schools a
number of children — say 1,000 — 500 boys and the same number
of girls — and ■ transplant them at the public expense to her
Majesty's colonies in South Australia. When I make this propo-
sition, of course I do not do so in a dictatorial manner ; and if the
Government only accede to it, they may vary it in detail precisely as
they please. I mention South Australia, because in that colony
there is at this moment the greatest demand for labour. I propose,
too, that the removal of the children to that colony shall be the
reward of good conduct. . . .
If you will hold out to these children, as a reward of good
conduct, that which they desire — a removal from scenes which it is
painful to contemplate, to others where they can enjoy their exist-
ence— you will make the children eager by good conduct to
obtain such a boon. There are, be assured, amongst the child-
ren, guilty and disgusting as they are, many thousands who, if
r
258 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XVII.
opportunities are given them, will walk in all the dignity of honest
men and Christian citizens.
After an animated and interesting discussion, Lord
Ashley observed in reply, that the reason why he only
included the metropolis was through extreme caution;
that his object was to make an experiment, and then
extend it if it were successful. After the generous
manner in which his proposition had been supported, he
thought that if he attempted to divide the House, he
should only take a hostile course, and convert into
enemies those who would otherwise be coadjutors," and
he would, therefore, withdraw his motion. Subse-
quently, however, a grant of £1,500 was made by the
Government for the purpose of an experimental trial of
the scheme.
June 6th. — Eleven o'clock. Just returned from House of
Commons, having made motion on Ragged Schools and Emigra-
tion. Had much success in the speech, and some in the motion.
June 12th. — This 'Ragged' motion has produced considerable
effect; much is said everywhere. I received abundant letters,
onymous and anonymous, in high terms of approbation.
The grant of £1,500, and the contributions of friends,
put Lord Ashley in a position to set to work vigorously
on the emigration scheme. Although he soon found
himself crippled for want of adequate funds, he went
heart and soul into the matter, and made the money go
as far as possible.
There was never an effort attended with greater
success, and we must anticipate a little by looking at
some of the results. The children were carefully selected
18*8.] FAREWELL ADDRESS TO EMIGRANTS. 259
and specially trained, and each was impressed with the
idea that he was to go forth as the representative of a
large reserve. Before each detachment started, Lord
Ashley visited them, and some of his farewell addresses
on the eve of their departure are worthy of being
written in letters of gold, so full are they of tender
fatherliness and Christian love. Here is a specimen : —
I see you now, my boys, probably for the last time. You are
going to enter upon new connections. You are going to a land
where much will depend upon yourselves as regards your future
prosperity and success in life. The whole world is open to you. I
believe you will be placed in circumstances where honesty will not
fail to meet with its reward. I hope, when you are far away, you
will not forget those friends who have taken care of you here, and
the instruction and advice you have received from time to time from
those who have felt an interest in you, and that you will not forgot
what has been said to you to-night. I believe it will be a great help
to remember, not only what has been said, but the very counten-
ances of those who have befriended you ; let their presence be
familiar to your recollection. Remember the faces of those who
are present here to-night. The remembrance may deter you in the
time of temptation from doing that which would disgrace yourselves
and bring discredit on them, Especially let me tell you, working
boys, that, however you may rise in society — and there is no reason
in the world why you should not rise — you must still be working
men. Christianity is not a speculation, it is essentially practical.
It is the only thing for your soul's health to be always at work.
Remember this : you have something to do for others as well as for
yourselves. You have a character to get, and you have a character
to lose. You must not by any misconduct of yours, bring disgrace
upon those who have gone out before you. If you bring discredit
upon them, you are injuring a whole class. Many of those lads who
are now roaming about the streets, houseless and friendless, may yet
be brought into this or similar institutions, may be helped or
hindered in their future course by your conduct. If that should be
r 2
260 THE EABL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XVII.
.such as would bring disci-edit upon yourselves and those who send
you out, it may hinder their being sent as you are. If there is any
one single thins: which more than another tends to make a man feel
great, it is that he is answerable for his own conduct to God and to
society at large. You are going across the water. I have no doubt
but we shall soon hear that you have got employment. What-
ever your duty or circumstances may be, never forget prayer. You
may rise to high stations ; they are open to you there as here.
Whatever success you may meet with in this world — and we heartily
wish you may meet with great success — still, my lads, never forget
the greatest ambition of the Christian is to be a citizen of that city
whose builder and maker is God ; and though we may never meet
together again on earth, may we all at last meet together there.
Testimony was borne in many, and sometimes un-
expected quarters, as to the conduct and efficiency of
the Ragged-School boys who were sent out to the
Colonies.
It is recorded that a gentleman (Major E. J. Robin -
>on), while travelling in Australia, observed that there
were a number of young emigrants whose behaviour
presented a striking contrast to others of the same class.
They were intelligent, industrious, and of uniform good
conduct. On making inquiries, he was told that they
were lads who had the knack of never getting into
trouble. He accosted some of them. " Who are you,
and where do you come from ? ' " Oh," said the}',
" we are Lord Ashley's boys." "Lord Ashley's boys ?"
" Yes, from the London Ragged School."
The gentleman knew nothing of those schools, but
resolved that on his return to England he would take
an opportunity of learning something of an institution
that could send out such lads, a resolution he carried
1848.] A CURIOUS LETTER. 2G1
into effect with great advantage to Ragged-School
work.
Captain Stanley Carr, on behalf of the Committee of
Australian colonists, and himself a colonial proprietor,
bore frequent testimony to the good conduct of the
Ragged-School boj^s. A magistrate in Portland Bay
wrote to him, " I should be glad if you could procure
for me some of Lord Ashley's lads," and again and
again the request came from the Colonies for more.
The better they were known, the better they were
appreciated.
Many curious letters were sent by the young
emigrants to those who had rescued them from their
lives of misery and crime. Here is one as a specimen: —
January 15, 1851.
Lord ashley and lady Charlotte sturt, — we rite these
few lines to you hopeing that you are in good health as we ar at
preasant we rite to you to let you no that the monney and intrest
you have taken in us to is the means of making us bright men, but
before we was a pess to scity and more so to Newgate the house of
Correction, for J. B ad bin in gale over seven times on summery
conviction and thre times for a trial every one looked on us theves
and roges, but in this contry respected as gentlemen when we think
of the harships that when threw her it makes us cry kind friends do
send Fred held and let im come to us I ham sure that he will do
well but he never will in England, for his character is to fur gorn,
do Lady and Gentleman try to send im to us, and if he we will
pay ten dolers each fore him to come to us so has he can recover his
character as we ave done.
No more at preasant from your thankful and obedient friend
J6seph Brady axd James Way
County of Schenectady, State of New York.
Quaker street post-office.
2G2 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [chap. XVH.
It was not all smooth sailing with Lord Ashley in
his efforts to carry ont his emigration scheme, and there
are, in the Diaries, many entries which show that the
disappointments were as numerous as the successes.
July-21st. — So I am now to be disappointed, nay, deceived ! No
emigration for my nigged children, unless I raise a sum of money
for that purpose. How is that to be clone 1 Not a word was said
on this subject when I consented to withdraw my resolution. . . .
Two Chairs yesterday. Opened Westminster Reading-room for
the dirty, forgotten workpeople of Duck Lane and Pye Street. Very
successful, God be pi-aised — really affecting. Letters and Chairs eat
me up ; I never refresh my mind with new stores : always speaking,
never reading or thinking. God in His mercy grant me a little
repose this summer. I am thin as a wafer. . . .
... A great deal of melancholy over me, both to-day and yester-
day and the day before. Truth is, I am a little tired, and a little
disheartened ; men are untrue and lukewarm. I am endeavouring
to pile Pelion on Ossa, the work of the Titans with the force just
sufficient for an ant-hill. . . . Talk of the dangerous classes, indeed!
The dangerous classes in England are not the people ! The dangerous
classes are the lazy ecclesiastics, of whom there are thousands, and
the rich who do no good with their money ! I fear them more than
whole battalions of Chartists. ... I am as much fretted by
anxiety as worn by labour. I cannot feel by halves, nor only when
the evil is present. I take it I suffer very often much more than
the people do themselves ! . . .
July 27th. — An affecting evening yesterday. Gave a tea-party to
take leave of our ' ragged ' emigrants to Australia, ragged no longer,
thank God ! They go from private funds that I have collected from
the excellent Miss Portal, Mr. Farrer, Lord Wriothesley Russell,
and my sister Charlotte. Many were assemUed ; we addressed
them, and many were moved to tears. It was a deeply religious
meeting ; and a feeling of piety and gratitude pervaded us all. And
now here, as then, I commit them, Oh, Lord ! to the word of Thy
jrrace — prosper the work ! bear them safely, happily, joyously to their
journey's end ! watch over them in body and in soul ; make them
1848.] YOUNG THIEVES. 263
Thy servants in this life, and Thy saints in the next, in the media-
tion and everlasting love of Christ, our only Saviour and Redeemer !
During his perambulations of the slums of London
in 1846, by his Kagged School investigations, and
in other ways and places, Lord Ashley made himself
thoroughly acquainted with the haunts and habits of the
young thieves of the metropolis. Some of his descrip-
tions of them are admirable, and his anecdotes telling.
A large proportion do not recognise the distinctive rights of
meum and tuum. Property appears to them to be only the aggregate
of plunder. They hold that everything that is possessed is common
stock ; that he who gets most is the cleverest fellow, and that every
one has a right to abstract from that stock what he can by his own
ingenuity.*
They make little or no secret of their successful operations, cloak-
ing them only with euphonistic terms ; they ' find ' everything, they
' take ' nothing ; no matter the bulk or quality of the article, it was
'found' — sometimes nearly a side of bacon, just at the convenient
time and place ; and many are the loud and bitter complaints that
the ' dealer in marine stores ' is utterly dishonest, and has given for
the thing but half the price that could be got in the market, f
These children are like tribes of lawless freebooters, bound by no
obligations, and iitterly ignorant, or utterly regardless, of social
duties. They trust to their skill, not to their honesty ; gain their
livelihood by theft, and consider the whole world as their legitimate
prey. With them there is no sense of shame ; nor is imprisonment
viewed as a disgrace. In many instances it has occurred that after a
boy has been a short time at one of the Ragged Schools he suddenly
disappears. At the end of a few weeks he comes back to the very
spot in the school where he sat when he was last there. The master
going up to him says, ' My boy, where have you been ? ' The boy
* House of Commons, July. 1849.
f Quarterly Review, Dec, 1846.
264 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XVII.
answers, ' Very sorry, sir, I could not come before, but I have had
three weeks at Bridewell.' Going to prison is with these children
the ordinary lot of humanity ; they look upon it as a grievous act of
oppression, and when they come to school they speak of it as one
gentleman would tell his wrongs to another.
As an illustration of their low state of morality
and their utter shamelessness, he instanced what had
passed one evening at a Ragged School : —
Fourteen or fifteen of these boys presented themselves one Sun-
day evening and sat down to the lessons, but, as the clock struck,
they all rose and left, with the exception of one who lagged behind.
The master took him by the arm, and said, 'You must remain; the
lesson is not over.' The reply was, ' We must go to business.' The
master incpuired, ' What business 1 ' ' Why, don't you see it's eight
o'clock ; we must go catch them as they come out of the chapels.'
On another occasion he told a story of a City
'Missionary, a kind and worthy man, who had endeared
himself to the whole of a wretched district, and
especially to the }rounger population.
One evening, having put on a new coat, he went, about dusk,
through a remote street, and was instantly marked as a quarry by
one of these rapacious vagabonds. 1 h 3 urchin did not know him in
Ids new attire — therefore without hesitation relieved his pockets of
their contents. The Missionary did not discover his loss, nor the
boy his victim, until in his flight he had reached the end of the
atreet. He then looked round and recognised in the distance his old
friend and teacher. He ran back to him, breathless. ' Hallo,' said
he, 'is it you, Mr. 1 I didn't know you in your new coat;
here's your handkerchief for you ! '
It was in consequence of his speech in the House
of Commons on the suhject of emigration that in July,
* House of Commons, June 6, 1848.
1843.] A STRANGE EXPERIENCE. 265
1848, Lord Ashley entered into one of the strangest
experiences, in connection with London thieves, that
ever fell to the lot of mortal man. A City Mis-
sionary, named Thomas Jackson, a zealous, earnest, and,
in his way, gifted man, had been appointed to the Rag
Fair and Rosemary Lane district, where he was known
as the Thieves' Missionary. He was in their confidence;
his house was open at all times to those who chose to
visit him in search of advice and consolation ; he was
acquainted, far more intimately than the police, with the
habits of pickpockets, burglars, and every class of con-
victed or unconvicted roguery ; he had the entree into
dens of infamy, and had familiarised himself with sin
in some of its most sickening aspects, and yet he carried
with him a quiet and a prayerful spirit, and became to
Lord Ashley not only a guide, but also a philosopher
and friend.
Soon after Lord Ashley had propounded his scheme
in the House of Commons, for the emigration of young
criminals, it occurred to him to ask a notorious adult
thief whether he would like to avail himself of such a
scheme. " I should jump at it," was the reply. Thus
encouraged, he determined to have the same question
propounded at one of Mr. Jackson's meetings, to which
discharged criminals only were to be admitted. " It
would be a capital thing for chaps like us," was their
unanimous answer. Then one of them got up and pro-
posed that they should write Lord Ashley a letter on
behalf of themselves and all their tribe, inviting him to
meet them, and give them his opinion and advice as to
266 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XVII.
how they could extricate themselves from their present
position. A round-robin was accordingly prepared, and
was signed by forty of the most notorious thieves and
burglars in London, praying him to meet them. A
night was fixed, and on July the 27th, Lord Ashley,
without hesitation, and without fear, went to the meeting.
Accustomed as he was to strange sights and strange
assemblies, he was not prepared for what was awaiting
him. There, in a large room, with Jackson in the
midst, were close upon four hundred men of every ap-
pearance, from the ' swell-mob ' in black coats and white
neckcloths, to the most fierce-looking, rough, half-
dressed savages he had ever seen.
The City Mission Magazine for August, 184S, says:
" Several of the best known and most experienced
thieves were stationed at the door to prevent the
admission of any but thieves. Some four or five indi-
viduals, who were not at first known, were subjected to
a more public examination, and only allowed to remain
on their stating: who thev were, and bein<>- recognised as
members of the dishonest fraternity. The object of this
care, as so many of them were in danger of ' getting into
trouble,' as they call it, was, to ascertain whether any
who should betra}" them were present."
Lord Ashley was received by them with genuine
enthusiasm, and, after taking the chair, the proceed-
ings were opened by devotional exercises ! A chair-
man, to be at ease, always likes to feel the pulse of
his audience, in order to know, as far as possible, what
manner of men they be, and the method adopted on
1S43.] FALLEN AMONG THIEVES. 267
the occasion of which we write was striking in the
extreme : —
I was anxious to know what was the character of these thieves ;
some of them pickpockets, some shopliftei's, others of the swell-mob,
and exceedingly well-dressed some of them were. Many of them,
however, had no stockings, and some of them had no shirts. I
wanted to know the great departments of roguery; so the Missionary
said : ' His Lordship wants to know the particular character of the
men here. You who live by bm*glary and the more serious crimes
will go to the right, and the others will go to the left.' About
two hundred of the men at once rose and went to the right, as
confessed burglars and living by the greatest crimes.*
Lord Ashley then addressed them kindly hut firmly,
expressing his willingness to befriend them, not 011I3* as
his duty but out of regard for them. In the first place,
however, he wished to hear them speak.
A number of the men then gave addresses, and anything more
curious, more graphic, more picturesque, and more touching I never
heard in my life ; they told the whole truth, without the least
difficulty, and, knowing that they were there to reveal their con-
dition, they disguised nothing.
Lord Ashley had recommended mutual aid, self-
reliance, a relinquishing of their old practices, and new
resolves for the future. " But how," said one of the
men, " are we to live till our next meeting ? We must
either steal or die." It was an awkward question.
Lord Ashley acknowledged that he never felt so utterly
impressed with the magnitude of the task, and the
feebleness of the power ; and confessed, that when
Jackson urged them "to pray, as God could help them,"
* Speech, West Middlesex Auxiliary City Mission, June 23, 1873.
268 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XVII.
he felt a certain amount of sympathy when one of the
party rose and said, " My Lord and Gentlemen of the
Jury, prayer is very good, but it won't fill an empty
stomach," whereupon there arose a general response of
" Hear, hear ! "
One point was made clear that night. It was, that
the men were dissatisfied with the life they led, and
would do anything to break away from it if they only
knew how. One and all they were eager for the emigra-
tion scheme, and Lord Ashley promised to do all he
could for them. Then one man, on behalf of the rest,
exclaimed, " But will j^ou ever come back to see us
again ? ': " Yes," replied Lord Ashley, " at any time,
and at any place, whenever you shall send for me."
" And," as he said when telling the story, " the low,
deep murmur of gratitude was very touching." The
result of that night's work, like so mai^ in Lord
Ashley's career, can never be known. One outward and
visible sign, however, was the fact that, within three
months from that date, thirteen of those who were
present were starting in life afresh in Canada, while,
a little later on, nearty three hundred had either
emigrated, or had passed into different employ-
ments, and had no need to return to their hateful
occupation.
In reviewing the public labours of Lord Ashley
during this year, we have almost lost sight of other
matters scarcely less interesting. We must, therefore,
go back in the narrative.
In the early part of the year, his eldest son, Antony,
1848.] BANQUET TO LORD HARDINGE. 269
had entered the Navy, and in March sailed for the
Australian station in H.M.S. Havannah.
March 30th. — Just returned from Portsmouth with Minny and
the boys ; have been to take leave of dear Accy for three years, and
perhaps never to see him again ; it may be so, but yet I hope, nay, I
believe, that God will be with him, and restore us safe and happy to
each other. But it is a pang ; we feel it more when we reflect, than
Avhile we experience it. I see him now ; I shall see him for ever till
we meet again, standing at the ship- side, and watching us depart.
Oh, Christ, our only Saviour and Redeemer, have mercy on the lad in
body and in soul. . . .
On the return of Lord Hardin ge, after his brilliant
successes in India, a banquet was given to him, and
Lord Ashley, who entertained for him strong feelings of
personal friendship, was present, although at that time
he was " hurried, hurried, by day and by night." He
briefly notes the occasion thus : —
April 6th. — Splendid feast to Hardinge last night, given at
London Tavern by E. I. Company. Every man of public note in
England was present.
Apropos of one of the speeches made at the festival
in honour of Lord Hardinge, the following letter from
Mr. Gladstone, characteristic of his abounding verbiage,
was received : —
Rt. Hon. W. E. Gladstone to Lord Ashley.
6, Carlton Gardens, May 4th, 1848.
My dear Ashley, — I have to blame myself for not having
mentioned to you more promptly what I am now about to state.
In consequence of the great encouragement which I derived from
your very favourable and warm reception of some observations of
mine at the dinner to Lord Hardinge, about the importance and
advantage of giving to the lay communicants of the Church of
270 TEE EARL OF SEAFTESBURY. [Chap. XVII.
England functions connected with her work, aiad to be performed by
them in that capacity, I was emboldened to speak to Lord Harrowby
on the subject, with particular reference to the School Committees,
which the Privy Council Committee on Education desires to see
organised. It had always appeared to me that this desire of theirs
afforded an admirable opportunity of trying in a quiet way, within
certain bounds, and for a practical and important purpose, a principle
of great moment to the welfare of the Church, and one upon which
all her sincerely attached members ought to be cordially agreed.
I therefore suggested to Lord Harrowby, as a member of the
Committee of the National Society, that perhaps that Society might
be disposed to place for the Government, either as the plan which it
preferred, or at least as one of the plans which it preferred and
thought worthy of the approval of the P. C, a plan by which the
members of the Committee should be only such persons as subscribed
a declaration, setting forth that they had been communicants in the
Church of Ewjland for three years. It appeared to me that, with
Committees so constituted, almost all questions would in practice
settle themselves very easily, and the knotty points now in discussion
would at once become of very minor importance.
I will not at this time attempt to describe all the advantages
which, in my view, would attend both the promotion of such a settle-
ment as this, and the settlement itself after it had been obtained.
If I may judge from what you said, and from what I have heard said
by others, I cannot but estimate very highly the harmonising effect
of the co-operation which it ought to command in the very first
instance, as a common decision upon a very important subject, to
take effect through common efforts, and one with respect to which
all, I think, ought to feel that it would be an honest measure, a
measure likely, as far as it went, to develop and confirm the Church
of England in her own true character, which, I apprehend, is what
they should all on their own principles desire, even though, through
human infirmity, they may not have each in his own mind precisely
the same image of that character.
Lord Harrowby entered warmly, and I think entirely, into the
view of the subject which was the same as I had stated to you ; so
did the Bishop of Oxford, to whom we together mentioned it. Lord
H. undertook to bring it before the Archbishop of Canterbury ;
and the only difficulty was, that he thought the Committee of the
1S48.J IN SCOTLAND. 271
N. S. had just before arrived at a conclusion as to the proposal which
they might lay before the Archbishop, with a view to its being sub-
mitted to the Government if approved by him ; but he did not appear
to regard this as more than an inconvenience, thinking that the
subject was still open to reconsideration.
I hope that you may have the means of putting forward either
this measure, or some other and like one, at this particular season
and I am certain that if you have them, you will not let them slip.
I remain always,
Very sincerely yours,
W. E. Gladstone.
The Lord Ashley, M.P.
One of the red-letter days of every year was the 10th
of June. It was spent this year at the country seat of
Mr. and Lady Louisa Finch, in Rutlandshire.
June 12th. — Burley on the Hill. Arrived here Saturday, 10th,
our wedding day. Well may I thank God for His manifold and
various mercies. He has given me eighteen years of happiness,
true, joyous, confiding, unalloyed, in the wife of my bosom. Praised
be His name, and may He grant that it ever continue, and bring
forth fruits to His glory and men's service, for our Blessed Redeemer's
sake !
In August, came the lon^-looked-for relaxation from
the harassing cares and anxieties of public business.
There was no place in the world that did him so much
good as Scotland, and so to Scotland he went.
Au"\ 12th. — Galloway House. Galloway, in the height of
friendliness and amiable feeling, has lent us his beautiful cottage
of Cumloden in the Wigtown mountains ; and thus we are going to
enjoy mountain breezes, Scotch scenery, and romantic seclusion.
Au<*. 16. — Cumloden. Everything conduces to enjoyment and
comfort here ; amusement for the eye, brisk air for the lungs, leisure
and contemplation for the mind. I seem in a week to have lost all
272 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XVII.
power of business, as I certainly have all taste for it; dress in a
shooting-coat, lounge about, read all sorts of books.
Oct. 4th. — Invei'ary. Arrived here yesterday through very
beautiful scenery, on a very beautiful day. Duke and Duchess
amiable in the extreme ; she is a dear, sensible, lovable creature,
whom I have known from a child. It is a stately place ; trees,
rocks, mountains, torrents, and lochs, all in the perfection of the
noble and fascinating. . .
Oct. 7th. . . . HaA'e been studying with more regularity and
attention St. Paul's Epistle to the Galatians ; it is a noble work of
zeal, piety, and sound argument.
Oct. 10th. — Edinburgh. Left yesterday Inverary, having passed
a very agreeable week. We had there Barry, the architect ; the
Ellesmeres, with two daughters ; young Campbell of Islay, Dr. dim-
ming, M.D., the Kay-Shuttleworths, and Col. Talbot of Canada.
Peace be to the house and all in it !
Oct. 16th. — Cumloden. I know not a better preacher than
Mr. Johnstone, our minister here at Minnigaff; his matter is true,
sound, and plainly evangelical, argumentative, persuasive, touching,
practical, and admirably, yet very simply, delivered. He is worth a
regiment of ecclesiastical 'Pindars.' . .
Oct. 26th. — Surely no sun ever rose more beautifully than this
morning ; viewed it with delight. Yet there was a coldness in my
affection and a formality in my prayer which seemed little to accord
with such a display of God's works. But we must be careful not to
estimate the state of our hearts towards God merely by the rapture
we may feel at occasional periods ; religion would then be measured
by enthusiasm ; it must be tested by its fruits, by our real and
inmost desires, by our daily walk, by our Scriptural belief, by our
constant faith, and by our practical life. . .
In the midst of the hurry and worry of London life
Lord Ashley rarely found time carefully to read a book,
unless it related immediately to some of the questions
occupying his attention at the time. On his holidays,
however, he read industriously, and was wont to enter
in his Diary or note-book a digest of the impressions left
1848.] "SPECIAL PROVIDENCES." 273
on his mind by the perusal of any work that particularly
interested him. Thus, at Cumloden, we find him deep
in the study of the " Life of Lord Edward Fitzgerald,"
aud the " History of the 45 " by Chambers, and at the
conclusion he writes : —
Nov. 7th. — The mass of the world are all erect against the admis-
sion of Special Providences ; it savours, they think, of fanaticism,
hypocrisy, cant. I do not deny the delicacy and difficulty of the
subject ; to allow it fully, in almost every trifling instance, seems to
cripple man's free agency, and supersede secondary causes ; to deny
it, is to deny God's goodness and mercy, and His moral government
of mankind ! My memory has just been refreshed by reading two
books, the ' Life of Lord Edward Fitzgerald,' and the ' History of
the 45 ' by Chambers. Now, if a man be a sceptic, cadit qtuestio,
but if he believe in a superintending Ruler, will he hesitate to say,
in the language of our Liturgy, ' O .God, we have heard with our
ears, and our fathers have declared unto us, the noble works that
Thou didst in their days, and in the old time before them.' ' In
1719,' says Chambers, 'a plan of insurrection and invasion in favour
of the Stuarts was formed by Spain. A fleet of ten ships of the
line, with several frigates, having on board 6,000 troops and 12,000
stand of arms, sailed from Cadiz to England, and while this fleet
was preparing the Earl Marischal left St. Sebastian with two Spanish
frigates, having on board 300 Spanish soldiers, ammunition, arms,
and money. . . . The Spanish fleet was completely dispersed by a
storm off Cape Finisterre.' ... In Moore's 'Life of Lord Edward,
from p. 282 to 288 of Vol. I., the lesson is most striking '
We need not follow the extracts. Page after page
he collects, and summarises the instances in which, to
his mind, the hand of God is clearly visible, and the
special providence of God is employed for the defence of
this country.
On November the 8th the pleasant holiday in Scot-
land came to an end, and shortly afterwards we find
s
274 TEE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XVII.
Lord Ashley again in the midst of his labours. A few
of the special events which marked the close of this
memorable year may be noted in this place.
Nov. 15th.— Priory, Stanmore. Here by command of the Queen-
Dowager to meet the Queen Regnant. Very stately, but, perhaps,
dull Nevertheless, it is kind and amiable on her part, and I ought
to be, and I am, sensible of it. Now, when I say 'dull,' am I quite
sure that the dulness is not in myself ; and that people, when I
call them dull, would not declare that / am dismal ? I seem to have
lost nearly the power of thinking, and certainly, altogether, the power
of expressing anything. I have two rooms to myself and two fires.
I deplore the waste of fuel when there are so many who have none.
This feeling is growing upon me, and may degenerate into stinginess,
or, at least, a parsimony in the exercise of just hospitality. The
amount of waste in all things is prodigious, in some instances care-
less ; in some inevitable. Why, the very crumbs and scrapings of
finished dishes in a thousand well-fed families would, week by week,
sustain a hundred persons ! This, alas ! cannot be avoided, but a
wanton or thoughtless waste is sinful. ' Gather up the fragments
that remain, that nothing be lost.'
Nov. 17th. — Went yesterday to Harrow; accompanied her
Majesty. Day brilliant, boys and people enthusiastic, the whole
successful. This is good. Royalty had never shone upon Harrow,
which has turned out some good men, and seems likely, in God's
providence — oh, that it may be so — to turn out some more ! An early
impression of respect to the Sovereign is wholesome ; it may, in these
days, become indispensable. Saw dear Francis, and heard his praises
from Dr. Vaughan and the tutors.
Nov. 25th. — Poor Melbourne died yesterday, and to-day he is,
of course, gibbeted in the limes. This is ' one of the new terrors
of death.'
Nov. 30th. — Charles Buller, poor fellow, has been carried off by
typhus fever, following on an operation, in the prime of life. I
regret his loss. He was a much changed man. His pertness, his
light and saucy opinions, had given way to sobriety and kindness of
heart; and his humanised feelings had begun to ornament and
1848.] BE ATE OF LORD MELBOURNE. 275
invigorate his great talents. Had lie lived he might have been (I
speak as a man) of real service in his generation. But God is wiser
than us.
Dec. 1st. — This day Melbourne consigned to the grave. Attended
the funeral at Hatfield Church. May the Lord sanctify the event
to those who survive, and say, with resistless power, to us all,
' Watch:
s 2
CHAPTER XVIII.
1849.
Habeas Corpus Act Suspended— Distress in Ireland — Plans and Projects —
Illness — Scheme for Subdivision of Parishes — Good Friday — Idle Ecclesi-
astics— Attendance at Court — Capital Punishment — A Sorrowful Narrative
— Death of a Son at Harrow — Effect on Lord Ashley — Ragged School Emi-
gration Scheme — A Very Precious Letter — Approach of Cholera — Labours
on the Board of Health — The City of the Plague — Public Prayers — Corre-
spondence with Lord John Russell and Sir George Grey — Cholera Statistics
— Lord Hardinge — Sunday Labour at the Post-Office — Collection and De-
livery of Sunday Letters Suspended — The most Unpopular Man in the
Kingdom — The Order prohibiting Sunday Labour at Post-Office Rescinded.
Although in the early part of 1849 there was a lull
in the excitement which had made 1S4S so memorable,
there were forces at work in this country which were to
create general alarm and uneasiness. In Ireland, the
suspension of the Habeas Corpus Act was renewed in
consequence of the critical state of affairs, and a grant
of £ 50,U00 was made for the relief of Irish distress in
certain Unions, where, owing to the severity of the dis-
tress, a sufficient rate could not be collected. Referring
to this, Lord Ashley wrote : —
Jan. 5th . . . Ireland again distressed, and again to be re-
lieved. All admit the fact and the necessity, but wish to throw the
necessity on every shoulder but their own. Government propose a
rate in aid, which may be questionable as a principle of taxation, but
is most just as applied specifically to Ireland. Irish proprietors are,
of course, furious, and, generally speaking, not very honest in this
respect. What is the remedy for this state of tilings 1 What is the
1849.] SCHEMES OF LABOUR. 277
cause of it ] Is it the Celtic race 1 Yet we see many of this tribe in
other parts of the world frugal, industrious, orderly ; much may be
recorded of the economy, foresight, and affection of thousands. Is
it the religion? Yet I do not find, however faulty, superstitious,
idolatrous, may be their belief and practice, that any physical inca-
pacity is necessarily connected with it ; in many heathen nations
there may be found much temporal prosperity, and the Tuscan
farmers and peasantry show by their high cultivation and general
comfort that indolence and barbarism are not inevitably the con-
sequence of Popery. Is it national hatred to the Saxon, or pious
hatred to the Protestant1? or is it both combined? But if so, this
would appear in Ulster, but hardly be known in Connaught, where
Saxons and Protestants are as rare as a meat dinner. Is it mis-
government 1 Why, every measure, however excellent, and by
whomsoever brought in, fails at once. And why 1 You can obtain no
agency in Ireland ; no one is to be trusted — no public, no private
functionaries ; all are of one complexion ; whatever enters Ireland
is transmuted by the prevailiug atmosphere ; everything acquires
an affinity to job, and to job it all. Whence is this1? Magna hits
commissa, O England ! and thou hast not repented of them. But
until that be done, and we begin good things in a good spirit (here it
is we fail) nothing will prosper.
Among the schemes of labour that Lord Ashley set
before himself for the year was, first, the stirring-up of
the Board of Health to more vigorous efforts . One
hundred and fifty wretched children had recently died
of proved neglect, and " They will be the martyrs of a
cause of reformation," he wrote. " Their death will be
the signal, and the compulsion, too, of an improved and
more merciful state of things." Next, a plan for the
general Subdivision of all the larger Parishes for ec-
clesiastical purposes, so that the population of each
parish should not exceed 4,000, a plan that he felt
certain would effect a greater amount of moral, social,
278 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XVIIL
and religious improvement than a whole code of laws.
Then, the completion of Ragged School projects, espe-
cially in relation to Emigration ; and finally, "the invi-
tation to the stragglers in the lanes and streets ; the
evangelical coercion through the highways and hedges,
according to the commands of our blessed Redeemer.
Add to this the ordinaiy and existing work, and there
is my budget ! "
The spirit was willing, but the flesh was weak.
Lord Ashley's health began to fail, and this was to be
one source of hindrance to his projects ; while a cloud,
which had not yet arisen, was to gather and overshadow
him, and make this year memorable for the bitterness
of its sorrow. The following is the beginning of a long
series of entries extending through many years. They
will only be referred to occasionally in the course of this
work, but to ignore them altogether would be to detract
from the heroism which, notwithstanding, persisted in
incessant labours.
Jan. 30th. — "Warned by six months of unpleasant symptoms,
teiTible noises in my ears, sleeplessness at nights, or slumbers broken
by strange sensations of nervousness, my whole body appearing to
vibrate like a Jew's harp, consulted Dr. Latham. ' Rest or decay,'
he replies. ' Over- toil, over-anxiety, over-sensitiveness to the sub-
jects handled during many years, have shaken you in every part; you
must be more moderate, or utterly disabled.' I can well believe it
— few can know ; nay, none know the full extent of my labours, and
the full trial of all my feelings. Thank God, I am warned in time,
that I may, should it be His pleasure to spare me, husband my
strength for a few more years of service ; I can do so with a clear
and even happy conscience, for I know that I have given to the
public, and have not spent on myself, the best of my life aud
1849. J SUBDIVISION OF PARISHES. 279
energies. But yet I cannot contemplate even comparative inaction
with joy ; but God's will be done ! . . .
In his scheme for the Subdivision of Parishes, Lord
Ashley was threatened in the first instance with the
opposition of Lord John Bussell, on the ground that it
was opposed by the Archbishop of Canterbury ; but an
interview with the Archbishop disposed of many diffi-
culties, and Lord John withdrew his opposition. On
the 1st of March, therefore, the motion was brought
forward, although to the last moment there were strong
misgivings as to the support it would receive.
March 1st. — My misgivings justified. John Russell writes to me
to-day to put off my motion, ' as the Dissenters will ojipose it.
What shall I do 1 If I postpone it I incur many hazards, such as
ill health, misrepresentation, no opportunity ; if I urge it, I avert
the Government. Good may, by God's blessing, be brought out of
evil. J. Russell hints at a Commission without a previous motion
in Parliament ; if so, thank God, I shall be spared a speech ; and
sad, discreditable disclosures of the wrangles and anomalies of the
Church will be avoided. Ten o'clock. — Just returned from the House
— a debate — a division, headed by Bright and Hume ; beat them,
God be praised, by 111 to 18! Kept in uncertainty until two
minutes to five, when Johnny said he wished me to proceed. Debate
was most triumphant, and the issue all the better, because motion
was opposed without a shadow of reason by Dissenters ! The truth
is, they see it is a heavy blow and great discouragement to Dissent
and popular discontent ; they see that, by this means, the Church
can and will, God blessing us, recover her just position and ' con-
servatise ' the kingdom.
o
A Commission was appointed, and in the course of a
week or two was working harmoniously, with hearty
zeal and a desire to see the facilities first, and the diffi-
culties afterwards.
280 THE EAEL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XVIII.
Anything that would arouse the clergy to greater
activity, Lord Ashley hailed with satisfaction ; his esti-
mate of their zeal and of the religious state of the times
is given in the meditation entered in his Diary on Good
Friday : —
April 6th. — Good Friday. Tins is a serious contemplation. Is the
world better than the day that our blessed Lord died upon the Cross ]
Are men individually better 1 Is the world collectively better ? That
the externals of society are more refined, that the surface is smoother,
that more pious things are said, and more pious actions tolerated,
that civilisation has been advanced, and that Christianity is the
cause of it, few persons will deny. But how are the hearts of men %
Are they cleaner, less averse from good, more given to God ? Is the
number of the faithful increased, diminished, or stationary '] Are we
nearer to be an acceptable people 1 Is there, as yet, any appearance
of a Harvest? 'Lord, Thou knowest.' I look around, myself, and
am much discouraged. I see but few who could stand a trial, few
who love truth and God's will above all things, few who are not
ready to find ten thousand excuses for doing what they like, and
rejecting what they dislike. My experience may be very limited,
and I may form incorrect judgments, but I trace much of our evil to
the moral condition of our ecclesiastical rulers and ministers. It is
possible that they may be improved in comparison of former days ;
they are wholly insufficient in reference to the present. Look to the
metropolis ! Why so frightful a state of spiritual destitution 1 Why
so many wretched, forsaken, naked vagrants 1 I have said this, and
received in reply, ' The clergy are unequal to the task.' Well, then,
why do they discountenance and almost insult (the exceptions are
few but honourable) those who toil to collect the outcasts in Ragged
Schools and make them at least to hear the name of Christ 1 These
men seem to think that of two evils, it is the less for them to die in
their sins, than to be brought to knowledge and repentance by the
co-operation of a Dissenter ! If so, what was there worse in Jeru-
salem 1 . . .
Lord Ashley's presence at Court was very frequent,
and his Diaries show how constantly his sympathies
1849.] IN PALACES AND HOVELS. 281
were alternating between the highest and the lowest in
the land. A few extracts may be given here : —
Feb. 8th. — Here I am at Windsor Castle. Carae yesterday; sat
next to the Queen at dinner ; had some interesting conversation.
May God, in His mercy to the Realm, raise up for her some Joseph,
Daniel, or Nehemiah, some one who, in Christ's faith and fear, shall
rule this people prudently and with all his power ! . . .
Feb. 12th. — Newspapers of late very full of cases of cruelty to
children in schools, in private houses, on board ship. They come
between me and my rest, and to no purpose, for the evil is irremedi-
able, except by the grace of God.
May 1st. — Sat in House of Commons to vote against Ewart's
motion for abolishing punishment of death. I have a very strong feeling
on the subject. Tuflhell gave me leave to be absent for three-quarters
of an hour (it being really necessary that I should go and support
the Lord Mayor in the Chair of the Plumtree Ragged School), and
when I returned the vote was over. I am vexed, for I wished
publicly to record my opinion that the Word of God does not permit
but commands ' He that sheddeth man's blood, by man shall his blood
be shed.' . . .
May 8th. . . . Young Peel came forward for the first time,
and made a most promising speech in language, manner, tone, and
talent. If his principles and his heart are equal to his abilities
in oratory (judgment being added) he will be a veiy considerable
man.
May 10th. — To the Queen's concert last night; everything as
brilliant and cheerful as music and company could make it ; my-
self rather dismal. . . .
May 15th. — Made a night visitation to Hoxton Lunatic Asylum,
having suspicions of misconduct ; found, I rejoice to say, things far
better than we expected ; our system, therefore, of inspection, may
be considered successful, and our terrors salutary. Ventilation of
apartments very bad. . . .
May 16th. — Last night chair of Ragged Anniversary in Exeter
Hall. A stupendous meeting. Prince Albert took chair to-day at
Hanover Square Rooms for Servants' Provident Institution. He
did his business admirably well, with good taste, good feeling, and
252 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XVni.
real ability. But, to be sure, if he liked flattery he had full measure
of it, and of the strongest quality — pare rectified spirits !
Moved a resolution, as I was desired, though hoarse with roaring
yesterday to four thousand people. Thank God that the Prince is
what he is, and the Queen too, with a moral Court, domestic
virtues, and some public activity in philanthropic things !
May 19th. . . . Seven o'clock. Just heard that some one has
fired at the Queen ! She is safe. God be a million times praised for
His mercy to her and to the country ! The profligate George IV.
passed through a life of selfishness and sin without a single proved
attempt to take it. This mild and virtuous young woman has, four
times already, been exposed to imminent peril !
It was late in the evening of this day that Lord
Ashley received a letter from Harrow which filled him
with the greatest alarm and anxiety. It was to announce
the serious illness of his second son, Francis. He had
been at Harrow since April, 1847, where he had taken
and kept a distinguished place in the school, and, at the
time of which we write, was in the sixth (highest)
form. He was a singularly striking character; old and
thoughtful for his years, deeply religious, and pure in
heart and habit. The illness with which he was seized
was a severe attack of cold and inflammation, and the
remedy then applied was one which would not now be
even thought of — such has been the rapid advance of
medical science — repeated bleedings.
The sorrowful narrative that follows, must be told
only in the words of his father, and should it be thought
that the incidents are too sacred for the public eye, it
may be stated that Lord Shaftesbury had often been
urged to preserve them in the form of a short biogra-
phy, but was withheld from doing so, as he would have
1849.] ILLNESS OF HIS SON FRANCIS. 283
been obliged to sslj things which would relate to himself,
and his motive might possibly have been misconstrued.
Almost the last evening that the writer was permitted
to spend with Lord Shaftesbury, was occupied in hear-
ing the narrative of the incidents which follow, and
it was his earnest wish that they should be recorded.
" It may be, nay, I feel sure it will be, useful to others
— let it be told," were his last instructions that even-
ing, as he wiped away the tears that had been flowing
freely.
May 21st.— Dearest Francis no better. . . . Saw him after he
had slept : very feverish, thirsty ; but calm, composed, and cheer-
ful. Blessed be God, he is easy and peaceful ! Asked me soon
after my arrival to read the Bible. Did it joyfully. Bead the
seventh of Bevelation for the glories and bliss of the other world, and
the twenty-fourth of Matthew for the present duties and occupations
of this. Frepared thus for either alternative of God's will. Then
we prayed, and were, I think, comforted. What a darling, tender,
true, zealous, and God-serving boy it is ! Oh, that he may be spared
to us, not for our solace and enjoyment only, but for the Lord's
faith and fear ! How often have I meditated on his future aid and
sympathy in all my thoughts and pursuits for the good of mankind.
But I must imitate the example of our dear Lord, and say, ' If it be
possible : nevertheless, not my will, but Thine be done ! ' . . .
May 22nd. . . . He knows his danger, but he knows also his
hope. Never have I seen such a boy ; though so young, and as the
world goes, so innocent, he is filled with a sense of sin and un-
worthiness ; and his only fears are those which spring from a senti-
ment that ' the joys of heaven are too glorious for one like him' Oh,
what a mercy it is, and what a consolation to us, that he is as far
from self- righteousness as the east is from the west ! Never have I
known till now what I am possibly to lose ! ' Bead to me,' he said,
'about forgiveness of sins.' We then read and talked much of the
free and full mercy of God in Christ Jesus. Above all, I urged him,
284 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XVIIL
as a calmer to every apprehension, to bear ever in mind that ' God is
Love,' that human love is capable of great things ; what, then, must
be the depth and height and intensity of Divine love ! ' Know
nothing,' we said, ' think of nothing but Jesus Christ and Him
crucified.' The darling boy kissed me repeatedly, and blessed his
parents that they had brought him up in the faith and fear of the
Lord. Oh, blessed Saviour, this is a wondrous work of Thine ; it is
the humbleness, the resignation, the piety, the experience of an aged
Christian.
May 25th. — Yesterday left dear Francis with great hopes of
recovery. His mother stays with him. The disorder has been
dreadful ; not an ordinary attack of fever, a positive conflagration.
May 28th. — Harrow. Yesterday (Sunday) a clay of fearful and
agonising anxiety ; a better account to-day, and various symptoms
of permanent improvement. Sat with him, read the Bible and
prayed ; he desired specially some prayers of thanksgiving. ' Do you
meditate, can you meditate,' I said, ' my dear boy, as you lie here1?'
' Oh, yes,' he replied; 'but I have learned what a futile thing must
be a death-bed repentance. I feel that I have been reconciled to God,
but what could I have done, when lying on this bed, to make my
peace with Him, had I not before been brought to a knowledge of
the Truth ! ' We prayed earnestly that, if he were raised up, it
might be, by Divine Grace, to service in this world and salvation in
the next !
Yesterday attended school chapel, and took Sacrament ; 120
boys are communicants ! Can this be without its fruits 1 Blessed
Lord, water it by Thy Spirit ! Why, in my day, not only no boys
(and there were many of seventeen and eighteen) took the Lord's
Supper ; but no one dreamed of it. Surely a true and well-earned
consolation to Dr. Yaughan.
June 1st. — Yesterday, at eight o'clock in the evening, it pleased
Almighty God to take our blessed Francis. It was the work of a
moment ; and we were like amazed persons, so great had been the
promise, not many seconds before, of returning strength and vivacity.
Yet we must not murmur or repine, for all is wisdom, and mercy,
and love, that cometh from Him. The child, we doubt not, is with
Christ, which is far better.
June 2nd.- — The loss to us is irreparable ; if we regard it only in
reference to ourselves, we can neither describe nor appreciate the
1849.] DEATH OF HIS SON FRANCIS. 285
calamity. What happiness had we not promised our declining years,
from his respect, his love, his sympathy, his piety ! No pen, no
tongue, can set forth the charms and perfections of that blessed hoy.
But this is a small fraction of the view. We must look at him
as emancipated from sin and danger, as received into the embrace of
his precious Lord and Saviour, as a dear spirit in the realms of bliss.
Is it not that the fruit was ripe, and that God, in His mercy, plucked
it before it rotted on the tree 1 Yet every day and every hour
bring his memory to our thoughts — the books — the chair, the things
we so often talked about. . . .
I must gather up all that he said : I cannot let any of his words
fall to the ground. During his suffering he had a dream. ' I have
had a dream,' said he to Mrs. Gay (the housekeeper, that dear, and
kind, and religious woman, who nursed him). ' I dreamed that I
was very ill, and that I died, and was buried at Harrow.' ' Did he
seem disturbed by it 1 ' I asked. ' Not in the least ; he took it with
the utmost composure.' Blessed be God, his heart was proof against
fear ; he had said in the early part of his illness, ' Mamma, I fear
that I shall be numbered among the fearful ; ' but God was pleased
to reveal Himself more clearly, and, as ' perfect love casteth out fear,'
so was it with his dear soul.
June 3rd. — Sunday. Sweet darling, he was unselfish to a sin
gular degree. ' Oh, mamma,' said the blessed boy, ' I am so ashamed
of myself, that through my incaution and neglect I have exposed
you to this heavy expense.' Thus the dear child, instead of dwelling
on his own rightful comforts and remedies, was thinking only of
our pecuniary inconvenience.
On Tuesday, after he had first learned his extreme danger from
the medical attendants, he said to me, ' Is it so 1 ' I replied ' that
it was.' He then called me, saying, ' Come near to me, dear papa.'
I went and knelt down by his bedside ; he threw his blessed arms
round my neck, and kissed me for a very long time, and then said,
' I want to thank you, dearest papa, for having brought me up as
you have done, for having brought me up religiously. I now
feel all the comfort of it; it is to you I owe my salvation.' 'No,
dearest boy,' I replied, 'it is to the grace of God.' 'Yes, it is true,'
he said, ' but you were made the instrument of it.' Is there not
consolation, almost divine, in these precious sentences] His
voice and manner throughout his whole illness were, so to speak,
286 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XVIII.
sublime ; he retained his infantile simplicity, and yet he was above
himself. His heart was unlocked, and all its treasures displayed.
Two or three times his dear mother said to me, ' This boy will
never recover — his state of preparation is such that God will take
him ; he cannot return to the world.' He seemed to have no desire
for it ; he began, no doubt, after the promises of amendment in his
health, to form little plans of happiness, but they were as pure and
simple as himself. ' I shall be so happy when I am at borne, and
under your care, dearest mamma ; and I shall see all the dear child-
ren, and then, too, I shall be of such use to papa.' Blessed, ever
blessed boy, he was thinking of my letters and Ragged Schools.
Was he not, indeed, of use to me 1 How many delightful, useful
hours have I passed in his dear society ; he was my companion, my
coadjutor, nay, half my very soul ; the precious boy helped me more
than thousands of wealthy, idle, powerful adults.
June 4th. — On that awful Tuesday, after we had read and prayed
together, the dear boy said, ' Dear papa, give me your blessing.' I
might have replied, like St. John the Baptist, and said, ' I have need
.... of thee, and comest thou to me 1 ' but he asked it, and from
my soul I gave it. ' If prayers will avail you,' I said, ' you will
have the prayers of hundreds of ragged children.' He seemed greatly
pleased with the thought, and his face, as his mother now remem-
bers, quite brightened up. When he spoke of his recovery, which,
in his improved state, seemed likely, his rejoicing was of the same
simple, modest, unselfish character, all bearing on the exercise of the
domestic virtues which are akin to religion.
Saw Hewlett, who told me, more in detail, about his announce-
ment to Francis of his state of danger. The darling child, having
ascertained it by inquiry from him, ' received the answer,' says
Hewlett, ' with a smile on his countenance, and simply added,
" Whatever is God's will is enough for me." ' This alone would
have been a real and deep consolation ; but, by God's mercy, it is
only one of many such sentences.
June 5th. — ' What I do, thou knowest not now, but thou shalt
know hereafter.' Yet I can see, even at present, many reasons, and
we, as God's creatures, must receive them as all-convincing. His
death may be the instrumental cause of seriousness and renova-
tion to many, especially of his schoolfellows ; it may strike an
indelible impression on those of his family who survive ; it may
1849.] FUNERAL OF HIS SON FRANCIS. 287
exhibit a beautiful specimen of early fitness, and remain as a monu-
ment of Divine Grace ! It may chastise me, and yet so mildly, that
while I bow the head in submission I am not prostrated by the blow.
Oh ! what a strange chastisement ! My own clear, precious, darling
son is taken to everlasting glory, to the end and object of all my
labours and my prayers ! and this is the Lord's mode of afflicting
His people ! .
How marvellous the influence of this dear, departed boy ; how
fragrant his name ! The school is subdued by sorrow ; and tears of
affection and words of admiration flow from every one. The boys
and the masters vie in language of respect and love. He bore
his honours so meekly, and ascribed everything to any source but
his own merits. ' Well,' he said, when he heard of the numberless
inquiries being made concerning him, ' if I cared about being
made a fuss with, all Harrow is coming after me ! ' Then he
assigned it, not to his own deserts, but to mine. ' It is, I am
sure, dearest papa, because I am your son.' Blessed, simple-
hearted boy, he saw and valued every one but himself '
June 7th. — Francis is dead and buried. It is difficult to realise
the truth, but so it is. We attended yesterday his funeral, which
accomplished his dream that he should be interred at Harrow.
Minny and I greatly rejoice that we surrendered our feelings of
nature that his dear remains should lie, where, in the course of
things, God willing, we should pass many of our days and perform
many acts of worship, at St. Giles's in Dorsetshire. We consigned
him to the churchyard of the school which he had so loved and
adorned, and where he needed not preachers, or poets, or the tongue
of friendship, or love, to make known his admirable virtues. He
was buried in the presence of all his schoolfellows and their several
masters ; and though sermons and speeches may and will be blessed to
enforce his example on those who survive, no one yesterday, among
many hundreds, required the word to say who or what he was. ' The
evil that men do lives after them, the good is oft interred with their
bones.' Not so with him ; the record of his name will long be
fragrant ; and I trust, nay, believe (for God will give us this
consolation over and above the other), that the monument of stone
will also present him to many hearts as a monument of Divine
Grace. . . .
June 12th. — They ask me to write a short memoir of my darling
288 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XVIII.
boy. ' It will be useful,' they say, ' to many, and specially to other
boys.' If I do so, I must record things in praise, as it were, of
myself.
Harrow churchyard is classic ground, to which not
old Harrovians alone are wont to go on pilgrimage.
Many are the visitors, even from beyond the Atlantic,
who, after feasting their eyes on the glorious panorama
commanded by the fine elevation, seek out the modest
grave marked by the following inscription : —
TO THE MEMORY OF THE
IioXjsle. ANTONY FRANCIS HENRY ASHLEY,
the second sox of loud and lady ashley,
who was horn 13th march, 1833,
and died at harrow school 31st may, 1849.
to those who did not know him a statement op
his many excellencies would appear to he exaggerated.
for those who did know him, no more
is required than the simple record of his name.
but his father and mother. who haye erected this stone,
must say something more.
though so blameless in life that he was without fault
in the eyes of his parents and associates,
he trusted not to any yain hope in his own works and deservings.
pressed by the deep conyiction of indwelling sin,
he only sought forgiveness in the free love and mercy of god
through the atonement of a crucified saviour,
and thus left an example to all you
who shall remember his life ok read this epitaph,
that even the very earliest youth
.may exhibit the triumphs of divine grace.
"is it well with the child?''
"it is well." — 2 Kings iv. 2(j.
They were sad and solemn days, those thirteen
days when his son lay on his bed of sickness ; and sad
and solemn were the days that followed. Were it not
1819.] A TERlilBLE SHOCK. 289
that we want to see every aspect of the life of Lord
Shaftesbury, we should have hesitated to have intruded
even thus far into scenes so private. But it opens up a
beautiful page in a man's life, when it can be seen that
there was, between himself and his children, such abso-
lute confidence and affection, that they could speak un-
reservedly together on the subject of personal religion.
It sheds a lustre over every public effort for the good of
others, when it is known that this was but an extended
phase of the work that had been going on in his own
home.
Lord Ashley's nervous and sensitive organism
suffered much from the shock of this event ; and
months after (October 11) he writes: —
1 The thing that I greatly feared is come upon me ; ' and remark-
able it is that the very effect I ever anticipated from such an event
as the death of one of my children, has been produced. It has left
me equal to business, with life and energy and sympathy with im-
portant interests as warm as ever ; but it has thrown an alloy into
all enjoyment. Pleasures the most innocent are qualified by it, and
nothing has its former flavour. Two objects are constantly by clay
and by night before my eyes : I see him dying, and I see his cofhn
at the bottom of the grave. They alternate the one with the other ;
and the flesh, do what I will, predominates. Then come to my relief
his dear and precious words, that God's mercy sent for my consola-
tion. The pain ceases, and then begins anew. I am grown much
more nervous and apprehensive. Every trifle, if it be sudden, makes
me expect some sad intelligence — a knock at the door, a footstep, a
letter, an unusual expression of countenance. The truth is, that the
shock I experienced on being summoned in a moment to attend his
death-bed — having left him not half an hour in, as we all believed,
returning vigour — was far deeper than was then felt. It was a blow
of which the internal mischiefs were not exhibited when it was.
struck.
t
290 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XVIII.
For many months, there is scarcely a page of the
diary that does not record the name of " my blessed
Francis." His portrait, ever after his death, was on
the mantelpiece in the study at St. Giles's ; and thirty-
six years later than the time of which we write, Lord
Shaftesbury declared his belief that not one day had
passed without some conscious memory of his beloved
son.
Although it was the first time that death had
entered in the family, and Lord Ashley felt stunned by
the blow, he did not " sorrow as those who have no
hope." Within a week of the funeral we find him busy
on the Commission for the Subdivision of Parishes, and
busier still in Bagged School work, for a new motive
was now added.
Work of the ' Ragged ' kind recalls his image so vividly, and his
dear words of sympathy and approval, how conld I please him more
were he alive, or more, if he be cognisant of what is passing, than
by endeavouring to please God in seeking the welfare of those forlorn
lambs of our Master 1
There were two things for Lord Ashley to accom-
plish without delay — the prosecution of the Ragged
Schools Emigration scheme, and the Bill for the Public
Health Provisional Orders.
On July the 24th he again brought forward in the
House of Commons his motion for an annual grant of
money to be provided for the emigration of a certain
number of Bagged School children of the metropolis
to the Colonies. He brought it forward at that late
period of the Session because it was the only oppor-
1849.] EMIGRATION OF RAGGED SCHOLARS. 291
tunity lie had, and because lie was anxious to show the
House to what profitable uses the £1,500 he had ob-
tained last Session had been applied ; and also, because
he was anxious to excite some interest, and, perhaps,
discussion, on the preventive, as contrasted with the
reformatory, system.
By a system of emigration, as a reward of merit to a
certain number of children rescued, by the training re-
ceived in Eagged Schools, from ignorance and destitution,
a double advantage would be gained. Not only would
those who actually emigrated be benefited, but those
who remained would be incited to join the schools, and
to persevere in a course of good conduct, in order to
qualify themselves for the reward held out. There could
be no doubt that emigration was preferable to employ-
ment at home ; it abated the terrible competition of the
day, it removed the young people far from their former
haunts and temptations, and it relieved them from the
infliction of excessive labour.
The conditions it was proposed to require from every
candidate for emigration, were — sound health, regular
attendance for at least six months in a Ragged School,
the ability to write a sentence from dictation, to work
the four simple rules of arithmetic, to read fluently, to
repeat the Lord's Prayer and the Ten Commandments,
showing a comprehension of their meaning, and to
answer a few easy questions on the life of the Saviour
To these was to be added, a certificate of regular at-
tendance in some industrial class for at least four
months, or a competent knowledge of some handicraft,
1/ iQ
292 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XVIII.
or practical occupation, which would serve as an equiva-
lent for such industrial training.
If anything could have stimulated the Government
to action in this matter, it should have been the manner
in which the £1,500 granted in the previous Session
had been expended, the amount of good it had already
done, and the permanent good it seemed likely to
effect. Letters were read from the boys who had been
sent out to Australia — touching letters, full of gratitude
and hope, and, in concluding his speech, Lord Ashley
said : —
And now, Sir, revile the system and criticise it as they may,
these Ragged Schools have been, and are, the sole means whereby
religious and secular knowledge is imparted to the thousands of
a race sunk, whole fathoms deep, in destitution and suffering.
You vote £100,000 a year for the purposes of education. You
might, as far as these miserables are concerned, vote one hundred
pence ; they cannot receive any portion of your bounty ■ they cannot
be accommodated to the system of your National and Borough
Road Schools. What other means exist1? We have now 82
schools, full 8,000 children, 124 paid and 929 voluntary teachers, of
whose services I cannot speak with adequate gratitude and respect.
In weariness and painfulness, and with every form of self-denial,
they surrender themselves, body and soul, to this noble cause, hoping
to excite in others a kindred sympathy. But they are not successful.
The sympathy with the cause is lamentably small, and especially
from those who should be the very first in every work of charity and
religion. ... It is, then, to the House of Commons that we direct
our attention, in the hope that the Legislature will take up the duty
that individuals seem to reject. I can hardly appeal to your feelings,
because you appear to me to lie under an obligation to consider the
case of these desperate sufferers. ' Their enemies drive them into
the sea, and the sea throws them back upon their enemies ; ' and yet
they are immortal spirits, as precious, body and soul, in the sight of
God, as the very best among us in this august assembly. I commit,
1849. J A VERY PRECIOUS LETTER. 293
therefore, the issue to the representatives of the kingdom, believing
that thejr will not gainsay by their actions what so many of them
profess with their lips, when they pray ' that it may please God to
defend and provide for, the fatherless children, and all that are
desolate and oppressed.'
In the discussion which followed, several speakers,
especially Sir George Grey and Mr. Page Wood, took
hold of minor points, and misrepresented the views and
statements of Lord Ashley ; and in the end, as it was
evident there was a strong feeling in the House against
his proposition, he felt it would be indecorous in him to
press it to a division, and the motion was therefore
withdrawn. The country was not ripe for the effort ;
no second grant was made, and henceforth the Emigra-
tion scheme, as regarded Ragged Schools, had to be
carried on from private sources.
But the ventilation of the subject in the public
press, gave an impetus to Ragged School work gene-
rally. The subject became popular ; and the fact that
the Government would not take up the matter, made
the flow of contributions from voluntary sources more
abundant than ever.
The strong personal interest that Lord Ashley took
in individuals on whose behalf he laboured can never
be adequately told. An illustration only can now and
again be given. For example, a letter, written in 1849,
was found, thirty-six years after its date — that is to
say, shortly after his death — in the box which he al-
ways carried about with him, as containing the things
he most valued. It is written in a cramped, ill-formed
hand, and is addressed : " Lord Ashley, Exeter Hall,
294 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XVIII.
Westminster, London." On the cover Lord Shaftesbury
had written: " Very precious to me, this letter. — S."
It ran as follows : —
Port Adelaide South Australia.
October 8th, '49.
Most Noble Lord, — 1 Arived at port Adelade on the 25th
March after a very plesant passage and am now in a very com-
fortable situtation and with very pious people. I like Australia
very well but the Weather is so very hot in the summer it is now 6
mounths since I arived here and have need to thank you for your
kindness in sending me out. I think with persevience I shall do
much Better here than in England. I do not think I shall ever
forget the good Advice i recived at palace yard Ragged School and
senserily thank them all for there kindness.
Please to except the poor thanks of your obliged and thankful
servant
Caroline Walker.
On the back of the letter, written, evidently many
years later, although there is no date affixed, is the
following : — " She went into service, behaved so well
that her master gave her in marriage to his son.
She became a considerable person in Australia, and
afterwards went to India. Where is she now? God
be for ever with this Eagged School girl ! — S."
Throughout the year — in fact, from October, in
1848 — the country had been in a state of growing
alarm on account of the outbreaks of cholera ; and Lord
Ashley, as Chairman of the Board of Health, was in-
volved in the most harassing and unceasing labours. In
the early part of the year as we have said, one hundred
and fifty children perished by the pestilence in an
establishment at Tooting, for the " care of the Infant
1849.] OUTBREAK OF CHOLERA. 295
Poor," and it was found that they were attacked when
suffering from insufficient food, defective clothing, and
impure air. Investigations into further outbreaks, at
different times and places, proved conclusively, that
" wherever neglect, wherever depression, or vice, or
poverty, pressed down the population, there the pes-
tilence raged with its retributive and warning arm ;
the sins of omission and commission were revisited
on the lives of those who perpetrated or permitted
them." It was found that foul drains, overflowing
cesspools, fetid waters, overcrowded lodging-houses,
damp cellars, and ill-ventilated rooms, attracted the
pestilence, which then spread to the houses of the
better classes, and to the mansions of the rich.
As the summer advanced the pestilence grew in
virulence ; but while everybody, who could do so, was
running away from London as fast as possible, Lord
Ashley, with his indefatigable colleagues Dr. Southwood
Smith and Mr. Edwin Chadwick, was working night
and day in the very midst of the plague. Reviled by
the newspapers, resisted by Boards of Guardians,
hampered by red-tape, he persevered in his labours ;
and, be it remembered, that it was entirely unpaid
service, which he rendered throughout the whole of the
difficult and dangerous time of the existence of the
Board of Health.
September 7th. — Labour and anxiety at Board of Health very
great. We are now in the City of the Plague, and still by God's
love under His shield and buckler. He hears our prayers, and
defends against the 'Pestilence that walketh in darkness.' Disorder
296 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. X VIII.
increasing ; close of last week showed a mortality trebling the
average of London; 1,881 victims of this awful scourge! Yester-
day showed, for the metropolis alone, a return of 345 in one clay.
0 God, Thou art terrible and yet just in Thy decrees.
September 9th. — London is emptied. Cholera worse than ever;
returns of yesterday quite appalling, and yet manifest that we do
not receive more than two-thirds of the truth. Have been mer-
cifully preserved through this pestilence. Have not, I thank God,
shrunk from one hour of duty in the midst of this City of the
Plague, and yet it has not approached either me or n»y dwelling.
September 1 7th. — Times of this morning contains an extract
from the Observer which is gratifying. The Board of Health may
hope little, and perhaps desire little, for the applause of men ; but
1 do much deplore that our anxieties and labours should be thrown
away, and we be told that we have done nothing, attempted nothing,
imagined nothing, wished nothing. Our diligence and zeal are men-
tioned in the article ; yet it is less than justice. We have indeed
toiled unceasingly, and not as mere officials, but with earnestness
and feeling. Chadwick and Smith are men who may feel, but who
know not fatigue or satiety in business, when necessity urges, or
duty calls. As for the staff of the Board, miserably paid as they
are, with scanty hopes of preferment, or even of continued employ-
ment, I am unable to speak with adequate praise. They have
laboured even to sickness, and when struck down by the disease,
have hastened back to their work, not for emolument (for they
receive fixed salaries), but for conscience sake. And such are the
men whose scanty recompense certain gentry would reduce by 10 per
cent. Out upon this disgusting economy !
The one great cause of surprise and anxiety to Lord
Ashley throughout this perilous time was, that although
the disease was spreading, and terrible alarm was preva-
lent, there was no apparent turning to prayer. Not an
ecclesiastic attempted to stir the Government to direct
public supplication. In vain he wrote to the Archbishop
and the Bishop of London, and he says, " Surely it is
1849.] CHOLERA AND PllAYEll. 297
prodigious that the laity should always take the lead in
these things. The world will soon ask ' Cui bono our
spiritual, or, rather, our ecclesiastical rulers ? ' "
It was in vain also that he urged a fast-day ; and
not until alarm was approaching to panic was he able to
obtain a special prayer.
As an example of his persistency, the following
correspondence is principally given : —
Lord Ashley to Lord John Russell.
Board of Health, August 6tli, 1849.
My dear Russell, — There is a very deep and extended feeling
that the present state of the public health, and, consequently, of
public safety, requires some open recognition of the Hand from which
the scourge has come, and which alone can avert the terrible results.
I am astonished and grieved that our ecclesiastical rulers have
been so slow to enforce on your attention this prime necessity ; but
the laity are as much a part of the Church as the Archbishops, and
I have, therefore, taken the liberty, in their silence, to bring the
matter under your serious consideration. Many would desire a fast-
day ; but the majority, I think, would, whatever their private wishes,
be content with a special prayer.
The returns of to-day are as follows : —
August 6. — County — Cases, 435. Deaths, 189. London —
Cases, 454. Deaths, 182. Compared with last Monday. — Cases, 240.
Deaths, 130.
The total mortality of London from cholera in the week ending
August 4th— 920. In week ending July 28th— 783.
Very truly yours,
Ashley.
Lord John Russell to Lord Ashley.
Richmond, August 7, 1849.
My dear Ashley, — I have sent your letter to Grey, who is with
the Queen.
But I think it right to say that when the cholera appeared in
298 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XVIII.
this country some months ago, the Archbishop of Canterbury wrote
to me proposing a special prayer. I took the Queen's pleasure on
the subject, and wrote to him in reply that, as there was a prayer
in the Prayer-book on the subject of a common plague or sickness,
the Queen thought it better to have recourse to that prayer in the
parishes where the cholera had appeared, than to order a prayer in
Council. The cholera did not, at that time, make much progress ;
now the case is lamentably different, but I doubt whether any more
appropriate prayer could be ordered by the Queen in Council.
I remain,
Yours faithfully,
J. Russell.
The Eight Hon. Sir George Grey to Lord Ashley.
Falloden, August 30, 1849.
My dear Ashley, — Since 1 wrote to you yesterday I have
received your second letter. Lord John Russell sent to me in
Scotland your former letter, on the subject of a special prayer for
the removal of the cholei'a. It appeared, however, to him, and I
concurred, that while the prayer in the Prayer-book was quite un-
suited to an apprehended epidemic, it was expressly framed with
reference to the existence of ' great sickness and mortality,' and that
to frame a new prayer now, would be, in effect, to supersede altogether
the use of the prayer in question. I wrote to the Archbishop to
suggest that if this prayer was not commonly used in all churches in
places where the cholera was raging, a letter might be addressed to
the clergy enjoining its use. I wrote again to Lord John on the
subject a few days ago, and I expect daily to hear from him, but our
communications by post are very slow. I still do not see on what
ground the prayer in the Prayer-book should be superseded fro had
vice by another. But a distinct recognition of the Hand of God by a
day set apart for the purpose, is a different proposal, and it is that
only to which I think people's minds are directed. This should be
national, but the disease is at present very partial, and I am inclined
to think that local Services, such as I see by the papers, have been
recommended by the Bishop of Salisbury, are better adapted for the
1849.] CHOLERA AND PRAYER. 299
existing state of things than a general fast, which would include a
large portion of the country in which the cholera is, as yet, happily
unknown. This is, again, an advantage in the use of the existing
prayer, that it can he used where circumstances justify it, but need
not be universally used where it is inappropriate.
I will send your letter on to Lord John Russell.
Yours truly,
G. Grey.
Lord Ashley to Sir George Grey.
London, September 1, 1849.
My dear Grey, — Surely you cannot have watched the progress
of this pestilence, when you say that its influence has been merely
partial. It has ravaged Ireland, it is ravaging London, sparing no
place and no classes ; it has broken out in 160 towns and districts of
England and Scotland ; Glasgow and Dumfries will remember the
scourge so long as the world lasts.
And as for a special prayer, I asked it only because I did not
hope to obtain a Fast. But surely you are wrong again here ; prayer
is not only to remove an infliction which exists, but to avert its
arrival. "When I first wrote to Lord John, the cholera had not
appeared in many spots where it has since shown its hideous violence.
The special prayer might have been framed for use in places un-
touched by the disorder, the ordinary prayer remaining still for
those where the plague was present. But now there is a loud and
just call for a Fast ; and I confess to you that I tremble lest the
Government should refuse to listen to it. It will not redound to
their honour, or to the security of themselves or of the Realm.
The consternation is deep and general.
Yours very truly,
Ashley.
P.S. — From many places we receive no returns. There is the
greatest effort made to suppress all reports from watering-places or
any places of trade or public resort.
300 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XVIU.
Lord John Russell to Lord Ashley.
Balmoral, September 1, 1849.
Dear Ashley,— I have written to-day to the Archbishop, in
answer to a letter of his, to say that the Queen ■will direct a form of
prayer to be prepared on account of the cholera.
The visitation of this disease has indeed taken a very awful
shape.
Now as to your own health. Carlisle writes me word that he is
going to London, and I think you owe it to your family that you
should now take the rest which is so necessary to you. Had I
foreseen your duties would have been so severe, I could hardly have
proposed the office to you. But, though unpaid, you will, I am siire,
feel the satisfaction of having worked for the health and life of your
fellow-creatures, in a way that hardly any other person would have
done.
Ever, my dear Ashley, yours truly,
J. Russell.
On Sunday, IGth September, the special prayer was
read in the churches. During the preceding week the
number of deaths from cholera raised the ordinary
average of mortality from 1,008 to 3,183. By the 13th
of the following month, cholera had disappeared, but
not until 14,497 deaths from this cause had been
registered since the 1st October, 1848. Referring to
the special prayer, the diary continues : —
Sept. 17th. — Yesterday, Sunday. The prayer for deliverance from
the cholera. A poor substitute for a day of repentance and humilia-
tion ; but thank God, better than nothing. . . . Alas ! alas ! who
can trust our ecclesiastical rulers 1 Does it not savour of a mockery 1
Was it so that Moses and Aaron stood ' between the living and the
dead,' when wrath had gone out from the Lord? What gibes, jokes,
sneers, and doubts we shall encounter ! What varieties of scoffing
and bitterness ! a precious occasion for sceptics and worldlings ! . . .
1849.] PEERAGES TO MERCANTILE MEN. 301
It was not until a fairly clean bill of health could be
returned, that Lord Ashley allowed himself the rest
for which he had long been pining.
Sept. 18th. — Tunbridge Wells. Attended Board of Health on,
ray way through London. Pestilence on the decline. I can be
spared from London, and I seek a short repose. But I heartily thank
God that I shrank not from the post of toil and danger, but persisted
from August 1st to September 11th in the midst of the pestilence,
and stirred not till the plague was stayed. The Almighty bore me
through and covered me, for Christ's sake, with His shield and
buckler. . . .
A few days later, and the following entry occurs : —
Sept. 29th. — Yesterday to Lord Hardinge's with Minny to dine
and sleep. He is a good-hearted, simple-minded, generous soldier ; a
noble fellow in his profession and a real good man. I love and
esteem him much, and God ever bless him and his for his pious,
manly, true, and thankful acknowledgment, in a public order, of God's
mercy to the armies in the battle of Sobraon ! . . .
In a letter to Lord John Russell, Lord Ashley, who
was always fertile in suggestion, propounded his views
on the grant of peerages to distinguished mercantile
men, and on the Government of Canada : —
Lord Aside]/ to Lord John Russell.
Nov. 2nd, 1849.
My dear Bussell, — It is quite manifest that you hold my
opinions, ecclesiastical and religious, in supreme contempt, and the
probability is that you will not regard my civil views with much
more respect. Nevertheless, you have always been so kind and gooJ-
humoured in allowing me to state what I think, that I shall once
more take the liberty — ' extremum liunc mild concede lcd>orem ' — of
offering two suggestions. They will be found on the accompanying
papers. I have not argued them at length, or worked them out,
302 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XVIII.
because you will bring your experience and judgment at once to bear
on them and see, as the phrase is, ' with half an eye.' My conscience
then would be satisfied.
The proposition relating to the peerages could be far better
effected by you than by many Prime Ministers. Springing from one
of the oldest and greatest of our noble families, you could say and do
thing? which might be carped at in others.
Yours very truly,
Ashley.
Notes on Peerages.
Nov. 2nd, 1849.
If it be admitted as desirable to maintain aristocratic institutions,
it will also be admitted as necessary to strengthen and adapt them
to the wants and character of the times.
This has been the Conservative principle of our hereditary
nobility ; they have been recruited at various periods from the
middle classes. Hence their superior position, in every respect, to
foreign aristocracies.
The times in which we live are mightily changed, compared even
with the times of fifty years ago. The policy of the Sovereign should
change in the same degree and proportion.
Is it necessary, or expedient, to confine, henceforward, the grant
of peerages to the possessors of land, and exclude from them men
who are actually in trade and commerce ?
Some of the most wealthy, virtuous, intelligent, generous, and
patriotic men, are to be found at the head of great mercantile estab-
lishments. The admission of these gentlemen, as such, to the House
of Lords would greatly popularise the Peers in the hearts of the
nation, and confer essential benefit on the Assembly itself.
Of course nothing would be said beyond the expression of a wish
that, if they accepted the title, they would make a suitable provision
for its maintenance, when transmitted to their children. As an
instance of what is proposed, why not elevate to the peerage such
men as Mr. Jones Lloyd, the banker, Mr. Gregg, the cotton spinner,
and others engaged in business 1
Ashley.
1849.] SUGGESTIONS TO LORD JOHN 1WSSELL. 303
Short Notes on Canada.
Nov. 2nd, 1849.
The difficulties and exjienses of governing Canada are become
very great ; and yet you can neither abandon it altogether, nor
permit annexation to the United States. Erect it, with its actual
Constitution, into a kingdom, to all intents and purposes independent,
and offer Prince George of Cambridge as the Sovereign.
The people are loyal and accustomed to Vice-regal Government,
prefer monarchy to a republic, and will, if separated from us in this
way, be firm allies to the Mother Country, and a counterpoise to the
power of the United States.
A continuation of our present expenditure for a year or so, would
be sufficient to start the Canadas on their new career.
The principle is good to enfranchise colonies as soon as they have
arrived ' at years of discretion,' and the mode will remove the
reproach, that we have nowhere set up in the Colonial Dependencies
those institutions which, with all their faults, have ensured more of
civil and religious liberty, more of public and private peace and
security, than any other that have been tried in the whole history of
mankind.
Other colonies may follow in succession, when they are as ripe as
the Canadas. Anglo-Saxon princes will not be wanting.
Ashley.
Lord John Russell to Lord Ashley.
Nov. tih, 1849.
My dear Ashley, — I have this moment received your letter of
the 2nd. I do not hold your opinions, ecclesiastical and religious,
in supreme contempt. On the contraiy, I have often acted in
accordance with them, but I must reserve some liberty of judgment
to myself.
In civil matters we are not so far apart, as I have offered a
peerage to Jones Lloyd, and in confidence I may tell you I believe
he will accept it.
He was with me yesterday on the subject.
I will say no more, as I do not intend to send this by the
Sunday post. Yours truly,
J. Russell.
304 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XVIII.
In defence of the Christian Sabbath — its claims,
duties, and privileges — Lord Ashley was, throughout
his life, always on the alert. Any encroachment upon
its sanctity, from whatever quarter, was sure to bring
him to the front ; and any effort to guard and honour
it, was equally sure of his co-operation and support.
While he was resting at Tunbridge Wells, a rumour
reached him that a Government order had been issued
for all clerks in the Post Office to attend to their offi-
cial duties on Sundays as on other days. Instantly he
wrote to Sir George Grey, Lord John Bussell, and
Lord Clanricarde,* appealing to them, as Christians and
Statesmen, to interfere, and, in the course of a few
hours, he had placed himself at the head of a move-
ment, organised by the employes of the Post Office to
resist the demand. A few days later, he came up to
town to preside at the Freemasons' Tavern over a full
and enthusiastic meeting, to protest against the action
of the Post Office authorities. Referring to it he
says : —
Oct. 6 th. — This movement for increase of Sunday labour at the
Post Office is terrible ; it is the fruit of a self-seeking Mammon- serv-
ing spirit, and the more difficult to encounter as it is hypocritically
based on a pretence of reducing the labour of the provincial offices.
Have written earnestly to Russell, Grey, and Clanricarde ; answers
very unsatisfactory ; the answers of men, who, whatever they may
believe of Scripture, have no zeal for God's service.
The protests were in vain ; and on Sunday, 28th, he
writes : —
* The Postmaster- General.
1850.] SUNDAY POSTAL LABOUR. 305
Nov. 20th, Sunday. — On this day will begin the new ministerial
scheme of Sabbath labour at the P. O. Should it succeed, should it
increase revenue, and gratify moneyed men, alas, humanly speaking,
for the Sunday altogether ! But we pray and trust that God ' will
blow upon it,' and bring to confusion the vile attempt. The true
remedy lies in closing every P. O., metropolitan and provincial, from
12 o'clock on Saturday night, till 2 o'clock on Monday morning.
For the present he was unsuccessful ; but within a
short time he was to return to the charge with resolu-
tion undaunted.
On May the 30th in the following year he moved,
in the House of Commons, that an address be presented
to her Majesty, praying that she would be graciously
pleased to direct that the collection and delivery of
letters on Sunday might, in future, entirely cease in
all parts of the kingdom. A noisy debate ensued, the
Government strenuously resisting ; but Lord Ashley's
motion was carried by 93 to 6S ! He was conscious,
however, that the triumph would be short-lived, and
wrote, a day or two afterwards : —
June 2nd, Sunday. — It will be a satisfaction, at least, to reflect
that I have laboured for the repose of these poor men ; but difficul-
ties grow between me and the attainment of it. Should the Govern-
ment not reverse the decision, the P. O. powers will take care that
the whole thing be complicated and utterly fail.
In reply to the Address, her Majesty adopted the
resolution, and thus confirmed the victory that Lord
Ashley had won in the House. Lord John Russell
announced that it was the intention of the Government
completely to carry out the vote, and that no exception
would be made even in favour of foreign correspondence.
u
306 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XVIII.
For three weeks the Sunday post was stopped
throughout the kingdom ; and during that period, and
for some time after, Lord Ashley occupied the unen-
viable position of being the most unpopular and the
most roundly - abused man in the kingdom. He
writes : —
Mouths are yawning against me in anger and contempt. Not
only the papers, but all society, are furious, and all this because cer-
tain aristocratical people will not have their gossip in the country
every Sunday morning. ... It requires either strong shoulders, or
an ass's skin, to bear the strokes. . . . The variety, universality, and
bitterness of attack are quite original.
Of course the newspapers teemed with letters, from
irate correspondents, descriptive of the inconvenience,
and calling for immediate alteration. The Government,
after advising the Queen to adopt the resolution, re-
turned to the House, and, represented by the Chancellor
of the Exchequer, set to work to neutralise the effect of
the vote by publicly inviting petitions to prove the
inconvenience and damage.
The press, and society still more, so they tell me, teem with
vituperations and hatred. Epithets and appellations are exhausted ;
bigot, fool, fanatic, Puritan, are the mildest terms. They seek
to beat me with my own weapons, and lament the ' desecration of
the Sabbath ' of which I am the cause ! Truly ' Satan is transformed
into an angel of light.' . . .
On the other hand, Lord Ashley received letters
" of deep, earnest, grateful joy from postmasters and
messengers, full of piety and prayer," and letters of
thankfulness and offers of aid from many unexpected
1849.] SUNDAY POSTAL DELIVERIES. 307
quarters, with the assurance that " no real inconve-
nience had arisen anywhere, but much comfort in many
places."
It was not for long, however, that the controversy
was to last. An inquiry was moved for, and entrusted
to Lord Clanricarde, Mr. Labouchere, and Sir Gr. Corne-
wall Lewis, the result being that the resolution, with
the order of the Postmaster-General under it, were re-
scinded, and the Sunday delivery was replaced on its
former footing.
u 2
CHAPTER XIX.
1850—1851.
Trusteeship of Money — Miss Portal —Death of Rev. E. Bickersteth — Mediation
— Ash Wednesday — In Paris — Adolph Monod — Low Haunts of Paris — At
Madame Pozzo's — -The President's Eeception at the Elysees — Lamartine —
Theatres — Board of Health — Extra-mural Interment Bill — Death of Sir
Robert Peel — Memories — In Scotland — The Papal Aggression — Dr. Wise-
man— The " Durham Letter " — Great Meeting at Freemasons' Hall — Letter
from the Bishop of Oxford — Speech on Progress of Popery — Action of
English Catholics — The Ecclesiastical Titles Bill — Archdeacon Manning
joins the Church of Rome — Roman Catholics and Roman Catholicism —
Christian Fellowship — The Great Exhibition — The Shoeblack Brigade —
Bible Stand in Exhibition — President of British and Foreign Bible Society
— Speech at Anniversary Meeting — Model Lodging-house Bill— Common
Lodging-house Bill — Death of Lord Shaftesbury — Lord Ashley Reviews
his Career.
" By doing good with his money a man, as it were, stamps
the image of God upon it, and makes it pass current
for the merchandise of heaven." In the course of his
life there were many who thought that the greatest
good they could do with their money, was to place it in
the care of Lord Shaftesbury. He always had schemes
on hand which needed help. Every one who knew him,
knew that, as a trustee of money, he was scrupulously
exact, and that not a penny entrusted to him would fail
of accomplishing some direct end ; and it was known,
too, that he had special channels for circulating it where
it would be most useful. At various periods of his
career, large sums of money were placed at his disposal
for charitable purposes, and the last months of his life
1850.] TRUSTEESHIP OF MONEY. 309
were much occupied in the disposal of a legacy of
£50,000 left to him for distribution among charities.
He was probably never more grateful for such aid
to his schemes, than at the time when, the Government
having failed to further his efforts to promote Emigration
among Ragged Schools, the whole burden of supplying
the means for it fell upon the exertions of the benevolent.
There was one lady, Miss Portal, who was always ready
to help in any work of mercy in which Lord Ashley was
specially interested, and many times in the course of
the diaries there are entries like the following, relating
to her Christian love and munificence : —
Jan. 6th. — Received yesterday a draft for £1,000 from that clear
woman, Miss Portal, to be laid out, at my discretion, on Ragged
Schools, emigration, and whatever can advance the temporal and
spiritual well-being of the youthful outcasts. This makes now
£3,300 with which this pure-hearted and disinterested daughter of
Zion has supported my efforts. May God bless her basket and her
store, her body and her soul, her heart and her spirit, with fruitful-
ness in faith, joy, peace, prayer, and everlasting life ! . . .
On the same day in the following year a similar
entry occurs : —
Jan. 6th. — Miss Portal, with her wonderful, though usual muni-
ficence, sent me £1,000 for the relief of the most neglected and
destitute, Ragged Schools, ifcc. God bless her gift, and bless her,
dear woman. She has been a real comfort to me ; her sympathy
and co-operation, her simple, humble-minded generosity, have given
me great support.
Money and help flowed in from many quarters in
furtherance of the Emigration scheme — the Queen
and Prince Consort sent £100 — and, so long as sucli
310 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XIX.
resources lasted, the greatest success attended the la-
bours of Lord Ashley in this direction, notwithstanding
a bitter attack made on Ragged School work generally,
in the columns of the Morning Chronicle, and reiterated
elsewhere. The Rugged School system was, however,
built upon too solid a foundation to be much injured by
newspaper calumnies, and Lord Ashley's advocacy of
its claims in and out of Parliament became the means
of making it one of the most popular institutions of the
da}r. It was noteworthy that at the annual meeting of
the Ragged School Union in this year, long before the
hour of meeting, there was not standing room in Exeter
Hall, and no fewer than from 1,500 to 2,000 persons
went away unable to obtain admission.
One friend who, more than any other, had been
a constant sympathiser and earnest coadjutor in Lord
Ashley's labours — the Rev. E. Bickersteth — was, early
in this year, called to his rest. In his society Lord
Ashley had always found satisfaction; on almost every
subject their views were identical, and many a solemn
hour had they spent together in discussing the state of
the times in relation to Tractarianism ; in pondering
over unfulfilled prophecies — the frequent subject of Mr.
Bickersteth's pulpit discourses — in talking over the
restoration of Israel to their promised land, and, dearer
than all, in hoping and praying for the Second Coming
of the Son of Man.
On the 17th February he writes : —
' Lord, he whom Thou lovest is sick.' Is this too much to say of
Bickersteth 1 I trow not. This clearly-beloved friend and fellow-
1850.] DEATH OF BEV. E. BIGKEBSTETE. 311
servant is grievously ill ; and prayers, we bless God, are daily made
for him throughout the Church. How little can we afford to lose
such a champion for the Truth. And yet I hardly dare to ask that
he be detained longer in this sinful and suffering world ; but we may
safely ask, and do ask, that he may enjoy consolation and assurance
in the grace and mercy of our blessed .Redeemer.
On February the 28th Mr. Bickersteth died; and it
was long- before there was another to take his place in
Lord Ashley's memory and affection. Some time after
his death, when harassed with cares for the Church, he
wrote : — " How I miss, and shall continue to miss, the
warmth, the joy in good, the sympathy, of dear Bicker-
steth. How many times his words have encouraged
or consoled me."
Before proceeding to dwell upon the larger subjects
that were to specially engage the heart and brain of
Lord Ashley, a few extracts upon general matters may
be given here from his diary.
Feb. 8th. — Windsor Castle. Came here yesterday. On "Wednesday
speech at Sanitary Meeting. Walked tlirough state- rooms ; saw and
loved a picture of Edward VI. He and my blessed Francis were
counterparts of each other in thought, in heart, in service, in age, and
in death. They are probably now together humbly and joyously
adoring their blessed Lord ; and as they sleep in Him, so will they
come with Him ! * Come, Lord Jesus, come quickly.' . . .
In the House of Commons a serious altercation had
taken place, on the 7th of February, between Mr. Hors-
man and Lord John Ttussell, arising out of charges
made against the Government by the former in a letter
to his constituents. It is to this that the former part
of the following entry relates :—
312 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XIX.
Feb. 13th. — On evening 11th acted as mediator between J.
Russell and Horsman, without previous concert with either ; was
urged to it by Hume, V. Smith, Inglis, ifcc. My bat-like position
gave me facilities. Prayed to God, and succeeded. Many spoke to
me afterwards very kindly on the subject. Gorham affair still un-
pronounced upon ; it is supposed that the Bishops of Oxford and
Salisbury, working on the duplicity of the Bishop of London and the
simplicity of the Archbishop of Canterbury, will retard the decision
that the clergy may have time to protest against the tribunal ; and
they themselves, during the delay, take the chapter of accidents !
Wrote finally to Russell to urge despatch ; he replied that ' he
viewed, with much suspicion, the conduct of the Bishop of London.'
Singular it is, the state in which I am ; I am almost forced to have
' a finger in every pie.' I verily believe, that humanly speaking, I
was instrumental^ the cause of the safer construction of the Gorham
Committee. Certainly Lord John had never dreamed of the Arch-
bishops as assessors, before I had suggested them.
Ash Wednesday, attended church ; afterwards the Board of
Health, then proceeded to Pye Street. Had agreed to make one of a
small family dinner-party with my mother-in-law;* but when she
tilled it with strangers and raised it to sixteen, I declined. It is not
that I attach any peculiar sanctity to the day ; but it has been set
apart by the Church for confession and meditation. Festivities,
therefore, are not in accordance with it, and would shock the feel-
ings of many conscientious members. . . .
Feb. 21st. — By desire of Prince Albert attended meeting at
Willis's Rooms, to move resolution on behalf of the Industrial
Exhibition of 1851. Though I am disposed to regard the thing as
having ' more cry than wool,' I went in obedience to his wishes.
Twenty-two speakers, some very long; I, the twelfth, for four
minutes, and never did I dislike anything so much. . . .
In March Lord Ashley left London for a fortnight's
visit to Paris. Crossing in the boat with him was Sir
Richard Mayne, the head of the London police, who
told him that the correspondent of the Homing Chronicle
* Lady Palinerston.
1850.] REV. ADOLPH MONOB. 313
had been unceasing in his activity to raise up a bad
feeling among the police against Bagged Schools, as
being mischievous in their tendency. Sir Richard
Mayne not only denied the charge, but was able to
prove that juvenile commitments had decreased, and
that the police regarded Eagged School teachers as their
greatest allies. It was the habit of Lord Ashley to
" gather as he went ; " and in future Bills, dealing with
the juvenile " dangerous " classes, he found the informa-
tion he gathered that day of great value.
One of his first visits in Paris was to the Es-lise
Reformee, to hear the Rev. Adolph Monod preach.
April 1st. . . . and right glad I am that I did so, for a better
and more touching sermon, more pointed and true, and effectively
delivered, I never heard. It was steeped in evangelism ; and the
worthlessness of man's works and the free grace of God, savoured
every thought and expression. It did me and Minny real good, and
I felt truly comfortable. . . . The sun shines, the houses sparkle,
the shops abound ; all is bustle, felicity, bunting and gobble — yet
' all faces gather blackness ; ' not a cheering word drops from any
one, no matter what his station, politics, or education. The utmost
of comfort is, 'it will not be just yet.' That mysterious 'it.' The
syllable contains the renewal of sixty years of Revolution, of j>ro-
scriptions, wars internal and external, fall of trade, distress, men's
hearts failing them for fear. By-the-bye, sat next to Guizot at
Monod's sermon.
In the following year, when Lord Ashley was again
in Paris, he was less successful in his visit to hear
Monod. The church was the Temple de Sainte Marie.
It was crowded, the heat oppressive, and the people not
over civil. " I. saw here," he said, " at least liberte, for
the beadle slammed the door in my face ; egaliti, for no
314 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XIX.
one was better treated by each other, or the officer, than
any one else; but no fratemite, for they drove me from
point to point, until, having reached the bottom of the
church, I could go no further."
The immediate object of Lord Ashley's visit to
Paris was to examine the homes and haunts of the
poor, to see what practical hints could be gathered in
sanitary matters, and to contrast and compare methods
of meeting the evils incident to all great cities. Hence
we find him visiting, " in the way of trade," as he says,
Montfaucon, the slaughter-house of horses ; the Cite
Ouvriere, " desolate, and without inhabitant ; " the Abat-
toir Montmartre, " excellent, well-placed, no dirt, no
cruelty ; ' the Salpetriere, whore, during the cholera,
1,600 out of 5,000 had died, the reason assigned being
singularly confirmatory of experience in England —
" rooms over-crowded, great faults of construction,
exceedingly ill- ventilated."
Paris had a great charm for Lord Ashley — its tints,
its climate, its movement, its life, the kindness and
courtesy of the people — and yet he looked upon all with
a feeling of sadness. " I cannot bear," he says, " to
think of the horrors that designing and self-seeking
men — men of low personal interests and godless am-
bition— are preparing for this generation. As I
walked through the gardens and through the streets,
contemplating the numbers of young, pretty, and
playful children, I felt as Elisha, and wept to think
of the sorrows in store for them, the widowhood, the
orphanage, the desolation, and suffering."
1850.] IN PARIS. ■ 315
This feeling was to a great extent shared in by
the Parisians themselves, as the following notes will
show : —
April 4th. — It is strange the condition of mind of all in this
city. Every day, sometimes twice a day, rumours of a decree,
a coup d'etat, a Bill which will drive the Socialists to fury, then a
struggle. Went to Madame de Lieven's yesterday evening ; saw some
notables, but heard the same as elsewhere ; the French gentry are at
their wits' ends. I remarked that the people were misled by evil
and designing leaders. Guizot maintained that the people were
'utterly corrupted from their very youth, having neither moral
discipline nor religion ; they would be quite as bad without them.'
Thence to Madame Pozzo's, the great Legitimist house. No differ-
ence of sentiment or expression ; all gloomy, apprehensive, and life
from hand to mouth. And yet they live in show and distraction
everywhere — no end of plajr-going, balls, parties, receptions ; plenty
of fear, and no thought ; abundance of anticipations, and no prepara-
tion ; a dismal future, a present gaiety — ' Let us eat and drink, for
to-morrow we die.' . . . ' I have not had,' said Madame Pozzo to
Minny, ' a day of assurance for two years ; I have had the actual
day, but no security of the morrow ; ' and yet these Legitimists
dream of ' reaction,' and, as M. Pozzo informed me, had already their
plan ' pour modifier la ville.'
Four o'clock. Very weary. Penetrated and perambulated Fau-
bourg St. Antoine, and the street behind the Hotel de Ville. All is
speciously fair ; saw nothing externally so bad as London. These
wide streets and tall houses are very fallacious ; they look rich and
easy, and hide, in fact, abundant wretchedness. The exterior of
the Faubourg St. Antoine would lead no ignorant person to believe
that it was rife with violence and revolutions ; — all is show, and on
the surface, there is nothing behind. Thence to the Chamber. It
has the look of a bad theatre, with uncomfortable boxes and ill-chosen
decorations. Stayed one hour and a. half, during which time the
Deputies threw pellets and papers into urns, and did nothing else.
Bored to death, so came away.
A scene in the Chamber yesterday, which ended nearly in blows
Threats were uttered, and fists shaken. These are but symptoms of
316 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XIX.
internal fires. The offending party was fined fifteen days' pay. Was
there ever anything so vulgar 1
April 5th. — Last night to the President's reception, Elysee. The
style simple, without pretence. Amused in contemplating the
various figures, and the various parts they might play hereafter.
Changarnier there in plain clothes, with white moustaches and a
black wig ; he looks like a Tartar cat. Certainly, for a Republic,
there never were so many orders, ribbons, stars, and other decora-
tions. We know whence they came, but whither do they go ?
The immorality of the nation lies at the root of all the evil and
all the danger ; it is not misgovernment, oppressive taxation ; it is
not religious persecution, nor denial of freedom ; it is not the pre-
sence of a griping Church, or a monopolising aristocracy ; it is not
any political defect, or any civil abuse or blunder ; it is the utter
want of all religion, all sense of God, all respect for man. The
domestic system, the prime ordinance of God for human society, is
nearly extinct. 'In thee and thy seed shall the families of the earth
be blessed.' Mark the expression ; not the nations, not the people,
not the individuals, but the ' families ' of the earth. This, however,
is cut up at the very roots ; their mode of life, their dwellings, their
amusements, their tastes, their passions, all are incompatible with the
cares, the toils, the duties of domestic existence. Hence, to save
money and gratify their selfish and carnal desires, the unnatural and
disgusting conditions respecting children ; hence the total neglect
of thousands of their offspring, consigned from their birth to the
charge of distant and indifferent hirelings ; hence the annual ex-
posure of 30,000 children in the streets of Paris, many, too, they say,
born in legitimate wedlock. I will rest (but not unto us, oh Lord,
not unto us) the superiority of England over France on this alone :
30,000 infants abandoned every year in Paris on a population of
1,000,000, not 300 in London on a population of 2,000,000 !
April 6th. — Dined with Lady Elgin last night, Rue de Varennes,
to meet Lamartine. He is over head and ears a poet, and looks
like one ; he talks well, and is highly interesting while he recounts
his revolutionary experiences. But I could not trust him ; he seems
to take sober and practical views of nothing, all is resolved into the
fitness of the affair, or the moment, for a speech, or a stanza. Doubt-
less his prodigious oratorical abilities are a great source of tempta-
tion to him. He showed as much when he said yesterday, ' If it
1850.] AMUSEMENTS. 317
were not bad for the country, I should rejoice to live my period of
power over again, it was so exciting.' He is the only one who speaks
with assurance of the future, but, then, he is become once more a
candidate for office. His wishes are fathers to his thoughts. He
rendered great service, all must confess, in the first moments of the
dreadful insurrection of 1848, but I cannot regard him as a dis-
interested man.
April 10th. — Dined last night with Madame de Lieven, and met
many French gentlemen, Guizot, &c. &c. Sat next to me a ' Legiti-
mist.' 'You have been saved,' he said, 'by the religion of your
people.' I observed that the ' best and only mode of humanising the
working classes was to go amongst them and prove that you studied
their best interests.' 'This,' he replied, ' is now impossible with us;
the masses are in so awful a condition ; and every obstruction besets
us ; all our men of science, station, and note, are professed infidels.'
It is so, but what a contrast to England ! Yet we must not boast.
Who made us to differ 1 . . .
April 11th. — Dined last night with Monsieur and Madame
Andre. A pai'ty of French Protestants desirous of listening to
stories about Ragged Schools and other modes of assisting society.
Kind, hospitable, and friendly ; full of zeal and piety. Deeply
alarmed by the state of the Parisian people, and equally anxious to
devise some means of encountering it, but their difficulties, it cannot
be denied, are tremendous. . . .
To-day we start for England. . . .
Lord Ashley's views with regard to amusements will
have been found, from various extracts given in this
book, to have been much wider than those of many with
whom he was associated, and whose views in great
measure he was supposed to represent. The principle
which governed him was that laid down by the Apostle,
" All things are lawful for me, but all things are not
expedient.''
To oblige Minny went to Theatre Francais, not having entered a
playhouse for very many years. I have abstained in deference to the
318 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XIX.
opinions and feelings of those with whom I have been associated in
religious undertakings, and I shall do so again, though I am dis-
posed to believe that the theatre might be made a ' School of Virtue.'
Told, besides, that it was necessary to see Valeria, in order to
ascertain the public mind of Paris, its views and sentiments. Saw
nothing but a bad play, well acted.
One of Lord Ashley's first acts on his return from
Paris, was to send in his resignation as Chairman of the
Board of Health. We have seen how arduous his
labours had been during the year of cholera, and they
had not decreased. It was not, however, on the ground
of the labour involved, that he wished to discontinue
his services in connection with the Board. He had
seen the necessity of a change in the laws concerning
the burial of the dead in the metropolis, and had pre-
pared a Bill for their amendment — the '.' Extra-mural
Interment Bill." Early in January of this year, he
received a letter from Lord Carlisle informing him that
the Government proposed to take out of his hands the
future conduct of that Bill. This, however, was but
one of a series of disappointments which are alluded to
in the diary thus : —
They expect me, I perceive, to devote my time, thoughts, almost
life, to the business of the Board of Health ; to prepare the plans and
Bills, but then to have no voice or discretion in the proposal or con-
duct of them, nor any little honour that may accrue from the scheme
and the industry bestowed upon it. (Honour, in these matters, be-
comes influence and power to do more). I am to sit in the House of
Commons, and speak when they want me, and vote as they like, but
without the privilege to advance or recede, as I may see fit from my
knowledge of the question. Thus I am to he reduced to the station
of a senior clerk in the Home Office, and, meanwhile, all my other
projects languish because I am withdrawn from attending to them. It
1850.] THE BOARD OF HEALTH. 319
is the duty of the Minister to assign the introduction of the Bill, and
then to adopt it. God give me counsel and judgment to act aright,
but this is my conclusion. I will, if they adopt the measure, labour
in and out of the Hovise to pass it into a law, but I shall then retire
and resume social questions that have fallen into comparative neglect.
The Government throw on me the small, tedious, harassing details of
the Provisional Orders, but the measures of credit they reserve for
themselves. This, however, has altered and abated my duties for
the Session, because I am now detached from the special charge of
the sanitary measures, Interment, Water, Building. I cannot hide
to myself my own disappointment j partly, I had hoped that my name
(is this an illegitimate desire 1) would be inseparably connected with
these reforms ■ and, partly, I hoped that intense labour and anxiety
would not be without their fruits. ' He best can paint them, who
can feel them most.' I tremble for the issue, in ignorant or unsym-
pathising hands. . .
Notwithstanding the disappointment, Lord Ashley
considered that the Interment plan was one of the best
ever devised, and was likely to be productive of real
moral effects on the poorer population, and he con-
tinued to work at it laboriously. The appointment,
however, of Lord Seymour as President of the Board,
over the head of Lord Ashley, who had borne all the
burden and heat of the day, greatly changed his position
and impeded his action. It was this that led to his ten-
dering his resignation. But Lord John Russell would
not hear of it, and, sinking his own preferences for the
general good, Lord Ashley continued, at great personal
sacrifice, to retain his office. If he could not keep
the Interment Bill in his hands, he trusted, at least,
that he should be able to carry through the Bill for the
Metropolitan Water Supply, and, in fact, he made this
a condition of his remaining on the Board.
320 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XIX.
Throughout the year, and still later, the diary con-
tains many entries relating to these matters, of which
the following may be taken as specimens to show the
nature of some of the difficulties that assailed him.
June 5th. — Interment Bill. Passed but three clauses in nearly
five hours. Much attacked and reviled. . . . These are the sweets
of unreraunerated public life !
June 8th. — Again a long, heavy, vexatious night on the Inter-
ment Bill ; carried, however, a principal clause. Have, I thank God,
kept my temper, though somewhat spitefully assailed.
July 18th. — Yesterday gave whole day to wander over the wild
heaths of Surrey, around Farnham, in quest of springs and getting
grounds for Water Supply of the Metropolis. Started at ten and
returned at ten. Saw all that we wanted, found rivers to break
out in the desert, and confessed that God was bountiful. But will
man be so 1 It is overwhelming, heart-breaking, awful to reflect,
how many thousands are deprived, in this Christian city, of the
prime requisite for health, comfort, decency, of an essential prop
and handmaid to morality !
Dec. 12th. — The Water Supply, for which alone I remained
at the B. of H., will be set aside or emasculated by the Govern-
ment ; and yet I made this measure a condition of my stay there.
The situation is painful, because it is become that of a clerk,
and I am made, by Seymour and Grey, to feel it hourly. The
Board has no free action, no power to effect any of its decisions,
for the Treasury and the Home Office refuse, or thwart, every
proposition.
Jan. 31st, 1851. — The labours and anxieties of the B. of H. have,
I suspect, contributed not a little to my disorders. I feel these sub-
jects deeply ; they are intimately connected with the physical and,
to no small extent, with the moral welfare of mankind. I am grieved,
harassed, overwhelmed with variety of work, a dull position, and a
dismal horizon. 1 want neither honour, nor praise, nor payment ;
but I want some little fruit of protracted toil and expended health.
. . . But what shall I do 1 Shall I persevere, or shall I retire 1
I want the time for the stirring and precious business of this Session.
I want it for other movements of service to God and man. I want
1850.] DEATH OF SIB ROBERT FEEL. 321
it for moments of reflection and repose ; but I must not seek my
own, but Thy will, O God.
The summer of this year saw the close of a very
remarkable career, and one with which Lord Ashley
was, more particularly in his earlier life, closely
associated.
On the 24th of June there was a debate on the
foreign policy of the Government, introduced by Mr.
Roebuck, and continued over four nights. On the 28th
Sir Robert Peel spoke, and his speech was generally
admitted " to be characterised by great kindliness of
feeling and political foresight.'' It was his last speech,
his last appearance in that House, where, ever since
1809, he had been one of the most conspicuous members.
On the following day, as he was riding up Constitution
Hill, after entering his name in the Queen's visiting
book at Buckingham Palace, his horse shied and threw
him over its head, and Sir Robert, still keeping hold of
the reins, drew the animal upon him with its knees
between his shoulders. The injuries were not at first
considered likely to be fatal, but their extent was not
really known. On the 1st of July, the symptoms grew
more and more alarming, and on the following night
he expired.
June 30th. — Sunday. Yesterday Peel was thrown from his
horse, and injured by the fall. God have mercy on him in mind
and body ! . Called to inquire after Peel — do not quite like
the account, though I trust that all will be well.
July 2nd. — Peel still in great danger — poor man. May God be
gracious to him !
July 3rd. — Peel is dead. He died last night, at eleven o'clock,
V
322 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XIX.
in full consciousness, having seen his family and friends, and taken
the Lord's Supper at the hands of the Bishop of Gibraltar. What
an end ! What an event ! Are we not all in the midst of death 1
It has deeply afflicted me ; he was a great intellect, and had some
noble qualities. O Lord, give us hope that he has found mercy in
Christ Jesus, and sanctify it to us all ! . . . House this morning
was adjourned in respect to poor Peel. This awful death has
revived many recollections, and stirred many feelings of ancient
days. . . .
July 5th. — Yesterday J. Russell pronounced an eulogy on Sir
R. Peel, and proposed a public funeral, which was declined, with
gratitude, by Goulburn on the part of the family, who urged a pas-
sage in his will expressive of a desire to be interred in the vault
at Drayton. It was well and feelingly done on both sides ; but, as
it went on, I could not but estimate how worthless are these things.
How did they affect him 1 how did they console his family 1 And
yet such have been in history, the springs of many brilliant actions,
and, perhaps, will be so again. The true value of it is nothing ; the
same minds that have recorded their panegyrics will, as soon as the
peculiar shock is over, review his course with critical 'justice,' and
qualify the praise that was uttered in the moment of sympathy.
Human applause is very tempting ; but woe to the man who con-
fides in it ; there is no secure ami fruitful honour but that which
cometh from God only. As the shock subsides, reminiscences arise.
This event, that was at first terrible, is becoming sad. The man,
his voice, his figure, all are before my eyes. It is truly awful. May
God in His mercy bless the affliction to his wife and children !
July 9th.— This day Sir P. Peel will be interred at Drayton,
and then speedily forgotten. Such is human fame, and yet in many
respects, one of the greatest men of this generation ! The Duke
of Cambridge expired this day. I deeply lament his loss. . . He
brought the branches of the Crown into frequent contact with the
charitable institutions of the metropolis and the comforts of the
people.
July 25th. — Attended, on Tuesday, a meeting to do honour to
Sir R. Peel, and to second a resolution moved by the Duke of Wei-
ll ngton ! Had been requested to do so by Goulburn and Graham,
and of course complied. He had wonderful qualities of various
kinds, and his loss is great.
1850.] THE CITIZENSHIP OF TAIN. 323
In August, Lord Ashley, who had not been in really
good health since his severe attack of illness in 1848,
left London for a tour in Scotland, in the hope that he
might renew his strength and be braced up for the
work which lay before him in the winter. The Duke
of Argyll had lent him Roseneath, the Duke's place on
the Clyde. We will not follow him through the tour,
except to note one or two incidents. At Tarbert he
met, by accident, Mr. Locke, the Secretary of the
Ragged School Union, and suddenly, vividly, there
came before him " the ragged race, and indeed, all
the race of unhappy, forgotten, ill-used children." In
intervals of leisure he tried to read a few books, and
keep pace with the generation ; but he found that
" while he roamed over the older works he had missed,
he let go the new, and so, like panting Time, he
toiled after them in vain." In one part of his journey
he went seven miles in a spring cart, " rightly so named,
for he was never made to spring so high before." And
in another he was " entrapped to ascend the hills with a
shooting-party, and found himself unintentional ly con-
verted into a deer-stalker, although he neither fired a
rifle nor saw a stag." At the little town of Tain he
records this surprising fact : " I was made ' free of the
city.' The first public honour I have ever had. It was
kindly proposed, and most flatteringly conferred in the
Town Hall, nor am I indifferent to the goodwill and
esteem of a body of citizens, though small and remote."
When the Session of Parliament was closed bv the
Queen in person in August, there was peace at home
v 2
324 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XIX.
and abroad. But a new chapter in the ecclesiastical
history of the country was opening, and within a few
weeks the whole kingdom was to be agitated, as it had
rarely been before. One of the most marked features
of English history, during the nineteenth century, has
been the continuous growth of liberty of conscience.
One by one, the disabilities of Dissenters, Roman Catho-
lics, and Jews have been removed ; but, with all this
large-hearted tolerance for almost every form of faith
and practice, England never forgot that there was an
ecclesiastical system which, in its era of supremacy,
wrote its history in characters of blood, and, while
yielding complete religious freedom, even though cau-
tiously and tardily, to all law-abiding Roman Catholic
subjects, watched jealously for auy manifestation on
the part of the Church of Rome of a desire to re-assert
her ancient pretensions.
Thirty-six years ago the fear of Rome was much
more dominant in England than at the present day.
Circumstances have altered, and a "No Popery " agita-
tion of national dimensions would require for its exciting
cause a high-handed policy, such as no ecclesiastical
body seems ever likely to venture upon again in this
country. Indeed, it is difficult to believe how thoroughly
the heart of England was stirred by the institution of
certain titular dignities which are still illegal, but
are now accorded, as a matter of course, in our ordinary
conversation and in our literature.
In October, 1850, there was published a Papal Bull,
abolishing the Administration of Roman Catholics in
1850.] A FATAL BULL. 325
England by Vicars Apostolic, and appointing instead,
two Archbishops and twelve Bishops, with territorial
districts distinctly marked out. Lord Ashley was in
Scotland when the Bull was published, and his first view
of the matter, written at the moment, is noteworthy.
Oct. 25th. — Inverary. Events are beginning to be rife ; the
Pope, by a Bull, has divided England into dioceses with territorial
titles, such as ' Archbishop of Westminster.' We must be careful
not to push this matter too far ; it is an act of great annoyance and
audacity, but not contrary to law, nor worth, in fact, a new law.
It must be used as a warning, as a stimulant, as a proof of Roman
ambition.
The aspect of affairs soon began to assume a more
serious complexion. Dr. Wiseman was appointed the
first Archbishop of "Westminster, and raised to the
dignity of a Cardinal, and, in this capacity, he sent to
England the notorious pastoral dated " From out of the
Flaminian Gate at Borne," a document which inflamed
the Protestant fervour of the country a hundredfold
more than the Papal Bull. Apparently ignoring the
English Church and its episcopate, he spoke as if
England had been restored to the Romish communion,
and would henceforth be ecclesiastically governed by the
new hierarchy. The following extract will serve as a
sample of the arrogant assumption that characterised
this extraordinary document : —
"The great work, then," wrote the Cardinal, "is
complete ; what you have long desired and prayed for is
granted. Your beloved country has received a place
among the fair churches which normally constituted
326 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XIX.
the splendid aggregate of Catholic communion. Catholic
England has been restored to its orbit in the ecclesiastical
firmament from which its light had long vanished, and
begins now anew its course of regularly adjusted action
round the centre of unity, the source of jurisdiction, of
light, and of vigour. How wonderfully this has been
brought about, how clearly the hand of God has been
shown in every step, we have not leisure to relate, but
we may hope soon to recount to you by word of mouth."
The recent proceedings of the Tractarians had pre-
pared the people for a unanimous cry of " No Popery,"
and all the Protestant sects and communions united to
resist these outrageous demands. Had Sir Robert Peel
been living, he might, perchance, have calmed the popular
excitement, or, at least, have directed and subdued it ;
but Lord John Russell, who was now Premier, saw an
opportunity of dealing a blow at his Tractarian foes,
and " raised a tempest, from the effects of which his
Government, soon after suffered shipwreck." On No-
vember the 4th he wrote to the Bishop of Durham, what
was long after famous as " The Durham Letter."
After pointing to his ©wu advocacy of the Catholic
claims in past years, he denounced the recent measures
of the Pope as " a pretension of supremacy over the
realm of England, and a claim to sole and undivided
sway, which is inconsistent with the Queen's supremacy,
with the rights of our Bishops and Clergy, and with the
spiritual independence of the nation, as asserted even in
Roman Catholic times." He went on to say that his
alarm was not equal to his indignation, and that the
1850.] " THE DURHAM LETTER." 327
necessity for taking active measures should be duly
considered. But there was a danger which alarmed
him, in the fact that clergymen who had subscribed to
the Thirty-nine Articles should " have been the most
forward in leading their flocks, step by step, to the very
verge of the precipice." After denouncing various
ritualistic practices introduced by the Tractarians, he
wound up by saying : "I rely, with confidence, on the
people of England, and I will not bate a jot of heart or
life, so long as the glorious principles, and the immortal
martyrs, of the Reformation shall be held in reverence by
the great mass of a nation which looks with contempt
on the mummeries of superstition and with scorn at the
laborious endeavours which are now making, to confine
the intellect and enslave the soul."
This letter won from Lord Ashley the strongest
admiration, and roused the whole country to a ferment.
The course of events is noted, stage by stage, in his
Diary from which we now quote : —
Nov. 3rd. — Edinburgh. People have often rebuked me as a
croaker, as a bird of evil augury ; but, as David says, ' Is there not
a cause ! ' I never fear attacks, but I tremble for the spirit that
resists them. The Pope and his decrees are nothing; but the
Puseyite Churchmen and the Laodicean nation are enough to inspire
terror. I am ready to conflict with Infidelity, and defy it ; but I
sink with dismay when I find the University rife with the German
philosophy, and ecclesiastical Judases, pretending belief in the Holy
Scriptures, betraying the Son of man with a kiss !
Nov. 5th. —Gunpowder Plot day ! It was a mighty deliverance,
for which we of this generation are about as thankful as we are for
the rescue of Daniel out of the lions' den. And yet, when has God
dealt more mercifully with any people 1
328 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XIX.
Nov. 7th. — London. The feeling against the Papal Aggression
is deep and extensive. The 5th November was rife in town and
country ; a display of zeal and Protestantism ; various meetings of
clergy, strong and resolute expressions. John Russell has written a
letter to the Bishop of Durham on this subject, bold, manly, Pro-
testant, and true. It is admirably written, and is ten times more
imbued with religious Protestantism and veneration of the martyrs
than I should have expected. The document is worthy of Lord
Burleigh, or of Cromwell in his defiance of the Duke of Savoy.
Public meetings denouncing the Papal Aggression
were being held throughout the country, and petitions
were adopted calling upon the Government and Legis-
lature to intervene. It was impossible that Lord Ashley
could remain away any .longer from the scene of conflict,
and on November the 1 1 th we find him again in London
and at the head of the Anti-Popery movement.
Nov. 11th Took chair at conference of clergy and laity
to devise mode of meeting present crisis ; sat for five hours ; fearful
of disunion ; all settled, by God's blessing, on a little management ;
agreed to a committee to stir country. How shall we ' improve the
shining hour 1 ' Such an occasion may never return.
Nov. 21st. — The Cardinal's manifesto is out ; bold, astute, unscru-
pulous ; but, with all its cunning, more hurtful to the shooter than
to the target.
Nov. 25th. — What a surprising ferment ! It abates not a jot ;
meeting after meeting in every town and parish of the country.
Vast meetings of counties, specially of York. At concerts and
theatres, I hear, ' God save the Queen ' is demanded three times in
succession. It resembles a storm over the whole ocean ; it is a
national sentiment, a rising of the land ! All opinions seem for
a while merged in this one feeling.
An announcement having been made that a great
meeting was to be held to discuss the question, the
Lishop of Oxford (Wilberforce), " striving," as his bio-
1850.] LETTER FROM THE BISHOP OF OXFORD. 329
graplier says, "to hold the balance between the two
parties in the then excited state of opinions," wrote to
Lord Ashley thus : —
The llishop of Oxford to Lord Ashley.
Cuddesdon Palace, Dec. '3rd, 1850.
My dear Lord Ashley, — Seeing that you are to be Chairman
of Thursday's meeting at the Freemasons' Hall, I trouble you with
this letter. Your kindness to me whenever we have met, leads me
to hope that I am not, in doing so, taking any liberty with you. I
am anxious to do so : 1st, on my own account ; 2nd, on account of
the Church. 1st, — For myself. At all similar meetings the conduct
of the Bishops has been (as is natural) considered, and / have been
very generally blamed for encouraging Romanising opinions. The
alleged proof has been mainly my toleration of Mr. Allies.* Such
an impression is quite natural, but it is quite untrue. So long as
Mr. Allies acted under the engagement he had formed with me, I felt
bound to bear this unjust suspicion in silence ; but now I believe
the interests of the Church require, and circumstances allow, of my
justification. I believe my power of justification to be complete.
I have written down, therefore, a short statement of the case ; and
I trouble you with it, with the request, that if the charge is again
made you would contradict it. My request is that you would state
the facts, not that you would read my letter, as if I stood on my
defence. You are, of course, at perfect liberty, if you deem it
needful, to satisfy yourself from other quarters of the accuracy of
this statement. I know of no other allegation which can be made
against me of carelessness as to these matters. My clergy well
know how firmly I have set my face against such views as those
of Mr. Allies. It is, however, natural, perhaps unavoidable, with
such a press as we have at this time, with my poor brother's f
notorious course, and with my own distinctly High Church opinions,
that I should labour under the unfounded reproach of holding
* The Rev. T. W. Allies, a young High Churchman, who wrote a book
entitled " A Journal in France," full of Romish doctrine. He afterwards
joined the Church of Rome.
t The allusion is to Henry Wilberforce.
330 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBULY. [Chap. XIX.
secretly that I have always opposed. And this brings me to my
second head. You will be, more than anyone, able to direct the
current of Thursday's meeting ; to settle whether it shall set against
bond fide Romanising tendencies in the Church (by which / mean
the revival of a system of auricular confession, sacramental abso-
lution, the sacrificial character of the sacrament of the Lord's
Supper, the denial of Justification by Faith, tfcc, &c), or whether
it shall be a mere attempt to brand as Romanisers all those in the
Church who are of the school of Andrews, Hooker, Beveridge, <kc.
Of this school I am a member. I make no secret of it. I have,
as I believe, dropped no one truth of my Evangelical education,
but I hold those truths in a more consistent and, therefore, a firmer
grasp. But the question I am anxious you should let me suggest
for your thought is this : Can it strengthen us as a Church against
Rome, against Latitudinarianism, against irreligion, against Social-
ism, and our frightful social evil, to drive out, or render suspected,
all the earnest-minded and, I will venture to say, spiiitually-nundcd
men in this our day of exceeding need of every aid 1
I am, my dear Lord Ashley, most truly yours,
S. Oxon.
" To this letter," says the biographer of Bishop
Wilberforce,* " Lord Ashley replied, that at the meet-
ing he was not only most anxious to avoid personalities,
but that he would do all in his power to prevent them.
He explained that the object of the meeting was to
prevent Tractarian dogmas, which, as he said, drove
whole congregations to Dissenting chapels, and which
were rapidly turning the Church of England into a free
Church." There is no reference to this correspondence
in Lord Ashley's Diary, nor does a copy of his reply
appear to have been kept.
On the 5th of December, the meeting — a large and
* "Life of Bishop Wilberforee," by his sou, Reginald G. Wilberforce,
vol. ii., p. 69.
1850.] THE PAPAL AGGRESSION. 331
influential gathering of lay members of the Church of
England — was held at Freemasons' Hall, " to protest
against the insolent and insidious attempt of the Bishop
of Borne," and to invoke the Queen's aid for the suppres-
sion of Romish innovation in the Church of England.
Over this meeting Lord Ashley presided. Addressing
his Protestant brethren of the Church of England, with
grief that the exigency of the times required this
distinctive epithet, he called upon them to show, by
their "vigorous, ready, and persevering antagonism,
that the ecclesiastical establishment of these realms is
the right of the people, and that the people will defend
the right to the last extremity." He continued : —
A foreign priest and potentate, who misunderstands and mis-
governs his own people, who is kept on his miserable throne, to the
oppression of his own subjects and all religious liberty, only by out-
landish bayonets, to the everlasting dishonour, I must say, of the
French people, has presumed to treat this realm of England like ' to
a tenement or paltry fai-m,' part its soil into provinces and dioceses,
invest his nominees with titles of episcopal and territorial jurisdic-
tion, and usurp the functions of our Ptoyal Mistress. We protest
against this as an act of monstrous audacity. It ignores alike (such
is the modern phrase) the Church and the State, Her Majesty and
the Bishops. We own, under God, no rule in these kingdoms but
that of our beloved Queen, and the laws and constitution of the
realms ; and, God helping us, none other shall be planted here in
civil or ecclesiastical authority. It may be said that a title is of
little import ; yet, if any one hold the contrary, let him urge it on
these intrusive bishops, and tell them that 'a rose by any other
name would smell as sweet,' and see whether they will yield to the
argument. But the name is of mighty importance ; it is always of
prodigious weight with those who do not reflect, and who, after all,
are the largest portion of mankind. Why, then, if it be so valueless,
do the Roman Catholics insist on its adoption 1 Why, for a trifle,
invoke a Papal Bull, and disturb this country from John o'Groat's
332 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XIX.
House to the Land's End 1 Mark the true reason : the Romish
Church claims sovereignty and jurisdiction over every baptized soul ;
those very people who denounce the Cardinal — I have lately read it
in a Popish periodical — are the Cardinal's spiritual subjects. To call
himself, as he is, Bishop of the Roman Catholics in the city of West-
minster, would be to forego that claim, and shrink within his rightful
sphere ; to call himself Archbishop of Westminster is to assert the
whole spiritual sovereignty of the district, and demand its subjection
to the See of Rome. Can you doubt this 1 Read the manifesto : —
' Whether the Pope appoints a person vicar apostolic, or bishop in
ordinary, in either case he assigns him a territorial ecclesiastical
jurisdiction, and gives him no personal limitations.' Why, here is
the whole thing ; and because we see that their hierarchy is incom-
patible with ours — because, not content with equality, they aspire to
supremacy, we will resist them step by step, inch by inch, nor yield
them one hair's-breadth beyond that which we have already ceded.
After quoting the statement of Dr. Wiseman that a
hierarchy was needed in order to introduce the Canon
Law, Lord Ashley continued : —
Do you know what the Canon Law is ? It is a law incom-
patible with the civil law of this realm ; it is subversive of all
religious liberty ; it permits — nay, enjoins — persecution of heresy ;
it elevates the Pope as God, and asserts that he is superior to all
human and national laws. We deny synodical action to our own
Church, shall we allow it to a rival and hostile body 1 Hitherto
we have been free from this moral pestilence ; and if we resist this
hierarchy we shall continue to be free ; admit it, and you admit the
introduction of a code which denounces, not only those who are now
without the pale, but all who may be persuaded to withdraw from it.
But let us not be misunderstood. We do not stand here to ask for
penal enactments. We do not ask, nor demand, a reimposition of the
former disabilities ; we will invade no rights of our fellow-subjects ;
but, by the blessing of God, they shall not tra/mple on oars. We
wa^e no war with the Roman Catholics of these realms, but we wage
interminable war against the Pope and his Cardinals. And yet,
when I reflect on the vast good that we have received from this out-
rageous assault, in the start from our slumbers, and in the attitude
1850.] THE PAPAL AGGRESSION. 333
of our people, I am disposed to take a forgiving view, and in
these days of testimonials, to propose a vote of thanks to the Pope,
with what I am sure he will prize above all things — a handsome
edition of the polyglot Bible !
But enough of the outside mischief. Let us turn our eyes to
that within, from Popery in flower to Popery in the bud ; from the
open enemy to the concealed traitor ; from the menace that is hurled
at -our Church, to the doctrine that is preached from our pulpit ; from
the foreign assailant, to the foes of our own household. What has
invited this agression 1 What has induced the Court of Pome, so
wily, cautious, and penetrating, to throw aside the sheath, and openly
attack the Capitol 1 One may say one thing and one another ; one
may see the encouragement given by successive administrators to
Papal pride and Papal endowments — the precedence, the annuities,
the marks of honour ; all, no doubt, have had their share, and no one
more deeply deplored them than myself, yet I maintain that they
are all secondary causes, and this is not the time and place to discuss
them. But what are these to the great and master-temptation — the
manifest tendency in many of our clergy, in faith and practice, to the
faith and pi-actice of the Church of Rome 1 the numerous perversions
of that unscriptural creed, the adoption of rites, ceremonies, and
languages titted only to a Popish meridian ] Need I enumerate
them 1 You know them well ; and when to this they add the teach-
ing of false and heretical doctrines ; when they add the practice of
auricular confession — the most monstrous, perhaps, of all the mon-
strous practices of the Romish system— who can wonder that the
appetite of the Pope was whetted, that his eyes were blinded, and
that he believed the time was come for once more subjecting this
Protestant land to his odious domination 1 Now, we insist on these
details, not only because they are ' histrionic ' arrangements, adapted
only to the theatre, and impeding all worship, in spirit and in truth,
but because they are the symptoms of a deep-seated corruption of
faith and doctrine, enticing, and intended to entice, the people from
the simplicity of the Gospel, and to lead them to submit to the
sacerdotal forgery of a sacrificing priesthood, and the necessary and
inevitable train of abominable superstitions. Here is our daily,
hourly, imminent peril. It is for the sons of the Church to protest
against these enormities in all their length and breadth. What else
can be done 1 Do not some of the bishops tell you that they are
334 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XIX.
powerless ; that they speak, exhort, command, but the rebellious
Tractarians will not obey 1 Have they not nearly all declai'ed the
extent of this festering mischief 1 What otber course can we take
to obtain a general and united expression of feeling 1 The laity love
their Church, its decency, its simplicity of truth, its Gospel cha-
racter, and they will maintain it in all its efficiency ; but that Church
must continue to be scriptural ; — if it change its character, and cease
to be such, why then they will lie under the same duties, and they
will entertain the same feelings as their forefathers, when, disre-
garding everything but the confession of the Truth, and the honour
of Almighty God, they broke, at all hazards, from the unscriptural
and unholy Church of Rome. I speak here for myself. I doubt not
I speak the sentiments of thousands in this realm, that if we be
driven to this necessity (which God in His mercy avert !) I had
rather worship with Lydia, on the bank, 'by the river side,' than
with a hundred surpliced priests in the temple of St. Barnabas.*
[Here the whole assembly enthusiastically rose to their feet, and
the ladies joined in the vociferous cheering which succeeded.]
Referring to this meeting, Lord Ashley wrote in his
Diary : —
December 5th. — Well, to be sure. I never saw such a thing;
the enthusiasm, from the first moment to the last, was miraculous.
The audience would have remained and cheered till midnight ; time
after time they rose from their seats, and shook the room with thun-
ders of applause. But the feeling was more than boisterous— it was
deep and sincere, and had all the character of being permanent and
religious. The speaking excellent ; the laity shone in power and
theology ; many pulpits could not produce such solid stuff.
The Roman Catholics in England saw with regret
the results of the latest outcome of Ultramontane policy.
On November 17th they sent up an address of loj'alty
to the Queen, and asserted the purely spiritual character
of the new organisation. A few days afterwards Lord
* St. Barnabas, Pimlico, was notorious at this time for its ritualistic
practices.
L850.] THE PAPAL AGGRESSION. 33>
Beaumont, a Roman Catholic peer, publicly regretted
the ill-advised measure of the Roman Pontiff, which had
placed English Catholics in the position of having
" either to break with Rome, or violate their allegiance
to the Queen." On November the 28th, the Duke of
Norfolk expressed his unity with the sentiments of
Lord Beaumont. The action of the English Catholics
and of the Puseyites was a source of great anxiety to
Lord Ashley, who wrote : —
December 20th. . . . Enthusiasm against Puseyites no wise
subdued; but I, nevertheless, am out of heart; the unity of pur-
pose, the systematised action, the vigilance, penetration, zeal, and
perseverance of our enemies are a match for a discipline ten times
greater than that we can show. It is the difference between a large
militia force and a small standing army ; vje have the numbers, but
they the experience and skill. It is our occasional and momentary
occupation, their single vocation aud profession. They, so far as I
can learn, have few or no dissidents ; we are crippled by half-hearted,
timid, crotchety, or hostile men. The Evangelical party itself is
sadly disunited.
December 23rd. — Windsor Castle. Prince sent for me after morn-
ing service, and we spent an hour and a half on Church matters. I
am delighted, and I bless God for his zeal, judgment, perception,
and vigour.
"8
Some idea of the ferment of the times may be
gathered from the fact that between the 14th and the
30th November no fewer than seventy-eight works on
the Papal Aggression issued from the press.*
On the reassembling of Parliament, the subject was
alluded to in the Queen's Speech by the announcement
of " a measure calculated to maintain the rights of the
* Publishers'1 Circular, December 2nd, 1850.
336 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XIX.
Crown and the independence of the nation against all
encroachments ; " and on the 7th February the Premier
introduced a Bill to prevent the assumption of ecclesi-
astical titles in respect of places in the United Kingdom,
which was denounced by Roebuck, Bright, and others,
but strenuously supported by Lord Ashley. By a vote of
395 to 63 the House permitted the Bill to be brought in.
Referring to his speech, which was an admirable exposi-
tion of every aspect of the case, Lord Ashley wrote : —
Feb. 11th. — Great success last night on Papal Aggression; as
great, it seems, as I ever had in my life ; enthusiastic commendation
from many. . . . Home late : head in a frightful state of vibra-
tion. . . . Many Roman Catholics have spoken to me civilly, and
declared that, though I vigorously stated my opinions, I said nothing
offensive to them. This is happy.
The progress of the Bill was delayed for a time by
a Ministerial crisis. *
March 1st.- — Who can now assert that the Pope has no power in
England1? He has put out one Administration, and now prevents
the formation of another. . . . Wrote yesterday to Prince Albert,
and told him the feeling of the nation ; it will reach him, I guess,
inopportune!?/, but he desired me to tell him the truth, and I have
done so. God bless the endeavour !
March 3rd. — Seven o'clock. Government reinstated, every man
of them, according to the slang, ' as you was.' Pussell announced
that he should proceed with the Anti- Papal Bill, having promised
some amendments.
The Bill was re -introduced on the 7th March, but
very much toned down in its character. The opposition
to the measure was still formidable, and there was a seven
nights' debate before the second reading was carried.
* The celebrated cartoon in Punch will be remembered. It represented
Lord John as a naughty boy chalking up the words "No Popery," and
then dodging round the corner.
1851.] THE PAPAL AGGRESSION. 337
On the 18th March Lord Ashley again put the matter
forcibty before the House, from his own particular point
of view. He asserted that, in the tone of Napoleon in his
most haughty and terrible days, the Pope had virtually
declared that the House of Hanover ceased to reign ;
and discussed at length the manner in which " such a
Protean power, presenting alternately and conjointly
every form of spiritual, temporal, and ecclesiastical
policy," was to be dealt with. " It pretends," he said,
" to be spiritual in England, ecclesiastical in Spain ; it
is temporal everywhere, though professing it nowhere ;
it is democratic in Ireland, and despotic in Austria ; it
terrifies statesmen in Sardinia by refusal of the sacra-
ments, and the Government in France by a refusal to
support them at elections ; here it is, in England,
appealing to the rights of man and the liberty of con-
science ; and there it is, in Italy, denouncing them by
the lips of Pope Gregory XVI., as ' that absurd and
erroneous maxim, or wild notion, that liberty of con-
science ought to be assured and guaranteed to every
person.' In conclusion, he declared his belief that
England " would not give way to Pome by submission
— no, not for an hour," and added, " What may be the
issue to the nation, no man may foretell, but for our-
selves, happen what may, we will, by God's blessing,
stand immovably on our immortal Faith, which we have
neither the right nor the disposition to surrender.''
One practical outcome of the agitation was, that
on the following day a great meeting was held, for
private conference, of members of the Church of Eng-
w
338 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XIX.
land, clerical and lay, and representatives from all the
orthodox Nonconformists in London — " all who held
the Head — the great truths of Christ's gospel."
March 20th. ... It was to see whether we could not, under God's
blessing, lay aside our minor differences and make a common front
against a common enemy. Met at eleven o'clock at an hotel in the
Adelphi — everything prospered ; the Divine Hand was manifest in
the fervour, earnestness, self-control, and mutual goodwill of the
assembly. It was a noble and a Protestant sight, and illustrated the
Apostle's benediction, ' Grace be with all those that love the Lord
Jesus Christ in sincerity.'
A committee was formed to consider modes of opera-
tion, and, at Lord Ashley's suggestion, to endeavour to
include the Protestants of every nation, and the result
was the formation of a vigorous Protestant association.
Another outcome of the agitation is thus referred
to :—
April 8th. — Archdeacon Manning has joined the Church of
Rome, and four clergymen in Leeds have done the same. Lord,
purge the Church of those men, who, while their hearts are in the
Vatican, still eat the bi-ead of the Establishment and undermine
her !
The further story of the unfortunate " Ecclesiastical
Titles Bill " may be briefly told here. It was elaborately
discussed in Committee, and then read a third time on
July the 3rd, after which the Lords dealt with it in due
course. But the later stages of the measure were not
marked by any of the old enthusiasm. It became law,
and then, curiously enough, " no one seemed one penny
the worse or better," and Englishmen freely used, as a
matter of course, the territorial titles which had put
the nation into such a nutter only a few months before.
1851.] THE ECCLESIASTICAL TITLES BILL. 339
Twenty years afterwards the Act was repealed, though
the illegality of the titles was again explicitly affirmed.
Before passing away from this subject, it may be
stated here, that, throughout this controversy, and at all
times, Lord Ashley was scrupulously careful to main-
tain a wide distinction between the Roman Catholic
priesthood and laity, and any " violence " of language
he ever used, was directed against the former, while
to the latter he was invariably tolerant. Passages
innumerable from his public speeches and private
writings could be quoted, were proof necessary ; and
as the charge of " never being able to see good in
any save those of his own way of thinking " was not
unfrequently brought against him, it may be well to
show that this was unfounded. He warmly supported
Mrs. Chisholm, and attended, from time to time, her
" group meetings " of emigrants. " This is a novel and
most admirable scheme of colonisation," he writes in his
Diary, July 17th; "but many people suspect that the
Devil is in it, and that Mrs. Chisholm, who is a Papist,
has no views but the extension of Romanism." Referr-
ing to the self-devotion of Roman Catholics to the great
works of charity and love, he said : " I can speak with
no disparagement of those sisters of charity and mercy
who, in long black gowns, perambulate our streets ; I
speak of them with deep respect ; engaged, as they are,
in works of compassion, goodness, and tenderness ; but
I maintain that in our own Protestant faith we have
sisters of mercy to vie with them." * In a speech at
* Ragged School Union, May 11th, 1838.
w 2
340 TEE EARL OF SHAFTESBUEY. [Chap. XIX.
St. James's Hall, in defence of voluntary schools, lie said:
" I confess that I sympathise with the Roman Catholics
in this matter ; it is natural and just that the}^ should
insist on the full teaching of all the points essential to
their faith ; they must insist upon a distinctive teach-
ing in religious matters." Again, in a speech protesting
against the exclusion or discouragement of religious
teaching in schools aided by grants from the State, he
said : " I would rather have any form of religious teach-
ing when there is something definite, though there may
be only a particle of what is true. I would much
rather children went to almost any other kind of school
than to one where religious teaching was prohibited. I
would much rather be a Papist than a Positivist, and I,
for one, will accept and believe the syllabus of Eome
in preference to the syllabus of Birmingham." And
again on the same subject in another place : " What-
ever I may think of their system in other respects,
the Roman Catholics have, I must say, always been
true to the great principle that religion should be
the alpha and omega of education, and they shrink
with horror from the very notion of a place of
education where religion is not the primary considera-
tion."
In things spiritual, however, it was utterly impos-
sible that he could have any " fellowship " with Eoman
Catholics, and in his opening meditation in the Diary for
the year 1S51 — the year of Anti-Papal controversy —
he defines the principle which governed him. He
writes : —
1851.] TEE GREAT EXHIBITION. 341
Jan. 5th. — Broadlands. Sunday. 'Grace be with all them that
love the Lord Jesus Christ in sincerity.' This shows clearly not
only what is permitted, but what is enjoined, in the walk of Christian
labour ; — to wish ' God speed ' to all such, and to give them the right
hand of fellowship in all works of love and charity. This overrides
all ecclesiastical differences, all distinctions of form and human
arrangement, all the modes and varieties of non-essentials ; but it
demands the full belief of evangelical truth, the joyous reception
of Christ's blessed Atonement, His perfect work, His everlasting
dominion, His faith, His fear. His love. It binds us to the true
believers of the Lutheran and Presbyterian Churches ; it binds us to
the pious Nonconformists of England, to the Henrys and Doddridges
wherever they be ; but it does not bind us — does it not even separate
us — from those who 'hold not the Head ' in obedience and childlike
humility.
The Great Exhibition, which was opened in Hyde
Park on the 1 st of May in this year, and which brought
so much pleasure to many, brought to Lord Ashley a
considerable amount of work. The religious societies
desired to make it the occasion, while so many foreigners
were in the land, of pressing the claims of the Gospel
in various ways, and it had by this time come to be
recognised that, if anything good was to be done, Lord
Ashley must have a prominent share in the doing of it.
A great many new undertakings, and developments
of old ones, marked this period. For example : On
November 28th, 1850, a meeting of delegates of Eagged
Schools was held in Field Lane Schoolroom, Lord
Ashley in the chair, to consider the means by which boys
might get new employment when the " Great Exhibi-
tion of 1 851 should bring thousands of foreigners to
London.
Three Eagged School teachers — Messrs. John
342 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XIX.
MacGregor ("Eob Boy"), E. J. Snape, and J. E. F.
Fowler, on their way home from that meeting, crossed
over Holborn, arm-in-arm, when a bright thought flashed
into the mind of Mr. MacGregor, who said, " Why not
make some of our boys into shoeblacks for the
foreigners, to employ in the streets ? "
The thought at once ripened into action ; ten
shillings were subscribed on the spot ; and the next day
the plan was submitted to Lord Aside}7-, and obtained
his hearty approval and support. By the 1st May
regular " stations '' were established, and, during the
continuance of the Exhibition, twenty-five boys cleaned
101,000 pairs of shoes, for which the public paid £500.
The success of the scheme was ensured ; from year
to year improvements and extensions were made, and
to-day the Shoe Black Brigade is one of the permanent
institutions of the land. From first to last, Lord Shaftes-
bury was a staunch friend to the Brigade, and although
not the originator — as we have seen — he was always
regarded as one of the " Fathers " of the movement.
The story of Lord Ashley's efforts to obtain a place
in the Great Exhibition for the display of the transla-
tions of the Bible made by the British and Foreign
Bible Society, may be told in his own words : —
There was a great struggle to obtain a proper place for the great
works achieved by the Bible Society. There was no difficulty what-
ever in obtaining abundant space for all the implements of war and
of human destruction that the mind of man could imagine ; a large
proportion of the Exhibition was taken up with guns, cannons,
torpedoes, every thing that could annoy and desolate mankind. It
was suggested that we should erect for the Bible Society, some place
1851.] THE GREAT EXHIBITION. 343
in the great Exhibition where we could show proofs of all that we
had done to the praise of God, and all we were capable of doing ;
some, however, said we had no right to appear before the public in
any form in the Exhibition. I had a long interview with his Royal
Highness the Prince Consort on the subject, and he took the view
that the Bible Society had no right to a position there. I said,
' Putting aside the religious aspect of the question, I will put it
before you from an intellectual point of view. I ask you whether it
is not a wonderful proof of intellectual power that the Word of God
has been translated into 170 distinct languages, and into 230
dialects 1 Is it not proof of great intellectual power that the agents
of the Bible Society have given a written character to upwards of
thirty distinct languages, enabling all those people to read the Word
of God in their own tongue 1 ' He said, ' You have proved your
right to appear ; it is a great intellectual effort, and I will do my
best to secure for the Society such a position that their deeds shall
be made known.' *
The result was, that a position was eventually secured,
although not a good one.
Lord Ashley's views with regard to the great Exhi-
bition were not those of the majority, although he
shared in the general enthusiasm. He writes :
May 1st. — Queen opened Exhibition amidst at least one million
of people ; all, God be praised, tranquil, joyous, satisfied. Such
an event could not well have occurred in any capital of Europe
but ours.
May 17th. — Stole two hours to-day for the Exhibition. Sun
bright, crowd immense, admiration, almost adoration, unbounded
amongst them ! All are carried away by the impulse ; and not a
few regard it as the highest of all achievements, and the proof of the
perfectibility of the human race. There is a strong tendency, just
now, perhaps, only more developed than at any other times, to
estimate the moral progress of man by his intellectual, scientific, and
material advancement. The character of the future is calculated
* Speech, Bible Society (Kensington Auxiliary), March 9th, 1877.
344 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XIX.
on china-plates, steam-engines, brilliant conceptions and skilful
executions. They see not that all this may consist with the hardest
and vilest hearts. Except the 148 translations of the Bible, exhibited
by the Society (and these the Commissioners have thrust into a
remote corner), there is not one thing to distinguish a moral from a
material existence., a Christian from a heathen generation. And yet
we are told that this ' great fair ' is to show the world's progress !
In April, just as Lord Ashley was on the point of
starting for a visit to Paris, a deputation waited on him
to offer him the Presidency of the British and Foreign
Bible Society. He urged some reasons that he thought
might disqualify him, but, eventually, on the 5th May,
accepted the office. It is thus referred to in his Diary : —
May 5th. — Received a deputation this morning from the Committee
of the British and Foreign Bible Society, to offer me the post of
President, vacant by the death of Lord Bexley. It was headed by
Harrowby, who proposed the office to me in an address of singular
kindness. There were also Inglis, Acland, Lord Cholmondeley,
Mr. Roberts, Mr. Foster, and the clerical Secretary, Mr. Browne.
I finally accepted the offer, having referred to the consideration of
the Committee the fact that I was already President of several
important Societies, that I should appear a monopolist of place and
power, that I might not be able to give so much time to it as could be
wished. I left it, however, in their hands ; and, imploring God to
govern all to His will and honour, went to Paris. Thev maintained
their invitation and waited on me to-day. I should have been grieved
had circumstances prevented my elevation to that high post ; it is
the headship of the greatest and noblest of the Societies ; and I am
not indifferent either to the honour or the utility of the position !
Grant me, O Lord, Thy grace, and uphold me in the work.
On the 2nd of May Lord Ashley wrote in his Diary :
" I have before me those terrible ' May chairs ' — always
the most difficult of one's labours." The meetings during
this year were, however, exceptionally good, and, owing
1851.1 MADE PRESIDENT OF THE BIBLE SOCIETY. 345
to the Papal aggression, were of a staunchly Protestant
character. One of the most interesting was that of the
Bible Society, when Lord Ashley took the chair for the
first time as President. In moving a resolution that
the meeting should unite in " expressing their best
wishes that the blessing of God might rest upon the new
President and upon his efforts in connection with this
Society," the Earl of Harrowby, turning to Lord Ashley,
said —
I am sure, my Lord, that you will not hold cheap the honour which
has been conferred upon you. I do conceive that it is the highest
honour which could be conferred on a Christian man. As it is
accounted the highest honour to be an Englishman amongst the
nations of the earth, so I conceive that it is the highest honour
within the realm of England to be the representative of her religious
principles and feelings ; and I believe that there is not, within the
realm of England, a man who enjoys the general approbation of his
fellow-citizens more than your Lordship. In your Lordship are com-
bined all the requisites for advancing the social interests of your
fellow-countrymen in their widest ramifications ; and you have
pursued your course undeterred by difficulties, by opposition, by
sneers ; uninjured by popularity, uninfluenced by the fear of un-
popularity ; and, throughout, your conduct has, I am convinced, been
based on the deepest personal religious convictions.
In a brief speech at the conclusion of the meeting
Lord Ashley said : —
When I reflect that the honour and safety of this nation are
its religious principles, and that our religious societies are the repre-
sentation and reflex of those principles, I feel very deeply the honour
of being called upon to preside over the greatest and best of those
Societies. It is an honour to which I should not have ventured to
aspire ; biit, having been raised to it by your voluntary suffrages, I do
feel gratified, nay, more than gratified ; it is heart-stirring to one
34fi THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XIX-
who, by the blessing of God, has attempted to do something to im-
prove the condition of his fellow-men.
Ill concluding, he expressed his special pleasure in
being identified with the Bible Society, on the ground
That it is catholic in its character, catholic in all its operations ;
that it enables vis to form in these realms, in times of singular
distress and difficulty, a solemn league and covenant of all those who
' love the Lord Jesus Christ in sincerity ; ' that it shows how, sup-
pressing all minor differences, or treating them as secondary, members
of the Church of England and Nonconformists may blend together
in one great effort. I do thank God that this Society brings us
into co-operation with our fellow-men of every nation and of every
clime ; that it binds us heart and soul to our American brethren —
those noble specimens of the Anglo-Saxon race, in moral energy and
in physical development ; nay, more, that it binds together Pro-
testants on the Continent and in the world ; all, in short, who hold
' one Lord, one faith, and one baptism,' and who are prepared to
maintain tlie great truth established at the Reformation that the
Bible and the Bible alone, is the religion of Protestants.
The office thus entered upon, was retained to the
end of Lord Shaftesbury's life. In 1SS5 he spoke
at the annual meeting for the last time, and through-
out that long period he never wavered or faltered in
any step that might promote its welfare.
There were several new measures which Lord Ashley
was anxious to introduce, and had for some time past
been carefully preparing. It was only by the most
persistent economy of time, and the complete surrender
of himself to perpetual labour, that it was possible for
him to do so, but he persevered. It was not in the nature
of things that he could be much longer in the House
of Commons ; his father had entered upon his eighty-
third year, and was showing signs of failing strength ;
1851.] COMMON LODGING-HOUSES. 347
and Lord Ashley was anxious to do as much as possible
of the work he had set before himself, while his oppor-
tunity lasted, and before he should, to use his own
words, be " consigned to the helplessness and indolence
of the House of Lords."
On April the 8th he introduced into the House of
Commons a Bill to " Encourage the Establishment of
Lodging-Houses for the Working Classes." In this
Bill it was proposed that towns or parishes having a
population of 10,000, or over, should be enabled to build
Model Lodging-Houses, and raise money and defray
expenses from the rates. In moving for leave to bring in
the Bill, Lord Ashley drew upon his long experience,
and graphically described the overcrowded state of
lodging-houses both in London and in certain other
lar«-e towns. Bad as was the case of those who consti-
tuted what might be termed the stationary population
— many of whom herded in rooms occupied by a family
in each corner and another family in the middle, to the
destruction of all decency and morality, and rendering
education and moral elevation impossible — the case of
the migratory population, those who flitted from one
lodging-house to another, was far worse, as he gave
ample proof.
To one phase of his subject he drew special attention,
namely, the effect produced by clearances and altera-
tions, made with the view of beautifying the metropolis,
on the housing accommodation of the working classes : —
When the great thoroughfare of ' New Oxford Street ' was
opened, a great number of wretched dwellings were cleared away,
348 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XIX
and no provision was made for the accommodation of those inhabi-
tants who were displaced, so that, while the formation of that street
added to the beauty of the town, it had the effect of exaggerating
the evil that pressed on the humbler classes. There was a district
in Bloomsbury called Church Lane, one of the filthiest that existed
in the metropolis, and one of the most unsafe to visit, from the con-
stant prevalence of fever. It was examined in 1 848 by the Statistical
Society, whose Committee stated in their report that it presented
— 'A picture in detail of human wretchedness, filth, and brutal
degradation. In these wretched dwellings, all ages and both sexes,
fathers and daughters, mothers and sons, grown-up brothers and
sisters, the sick, dying, and dead, are herded together. Take an
instance: House No. 2 : size of room, 14 feet long, 13 feet broad,
6 feet high ; rent 8s. for two rooms per week — under- rent, 3d. a
night for each adult. Number of families, 3 : 8 males above 20 ;
5 females above 20 ; 4 males under 20 ; 5 females under 20 ; total,
22 souls. Landlady receives 18s. a week ; thus a clear profit of 10s.
State of rooms, filthy.' Now, the average number of persons in each
house in Church Lane was 24 in 1S41 ; but when an examination took
place in the end of 1847, the average was 40 persons to each house ;
and I desire particularly to direct the attention of the House to the
fact that the parties who had swelled those numbers were people
displaced along that line of street occupied now as New Oxford
Street, — displaced in consequence of the formation and beautifying
of that thoroughfare. When great improvements are in progress
it is a matter for consideration whether provision ought not to be
made for the accommodation of those removed, not only for their
own sakes, but for the sake of the community, who are exposed to
peculiar danger from the confluence of many persons into places
which foster typhus and cholera. Now, to give a summary of the
state of the country, I may mention that the inspectors of the Board
of Health have examined 161 populous places, the aggregate popu-
lation being 1,912,599 ; and, without exception, one uniform state-
ment has been made with respect to the domiciliary condition of
large masses of the workpeople — that it is of one and the same
disgusting character.
Of the benefits of model lodging-houses Lord Ashley
could also speak from personal experience, and he told
1851.] MODEL LODGING-HOUSES. 349
the House of the cheerful punctuality with which the
rents were paid ; the general freedom from disease ; the
accommodation that made it possible for men to enjoy
staying at home instead of passing their leisure hours
in the beer-shops ; the ample space for children to play,
instead of running wild in the streets ; the lower rents
for comfort and cleanliness, than had previously been
paid for filth and wretchedness. It was impossible,
however, that private speculation could ever effect the
end in view, as the temptation to make inordinate
profits had always proved irresistible. Referring to the
houses erected by the " Society for Improving the Con-
dition of the Labouring Classes," he said : —
That Society has expended £20,750 in building and fitting up
new piles of model houses, and £2,250 in improving, adapting, and
fitting up ranges of old dwellings, making together an expenditure of
£23,000. The net return on the same, after deducting all incidental
expenses, including those of management and ordinary repairs,
average 6 per cent.
In concluding his speech, he urged the House to
take up this matter, which had excited the interest of
all civilised Europe, from parts of which, as well as
from America, letters had been received, asking for plans
and reports on the subject. He was certain that he
spoke the truth — and a truth which would be confirmed
by the testimony of all experienced persons, clergy,
medical men, all who were conversant with the working
classes — that, until their domiciliary condition were
Christianised (he could use no less forcible a term), all-
hope of moral or social improvement was utterly vain.
350 TEE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Ohap. XIX.
Though not the sole, it was one of the prime sources of
the evils that beset their condition ; it generated disease,
ruined whole families by the intemperance it promoted,
cut off, or crippled, thousands in the vigour of life, and
filled the workhouses with widows and orphans.*
A few days afterwards, Lord Ashley introduced a
Bill for the Regulation and Inspection of Common
Lodging-Houses — houses where individuals, or families,
were received by the night. It was accepted without
any preliminary remarks, it being generally known and
acknowledged that the state of them, both morally
and physically, was most pernicious.
It was when these two Bills were passing the Com-
mons that an event occurred, not altogether unexpected,
although it came suddenly at the last. It is referred to
in the Diary thus : —
June 1st, Sunday. — Received at half-past five this morning in-
telligence of my father being dangerously ill. A train starts at nine,
and I must go by it.
June 2nd. — St. Giles's. My father died this morning, at seven
o'clock, having suffered no pain, but unconscious to the last. Harriet
and her daughter, John, and William Avere present. Now I enter
on a new career, one to which I am little adapted. Parliamentary
business and city duties are my calling. How can I, at fifty years
of age, learn other things 1 Land, rent, &c. &c, are as Arabic to me.
But the issues of life and death are in the Lord's hand ; He, there-
fore, has determined ; and my prayer now is that He will sanctify
it to me, and that, whether high or low, rich or poor, conspicuous
or obscure, I may do His blessed will, serve my generation, and then
fall on sleep.
June 6th, St. Giles's. — Ah, my poor father ! I bless Thee, O
Lord, that I was here to say ' Lord Jesus, receive his spirit,' and
* Hausard, cxv. 1258.
1851.] CBOPLEY, SIXTH EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. 351
close his eyes. (Kissed yesterday the lips of darling Minny's bust,
the bust of my precious wife in her youth and beauty, but just as
beautiful to me now, though twenty years have passed.)
June 10th. — Yesterday, my poor father committed to the grave.
All was simple, decent, impressive — no show, no hearse, no horses,
as he desired ; but there was much respect and reverence.
Cropley Ashley Cooper, sixth Earl of Shaftesbury,
was the second son of the fourth earl, and was born
December 21st, 1768. He was educated at Winchester,
from whence he passed to Christchurch, Oxford, where
he took his B.A. degree in 1787. At the general elec-
tion of 1790, just after coming of age, he was elected by
the town of Dorchester to be its representative in Par-
liament, and he held this position until his succession,
in 1811, to the earldom. Soon after taking his seat in
the House of Lords, he filled the office of Chairman
of Committees during the temporary illness of Lord
Walsingham ; and he performed these duties with such
marked ability, that, in November, 1814, he was per-
manently appointed to that office, and was sworn of
the Privy Council at Carlton House.
Hansard reports but few of his utterances in the
House of Lords, and yet for many years no peer's voice
was heard so frequently. The duties of his office as
Chairman of Committees were very considerable. The
functions which, in the other House, were divided
amongst the Chairman of Committees, the Speaker's
Council, and the two Examiners of Petitions, were for
nearly forty years ably fulfilled in the House of Lords
by " old " Lord Shaftesbury, as he was generally known,
although he showed no signs of age in his conduct of
352 TEE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XIX.
pressing business. His uncompromising impartiality,
joined to his strong common sense, and his thorough
knowledge of the statute law, made him completely
absolute in his own department. When he had once
heard a case, and had deliberately given his judgment
upon it, he expected, and as a rule obtained, implicit
submission from all concerned. Unfortunately, as we
have seen, he carried these autocratic habits into
domestic life, where he was more feared than loved.
There are not many instances of an active part
being taken in the business of a deliberative assembly
by men above the age of seventy-five ; but in the case of
Lord Shaftesbury, these labours were continued beyond
that of fourscore. He seemed very little less efficient
in the later period of his life than in the earlier. " By
the time he had reached the age of fifty — which was
about half-way through the fifteen years that Lord
Liverpool's Ministry held the government — Lord
Shaftesbury's knowledge of his duties as Chairman
to the Lords was complete, and then he appeared to
settle down in life, with the air, the habits, the modes
of thought and action natural to old age. He was
certainly a man of undignified presence, of indistinct
and hurried speech, of hasty and brusque manner ; but
there was a general impression that the House of Lords
could not have had a more efficient Chairman. In the
formal business of Committees he rarely allowed them to
make a mistake, while he was prompt, as well as safe, in
devising the most convenient mode of carrying any
principle into practical effect. He was no theorist ;
1851.] CROPLEY, SIXTH EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. 353
there was nothing of the speculative philosopher in the
constitution of his mind ; and he therefore readily
gained credit for being, what he really was — an excellent
man of business. In dealing with minute distinctions
and mere verbal emendations, a deliberative assembly
sometimes loses its way, and members sometimes ask :
' What is it we are about ? ' This was a question which
Lord Shaftesbury usually answered with great prompti-
tude and perspicuity, rarely failing to put the question
before their lordships in an unmistakable form.
Another valuable quality of Lord Shaftesbury as a
Chairman, consisted in his impatience of prosy, un-
profitable talk, of which, doubtless, there is compara-
tively little in the Upper House, but even that little he
laboured to make less, by occasionally reviving attention
to the exact points at issue, and sometimes, by an ex-
cusable manoeuvre, shutting out opportunity for useless
discussion. When he sat on the Woolsack as Speaker,
in the absence of the Lord Chancellor, he deported
himself after the manner of Chancellors ; but when he
got into his proper element at the table of the House,
nothing could be more rapid than his evolutions — no
hesitation, no dubiety ; nor would he allow any one
else to pause or doubt. Often has he been heard to say,
in no very gentle tones : ' Give me that clause now,'
' That's enough,' ' It will do very well as it is/ ' If
you have anything further to propose, move it at once,'
' Gret through the Bill now, and bring that up on the
third reading.' He always made their lordships feel
that come what might, it was their duty to 'get
x
354 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XIX.
through the Bill;' and so expeditious was the old
Earl, that he would get out of the chair, bring up his
Report, and move the House into another Committee,
in the short time that sufficed for the Chancellor to
transfer himself from the Woolsack to the Treasury
Bench and back again."*
During the later years of his life, and especially
during the prevalence of the great railway mania of
1S44 — 46, the labours of Lord Shaftesbury in connection
with railways were enormous. He materially aided in
reducing to a system, the laws and regulations of the
House of Lords on this important subject. It was
generally allowed that the speed with which he passed
unopposed Bills through Committee, was something
marvellous. On questions of parliamentary law and
usage his authority was unquestioned.
The Earl was nearly eigMy -three years of age
when, at the opening of the Session of Parliament in
February, 1851, the Marquis of Lansdowne informed
their Lordships that he had received a communication
from their Chairman of Committee stating that " from
his a^e and infirmities he' felt himself unable to con-
tinue the duties of the office." Lord Stanley, the Duke
of Wellington, the Earl of Harrowby, and others, bore
testimony to his ability and unswerving integrity and
firmness, and the Duke of Eichmond, in alluding to his
well-known characteristics, said : " I have seen attempts
to influence Lord Shaftesbury in matters relating to
private Bills, and he invariably followed what was a
* " Annual Register, 1851," p. 292.
1851.] A NEW NAME AND A NEW CAREER. 355
very good plan, for he answered, ' I shall do no such
thing.' He kept the attorneys and agents in very good
order, for, when they once got a good dressing from
Lord Shaftesbury, they never made any such attempts
again. *
" And now," wrote Lord Ashley, on the day of his
father's funeral, " I bear a new name, which I did not
covet; and enter on a new career, which may God
guide and sanctify. If I can by His grace make the
new as favourably known as the old name, and attain
under it but to the fringes of His honour and the wel-
fare of mankind, I shall indeed have much to be
thankful for."
"What had been achieved under that old name can-
not possibly be better told than in his own words,
written during the preceding Christmas-tide, and cer-
tainly no more appropriate words could be found with
which to close the story of this part of his career : —
Dec. 25th. — Christmas Day. Broadlancls. It would be curious
to take an impartial review, if I could, of what I have gained, by
many years of toil, for myself, for the public, and, may I say it 1 for
the cause of our blessed Master.
I. — What have I gained for the public ? that is, according to my
own estimation, for many will say, in the language of Scripture,
that my doings have only 'gained them a harm and loss.'
1. Seventeen years of labour and anxiety obtained the Lunacy
Bill in 1845, and five years' increased labour since that time has
carried it into operation. It has effected, I know, prodigious relief,
has forced the construction of many public asylums, and greatly
multiplied inspection and care. Much, alas ! remains to be done,
and much will remain ; and that much will, in the estimation of
* Hansard, 3 s., cxiv. 47.
x 2
356 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XIX.
the public, who know little and inquire less, overwhelm the good, the
mighty good that has been the fruit.
2. Seventeen years, from 1833 to 1850, obtained the Factory
Bill. The labour of three hundx-ed thousand persons, male and
female, has been reduced within reasonable limits, and full forty
thousand children under 13 years of age, attend school for three
hours every day ' Let the people themselves, let the reports of the
Inspectors, let the records of bygone days,', be heard against the con-
tempt, the misrepresentation, the ignorance, the hatred of those who
ojjposed or discouraged me.
3. A Commission moved for in 1841 reported in 1842, and in
1843 passed a Bill to forbid labour of females in Mines and
Collieries. No one can deny the blessed results of this measure ; my
persecutors, therefore, admitting the good, attack the principle, and
question the wisdom of obtaining happy ends by such means.
4. In 1845 passed Bill to regulate and limit labour of children
and women in Print-works. Cobden even supported me here.
Necessarily an imperfect measure, but yet productive of some good.
5. Had main share (though the honour went to another) in pre-
paration of Interment Bill, and carrying it through the House.
6. Address and grant of Royal Commission for Subdivison of
large Parishes. Result yet to be tried.
7. Two years of intense labour, without pay, on Board of Health,
specially in season of cholera, and lately on Water-Supply to
Metropolis.
8. Say nothing, perhaps, of failures, though they were intended
for public service, and received some approbation : — Motions on Opium
Trade, Education, Poor-laws, and Sunday Post-office ; nor of share
taken in general debates on subjects of vital interest.
9. This for Parliament. Out of it have spared no trouble nor
expense (and both have been excessive) for Ragged Schools, Model
Lodging-houses, Malta College, Emigration Committees, and meetings
by day and by night on every imaginable subject.
II. — What gained for the cause of our blessed Master 1 What-
ever little, if any, has been achieved, it has been by God's own grace.
To Him then be all the glory !
Perhaps we may rejoice in an awakened attention, though but
partially so, to the wants and rights of the poor ; to the powers and
duties of the rich ; perhaps, both in Parliament and out of it, in a
1851.] REVIEW OF PAST ACHIEVEMENTS. 357
freer, safer use of religious sentiment and expression ; perhaps in an
increased effort for spiritual things, and in greatly increased oppor-
tunities for doing and receiving good. This, alas ! is not the thing
itself, but only the means to it. It is, nevertheless, all that we can
boast of.
III. — What gained for myself 1
1. Peace of mind, but nothing else. Four objects may be said to
stir the action of public men, singly or combined ; money, power,
fame, desire to do good. As for the first, I had, when young, three
years of office from 1828 to 1830, and then three months from
January to April, in 1835 ; the rest of my time has won me
nothing, but has, rather, been sadly expensive to me. Declined, in
succession, several offices, that I might be free for Factory Bill.
2. Power and patronage. Confess I should have desired both,
believing (but how terrible and deep is self-deception !) that I should
have, through faith and prayer, exercised power well, and patronage
to the welfare of important interests and to the honour and comfort
of good men. But have obtained neither ; have never held any post
in which I could act on my own authority ; nor ever have I had the
disposal of a single place, either ecclesiastical or civil.
3. Influence and fame. ' Your influence,' ' Your commanding
influence,' &c. &c, I am constantly hearing, but never experiencing.
In a long public life I have obtained three cadetships and one
surgeon's appointment for the sons of deserving men ; one living from
Lord Chancellor Lyndhurst and a Commission ship in Lunacy from
Lord Chancellor Cottenham, for persons of unrivalled public merits ;
one, too, from Lord Carlisle for an admirable minister. Is my in-
fluence with the Government 1 What do I avail, and what is their
treatment of me 1 Is it with the Peel party 1 I lost my political
connection with them when I refused office and urged the Factory
Bill. Is it with the Protectionists 1 I lost them when I supported
the repeal of the Corn Laws. Is it with the manufacturers ? They
hate me for the Ten Hours Act. Is it with the operatives 1 They
forget all my labour of love in the middle course I took for their
welfare. I won for them almost everything ; but for the loss of that
very little, they regard me as an enemy ! Is it with the Commons
House of Parliament 1 Whatever I had is gone : I had once the ear
of the assembly ; I have it no more. Is it with the bishops 1 the High
Church, the Tractarians 1 Is it with the Low Church 1 So it is said,
35S THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XIX.
but I ask the proof of it. Is it with the Press 1 Nearly every paper
is hostile ; I have had my day of favour ; now I suffer the reverse. They
began by reviling me, they now ignore me, as the phrase goes. Is it a
power to raise money for charitable purposes 1 Why, Sidney Herbert
raised, in three months, nearly as much as I have raised in my whole
life. Is it with private individuals ] Why, who attends to what I
do, say, or think 1 except to mark it for cavil or reproof. Is it with
my friends 1 Alas, how few can be trusted in the hour of trial !
My curious career, too, makes me, every day, new enemies, and often-
times alters my old friends ! Is it with the rich 1 God knoweth. Is
it with the poor 1 Yes, so far as a few shouts go, but no further !
This is my position after twenty years of labour ! I began in the
hope that many of the aristocracy would first follow and then suc-
ceed me. Not one is to be found ; a few, at my request, put their
hands to the plough, but they looked back and return not to the
furrows.
Then how stands my fame ? Well, if I had rested on this, I
should 'have been, indeed, unblessed.' What I have is notoriety,
not reputation. I have a name that everybody knows, ' a household
word,' writes the American Minister, Mr. Lawrence, tome, 'from
New York to the Rocky Mountains ; ' but a name that every one
fires at ! Some dispute my judgment, some my sincerity, some my
courage ; some think, or profess to think, me unworthy of their notice 5
some call me ' well-intentioned but weak ; ' others, ' hypocritical and
canting ; ' some hold me to be ruled entirely by vanity, others con-
sider me a mere tool. Now and then I make a speech which pro-
duces an effect, and I get some praise ; but the speech is soon
forgotten, and the man only remembered to be ti-eated as before. A
few, no doubt, think of me, and speak of me, kindly ; but they are
rare and of small influence in the stirring world. I have been oddly
and antagonistically viewed : Sir J. Graham, when Secretary of State,
alluding to the Factory Bill, said, ' I was a man to make a E evolu-
tion ' (this will be remembered). Sir G. Grey, when Secretary of
State, said to me in 1848, alluding also to the Factory Bill, ' I shall
be ready to say, in my place in Parliament, or elsewhere, as Secretary
of State, that the passing of the Ten Hours Bill has kept those vast
counties at peace during this eventful period.' (This will be for-
gotten ; nay, has, I think, been already forgotten.) But notorious
men are good for chairs of dinners and meetings. People come, not
1831] REVIEW OF PAST ACHIEVEMENTS. 35£>
through affection and respect, but to see the notorious man ; and so
I serve their purpose.
4. Desire to do good/or good's sake. Whatever my weaknesses,
whatever the human admixture with my former hopes and fears,
this must, henceforward, be my sole sustaining motive. I am now
nearly fifty years of age ; my physical and moral powers have at-
tained their summit. I cannot go higher, but I may fall lower.
And what is man's judgment ? Does it not often determine that to
be 'gold, silver, and precious stones,' which God's judgment pro-
nounces ' wood, hay, stubble ' 1 All see my infirmities ; all, knowing
human corruption, infer more than they see, and they are right. All
use me, and all grow tired of me ; but few can know the troubles I
have endured — the sorrow of mind, the weariness of body ; the
labour I have undergone by day and by night ; the public and
private conflicts ; the prayers I have offered, and the tears I have
shed. Here, however, is my consolation, that, amidst frailties and
sins, trespasses and shortcomings, I have had one single object per-
petually before me. It was God's grace that gave me the thought ;
God's grace that has sustained me hitherto, to have, in truth, but
one end, the advancement of His ever-blessed name, and the temporal
and eternal welfare of all mankind. So closes my review. Sursum
corda 1
CHAPTER XX.
1851 (JUNE)— 1852.
Farewell to House of Commons — In the House of Lords — Speech on Common
Lodging-House Bill — Model Lodging-House Bill — Early Impressions of
House of Lords — First Acts of Power — St. Giles's — Sweeping Reforms —
The Truck System — Cottage Accommodation — Kossuth — Socialism — Letter
to Lord John Russell — Thomas Wright the Prison Philanthropist — A Coup
d'etat— The Militia Bill — Brook Street, Grosvenor Square — A Lunacy Case
— May Meetings — At Ems — America and France — Death of the Duke of
"Wellington — Chancellorship of Oxford — Lying in State — The Story of the
Madiai — An Amusing Letter — "Uncle Tom's Cahin" — Slavery — Address
from Women of England — The Fugitive Slave Law — Friendships — The
Lev. E. Bickersteth — Mr. Alexander Haldane — Revival of Convocation
— Letter from Mr. Gladstone — Auricular Confession— Resignation of Lord
Derby — Lord Aberdeen, Premier.
Some time before the death of his father, Lord Shaftes-
bury had determined not to take his seat in the House
of Lords. But, to use his own expression, " The lead-
ing of Providence was the other way." His two
Lodging-House Bills would soon pass the Commons,
and it was urged upon him by many friends, and
especially by Lord Harrowby, that there would be both
grace and right in his taking them up and piloting
them through the House of Lords. In view of it he
wrote : —
But what an operation to sit as a Peer ! The Chancellor demands
no end of documents ; and, over and above (what folly when one's
father had been recognised for forty years), an extoact from the
Patent of Peerage ! Sutcliffe stands for my place at Bath ; how I
pray God that he may succeed !
1851.] TAKES HIS SEAT IN HOUSE OF LORDS. 361
It is needless to say that there were expressions of
sorrow from many quarters that " Lord Ashley " had
left the House of Commons ; and from many, of belief
that he would be equally useful in the House of
Lords.
In moving the writ for Bath, Sir Robert Inglis took
occasion to speak of him in terms of respect and affec-
tion. "I believe that I speak the sentiments of the
House generally," he remarked, " when I say that Lord
Ashley should not be withdrawn from the first ranks of
this assembly, the scene of his labours and his triumphs,
without some parting expression of respect and regret.
During the last fifteen years of Lord Ashley's Parlia-
mentary life he has been emphatically the friend of the
friendless. Every form of human suffering he has, in
his place in this House, and especially every suffering
connected with labour, sought to lighten, and in every
way to ameliorate the moral, social, and religious condi-
tion of our fellow-subjects ; and out of this House his
exertions have been, such as, at first sight, might have
seemed incompatible with his duties here. But he
found time for all ; and when absent from his place on
these benches, he was enjoying no luxurious ease, but
was seated in the chair of a Rao-o-ed-school meeting, of
a Scripture-reader's Association, or of a Young Man's
Christian Institution. I will add no more than that the
life of Lord Ashley, in and out of this House, has been
consecrated, in the memorable inscription of the great
Haller, ' Cbristo in pauperibus.' "
On the 23rd of June Lord Shaftesbury took his seat
362 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XX.
in the House of Lords, and on the evening of that day
he wrote in his Diary : —
It seems no place for me ; a ' Statue-gallery,' some say a
'Dormitory.' Full half-a-dozen Peers said to me, within as many
minutes, ' You'll find this very different from the House of Commons,'
' we have no order,' ' no rules,' ' no sympathies to be stirred.' Shall
T ever be able to do anything I They are cold, short, and impatient.
But God has willed it, and I must, and, by His grace, will, do my
duty.
The following day he made his first speech in the
House of Lords on moving the second reading of the
Bill for the " Inspection and Registration of Lodging-
Houses." He spoke in a low tone of voice and with
great brevity, and took occasion to explain that it was
the deep interest he felt in the objects of this Bill, and
the urgency there was for legislation on the subject,
" that had induced him to address their lordships so
early after his call to their lordships' House." In the
course of the very brief debate that ensued, the Marquis
of Lansdowne, in supporting the motion, " complimented
the noble Earl upon the success of his exertions to
ameliorate the condition of the poor and destitute," *
and expressed a hope that he might pursue, in the House
of Lords, the career he had followed in the House of
Commons.
The Bill became law. It has been acted upon
throughout the Kingdom, and police authorities, magis-
trates, medical men, city missionaries, and all whom it
concerned, have been unanimous in their testimony as
to its beneficial results. "It is the best law," said
* Hansard's Debates, cxvii. 1140.
1851.] FIRST LABOURS IN HOUSE OF LORDS. 363
Charles Dickens to Lord Shaftesbury, some years after-
wards, " that was ever passed by an English Parlia-
ment."
The second measure — the Bill for " Permitting the
erection by local authorities of Model Lodging-Houses "
— came before the Lords for the second reading on July
the 8th, when Lord Shaftesbury, in the course of his
speech, gave many details of a similar character to those
he had given before the other House, and asserted that
" the concurrent testimony of all persons conversant
with the habits of the people, went to show that the im-
provement of their domiciliary condition reversed all
those frightful pictures which he had felt it his duty to
present to their lordships." *
This Bill also became law, but from various causes,
and principally because it was much mutilated in its
passage through the House of Commons, it was only to
a very limited extent put into practice, and ultimately
became a dead letter.
Lord Shaftesbury has recorded, in full, his early
impressions of the House of Lords, some of which are
given in the following extracts. Referring to the much
reiterated hope that he would continue in the Upper
House, the course he had followed in the House of
Commons, he says : —
June 25th. — It is, however, a totally different thing — far less
stirring, far less gratifying. Success here, is but a shadow of success
there ; little can be gained, little attempted. But God has now
placed me here, and I must, and do, pray that ' as my day, so
* Hansard's Debates, cxvii. 235.
364 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XX.
may my strength be.' . . . One of the most striking effects to me on
removal from the House of Commons is my absolute ignorance of
the political movements, thoughts, and facts of the day. Everything
of importance revolves round the centre of the Commons' House :
unless you be there to see it, hear it, feel it, you get it at second
hand, and then only half.
June 27th. — The difficulties of the House of Lords seem to
thicken as I survey them. Everything must be done between five
and half -past six, or you will have no auditory ; consequently there
is an unseemly scramble for the precedence, and a terrible impatience
after you have got it. Yet I have received many expressions, and
heard of more, that I ' should rouse them,' and ' give them business
to do,' and in some measure ' popularise ' the House ! . . . Several,
nay, abundant, regrets, stated to me personally, and recorded to me
by others, that I was removed from the House of Commons.
June 30th. — To House of Lords, where I broke cover in a bit of
humanity-mongering about Chimney-sweepers. Found my voice ;
was well received ; 'thanked God, and took courage.'
July 8th. — Opened this afternoon, in House of Lords, second
Lodging-House Bill. Wonderfully well received ; their noble
natures -even cheered during the speech and after it. Many con-
gratulations and thanks. My surprise knew no bounds. I had
warmed ' Nova Zembla.'
Many times during his first Session, the voice of
Lord Shaftesbury was heard in the House of Lords.
On the 17th July he made an important speech on the
Bill for admitting Jews into Parliament, which Bill was
rejected by a majority of 36 ; and on three occasions he
pleaded the cause of the wretched Chimney-sweepers,
whose condition was growing worse and worse, but
whose sufferings were regarded in almost all quarters
with surprising indifference.
On the 8th of August Parliament was prorogued by
the Queen in person.
1851.] THE INHERITED ESTATES. 365
August 8th. — Day fine ; everything gay and good-humoured.
Attended as a peer, and enraptured the Chancellor and law lords by
wearing the robes of the first Lord Shaftesbury.
Having seen how Lord Shaftesbury entered upon
his public duties on succeeding to the peerage, we will
now follow him into the privacy of his inherited estates,
to mark the spirit in which he faced the responsibilities
of his new position.
A few days after the burial of his father, the follow-
ing characteristic entry occurs in the Diary : —
June 16th. — St. Giles's. I am thankful, very thankful, that my
two first acts of power have been in the service of God. I have
limited the disorders of the tap-room here, by closing it at nine
o'clock every night — ' his brevibus princijnis,' <kc. — and I have pro-
vided for the appointment of a Scripture-reader.
An examination into the state of affairs at St.
Giles's soon convinced him that there were many radical
changes to make without delay. There had been in-
credible waste: large sums of money had been ruthlessly
lavished and thrown away, to no purpose of either use
or luxury, while many things really necessary had been
totally neglected. Without losing heart for a moment,
he resolutely set to work to face the difficulties that lay
before him, determined to right all that had gone wrong,
and to establish more firmly all that was good. As
will be seen in the course of the narrative, the circum-
stances in which he was placed were of no ordinary
kind ; but, although the obstacles to be overcome, and
the difficulties to be vanquished, would have made
any one less resolute quail before them, by degrees he
366 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XX.
quietty and steadily accomplished the task he had set
himself.
It is worthy of note that, full as the Diaries are of
details of the actual position of affairs, there is not one
word that reflects in any way upon the memory of his
father. On the contrary, scattered throughout the
pages, there are many touching passages — of which
the following is an example — to show that the only
thoughts of him were thoughts of tenderness and
filial regard : —
June 29th. — Sunday. My poor father lay for six-and-thirty
hours after his attack, perfectly unconscious ; free from suffering,
alive, but apparently, and I doubt not, really, insensible to all around
him. All these cases are mysterious. What was the state of the
soul during that .period 1 Was it asleep? Was it benumbed like
the body, or was it active and cognisant of eternal things 1 Here
may have been God's chosen time for the infusion of His grace.
Here may have been the hour, so to speak, of regeneration. Prayer
was permitted, and then, surely, faith also in the results of prayer.
' Lord Jesus, receive his spirit,' was no idle supplication, or tossed,
of necessity, into empty air.
It is also worthy of note that the plans Lord Shaftes-
buiy now devised, and the changes he intended to effect,
were not for the adornment of his own house, or for
personal gratification of any kind, but on behalf of the
labourers on the estate and in the neighbourhood, and
of those who hitherto had not enjoyed the benefits
which he considered they had a right to expect.
August 17th. — Sunday. Week passed in depths of abundant,
dusty, and useless papers. Gave three hours on Thursday to Com-
mission in Lunacy. Every other moment till seven o'clock, saving
half an hour for a ride, to this wonderful ' digging ' — old newspapers,
1851.] IMPROVEMENTS AT ST. GILES'S. 367
bills, formal letters from 1790, &c, &c, under a mass of dirt and
dust deep enough for a crop of mustard and ci'ess. When I lay
down at night, the tearing, reading, burning, came on me like the
after-effects of a sea-voyage, and made me sleepless.
August 22nd. — St. Giles's. Inspected a few cottages — filthy,
close, indecent, unwholesome. But what can I do? I am half
pauperised ; the debts are endless ; no money is payable for a whole
year, and I am not a young man. Every sixpence I expend — and
spend I must on many things — is borrowed/
August 25th. — Car* has offered to build me four cottages in the
village. Heartily do I give God thanks for this, who has put it into
her heart. The world will now, at least, see our good intentions ;
and that is of high importance where, like me, a party has been a
great professor.
Sept. 5th. — Have found, at last, a Scripture-reader for the forests
and steppes of Woodlands and Horton. May his services be blessed
to the honour and empire of our dearest Lord ! I rejoice with
trembling that I have been permitted thus far to prosper in this
affair.
Sept. 6th. — Shocking state of cottages ; stuffed like figs in a
drum. Were not the people as cleanly as they can be, we should
have had an epidemic. Must build others, cost what it may.
Sept. 13th. — Yesterday to Pentridge, Cobley, and Woodyates.
No school of any kind at Pentridge ; some forty or fifty children
' unwept, unhonoured, and unsung.' I determined, under God, to
build one, and may He prosper the work ! To-day to Woodlands,
Horton, and Yerwood, to prepare the ground for Scripture-reader,
and secure his acceptance by the farmers.
Sept. 15th. — To Hinton Martel. Rural and lovely scenery; but
what a cottasre — what a domicile for men and Christians I found in
that village ! Yet, what can I do 1 And the management of the
estate, too, has in great measure passed from me by the grants of
these small life-holds.
Oct. 3rd. — Yisited some cottages — thank God, not mine ! What
griping, grasping, avaricious cruelty. These petty proprietors exact
a five-fold rent for a thing in five-fold inferior condition ! It is
always so with these small holders. Everything — even the misery
* His sister, Lady Caroline Neeid.
368 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XX.
of their fellows — must be turned to profit. Oh, if instead of one
hundred thousand pounds to pay in debt, I had that sum to expend,
■what good I might do ! But it has pleased God otherwise.
Having carefully examined into the state of things,
and made himself master of the facts, Lord Shaftesbury
lost no time in inaugurating some sweeping reforms.
These were not easy to carry out, and were opposed in
some cases by deep-rooted prejudices.
He found that the truck-system, which he had
condemned so unsparingly in his Factory legislation, was
nourishing on his own estate, and he determined to put
a stop to it forthwith. He knew of its existence ten
years before, but then he was tongue-tied ; now, he could
denounce the abominable system as be pleased. He
discovered that certain farmers were grievously defraud-
ing the workpeople, paying them, in kind, at the rate of
£10 a load for wheat when the market price was only
£8 ! To these men he said, " I am master here ; I will
not allow the poor to be oppressed. You shall rjay in
money or quit your farm ! ' It was a bold step, for, in
the state of his finances, a vacant farm was an important
consideration, and, as a matter of fact, some were thrown
on his hands ; but he had counted the cost, and he per-
severed until he had abolished the system.
Another mischief — and one that confirmed him in
the belief that farmers of the old class were ignorant,
selfish, and tyrannical, and that the repeal of the Corn
Laws was indispensably necessary to save the agri-
culture of the realm — was, that many of the farms were
shamefully undercultivated, and, consequently, not half
1851.] ST. GILES'S. 3G9
the proper number of labourers were employed. Yet
the tenants were well-to-do, for, inasmuch as the land
was underlet in value, they made a profit with little
trouble. But they turned their men heartlessly out of
work, and bade them " Go to the great house " (mean-
ing his own) if they wanted a job.
Nothing gave Lord Shaftesbury so much anxiety
as the want of proper cottage accommodation. " Surely
I am the most perplexed of men," he wrote. " I have
passed my life in rating others for allowing rotten
houses and immoral, unhealtlrv dwellings ; and now I
come into an estate rife with abominations ! Why,
there are things here to make one's flesh creep ; and I
have not a farthing to set them rig-ht."
On one thing he was firmly resolved, namely, that
he would not spend any money upon his own house
until he had effected some improvement in the cottages,
nor until he had cared for the village House of God,
which had suffered sadly from neglect.
Meantime, he was harassed by correspondents who
assumed that he was rich, and who " wrote in all
the fervour of meritorious need as to one blessed by
God with abundant wealth." It was painful to him
to say "No': to their appeals; it was impossible that
he could explain that fresh liabilities were arising on all
sides, absorbing every farthing yielded by the estates,
and that expenses innumerable, taxes and labour, had to
be met out of borrowed money. There was only one
course open to him, and that was to quit St. Giles's for
the present.
y
370 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XX.
This step was taken towards the close of January in
1852, a little more than six months after his father's
death. But the improvements he had effected during that
time were a pledge and a prophecy of what would yet
be done, as he had opportunity. In that short period, in
addition to the plans he had proposed for cottage accom-
modation, he had appointed a Scripture-reader for Hor-
ton, undertaken a school at Pentridge, projected one at
Hinton Marhel, and one at Woodlands. The parish church
at St. Giles's, he thoroughly restored and redecorated,
and made it " look like a church, and cease to wear
the appearance of an old ball-room." In addition to
these things, he had inaugurated the system of giving
the audit dinners to the tenants at his own house, instead
of at an inn, being convinced that it was "more hos-
pitable and friendly, and an excellent mode of prevent-
ing excess." He had, moreover, planned a series of
rewards for garden-allotments ; a society to encourage
labourers on the estate ; evening classes for young men;
and cricket clubs, for the summer, for all the cottagers,
the matches to be played in the park.
Then came the day when, for the present, he must
leave this new field of activity, and he notes it in his
Diary thus : —
Jan. 27th, 1852.— This day I prepare to leave 'the Saint'* for a
long time, perhaps for ever ! The issue is the Lord's ; ' let Him do,' so
said old Eli, 'as it seemeth Him good ' ! I do love and cherish the
spot, and pray that God will lift up the light of His countenance
upon it, and all its people ! . . .
Notwithstanding the heavy demands made upon his
* Lord Shaftesbury's familiar way of uamiug St. Giles's.
1851.] KOSSUTH. 371
time throughout the period to which we have been
referring, the Diary was not allowed to suffer, and a few
extracts, upon general subjects, may be given here : —
September 19th, 1851. — California has led the way ; Australia
follows — avri sacra fames. What no motive, human or divine,
could effect, springs into life at the display of a few pellets of gold
in the hand of a wanderer. . . . This may be God's chosen way to
force tiie world to fulfil his commandment and ' replenish the earth.'
It brought existence to California.
October 29th. — Windsor Castle. Kossuth, the Hungarian, has
entered Southampton in triumph, proceeded to Winchester in glory,
to the house of ' Lord Andrewes,' the mayor, and is hanging on the
skirts of London, ready for a descent. This vagabond is treated as
though he were the ' Deus Optimus Maximus.' Our Lord would
have but a poor reception compared with his ! Many who attend
him are designing persons, looking either to electioneering purposes
or to revolution ; many, in their simplicity, believe that they are
upholding ' constitutional ' government, and that ' three times three '
for Kossuth means ' three times three ' for Queen, Lords, and Com-
mons ! His address to the people of Marseilles— tierce, democratic,
infidel — should have undeceived them, and certainly Palmerston,
who, we fear, intends to ' receive ' him and his crew.
The action of Lord Palmerston with regard to
Kossuth, whose mission was to engage in a tierce poli-
tical agitation, was not regarded favourably by the
Prime Minister. Had Kossuth come merely to thank
the English Government for what had been done in his
behalf, no objection could have been taken to his being
received by Lord Palmerston, as Foreign Secretary,
for that purpose ; but, seeing that the real object of
his visit was to agitate against Austria and Russia —
sovereigns in alliance with England — the Prime Minister
requested that no official reception of any kind what-
y 2
372 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XX.
ever should be given. At first Lord Palmerston de-
clined to act in accordance with this request ; but a
Cabinet Council having been summoned to consider the
question, he deferred to the opinion of his colleagues.
In the following December, Lord Palmerston retired
from the Ministry, and the Kossuth incident had an
important bearing upon this step.
Popular demonstrations were held in honour of the
Hungarian exile, and were continued until the 28th of
November, when he sailed for America. The Corpora-
tion of London presented him with an address on
his arrival, when the whole route from Eaton Square
to the Guildhall was lined by immense crowds of en-
thusiasts. On the following day he was presented
with an address from " republicans, revolutionists, and
socialists — men, consequently, not attracted towards him
by either the eclat of his title or the renown of his
name." In Birmingham and Manchester, he was wel-
comed by enormous multitudes ; and addresses were
forwarded to him from almost every large town in the
kingdom.
One effect of these demonstrations was to stir up
the revolutionary spirit of the country ; and it was, in
some measure, apropos of this, that Lord Shaftesbury
wrote the following letter to the Prime Minister : —
Lord Shaftesbury to Lord John Russell.
Nov. 15, 1851.
My dear Russell, — Socialist doctrines and principles are far
more rife in the great towns of this country than most people are
aware of. They are found principally among the artisans and
1851.] REFORM.
OiO
skilled workmen, and specially in the metropolis. These parties aim
at a distribution of all the property of those above them, and calcu-
late on measures to prevent, in the future, all accumulations of wealth
in single hands. They do not, I think, look much to physical force ;
they rely chiefly on the extension of the suffrage. These are the
facts ; it is not necessary, at this time, to examine the causes.
The land is their first object. All the circumstances of landed
property strike the eye ; and many, who are not disposed to go so
far as the Socialist party, urge them on to this extent, because they
know that a revolution in the tenure, or descent, of landed property
must speedily extinguish the House of Lords.
If an extension of the suffrage be inevitable, and an extension,
too, by lowering the present qualification, surely it would be both
just, and a means of security, to extend it also in another direction,
so as to give many persons of position and property rights and privi-
leges they have not possessed before.
There can be no reason why the suffrage should be limited, in
these days, to the occupation of a house, or the tenure of a piece of
ground. Moneyed persons, fundholders, annuitants, &c, have just as
deep an interest in the welfare of the country as all the other classes,
and yet many of them are shut out.
Property and order would be greatly strengthened, and a counter-
poise found to the lowered suffrage, by admitting to the right of
voting all lawyers in virtue of their chambers ; all annuitants at or
above £50 — so that their annuities be for life ; all holders of mort-
gages : every holder in the funds, and many such.
The fundholder has an especial right, for he is the object of
special attack ; and this, too, would give a large number, for the
great proportion are holders of from £5 to £10 annually. The
holder should have a vote for the place where he resides, inasmuch
as the funds, being the result of general taxation, must be considered
as arising from all parts of the country, and from all sources.
There are three propositions of special danger : the ballot, electoral
districts, and shortening the duration of parliaments. I know not
how the country could stand the whole of them.
The number of persons desirous of ' Reform ' is much less than it
was in 1 830, but then the number of persons, idle or indifferent as to
opposition to it, is far greater. The resistance, such as it is, is not
grounded, as before, on an attachment to the old forms of the Con-
374 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XX.
stitution, and the preservation, in all their integrity, of the three
Estates ; it rests mainly on fears of peril to property ; very many
people would now acquiesce at once in any form of government which
promised them the greatest amount, and the longest period, of personal
enjoyment.
This country could endure something approximating to Universal
Suffrage much better than it could any one of the three propositions
stated above. Universal Suffrage is formidable, not more from the
numbers who vote, than from the numbers who do not. If every
one holding the suffrage were sure to exercise it, there would
be some hope of safety ; but the operation of it is to keep off
the quiet and orderly, and surrender the field to the agitating and
noisy.
One reform is indispensably necessary, and that reform one for
which we do not require the intervention of the House of Commons ;
I mean a reform of the system of business in the House of Lords.
Clearly, unless something be speedily clone, the House of Lords will,
by losing all effective share in the legislation, lose all the esteem and
support of the country. The fault, no doubt, is partly their own, but
it is, in far greater part, the fault of successive Governments, who
have not proposed to the House of Commons sufficient relaxations of
nonsensical etiquette in matters of money, and who, instead of intro-
ducing many important measures in the Upper House, crowd them
iu a body on the Peers for hasty and inconsiderate enactment at the
close of a Session.
Some Ministers, I know, will reply that ' an active House of
Lords is a great evil.' Well, but surely, no House of Lords at all
(and such will soon be the alternative) is a ' greater evil.' This
remark, too, is founded on an experience of the House of Lords in
former days— the present days exhibit the House in a very different
light ; it retains great powers, if stirred up and rightly directed, for
social improvement, but, though it stands well in the affections of the
country, it has lost all power for political action on the rise and fall
of Administrations.
I have sent a few notes by a friend of mine — pray look at them
attentively, and then send them back to me.
You have a fearful business before you. At one time I am
inclined to say with Hannibal ' agnosco for 'tuna m Carthaginis /' at
another, to quote from Scripture, ' Keturn unto Me and I will return
1851.] FRIENDS. 375
unto you.' We have shown the dawnings of a return ; God grant
that they may issue in the perfect day !
I wish vou well,
Yours truly,
Shaftesbury.
To this Lord John Russell sent, as was his wont, a
brief reply : —
Lord John Russell to Lord Shaftesbury.
Pembroke Lodge, Nov. 22, 1851.
My dear Shaftesbury, — Many thanks for your letter on Reform,
in which, generally speaking, I agree. Your correspondent goes
further than I should be prepared to do in the way of disfranchise-
ment. ... I send you in return the sketch of a letter I propose to
write to the Archbishop of Canterbury. Pray let me know whether
you find any mistakes in it.
Yours truly,
J. Russell.
There was probably no man whose circle of friends
and acquaintances was wider than Lord Shaftesbury's,
and certainly none whose circle included greater variety
in social position, influence, and attainment than his.
He was intimate with his fellow Peers and the highest
in the land ; he was intimate with the humblest and
lowliest of working men. It made no difference to him
what a man was in the eye of society or of the world, if
he saw in him one who possessed those qualities upon
which true friendships alone can rest. He esteemed a man
first for what he was in himself, and next, for what
he was doing for the world to make it brighter and
happier and holier. Hence it was that among those
376 TEE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XX.
he loved and " delighted to honour " were men who
were engaged in every branch of Christian work, by
whom he felt proud to be known as a "fellow-labourer."
Among these was Thomas Wright, the prison
philanthropist. How it came to pass that the acquaint-
anceship, which ripened into friendship, began, was told
by Lord Shaftesbury to a gathering of young men, when
warning them against false pride and exhorting them
not to be ashamed of their trades. He said : —
Many of you must have heard of a remarkable man of the name
of Thomas Wright of Manchester. He visited prisons. He was
en^a^ed all day long in a small establishment acting as foreman,
covered with oil and grease and everything else. The first time I
ever saw Thomas Wright was at Manchester. I was staying with
my friend, the great engineer, Mr. Fairbairn. He said to me : ' You
have heard of Thomas Wright ; would you like to meet him 1 ' I said
' Of course I should, beyond anything.' ' Well, then, we shall have
him to dinner.' So we asked him to dinner ; we three together. In
came Thomas Wright, and had I not known who he was, I should
have said he was the most venerable doctor of divinity I ever looked
upon. His hair was white ; his expression was fascinating ; he was
dressed in black. We passed the evening and then we went to
church. Two or three days afterwards, we said we would go and see
Thomas Wright. We knocked at the office door, and a man, in a
paper cap and an apron and covered with grease, opened it. I passed
in and 1 said. ' I want to see Thomas Wright.' ' I dare say you do,'
he said, ' here I am.' Then I said, ' Bless you, my good fellow ;
never was I so impressed in my life before, as I am now with the
true dignity of labour.' There was that man, covered with grease
and wearing his paper cap. When his work was over, he doffed his
cap, washed his face, put on his black clothes and away he went to
prison, to carry life and light and the Gospel of Christ to many
broken and anxious hearts.*
• Speech before Y. M. C. A., Glasgow, Oct., 1877.
1851.] UNIVERSAL SUFFRAGE. 377
The same interview is thus noted in the Diary: —
Nov. 24. — Manchester. Yesterday that good man Wright, of
Chorlton-on-Medlock, the visitor and comforter of prisoners in every
jail to which he has access, dined with us alone, and we had some
excellent talk. This man is a marvel. He is a workman at wages.
His white hair, decent dress, and noble, affectionate countenance,
give him the air of a primitive bishop. What a standard for the
great of this eai'th to measure themselves by !
Some of the entries towards the close of the year are
as follows : —
Dec. 4th. — Oxford. Yesterday the world was startled by a new
French Revolution. Louis Napoleon, stating that he was only acting in
self-defence, that he was oidy executing against his enemies what
they had planned against him, indulged in a coup d'etat. He dis-
solved the Assembly (no such power by law), arrested the Deputies
and all the Military Chiefs, proclaimed universal suffrage, suggested a
new Constitution, with two Chambers instead of one (a lesson to our
reformers), and appealed to the sovereignty of the people !
Here is a fact, so sudden and so extensive that it defies immediate
reflection. He is acting clearly on the precedent of his uncle in 1804 ;
but Napoleon had the prestige of a great conqueror ; and the nation had
hopes that he would still be a great conqueror, and so all acquiesced.
Dec. 8th. — The Saint. I protest against universal suffrage on
many grounds ; on none more than this, that it has never been found
consistent with general freedom. Wherever it has prevailed, it has
established the freedom, nay, licence, of the majority ; and the
restraint, nay, thraldom, of the minority. Was social, civil, and
religious liberty of the whole, known in the ancient Republic of
Greece 1 Does not De Tocqueville show the tyranny of the people in
the United States % Has universal suffrage emancipated four mil-
lions of negroes 1 Has it secured in France political independence
and social peace 1
Christmas Day. — Day sadly distracted by intelligence of yester-
day. Palmerston has quitted office and Granville is appointed in his
place. Palmerston, with all his faults, was an English Minister, a
man who desired civil and religious liberty for others as for himself.
378 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XX.
Parliament was opened on the 3rd of February
following, when Lord John Russell explained the circum-
stances connected with the resignation of the Foreign
Office by Lord Palmerston, to which we have already
alluded, and the ex-Secretary defended his action in a
vigorous speech. Into the merits of the misunderstand-
ing it is not necessary that we should enter.
Events in France were causing considerable uneasi-
ness at this time, not in England only, but throughout
the Continent, and, in view of the unsettled state of
Europe, the country was thrown into agitation with
regard to the inadequacy of the national defences, and
the Government resolved to bring before Parliament a
scheme for the re-establishment of the militia. On the
lGthof February Lord John Russell explained the scope
and purpose of the Bill, and on the 26th, while it was
yet in a preliminary stage, the Government was defeated,
as shown in the following entry. Lord Derby,* the
recognised leader of the Tory party, was called upon to
form a Government : —
Feb. 20th. — Quarter-past eleven at night. Just heard that
Government is out ; beaten by a small majority on an amendment
moved by Palmerston, to convert the ' local ' into a ' general ' militia.
It is strange to me to be shut out of the medley. The House
of Lords is a sad place for news of the events ; get all at second-
hand, and dealt out sparingly. Many things now occur, as old
Latimer says, ' to cut off my comb.' Palmerston had fallen : eveiw-
one had deserted him ; he was left alone. He gains a victory over
the Minister who announces his resignation. Palmerston's house (I
am just come from it, half-past eleven at night) is overwhelmed with
company ; one would think that he had saved an empire, or that he
was mounting a throne !
* Lord Stanley succeeded to the title iii June, 1851.
1852.] ROUTINE WORK. 379
A wonderful Nemesis ! Jolm kicks out Palmerston and Pal-
merston, alter a short interval, kicks out him. He rejoices, they say,
in the result, though he was furious and humbled at the mode,
because he feared both the Caffre Debate and the Reform Bill !
Feb. 28th. — Called on Derby, and, afterwards, on Walpole, to
urge them, as they valued the peace of the country, to a specific and
open declaration, immediately on the meeting of the Houses, of their
intention to ask no more than the necessary votes, and then forth-
with to 'dissolve' and appeal to the electors for a final decision
whether they will, or will not, accept in any form, or for any pur-
pose, a duty on the importation of food.
'I have not a majority,' said Derby; 'but I have sufficient
strength to withstand a factious opposition.' ' No,' I replied, ' I do
not think you have ; a Minister may defy both Houses, if he have
the country on his side, but, be assured, the country is against you ;
altogether against you, I believe, on Protection ; but most certainly
on the obligation you lie under to tell them what you mean ! ' He
was very civil and thanked me. Walpole the same, and he added,
in confidence, that he had urged, again and again, this very counsel.
The new Ministerial arrangements were completed
by the 27th of February. The Chancellorship of the
Exchequer was offered to Lord Palmerston, who de-
clined to serve under Lord Derby ; whereupon the office
was accepted by Mr. Disraeli, to whom was assigned the
Leadership of the House of Commons.
During the early part of this year, Lord Shaftesbury
was unusually harassed by " letters, interviews, chairs,
boards, speeches." " I am worn, worn, worn by them
all," he says, " surrendering all amusements and society,
giving all the day and half of almost every night to
business and meetings, and all this in the face of weak
health and tottering nerves."
In the midst of this work the time had come for
him to leave his town -house in Brook Street and to
380 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XX.
take up his residence in the old family house in Gros-
venor Square : —
Feb. 6th. — This is the last evening I shall ever spend in this
house ; it is sold, and I must leave it to-morrow. I cannot leave it
without regret. I have passed here many happy and useful hours,
praised be God ; certainly more happy, and probably more useful,
than I shall ever pass again. I have here prepared for nearly all my
public labours, in study, thought, and prayer ; I am now in the vale
of years, and, henceforward, shall feed on recollections. We had
outgrown the dwelling, it had become too strait for us.
No fresh accession of labour ever tempted him to set
aside the duties to which he had pledged himself. The
" Exhibition year " had given an impetus to Ragged
School work, and every fresh development of that heart-
stirring movement brought a corresponding increase of
toil to him. The difficulties in connection with the
Board of Health had multiplied, and, as we shall see
later on, were bringing the existence of that Board to
a close. The May Meetings of this year laid heavier
demands than ever upon Lord Shaftesbury, every
Society being eager to secure the presence of the
" new Earl " amongst them. It was due to his
marvellous art of economising time that he was
able to meet his engagements. The Lunacy Commis-
sion alone, it would have seemed, might have been
sufficient to have occupied all his leisure, for he con-
ducted his duties as Chief Commissioner with a care and
scrupulosity that are as admirable as they are unusual.
It was his rule, after visiting cases of special importance,
to record the circumstances as an aid to his memory,
and the thorough manner in which this was done may
1852.]
A LUNACY CASE. 381
be illustrated by the following memorandum, written in
the early part of this year.
Notes. Visit to at Hayes Park.
On Saturday, 10th January, 18-52, called to see a Hayes
Park.
House vastly superior, in site and accommodation and furniture,
to most asylums.
Accompanied by Mr. Gordon and Mr. Gaskell.
Had an hour's conversation with ; found him intelligent
and collected, very ready to converse, and skilful in fencing with
words and phrases. He admitted his former impressions that the
Queen had exhibited towards him particular attention, but hesitated
to explain the nature and mode of her attention. He declared that
the belief he entertained of her having an attachment to him was a
delusion ; but the attentions he persisted in, and said that they were
remarked by others as well as by himself. He admitted also that he
had frequently written to her Majesty. He reiterated his assertion
that his confinement was the work of the Government and Lord
Fitzroy Somerset.
I pressed him on the contents of his letter to myself, in which he
used the remarkable phrase, that he assaulted Dr. Mollen under the
' impunity ' that belongs to one detained in a lunatic asylum. He
stoutly and ingeniously maintained his proposition, asserting that he
had assaulted, and would again assault, Dr. Mollen or any others,
Lord F. S. included, who had ' offended ' against him in this respect,
of a charge of insanity ; that the law could not touch him, for, as a
certified lunatic, he was irresponsible ; but that the case would be
different were he pronounced sane and at liberty, because then he
should become a responsible person and subject to the laws. I
urged that, though there might not be a legal responsibility while he
was confined, yet that, as he could distinguish right from wrong,
there was a moral responsibility to the Law of God. ' Of that,' he
replied, ' I do not pretend to know much, but what I do know is in
my favour ; I consider myself morally justified before God in assault-
in^ Dr. Mullen, and all who, like him, offend against me in this
respect.'
382 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XX.
We then urged on him the necessity of caution, both in his
language and action on this subject, telling him it greatly injured his
chances of liberation, as most people would be seriously alarmed by
such avowals, and hesitate to believe, though they might form
erroneous conclusions, that anyone who so reasoned and acted, could
safely enjoy freedom. Nothing could shake his opinion here ; he
declared that he would do no such thing, and that every one who
heard him must concur with his views and feelings.
We entreated him to consult a friend, and abide by his advice ;
he declined to do so. Of his father he spoke with an^er, but without
violence ; he wished, he said, to appeal to the Law, and, after the
decision of the Law, he would shake hands with his father.
It is a most perplexing and painful case. We had no doubt of
the first part of the proposition in the certihcate, that ' he is of
unsound mind,' but we must deliberate on the second, 'and a proper
person to be confined.' Few things can be more distressing than to
see this intelligent man, still in the prime of life, who has passed ten
years in an asylum, and seems likely to pass many more. Were his
monomania on any less exciting subject-matter than the person of the
Queen, my opinion would incline to let him out ; but this is no
ordinary influence, this tendency to concentrate every morbid thought
and feeling on the Sovereign ; and a monomania that, in common
cases might be harmless, becomes extremely dangerous when directed
against, or upon, the first person in the Realm.
By June, the burden of overwork and over-anxiety
had become so heavily oppressive, that we find this
significant entry : —
June 19th. — Dr. Ferguson orders me to Ems to drink the waters.
It was some time before repose came, even at Ems.
His mind was full of Ragged School work, to which a
great impetus had been given at the anniversary meet-
ing in May, when Exeter Hall had overflowed and two
or three thousand persons had been sent away. It
grieved him, however, that contributions should fall so
1852.] ESSAYS. 383
far short of enthusiasm. Moreover, he had conceived
the idea that many of the teachers, though equally active
in the schools, were less so out of them, and to meet this
difficulty he had, just before leaving England, appointed
a City Missionary exclusively to the ragged children " to
perambulate the town, dive into dens, alleys, recesses,
seek out the forgotten, oppressed, destitute, and ' compel
them to come in.' "
July 15th. — Accounts from London of intense and intolerable
heat ; there, as in Paris, many deaths from coup de sole'd ! I shrink
with horror when I think of the sufferings of the poor people in their
crowded rooms, alleys, courts ; it blunts the edge of my satisfaction
here ; it stands, in truth, between me and my ' cure.' We are told
to talk of nothing, think of nothing that agitates ; I cannot obey the
doctor — as I lie panting under the influence of the sun, surrounded
by clear air and fresh smells, I reflect with pain, and shame, and
grief, on the condition of others who, under a sun equally powerful,
are tortured by foul gas, exhalations — human, vegetable, putrescent —
without, perhaps, a drink of wholesome water to assuage their thirst.
My only comfort is, and it is but a slight one, that I have protested
and laboured for years on their behalf.
It was a favourite recreation of Lord Shaftesbury in
vacation time to write in his Diary what may almost be
termed " essays ': on the thoughts that arose within
him. Thus, while at Ems, we find the following : —
July 20th. — Humanly speaking, and on human grounds, what
countries in the world seem to enjoy the best and fairest prospects of
greatness, security, and wealth 1 I should reply, France and the United
States of America. The United States are a young country; and, so fat
as analogy is good, have all the hopes and prospects of healthy and
vigorous youth. They contain within themselves everything, how-
ever various, that nature bestows, and in abundance inexhaustible.
In art and science they are equal to the best ; in energy of character,
384 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XX.
almost superior. They have nothing to fear but from internal dis-
sensions ; they are beyond the power of foreign aggression. Their
territory is nearly boundless, and so close as to furnish a ready
safety-valve to all their discontented spirits ; every year adds enor-
mously to their numbers and resources, and wealth seems to grow
like the grass of the field. Their Government is essentially re-
publican ; and there is actually nothing left to contend for in the way
of more liberal institutions. They may, and will, have party strifes
and struggles for the possession of place and power ; but what social
question remains ? There is no Church to be invaded ; no aristocracy
to be pulled down ; no king to be replaced by a president ; efforts
at organic changes would seem to be impossible, nor will the bane
of Europe, the Socialistic principle, become, for many generations at
least, a continuous and concentrated question.
'Slavery' will be a thorn in their side; but its utmost conse-
quence would be a disruption of the Union, and the formation of two
mighty and independent States ; the North more powerful than the
South. Then, probably, changes may begin ; and, as Monarchy
fades into Republics, so Republics rise into Monarchies.
July 22nd. — France presents a spectacle such as the world never
saw before. Ransack history and say whether, in any age, there has
existed a nation, living within a ring-fence of high civilisation,
advanced science, of military spirit and prowess, almost unrivalled,
and numbering more than six and thirty millions, all speaking the
same language, and, with the exception of a small fraction, all pro-
fessing the same religion. She rests on two seas to the north and to
the south, and possesses every requisite of a great maritime power ;
her surface is extensive, and her soil rich, producing, in wine espe-
cially, many things that other nations demand. She, like the U nited
States, can fear little or nothing from foreign aggression ; she is more
than a match for any two of the Continental kingdoms ; and, in the
way of defence, perhaps, a match for them all. But her means of
attack are very great ; and both her past history and her present
vigour impress a terror on every Government around her !
Such enormous resources will extricate her speedily from financial
difficulty; and, indeed, Mr. Bates (of the great firm of Baring and
Co.) told me the other day that he had more hopeful views of French
finance than of any other country on earth. She, too, like the
United States, has little left to destroy. Her Church is despoiled,
1852.] JOHN MILTON. 385
the Crown is taken away, the landed aristocracy are no more ;
nobility is forbidden and equalit}r instituted. Further organic change
seems impossible ; a despotism, it is true, temporarily exists, which,
while it lasts, is doing that form of good which liberty, I fear, will
never effect; and, when it is overthrown, will leave the nation to its
commonwealth airain.
Her plague is that of Socialism, deep, rancorous, and wide-
spread ; the national character, nevertheless, counteracts it in some
measure, and the personal interests of the community effect the
remainder. Property in France will be stoutly and immediately
defended. The attack must be specially and directly on that, since
nothing else is left ; and as those who are assailed feel that they are
fighting for money, not for institutions ; for fact, not for principle ;
for themselves alone, and not for other classes also, in the first
instance, they will resist with a degree of alacrity and vigour that no
other motive could infuse.
Another recreation in which Lord Shaftesbury in-
dulged at Ems was one which \vras almost always denied
him in England — the leisurely perusal of books.
August 15th. — Reading Birks on Daniel, clear, satisfactory, com-
fortable. The mysterious resources of China, the progressive might
of the United States, will neither hasten nor retard the final develop-
ment of man's destiny on earth ! God's ' tender mercies are over all
His works ; ' but prophecy is busy with those empires only that affect
His ancient people, and, therein, the issue of the Elect Church, elect
from 'all kindreds and tongues and people.'
August 23rd. — Dover. During my vacation have read Milton
again. Well did Dryden say that ' the force of Nature could no
further go.' The older I grow and the more experience I obtain, the
deeper is my wonder at his mighty and overwhelming genius. How
is it that no one before him chose such a subject 1 How is it that
no one since has exhibited even the semblance of approximation
to his power of handling such a subject 1 I cannot but believe that
God, in His goodness, inspired the man — not as He inspired Isaiah
and Joel, to foretell future events in strains of majestic grandeur, but
to show, for the comfort and instruction of our race, that man's
mouth and man's understanding are His own divine workmanship.
Z
336 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XX.
Soon after his return from Ems, Lord Shaftesbury
received the painful intelligence that the Duke of
Wellington, the friend of his early manhood, who
had seen in him high principles and large capabili-
ties, and had sought his friendship and his aid, was
numbered with the dead. On the 14th of September,
at Walmer Castle, the old hero breathed his last.
September 16th. — The death of the Great Duke is an 'event.'
"Will the world present other opportunities for other such heroes 1
Such a life is hardly on record ; everything, nearly, went well with
him, and he 'died full of riches and honour.' His dominant feeling
was a sense of duty to the Crown and to the country ; it was para-
mount to everything else. And now begins the ordinary scramble ;
he held many appointments, and many of his survivors will covet,
and some will deserve, them.
There were rumours that the Chancellorship of
Oxford, vacant by the death of the Duke of Wellington,
would be offered to Lord Shaftesbury. The following
entry refers to this : —
September 24th. — For myself it would add a burthen of duty to
the many burthens I have already ; it would necessarily call me off
from many I have undertaken, and have hardly time and strength to
discharge. Now, is there one that I would surrender for this
honour 1 Not one. It is an honour I do not covet, a duty I do not
like — an unprofitable field, a comfortless dignity. I hate all the cir-
cumstances of it. Let those who are ambitious of it obtain and
enjoy the post; there will be candidates enough. I had rather, by
God's blessing and guidance, retain those places for which there are
no candidates — the chairs of .the Ragged Union, the Colonial Dor-
mitory, the Field Lane Refuge. . . . This is clearly my province. I
am called to this, and not to any political or social honours. I am
now fifty -two years of age ; I have laboured almost incessantly for
four-and-twenty years, and I have never received an honour, or
1852.] BUST TO BUST. 387
notice of any sort or kind, great or small, from the Crown, the
Minister, or the public, except the citizenship of the small borough
of Tain, in Scotland.
September 27th. —The Duke of Wellington's leavings are hastily
snatched up. One only has been well bestowed : * Lord Hardinge is
the Commander- in-Chief, and Fitzroy Somerset t (' quo non prtestan-
tior ') succeeds him at the Ordnance.
Lord Shaftesbury's ideas of burial were very pro-
nounced. Any glorification of tbe body from which
the spirit had fled was repugnant to him. He had
no sympathy with the passion of some who would
seek to battle with nature, and resist, or attempt
to resist, the decree, " Dust thou art, and unto dust
shalt thou return." He disliked the gross, material
idea of burial, as unpoetical, unscriptural, and the result
of materialism in theology ; he looked upon the corpses
of the departed as no more than relinquished garments
of living men and women, "temples of Grod, in which
divine service is over and finished, the chanting hushed,
the aisles deserted." This was no new idea of his. It
was, like most that entered into matters of practical
importance, fixed and rooted. We have heard him ex-
press the same sentiment in his journals of early con-
tinental travels ; we shall hear him re-echo those words
with even greater force in the last year of his life, wheu
supporting the efforts of the Cremation Society.
* "When this was written, Lord Shaftesbury was not aware that
the Wardeuship of the Cinque Ports had been given to the Marquis
of Dalhousie (then Governor-General of India), who held it until his
death.
f Afterwards Lord Raglan.
388 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XX.
November 18th. — Last night at half-past eight to 'lying in
state!' What a monstrous misuse of splendour ! here is the infimy,
or the infamy, of our nature. ' Dust to dust, ashes to ashes : ' here
is the decree of God ! Order upon order, gold upon gold, troop upon
troop : here is the decree of man ! The decrees seem to be in col-
lision. It was fine, very fine, but hardly impressive ; signs of mor-
tality, but none of resurrection ; much of a great man in his genera-
tion, but nothing of a great spirit in another ; not a trace of religion,
not a shadow of eternity. They would have made far other display
in Romish countries : the cross, a band of chanting monks, priests
with censers — a false religion, it is true, but nevertheless something
that would have shifted the thoughts from a mere grovel on the
earth.
To-day the procession ; saw it well, singularly well, from St.
James's Palace. Day providentially — yes, providentially — fine ; it
spared, I doubt not (and let us thank God), many a sickness and
many an accident. Stupendously grand in troops and music. It was
solemn, and even touching ; but it was a show, an eye-tickler to 999
out of every thousand — a mere amusement. The Duke himself
svould have permitted it, in a sense of duty ; he never would have
desired such a thing.
The Protestantism of five-and-thirty years ago was
much more easily stimulated to enthusiasm than it is
now, and the story of the interest and excitement
aroused by the persecution of the Madiai in 1852 reads
like a chapter out of some old-world history.
In the City of Florence there dwelt two small shop-
keepers, Francesco and Eosa Madiai. They were simple
folk, neither wealthy, great, nor powerful, but they
were sincere. Under the influence of Protestant teach-
in o\ they were led to regard the Church of Rome,
in which they had been reared, as in error, and, as
they could not conscientiously remain in it, they deter-
mined to come out and be separate. The Scriotures
1852.] PERSECUTION OF THE MADIAI. 389
became their delight, and, although warned that to
read them in their own house, and to seek to propagate
them, or to spread the doctrines of Protestantism,
would be to act in hostility to the religion of the State,
they felt it was their duty to persevere and bear the
consequences — "they could not but speak the things
which they had seen and heard."
They were, in consequence, subjected to severe per-
secution. But this could not turn them from their
purpose ; the spirit of the old martyrs possessed them ;
they would not obey man rather than God. The
matter was then referred to the Grand Duke of
Tuscany, who condemned them to five years' imprison-
ment with hard labour in the galleys.
When this sentence became known, it produced
throughout Protestant Europe a sudden and simulta-
neous indignation. In England, by common consent, Lord
Shaftesbury was looked to as the leader of the move-
ment to obtain a reversal of the cruel and tyrannical
sentence. One of his first steps was to lay the case
before the Prince Consort, and acquaint him with the
actual state of public feeling upon the subject.
To this letter the Prince replied : —
H.R.H. the Prince Consort to Lord Shaftesbury.
Balmoral, September 2ith, 1852.
My dear Lord Shaftesbury, — Many thanks for your letter
respecting the unfortunate Madiais, which I received this morning.
The cruel case had already attracted the Queen's notice, and I
attempted a personal appeal to the Grand Duke, to which I have
not yet received an answer. I tried particularly to impress him
390 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XX.
(or rather his Confessor, who is the ruling power) that the case will
do irreparable mischief to the Roman Catholic cause in England,
knowing that, for the sake of Christian charity, not a finger will be
moved.
This is the Church which calls us intolerant, merely because Ave
do not choose to be governed by it ! The King of Prussia has
written to the Queen asking her to make joint representations with
him at Florence. Her Majesty has, in her answer sent to-day,
expressed her willingness so to do, and has instructed Lord Malmes-
bury accordingly.
Ever yours truly,
Albert.
It was decided by those who, under the leadership
of Lord Shaftesbury, had so warmly espoused the cause
of the Madiai, that a deputation should go out from
England to intercede with the Grand Duke (the Arch-
bishop of Dublin assuming the lead in Dublin).
The deputation, headed by Lord Eoden, set forth
on their mission on the 23rd of October. On the 26th
Lord Eoden wrote to Lord Shaftesbury, informing him
that he had received a repfy from the Tuscan Minister
of Foreign Affairs, declining to receive a deputation on
the subject of the Madiai. " They are Tuscan sub-
jects," wrote the Minister, " and have been condemned
to five years' imprisonment by the ordinary tribunals,
for propagating Protestantism, which is prescribed by
our laws as an attack upon the religion of the State."
The deputation went forward notwithstanding, and
their return is thus referred to in the Diary : —
Nov. 12th. — Yesterday to Protestant Alliance to receive deputa-
tion on their return from Florence. Let us bless God ; He has
really prospered us. . . . Is it no remarkable sign, nay, proof
1852.] IN SEARCH OF THE MADIAI. 391
of the latter clays, that when two small shopkeepers are persecuted
by the hand of tyranny, for righteousness' sake, all Europe is in
commotion ; deputies start from England, France, Holland, Prussia,
Switzerland ; monarchs interfere with autograph letters, and the
sanctity of principle and truth is maintained in the cause, and in the
persons, of social inferiors ; social, I say, for, God knows, they may
be as ' Hyperion to a Satyr,' compared with grandees 1 It revives
the memory and practice of Apostolic times ; it is the dawn of the
day when the Churches that ' hold the Head ' shall be as one !
Ah, how dear Bickersteth would rejoice in such a daybreak, were
he on earth, but probably he is enjoying now a meridian display
of God's full mercy to this thankless world ! There are hopes, too,
even for Italy ; the populace crowded around the deputation ; at
Lucca, Lord Roden could scarcely prevent their drawing his carriage
in triumph ; at Genoa, the National Guard would have turned out
in military order. This is good ; the people will see that there is a
reality in Protestantism, a spirit of brotherhood, a unity of hearts
under a diversity of forms.
Successful as the deputation had been in stirring
popular feeling, it had failed to obtain any reversal or
mitigation of the sentence on the Madiai, and fresh
steps had to be taken by the Protestants of Europe.
Lord Shaftesbury, early in December, headed a deputa-
tion to Mr. Walpole, to petition the Queen on their
behalf, a petition signed, " strange, but joyous to say,
by one Archbishop (Dublin) and eight Bishops ! ':
In January, 1853, at the urgent request of the Pro-
testant Alliance and many influential persons, Lord
Shaftesbury was on the point of starting off for Florence
"in search of the Madiai." Just when his preparations
were made, he received a letter from the Protestants of
Geneva " urging caution, breathing doubts, quenching
spirits, and imposing wet blankets." But his ardour
392 TEE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XX.
was not damped, and he still purposed to go forward,
when he received private information that at the pre-
sent juncture of affairs he would "complicate the whole
thing, worsen the condition of the Madiai, and do more
harm than good." The journey was therefore postponed.
Meanwhile other and more effective measures were in
progress. Lord John Russell urged upon Sir Henry
Bulwer, Envoy Extraordinary to Tuscany, the necessity
of remonstrating strongly with the Tuscan Government
on the subject. " As this is a matter affecting a Tuscan
subject," he said, "it may be argued that Her Majesty's
Government have no right to interfere. If this means
that interference by force of arms would not be justifi-
able, I confess at once that nothing but the most
extreme case would justify such an interference. But
if it be meant that Her Majesty has not the right
to point out to a friendly sovereign the arguments
which have prevailed in the most civilised nations
aoainst the use of the civil sword to punish reli-
gious opinions, I entirely deny the truth of such an
.allegation."
The Grand-Duke withstood, as long as he was able,
the storm his tyrann}^ had provoked, but eventually he
was obliged to yield, and on the 17th of March the
Madiai were liberated.
An amusing episode of this subject was the re-
ceipt of a letter from an agent of Mr. Barnum — the
American Showman — a letter that greatly tickled the
humour of Lord Shaftesbury, who had a keen relish for
a joke.
1S52.1 THE AMERICAN SHOWMAN. 393
Mr. Bamum's Agent to Lord Shafteslury.
Manchester, March 2bth, 1853.
My Lord, — As I am aware your lordship is always actively
engaged in a holy warfare against the Roman Catholic religion, and
the mainstay of the converts from that faith, I calculate it is highly
probable that Rosa and Francesco Madiai are likely to come under
your Lordship's patronage on their arrival in the old country. As
agent for Mr. Barnum, whose name, I presume, is not unknown to
your lordship, I respectfully beg to be informed whether it is possible
to enter into an engagement for these interesting people to exhibit
themselves in our United States after the London season, as I have
no doubt they would draw fair audiences in our northern States,
where the Protestant feeling runs strong, and we are pretty alive to
proceedings in this country.
Mr. Barnum would act liberally by these good people, and great
good may be done.
I have the honour to be, my lord,
Your lordship's obedient servant,
John Hall Wilton.
Unfortunately there is no record of the reply Lord
Shaftesbury sent to this communication.
In the autumn of 1853 Lord Shaftesbury was in
Geneva, when he wrote in his Diary : —
Sept. 18th. — Geneva. Called with Lady Georgiana Baillie to
see the Madiais. Saw Francesco ; Rosa unwell. As soon, however,
as she had learned my name, and knew that I was President of the
Protestant Alliance, to which, under God, she owed so much, she
came, despite her weakness, which is considerable, to see me at the
hotel. I am delighted with her — her devout, dignified, simple bear-
ing and expression. She is a true confessor in manner and spirit, a
servant of our Lord ' with all her heai't, with all her soul, and with
all her strength.' Francesco, though perhaps inferior in mind,
394 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XX.
is not unworthy of her. May God bless them in time and in
eternity, and raise up many such to ' witness before ' kings, judges,
and dukes !
It rarely happened that any one subject, however
great its interest, was allowed to absorb Lord Shaftes-
bury's attention, and while the case of Madiai was pro-
ceeding, other and wider movements were claiming his aid.
In IS 50, Mrs. Harriet Beecher Stowe wrote her
celebrated tale, " Uncle Tom's Cabin." It was first
published in parts ; on its completion it was reissued
entire, and it then commenced a career almost un-
paralleled in the annals of literature. In the course of
less than a year more than 200,000 copies were sold in the
United States, and this was but a prelude to the still more
astonishing success awaiting it in this country. It ran
like wild-fire through the land, appealing to every class
in cities, towns, and remotest villages, and affecting, as
no other book, perhaps, had ever done, the imagination
of the people.
From extracts already given from his journals, it
will easily be seen how, with his utter detestation of
slavery of every kind, the enormities revealed in this
life-like fiction stirred the heart of Lord Shaftes-
bury. For years he had watched every movement in
America bearing upon this subject ; and latterly the
operation of the Fugitive Slave Law, by which " a
whole nation, blessed by Grod with freedom, wealth, and
the Holy Scriptures, declares it to be impossible to
emancipate a slave, and penal to teach any one of them
the rirst principles of Christianity," had distressed him
1852.] NEGRO SLAVERY. 395
beyond measure. But hitherto he had been unable to
take any important active part against the cruel system.
As a matter of fact, there was at that time no action
that could have been taken. After reading Mrs.
Stowe's book, however, and when public feeling was
stirred to its depths, he felt that it was impossible to
remain quiet.
Nov. 6th. — Long troubled in spirit, and touched to the heart's
core by ' Uncle Tom's Cabin.' Marvellous work ! What a power
of Christian intellect ! What a concentration, so to speak, of natural
simplicity ! One feels, as one reads it, that it is heaven-sent. It
has a destiny. Ah, Lord, grant it, and forgive, at last, the descendants
of Ham.
Determined to draw up an Address from the Women of England
to the Women of America, and try to stir their souls and sympathies.
Did it, and sent it off to the newspapers to-day.
The proposed address was to rouse public opinion,
by an appeal to the great sympathies of mankind,
so much more powerful than laws or statutes ; and
it was hoped that if it were taken up by local com-
mittees, enriched by many signatures, and then trans-
mitted to America, it would not fail to produce a deep
and fruitful impression.
It was a call from the Women of England to their
sisters in America, to consider how far the system of
slavery was in accordance with the Word of Grod, the
inalienable rights of immortal souls, and the pure and
merciful spirit of the Christian religion. One of the
principal paragraphs was as follows : —
We do not shut our eyes to the difficulties — nay, the dangers — -
that might beset the immediate abolition of that lon^-established
396 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap XX.
system ; we see and admit the necessity of preparation for so great
an event ; but, in speaking of indispensable preliminaries, we cannot
be silenG on those laws of your country, which, in direct contra-
vention of God's own law, ' instituted in the time of man's innocency,'
deny in effect, to the slave, the sanctity of marriage, with all its joys,
rights, and obligations ; which separate, at the will of the master,
the wife from the husband, and the children from the parents. Nor
can we be silent on that awful system which, either by statute or by
custom, interdicts to any race of men, or any portion of the human
family, education in the truths of the Gospel and the ordinances of
Christianity.
Henceforward for many years, events in America,
especially as they bore upon the question of slavery,
were noted at considerable length in Lord Shaftesbury's
Diaries.
Nov. 12th. — To the House of Lords to take the oath. What a
mode of administering a sacred office ! What a ' hideous gabble ! '
Is there any — can there be any — value in such a form 1 A little
encouragement to my slavery movement, but very little. Kind
letters from the editor of the Leeds Mercury, and old Sam Rogers,
the poet. It is refreshing to see a man so keen in his humanities at
ninety years of age. . . .
Nov. 18th. — An anti-abolition party has triumphed and has
elected a kindred President in the United States. Thus, humanly
speaking, a new rivet has been added to the bonds of the wretched
slaves, and a new and enlarged licence to debauchery, incest, mutila-
tion, murder ! But is it so 1 May not the extremity of the bondage
be, as in the case of the Israelites, the moment of deliverance 1 Oh,
Lord, hear our prayer, Christ Jesus, hear our prayer, and maintain
Thine own word of mercy, truth, and peace ! Have pity on our
ignorance and infirmity, and make us to understand why it is that
such special and singular horrors, in every form of physical and moral
sin, are thus long permitted.
Nov. 20th. — It is wonderful to contemplate the long-suffering of
God towards the American Republic. Their statute laws are in
direct contradiction of the statute laws (so to speak, the Ten Com-
1852.] AMERICA AND SLAVERY. 397
mandments) of God. Try them in succession, and it will be found
that every decree is set at nought by the United States law. The
' fugitive' slave law was a compromise to maintain the Union at the
expense of mercy, truth, justice, God's gifts and word. The whole
of their domestic policy is governed, more or less, by ' slavery.' It
is the beginning: and the end of their movements. They invade
Mexico to find a market for their breeding farms, seize on Texas, and
re-establish that slavery which Mexico had abolished ! They are
bound together by compacts of murder, rapine, adultery. They say
to three millions of God's immortal creatures, ' Your bodies are
ours for lust, labour, for any amount or quality of suffering
and degradation we choose to inflict, and your souls shall wallow
in utter ignorance of the things of eternity.' And yet they
prosper. Their dominion is mighty, their wealth stupendous ; they
seem to have nothing to fear from man, and every ambition is grati-
fied. They boast of their freedom, their republic, their ' religion ; '
and the public press of England is silent on these things ! What a
mystery is all this ! What is there in former times to match the
present1? What nation before, knew Thy will, read it in Thy Book,
professed to believe it, and then passed laws (the work of the whole
■peojyle, not of a single despot) in flat, insolent contradiction of Thy will
and truth 1 Lord, ' increase our faith,' and speedily have mercy on
Thy oppressed creatures, for Christ's ever dear and precious sake !
Nov. 21st. — Sunday. This United States slavery harasses my
very soul ; I can think of nothing else ; breathe a prayer for them
minute after minute.
Nov. 25th. — Busy, very busy, about my ' Address from the Women
of England to the Women of America ' on negro slavery. Have met
with more sympathy and less ridicule than might have been expected ;
thanks, under God, to ' Uncle Tom's cabin.' My dear and steady
friend, the Duchess of Sutherland, has been most zealous, serviceable,
and high-minded. She has called a meeting of ladies in her house
to form a committee and adopt the memorial.
Nov. 27th. — The Duchess did her part in the best manner. Ah,
Lord, return all into her own bosom, and bless the house, which,
glorious in human trappings, has been consecrated to the cause of
Thy dear Son !
Dec. 7th. — -The letters and articles in the Times are both wicked
and silly, and yet they affect some weak minds. I am summoned,
398 TEE EAUL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XX
people say, to answer them ! Answer them ! How can one answe*
such puerilities ? One says that American slavery is no worse than
the state of the poor in London ; another quotes the needlewomen ;
a third asserts that domestic servants are debased and ground by
tyranny ; a fourth will not hear of any sympathy for the slaves until
the lodgings for soldiers' wives are improved at Chatham. The truth
is, that the thing has touched the consciences of some, who see that it
has reached the hearts of others, and they endeavour to act by
ridicule on that large mass who always prefer wrong to right, earth
to heaven, whatever be the question at issue. This is bad, but it is
better than oblivion. Yet, who will not blush at this exhibition of
worldliness, falsehood, cruelty, and despotism in English society of
the nineteenth century.
Dec. 15th. — Wrote yesterday to Mrs. Beecher Stowe to express
my admiration of her work, and my gratitude to God who had
stimulated her heart to write it.
The death of the Rev. Edward Bickersteth in 1850
had been a severe loss to Lord Shaftesbury. He
looked around and saw no one who could supply his
place ; no one who could give him just the help and
sympathy he needed in the anxieties of his ever-in-
creasing work, no one on whose judgment he could
place implicit reliance. Frequently, in times of great
perplexity, he recorded in his journal (into which he
poured every thought and feeling, every aspiration and
hope, as well as every fear and misgiving) the sense of
this great and growing want — the friendship of one who
should be able to enter into his plans and purposes, and
in whom he could confide in unrestrained measure.
There were many sorrows pressing upon him which few
could understand ; his fellow-labourers did not know
that the sufferings of the poor haunted him night and
day, and grieved him as though they were personal to
1S52.] . FRIENDSHIP WITH BICEERSTETH. 399
himself; few ever realised that the records of slavery,
persecution, and cruelty in the daily papers, and much
more those that came within the scope of his own know-
ledge, would fill him with such burning indignation that
he had difficulty in restraining himself from becoming the
champion of every individual case of oppression. No
one ever knew, until his Diaries were seen, how he chafed
at delay in redressing wrong, how he literally " agonised ':
over the misery and the despair of those whose distresses
were capable of being made endurable, if not altogether
relieved. Nor did he stand in need of such a friend in
the hour of his sorrow, less than in the hour of his joy.
He craved for some one who, himself in the midst of
similar labour, would be able to sympathise with him in
his triumphs and successes, and be a sharer in the joy
of harvest, no less than in the tearful sowing of the seed.
It was this sense of want that made him write, in the
midst of the enthusiasm kindled among Protestants on
behalf of the Madiai , " It is the dawn of the day
when the Churches that ' hold the Head ' shall be as
one. Ah, how dear Bickersteth would rejoice in such
a daybreak were he on earth ! ': It was a cry for the
touch of the vanished hand, and the sound of the voice
that was still ; it was an acknowledgment that there was
no one else who held in his heart the same position his
departed friend had held.
But a friendship was ripening which ere long should
supply the one he had " lost awhile " — that is, as
far as one friendship ever can supply the place of
another.
400 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap XX.
In the prosecution of various good works, in com-
mittees and on platforms, lie had been brought into
contact with Mr. Alexander Haldane, a barrister-at-law
of the Inner Temple, the representative of an ancient
Perthshire family, celebrated in the annals of philan-
thropy and religion, and one of the proprietors of the
Record newspaper — the organ of the Evangelical party.
Mr. Haldane, who was some months older than Lord
Shaftesbury, was an active, energetic man, strong in
body and mind, of great intellectual force and tenacity
of purpose, and full of keen and warm-hearted sympa-
thies. He was lively in temperament, with a strong
sense of humour and an inexhaustible fund of anecdote.
He possessed, as Lord Shaftesbury many years after-
wards recorded, a strong intellect, a cultivated mind,
and wide knowledge, and he devoted them all to the
furtherance of religion and morality, to the honour of
God, and the welfare of the human race.
He was for many years one of the principal
writers for the Record. " At every important crisis,
political and religious, the other proprietors were long
accustomed to look to him to produce the appropriate
leaders," and it was to his labours that the paper owed
much of its influence and value. In public affairs he took
a profound and absorbing interest. Politics at home
and abroad, society, literature, the condition of the
masses, and, especially, the great religious controversies
of the times, were the subjects that chiefly engrossed
his thoughts and inspired his pen.
The first friendly letter from Mr. Haldane to Lord
1852.] MB. ALEXANDER HALBANE. 401
Shaftesbury was written in 1S49, on the occasion of
the death of his son Francis. In 1850-1 there was
frequent correspondence between them, and after that
date, as their intimacy increased, the letters became
unceasing.
In course of time, whenever Lord Shaftesbury was
in town, scarcely a day passed when Mr. Haldane did
not " drop in " to bring the news, to report the progress
of matters in which they were mutually interested, or
to cheer with friendly counsel and intercourse. "When
absent from town there was an almost daily interchange
of letters.*
Mr. Haldane's interest in the political events of
his time brought him much into contact with promi-
nent members of both Houses of Parliament, and for
many years he had been in the habit of being present
on the occasion of any important debate in either
House, f
In the course of this narrative we shall quote at
s'ome length from the correspondence between Lord
Shaftesbury and Mr. Haldane. A letter, written abroad
in this year, on paper illustrated with a view of
Ems, may be quoted in this place, as an example of
the free and open confidence already existing between
them.
* Lord Shaftesbury's letters were invariably preserved by Mr. Haldane,
and some hundreds of them have been kindly placed by his daughters
in the hands of the writer for the purposes of this Biography.
f From the time Lord Ashley became Earl of Shaftesbury Mr. Haldane
was so constant an attendant at the House of Lords, that he acquired a
prescriptive right to a certain place which was always reserved for him.
a a
402 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XX.
Lord Shaftesbury to Mr. Haldane.
Ems, July 27th, 1852.
Dear Mr. Haldane, — At the top of the note is the place where
we drink the watei'S, and into which the Tractarians would, no doubt,
gladly infuse a ' quietus ' for me. My human security, however, is
that I and the Cardinal Archbishop of Cologne drink from the same
spring and at the same time.
I Lave only just received your letter. I have no disposition
to notice the opprobrious fellows ; I care not what they say or
what they do. If they can write me down, I cannot write
myself up ; and of this I feel deeply convinced that if, after so
many years of publicity, I have not character or favour enough
(with the only portion of the world to which I could appeal)
to withstand the attacks of Pusey, Sewell, Carlyle, and Co., my
position is not worth preserving. When I was younger I had some
ambition for myself ; I have now no desire except to possess so much
influence as mav enable me to do good. Should these Sons of
Babylon prevail, it will be because they find a ' predisposition,' as
we said in cholera times, in the public mind to take the impression
against me, and thus my hope of a healthy influence would be beaten
down.
And to tell you the truth, I have had many indications of such
an issue. The public grows weary of its servants ; it is tired of
' humanity,' and dead sick of me ; whether by being out of sight for
a time I shall come forth like an old coat with a new fluff, is a
matter of speculation ; I much fear that they will find me out, and
as the Showman said to Lord Stowell, when he went to see the mer-
maid, ' You have been a customer to me, my Lord, and I'll not take
you in ; it is only the old monkey ! ' — they will say, ' Don't attend
to that speech, or go to that meeting, it's only the old monkey.'
But many thanks for your letter. Pray collect materials ; we
may yet be obliged to fight.
The place, I think, is beginning to do me good. God be praised.
I long, however, to be home again.
Yours,
S.
1852.] REVIVAL OF CONVOCATION. 403
Towards the close of the year, events were ripening
which were to plunge Lord Shaftesbury into a sea of
controversy and ceaseless activity.
It was announced that Lord Derby had advised the
Crown to issue licence to Convocation to resume its
Synodical functions. On the 22nd of October a formal
meeting was held, when it was arranged that Convo-
cation would assemble on the 5th of November, " for
the despatch of divers urgent business."
Oct. 13th. — State now threatened by a revival of 'Convocation.'
Derby, it is said, lias given Jus assent to the scheme, thereby giving,
rightly or wrongly, an impression that a quid pro quo has passed
between him and the University; Convocation in exchange for the
Chancellorship ! But whither are we going 1 If Convocation were
troublesome and dangerous ill 1717, it would be fatal now.
On the 5th of November, the two Houses of Con-
vocation commenced a sitting of one week's duration.
Meanwhile public feeling had been stirred, and was
growing in intensity in many quarters, against the
attempted introduction of auricular confession into the
Church. On the 22nd of September, the Bishop of
Exeter had given judgment in favour of the Rev.
Gr. R Prynne, incumbent of a church near Plymouth,
who, it was alleged, had introduced the practice of
compulsory confession among the girls attending the
Orphan Home in his parish.
At the instigation of the Protestant Defence Com-
mittee, a meeting was announced to take place at the
Freemasons' Hall, to protest against this innovation,
and against the revival of Convocation.
a a 2
404 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XX.
Apropos of this meeting, Lord Shaftesbury received
the following letter from Mr. Grindstone-: —
The Right Hon. W. E. Gladstone to Lord Shaftesbury.
6, Carlton Gardens, Nov. 8th, 1852.
My dear Shaftesbury, — I see it stated in the Record that you
are about to preside at a meeting which is to be held forthwith for
the purpose of deprecating the resumption by Convocation of its
active functions ; and this reminds me to write to you on a kindred
subject.
It grieves me to find that those who are opposing the revival of
the functions of Convocation, propound, in such cases as have met my
eye, no better or other mode either of healing those sores in the
Church of England which grow deeper and angrier year to year, or
of strengthening her organisation so as to enable her in some degree
to discharge her duty as a National Establishment to the masses in
the populous districts. No one knows better than you, how terribly
true it is, that, with great political and immense social power, with
Virge endowments, with a clergy abounding in zeal and by no means
wanting in ability, and with a great number of intelligent and devout
lay members, the Church of England not only falls short in the per-
formance of this work, but, in plain language, with the rarest excep-
tions, is too feeble ever to make a serious attempt at it, and that, in
consequence, these masses, again with individual exceptions only,
have passed wholly beyond the sphere of her habitual influence.
The utmost we can hope from Parliament is, the occasional
adoption of a measure for the repression of some positive abuse, or
for the better husbanding of the pecuniary resources of the Church ;
both of these good, but neither of them going to the root of the evil.
I have the happiness of recollecting that nearly five years ago
when I expressed to you a conviction, on my part of long standing,
that the only hopeful means for the cure of this and of other evils
was, to prepare the way gradually and with circumspection for some
corporate organisation of the Church herself, of which her laity should
constitute an essential part, you, not without an expression of sur-
prise at hearing such an opinion from me, stated very emphatically
your concurrence in it ; and that more than once, when you have
1852.] LETTER FROM MR. GLADSTONE. 405
kindly allowed me again to converse with you, you have repeated
the same sentiments.
I wish, however, to call your attention to what has happened, and
is happening, as respects this important matter.
Being myself convinced that in the practical fulfilment of such
views lies the best, perhaps almost the only, hope for either real or
permanent union in the Church of England and her various branches,
as well as for invigorating her pastoral system, I have striven, as far
as lay in my power, to promote some efforts in that direction ; and,
in particular, calling the notice of Parliament to the exigencies of
the colonial Church, I have proposed to confer on it a qualified en-
franchisement, enacting that over the exercise of its powers in each
diocese, the laity should have a control alike full and independent.
My hope was that here at least there was a ground upon which
might be exhibited for once, something like co-operation among
Churchmen ; my fear Avas that from the jealousy of those who are
favourers of clerical power, if from any quarter, would arise (and
this, I must add, has to some extent occurred in Scotland), the risk,
and the only risk, of failure. ■
From those persons, however, in the House of Commons who J
might have hoped would share your impressions, I have up to this
time met with nothing but either discouragement or absolute and
strenuous opposition.
Reverting to this, and now again perceiving that the movement
against Convocation is assuming the unhealthful form of a movement
in favour of the status quo as to Church organisation in England, I
make an earnest appeal to you.
I do not ask you to bate your opposition to what are called
clerical Parliaments ; I am no admirer of them. In Scotland, where
we have one, I have done my best to promote the kind of change we
agree in wishing for. What I do ask of you is, not to lend your name,
abilities, and influence to any course which really means acquiescence
in the present paralysis of our system — a blind policy, which would
simply aggravate the wounds and scandals of the Church of England,
and place beyond all hope of remedy the utter feebleness and insuffi-
ciency that now mark her ordinary contact with those dense masses
of human souls for whom she has to render an account.
I do not willingly thus trespass on your indulgence ; but the
future is overcast, and no one would knowingly forego an effort which
406 THE EABL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XX.
he thought might, under God, even if ever so little, mitigate its
dangers or brighten its hopes. Much, I believe, now depends upon
you.
I remain, very sincerely yours,
W. E. Gladstone.
The meeting at Freemasons' Hall was held on the
1 5th of November. It was explained that its object was
not so much to deliberate upon some positive course of
action, as to take counsel and give mutual instruction
and encouragement. Recent proceedings within the
Church, developed more especially at Brighton and Ply-
mouth, had made it necessary that resistance to the
innovations should be made ; and as the matter could not
be dealt with in the Ecclesiastical Courts or the Criminal
Courts, the promoters of the meeting had appealed to
the Primate, the Archbishop of Canterbury, to see how
far his power would extend in putting a prohibition on
the progress of these practices. He had replied that
there was nothing left but to appeal to public opinion ;
and hence the meeting.
Lord Shaftesbury, in opening the business of the
meeting, said : —
We have been somewhat criticised for bringing into juxtaposition
Convocation and Confession. Now, it appears to me that they
are so much akin, and so necessarily inseparable, that I should just
as soon think of separating, in Guildhall, Gog and Magog as sepa-
rating these two things. The Convocation, and I am speaking of the
Convocation as extinguished in the year 1717, animated by the worst
sentiments and views of priestly despotism and priestly ambition,
would naturally, necessarily, and, to use a modern phrase, ' nor-
mally ' resort to the Confessional as the best and most effective engine
of priestly domination. We are not here to denounce every form of
1852.] MINISTERIAL CRISIS. 407
Church synod or ecclesiastical assembly. We are not here to deny the
expediency, or, if you will, even the right, of the Church to have some
power and form of self-regulation. But we are here to denounce the
revival of the Convocation that was justly extinguished in the last
century. We are here to deny to that Convocation, if called to-
gether, the right or the power of suggesting the plan and the limits
of its own reformation ; and we are here to say that we will not
submit to any clerical Parliament that will make the laity of this
Church and of these realms mere ' hewers of wood and drawers of
water ' to a select knot of sacerdotal dignitaries. A form of Church
government upon a reasonable and moderate basis, in which the laity
of the Church will have not only a great, but a dominant, share, is
well worthy of consideration ; but as for the other Convocation, that
was extinguished in 1717. I can only express the hope that, should
there be any attempted revival thereof, her most gracious Majesty
will follow the example of her illustrious predecessor, and, to use the
language of that great historian, Hallam, will ' sprinkle a little dust
on the angry insects.'
The remainder of the speecli related entirely to the
Confessional, a subject to which we shall revert later on.
On the 3rd of December Mr. Disraeli introduced his
Budget, in a remarkably effective speech of four hours'
and a quarter duration. The Budget was unfavourably
received by the Tree Trade party ; the debate extended
over four nights, and on the 16th of December, the
result of the vote placed the Ministry in a minority
of 19, in a House of 591 members. Lord Derby
immediately thereupon tendered to the Queen his
resignation.
It was while Lord Shaftesbury was on the Con-
tinent, " combining business with pleasure," that the
Ministerial crisis arose.
December 17th. — Half-past six. Paris. It is strange to me
to be absent from ' a crisis ;' but were I present, what could I
408 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XX.
do 1 My professed principles and public course have shut me out
from the power of serving the Crown in office, and, in fact, from the
wish of any one, in either House of Parliament, to see me there.
Derby ought not to resign ; and, indeed, no Minister ought,
henceforward, to resign on any single defeat. Repeated and rapid
changes are becoming very hazardous ; and as the House of Commons
has undertaken to beat every Minister two or three times every
Session, and then again support him with little or no principle, the
Minister must refuse to retire, except before the real, unmistakable
sense of the country. But all this verges on democracy.
December 29th. — Nice. Jocelyn arrived last night. Aberdeen,
Prime Minister ; Lord J. Russell, Minister for Foreign Affairs.
Is it possible that this arrangement should prosper 1 Can the Liberal
policy of Lord J. square with the restrictive policy of Lord Aber-
deen 1 Supposing that they are true to their principles, how will
they agree when Italy calls for sympathy against Austria? John,
if he have a spark of honesty, will stand for Sardinia ; Aberdeen, if
lie have an atom of consistency, will stand for Austria. I wish them
joy, and a safe deliverance.
Graham, Newcastle, Gladstone, are again installed in power with
much eclat and high commendation. I am like a stranded sea-weed
when I find my adversaries in office and myself in disrepute. But,
possibly, ' more are they that be with us than those that be with
them.'
Did not love Derby's Government, and yet my few hopes were
in their stability. Seven years of experience have shown the amend-
ments necessary to complete my Laws of Lunacy. The Chancellor
has undertaken to present and carry our amended Bills as an article
of administration. He is fallen, and with him my hopes ' de re
lunatica.'
December 30th. — Palmerston has accepted place under Aber-
deen as Premier, and subject to John Russell's leadership as
Secretary for Foreign Affairs. . . . His mortification will, I fear, be
great almost daily. I regret it for his sake ; I am fond of him ; he
is kinclhearted and friendly ; he is getting on in life, and I could
have wished him some respect and affection from those who were
associated with him in his later clays.
CHAPTER XXI.
1853.
The Poor of London — Progress of Ragged School Work — Advice to Teachers —
Inspiring Zeal — Refuges and Industrial Classes — Emigration — Address to
Children — The Poor Displaced by Building Improvements — A further
Common Lodging-Houses Bill — Juvenile Mendicancy — Juvenile Delin-
quency— A Curious Episode —Challenged to Fight a Duel — Correspondence
with Lord Mornington — Youthful Offenders' Bill — The Waldensian Chris-
tians— Pasteur Meille — Peripatetic Schoolmasters — Foreign Taste — Pro-
testantism Abroad — Anti-Slavery Agitation — Stafford House — Reply from
the Women of America — An Editor's Mistake — China — London Missionary
Society — Sanitary Reform — "Unpardonable Activity" — The Board of
Health Abolished — Democracy — 'English Radicals — Cobden on Education of
the Masses— Reply thereto — The Career of a Philanthropist — Financial
Difficulties — Lawyers — Family Affairs — Rewards to Agricultural Labourers
— Palmerston's Reply to Scotch Memorialists.
" The poor shall never ' cease out of the land.' That
we know," wrote Lord Shaftesbury, " for God has said it.
But the poor of London are very far different from the
poor of Scripture. God has ordained that there should
be poor, but He has not ordained that, in a Christian
land, there should be an overwhelming mass of foul,
helpless poverty."
To roll away, in some measure, that reproach from
London, was the gigantic task Lord Shaftesbury felt he
had " been called of God " to attempt, and the machinery
he regarded as best adapted to the accomplishment of
that end was the Ragged School system.
Since the Ragged School Union was founded there
410 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XXI.
had been added to the field of its operations, in the
space of six or seven years, more than a hundred new
schools, attended by considerably over ten thousand
children. Lord Shaftesbury's labours multiplied in
proportion to the multiplication of the schools. Each
had its opening ceremonies, or its anniversary, or its
prize distribution night, and each sent in its special
claim to his assistance. It required almost superhuman
strength to perform the duties devolving upon him.
Conferences with teachers, interviews, correspondence
day after day ; and, in all parts of London, Chairs and
the inevitable speeches night after night.
His watchfulness was unceasing. There was not a
detail of the system that escaped his observation. For
example : there was a tendency in some schools, as order
was established and decent rooms supplied, to admit
children of a class and condition for whom the schools
were not intended ; and also, to retain those who had
mended their ways and had risen in the world, instead
of transplanting them to other schools. Against this
tendency Lord Shaftesbury took a very decided stand.
On one occasion he said : —
You must keep your Ragged Schools down to one mark ; you must
keep them, as I have said a hundred times, and, until I carry my
point, I shall say a hundred times more, in the mire and the gutter,
so long as the mire and the gutter exist. So long as this class exists,
you must keep the schools adapted to their wants, their feelings,
their tastes, and their level. I feel that my business lies in the
gutter, and I have not the least intention to get out of it.
He had a great dislike to making any unnecessary
parade of the schools, and a still greater dislike to the
1853.] BAGGED SCHOOL TEACHERS. 411
system of selecting special examples of children for the
purpose of winning applause.
People are glad to see a superior class ; and those who come to
the schools are impressed with the merit of the master who has raised
miserable urchins to such beauty and comfort ; and that is one great
reason why I constantly advise not to have in your Ragged Schools —
I think they are bad in any schools — periodical exhibitions and
displays. They have the very worst effect both upon the master and
the children. The result, even in the better sort of schools, is that
the great efforts of masters and teachers are devoted chieflv to those
children who have the gift of intellect, because they become the
more presentable and make the greater display, and the more extol
the schoolmaster. Meanwhile children of humble capacity, though
perhaps of better hearts, and far better qualified to adorn society and
exhibit the pearl of great price, are overlooked. That is bad in
schools of a higher description, but when you come to schools of the
condition of Ragged Schools, where you have only the training of
children to fill the most subordinate offices among the working classes,
is it not desirable that everything that can be cultivated in the child
of morality, piety, religion, and simplicity should be fostered, and
should not be set aside merely with a view to the intellectual, pro-
duced to attract an inspector or a wondering audience, who may give
credit to the master or mistress, although that credit may have been
produced by the total sacrifice of those other children, who would have
been far more conspicuous for goodness of heart than acuteness of
intellect 1
His unfailing zeal as their leader inspired a kindred
zeal in the teachers, and his stirring words often put
new life and energy into them, and, therefore, into their
work. He would speak to them thus : —
I tell you, my friends, that if, with all the success you have
attained, with all the knowledge you have acquired, with all the
blessings you have received, you pause in your course any longer
than is necessary to take breath, gather strength, survey your
position, and thank God — why then I say, never again come into this
412 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XXI.
hall, for if you do, I will be the first to say to you, as Cromwell said
to the House of Commons, ' Out upon you ! begone ; give place to
honester men.'
Almost every year, there had been some important
extension of the scope of Ragged School work. The
original idea was merely to provide day, evening, and
Sunday schools for infants, juveniles, and adults of the
lowest order of the destitute and outcast classes. To
this, as we have seen, Lord Shaftesbury's emigration
scheme had been added, and admirably had it succeeded.
But other organisations equally important had come
into operation: the chiefest being Refuges and Indus-
trial Classes. It was found that the work in the schools
lost much of its moral power, in consequence of the con-
stant and daily antagonism it encountered from the
exposure of the scholars, on retiring from the scene of
instruction, to all that was contaminating and vile in
the wretched places they called their homes. Lessons
of virtue were nullified by examples of vice. And it
was heartrending to know that many a child had no
choice but to 9:0 from school to the haunts of vice and
crime in order to obtain food for the day and shelter for
the night.
The question of providing Refuges became a burn-
ing question with many, and efforts were made to
establish them, not only in the metropolis, but in the
large towns and cities of the kingdom.
The Refuges were at first of two classes. Night
Refuges, for casual vagrants, preference being given to
children attending the Ragged School ; and permanent
1853.] STOPPING CRIME IN THE SEED. 413
Refuges, for the support and education, for a stated
period, of young persons between ten and sixteen years
of age.
The object of the Industrial Classes was rather to
assist in the formation of tidy and useful habits, than
to rear a race of regular artisans. In some of the
classes, making and mending their own clothes was the
only thing taught to the children ; in others, making
and printing paper bags, printing handbills and circu-
lars, making mats and church hassocks, and other
simple handicrafts.
Although there were, of necessity, many drawbacks
to the Ragged School movement; although the work
was greatly impeded by a periodical deluge of the
miserable population of Ireland, flooding the districts
that had been purged and improved; although success
was, in a great measure, indirect and could not be shown
by figures, — the best results of the system being removed
from public view by emigration ; although no support
was received from Government or from legislation, and
comparatively little from the wealthy classes — an enor-
mous amount of good resulted, and, as early as the
year 1851, Lord Shaftesbury had been able to say : —
"We have devised and oi'ganised a system of prevention by which
to stop crime while it is in the seed, and sin before it has broken into
flower and desolated society. Although other schools may have
stood in the way of vice and crime, no one could say of them, with
certainty, that almost every one trained in them would, without their
intervention, have been a vagabond or a thief; domestic discipline
and other circumstances might have interposed to do their work.
But we do maintain that every one of those whom we have reclaimed
414 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XXI.
would, from the very necessity of his position, have been either a
thief or a vagabond ; we do maintain that, by the instrumentality
of this institution, we have established a preventive system which
operates in anticipation of the gaoler, or even of the hangman. We
have, moreover, greatly abated the amount of juvenile delinquency,
and have cleansed the metropolis, not by pouring out from it the tilth
of our streets, but by passing these children through a cleansing and
Filtering process, before we poured them forth in a rich and fertilising
stream on the colonies of our country.
The emigration movement, originated by Lord
Shaftesbury, was always a branch of the system which
secured his warmest sympathy, and there was scarcely
a child who left these shores under the auspices of the
Ragged School Union wrho did not receive some personal
kindness from him, as well as direct words of help and
encouragement. The success of the scheme was remark-
able, and it was due, in no small measure, to the strong
personal interest that he had taken in each individual
child that, at the expiration of ten years, he was able to
say :—
I believe, among all the children sent out by the Society from
this country there is not on record one single instance in which the
child has disgraced the education that was given to him here ;
whereas there are many instances upon record in which those
children have done great honour to this institution.*
Another feature of the Bagged School system with
which he was especially identified was the gift of a
prize or certificate to each scholar who had remained in
one situation for twelve months with satisfaction to his
employer, and for general good conduct.
* Ragged School Union Anniversary, May 12, 1856.
1853.] AN ADDRESS TO CHILDREN 415
Lord Shaftesbury's addresses to the children on these
occasions were models of their kind, and overflowed
with such intense " fatherliness," that they never failed
to touch their hearts and bring tears of pleasure to their
eyes. We must give one specimen here : —
Now, my dear children, I must just impress upon you that
the advantages which you now enjoy, place you in a very different
position from that in which you were some time ago. It is now in
your power — young as you may be, humble as you may fancy your-
selves to be — to do very great good in the generation in which you
live, and to benefit greatly the little boys and girls who are still in
the same position as that from which, by the blessing of God and the
exertions of your friends, you have been rescued. Now it is for
you, by the example you shall set, by the behaviour you shall mani-
fest, by the principles you shall profess, by your obedience to your
masters, by your general deportment in life — it is for you to reflect
very great credit indeed upon Ragged Schools. You will be able to
show by your conduct in life, that Ragged Schools are of very great
value, that they have been, and will continue to be, the means
whereby many poor children may be rescued from sin and misery,
and you will have the satisfaction, therefore, of knowing that you,
along with us and others, have contributed in no slight degree to the
good of the suffering children of your generation. And remember
that, having the power to do this, you will be considered very sinful,
and very guilty, if you do not do it. . . .
Now, you are called here to-day for the purpose of receiving a
prize, a testimonial of good conduct. This card, although a very
simple thing in itself, will be very honourable to the possessor. You
know that in some of the higher ranks of life the fancies of people
are very much tickled by stars, and by ribbons, and by garters; they
like them exceedingly, and they look very well when they have them
on, and no doubt they are objects of considerable honour and reward
to those who have laboured well in their vocation and have done
good to their country. Depend upon it, however, that this, in its
degree, is just as honourable to you as the diamond star is to a person
in any station of life whatever. You will have done your duty in
416 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XXI.
your station of life ; and, if you were to become the greatest man or
woman the State ever knew, you cannot go beyond that point of
honour — to close your lives having done your duty. However
humble your station of life, you know not of what value that station
may be in the order of God's providence. We shall never know in
this life, the precise purpose and object that has been assigned to the
career of each of us ; but of this I am quite sure, that every one of
you can, by God's blessing, conduce to the welfare of mankind and
to the honour of God's truth ; and thus, whether you be among the
poorest and the most forgotten, or among the wealthiest and the
most elevated, you will have fulfilled that duty which you have been
called upon to perform ; and then, by God's blessing and free mercy,
and not by any merit of your own, you will hear the words at the
great final day, ' Well done, thou good and faithful servant.'*
Every fresh phase in the progress of Ragged School,
and kindred, work, Lord Shaftesbury noted in his Diar}r,
as well as his hopes and fears, his elation and depres-
sion, in connection with them.
The next entry, although written in the Royal
Palace, shows that his thoughts were still with the for-
saken children of the London streets.
Jan. 20th, 1854. — Windsor Castle. A play here last night.
Wonderfully amused. It is, doubtless, rather in the style of
Louis XIV., but it is amusing, nevertheless.
Must insert, to aid my recollection (though, probably, shall never
have leisure or spirit to review my entries for many years), some
preceding operations. On Sunday, loth, to Field Lane Ragged
School in the evening. Never go there without seeing something for
which to bless God.
Five hundred persons, from five years old and under, to fifty, en-
gaged in reading, hearing, learning the word of God ! What singular
and remarkable instances of moral power ! A dozen stout, full-
grown, savage-looking men sitting like lambs under the teaching of
a young woman ! ' It is marvellous in our eyes.'
* Ragged School Union Meeting. Feb. 23, 1854.
1853.] NEW ENTERPRISES. 417
On 11th, Chair at Dorchester to present Bankes with piece of
plate — testimonial for his twenty years' Chairmanship of Quarter
Sessions. The invitation to me was intended as move towards
reconciliation of the rupture between me and him seven years ago.
I accepted it as such ; peace, peace — peace everywhere ' on earth as
it is in Heaven.'
March 24th. — Some work since my return to London. Anxious
labour for the Reformatory, and speech in Willis's Rooms. This noble
institution is dying for want of funds, and the rich and easy of the
land will sit by and see thousands be rejected and perish, for the lack
of a few pounds ! Everybody bepraises our exertions and success ;
and the smallest fraction comes to our aid. If our asylum contained
dead Indians or tattooed Zealanders we should excite overwhelming
interest, but because it contains only live Penitents we have scarcely
any.
April (Good Friday). — Surely God has heard our prayers to
save the Reformatory from extinction. Money has flowed in, and
this day I received one hundred pounds for it from the Duke of
Bedford ! May God bless the deed to his comfort and stir him (for
his riches are immense) to other acts of love and mercy !
The year 1853 was marked by the introduction in
the House of Lords and to the public, of a number of
new schemes for the benefit of the London poor.
In estimating the labours of Lord Shaftesbury, it
must never be forgotten how much he had to over-
come before he could throw himself into any fresh
sphere of action. His self-depreciation, nervous anxiety,
ill-health, and consequent low spirits made him shrink
from public labours, while his burning zeal was ever
urging him forward. It required not a little heroism,
persistently to surrender himself for the good of
others.
The first of the new enterprises of this year is thus
referred to in the Diary : —
b b
418 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XXI.
March 19th. — Last nisrht movement in House of Lords to obtain
a ' standing order ' for the protection of the multitudes to be dis-
placed by ' Improvement Companies.' Obtained a Committee of In-
quiry. Felt dull, incompetent, and confused in my speech. The
locality and the audience are one cause, and my own infirmity the
other. It dispirits me, for, old as I am, I am full of projects. With
me ' the children are come to the birth, and there is not strength to
bring forth.'
Lord Shaftesbury's motion was to the effect that any
Bill, sanctioning or involving the pulling down of houses
inhabited by the labouring classes, should make pro-
vision for the erection, within a convenient distance, of
dwelling-houses sufficient for the accommodation of at
least as many persons as should be dispossessed. Large
multitudes of the industrious classes, displaced by " Im-
provement Companies," were driven, either to seek
lodgings at a great distance from their employment,
which would often involve their ruin, or else, were com-
pelled to inhabit dwellings already over-crowded, filthy,
and infested with the diseases incident to a densely-
populated locality. In St. Giles's, Farringdon, White-
chapel, Westminster, and elsewhere, where great " clear-
ances ' had been made, the suffering, occasioned by the
improvements, was terrible. The inhabitants were ejected,
but the localities were not cleared of their population; the
people only crowded themselves more densely together
in the lodging-houses in the immediate neighbourhood.
The same thing happenedwhen railways, running through
some of the vilest property in London, were constructed.
Holders of real property received compensation when
these improvements were effected, but when the poor
1853.] METROPOLITAN IMPROVEMENT COMPANIES. 419
were driven from their dwellings, and consequently from
their work, which was generally near at hand, there
was taken from them the only source of profit, the only
means of livelihood, they possessed. It was bare justice
that, when Companies asked for large powers to make
improvements, they should be required to carry them out
in a manner as little oppressive as possible to the class
who did not derive any direct benefit from them. Lord
Shaftesbury did not urge the question solely, however,
though he did so principally, in the interests of
the humbler classes ; he urged it also because the
results to public morality and the public welfare gener-
ally, were very serious. When hundreds and thousands
of poor people were driven into localities, already shame-
fully overcrowded, every form of disease, and all the
concomitant pauperism and misery, were engendered, and
epidemic disorders, not confined to the densely-populated
districts, would spread to localities inhabited by the
higher classes, as a consequence of those abominable
evils.*
The question was surrounded with difficulties, which
were duly pointed out in the debate that ensued. The
matter was at length referred to a Select Committee,
who reported in the following May. It was then re-
solved that, in future, the promoters of Improvement
Bills should report the number of houses inhabited by
the labouring classes to be pulled down (if more than
thirty in number), and state whether any, and what,
* Hansard's Debates, cxxv. 400.
h b 2
420 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XXI.
provision was made for remedying the inconvenience
likely to arise.*
Although this was only a step, it was a step in ad-
vance, and Lord Shaftesbury was gratified, more espe-
cially, as from letters he received from Mr. Cubitt, the
large contractor, and others, he felt satisfied that the
relations between capital and labour would, by this
resolution, be much improved.
His second great effort on behalf of the poor this
year, was taking charge, in the House of Lords, of
another Common Lodging-Houses Bill. The previous
Act had been " the first successful effort that had been
made to reach the very dregs of society — the first
to penetrate to the deepest dens of vice, filth, and
misery." It was necessary, however, that further bene-
ficial provisions should be made, especially as regarded
inspection, and that other provisions, which had hitherto
been optional, should be rendered compulsory.
In moving the second reading of the new Bill, on
May the 13th, Lord Shaftesbury was able to report,
not only from the evidence of others, but from his own
personal inspection, that the previous Act was work-
ing well. The houses had been cleaned, the walls and
ceilings whitewashed, the ventilation improved, the bed-
ding was better in quality, quantity, and cleanliness, the
number of persons to be admitted had been carefully
regulated, and the liability to fever and other contagious
diseases considerably lessened. It was shown, also, that
in the common lodging-houses there were, according to
* Hansard, cxxvi. 1,291.
1853.] COMMON LODGING-HOUSES BILL. 421
the latest returns, no fewer than 80,000 inhabitants who,
as well as the keepers of the houses, had materially bene-
fited by the Act. The principal object of the present
Bill was to give fuller power to punish offences under
the previous Act, to abate certain nuisances not hitherto
specified, to provide for the removal of the sick to hos-
pitals, and to arrange for reports as to the lodging of
beggars and vagrants.*
In advocating the Bill, Lord Shaftesbury urged, that
if it were successfully carried into effect, many houses
then beyond the reach of inspection would be affected
by it, together with a great mass of the population.
If these common lodging-houses were not brought under
proper regulation, it would be in vain to strive against
juvenile delinquency, for it was in them that nine-tenths
of the crimes perpetrated were plotted. f
The Bill did not reach the Commons till the 6th of
June ; it passed the three readings, however, without
debate, and received the Royal assent on August the
4th. The advantages of the measure were so obvious,
that a Bill to extend its provisions to Ireland, intro-
duced into Parliament in 1860, passed through both
Houses without debate, and received the Royal assent a
few weeks after its introduction.}
In commenting upon the Act of 1853, the Times
remarked: — " To purify the Inferno that reeks about us
in this metropolis, to recover its inmates, and to drive
the incorrigible nucleus into more entire insulation, is
* Hansard, cxviii. 235. t Hansard, cxxvii. 294.
% Hansard, clvii. and clviii.
4?2 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XXL
one of the labours to which Lord Shaftesbury has de-
voted his life ; and we can never be sufficiently obliged
to him for undertaking a task which, besides its imme-
diate disagreeableness, associates his name with so much
that is shocking and repulsive.
" To Lord Shaftesbury's legislation we owe the grati-
fying fact that these recesses are explored by authorised
persons, that houses are no longer permitted to take in
more than as many as can breathe properly in them,
that lodging in cellars is prohibited, that the rooms are
properly cleaned and whitewashed, that ventilation,
lighting, and drainage are provided for, and the fur-
niture of the houses sufficient for the authorised number
of lodgers. As far as the work has proceeded, we can
hardly conceive a more meritorious or more gratifying
triumph. It is a great result out of the very worst
materials. To change a city from clay to marble is
nothing compared with a transformation from dirt,
misery, and vice to cleanliness, comfort, and at least a
decent morality." *
Notwithstanding the success of Ragged Schools,
Night Refuges, and Reformatories, and the wider pro-
visions of the Common Lodging Houses Acts, juvenile
mendicancy and crime, if not on the increase, certainly
showed no si<m of abatement. It was said that
more beggars were to be encountered in a walk from
Westminster Abbey to Oxford Street, than in a tour
from London to Switzerland, whether by Paris or the
Rhine.
* Times, May 16, 1853.
1853.] JUVENILE MENDICANCY AND CRIME. 423
The third great effort of Lord Shaftesbury for the
removal of the vice, degradation, and misery of the
metropolis, was an onslaught on Juvenile Mendicancy
and Crime. He had been an attentive observer of the
causes that had conspired to hinder the success of Eagged
Schools, and had arrived at the conclusion that disso-
lute parents were undoing all the good that was done,
by sending out their children into the streets to beg,
while they lived in drunken depravity upon the pro-
ceeds thus obtained. He found that a vast number of
orphan children managed to remunerate the low lodging-
house keepers who sheltered them, in a similar manner.
It was notorious that this great army of child-beggars
was a nursery of theft and every form of evil. To
strike at the root of this mischief, he introduced into the
House of Lords a motion on the " Eepression of Juve-
nile Mendicancy and Crime."
The speech in which he brought forward his motion
was a remarkable one. In addition to his own wide
knowledge of the subject, he had fortified himself with
communications from magistrates and reports of inspec-
tors, and, over and above these, with statements made by
ninety thieves resident in one institution ; the testimony
of 100 City missionaries, the opinions of 100 gentlemen
" particularly and practically conversant with that class,"
besides the confessions of 100 " professional misde-
meanants." Such a mass of curious, but concurrent,
evidence, was hardly ever presented on any subject before.
We need not describe its nature here ; it is enough to
say that it went to show that the principal cause of
424 TILE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XXI.
confirmed crime was juvenile mendicancy ; and that in the
large majority of cases, the cause of juvenile mendicancy
was parental misconduct. The little vagrants were sent
forth and directed not to return without a certain
amount of money, however obtained. Thus the frauds
and artifices of professional begging grew into petty
theft, and " the young mendicant became a confirmed
robber without ever, in fact, having been acquainted
with any other calling.''
Lord Shaftesbury's proposition was, that the Vagrant
Act should be so extended as to empower the police to
apprehend — not for the purposes of punishment but of
protection — all children found in a state of vagrancy
in the public streets, and bring them before the magi-
strates. The children were then to be committed to the
workhouse and educated, if possible at the charge of the
parents, or if not, at the charge of the State ; but in
any case to remove the children from the corrupting
influence of the parents.
It cannot be denied that, good as the proposal was
in many respects, it was open to many objections, and
it need hardly be said that serious obstacles had to be
encountered in the attempt to pass the Bill. It was
argued that the placing of young persons, who were
criminal, or quasi-criminal, in the workhouses would
render those establishments " distasteful to the poor ; " —
that it was contrary to the original design of the work-
houses to make them "Houses of Detention;" that
the accumulation of children — 20,000 of whom it was
alleged were graduating in the school of vice — would
1853.] A CURIOUS EPISODE. 425
lead to intolerable pressure and expense ; that the par-
ticular children or parents to be dealt with, could not
be clearly defined — and other objections, to all of which
Lord Shaftesbury fully replied.
At the conclusion of the debate he said the passing
of the Bill was an object very dear to his heart, and he
was rejoiced to find that " the adverse decree he had
anticipated" on the part of the Lords was not realised.
In a subsequent stage the Earl of Aberdeen (Prime
Minister), Lord Campbell, the Duke of Argyll, and
others, gave him hearty support.
June 24tli. — Labouring hard on two Bills ; one for the Suppres-
sion of Juvenile Mendicancy, and thereby of juvenile delinquency,
another for the abatement of bribery, intimidation, and expense at
elections. Never was I more convinced of the extensive and
beneficial results that would spring from these measures ; never was
I more in doubt of my success to pass them ! I should be certain,
humanly speaking, were I in the House of Commons; but I shall
have great difficulties in the Lords, and no hearty mouthpiece in the
House of Commons. Pray I do, pray I will ; • and God may yet
prosper me. Oh, what a comfort to enjoy the thought of their
blessed operation while in brief repose ! The House of Lords is
terrible ; there is a coldness, an inattention, and an impassibility
which are perfectly benumbing.
July 5th. — There is hope and comfort, the Lord be praised.
To-night introduced Juvenile Mendicancy Bill in House of Lords.
Scarcely ever had such difficulty in remembering what I had to say,
in finding words to say it in, and in delivery to make it known. I
felt like a rusty clock, which nobody trusts to, and the striking of
which is disagreeable to those who hear it.
July 12th. — After much anxiety and discussion, carried, with
hearty approval, Mendicancy Bill, with amendments, through the
House of Lords.
A curious episode sprang out of Lord Shaftesbury's
426 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XXI.
speech on moving the second reading of this Bill. He
had claimed for the poorer classes, that jurisdiction
which the Court of Chancery exercises over the rich —
namely, that in case of a notorious violation of the
parental trust, a magistrate should be enabled to place
the child in an asylum, where the State might perform
for it duties which its parents had omitted. To
strengthen his argument, he quoted the judgment
of Lord Eldon, given some thirty years previously in
the well-known case of Mr. Long Wellesley, after-
wards the Earl of Mornington, who was deprived of
the care of his own children. The case was no-
torious, and the judgment had been cited hundreds
of times, as a leading authority on the limits which
public policy sets, to the right of a parent to abuse
the trust which nature has confided to him, for the
education and religious and moral training of his
children. There was, of course, nothing unusual in
citing such a case ; on the contrary, nothing could have
been more natural. It was an apt illustration of his
argument, and was the more weighty as it was a
decision given by a high authorit}r. It was, moreover,
a quotation from a well-known law book accessible to
everybody.
Lord Mornington, however, was weak enough to
allow himself to be greatly perturbed in spirit, by the
quotation of a decision, in the justice of which he did
not concur ; weaker still in writing to Lord Shaftes-
bury calling upon him to retract, or failing in this, to
meet him in " mortal combat ; ' weakest of all in
1853.] CHALLENGED TO FIGHT A DUEL. 427
sending the correspondence to the newspapers for
publication.
The age of duelling had, even then, passed away
in England, and the following correspondence may be
regarded as among the curiosities of literature. Lord
Mornington's " challenge " is probably one of the last
of the long series, demanding " the satisfaction due to
a gentleman."
Lord Mornington to Lord Shaftesbtiry.
124, Mount St., Grosvenor Square, July 9tlt, 1853.
My Lord, — In consequence of severe and long indisposition, I
have not been able for the last few years to take my seat in the
House of Peers, and I have only this day had brought to my notice,
by a friend, the speech that you made on the 5th inst. in the House
of Lords, when moving the second x-eading of the Juvenile Mendi-
cancy Bill.
My lord, in this speech, evidently the result of 'laboured
preparation ' and ' research ; ' not delivered in the heat of debate ;
intended to be spoken in the House, while made for the public eye,
you have thought fit to go back for a period of twenty-seven years, to
dive into a Chancery suit of my personal and private affairs for the
purpose of repeating a most offensive, a most slanderous and unjust
speech of the late Earl of Eldon, when Chancellor, without taking
the smallest trouble to refer to my answer and my pei-fect justifica-
tion and refutation of the suborned perjurers, bought and brought
forth on that occasion, and so proved by the subsequent prosecutions
in the courts of law, by the persons inimical to me, and who then,
and ever since, have conspired to destroy me in fortune, reputation,
and life.
When the unjust decree of Lord Eldon was given against me,
and so given after I had proved the perjury upon the testimony of
which that decree was made, I took a step so bold and open that I
could have hoped that it would have its effect even upon your lordship,
so celebrated for your Christian benevolence.
It was, my lord, at once to appeal to the electors of the county of
428 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XXI.
Essex, in which my wife and children were born and had lived, in
which I had for many years resided, in which county are my estates
and my numerous tenantry.* By this appeal I asked the electors of
Essex for their verdict on my life and conduct. I called upon them
to decide, by the verdict they should give, whether I was guilty or not
guilty of the charges brought against me. My lord, the answer to this
appeal was made in 1830, when I polled the unprecedented number
of 1,G88 plumpers ; and, although I lost my election by a small
majority upon that occasion, what happened in the next year (1831) %
This, my lord : that while I declined to be present during that
election, or canvass a single vote, the electors formed a committee,
raised by subscription a fund sufficient to defray the entire expenses
of that election, and returned me the member for this opulent and
influential county, notwithstanding a formidable contest, the result
of which was the defeat of the former member.
This, my lord, was the verdict of the county of Essex upon my
life and conduct, given in 1831, and this was my answer to the
infamous decree of the Chancellor Lord Eldon.
My lord, I have taken the trouble to give you this explanation
of my life and conduct prior to asking your Lordship to explain to
me whether, in taking the course you have done in slandering me,
your fellow peer, during my absence from the House of Lords, you
have done this with the intent to offer me a personal insult, and if
such was your intention, whether I may hope that you are prepared
to meet the responsibility of such a course of proceeding1? This I
trust you will do, and I therefore beg leave to invite your lordship
either to explain and retract the offensive remarks with which you
introduced my name in your speech of the 5th inst. in the House of
Lords, and which have been reported in the Times newspaper of the
* The Times, in commenting upon this appeal from the judgment of
the Lord Chancellor to the " free and independent " electors of Essex,
says : " Mr. Wellesley, in addressing the court of appeal from the hustings,
stated that ' if any one alluded to those family matters, he would do what
became him ' — that is, we presume, would summon him to mortal combat.
The effect of this menace was that nobody did allude to those matters, and
therefore that the electors reversed the decree of the Lord Chancellor
without the advantage of argument or discussion." — Times, July 15th,
1853.
1853.] , CHALLENGED TO FIGHT A DUEL. 429
6th inst., or to say whether you will give me that alternative that I
am entitled to, and which I trust that you will not refuse.
I have the honour to be, my lord,
Your lordship's obedient servant,
MORNINGTON.
Lord Shaftesbury to Lord Mornington.
July 11, 1853.
My Lord, — I have the honour to acknowledge the receipt of a
letter from your lordship dated the 9th of this month.
In my speech in the House of Lords I simply quoted a judgment
of Lord Eldon's — a law case, published in a law book. This I had a
right to do whether in Parliament or out of it ; and every one has
the same right.
Your lordship is good enough to send me what is technically
called ' a challenge.' I refer you for a reply to this, and any future
communication, either to the Police Magistrate in Bow Street, or to
my solicitors, Messrs. Mchal, Smyth, and Burnett, 18, Carey
Street, Lincoln's Inn.
Your obedient servant,
Shaftesbury.
In a " parting shot " the Earl of Mornington
characterised this reply as " very absurdly impertinent,"
and regretted that Lord Shaftesbury had not " the spirit
to meet what he had himself provoked, in the manner
which regulates the conduct of gentlemen ! "
The only allusion to this incident in the Diary is
the following : —
July 22nd. — Ems. Have never recorded the august and valorous*
challenge I received from Lord Mornington, because I quoted, in my
speech on Mendicity, the judgment of Lord Eldon in re Long Wel-
lesley. This would have been foolish had I been a fighting man ; but
430 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XXI.
it was both foolish and cowardly, when he knew, as well as I know
it myself, that I neither send nor accept such things !
It was late in the Session when the Mendicancy
Bill was sent to the Commons ; there was a pressure
of other measures which the Government had eno-ao-ed
to pass ; the Poor Law Commissioners and Metropolitan
members showed an active opposition that there was not
time to counteract, and Lord Shaftesbury's Bill was lost
for that Session.
About the same time another important measure, of
a similar character, was shelved. In 1852 a Conference
was held in Birmingham on Juvenile Crime, the result
of which was the appointment of a Parliamentary Com-
mittee to inquire into the subject and examine witnesses.
Their labours resulted in the preparation by Mr. Adder-
ley, of "A Bill for the Better Care and Reformation of
Juvenile Offenders." This was the Bill that, as well as
Lord Shaftesbury's, was postponed.
In December, IS 53, another Conference was held at
Birmingham, under the presidency of Sir John Pakington,
at which Lord Shaftesbury wras the principal speaker.
In the course of his speech on that occasion, and again
at a great public meeting in Birmingham, he thoroughly
ventilated the whole question of Juvenile Mendicancy,
and gained many fresh adherents to his views.
An agitation was zealously carried on, public opinion
was aroused, the newspaper press, ministers of the Gospel,
magistrates and officials, were all enlisted in favour of the
Suppression of Juvenile Mendicancy and the Reformation
of Juvenile Criminals, and society was brought to recog-
1853.] YOUTHFUL OFFENDERS BILL. 431
nise the truth of the old motto, that prevention is better
than cure, and that it is a far easier process to train the
child than to reform the man.
The Parliamentary Session of 1854 did not, however,
appear to offer much prospect of social legislation. The
air was full of war and rumours of war. Nevertheless,
Lord Shaftesbury and Mr. Adderley persevered, but with-
out the success that attended Lord Eobert Grrosvenor,
who brought in, and carried, a Bill for " The Provision,
Begulation, and Maintenance of County Industrial
Schools in Middlesex." This Bill met, in some measure,
the object of the two other Bills, inasmuch as under it,
criminals of various degrees might be committed by
magistrates to an industrial school for a term of years.
But a partial Act for a single county did not satisfy
the prevailing desire for a more thorough and compre-
hensive scheme. Whereupon, Lord Palmerston, then
Home Secretary, who had the faculty of seeing when
the nation had made up its mind on any question,
took the matter in hand, endeavoured to reconcile the
somewhat conflicting views of various politicians and
philanthropists, and produced, on June the 19th, 1854,
a "Youthful Offenders Bill," which, after passing suc-
cessfully and rapidly through both Houses, received the
Boyal assent on August the 10th. In the preparation
and passage of that Bill, Lord Shaftesbury lent in-
valuable aid, and brought to bear all the resources of
his long experience and practical wisdom.
The preamble of the Bill set forth, " That whereas
Eeformatory Schools have been, and may be established
432 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XXL
by voluntary agency in various parts of the country, it
is expedient that more extensive use should be made of
these institutions." When a school was certified as fit
for the purpose, the Act provided that, on conviction,
after a short imprisonment of a fortnight or less, the
child should enter the school and remain for a term of
years under the sole charge of the managers. Each
child was to be paid for by the Treasury at the fixed rate
of six shillings a week. If the parents of a child were
in a position to afford it, a portion of the cost was to be
recovered from them. Counties and boroughs might
furnish money from their funds, to aid in the establish-
ment of reformatory schools.
As a consequence of this Act, the number of these
schools went up to 34 in 18 5G, to 45 in 1857, and to
59 in 18G0, and during that period there was a marked
decline in juvenile mendicancy and juvenile delinquency
clearly traceable to their operation.
From the rush and whirl of ordinary life Lord
Shaftesbury was in the habit of taking occasional
refuge abroad. The change to the Continent presented
great attractions to Lady Shaftesbury, and he was
al\va}'s anxious to please her. Thus in January, IS 53,
we find him in Italy, and in September of the same
year in France and Switzerland. Unlike the majority
of travellers, however, each successive journey on the
Continent introduced him to fresh fields of labour and
opened up fresh channels for practical sympathy.
Jan. 23rd. — Sunday. Turin. Saw yesterday Pasteur Meille, of the
Waldenses, and that Christian soldier and confessor, Gen. Beckwith.
1853.] THE WALDENSIANS. 433
Talk of self-devotion, indeed, among the Papists ! who has exhibited
bo much as this man in his prolonged life of thirty years among ' the-
saints ' of the valleys 1 Saw, too, the church of the Waldenses,
rising in one of the finest positions in Turin !
Jan. 24th. — Genoa. Attended yesterday Italian service at two
o'clock, and heard the "Waldensian Pasteur Meille. 0 Lord, that
I should have lived to witness and to hear such a thing in such a
p]ace ! What would have been the feelings of old Milton?
'Avenge, 0 Lord, Thy slaughter'd saints, whose hones
Lie scatter' d on the Alpine mountains cold ! '
They are avenged, and in the way that they themselves would
have desired it, by the Word of God having ' free course, and being
glorified, in the very capital of their fiercest persecutors ! An over-
flowing congregation, a touching service, a heart-inspiring hymn.
In the evening at eight o'clock, Desanctis (a Romish priest once,
now a Christian presbyter) preached to the people. He is a great
man, a good man, a Christian man. Well may we say, with devout
and humble thankfulness, ' many kings and prophets have desired to
see the things that ye see, and have not seen them ! '
But all hansrs on a thread ! Who shall catch it if it falls 1 — ' fear
not,' ' underneath are the everlasting arms.' ' The event may be re-
tarded,'says the excellent Meille ; 'persecutions may arise, but the
foundation of the Church is laid.' God will soon give us the top-stone,
crying, ' Grace, grace be unto it ! ' After morning service, met
Desanctis and Malan, a Deputy to the Chamber, and a Waldensian.
Much confidential and comfortable talk (it was at Meille's lodgings).
We agreed that we should now make a great effort for additional
circulation of the Scriptures, but avoid a very public statement, even
in England, of our hopes, our progress, our intentions. ' The laivs
are still against us ; they are still unrepealed ; they are the laws of
the Middle Ages, and are not brought into harmony with the Con-
stitution. Hence our danger; the judges, who are bigoted adherents
to the old system, try all religious causes with closed doors, and test
the case by the Code and not by the Constitution. There is a strong-
reactionary party, who, were they in power, could, and would crush
us by the existing laws of the kingdom. We have, in fact, under
Heaven, nothing but the good dispositions of the actual Ministry ! '
C C
434 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XXI.
It was agreed that I should call on Count Cavour, the Prime
Minister. I did so, and sought him everywhere, but in vain ; so I
wrote him a letter which Perponcher, the Prussian Charge d'Affaires,
undertook to deliver to him. Stated that ' I had been most anxious,
as an Englishman, to testify my gratitude, and that of my country,
for his good-will to the Vaudois Church ; that we watched the pro-
gress of religious and constitutional liberty with deep interest; that
England was alive to the welfare of Sardinia ; and that if anything
could rouse \is, it would be any menace directed to its conduct and
independencies. I then expressed my desire to have learned from
him how to explain the long-continued discrepancy between the laws
and the Constitution ; how Mr. Mazzinglia could be sentenced (as
he was a few days ago at Genoa) to three years' imprisonment for
having given a copy of St. Paul's Epistle to the Ephesians ; that we
in England could never understand which was to prevail, the old
law or the new Constitution.' I then added my personal respect for
liis character, talents, &c.
Thus Mazzinglia is condemned, and can be set at liberty by the
prerogative only of the King by a pardon. Thus all is imperfect;
nothing is secured ; the whole edifice might to-morrow be thrown
down ! and yet it will not fall ; 'it is founded on a rock.' God has
already blessed Sardinia for the Church's sake. Oh that this people
knew the secret of their strength !
Saw Perponcher — much agreeable and useful conversation with
him. I bless God that I have been to Turin ; and I pray Him
to render my visit fruitful to His honour and the Church's
service ! .
Jan. 29th. — Nice again. Last night to Hudson (Minister at
Turin) at the Feder. To meet Mammiani, for a short time the
Pope's Prime Minister under the Constitution at Rome, now a
refugee. He seems a wise, intelligent man, and anxious for the
regeneration of Italy.
Feb. 2nd. — Engaged for two days in devising schemes of Bible
diffusion. Struck out the plan of peripatetic schoolmasters, as in
Ireland. God in His mercy prosper it !
Count Cavour's reply to Lord Shaftesbury's letter,
referred to above, was as follows : —
1853.] . LETTER FROM COUNT GAVOUR. 435
Count Cavour to Lord Shaftesbury.
28 Janvier, 1853.
Milord, — J'ai vivement regrette de n'avoir pas eu l'honneur de
faire votre connaissance personnelle lors de votre sejour a Turin. Je ne
me doutais qu'il dutetre de si couvte duree. ainsiai-je ete aussi surpris
que faclie lorsqu'on m'a dit a l'hotel oii vous etiez descendu le lende-
inain du jour que vous aviez passe chez moi que vous veniez de partir.
J'ose me natter que si j'avais eu l'avantage de causer quelque
temps avec Y. S., il m'eut ete facile de lui expliquer les causes
de la contradiction qui existe encore entre les principes sur les-
quels repose la constitution, et certains articles du code penal.
Le statut fut l'oeuvre spontanee du Roi Charles Albert, prince
genereux et magnanime, mais en meme anime d'un zele ardent pour la
religion catholique. Tant qu'il a vecu on n'a pas pu songer a deve-
lopper les germes de liberte religieuse que presque a son insu on
avait glisse dans la constitution. Apres sa mort tous les ministeres
que se sont succe'de ont travaille a faire penetrer l'esprit de liberte dans
toutes les parties de la legislative, Mais les obstacles de toute
nature qu'ils ont rencontres, les managements que les conditions poli-
tiques du pays lui empressaient les ont force a proceder avec une
grande prudence et beaucoup de lenteur.
Le gouvernement a reforme ' bit by bit.' Le ministere actuel
continuei'a l'ceuvre de ses predecesseurs ; vous avez pu juger de ses
intentions par le discours prononce par le garde des sceaux lors
de la discussion a laquelle a donne lieu l'aifaire Massingley.
J'espSre que vous aj^prouverez cette marche prudente. N'est ce
pas d'ailleurs celle qu'a tenue l'Angleterre qui n'a jamais adopte le
systeme des sweeping reforms.
Elle nous a reussi jusqu'a present. Puisqu'au milieu du torrent
reactionnaire qui paraissait devoir tout importer sur le continent,
les jeunes libertes de notre pays sont demeurees intactes.
Je remercie votre seigneurie de ce qu'elle a bien voulu m'adresser
d'obligeant et d'aimable. L'approbation d'liommes qui corame vous
ont consacre leur vie au service de l'humanite' et a la cause des
classes les plus interessantes de la societe, est la plus pre'cieuse
recompense que puisse obtenir un homme d'etat.
Je pi'ie votre seigneurie d'agreer l'assurance de ma haute con-
sideration. C. Cavour.
c c 2
436 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XXL
The two following extracts were written in the
autumn, during Lord Shaftesbury's tour in France and
Switzerland : —
September 5th. — Every step that one takes on the Continent
gives a fresh proof of the vast superiority of the foreigner in all
matters of taste and design (except that of gardening) to the English
people. Not only their public buildings, but their ordinary dwell*
ings, the hotels, the shops, their minute ornaments, their dress, all
the things they make — their railway carriages, their refreshment-
rooms, their stations — name what you will, all exhibit a refinement
and purity of conception, generally diffused, which are not found
even in our great architects and modellers. Struck yesterday by the
defective result of English preaching. The sermon was good, and
apparently sincere ; but it was delivered, like ninety-nine sermons
out of a hundred by English ministers, in a cold, monotonous, sing-
song uniformity. The preacher was stiff as a May-pole ; and his
discourse flowed clear, steady, unbroken and unvaried by voice or
gesture, like the water from a lion's mouth, Not so the foreigner ;
he is fervent, imaginative, utters as much by his gestures as by his
tongue, and maintains attention by the variety of his tones. He is
an intermittent spring ; and his auditors wait with impatience for
the next gush of the lively stream.
September 12th. — In talking with French, Swiss, and German
Protestants, I feel that, however unanimous we may be in appear-
ance, there are, ever in their minds, two broad, deep foundations of
actual alienation of heart — our monarchical institutions and our
Established Church. They say nothing hostile ; they receive in a
friendly manner our sympathy and co-operation, but the sentiment
transpires from time to time. It is the love of equality, inborn and
inherent in the French Protestants, whose persecutions were often-
times owing to the belief of their republican opinions • inborn and
inherent, naturally enough, in the Swiss, and borrowed, but eagerly
adopted, by the Germans. But this love of equality is no more sin-
cere and consistent among these religious Protestants than among the
worldly of our own land and elsewhere. The notion of equality is,
as Dr. Johnson said, to level down, not to level up, to themselves.
From none will you hear such denunciations of the democrats in
Switzerland, and the rabble of France.
X853.] AT STAFFORD HOUSE. 437
It was while Lord Shaftesbury was in Italy that the
ladies of America replied to his proposed address, the
draft only of which he had sent to the Times, the address
itself not having yet been signed. Their reply, pub-
lished in the papers, evaded the whole question, and
" recriminated with paupers, London poor, needlewomen,
India, Cape of Good Hope, and every true and every
false statement of the last thirty years." To this reply
Lord Shaftesbury immediately sent to the Times a full
rejoinder.
A few days afterwards he wrote : —
June 26th. — If we see only as man seeth, the hopes of the
( blacks ' are utterly crushed. Their friends seem beaten in U. S. ;
the ministers of religion, episcopal and presbyterian, are either hos-
tile or silent ; the commercial spirit is over-riding humanity ; and the
Senate — ' the august Senate,' as Bright calls it — the creature and
representative of free men, has voted, by a majority of 36 to 6, that
no advocate of abolition, although one of their members, shall be
allowed to sit on any committee ! And yet my impression is that
the thing is drawing to a close ; the darkest moment, when the help
of man is visibly impotent, when all the powers of Satan seem deve-
loped and conhrined, God interposes for His people ; and so He will
here.
Almost immediately upon his return to England,
Lord Shaftesbury entered heart and soul into the anti-
slavery agitation, whose centre was at Stafford House,
and, after himself,, whose moving spirit was the Duchess
of Sutherland.
March 25th, Good Friday. — Began a movement for the evangeli-
sation of the fugitive slaves settled in Canada. It is a natural,
necessary, and becoming consequence of our movement for emancipa-
tion. They are utterly friendless and forgotten.
May 7th. — To-day Mrs. Stowe received at Stafford House by the
433 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XXL
Duchess of Sutherland and the two committees ; it was a singular
and most useful gathering. We had every rank of life, every form
of opinion, political and religious — bishops, dissenting ministers,
tradespeople, peers, Quakers, and the wives of all. The homage
was general ; and every one seemed delighted with the soft, earnest,
simplicity of her manner and language.
May 13th. — Mrs. Stowe dined with us here last night, and all her
party ; very successful. I rejoice, as a peacemakei', to have brought
together the Archbishop of Canterbury and the Rev. Thomas Binney,
a flaming Dissenter. After dinner we had many Dissenters, many
clergy, the Editor of the Patriot newspaper, Josiah Conder, shop-
keepers, lawyers, peers, ifcc. &c, all with their ladies. It was quite
' a happy family ' ; and every one seemed mightily pleased.
May 17th. — St. Giles's. Last night overflowing meeting at Exeter
Hall (I in the chair) on Anti-Slavery. Zeal tremendous ; satisfied
I was, for a wonder, with my own speech, more so probably than
anybody else.
June 22nd. — My campaign for the niggers is both laborious and
expensive. We want more shoulders and more purses to the
work.
In course of time, the " Address " to the women of
America went forth, signed by tens of thousands of the
women of England. It was replied to by Mrs. Tyler,
wife of the ex-President, who pointed out to the
Duchess of Sutherland and her co-signatories, where
fitting objects for their sympathy might be found.
" Leave it," she said, " to the women of the South to
alleviate the sufferings of their dependents, while you
take care of your own. The negro of the South lives
sumptuously, in comparison with a hundred thousand
of your white population in London."
While Lord Shaftesbury was engaged in this Anti-
Slavery campaign, many of the American papers attacked
him with great severity, and urged him to " look at
1833.] CHINA. . 43£
home " and consider the condition of the working classes
of his own country. The ire of an editor of one of the
" religious " papers of the South, was greatly roused,
and in an angry article he wrote : " And who is this
Earl of Shaftesbury? Some unknown lorclling ; one of
your modern philanthropists suddenly started up to
take part in a passing agitation. It is a pity he does
not look at home. Where was he when Lord Ashley
was so nobly fighting for the Factory Bill, and plead-
ing the cause of the English slave ? We never even
heard the name of this Lord Shaftesbury then!'
Lord Shaftesbury loved a good joke, and he often
related this story with infinite merriment.
In religious circles, one of the most engrossing sub-
jects of thought, and fruitful fields for action, was China,
A political and social revolution had commenced in that
country, which was regarded as an event more momentous
than any that had occurred previously in the history of
Protestant Missions, and the hope was entertained,
that the downfall of idolatry and the establishment of
Christianity throughout the Chinese empire, would be
ultimately ensured. The leaders of the insurrection
openly denounced the whole ancient system of supersti-
1 ion ; a great change was being effected in the minds of
the people ; isolation and exclusiveness were no longer
the national boast ; goodwill and fraternity were being
proclaimed to distant nations. " That populous empire,"
Lord Shaftesbury wrote in his Diary on July the 20th,
" hitherto hermetically sealed against intercourse, reci-
procity, and civilisation, seems, like Jericho, to have
440 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XXI.
been compassed about seven da}Ts, and awaits only the
final shout, when the walls shall fall down flat and the
servants of Grod take possession."
No one was readier than Lord Shaftesbury to see
an opportunity, and avail himself of it. Now was the
time to send out additional missionaries ; now was the
time to circulate freely the Holy Scriptures. It was
the jubilee year of the Bible Society, and it was re-
solved by the Committee to give to the people of China,
in their own tongue, a million copies of the New Testa-
ment. To this and other plans for reaching the people
Lord Shaftesbury gave invaluable aid. The opening up
•of China opened up to him a boundless vista — "the
beonnnino: of the end."
Sept. 3rd. — The Times is overflowing with surprise, and cannot
account for it, that the prodigious revolution in China has been
•effected in so short a time, and by so easy means. No one who has
studied the 2nd Book of Chronicles, studied, I say, not simply read,
can doubt that, when the end vastly exceeds the means, and the
work is strikingly disproportionate to the instrument, ' the thing is of
•God ;' it is the result of His own immediate and direct interposition.
"Was there ever such a political event as the rebellion of the Ten
Tribes 1 Was there ever one so contrary to all human experience,
all human reasoning, all human policy 1 But ' this thing is done of
me,' said God by the prophet ; and so He would say now, did He
vouchsafe to speak, as of old, to men upon earth. I see it, I see it,
surely I see it ; the Gospel will be offered where, in truth, it has
never yet been fairly offered, in China and Japan ; it will then have
been 'preached for a witness to all nations,' and then will 'the end
come ! ' ' Come, Lord Jesus, come quickly.'
The efforts being made by the Bible Society for the
evangelisation of China, were seconded by those of the
1853.] MISSIONS TO CHINA. 441
London Missionary Society. They called together a
special meeting for the purpose of raising funds to send
out additional missionaries, and invited Lord Shaftes-
bury to take the chair. He willingly responded, and
commenced a vigorous speech by saying : " This matter
commends itself to the judgment and feeling of every
man who cares, in the least degree, for the welfare of the
human race. It requires neither statement nor argu-
mentation ; an actual reality is before us ; the old wall
of superstition is broken down ; the empire of China
with its three hundred millions, is opened to our efforts ;
the breach, so to speak, is practicable ; the citadel is to
be stormed, not by the potentates and armies of Europe,
but by Protestant agents, by a noble rivalry of Pro-
testant missions from every part of the civilised globe,
aud of every evangelical denomination."
Dec. 1st. — -Yesterday chair of London Missionary Society in aid
of their Missions to China. Shall, I suppose, give great offence to
my friends in the Establishment ; sorry for it ; but the cause is too
holy, too catholic, too deeply allied with the single name of Christ,
for any considerations of Church system and Episcopal rule. These
things are, to my mind, good in their places, but their places are
bounded by time and space ; the Cause knows nothing but universal-
ity and eternity. What is the meaning of ' Grace be with all those
who love the Lord Jesus Christ in sincerity ' 1 Did not Morrison,
Milne, Medhurst, Moffat, Williams, love Him 1 If grace, then, was
with those men, shall I, vile man, presume to say that / will not be
with them also 1
Sanitary reform in the metropolis had become, in
every sense of the term, a vital question, and the years
1852 and 1S53 were marked by several measures of
442 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XXL
great -utility. Among them were the " Metropolis
Water Act," by which it was provided that no water
supplied for domestic use should be taken from any part
of the Thames below Teddington Lock ; the " Act to
amend the Laws concerning the Burial of the Dead in
the Metropolis," giving authority to the Secretary of
State to order, for the protection of the public health,
that any particular burial-ground should be closed, and
that any parish should have power to take certain
simple steps for procuring a new cemetery ; the Com-
pulsory Vaccination Act ; the Smoke Abatement Nui-
sance Act, and others.
Every fresh measure in the direction of sanitation,
brought, directly or indirectly, fresh labour to the Board
of Health, and every fresh burden laid upon that ill-
used and long-suffering Board, brought to Lord Shaftes-
bury, in particular, anxiety, toil, and annoyance.
April 29th, 1852. — Great motion in House of Lords on sanitary-
state of the metropolis. Carried the point and had passable success.
May 14th. — The Times has taken up the note of the undertakers,
the water-companies, the Parliamentary agents, and the whole tribe
of jobbers who live on the miseries of mankind and are hunting the
Board of Health through brake and briar, and hope to be ' in at the
death ! ' Be it so : if we fall, not a body will be left to shout
' unclean, unclean ! ' and form, and guide, and impel, public opinion.
Matters will become worse and worse. I tremble for the issue.
"Walked yesterday to review my old haunts in Westminster, and
look at the wretched children in Pye Street ; sick, sick, sick, to see
how little years of labour had done.
Nov. 17th.— Grieved to learn that not only nothing is clone by the
Government, but that the Ministers will take good care that nothing
shall be done by any one else ; the Board of Health is to be destroyed ;
its sin is its unpardonable activity.
1853.J ANTAGONISM TO BOARD OF HEALTH. 443
Dec. 31st. — So Sir W. Molesworth is to be our new Master at
the Board of Health ! What mortifications I have undergone in this
service ! And will this endurance be blessed at last, or will our
enemies succeed in destroying the only institution that stands for
the physical and social improvement of the people 1 Our foes are
numerous, and I dread their success ; it would vex me beyond expres-
sion to see Chadwick and Southwood Smith sent to the right-about,
and the Board, which, under God, has done and has conceived so
many good things, broken up.
The " unpardonable activity " of the Board had, in
fact, brought it into unavoidable collision with every
interest of magnitude. Eeferring to this, Lord Shaftes-
bury says : —
August 9th, 185,3. — It is not wonderful, though sad, when we
remember the interests that it has been our duty to approach and
handle. We roused all the Dissenters by our Burial Bill, which,
after all, failed.
The parliamentary agents are our sworn enemies, because we
have reduced expenses, and, consequently, their fees, within reason-
able limits.
The civil engineers also, because we have selected able men, who
have carried into effect new principles, and at a less salary.
The College of Physicians, and all its dependencies, because of
our independent action and singular success in dealing with the
cholera, when we maintained and proved that many a Poor Law
medical officer knew more than all the flash and fashionable doctors
of London.
All the Boai*ds of Guardians : for we exposed their selfishness,
their cruelty, their reluctance to meet and to relieve the suffering-
poor, in the clays of the epidemic.
The Treasury besides ; (for the subalterns there hated Chadwick ;
it was an ancient grudge, and paid when occasion served).
Then come the water companies, whom we laid bare, and devised
a method of supply, which altogether superseded them.
The Commissioners of Sewers, for ovir plans and principles were
the reverse of theirs ; they hated us with a perfect hatred.
444 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XXL
Occasionally, hope revived that the Board of
Health might yet be the appointed means of further
sanitary triumphs. With Palmerston for Home Secre-
tary, Lord Shafteshury thought that not only would
the Board be saved from destruction, but that new life
would be given to it. " I have never known any Home
Secretary," he wrote, " equal to Palmerston for readiness
to undertake every good work of kindness, humanity,
and social good, especially to the child and the working
class. No fear of wealth, capital, or election-terrors ;
prepared at all times to run a-tilt if he could do good
by it. Has already done more than ten of his predeces-
sors." But these anticipations were not destined to be
very fully realised.
Aug. 19th. — Palmerston has undertaken, and apparently with
success, several of our Board of Health measures. I rejoice in his
efforts, but cannot give him, except for good will, all the praise
bestowed by the Times. We, unfortunate people, having ' borne
the burthen and heat of the day,' having collected all the evidence,
having stirred the public attention, having incurred all the odium,
receive no support from the Government, and consequently fail.
He, having borne and done nothing of the kind, but being the Secre-
tary of State, succeeds ! But observe how he ignores our considera-
tions and difficulties, and cuts the Gordian knot by enacting whatever
is easy, and omitting whatever is the reverse ; we laboured our hearts
out to give compensation to the clergy; lie gives them none. We
devised a long and intricate scheme to lower, for the poorer sort, the
expense of interments ; he orders extramural burial, and leaves the
artisan to meet the increased cost as well as he can ! Alas ! alas !
success is not what you do, but what people say of it, and they are
almost always too ignorant, or too indifferent, to judge rightly.
Towards the end of the year it became manifest
that the days of the Board of Health were numbered,
1853.] BOARD OF HEALTH EXTINGUISHED. 445
and that some "cold, idle, comfortless, do-little office"
would be set up in its stead. It was a positive
grief to Lord Shaftesbury, who, as he said, had given
to it " five years of his life and intense labour, and had
not received even the wages of a pointer, with ' that's a
good dog.' "
It was not until the summer of 1854, however, that
the crisis came, and it is referred to thus : —
July 29th, 1854. — Palmerston will not hear of my resigning; nor
will I of remaining, unless on grounds very intelligible. This public
service is a hard, ungrateful thing. My remuneration has been that
usually allotted to monkeys — more kicks than halfpence.
July 31st. — No choice of resigning or remaining; the House of
Commons threw out the Bill this day. . . . Thus after five
years of intense and unrewarded labour I am turned off like a piece
of lumber ! Such is the public service. Some years hence, if we
are remembered, justice may be done to us ; but not in our lifetimes.
I have never known a wrong by the public, redressed so that the
sufferer could enjoy the reparation, for
" Nations slowly wise and meanly just,
To buried merit raise the tardy bust."
Aug. 5th. — On Thursday last gave a dinner, by way of farewell,
to the Board of Health, the commissioners, doctors, engineers, clerks,
secretary, seventeen in all. "VVe part very good friends.
Aug. 12th. — On Thursday last Board Bill received tlie Boyal
assent, and the old Board was extinguished. We have left no arrears of
business ; our successor will have all before him ; he will not be re-
quired to give five minutes to arrears on our period of office. Thus
have closed six years of very hard and gratuitous service. I may
say, with old George III. on the admission of American Independence,
' It may possibly turn out well for the country, but as a gentleman I
can never forget it.'
Lord Shaftesbury wrote constantly in his Diary
throughout the year 1853 on the progress of Democracy,
446 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XXI.
Kepublicanism, and levelling opinions. He traced it,
not so much to the general desire of the people, or
to the influence of the press, but to the operation
of commercial causes and money-making ambition.
Landed property was being regarded apart from all
notions of ancestral feeling, of attachment to here-
ditary estates, of long connections between property
and peasantry, and was looked upon merely as a
negotiable article of merchandise, to be sold and
shifted with as little of affection and difficulty as a
five-pound note.
July 26th. — This is the worst form of republican indifference to
the generous elements of antiquity. But more : younger children
must no longer receive annuities and portions, but must each have a
slice of the landed estate. In two generations, then, every property
would be subdivided ; the landed interest, as a distinct and powerful
body, would be extinguished, and the House of Lords rendered in*
possible, for it can never subsist, except as an independent body
independent by the wealth of its individual members, having here-
ditary rights, but also hereditary property.
August 22nd.— The atmosphere of political principles and insti-
tutions is decidedly democratic in the present clay, and men are
borne on against their wishes to democratic results. What is it 1 Is
it by our own folly, or that of our ancestors? Is it the cycle of the
principle of government, like the recurring periods of drought,
famine, plenty, health, and disorder 1 Or is it the will of God that
.every form should have its day, and then perish? Aristocracy
exists on the Continent by the sword ; in England by sufferance.
Which will have the longer duration — the obedience of the soldier
or the patience of the ten-pound householder 1
It is observable that not an appreciable fraction of the people of
England desire the abolition of the King and the peerage ; and yet,
by degrees, rapid degrees, they will come to it, and be . astonished
beyond measure when the work is irremediable. So it appears ; but
1853.] COB DEN ON EDUCATION. 447
we may yet, in the mercy of God, be reserved, institutions and all,
for higher things.
Sept. 13th. — The year 1848 was the climax of our odiousness to
the foreigners. They will never forgive us for the calm, the security,
the assurance with which our monarchical and aristocratical institu-
tions withstood the shock that affected, in Europe, monarchies and
republics alike. They praise us and abhor us.
Sept. 14th.— Mischief and subversion are the main objects of
the Radicals of England. They have not, they cannot have, a just
plea for their policy. We may think and speak differently of cul-
tivated Revolutionists, who have deep grievances and mighty im-
pediments in the way of amelioration. But civil and religious liberty
are complete with us ; the people have not a wrong unredressed, nor
the Radicals a right unattained, and yet their spirit is that of
Mazzini, Ledru Rollin, and Kossuth.
On Octobei the 25th, Mr. Kichard Cobclen, in the
course of an address delivered at the Mechanics' Insti-
tute, at Barnsley, spoke very strongly on education, as
an all-important means of elevating the poorer classes.
He said . " Take the question of sanitary reform.
Why do people live in bad cellars surrounded by filth
and disease ? You may say it is their poverty, but
their poverty comes as much from their ignorance as
their vices ; and their vices often spring from their
ignorance. The great mass of the people don't know
what the sanitary laws are ; they don't know that venti-
lation is good for health; they don't know that the
miasma of an unscavenged street or impure alley is pro-
ductive of cholera and disease. If they did know these
things, people would take care that they inhabited better
houses ; and if people were only more careful in their
habits than they are, and husbanded their means, they
might get into better houses. And when I hear people
448 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XXI.
advocate temperance, which I, as one of the most tem-
perate men in the world, always like to hear advocated,
I say the best way is, to afford them some other occupa-
tion or recreation than that which is derived only
through their senses. The best way is to give them
education. If the working man is deprived of those
recreations, which consist of the intellectual and moral
eujoyments that education and good training give, he
naturally falls into the excitement of sensual indulgence,
because excitement all human beings must have. There-
fore, when you wish to make them more temperate, and
secure moral and sanitary and social improvements among
the working classes, education, depend upon it, must be
at the bottom of it all." *
A few days afterwards there appeared in the columns
of the leading journal a letter from Lord Shaftesbury
commenting on the above remarks.
He was alarmed lest the weight of Mr. Cobden's
authority should retard all effort at sanitary improve-
ments by leading the public to infer that nothing could
be done until a better and more extensive system of
popular education was instituted. But that, as matters
stood, though it could not fail altogether, would help
but little. The artisans might, each and all of them,
be an Arago or a Watt, capable of squaring the circle
or inventing a steam-engine, and yet they would have
no power of selecting their dwellings ; they must
live near their work, and face every danger, seen and
unseen, for they could not flee from it. The working
* Times, October 27th, 1853.
1853.] REPLY TO COBDEN ON EDUCATION. 449
nicin of high attainments, in the prime of life, decent,
temperate, industrious, capable of earning his thirty
shillings a week, would take the best house he could find
within the prescribed limits ; but such was often the state
of drainage and ventilation around, that it prepared his
deathbed in a few months and left his wife and children
a burden on the public. From this text Lord Shaftes-
bury, in very forcible language, urged his views as to
the national duty of providing proper house accommo-
dation for the poor.
Until this was done, education became an impossi-
bility, as, to be worth anything, it must be completed
by a man's own self, in the peaceful evening leisure of a
cleanly, decent, and suitable home. Intemperance was,
doubtless, a prime cause of mischief among the labour-
ing classes, but intemperance was greatly promoted by
the exhausting, enfeebling effects of perpetual residence
in noxious and mephitic vapours. In conclusion, he
said : —
Let domiciliary improvements go along with education ; and then,
if temperance be added to the average earnings of the working classes,
there remains no human reason that I can see, why our people should
have any to blame b'-jt themselves if they do not live like Christian
citizens and die as aspirants to immortality.
Having glanced at some of the public events in
which Lord Shaftesbury was concerned during this year,
we now turn to the Diary to extract some passages
relating more immediately to himself.
In reviewing the work in which his life was being
spent, he says : —
d d
450 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XXI.
April 6th. — Many Bills in hand. Times sneers at me, and
speaks of my 'restless benevolence.' But why am I restless ? Be-
cause others are restful.
April 7th. — Engaged more than ever : small works compared
with the political and financial movements of the day — a Lodging-
House, a Ragged School, a Vagrant Bill, a Thieves' Refuge ! No
wonder that people think me as small as my work ; and yet I would
not change it. Surely God lias called me to the career.
June 12th, Sunday. — ' With all your experience ' (I imagine
some young man saying to me), ' would you counsel me to folio sv the
career that you have chosen and pursued 1 ' In the first place, T
reply that, in spite of all vexations, disappointments, rebuff's, insults,
toil, self-denial, expense, weariness, sickness, all loss of political posi-
tion, and considerable loss of personal estimation — in spite of being
always secretly despised, and often publicly ignored — in spite of
having your ' evil ' most maliciously and ingeniously exaggerated,
and your 'good ' ' evil spoken of — -I would, for myself, say ' Yes.'
June 13th. — But what would you counsel to another? I should
advise him to consider maturely what he desired. If he desired to
rise in the world, to have a party, to be much thought of, to be a
great man at Court or in politics, I should say ' No.' If he desired
internal satisfaction, that humble joy through Almighty God (amidst
ten thousand vexations) that attend you in retirement and in thought-
fulness, I say emphatically ' Yes.'
June 29th. — Harassed by public and private business. My heart
goes so completely into every question, that I fret like one pos-
sessed. Chimney-sweepers, juvenile mendicants, ' et hoc genus oinne.'
Speeches and Chairs without end. But all is not vain ; I am reaping
a harvest. Is it because, in God's mercy, I have not fainted ? The
working of the Ten-Hours Bill is peace, wealth, and happiness,
social order, and moral improvement.
An impression prevailed that, because Lord Shaftes-
bury had succeeded to the earldom, and possessed
large landed estates, he must necessarily be a very
wealthy man. As a matter of fact, he was, as we
have already hinted, for the greater part of his life, in
1853.] DEMANDS UPON PRIVATE CHARITY. 451
such circumstances, that only by exercising the utmost
care was he able to escape from distressing financial diffi-
culties. "Heroism " is not too large a word to employ
with reference to the long, hard battle he fought, in his
endeavour to fulfil the apostolic injunction, to which he
often refers, and to " owe no man anything, but to serve
him in the Lord." In estimating the extreme difficulty
of his position, it must be remembered that his whole life
was spent under the eye of the public ; that an adverse
press was ever eager to find a ground of attack upon
him ; that as a leader in every charitable organisation
of the day, he could not urge upon others to be liberal
and not give freely himself ; and that, identified as he
was with every movement on behalf of the poor, the
demands upon his private charity were almost incredi-
ble in number and extent. When Lord Shaftesbury
put down his name on a subscription-list, he did not
" offer to the Lord that which cost him nothing," he
offered that which cost him self-denial, self-sacrifice,
and anxiety.
One of the greatest troubles that could befall him,
was to find himself unable to give pecuniary aid to a
deserving cause. He was willing to make any sacrifice,
to leave himself almost entirely without resources, in
order to give to those who had need ; and if, on any
occasion he was obliged to say "No," it was a positive
pain to him. A little incident in illustration may be
narrated here. A lady called upon him one day, and
told him a piteous story of a Polish refugee who was
in a state of utter destitution. She had a dread of
(J d 2
452 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XXI.
asking Lord Shaftesbury for money, because she knew
him well, and knew how pressing were the demands
made upon him from all quarters. She told her story,
however, and left the issue with him.
" Dear me ! " he said, " what is to be done ? I have
not a farthing. But the poor fellow must have some-
thing at once. What can I do?"
He was as agitated and distressed as though some
strong personal trouble affected him. Then a bright
idea flashed through his mind : he suddenly remem-
bered that in the library he had got a £5 note "in re-
serve as a nest egg," and bringing it in, with an air of
infinite delight, he begged his visitor not to delay a
moment in conveying it to the man in need.
In quoting from Lord Shaftesbury's Diaries passages
— which, it must be remembered, he never intended
when writing them should come before the public
eye — relating to his monetary affairs, we prefer to
incur the censure of any who may consider this beyond
the province of the biographer, rather than to lose the
opportunity of showing him in the midst of circum-
stances in which he was misjudged and misunderstood
because his real financial position was not known.
May 24th. — Made up my mind ; must sell old family pictures,
must sell old family estates ; it is painful ; ancestral feelings are
very strong with me ; hut it is far hetter to have a well-inhabited,
well-cottaged property, people in decency and comfort, than well-
hung walls which persons seldom see, and almost never admire unless
pressed to do so ; and as for estates, why, it is ruin to retain them
in the face of mortgage, debt, and the necessary provision for your
children !
1853.] LAWYERS. 453
May 28th. — Sent to St. Giles's for two more pictures to be sold.
The house is falling, and must be repaired ; will not do it from any
fund or revenue by which moneys devoted to religion, charity, or
cottage building, would be diverted. Must therefore surrender more
heirlooms, dismantle my walls, check ancestral feeling, and thank
God that it is no worse. . .
These lawyers are harpies ; they may act honestly, as, I doubt
not, mine have done, according to the acknowledged custom, but it
is a custom, one imagined, introduced, and perpetrated by harpies.
These lawyers multiply business, and charge prodigiously for every
step of it ; they send in their accounts very seldom, so that the
client has no notion of the expense he is incurring by a series of
apparently small items, little suspecting that every question gives
rise, perhaps, to a dozen letters, and each letter costing as many
pounds ; and then, when the account does come in, no man that has
lived, does live, or will live, can check it. Who, at the distance of
two or three years, can say whether he asked such and such a ques-
tion, received such and such an answer, saw A. B., was seen by
0. D., &c. &c., over a statement of minute details, covering, as mine
does, some forty folio pages 1 They lure you on in your ignorance,
like Circe, and then turn you to a hog, a monkey, a bat, and cer-
tainly a fool ! Now this is terrible ; what shall I do for schools,
cottages, churches 1
June 29th. — To build cottages is nearly as ruinous as to gild
your saloons ; it is an enormous expenditure, and no rent. A pair
of cottages cost me four hundred pounds, and the rent I receive from
them is £2 10s., or at most £3, for each cottage, garden included.
The following entries, relating to a variety of sub-
jects, are selected from the Diary which, during this
year, was singularly free from gaps.
April 14th. — Took Lionel * to-day to Harrow ; saw him comfort-
ably and happily housed at Mr. Warner's. Ah, Lord, I commit him
unto Thee in body and soul ; preserve him, cherish him, make him
and dearest Evelyn Thy servants, that they may walk before Thee
* His third son.
454 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XXI.
with a perfect heart in Christ Jesus our only Saviour ! Visited the
grave of my blessed Francis ; there he was deposited four years ago ;
he neither sleeps nor is dead ; his body is there, but his soul is in
Paradise. I no more doubt it than I doubt my own existence, and
' them which sleep in Jesus will God bring with Him.' What a
wonderful thing is the Christian religion ! it makes us to see and to
feel that a stroke of death is oftentimes one of the tenderest of God's
mercies !
Saw, too, the ' testimonial ; ' — the schools erected to his memory.
Oh, may I die the death of the righteous, and may my last end be
like his !
April 26th. — Have now before me these tedious and wearing
May meetings : the repetition of ' the speech from the Chair,' the
same sentiments, almost the same woi'ds, amounts to nausea in the
utterance. Do not object to hear, but loathe to speak. They do
good, however, and let that suffice.
May 3rd. — The House of Commons is the depository of power,
and it is vain to hope to be an effective man out of it. You may
experience much social civility, but no one accords you a hairs-breadth
of political influence. ' Philanthropy,' combined with a peerage,
reduces a man to the lowest point.
May 7th. — Lionel, although he has been but three weeks at
Harrow, has been already removed into the i)th Form, 'a thing,' as
Evelyn writes, ' unparalleled in history.'
June 13th. — The fleet is gone to the Dardanelles ! Oh, God,
protect my son * in soul and body for Christ's sake !
August 10th. — Unless something be done, and that speedily, to
give activity and vigour to the House of Lords it will sink into a
mere registration office for the decrees of the House of Commons.
Bills come up in a cloud in the month of August ; 70 or NO to
be discussed and passed in a week ! How can we do anything
but simply inspect and register them 1 This must, God willing, be
my first effort next Session. But what hope have I of success 1 The
past Session has disheartened me.
August 13th. — When I went to the House of Lords I deter-
mined to show its activity and power in the institution of social
improvements. I did not seek my own repute ; I knew I was
* His eldest son.
1853.] REWARDS TO AGRICULTURAL LABOURERS. 455
injuring my own comfort, but I wished, so far as in me lay, to rescue
the House from the character of the ' dormitory.' God knows it has
been no ' dormitory' to me.
The two next entries were made during his annual
tour on the Continent.
Sept. 18th. — Sunday. Geneva. A great steamboat, groaning
with the number of passengers, left the quay this morning ! This
in the city of Calvin ! I am not opposed to innocent recreation on
the Lord's day, but no one has a right to make his own recreation
on that day the burthen and affliction of another. That thousands
may disport themselves on Sunday, hundreds must surrender, not only
repose, but even, were they so minded, public worship ! It cannot
be just and well-pleasing to God.
Sept. 22nd. — Paris. Times of 17th declamatory, and justly,
against rewards to agricultural labourers, of ten shillings and a new
coat, for twenty years of good conduct. Made an attempt myself to
introduce larger sums at the Blandford Labourers' Friend Society,
but, though I wrote a year ago, I have received no answer. The
agricultural labourer could greatly benefit his condition, were he
inclined to a little care and economy ; a young man, by the payment
of sixpence a week, might secure to himself an annuity of twenty
pounds a year, after sixty years of age.
Oct. 5th. — London. Progress fair at St. Giles's. Provisions
very high, raised the wages of my people ; will others do the same 1
Happy prospects of my drainage efforts ; many labourers will be
required ; and if they labour diligently their wages will be good. All
the men employed on the house desired a holiday, and they had it
with cricket, football, quoits, &c. ; bread, cheese, meat, beer, and
apples in just quantity. They played the whole day, were in extra-
vagant spirits ; behaved admirably well, and went home perfectly
sober. I confess it did my heart good to see them sharing with me,
in due time and proportion, the enjoyment of the old park of my
ancestors.
In the early autumn of this year there was a severe
visitation of cholera throughout the country, and the
456 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XXI.
Presbytery of Edinburgh wrote, through their Mode-
rator, to the Home Secretary (Lord Palmerston) asking
whether, in the circumstances, a national fast would be
appointed by Royal authority. The Home Secretary
replied in a characteristic letter of such sterling com-
mon sense, that a part of it may be quoted here, as it
illustrates the manner in which Lord Palmerston co-
operated with Lord Shaftesbury, both working towards
the same end, but by different means.
" The Maker of the Universe," Lord Palmerston
replied, " has established certain laws of nature for
the planet in which we live, and the weal or woe of
mankind depends upon the observance, or the neglect,
of these laws. One of these laws connects health
with the. absence of those gaseous exhalations which
proceed from over-crowded human dwellings, or from
decomposing substances, whether animal or veget-
able ; and those same laws render sickness the
almost inevitable consequence of exposure to those
noxious influences. But it has, at the same time,
pleased Providence to place it within the power of
man to make such arrangements, as will prevent or
disperse such exhalations so as to render them harmless,
and it is the duty of man to attend to those laws of
nature and to exert the faculties which Providence has
thus given to man for his own welfare.
" The recent visitation of cholera, which has for the
moment been mercifully checked, is an awful warning
given to the people of this realm that they have too
much neglected their duty in this respect, and those
1853.] PALMERSTON'S REPLY TO SCOTCH MEMORIAL. 457
persons with whom it rested to purify towns and cities,
and to prevent, or remove, the causes of disease, have
not been sufficiently active in regard to such matters.
Lord Palmerston would therefore suggest, that the best
course which the people of this country can pursue to
deserve that the further progress of the cholera should
be stayed, will be to employ the interval that will elapse
between the present time and the beginning of next
spring, in planning and executing measures by which
those portions of their towns and cities which are in-
habited by the poorest classes, and which, from the
nature of things, must most need purification and im-
provement, may be freed from those causes and sources
of contagion, which, if allowed to remain, will infallibly
breed pestilence and be fruitful in death, in spite of all
the prayers and fastings of a united but inactive nation.
When man has done his utmost for his own safety,
then is the time to invoke the blessing of Heaven to give
effect to his exertions. "
Nov. 2nd. — London. Palmerston has refused a fast day in
his answer to the Scotch Memorial, and, in such a style, that, though
his letter contains abundant good sense and much truth, he will be
regarded by the religious world as little better than an infidel. His
notions and feelings theologically are feeble, no doubt, and erroneous;
but he had no intention to be irreverent, though he has stirred up a
nest.
Dec. 21st. — The "burking" system of the newspapers is more
fatal and hostile than their attack. At conference I made a longish
speech on various points which the Times reduces to this, ' Lord S.
said that the children ought to be treated with justice and kindness ; '
and, shortly after, Mr. Sturge is made to say, in the same amount of
words, that 'he could not agree with Lord S.' ! !
CHAPTER XXII.
1854—1855.
A Cloud in the East — State of England — Rumours of War with Russia — War
Declared — Christians in Turkey — Russian Intolerance — Letter from Lord
Stanley — Letter to Lord Aberdeen — Letter from Lord Clarendon — Religious
Liberty in France — Correspondence with Emperor of the French — M.
Drouyn de Lhuys to Lord Palmerston — Offer of Order of the Garter —
Reasons for Declining the Honour — Colonisation of Syria — Chimney
Sweepers Bill Thrown Out — A Mothers' Meeting — Harrow — Death of
Lord Jocelyn — Death of Duchess of Beaufort — Wild Court — War in a
Christian Spirit — Lord Raglan's Despatches — Letter to Mr. Haldane —
Mismanagement in the Crimea — Change of Ministry — Palmerston, Premier
— Offer of Duchy of Lancaster — Correspondence thereon with Lord Palmers-
ton— Letter from Lady Palmerston — Organisation of Sanitary Commission
for Crimea— Letter to Lord Panmure — Instructions to the Sanitary Com-
missioners— Letter from Miss Florence Nightingale — Death of the Czar —
Visit of Emperor of the French — Letter to Mr. Evelyn Ashley — Offer of
Duchy of Lancaster Renewed — Letters from Lady Palmerston — In Per-
plexity— Interposition of Providence — Religious Worship Bill — Opposition
of Lord Derby and the Bishop of Oxford — Success of the Bill — Sardinia —
National Education — Death of Sir Robert Inglis — Milliners and Dress-
makers— Death of his Son Maurice — Letter to Mr. Evelyn Ashley —
Woburn Abbey- — Life Peerages.
In 1853, the cloud that had long hung over the East
was gathering blackness, and threatening to burst in
storm. A dispute about the Holy places in Palestine,
was the pretext upon which the peace of forty years was
to be broken. Eight years previously, the Emperor of
Russia had spoken of Turkey as " a dying man whose
dissolution was at hand." On the 9th of January, 1853,
the Emperor, in conversation with Sir Gr. Hamilton
Seymour, explained his views in unmistakable language.
1854.] RUSSIA AND TUB KEY. 459
" Turkey is falling to pieces," lie said, " and it is im-
portant that England and Russia should come to a good
understanding, that neither should take any decisive
step of which the other is not apprised." A little later
on, he declared : "I tell you, if your Government has
heen led to believe that Turkey retains any element of
existence, your Government must have received incorrect
information. I repeat to you that the sick man is
dying ; " and he urged that England should join with
Russia in making- arrangements beforehand as to the
inheritance of the Ottoman in Europe.
A few months later came the. dispute about the
Holy places ; Turkey claimed that the only Protec-
torate over the Christians of Turkey was the Sultan's,
and, although negociations innumerable were under-
taken to adjust matters between the two Powers, the
hope of maintaining peace grew fainter and fainter, and
on the 1st of November, 1853, Russia declared war
against Turkey.
Lord Shaftesbury's Diary follows the incidents of
the war with great minuteness. We shall only extract
occasional passages to mark the progress of events, and
his opinions and actions with regard to them.
Aug. 1 6th, 1853. — England, in all her history, never combined
before so many elements of material prosperity. We have survived the
revolutionary shocks of the last half century, and of the last thirteen
special years ; we have a Sovereign to whose person and office the
whole country is soberly, yet ardently, attached ; we have an here-
ditary Peerage of a thousand years duration, esteemed, as yet,
and admired by the people ; and worthy, too, as compared with
former or contemporaneous aristocracies, of the position it occu-
460 THE EAUL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XXII.
pies. There is a singular union, and mutual respect, of all classes ;
the highest, the middle, the lowest ; never had we such a develop-
ment and diffusion of wealth, comfort, security, among the labour-
ing population : our army is powerful, our fleets unprecedented
and unrivalled ; and yet the whole kingdom seeks not aggression but
Peace ! What country ever enjoyed more liberty of thought, speech,
and action 1 None in the records of the world !
Sept. 17th. — -The Emperor of Russia has proudly and angrily
rejected the Note of the Four Powers as altered by the Porte. The
Turk is insane, and the Muscovite wicked, but he is a fool into the
bargain. He has thrown away his character as the umpire of
Europe ; he has been guilty of sad aggression, has dealt in falsehoods,
and, by commencing war, he will open up the means of insurrection,
revolution, and socialism (the very bugbears of his life) to Italy,
Poland, France, Hungary, and Germany.
Oct. 1 4th. — Brighton. We are in war and not in war ; full of
rumours, perils, protocols, negotiations. Drummond has written a
clever letter to the Peace Society, in which he tells them that they
desire peace, only that they may have leisure to make money ; that
if war would answer the purpose they would (he implies) like it as
well, that they denounce Mars and Moloch, but worship Mammon,
who, according to Milton, is the basest and meanest of them all !
Feb. 8th, 1854. — All seems beating up for conflict. The Czar, if
not the wisest, must be the maddest of politicians. He is isolated
in Europe ; Austria and Prussia have refused their co-operation ; the
whole of Germany is indignant and ardent to get rid of Russian in-
fluence. I have always believed that the Emperor lived under the
delusion that his authority was dominant at Berlin and Vienna.
This rejection, therefore, will equally astound and exasperate him.
My opinion was confirmed by a statement of Walewski's, that, when
a short time ago, General Castelbaljac, French ambassador at St.
Petersburg, hinted to Nesselrode. the probable objections of Austria,
he received a half contemptuous answer that ' Austria and Russia
were one.' Meanwhile Italy, Poland, Hungary, every place where
there is no hope but in revolution, are agitated and expectant ; just
as we foresaw, so it is ; the notion of war gives them a notion of
opportunity ; and the Austrians cannot move a regiment without
exciting a district !
March Gth. — The event of the clay is, to my mind, the speech of
1854.] MANIFESTO OF THE OZAB. 461
the Emperor of the French to the Legislative Chamber. He there
declares that, ' the days of conquest are passed,' never to return. He
shows that France has a deeper interest than England, in repressing
the power of Russia, and that the intimate alliance of these two
countries, formerly such bitter rivals, is a noble impulse to civili-
sation. He has acted wonderfully well throughout ; it would be
wrong, nay, unjust, to suspect him ; to have even a misgiving ; and
yet the change is so immense, his policy so unexpected, that one
ought, for some time at least, to be upon one's guard.
In the Manifesto of the Emperor of Russia, dated
February the 9th, 1854, in which he announced to his
subjects the fact that England and Trance had taken up
the cause of Turkey, these words occurred : " And thus
England and France have ranged themselves by the side
of the enemies of Christianity, against Eussia righting
for the Orthodox Faith."
To allow this reproach to remain unanswered was
painful to many Christians in England, and, on March
the 10th, Lord Shaftesbury, as their mouthpiece, took
the opportunity of a formal motion for papers on Turkish
affairs, to address the House of Lords on the subject.
On behalf of the friends of missions, he directly con-
tradicted the assertion of the Czar, and undertook to
prove that Turkey had, of late, done everything to
advance, and Russia everything to retard, the progress
of Christianity. After pausing to express his opinion
that the negotiations had resulted in their only possible
issue, he defended the necessity of " making alliance
with any power, heathen though it may be, to maintain
the cause of right, justice, and order, against the aggres-
sions even of professing Christians," and to declare, that
462 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XXII.
the real question at issue was, whether we should " assert
the rights of a weaker state, maintain the independence
of nations, and endeavour to assign a limit to the
encroachments of a power that seemed cent upon
darkening all that was light, and subjugating all that
was free, among the nations of mankind." For himself
he could wish that we were well rid of both the parties
concerned — " that the Russians were driven to the
North of Archangel, the Turks to the East of the
Euphrates," but, in the circumstances, it was right " to
prefer the autocrat who had granted such great facilities
to the advancement of Christianity and civilisation, to
the autocrat who had denied them in his own dominions,
and who would deny them still more fiercely should he
ever become, by our neglect, the master of those noble
provinces that he so ardently coveted."
In tracing the gradual growth of wealth, intelli-
gence, and civilisation amongst the Christians of Turkey,
Lord Shaftesbury stated that, owing to the singular
liberality of the Turkish system, there had been a large
diffusion of the Scriptures ; in fifty towns there were
distinct congregations of seceders from the Greek
Church ; Protestant teachers and schools had multiplied,
and, in capital and provinces, religious associations,
printing presses, Bible depots, colporteurs, and native
teachers were openly permitted. There had been, it was
true, outbreaks of Muslim bigotry, but these were local,
and had been controlled b}' the Government ; the chief
persecutions of Christians had been inflicted by other
Christians, stimulated by their priests. He continued : —
1854.] THE CHRISTIANS OF TURKEY. 463
Now, contrast this with what is permitted or prohibited in "Russia,
and draw your inference as to what we have to expect should these
awakening provinces fall under the dark and drowsy rule of the Czar.
No associations for religious purposes are tolerated in Russia; no
printing-presses are permitted for printing the Bible in modern Russ,
the only language understood by the people ;, no versions of the
Scriptures are allowed to cross the frontier except the German,
French, Italian, and English. Not a single copy, I repeat, of the
Bible in the modern Russ, in the vernacular tongue, can gain access
into that vast empire ; and it is believed, on the best evidence, that
not a single copy has been printed, even in Russia, since 1823, in the
tongue spoken by the people ! No colporteurs, of course, nor native
agents, to enlighten the gloomy provinces ; no depots for the sale of
the Scriptures, no possible access to the Word of God.
Lord Shaftesbury then pointed out the tyranny of
Russia, in siding with the Greek priests ; in persecuting
the seceders ; in endeavouring to hinder Sir Stratford
Canning, and other Ministers, in their labours to procure
justice for the Protestants; in forbidding Jewish subjects
to possess the Hebrew Scriptures, and in suppressing
missionary efforts among heathen, or semi-savage, tribes
on the outskirts of her empire ; and contrasted the policy
of Turkey in permitting and protecting missionary
agencies, which had brought about a " great develop-
ment of knowledge and liberal sentiment, enlarged hopes
and aspirations, of the Christian population."
After extolling the comparatively liberal sentiments
and policy of the preceding Czar, Alexander, Lord
Shaftesbury concluded as follows : —
He died ; and in 1826 the Emperor Nicholas ascended the throne.
And what did he then do 1 He suppressed, by an ukase, the Russian
Bible Society, with all its branches ; suppressed every privilege
granted to religious societies, and brought back that Cimmerian
464 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XXII.
darkness of the human intellect and the human heart, that he seems
to prize so highly.
Has Turkey, I ask, done anything of the sort ? Has she not, my
Lords, in the last twenty years, allowed more to the progress of
liberty and truth, than Russia in the whole of the famous nine
hundred years that the emperor boasts as the present age of the
alliance between the Sclavonic nations and the Greek communion 1
Undoubtedly she has ; and this inference cannot be gainsaid — that,
if the Sultan had been less liberal towards freedom of religion, less
considerate of the rights of conscience, there would have been no
Menschikoff note, and no invasion of the Principalities.
But now, my Lords, though these are not the matters for which
we undertake the war, we may rejoice that we are not engaged in
upholding a state of things adverse to all amelioration, and subver-
sive of all liberty and truth. And, seeing that we have entered on
this conflict in no spirit of ambition, covetousness, or pride, but for
our own defence, and in the maintenance of great principles, which
concern alike all the races of mankind, let us have no fear for the
issue, but, offering a humble and hearty prayer to Almighty God,
let us devoutly trust that His aid will not be wanting to bless our
arms with success, and a speedy peace, in this just and inevitable
quarrel.
The newspapers of March the 11th, the clay follow-
ing the delivery of this speech, contained this remark-
able passage from the St. Petersburg Journal of the 18th
of February : —
Since the year 1829, his Majesty has followed with earnest
attention the march of events in Turkey.
The Emperor could not close his eyes to the consequences of
changes which, one bv one, have been introduced into that State.
Old Turkey has disappeared since the Turkish Government has
sought to plant institutions diametrically opposed to the genius of
Islamism, and to the character and customs of Mahometans — insti-
tutions, more or less copied from the type of modern Liberalism.
Referring, in his Diary, to the debate, Lord Shaftes-
bury writes : —
1854.] BURIAL CLUBS. 465
March 10th. — Speech to-night on my own motion in reply to the
Manifesto of the Emperor of Russia, and his audacious assertion,
' England and France are siding with the enemies of Christianity
against Russia, who is combating for the Orthodox Faith.'
Nothing pleased me more than the statement of Clarendon, who
was followed by many others, that the debate ' was most opportune.'
In reply to a letter from his son Evelyn, who had
written to congratulate him on his success, he says : —
March Uth, 1854.
Cod bless you, my darling boy, for your kind, sympathising
letter. The success was indeed wonderful.
You ask me how I get through so much work ; why, as I hope
that you will hereafter, by hearty prayer to Almighty God before I
begin, by entering into it with faith and zeal, and by making my end
to be His glory and the good of mankind. ' In hoc signo vinces.'
Yours affectionately, S.
The " work " alluded to in the foregoing letter, was
not only the routine duties inevitable to the position
Lord Shaftesbury had taken in public life ; on all hands
new labours were pressing upon him. The following
letters will indicate some of them : —
Lord Stanley to Lord Shaftesbury.
Albany, Jan, 3rd, 1854.
Dear Lord Shaftesbury, — My attention has been called during
the recess, by various occurrences in Lancashire, in my own neigh-
bourhood, and by the conversation of many persons there, to a sub-
ject which, I know, has engaged much of your time. I mean Burial
Clubs, and the abuses to which, under existing regulations, they are
exposed. I wish much, if convenient, to have some conversation
with you on this subject, as I believo a legislative remedy may be
C e
466 THE EA11L OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XXII.
applied, and I know no person who is better qualified to pronounce
on one than yourself.
Will you allow me to do myself the honour of calling upon you
to discuss this question 1
I make no apology either for this request or for an unceremonious
address, notwithstanding the slight nature of our acquaintance.
We are both public men, both deeply interested in the condition
of the working-class ; and, for my own part, I had rather look
back on services such as those which you have performed for that
class, than receive the highest honours on employment of the State.
Believe me, my dear Lord, faithfully yours,
Stanley.
Lord Shaftesbury to Lord Aberdeen.
Feb. 22nd, 1854.
My dear Lord,— Excuse me for making one remark on what
you said to me yesterday afternoon.
It terrified me, for it implied that the country had entered on a
war, which you could so little justify to your own conscience, as to
be unwilling, nay, almost unable, to advise the ordinance of public
prayer for success in the undertaking.
Why, then, have we begun it 1 You asked whether ' the Eng-
lish nation would be brought to pray for the Turks 1 ' Surely ; if they
are brought to fight for them, they would be induced to pray for
them, in a just quarrel. But would a public prayer be for the Turks
alone, or for the Turks at all 1 We send out fleets and armies in a
cause that we consider right, and we should implore Almighty God
to give us success and a speedy peace.
If we have entered on the war with a view to self pi'eservation,
and in defence of principles in which all nations, not the Turks only,
are concerned, we may expect, and almost demand, that a Royal pro-
clamation be issued, inviting the Kingdom to prayer, and on these
grounds.
Yours truly,
Shaftesbury.
1854.] RELIGIOUS LIBERTY IN FRANCE. 467
Lord Clarendon to Lord Shaftesbury.
F. O., March 2nd, 1854.
My dear Shaftesbury, — I am always glad to find myself agree-
ing with you, and I hope that we shall continue to exchange ideas
upon the grave events that are now rapidly about to follow each
other.
I take exactly your view of Letters of Marque, and I some time ago
addressed myself privately to the Governments of France and of the
United States saying that, as we had been driven into the brutal and
barbarous methods of settling differences, we should at least endea-
vour to mitigate its horrors, and thus pay homage to the civilisation
of the times we live in, and that I could see no reason why a licence
should be given for robbery by sea, any more than by land, &c. &c.
The proposal has been met in a corresponding spirit, and I hope
shortly to settle some change in international law, for that will be
necessary ; but the three greatest maritime Powers of the world have
a right to effect such a change in the interests of humanity.
I am not yet prepared, however, to make any public announce-
ment on the subject, because I wish, at the same time, with the pri-
vateering system, to bring our law, or rather practice, respecting
neutral nags more in harmony with the practice and expressed wishes
of other maritime nations.
Very truly yours,
Clarendon.
It had been represented to Lord Shaftesbury — and
his wide acquaintance with foreign affairs and fre-
quent visits to the Continent, confirmed the truth of
the statement — that the cause of religious libedy in
France needed to be brought under the personal notice
of the Emperor. The recent alliance presented, it
was thought, a favourable opportunity for carrying this
into effect.
e e %
468 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XXII.
Lord Shaftesbury to the Emperor of the French.
Loxdox, April 19th, 1854.
Sire, — The liberty that I have taken in addressing your Majesty
will, I feel assured, he forgiven when your Majesty shall have consi-
dered the gravity and importance of the subject that I have ventured
to bring under your attention.
The position that your Majesty has given to France in the estima-
tion of Europe ; the happy and providential Alliance between the
French and English nations, and the great principles for which, in
truth, both your Majesty and our beloved Queen are contending,
have led us not only to hope, but to believe, that we shall, all of us
in both countries, obtain to the full the privileges and blessings that
we are seeking to obtain for others.
Your Majesty will be astonished and grieved to learn, by the
document which accompanies this letter (a document signed by
some of the best names in England, and to which hundreds, had
time been allowed, would have attached their signatures) that the
Protestant Churches in the French Empire do not, at present,
enjoy the freedom, right, security, of property and of conscience,
that are enjoyed by the Seceders ' from the Greek Church, or Pro-
testants, as they are termed, under the Turkish dominions. They
are, on the contrary, suffering many grievous vexations, and they
are apprehending many more, unless it shall please Almighty God to
move your Majesty's heart to show yourself their friend and pro-
tector in all that they can claim as Christian men, and the citizens of
a great empire. It would ill become me to press on your Majesty
the effect that such a contrast would produce, in present circum-
stances, on the minds of Europe and America.
With a humble and hearty prayer to the Throne of Grace, that
your Majesty may receive this address in the spirit in which it is
offered ; and that your Majesty may be disposed to accord us what
we presume to ask,
I have the honour to be, with much respect,
Your Majesty's very obedient, humble servant,
Shaftesbury.
1854.] LETTER FROM NAPOLEON III. 469
The letter was forwarded to the Emperor by the
Count Walewski, and in course of time the following
reply was received : —
The Emperor Napoleon III. to Lord Shaftesbury.
Palais de St. Cloud, le 22 Mai, 185 4.
My Lord, — Le 19 avril dernier, vous m'ecriviez pour re'clamer
en faveur de l'Eglise protestante la liberte, le droit, la securite que
vingt pe'titionnaires anglais vous signalaient conime meconnus dans
certaines parties de la France. Or, le 23 de ce meme niois d'avril,
c'est a dire presque le meme jour, un homme de la plus haute autorite
parmi vos coreligionnaires, M. Guizot, au sein d'une assemble'e
generale, dans un compte rendu de la situation de l'Eglise protestante
de France ('Journal des Debats,' du 25 avril) prononcait les paroles
suivantes qui, si elles blament la politique de mon gouvernement,
rendent au moiiis une justice solennelle a la liberte de con-
science. II disait : ' Au moment meme ou les liberies publiques
sabaissent et reculent, les liberies chretiennes se relevent et avancent ;
c'est dans VEglise chretienne que se refugient le mouvement intellectuel
et la vie libre qui se retirent du monde politique.' L'eloquent orgaue
d'une pareille declaration ne saurait etre suspect de partialite pour
l'Empire, et cependant il n'articule pas la moindre plainte contre le
pouvoir administratif au sujet de l'oppression dont les signataires
l'accusent. Je pourrais me bonier a cette reponse, mais par- egard
pour l'lionorable intermediaire qu'ils ont clioisi, je n'ai pas voulu me
contenter de l'opinion publiquement manifestee par celui que la severite
de ses principes comme la surete de son jugement rendaient le j>lus
conq^etent et le plus digne de foi en cette matiere. J'ai done prescrit
une information scrupuleuse ; elle est sous mes yeux, et les fonction-
naires recommandables qui Font dirigee se trouvent d'accord avec
M. Guizot sur l'egalite positive de la protection pour tous.
Quant aux faits particuliers, il resulte de l'enquete que, dans les
(le'partements indiquds, quelques dissidents pour couvrir leurs menees
politiques d'un pretexte religieux ont jete les liauts cris au sujet
d'un simple rappel a l'execution du decret du 5 mars, 1852 ; qu'ils
ont voulu faire, du droit commun et de la necessite de s'y soumettre,
470 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XXII.
la cause enveniinee cl'une persecution imaginaire. Mais, chose bien
digne de remarque, my Lord, et qui vous frappera sans doute comrae
moi, pourquoi les mecontents, avertis ainsi qu'ils le sont toujours a
l'avance de la reunion annuelle du 23, ne se sont ils pas adresses au
membre eminent charge du rapport. Le secours de sa voix ne leur
aurait pas manque. Ainsi, en s'isolant pour denoncer le gouverne-
ment, en cherchant un appui hors de leur patrie, en renoncant a
leurs defenseui'S naturels, ils ont trahi la faiblesse de leur cause.
Personne n'aurait ose la soutenir a la face du pays. Car, my Lord,
j'ai veille, autant qu'il etait en moi, a ce que le libre exercice du culte
fut assure a tous les membres des confessions reconnues par la loi.
II n'y a plus maintenant une seule localite, plus un seul protestant
en France qui ne soit rattache a un consistoire auquel il peut s'adres-
ser. VoiUi precisement ce que ne veulent pas les Separatistes. Ils
repoussent les sages garanties introduites pour proteger leur religion,
lis affectent une independance absolue. Les ramener par la plus
salutaire des contraintes dans les limites fixees par la loi, c'est a
les entendre violer la liberte de conscience et celle des pratiques
exterieures. Les esprits eleves de la religion reformee ne s'associent
jamais a ces recriminations exagerees. Rassurez-vous, si Ton appi-o-
fondit les faits, la plainte n'a autan fondement ; si Ton considere les
personnes, ce ne sont que des dissidents, plus ou moins animes de
passions politiques. Ainsi, my Lord, quand vous m ecrivez ' que
CEglise protestante de V E 'm jiire francais ne jouit pas de la Hberte, des
droits, de la s'ecurite, de la propriete de conscience dont jouissent
l'Eglise grecque ou protestante,' vous n'avez pas retleclii combien un
assertion aussi tranchante etait contraii-e a la verite. Dans aucun
pays, je ne crains pas de le declarer, tons les cultes sans exception
n'ont une position comparable a celle qui leur est faite en France.
[Car en France, liberte de conscience absolue, egalite de protection a
tous les cultes, subvention et secours a tous ceux que la loi recommit,
acces ouvert pour toutes carrieres a chaque personne quelle que soit
sa croyance.] Qu'on me cite une partie du monde, ou les neuf
dixiemes des habitants etant d'une meme religion ceux qui ne la
professent pas trouvent, comme en France, un appui plus constant et
plus assure.
Croyez, my Lord, a mes sentiments,
Napoleon
1854.] RELIGIOUS LIBERTY IN FRANCE. 471
Lord Shaftesbury was not easily silenced, when he
had strong evidence on his side, even by the voice of an
Emperor. He had overwhelming testimony that, not
only had any mayor, or other magistrate, power to refuse
Protestants the privilege of meeting for public worship,
and to shut up their chapels by force, without assigning
any reason, but that this was constantly being done, and
that the pastors of many churches, especially those in the
Haute-Vienne, were even then mourning their scattered
flocks, their closed churches, and their empty schools.
It was the opinion of Lord Shaftesbury that the Emperor
was misinformed, or was blind to the power which the
Ultramontane party was exercising over the civil autho-
rities, and, in the present temper of affairs, he wanted
to see him interpose his high authority, and maintain
before the world, the principle which Napoleon I. set forth
in these memorable words : " The dominion of the Law
ceases where the undefined domain of Conscience begins,
and neither the prince nor the law can do anything
against this liberty." Lord Shaftesbuiy, therefore, sent
the following letter to the Emperor : —
Lord Shaftesbury to the Emperor Napoleon III.
London, June 20th, 1854.
Sire, — I have to acknowledge, with sincere thankfulness, your
Majesty's condescension in replying to my letter.
I may not intrude on your Majesty's goodness, and presume to
controvert anything that has been stated by your Majesty. Yet I
may, perhaps, venture so far as to send a list of a few places of wor-
ship (by no means the whole) that have been closed since the Presi-
dential Decree of 1852, and to add that the interposition, which I
was bold enough to undertake, was founded, not on any request or
472 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XXII.
communications to me from the Protestants in France, but on the
reports of English travellers who had visited the scenes, and on the
narratives in religious and authentic periodicals.
I will dare, Sire, to go one step further, and say that your Majesty
has not received true intelligence from your functionaries. I take
this freedom, and, at the same time, entreat for it, your royal pardon.
I would not write in this way to the Emperor of Russia or any other
Potentate ; but I cherish, from my heart, the alliance with France,
and I cannot endure the thought that the people of England should
connect your Majesty's name with the odious name of Persecution.
I am, Sire,
With much respect,
Your Majesty's very obedient servant,
Shaftesbury.
There was further correspondence on the subject,
and every step that could be taken with prudence was
taken to secure greater religious liberty to French Pro-
testants. But the letters from the French authorities
all partook, more or less, of a Jesuitical tone, of which
the following, from M. Drouyn de Lhuys, who knew
that the question du droit was all in favour of the
priests, and the question da fait was all against the
Evangelists, may be cited.
M. Drouyn de Lhuys to Lord Pahnerston.
Paris, le 6 Decembre, 1854.
Mon cher Lord Palmerston, — Je n'ai pas perdu de vue les
questions soulevees par le memorandum adresse a Lord Shaftesbury,
et que vous aviez bien voulu me coinmuniquer avant votre retour a,
Londres.
Ces questions sont dedicates et doivent s'envisager sous le double
point de vue du droit et du fait.
En droit, les cultes dissidents ne subissent en France, dans leur
1854.] WORLDLY HONOURS. 473
exercice public, d'autres restrictions que celles imposees a la religion
de la majorite. Aux ternies de l'article 62 de la loi du 18 germinal
an X, aucune partie du territoire francais ne peut etre erigee en
succursale sans l'autorisation du gouvernement. Suivant l'article 44
de la meme loi et le decret du 22 decembre, 1812, pouretablir une
chapelle doraestique, un oratoire particulier, meme dans un pensionnat,
meme dans une e'cole secondaire ecclesiastique, il faut une permission
speciale accorde'e sur la demande de l'eveque. Des congregations
d'origine plus ou moins recente ne pouvaient etre affranchies de ces
conditions applicables aux eglises anciennement etablies, dont le culte
est eprouve par une longue pratique. La Com* de Cassation n'a done
pas meconnu la pensee du decret du 25 mars, 1852, qui n'a fait que
remettre en vigueur les articles du code penal et de la loi du 18
avril, 1834, prohibant les associations composees de plus de vingt
personnes. En fait, l'ad ministration cle partem entale a recu recem-
ment encore des instructions formelles qui lui prescrivent d'user avec
une grande moderation des pouvoirs discretionnaires dont elle est
investie dans l'interet de la securite publique. Je n'ai pas besoin
d'ajouter que lorsque les demandes concernent l'exercice d'un culte
de'ja reconnu et qu'elles emanent regulierement des representants
officiels de ce culte, leur objet memeetleur origine sont une presomp-
tion et un titre en leur faveur.
Agreez, mon cher Lord Palmerston, les assurances de ma haute
consideration et de mon sincere attachement.
Drouyx de Lhuys.
Worldly honours were not coveted by Lord Shaftes-
bury, but he was not indifferent to them. The honours
he had himself achieved, far exceeded any that could be
bestowed upon him. It is, however, remarkable that,
up to this point in his career, no public honour had
been accorded to him, save and except the presentation
of the freedom of the town of Tain in Scotland !
It was when he was fighting a battle as hard as any
that should be fought in the Crimea; when he was
distressed by failure in proem in jj just legislation for
474 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XXII.
chimney sweepers, and "harassed by Quaker letters be-
praising the Czar " and denouncing him ; when " private
affairs and public affairs, the Danube and house-drain-
age, Ragged Schools and the Kings of the East, Omar
Pasha and ' pure literature for the people,' the Turkish
Exchequer and his own '' were dividing and confusing
his mind, that he received the following letter from
the Prime Minister : —
Lord Aberdeen to Lord Shaftesbury.
Argyll House, May ith, 1854.
My dear Shaftesbury, — It would give me great pleasure if you
would permit me to submit your name to the Queen for the vacant
Blue Ribbon. This is not intended as a political appointment ; for,
although I hope your general feelings are not unfriendly to the
Government, I make the proposal exclusively from a desire to mark
my admiration of your unwearied exertions in the cause of humanity
and of social improvement.
I am aware that honours of this description are usually conferred
from very different motives ; but I feel certain that the distinction
was never better deserved, and I doubt not that I shall myself
receive credit for making such a selection.
Believe me, very truly yours,
A berdeen.
Almost every weighty question that came before
Lord Shaftesbury, he discussed with himself in his Diary,
and these are his thoughts and arguments on receiving
Lord Aberdeen's " friendly and gratifying letter": —
May 5th Though my immediate impulse was to decline
it, prayed to God for counsel and guidance. The point to be con-
sidered is 'will it impede, or will it promote, my means of doing
1854.] THE ORDER OF THE GARTER DEO LIKED. 475
good?' Minny wants me to accept it 'as a just acknowledgment,'
so she says, 'of my deserts.' I am unwilling to do so, lest it should
be considered a payment of them, and I be told, hei-eafter, either
that I was never disinterested in my labours, or, when I appeal to
Government for aid in my projects, that they have done enough to
oblige me, and that they can do no more !
I do not, myself, care about the thing the least in the world ; and
I do not see that it would be advisable to take a step by which
nothing can be gained and something may be lost.
First, though I am really anxious to maintain this Government
in office, I do not wish to bind myself to it by any party ties ; and
this would, in some degree, lay me under an obligation to the
Minister.
Secondly, it would preclude me, in some degree, from claim on
any other Minister who might succeed Aberdeen, and I can prosper,
in my various and difficult undertakings, only by being on good and
disinterested terms with all.
Thirdly, many ignorant and many malicious persons would
decry all public virtue, and say that ' every public man had his
price.'
Fourthly, many censorious, spiteful, and wondering remarks,
some in bitterness, some in pleasantry, which I need not record,
would be made on myself.
Fifthly, the novelty of this reward for such services as mine,
would offend many people, and lower the value of the decoration
among those for whom it is principally intended.
Sixthly, the fees would amount to more than one thousand
pounds, a sum which I have not and cannot command, and which, if
I had, I must devote either to my children or to duties towards my
people. Those who are rich, or without claims on them, may do
these things ; but how can I, when, at this moment, people are asking
for payment of their debts, and I am unable to satisfy them 1
This is my mind ; but I must, in deference to the wishes of
another, take one day for thought and counsel. God give me a true
judgment.
The result of the deliberation is given in the follow-
ing letter : —
476 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XXII.
Lord Shaftesbury to Lord Aberdeen.
May 5th, 1854.
My dear Lord, — Your very kind letter reached me last night,
and I determined at once to take a few hours for deliberation before
I ventured to send a reply.
I return you my most sincere and hearty thanks for your friendly
intentions,- and for the gratifying language in which you have com-
municated them.
This offer, I know, is not made, nor do I regard it, in a political
sense. True it is that the course of my public life has separated me
from Party, but I am not, by any means, indifferent to the welfare of
your Administration.
Now, while I acknowledge, with real gratitude, the honour you
have proposed to me, shall I be considered as slighting either the
decoration or yourself, if I venture to decline it? In the public
career I have to maintain, and to secure the objects I pursue, it is
essentially necessary that I not only be, but that I appear to be,
altogether independent. You, I know, would impose no conditions ;
but were your offer accepted, I should impose them on myself, and
feel bound, by my own act, to limit somewhat my own discretion.
I must remember, too, that there are many whom you might oblige
by the high distinction, and whose pretensions would be more readily
admitted by the political world.
The act you contemplated, of kindness and respect for my labours,
has been accomplished by the offer ; and be assured that I shall
never, to the end of my days, see a Garter or a Star without a
grateful and affectionate recollection of the honour proposed, and of
the man who proposed it.
With earnest wishes for your temporal and eternal welfare,
Believe me, very truly yours,
Shaftesbury.
After-thoughts confirmed him in his opinion that
he had done well to decline the honour, and he writes
in his Diary a few days later : —
1854.] COLONISATION OF SYRIA 477
May 10th. — "Wrote on Saturday to Aberdeen and declined the
Garter ; but I thanked him heartily and affectionately for his kind-
ness, and for the estimate he put on my public services. He under-
stood and felt my difficulties, and sent, he told me, my letter to the
Queen. I regret the necessity of the determination, for I am not
indifferent to the honour ; but I am sure that I have done wisely,
God be praised ; and, so far as I can judge, people seem to think so.
The position of affairs in the East revived the hope
that the time was at hand when a way would be opened
for the return of the Jews to their inheritance in the
Land of Promise. Whatever opinion others might
hold upon this subject, and whatever interpretation they
might place upon the prophecies in the Scriptures con-
cerning it, Lord Shaftesbury never had a shadow of
doubt that the Jews were to return to their own land,
that the Scriptures were to be literally fulfilled, and
that the time was at hand. It was no commonplace
belief he held; no mere assent to a proposition. It
was his daily prayer, his daily hope. " Oh, pray for the
peace of Jerusalem ! " were the words engraven on the
ring he always wore on his right hand — the words, too,
that were engraven on his heart. His study of the
prophetic Scriptures led him to associate the return of
the Jews with the Second Advent of our Lord, and this
was the hope that animated every other.
He believed in human instrumentality bringing
about Divine purposes, and, as we have seen,* had laid
a scheme for the Colonisation of Syria before Lord
Palmerston in 1840. Nothing practical having come
* Vol. i., p. 313.
478 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XXII.
of the negotiations, he now brought the subject under
the notice of Lord Clarendon.
May 17th. — Wrote this clay to Sir Moses Montefiore, to learn,
if I could, the sentiments of his nation respecting a plan I have
already opened to Clarendon, and Clarendon to Lord Stratford,
that the Sultan should he moved to issue a firman granting to the
Jewish people power to hold land in Syria, or any part of the Turkish
dominions. This would he analogous to the Decree of Cyrus. Surely
no one can say, ' you are precipitating events ; ' they are rushing
upon us ; we desire simply to meet them. All the East is stirred ;
the Turkish Empire is in rapid decay ; every nation is restless ; all
hearts expect some great thing ; all look to wars, convulsions,
changes, new and wonderful issues ; nothing, men fear, is to remain
as it is, yet no one can shadow even the outline of the events to
come. No one can say that we are anticipating prophecy ; the
requirements of it seem nearly fulfilled ; Syria ' is wasted without an
inhabitant ; ' these vast and fertile regions will soon he without a
ruler, without a known and acknowledged power to claim dominion.
The territory must he assigned to some one or other ; can it he given
to any European potentate 1 to any American colony 1 to any Asiatic
sovereign or tribe 1 Are there aspirants from Africa to fasten a
demand on the soil from Hamath to the river of Egypt 1 No, no,
no! There is a country without a nation; and Cod now, in His
wisdom and mercy, directs us to a nation without a country. His
own once loved, nay, still loved people, the sons of Abraham, of
Isaac, and of Jacob.
Among the labours that at this time made up the
common round and daily task of Lord Shaftesbury's
life, was a renewed effort to better the condition of
Chimney Sweepers. It was not, however, until some
years later that his efforts were crowned with success.
May 2nd.— Great anxiety about Bill for relief of Chimney
Sweepers. Have suffered actual tortures through solicitude for pre-
vention of these horrid cruelties. What a mystery that our efforts have
1854.] THE CHIMNEY-SWEEPERS BILL. 479
been so long unavailing. The accursed system is, I fear, returning
to London.
May 20th. — For three days have suffered much from giddiness,
and to-day suffer from grief. The Government in the House of
Commons threw out the Chimney-Sweepers Bill, and said not a word
of sympathy for the wretched children, nor of desire to amend the
law. They stood on mere technicalities, Fitzroy and Lord J. Russell
giving the ministerial opposition. Walpole was as hostile as any of
them, sacrificing the bodies and souls of thousands to a mere point of
legal etiquette ! I have to thank Phillimore for bringing it in, and
Kinnaird and Acland for supporting it ; and again I must bow to
this mysterious Providence that leaves these outcasts to their horrible
destiny, and nullifies, apparently at least, all our efforts to rescue
them in soul and body.
May 21st. — Sunday. "Very sad and low about the loss of the
Sweeps Bill — the prolonged sufferings, the terrible degradation, the
licensed tyranny, the helpless subjection, the enormous mass of crueltv
and crime on the part of parents and employers, are overwhelming.
The prospect is gloomy ; this failure, and the failure of my Bill last
year for the Suppression of Juvenile Mendicancy, show that my in-
fluence, always small, is now on the decline. Henceforward effort
will be hopeless, nevertheless it must be made. The Collar of the
Garter might have choked me ; I have not, at least, this or any other
Government favour against me, as a set-off to their insolence and
oppression. I must persevere, and by God's help so I will ; for how-
ever dark the view, however contrary to all argument the attempt,
however painful and revolting the labour, T see no Scripture reason
for desisting ; and the issue of every toil is in the hands of the
Almighty.
May 22nd. — Half-past ten. . . . Wrote to Aberdeen about the
conduct of the Government. I thank God that Palmerston was no
party to the act, he came to vote for me and found Fitzroy in the
field against me ! * Am in many minds what to do. Shall I move
an address to the Crown, and state the whole case \ Shall I let the
matter rest to another Session 1 . . .
The following extracts from the Diary relate prin-
* Fitzroy was Under-Secretary at the time.
480 TEE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XXIL
cipally to the private joys and griefs of Lord Shaftesbury
during this year : —
May 15th. — Very busy ; little time for thought, none for read-
ing. Oftentimes do I look at a book and wish for it, as a donkey
for a carrot ; and I, like him, am disappointed.
May 17th. — Went to chair of >m others' meeting in Westminster;
a wonderful, really a wonderful— call it, in the language of theology,
a miraculous— spectacle. It was a sight to bless God for, such a
mighty reformation of drunken, idle, profligate, dirty, and cruel
parents. As usual, none of the clergy there. A work of this kind, and
of this high and spiritual character, effected by an unordained person,
a humble layman who, without the intervention of a bishop, or a
college education, had nothing but the grace of God and the Holy
Scriptures, is too powerful, too convincing, too irresistible. It over-
whelms ' Apostolical Succession ' by an avalanche of practical truth.
July 4th. — To Harrow for the speeches. It pleased me. Dear
Evelyn was among the speakers ; and most admirably, most agree-
ably, did he execute his task both in French and English. Every one
was delighted with his manner, his appearance, his manifest ability.
Ah ! Lord, make him Thy true, constant, and fruitful servant.
July 1 6th. — Sunday. Have to record God's mercy and goodness.
Arrived late last night by rail from Dover, having gone there the
night before and spent the whole of yesterday on the sea or in Calais
in an inspection of the embarkation of French troops on board the
British fleet. Went that I might see dear Antony again in the
Hannibal under orders for the Baltic. Saw him and passed some
hours with him. I had the advantage of the Admiralty boat and the
company of Admiral Berkeley and Captain Milne.
July 22nd. . . . Threatened by loss of Seeley's aid in the
various movements and societies. This is heartrending. ' I cannot,'
as Moses said, 'bear all this burden myself alone.' Specially the
Lab. Friend Soc. will suffer. It has long depended, humanly speak-
ing, on Gregson, Roberts, and Seeley, the universal and constant
(with myself) sub-committee. But Gregson has ceased to attend ;
lloberts is abroad for health ; and now Seeley must 'give in !' Lord,
raise us up tit men for this service ! O Lord, succour us ! It is
surely a work for Thine honour and man's real welfare !
1834.] BEREAVEMENTS. 481
It was when en route to Ems to drink the waters,
before proceeding on his annual continental tour, that
he wrote : —
August 12th. — Ems. Had heard, on road, at Bonn, report of
death of poor Jocelyn by cholera ; confirmed by a letter from Pal-
merston. Such is the will of God ; and we must say of this, as of
many other events, ' What I do thou knowest not now ; but thou
shalt know hereafter.' It is very sad, for he leaves behind him
a wife and four young children ; very awful, for he was cut off sud-
denly, without notice or prepai'ation. ' In the midst of life we are
in death.' He was in excellent health, all things considered, but a
few hours before the pestilence struck him — ' the arrow that flieth at
noon-day.' ... It has startled and grieved . me ; so good-natured,
good-tempered, and good-hearted ; he was popular, with much social
merit. . . . God sanctify it to us all — to his relatives and acquaint-
ances, to the circle of his associates, to high and low, rich and poor !
Let it drive us more earnestly to prayer, for ourselves and for our
children !
August 17th. . . . Jocelvn buried at Hyde Hall on Tuesday,
the day after we received the intelligence. Besides other reasons for
remaining, it was thus physically impossible to pay the last tribute of
respect and affection. The feeling is strong to pray for the departed,
specially if your belief comes short of assurance. But it must be
resisted ; there is no warranty for it in Scripture.
September 8th. — The dear old Duchess of Beaufort has been
gathered to her fathers, full of years and God's grace. At eighty -four
years of age, and with such hope — nay, assurance — of a blessed
eternity, who can weep for her departure 1 She lias run a remark-
able course ; she fought a good fight ; she kept the faith. Called by
God to be His instrument for the revival of the truth in the upper
classes of society, she became ' a mother in Israel.' I entertain for
her the deepest reverence and affection, and well may I add, grati-
tude, for her undeviating kindness and love towards me, and hearty
sympathy in all I undertook. Many and profitable have been the
hours that I have passed in her company. Very kind letter from
her worthy daughter, Lady Georgiana Ryder.
November 12th, Sunday. — St. Giles's. To London a few days
//
4S2 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XXII.
ago, to exhibit the terrors of Wild Court to the editors of papers and
others, that they might see the present state of things, and judge by
the inspection of a year hence (should God so far spare us) of the
improvements we propose to m;ike, their cost, their completeness, and
efficiency. It answered well.
The object of Lord Shaftesbury in inviting a number
of noblemen, ministers, representatives of the press, and
others, to a kind of " open-air meeting " in Wild Court,
Great Wild Street, Drury Lane, was that those who
were interested in the London poor might have an
opportunity of knowing, from personal inspection, the
character of the dens in which too many of them were
obliged to herd together. This wretched Court was
selected as a suitable locality for the extension of the
experi mental labours of the Society for Improving the
Condition of the Working Classes (the Labourers' Friend
Society) in introducing into London better house-accom-
modation for the poor. The newspapers of the following
day published graphic descriptions of the place; and it
was stated, among other details, that the inadequacy
of the means supplied for sewage, drainage, and water
supply were such, as, but for ocular proof, could hardly
have been believed to exist in any civilised country. It
was found, too, that in the fourteen houses of which
Wild Court consisted, nearly one thousand persons
found shelter, and that the very staircases were nightly
covered with poor wretches to whom even the pesti-
lential accommodation of the rooms was an unattain-
able luxury.
November 27tl?. — Saw yesterday, in the paper, that Lockhart was
dead. He had long been in a declining state, and now he is gone !
1854.] WAR IN A CHRISTIAN SPIRIT. 483
His family anxieties had been gi'eat, and his bodily sufferings too.
I must ever remember him with gratitude, for the Quarterly Review
has ever been open to the maintenance of mercy, truth, and wisdom,
in the cause of the labouring population. His kindness to myself
was unwearied.
December 18th. — London. . . . Chair in evening at Drury Lane,
for an oration of Gough's.* The man is a marvel — a real marvel.
He would be a marvel if there were only his eloquence and flow ; but
he is pious and modest withal, which renders him a perfect prodigy.
He acts as well as he speaks.
War in a Christian spirit presented no anomaly to the
mind of Lord Shaftesbury. He acknowledged the Hand
of God in the unfolding of every fresh page of History,
and he saw, or thought he saw, in the events which were
happening in the East, the ripening of many purposes
and the accomplishment of many ends, which he be-
lieved to be Divinely decreed. Thus he writes of the
Czar : — " He has aimed at universal empire, and is now
undergoing the sentence that Cod ever inflicts on such
fearful ambition." Again : " He has greatly persecuted
the Jews, of whom nearly two millions live and smart
under his warlike dominion. But he will learn, as all
have learned who have oppressed them, that they are
' a people terrible from their beginning hitherto,' terrible
in their possession of Cod's covenanted protection ; "
and so on throughout the Diaries.
What did present an anomaly to the mind of Lord
Shaftesbury was, that any action could be taken by the
leaders in the great movements connected with the war,
except in a serious spirit, and, more than this, that any
* The Temperance Lecturer.
//2
484 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XXII.
steps should be taken by a Christian nation, -without
national prayer, or any signal mercy be received, without
national thanksgiving. It grieved him that banquets
given to military and naval heroes on their departure
for the war should be so "light and jocose." " Surely,"
he says, " we should send them forth with prayer,
and hope, and confidence, not with wine and laughter."
It grieved him that the dispatches of Lord Raglan
made no acknowledgment of the God of battles. " He
falls sadly short of Hardinge, who, announcing his
great victory over the Sikhs, gave all the glory to God.
Forgive him, 0 Lord, and us too, for the nation must
have a share in the responsibility."
And again : " Why are Raglan's dispatches so cold
and thankless to Almighty God ? Is it not grievous ?
Is it not awful, that, amid such plain and unquestionable
proofs of God's interposition, there should be no mention
of His name ? Is he ashamed to follow Lord Nelson
and Lord Hardinge ? Is he thinking more of the clubs
of St. James's Street, than the audience of the Heavenly
host ? I am deeply sorry, and tremble for him and for
the cause. It is a sad pit}*, a melancholy loss, for a
nobler specimen of a soldier and a gentleman has never
existed in our land."
Lord Shaftesbury did not in these criticisms require
from others what in principle he did not give himself;
nor did he preach and fail to practise. The entries in
his Diaries are full of devout acknowledgments of the
goodness, mercy, and judgment of God, while on many
occasions, and especially on the eve of critical events, he
1854.] SPECIAL PRAYERS. 485
recorded the particular subjects of his prayer. Here is
a specimen : " 0 Lord, Almighty God, protect those
gallant men of both nations by sea and by land, from
the pestilence, the battle, and the flood ; give them a
speedy and a joyous victory ; a speedy and a lasting
peace ; restore them safe and happy to their land,
and that right soon. We pray not, 0 Lord, in ma-
lignity or revenge, but for the peace of nations, and the
security of freedom ; restrain the ambition of this man,
stay his encroachments, cod found his devices, and turn
his heart. Rend from him his ill-gotten gain^, the
acquisitions of fraud and violence, confine him within
his own limits of race and language. Save a Protestant
land from idolatrous rule, and enable us to do some
great work for Poland, of justice, mercy, and retri-
bution ; and thus, by Thy grace, both in the East and
in the West, Thy word shall have free course and be
glorified through Jesus Christ our Lord."
The following letter to Mr. Haldane relates to this
subject : —
Lord Shaftesbury to Mr. Haldane.
Dec. 21s«, 1854.
My dear Mr. Haldane, — A controversy will, I suppose, arise
on the propriety of the refusal of Lord Aberdeen to set apart a day
for thanksgiving in acknowledgment of the victories of Alma and
Inkerman.
On a consideration of the whole matter, I think that he was
right.
It would be a happy thing if the public and private prayers of
the nation ascended, at every hour, to the Throne of Grace, but it is
a serious question whether the Queen shall frequently interpose, and,
by authority, direct the devotions of the people.
486 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XXII.
In the first place, the constant repetition of such an exercise of
prerogative has a tendency to bring their power into dispute, and it
is, I understand, very open to question.
Next, the frequency of the appeal diminishes and almost wears
out the effect ; and it should, therefore, be reserved for instances of
a oreat crisis, such as the commencement of a war, or the close of it,
or some event having a decided and marked issue.
This is the more requisite, as a day set apart involves a heavy
fine on large masses of the working community. Not one employer
in a hundred will pay his people for the day of suspended labour ;
and thus, while easy people rejoice, the operative classes almost
groan, and positively sustain a loss, while we experience none. This
breeds discontent, and takes greatly from the value of the authori-
tative observance. The people assent to it on great occasions ; but
on an occasion less marked, both they and the Dissenters, and even
the Clergy, complain of the decree.
Lord Aberdeen added an argument which I had never heard
before, but it has great force. 'Take heed,' he said, 'how you get
into the habit of superseding the Liturgy by new prayers under the
"Royal order ; you may introduce precedents fatal to the integrity of
your Prayer Book.'
We had, and most fitly, a prayer at the beginning of the war ;
we should, I hope, have one more if it please God to bless our arms
with the capture of Sebastopol.
If you concur with me, will you use your influence to turn the
thoughts of religious newspapers into the same channel ]
Yours very truly,
S.
The last paragraph in the letter quoted above, is
noteworthy. Mr. Haldane had great influence with the
Eecord newspaper, and it was through him that, on
all occasions and on every conceivable subject, Lord
Shaftesbury was able to communicate with the public.
The end of 1854 and the early part of 1855 was a
period pregnant with important events in the life of
1854.] MISMANAGEMENT IN THE CRIMEA. 487
Lord Shaftesbury, as it was in the political history of
the country. The mismanagement of affairs in the
Crimea, particularly as regarded the Commissariat De-
partment, had kindled a feeling of distress and indigna-
tion such as had never been known before.
Dec. 21st, 1854. — The mismanagement and stupidity, if not utter
negligence, at Balaklava, have caused a great amount of loss of life,
of property, and health. This was excusable in the outset ; it is not
excusable now, when the Government know all these things.
Dec. 22nd. — Much talk with Clarendon, Newcastle, and Lord
Lansdowne ; they are downcast, and fear the consequences of the
incapacity of their local agents. The country has sent out stores of
every kind, equal to five times the demand ; and yet neither the
sound nor the sick, the officer nor the private, can obtain the
twentieth part of what is wanted.
It would be beside our purpose to tell the story of
the grievous calamities that befell our countrymen in
the Crimea in the terrible winter of this year. " The
noblest army England ever sent from these shores,"
said the Times, " has been sacrificed to the grossest
mismanagement. Incompetency, lethargy, aristocratic
hauteur, official indifference, favour, routine, perverse-
ness and stupidity, reign, revel, and riot, in the camp
before Sebastopol, in the harbour of Balaklava, in the
hospitals of Scutari, and how much nearer home we do
not venture to say." Every day fresh tidings came of
privation, sickness, and death ; of unspeakable suffering
from neglect ; of medical stores decaying at Varna that
were intended for Scutari ; of tents standing in pools of
water for want of implements to dig trenches ; of con-
signments of boots all for the left foot ; and so forth.
488 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XXII.
One good came out of the evil, not limited to the
Crimea, but destined to affect every battle-field for all
future time, namely, the landing in Scutari of Miss
Florence Nightingale and the noble band of women
who accompanied her, as nurses to the sick and
wounded. Thus was inaugurated the Geneva Red Cross
Association which has since done so much to mitigate
the avoidable horrors of war.
When Parliament re-assembled after the Christmas
recess (Jan. 23), jmblic indignation in England had
reached its height.
's>'
Jan. 25th, 1855. — London. Accounts from the Crimea wax worse
and worse ; our men are decimated by disease, cold, and hunger. The
survivors are feeble and demoralised. We have no commanders, no
officers. ' Counsel has perished.' Raglan's staff— specially his Quarter-
Master and Adjutant-General — are incompetent, ignorant, obstinate
and preferring the observance of a red-tape regulation to the
comforts, nay, the lives of the soldiers. Newcastle, at home, seems
not more efficient ; he sees all the evil, and yet, through weakness
or perverseness, applies no remedy. Unless God in His wonderful
mercy interpose, we shall have a national disaster unprecedented in
the annals of English history. O God, give us the spirit of peni-
tence, confession, and prayer ! Here is our only hope. Have
written to McCaul, Seeley, and Haldane, to stir up every one to
earnest, hearty, and constant supplication.
And J. flussell has chosen this time to send in his resignation.
and break up the Government ! Can any one who knows the man
and his antecedents, doubt that self-seeking, place-loving ambition,
aims at the Premiership, and jeopardises everything for his own
particular 1
Mr. Roebuck had given notice that he would move
for a Select Committee "to inquire into the condition
of the army before Sebastopol, and into the conduct of
1855.] A CRISIS. 489
those Departments of the Government, whose duty it
has been to minister to the wants of that army." As
this involved " a censure upon the War Department,
with which some of his colleagues were connected," Lord
John Russell considered that his only course was to
tender his resignation, " probably," as Lord Shaftesbury
said in a letter to Mr. Haldane, " with a desire to flood
the Government, in the hope of floating to the surface
and getting the best anchorage as the waters subside."
On January the 29th Mr. lloebuck's motion was
carried by 305 to 148, and on the following day the
Coalition Government ceased to exist.
Feb. 1st. . . . Folly, rashness, self-conceit, and miscalcu-
lation are at their height. Affairs in the Crimea, and affairs at home,
seem to prove that we are anything but ' a wise and understanding
people.' All is in confusion ; the old Government is out ; and there
is no new one to come in. Meanwhile the war proceeds, the army
perishes, and judgments arise out of our own personal childishness.
We are silly beyond the silliness of a boarding-school. . . . On
Monday night a majority of 150 destroyed the whole Administration,
intending to destroy only Newcastle and Aberdeen. The Government
might have been saved, would it have announced a change in the
War Department, and a resolution to reform the Civil Departments
of the army ; but the ' mock heroics ' got hold of them, and they pre-
ferred defeat. These struttings of dignity are very legitimate iu
ordinaiy times, but wholly misplaced in such a crisis of the nation
as this.
Derby proposed yesterday to Palmerston that he, Gladstone, and
Sidney Herbert, should join his administration. Palmerston replied
that he would join none which did not contain Clarendon at the
Foreign Office. He subsequently refused to join him at all.
Feb. 3rd. — We are full of rumours ; and none are agreeable. It
is certain that Lord J. Puissell (!!!) has been desired, this day, to
form an Administration ; and Palmerston has consented to take the
490
THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XXII.
lead of House of Commons, Lord John going to the House of Lords.
. . . Why is the House of Lords to be made the London reformatory,
where convicted criminals are to have another chance 1 Is it ^ood
that so tarnished a man should be in so brilliant a situation 1
Palmerston has many defects for a Premier ; but he is better
than any competitor. He has judged wrongly in aiding her Majesty
to inflict the Russell incubus on the country. He urges in excuse
that ' he should have been charged with personal views and a desire
to get the thing into his own hands.'
Feb. 5th. . . . Palmerston has received orders to construct an
Administration ! It was no slight affront to public morality that
Lord J. was ever summoned to do so. But 'public morality' is a
mediaeval thing ; the 19th century has outstripped it!
Feb. 6th. — The Peelites, it is said, refuse to join, though reluc-
tantly ; but Gladstone leads them, and they follow him. Various reasons
are assigned, but none of them sound, patriotic, wise, or true. I hear
that Gladstone has long exhibited a desire to return to Lord Derby,
and I believe it. He would then be Leader of the House of Com-
mons, and be virtually Prime Minister. Then would he work his
will in the ecclesiastical appointments. People will begin to expect
that Palmerston's Church nominations will differ much from Aber-
deen's, being influenced by my opinion. There could not be a greater
error. He has never in his life, and never will, so long as he
has breath, consult me on anything. It is not very likely that he
will consult anybody ; but, if he do, it will not be one connected
with the Evangelical party.
The da}' after the above entry was made in the Diary
Lord Shaftesbury received the following letter : —
Lord Palmerston to Lord Shaftesbury.
Piccadilly, 7th Feb., 1855.
My dear Shaftesbury,— Will you be Duke of Lancaster with a
seat in the Cabinet 1 You would be useful to us in Council, and
your being there would, I am sure, be gratifying to large bodies of
the people.
Yours sincerely,
Let me know as soon as you can. Palmerstox.
1855;] OFFER OF THE DUCHY OF LANCASTER. 4yl
Later on in the same day a further letter was sent.
It ran thus : —
Lord Palmerston to Lord Shaftesbury.
Piccadilly, 7th Feb., 1855.
My dear Shaftesbury, — Unexpected difficulties have arisen
■which may interfere with the offer which I made you this morning,
and therefore I must ask you to consider it as suspended till you
hear from me ajrain.
Yours sincerely,
"»■
Palmerston.
The difficulties to which I allude do not relate to you but to
others.
AHhough the receipt of the first letter could not be
otherwise than gratifying to Lord Shaftesbury, the
receipt of the second brought him infinite relief. His
replies to both letters are given below : —
Lord Shaftesbury to Lord Palmerston (No. I.).
Feb. 7th, 1855.
Dear Palmerston, — I have received your letter, and consider, as
you desire, the offer suspended.
I have sent my letter, which was ready, that you may see that,
probably after all, I may not be such a colleague as you wished for,
at least not one worth struggling for against a difficulty.
Yours,
Shaftesbury.
Lord Shaftesbury to Lord Palmerston (No. II.).
Feb. 7th, 1855.
My dear Palmerston, — You may be assured that I am much
gratified by your kind proposition, and I feel very sensibly both the
honour and the friendship of it.
492 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XXII
But the acceptance of office involves so large a surrender of many
important occupations in which I am engaged, and have for a long
time been engaged, that I should make up my mind with great
reluctance to enter on a new careei\
The circumstances of the time, however, are such that no one
may stand on his own particular habits and tastes, if the surrender
of them can be of advantage to the public weal. Your letter states
that I can be of such service, but while I submit my judgment to
yours, and prepare to undertake a charge to which I am most repug-
nant, I may assert that I can be of service to your Administration
only by adhering to the principles I have professed, and by which I
have obtained any small confidence I may have from the country.
Pray be assured that I am not presuming to make conditions. I
simply desire to state that there are certain opinions and principles,
which I have always maintained, and which, wherever I be placed, I
must continue to maintain.
Now, the only points on which you and I are likely to differ are : —
1st. Questions such as Maynooth, and matters akin to it. I am
not for the extinction of Maynooth, that cannot be now clone, but I
am strongly against the extension of it, and very much in favour of
its reformation and adjustment to the necessities of Ireland.
2nd. Any measures for the encouragement of the Papal power,
such as the appointment of Roman Catholic chaplains to the several
gaols.
3rd. The question of the Jewish Relief Bill.
4th. Measures affecting the vexata qucestio of the Sabbath, such
as the disturbance of the Act, passed last session, for the closing of
public-houses on that day, which has worked so well, but to which
there is a strong opposition.
Now, if with the hazard of these differences, and your knowledge
of the several positions I hold in the country, at the head of many
Associations and Committees, you are still of opinion that I can
render a service in the present awful crisis (for this is my main con-
sideration) I will surrender, to your judgment, my own very strong
antipathy to official life, and hold the situation until you shall have
found some other one equally to your mind.
Yours very truly,
Shaftesbury
1855.] THE DUCHY OF LANCASTER REFUSED. 493
The incident is narrated in the Diary in these words :
Feb. 8th. — And so I have had the chance of being a Cabinet
Minister ! Palmerston proposed to me the Duchy of Lancaster with
a seat in the Cabinet ! It is a crisis, a dreadful crisis — a Government
must be formed ! Reserving all principles, I accepted it in the sense
shown in my letter, though I loathed it beyond the power of expres-
sion. My first impulse to refuse, but overruled by the importunities
of Minny. Believed, and still believe, that I should have been
thwarted, defeated on everything, whether of movement or existence ;
should have been absolutely alone, defied in the Cabinet, and mis-
understood out of it.
A few hours afterwards requested by P. to consider ' the offer as
suspended,' in consequence of unforeseen difficulties.
. . . This morning a letter from Lady Palmerston to say that
the Whigs were infuriated by their ' small ' share of power and place ;
and that P. must give the Duchy to one of that party. I acquiesced
more cheerfully in the withdrawal than in the proposition of the
offer. Lord Lansdowne took the lead against me.
The letter alluded to above, was as follows : —
Lady Palmerston to Lord Shaftesbury.
Thursday morning, Feb. 8th.
My dearest Ashley, — Palmerston is distracted with all the
worry he has to go through, and he must go to Windsor at twelve,
so he desired me to write to you.
He says that your high character and position in the countiy
would, he feels sure, have been of great use to the Government, but
after he first wrote to you he found himself in a very unexpected
difficulty. The Whigs at Brookes' were all up in arms at the
Government not being formed on more Liberal principles or rather
with 'more of the Whig party.'
They' are disappointed at the Peelites joining, and at under people
of that party keeping their places, so that, in that manner, there are
hardly any places to fill up. They press, therefore, very much for a
Whig in the Duchy of Lancaster, so as to make the Peelite division
in a greater minority. One part of our friends strongly press for
494 THE EABL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XXII.
Lord Grey, and another put forward Lord Carlisle. I don't think
Palmerston will agree to either, but still he would give way to
having a Whig appointed, rather than to have all the party dis-
satisfied.
Nobody has made any personal objection to you, and Palmerston
would certainly have preferred you to any other person, both from
opinion and affection ; but as you did feel reluctant to accept the
trammels of office, and felt that it would be a sacrifice on your part
to give up your independence, he will not urge you any further ;
but hopes you will give him your assistance and the benefit of your
advice.
Believe me, yours ever affectionately,
E. Palmerston.
P.S. — It is no pleasure to have to form a Government when there
are so many unreasonable people to please, and so many interested
people pressing for their own gratification and vanity, without any
regard to the public good or the interests of the Government and
country.
For a time, the anxiety and suspense which an offer
of a place in the Government always brought upon
Lord Shaftesbury, were removed. But only for a time.
Lord Palmerston had too high an appreciation, from
long personal experience, of Lord Shaftesbury's qualifi-
cations for statesmanship, to dispense with his imme-
diate assistance without a struggle.
In the meanwhile, however, he was called to a work
of the gravest importance, for which, as far as we are
aware, he has never had the credit which was justly his
due, namely, the organisation of a Sanitary Commission,
with full powers to redress the grievances at Scutari
and Balaklava, as far as they were capable of redress,
and thus to roll away, as far as possible, the stigma
that attached to the nation.
1855.] SANITARY COMMISSION TO THE CRIMEA. 495
" That commission," Miss Nightingale wrote to
Lord Shaftesbury, some time afterwards, " saved the
British army."
One day, when excitement and indignation were at
their height, on account of the mismanagement of
affairs in the East, Dr. Hector Gavin, who had been
for three years Government Commissioner for the pre-
vention and cure of cholera in the West Indies, called
upon Lord Shaftesbury, to talk about his labours on the
Board of Health in relation to the same disease, and,
as a matter of course, the conversation turned upon the
ravages made by cholera among our brave soldiers in
the East. It was during that interview that the
scheme for a Sanitary Commission in the East was
suggested to the mind of Lord Shaftesbury.
The outline of the history of the movement is given
briefly in the Diary. The amount of labour involved
can be imagined.
Feb. 14th. . . . Have been running about to stir up Prelates and
Ministers to a day of prayer. Tried, unsuccessfully, to see Panmure"*
on sanitary arrangements for Crimea Hospitals, but all in vain ; a
' Philanthropist ' is always a bore.
Feb. 15th. — A day of success. May God be praised, and to
Him be all the glory ! First, efforts with the Bishop of London,
Archbishop of Canterbury, Gladstone, and Palmerston, for a day of
humiliation, have prospered. Most thankful was I to-day to find P.
not only ready, but urging, that the day should be a special day, and
not a Sunday. This is very good ; it looks serious and reverent.
Next, Panmure has listened to my scheme for a Sanitary Com-
mission to proceed, with full powers, to Scutari and Balaklava, there
* Lord Panmure (formerly Mr. Fox Maule) was Secretary of State
for War.
496 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XXII
to purify the hospitals, ventilate the ships, and exert all that science
can do to save life where thousands are dying, not of their wounds,
but of dysentery and diarrhoea, the result of foul air and preventible
mischiefs. Again I bless Thee, O Lord ; and bring the work, we
pray Thee, to a joyous issue !
The Commissioners, who were appointed without
delay, were Dr. Sutherland, of the General Board of
Health ; Dr. Hector Gavin (who was afterwards killed
accidentally in the Crimea) ; Mr. Rawlinson, Civil
Engineer ; Mr. Newlands, Chief Inspector ; three sub-
inspectors, and one assistant engineer.
Lord Shaftesbury to Lord Panmure.
Feb. 19th, 1855.
My dear Panmure, — The Commissioners must proceed by
Marseilles. No time should be lost, and the screw steamer will
not be ready for some days ; nor is there any room left to receive
new comers.
You will, I hope, be good enough to permit them to do
so. . . .
[The question of stores to be taken, and remuneration to the Com-
missioners followed^
The service will be laborious, and even perilous ; and these gentle-
men have cheerfully surrendered their personal comforts, and, in
the case of Mr. Rawlinson, professional emolument, to aid the public
in this crisis. Mr. Newlands is the chief officer of Liverpool, a
person of great enei'gy and experience ; the other sub-inspectors are
from the same place, and will be of infinite service to superintend
the cleansing of Scutari, Balaklava, and the camp.
We are greatly indebted to the Town Council of Liverpool for
the liberal manner in which they have placed their medical" staff
at the disposal of the Commission ; we could not, otherwise, have
obtained such excellent service at so cheap a rate. It is to be con-
sidered as their contribution to the effort made for the improvement
of the health of the army.
1855.] SANITARY COMMISSION TO THE CRIMEA. 497
We estimate that two months, or, at most, three months, will be
sufficient for the purpose in view.
It will be very desirable — nay, almost indispensable — that the
Commissioners should have the power of hiring, on their own account,
such numbers of workmen as they may find necessary.
The entire success of this undertaking will depend on the instruc-
tions given to Lord Raglan, Lord W. Powlett, and other authorities,
to carry into execution without delay whatever the Commissioners
may declare to be essential to health and safety.
You may really repose confidence in them ; they are trustworthy
men, and they will advke nothing that is needless or extravagant.
If, upon giving a plan, they are met with any delays, however short;
sent from one department to another ; their hands bound with red
tape, and their shins broken by a succession of official stumbling-blocks,
they will be useless — indeed, ridiculous ; and they will, themselves,
feel, as every one will say, that they might as well have remained at
home. We cannot, in these matters, trifle with time ; minutes here
are as valuable as years : and a pestilence might ravage the troops
while a score of functionaries were writing to each other to ascertain
whose business it was to attend to it. But with vigour and dispatch,
very little writing, very little talking, and very much action, I enter-
tain, under God's blessing, the most sanguine hopes.
It would be a great result.
Yours very truly,
Shaftesbury.
In addition to the letters to Lords Eaglan and W. Powlett, I
would recommend a strong letter to Lord Stratford de Redcliffe.
o
So completely were the arrangements, even to the
minutest details, under the personal direction of Lord
Shaftesbury, that, at Lord Panmure's request, the In-
structions to the Commissioners were drawn up by
him, and were even written by his own hand. They
were as follows : —
War Department, February, 1855.
Gentlemen, — Her Majesty having been pleased to appoint a
Sanitary Commission, to proceed forthwith to Constantinople and the
9 U
498 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XXII.
Crimea, you are instructed, as Commissioners therein named, to obey
the directions which follow.
The utmost expedition must be used in starting on your joirrney,
in the journey itself, and in the execution of all that is necessary at
the place of your destination.
Hours even, at this crisis, are of incalculable importance.
On your arrival at Constantinople and Balaklava you will put
yourselves instantly into communication with Lord W. Powlett and
Lord Eaglan respectively ; and you will request of them forthwith
(according to the official directions they will have received) full
powers of entry into every hospital, infirmary, or receptacle of what-
ever kind for the sick and wounded, whether ashore or afloat.
You will inspect every part of such infirmaiies ; ascertain the
character and sufficiency of the drainage and ventilation, the quality
and quantity of the water supply, and determine whether the con-
dition of the whole is such as to allow, by purity of the air and free-
dom from overcrowding, fair play and full scope to medical and
surgical treatment for the recovery of health.
You will call to your aid, for this purpose, whether as witnesses
or as guides, any of the officers or attendants that you may require.
The result of your inspection and opinions, together with a state-
ment of all that it is necessary should be done, — whether in the way
of arrangement, of reduction of numbers in the wards, cleansing,
disinfecting, or of actual construction, in order to secure the great
ends of safety and health, — must be laid, as speedily as possible, before
Lord W. Powdett or Lord Raglan, as the case may be, or such persons
».s may be appointed by them to that special duty, and you will
request them to give immediate directions that the works be
completed.
As no time is to be lost, you may reserve your detailed and
minute reports, and give, in the first instance, a statement only of the
things to be done forthwith.
The Engineer Commissioner will be expected to conduct the in-
spection along with his colleagues, and to devise, and to see executed,
all such structural arrangements as may be declared indispensable.
You will examine the modes whereby the sick and wounded are
conveyed to the transports or to the hospitals, ashore or afloat. Much
suffering and mortality have been caused by the wrant of jetties for
the embarkation and disembarkation of the patients. You will see
1855.] INSTRUCTIONS TO SANITARY COMMISSIONERS. 499
that a remedy be applied to such a frightful omission, and that there
be no recurrence of these disorders.
You will take care that, so far as is possible, all evil influences from
without be removed, so that the air inhaled by the inmates of the
hospitals be not contaminated. It is reported, for instance, that the
hospital-ship in the harbour of Balaklava is as much surrounded by
dead carcases as though it were in a knacker's yard. This, and every-
thing everywhere approaching to it, must be remedied at once. Asa
necessary consequence, you will order peremptorily that the dead be
interred at a sufficient distance from the hospitals. You will give
directions both as to the time and mode of interment, consulting, of
course, the convenience of the constituted authorities.
Should any new hospital or receptacle for the sick be decided on,
while you are on this expedition, you will examine it and state all
that must be done for health, decency, and comfort.
You will not interfere, in any way, with the medical and surgical
treatment of the patients, nor with the regulations prescribed to the
nurses and attendants.
Upon your arrival at Constantinople you will determine, among
yourselves, in what way you can best cany on your operations ;
but it seems desirable that, after the first inspection, one Medical
Commissioner should be almost constantly at Scutari and another at
Balaklava. The Engineer Commissioner would be more frequently
in motion, to inspect the various works and maintain the communi-
cation between his brother Commissioners.
It is imjjortant that you be deeply impressed with the necessity
of not resting content with an order, but that you see, by yourselves
or by your agents, instantly to the commencement of the work and
to its superintendence, day by day, until it be finished.
It is your duty, in short, to state fully, and urge strongly, fot
adoption by the authorities, everything that you believe will tend to
the preservation of health and life.
You are empowered to institute, both at Scutari and at the
camp, such systems of organisation for sanitary purposes as may be
considered essential to carry your plans into effect.
The camp must also come under your immediate and anxious
attention.
You must consider, and apply, with the least possible delay, the
best antidotes or preventives to the deadly exhalations that will be
.9 <J 2
500 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XXII.
emitted from the saturated soil whenever the warmth of spring shall
begin to act on the surface. . . .
Further instructions were added as to the cleansing
of the harbour of Balaklava, the transport of the sick,
the removal of all kinds of nuisances to the outside of
the harbour, &c.
These clear and energetic instructions were supple-
mented by a dispatch from Lord Palmerston to Lord
Raglan in terms no less vigorous. After requesting
that Lord Eaglan would give the Commissioners every
possible assistance, he continued : " They will, of course,
be opposed and thwarted by the medical officers, by the
men who have charge of the port arrangements, and by
those who have the cleaning of the camp. Their mis-
sion will be ridiculed, and their recommendations and
directions set aside, unless enforced by the peremptory
exercise of }Tour authority. But that authority I must
request you to exert in the most peremptory manner, for
the immediate and exact carrying into execution what-
ever changes of arrangement they may recommend ; for
these are matters on which depend the health and lives
of many hundreds of men, I may indeed say, of thou-
sands."
The work of the Sanitary Commission is matter
of history. Lord Shaftesbury having originated and
efficiently organised it, retired, as was his habit, into
the background, while others enjoyed the credit.
There were some, however, of whose good opinion
he was very mindful, who did not deny him the just
recognition of his timely services. Among these were
1855.] DEATH OF THE CZAR, 501
Lord Palmers ton and Miss Florence Nightingale. At
the time, and ever afterwards, the latter, in public and
private, gave " honour where honour was due."
The following extract is from a letter written by
her in 185S : —
Miss Florence Nightingale to Lord Sliaftesbury.
30, Old Burlington Street, Oct. 16th, 1858.
Dear Lord Shaftesbury, — I venture to send you with this a
copy of my Report to the War Office upon army sanitary matters.
It is, as you will see, strictly confidential, and has not been presented
to the House of Commons. But as Lord Shaftesbury has, for so
many years, been our leader in sanitary matters (as in so many other
wise and benevolent things), it seemed to me but right to send him
a Report which contains so much of what was done by himself, viz.,
the work of the Sanitary Commission in the East, although I can
scarcely expect that he will read it.
I am, dear Lord Shaftesbury,
Yours very faithfully,
F. Nightingale.
Two public events occurred about this time, to
which reference is made in the Diary. The following
extracts relating to them may be quoted here, before
reverting to subjects which more immediately concerned
Lord Shaftesbury. The events were, the death of the
Czar of Russia, and the visit to England of the Emperor
of the French.
March 2nd.- — Intelligence by electric telegraph that the Emperor
of Russia died this morning between 12 and 1 o'clock. What an
event at this crisis ! If his eldest son succeed to the throne we have,
humanly speaking, much hope of peace ; if his son Constantine, a
502 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XXII.
pretty certainty of war. It is, however, a mighty change ; the per-
sonal influence of the Czar over Germany is gone ; the Cabineo
influence will be abated in Prussia ; the master-mind is extinct ; and
it is difficult for a successor to emulate the passions, maintain the
autocracy, and enter into all the conceptions of his predecessor.
I cannot but feel for the man, though I denounced the Czar.
He died, I doubt not, in great measure, of a broken heart, and the
fearful excitement of wounded pride and irrecoverable reputation.
Mighty losses in men and money ; a declining population ; increasing
European confederacies against him ; an exhausted empire ; the cer-
tainty that he could gain nothing, the almost certainty that he must
lose a great deal ; all this, backed by the conviction that he himself
was, in fact, the cause of the war, snapped the springs of mental and
physical life ; and he died a greater slave to his ambition than many
of the serfs to their tyrannical owners.
March 19th. — Last night to an evening party at Windsor Castle.
Went by train in full dress (a special one being provided), and re-
turned by the same after midnight. Emperor had been installed a
Knight of the Garter. A wonderful change and elevation ! In
184S, the last time he was in England, I mounted guard with him
as a special constable in Mount Street ; his next visit to this country
(such are the vicissitudes of French public men) may be like Louis
Philippe's, in flight, and as a refugee !
Some people dislike the history of the man and some of his
doings. It may be so ; but it is here an affair of nations, not of
persons. His individual character and conduct (supposing it to be
reprehensible) must be merged in his representation of the French
people ; it is a question of London and Paris, not of Victoria and
Louis Napoleon. Nevertheless, his policy will admit of defence ; his
coup cTUat is not without its point of excuse and right. The stain
on his actions, and it is a deep stain, is the cruel, unjust, spiteful,
vindictive, and base confiscation of the Orleans property. This is
indelible ; and for ever deprives him of the possibility of being called
a high-minded man.
We, as Englishmen, have no right to find any fault. We must,
on the contrary, be full of his praise ; he has, up to the present time,
been loyal and true.
April 23rd. — It is a retributive justice that Palmerston is Prime
Minister to receive the Emperor. He was dismissed for speaking
1855.] LETTER TO MS. EVELYN ASHLEY. 503
favourably of him. And it is also a justice that John Russell is
absent from the scene of hospitality and splendour. He was the
man who counselled the Queen to cashier Palmerston.
In a letter to his son Evelyn, who was studying in
Geneva, Lord Shaftesbury gives a graphic, gossipy
resume of public and private news : —
Lord Shaftesbury to the lion. Evelyn Ashley.
London, Feb. 28, 1855.
My dearest Evelyn, — We have been under a misapprehension.
I fully believed that your mother had written you a long letter of
intelligence, — social, domestic, political j and this satisfied me for the
time, as I was so busy.
I have just received your letter of the 20th. It has been very
long upon the road, if your date be correct ; and I avail myself of
' a sitting ' in the House of Lords to hear appeals, to give you a few
lines.
We have had much trouble ; we are again quiet for a while
externally ; I fear that, internally, our dangers and difficulties are
no less than they were. When Palmerston had formed his Govern-
ment, it suddenly fell down with the dry-rot, and he had to begin
anew, on old foundations and with old materials. The motives of the
Peelites for retirement are not clear. The arguments, no doubt,
against Roebuck's committee are unanswerable in the line of folly
and peril ; but they knew them when they accepted office, and they
knew also that the question was still pending, and likely to be en-
forced. It is matter for serious inquiry whether, in such a crisis,
men are justified in incurring a certain and immediate, for a proble-
matic and remote, danger. There were two evils to choose between
— the evil of refusing the inquiry, and the evil of conceding it ; and,
great as is the evil of the concession, it was less, in my humble judg-
ment, than the evil of refusal.
As for the article in the Record, it stated very nearly the whole
facts. Lord Lansdowne took the lead against me, stimulated, in
part, by many of the Whig party, who wanted the place for a Whig,
504 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XXII.
and, in part, by the ladies of Sutherland House, who wanted the
place for Carlisle. Palmerston was terrified, and gave way. I do not
blame him, because, in his predicament and ignorance of the true state
of things, it seemed, and perhaps was, wiser to take a colleague with a
party at his back before a colleague without one. He had to get the
machine of Government into motion, and he was anxious for anvthinsr
that might grease the wheels. He yielded, therefore, for a Whig.
When Lord L. had brought him thus far, he waited a bit, and then
asked for Carlisle. Palmerston protested against such an appoint-
ment as ridiculous, useless, enfeebling ; but, as usual, he gave way,
and Brookes' prevailed.
He is much to be pitied ; he has not a single friend in public life
who desires to give him honest, kind, and prudent counsel ; he is
not, himself, disposed to seek such counsel ; the consequence is that
he is blown to and fro, and reverses the apostolical precept : ' Try all
things, and hold fast that which is yoocV So far from being firm, he
is beaten from everything ; and I much doubt whether he has, since
he became Premier, been able to do any one thing according to his
own judgment and preference.
But his difficulties, it must be admitted, are enormous. He has
no party of his own to rest upon ; he has not even two or three able
and friendly adherents to fight his battles. His choice is limited for
office men ; he is limited to the H. of Commons, and to such of
the H. of C. as dare to vacate their seats. These are few, and mostly
unworthy ; and yet the public are roaring out for new men ; but
no new men of any value have been introduced through the Reform
of Parliament ; and the Minister can no longer introduce new men
through the channel of the rotten boroughs.
Well, he has now formed a new Cabinet on the secession of the
Peelites. It is, to all intents and purposes, a purely Whig adminis-
tration ; it will be shaky, unpopular, and of short duration. God
grant that it may last long enough to carry us to a speedy
peace !
The selfishness, the meanness, the love of place and salary, the
oblivion of the country, of man's welfare, and God's honour, have
never been more striking and terrible than in this crisis. These,
added to the singular conceit of all the candidates for office (and all
have aspired to the highest), have thrown stumbling-blocks in his
path at every step. The greediness and vanity of our place-hunters
1855.] LETTER TO MB, EVELYN ASHLEY. 505
have combined to make eacli one of them a union of the vulture and
the peacock.
There is a blight, my dear boy, on all we say, think, or do. God
is not with us.
I much fear that Palmerston's ecclesiastical appointments will be
detestable. He does not know, in theology, Moses from Sydney
Smith. The vicar of Ftoinsey, where he goes to church, is the only
clergyman he ever spoke to ; and, as for the wants, the feelings,
the views, the hopes and fears, of the country, and particularly
the religious part of it, they are as strange to him as the interior of
Japan. Why, it was only a short time ago that he heard, for the
first time, of the grand heresy of Puseyites and Tractarians !
Go on with Herschel. Stick to German, French, and mathe-
matics, and keep up your classics, so far as to be ready and able to
start afresh on your return in preparation for Cambridge. Let all
be 'begun, continued, and ended' in Him, 'from whom alone
cometh all counsel, wisdom, and understanding ! '
Well you may be struck that England is ' in danger of losing her
influence abroad and her integrity at home.' She is humbled. We
hear the words of Isaiah : ' Come and sit down in the dust.' Constitu-
tional government is a laughing-stock, and the progress of rational
freedom on the Continent is checked for half a century. War, as
Demosthenes said, discovers to. aadpa, the rotten parts of an Empire ;
our sin has found us out ; America comes next ; and then the liberty
of great nations will either be extinguished or become anarchy.
The French alliance I have always sought and defended ; and I
do so still. But I have sought it negatively, not positively — as an
alliance not to do us any good, but to save us and the world from
much harm. But I have seen, from the beginning, that ' incedis per
ignes suppositos cineri doloso.''
Col. Tronchin is a noble fellow : ' hold all such in reputation : '
cultivate him much, and all of that stamp in Geneva ; it is a fruitful
soil.
The frost has ended with us, and the disemployed people, thank
God, are returning to work. It has been a hard time, and yet I
have almost prayed for a continuance of it, in the Crimea at least.
I fear the return of spring and warm weather ; the heat of the sun
will draw out the pestilential exhalations of a soil which has, for
months, imbibed the filth and mortality of an enormous camp.
506 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XXII.
We have sent out a powerful Sanitary Commission. May God
prosper it !
Mary, I am thankful to say, is much better. Lionel came home last
Friday for his exeat, and is gone back in much hope of obtaining his
remove at Easter. Conty, Vea, and all the rest, are well. We have,
indeed, much reason to give God thanks for the whole household.
Morico,* too, shares the general health, and seems accommodated to a
London life.
I have no news from the Saint, save that the good old widow
Keeping is dead ; she never recovered the shock of the conflagration
which consumed her clothes. She was a deeply pious woman, and is
gone to her rest. My iron house is erected, but not inhabited. The
Woodlands people will not come to St. Giles's. They assign all kinds
of reasons ; it is difficult to say which is the true one.
May God bless you and preserve you, my dearest boy, in time
and in eternity, through Christ Jesus.
Your affectionate father,
S.
The " escape from office " on which Lord Shaftes-
bury had congratulated himself was not so complete as
he had anticipated. Changes were made in the Cabinet
owing to the resignation of Sir James Graham, Mr.
Gladstone, and Mr. Sidney Herbert ; and Lord Palmer-
ston determined, if possible, to secure the co-operation
of his kinsman. Among the changes was the appoint-
ment of Lord Carlisle to the Lord Lieutenancy of
Ireland, by which the Duchy of Lancaster became
again vacant ; and this office, with a seat in the Cabinet,
Palmerston once more offered to Lord Shaftesbury.
It was in vain for him to urge the old objections : to
declare that he could not consent to be a member, in
however subordinate a station, of any Administration
* A Pug-dog.
1855.] OFFICE AGAIN OFFERED. 507
that did not, as a Government, collectively reject such a
proposition as that of Sir J. Walmsley's for the Opening
of Museums on Sunday ; to state that he held views in
antagonism to the majority of the Cabinet on the
question of the admission of Jews to Parliament, and
on the further endowment of Maynooth ; to urge that
the peculiar position he had chosen for himself dis-
qualified him to a great extent from giving effective aid
to the Government; to plead that the trammels of
office would prevent him continuing in his wonted
manner, the duties to which he had been for so long
devoted. Palmerston wras determined, and he used every
exertion and influence, direct and indirect, to induce Lord
Shaftesbury to yield. "I can have no objection to your
holding yourself free to vote as you like," he wrote in
reply to the reiterated objections. " It will be as well,
however, that you should not mention to others your
reservations, because these things are exaggerated in
passing from mouth to mouth, and create discussions
that become embarrassing to Government, and are turned
against it by opponents. I therefore accept your accept-
ance."
But Lord Shaftesbury had not accepted, and he
immediately obtained an interview with Lord Palmerston
to plead for delay.
Meanwhile the position had become embarrassing.
The newspapers had announced — " We believe the
Earl of Shaftesbury will succeed the Earl of Carlisle as
Chancellor of the Duchv of Lancaster;"* and letters
* Globe, March 10th, 1855, &c.
508 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XXII.
came pouring in from all quarters, urging him to take
the decisive step, or congratulating him, as though it
were already taken. Among the former was Mr. John
Delane, the editor of the Times, who said : " Your high
estimation in the country would be of great value to
any Government." But the pressure from without was
of little weight, compared with that from within his
own immediate circle.
Lady Shaftesbury, who was absent from home at the
time, wrote : —
I do beseech you not to refuse. Reflect how much more weight
everything lias, coming from a Cabinet Minister. Think, for instance,
of all you have said to the Emperor about the persecution of the
Protestants ; it will have tenfold weight when he knows that your
position in England is such as to have a seat in the Cabinet.
Lady Palmerston was as persistent as the Prime
Minister, using her influence not only with Lord Shaftes-
bury but with her daughter, Lord Shaftesbury's wife.
" Palmerston is anxious for the Queen's sake that he
should be at once sworn in," she wrote to her, and
followed this up with a letter, one of many upon the
subject, to her son-in-law.
Lady Palmerston to Lord Shaftesbury.
Piccadilly, Friday.
My dear Ashley, — I am quite affronted that you would not come
and have some tea with me to-night. I wanted to tell you several
things. How many letters pour down upon me from people you
would not expect, all anxious to hear of your taking the Duchy.
I have even one from Henry Stanley at Athens, expressing his
hope that you would join the new Government.
Lady Molesworth also told me to-day of many who were anxious
1855.] IN PERPLEXITY. ' 509
to hear of your acceptance, and amongst these Charles Villiers — which
I hardly expected, as he always finds fault with everybody. Sir
William,* of course, wants you, and Sir Benjamin Hall was so anxious
to have you in the Government that he came to talk to me about it
yesterday : and I suppose you know that Lord Carlisle is very anxious
for you. But now there is another consideration that I wanted to
mention. You refused to take a place in the Queen's Household,
you have refused the Garter (which she did not like), and now, if you
refuse a third offer of belonging to her Government, I am sure she will
be quite offended ; for though Palmerstoa had full permission to fill
up the places as he thought most conducive to the advantage of his
Government, yet he did take her approbation before he offered it to
you. Therefore it is, in fact, her offer.
Good-night, my dear Ashley. I hope you will send a favourable
answer. Yours ever affectionately,
E. Palmerston.
" I never was in such perplexity in my life," said
Lord Shaftesbury to the writer, when narrating these
incidents. " I was at my wit's end. On one side was
ranged wife, relations, friends, ambition, influence ; on
the other, my own objections, which seemed sometimes
to weigh as nothing in comparison with the arguments
brought against them. I could not satisfy myself that
to accept office was a divine call ; I icas satisfied that
God had called me to labour among the poor. There
was no Urim and Thummim ; no open vision. I could
do nothing but postpone, and in doing this, I was
placing Palmerston in a most awkward position. But
God interposed for me."
The " interposition " came in a curious way. When
perplexity was at its height, he received the following
letter from Lady Palmerston : —
* Molesworth.
510 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XXII.
Lady Palmerston to Lord Shaftesbury
My dear Ashley, — Palmerston has three people waiting for
him, and two in his room, so that he could not write a line now, but
he will satisfy you entirely upon all the points you mention.
And he is very anxious now, that you should put on your undress
uniform and be at the Palace a quarter before three to be sworn in.
Pray do this, and I am sure you will not repent it. Palmerston
is very anxious to have his Government complete, and, as there has
been so much delay in all these discussions, he would be very anxious
that you could, for the Queen's sake, appear at the Palace to be
sworn in a quarter before three.
Yours ever affectionately,
E. Palmerston.
Lord Palmerston was in a dilemma. Up to that
point lie bad been unable to find anybody who would
satisfactorily fill the vacancy, otherwise he would have
relieved his friend from the pressure that he knew
was intolerable. His own light and hopeful spirit made
him believe that, once in office, all the objections would
disappear and only good Avould ensue to all. But had
he seen any loophole for his friend, he would not have
continued his urgent demands.
And Lord Shaftesbury was in a dilemma. There
had been no answer borne in upon his soul, no hand-
writing upon the wall, no voice that he could interpret
as the voice of Glod, to set the question at rest for him.
To use his own words : — " I never felt so helpless. I
seemed to be hurried along without a will of my own ;
without any power of resistance. I went and dressed,
and then, while I was waiting for the carriage, I went
down on my knees and prayed for counsel, wisdom, and
1855.] RELIGIOUS LIBERTY IN ENGLAND. 511
understanding. Then there was some one at the door, as I
thought, to say that the carriage was ready. Instead of
that a note, hurriedly written in pencil, was put into my
hands. It was from Palmerston. ' Don't go to the
Palace.' That was thirty years ago, but I dance with
joy at the remembrance of that interposition, as I did
when it happened. It was, to my mind, as distinctly
an act of special providence as when the hand of
Abraham was stayed and Isaac escaped."
The " ram caught in the thicket " was the Earl of
Harrowby, and on March the 31st he was sworn in as
Chancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster.
In this day of religious liberty it may seem, to some,
a curious fact that, up to the year 1855, there was an
enactment in force, prohibiting the teaching of the Gospel
and the worship of God in private houses, when more
than twenty persons beside the family were assembled.
Against persons who assembled in any numbers for
secular or political purposes, for gain or merriment, there
was no legal prohibition ; but, if a body of Christians
met to pray and to preach, they were liable to fine and
imprisonment. When the Madiai were imprisoned in
the dungeons of Romish Tuscany, for having faithfully
discharged their duties as Christians in their own house-
hold, all England was up in arms, and was furious in
indignation, while, at the very time, there was in this
country a law in full force, which gave power to
restrain the Christian teacher, to persecute the little
bands of praying folk who met from house to house, and
512 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XXII.
to place many of the religious organisations which were
leavening the mass of society at the mercy of any non-
approving neighbour.
It is true that the law was regarded in most cases as
only a dead letter, an obsolete thing, but, as the Times
observed, it was " a rod in pickle, an ecclesiastical engine
to be called into operation when desired." If a staunch
Protestant Government were to be succeeded by one
of a Puseyite character, and that again by another
leaning still more towards Romanism, the law, as it
stood, was ready to their hands, to shut up a vast num-
ber of Sunday and Ragged Schools as well as every
mission meeting and cottage lecture, throughout the
country.
In May, Lord Shaftesbury gave notice of a motion to
bring in a Bill to repeal so much of the Act of 52
Geo. III. as prohibited the assembling of more than
twenty persons above the members of a household for
purposes of religious worship in one house.
It seems at first sight extraordinary that a matter ap-
parently so simple could have called forth any very strong
feeling, or have encountered any very serious opposi-
tion. It might reasonably have been thought that such
a measure would have commended itself to the appro-
bation of all, as in accordance with the general view of
religious liberty, and a common regard for the religious
improvement of the people. Such, however, was not
the case. The Earl of Derby, the Bishop of Oxford,
and others, threatened a strenuous opposition, and
therefore, on June the 12th, on the order of the day
1855.] RELIGIOUS WORSHIP BILL. 513
for reporting the Bill, Lord Shaftesbury, who at first
had conceived that his task would be merely a nominal
one, found himself compelled to traverse the whole
length and breadth of the question.
His arguments were to this effect. It was notorious
that there were amazing numbers of persons who never
went into any place of public worship at all ; that the
Established Church and Nonconformity combined, were
inadequate to grapple with the infidelity of the times ;
that, therefore, every facility should be given to bring
the masses within the reach of instruction and the sound
of the Gospel, and that no impediment whatever should
be placed in the way of those who sought to neutralise
the poison of indifference and infidelity by the antidote
of religion. Owing, mainly, to the extreme difficulty
of inducing the working classes to attend the ordinary
religious services in Churches and Chapels, there had
been provided, to meet the wants of the people, Mis-
sions, Cottage Lectures, Bible Classes, Sunday and
Bagged Schools, and other kindred institutions, by
means of which hundreds of thousands of persons had
been evangelised, although in nine cases out of ten
these meetings had been positively illegal, as they
almost invariably commenced and closed with singing
and prayer, which constitute " Beligious Worship."
During the year 1S54, for example, the City Mission
had held no less than 25,318 meetings, of which 22,000
were in direct infringement of the law. Were the law
enforced, these, and all similar gatherings, must of ne-
cessity be stopped. Lord Shaftesbury went on to say : —
k h
514 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XXII.
It might be contended, perhaps, that the law was obsolete. It
might be obsolete in one sense, but it had great power of revival, and
might be enforced at any moment. Indeed, at present it was
constantly used for purposes of intimidation, and he could quote
instances in which it had been actually put in force. In 1820, an
information was laid against Lord Barham, the present Lord Gams-
borough, by Lord Romney, at West Mailing, near Maidstone, under
the Act, religious services having been held in Lord Barham's house
when he was unwell, instead of in the village schoolroom. Lord
Barham was fined £40— .£20 for each meeting. . . .
A sentleman, a county magistrate in a northern county, early in
1854 came to reside on his estate, and found the parish in a most
neglected condition. At the gates of his park was a large coal mine
and a dense population around it. Finding that nobody would do
anything for them, he went one evening in every week, and in the
largest cottage read a chapter of the Bible and some religious tracts.
The meetings were numerously attended ; but, after a few months he
was obliged to drop it, and it ceased. And why? It was hinted to
him that persons were about to lay an information against him for a
breach of the Conventicle Act. He, being an active county magis-
trate, felt that it was not right in liim to set an example of breaking
the law, so he gave up his reading. . . . The gentleman in question
might have had a cock-fight, jumping in sacks, or any sort of amuse-
ment, and nobody could have objected to it, but the moment this
gentleman, commiserating the religious destitution of the people,
went to their cottages, read to them a chapter in the Bible, and
joined with them in religious worship, the law said, ' Mind what you
are doing, for if you are caught at this again you will be fined £20.'
After citing another and very striking case, in which
the law had been actually put in force so recently as
March, 1850, Lord Shaftesbury maintained that unless
some public end could be shown to be advanced by the
present law, or, unless it could be shown that its repeal
would be subversive of public morality, it was not just
or right to place a veto upon a man receiving any
number of persons into his house for purposes of
1855.] RELIGIOUS WORSHIP BILL. 515
religious worship ; and he appealed to the right reverend
prelates opposite, whether it was consistent with their
position or their Christian dignity, to deprive some of
the most useful of their own clergy, or of the Noncon-
formists, of the power of doing their best to evangelise
their flocks without breaking the law, or to consent to
the present system of wholesale connivance ? He ap-
pealed also to the Government, whether the more wise
and the more just plan would not be to repeal the law
altogether ; or else, if they would not consent to such a
course, to enforce its provisions strictly.
The result of the division is told in the followinp-
entry : — •
June 13th. — Last night moved 'Religious Worship Bill' in
House of Lords. Encountered by nine Bishops. Oxford and London
leading a knot of Puseyite Peers, and Lord Derby witli as many of
his followers as he could command. Carried it, however, by 31 to 30,
the Irish Bishop, Singer, giving me the majority. One of the most,
perhaps the most unpleasant evening I recollect in public life.
Derby and his friends behind me while I spoke, insolent, interruptive,
discouraging. He seemed like a man who felt a deep irritation at
the movement and a hatred for the mover. Faltered, at least to my
own sensation, very greatly ; was awfully depressed, unhappy, and
diffident ; nothing without in the house, and nothing within my own
heart, to cheer me.
The antagonism of the Bishop of Oxford to the Bill
was vehement and persistent, and for a time it appeared
to be in considerable jeopardy.
June 16th. — Last night Derby moved that the Religious Worship
Bill be sent to a Select Committee, and carried it by 17. Eleven
Bishops voting with him. It is the height of folly in them to resist
the measure ; the Bishops, especially, had an opportunity of giving,
h h 2
516 THE EAEL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XXII.
with grace and favour, what they cannot retain. They have ex-
hibited, on the contrary, great ignorance, bigotry, and opposition to
evangelical life and action, and have seriously injured their character,
influence, and position. The feeling is universal and very strong.
The Archbishop, I rejoice to say, and the Bishop of Winchester,
stayed away. Had, I bless the Lord God, more comfort and strength
last night than before.
"a"
Lord Shaftesbury was invited to join the Committee,
but, as soon as he saw the names of those composing it, he
declined, feeling sure that in every way he would be com-
pletely overpowered. The opinion of the Select Com-
mittee was, that the Bill should not be proceeded with, but
that another should be substituted. This was accord-
ingly done, and it was introduced to the House by the
Earl of Derby, who stated that the Bill he had brought
up from the Select Committee provided: 1. That no
penalties should be incurred by any religious worship
conducted by the incumbent or licensed curate of a
parish, or by any clerk in holy orders acting on their
behalf. :2. That no penalties should, under any ex-
isting laws, be imposed for the use of prayer in opening
or closing of meetings held to promote any religious or
charitable object. 3. That no penal clause should
attach to any layman holding any meeting for religious
purposes, provided he acts with the consent and con-
currence of the clergyman of the district. 4. That if
such layman failed in obtaining the clerg3Tman's sanction,
and could obtain the concurrence and permission of the
bishop of the diocese, he should be equally sanctioned
in that proceeding.
It was obvious that the new Bill did not touch the
1855.] HELIGIOUS WORSHIP BILL. 517
evil of winch Lord Shaftesbury complained, and which
he sought to remove. This was almost acknowledged
by Lord Derby when he said : " There were cases in
which some individuals, desirous of holding family
worship and of admitting his poorer neighbours
to it, might be restricted by the existing law ; and
he should be inclined to consent to some relaxation
in such cases, though he could not frame any such
clause."
That impediments should be placed in the way of
religious worship by dignitaries of the Church of
England, was intolerable to. Lord Shaftesbury. In at-
tempting to legislate that meetings should be held only
under the direction of an " authorised ' leader, in
accordance with certain forms, and in a licensed place,
he saw clearly that, although their plea was ostensibly
to preserve order in the Church, the actual motive was
to limit the work of laymen, to arrest the progress of
Dissent, and to prevent any innovations which should
disturb existing relations between the clergy and their
parishioners.
In moving the rejection of Lord Derby's Bill, he
said that after the discussion that had taken place, it
was impossible the law could remain obsolete, in the
large communities where it had hitherto been obsolete.
If the Bill, proposed by Lord Derby, became law, it must
be enforced, and why revive the old law or bring a new
one into operation which must cause restrictions in
religious worship? The principle involved in the
question had gone deep into the heart of the country,
518 THE EAUL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XXII.
and whether his own Bill were rejected or not, it was only
for a time, for sure as was the setting of the rising sun,
it would be found that its principle would be asserted —
namely, " thht every man should have a perfect right to
worship God token and how he pleased — to worship in Ids
oion house, with his neighbours, in any number, and at any
time ; that this should not be a mere privilege, but a right,
unless it could be shown that public morality or public
safety would be endangered by it.,}
He objected to Lord Derby's Bill on the ground
that, under the guise of the Statute Law, it was an
entirely new Ecclesiastical Discipline Bill, to give
greater power to the bishops over the clergy and laity.
Its first clause enacted that such worship should only
be performed by " licensed " curates, who, more than
any others, were under the power of the bishops ; lay-
men must go, as suppliants, to the incumbent or bishop,
to ask leave to hold service in their own houses, and
take their chance of permission or refusal. The second
clause granted permission to offer prayer in opening or
closing a meeting, " certainly not in the middle. IE
prayers were offered up in the midst of such a meeting
a penalty of £20 would be incurred." But the bare
idea of " permission ' to pray was intolerable to Lord
Shaftesbury. " It may as well be said," he exclaimed
indignantly, " that I am to have ' permission ' to breathe
the air ! "
In a series of vigorous and crushing arguments he
attacked tlu Bill, point by point, and concluded in these
words : —
1855.] SPEECH OF LORD BROUGHAM. 519
We are living in fearful and exciting times of great and growing
unbelief. Look at the solemn warning given by the Registrar
General, who tells us that there are in this country five millions of
persons wholly without instruction of any kind. Depend upon it
those millions will never be invited to the Church by tightening the
reins of the ecclesiastical system, for, unless the Church is able'to act
as a missionary Church, and, by the removal of every restriction
upon her free actions, to compete with -every denomination, my belief
is that her existence as an Established Church will not be of lonir
duration.
He then moved that the Bill, brought in by the
Earl of Derby, be read a second time that day three
months.
Immediately following the speech of Lord Shaftes-
bury, came one from Lord Brougham, in which, referring
to the old Conventicle Act of Charles II., Lord Sid-
mouth's Act of 1812, and to the Act of 1852, he
said : —
" It is asserted by some that these Acts are obsolete,
these penalties cannot be enforced, and the law is a
dead letter. There is nothing more dangerous than
keeping upon the statute-book these dead letters, these
obsolete penalties, which we hope, but vainly hope, can
never be enforced. They are not to be regarded even
as dead reptiles, whose venom is henceforth innoxious.
They are merely dormant and not dead, and are capable
of being warmed into active life at any moment by the
malicious passions of one, by the avarice of another, or
by worse than either, the mistaken religious zeal of a
third."
He then crave some forcible illustrations to show
that so-called "obsolete penalties'1 must not be dis-
520 TEE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XXII.
regarded, as they could be, and were, enforced, and the
penalty to prevent more than twenty persons meeting
for religious worship in any private house, or other un-
licensed building, still remained.
The speech of Lord Brougham following that of
Lord Shaftesbury, produced a telling effect, and imme-
diately upon its conclusion the Earl of Derby rose and
withdrew his Bill.
A week later, an important and influential meet-
ing was held in Freemasons' Hall to strengthen
Lord Shaftesbury's efforts, when a petition was adopted
for presentation to the House of Lords. Within four
days of the presentation of this petition, Lord Shaftes-
bury-again brought forward his Bill, having revised it
in some points, which rendered it less objectionable to
the Bench of Bishops, but without infringing upon
its principle. The Bill was recommitted to the
Select Committee, and Lord Shaftesbury, with the Arch-
bishop of Canterbury, were appointed members of that
Committee.
Late as it was, the Session did not pass before Lord
Shaftesbury's Bill stood part of the statute law of the
land. It established the power of the incumbent or
curate, and the persons authorised by either of them, to
conduct religious worship in a schoolroom or any build-
ing, be it barn or palace, in any part of his district,
without in any wajr being molested by any power, judi-
cial or ecclesiastical. It enabled a- householder to use
his house for religious worship, and to gather into it
any number of persons without his being any longer
1855.] SUCCESS OF RELIGIOUS WORSHIP BILL. 521
subject to pains and penalties of any kind whatever ;
and it made the meetings of missionaries, scripture
readers, and religious teachers, whether held from house
to house or in some regular place, lawful assemblies.
A few notes from the Diary are quoted here, although
their purport has been given above.
July 7th. — Yesterday evening triumphed, by God's blessing, over
Lord Derby's, i.e., the Bishop of Oxford's, Religious Worship Bill.
He withdrew it. Had great success in exposing its follies, its
falsity, its impudent ambition for the Bishop to gain new powers
over the clergy and laity.
July 17th. — Last night, by happy agreement with the good
Archbishop of Canterbury, got well over difficulties of the 'Bill.'
Referred, by consent, to same committee, myself joining the com-
mittee. Passed it to-day easily.
July 21st. — Bill through committee of House. Waiting for
third reading on Monday. Contains everything I asked for, though
altered in form and so worded as to give a fair retreat to the
Bishops.
August 1st.— I open this book now to record God's mercy in the
success of the ' Bill ' ! It passed on Monday evening (30th) with
two words of protest, scarcely heard, from Mr. Henley, who lay
growling in his den ; and Walpole had fled.
A dinner last night at the National Club, given to me by fourteen
or fifteen co-operators in this cause. It was friendly, cordial, and
Christian. Speeches after dinner, very religious in their tone, and
such as we require in these times of secret 'rebuke and blasphemy.'
We must now glance at some of the " miscellaneous "
events of the year, and go back to cull our extracts
from the Diary, relating to matters of minor public
interest it may be, but which affected the private life of
Lord Shaftesbury and were connected with the main
current of his work.
522 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XXII.
March 28th. — On Monday spoke three times in House of Lords
on Sardinia. Opportunity offered, and was prompted to seize it by
hope of pleasing Sardinian Government, and so increasing one's in-
fluence to aid Waldenses and the Bible Society. Very fervent, and
received, as I thought, in silence. Felt quite overwhelmed. This
is the painful character of the House of Lords. You seldom know
whether you are pleasing or displeasing your audience, so stiff is
their phlegm !
May 3rd. — I dread, sadly dread, these schemes of national educa-
tion. Pakington, who is a good man, and a sensible one, has taken
the lead in a scheme for local rates to maintain the education of the
people. Such a plan is a death-warrant to the teaching of evangelical
religion. It had better be called ' a water-rate to extinguish religious
fire among young people.' Here, indeed, we must betake ourselves
to prayer, for the scheme (little does my honest and kind friend
Pakington perceive it) poisons the very root, and causes that ' things,
which should have been for our peace, be unto us an occasion of
falling.'
May 8th. — Inglis is numbered with the departed. He died the
day before yesterday. A man so single, so peculiar, has seldom
existed in public life Pure-minded, affectionate, true, incorruptible,
governing all his public actions, and, I am sure, too, his private life,
by the love and fear of God, he maintained a career which had no
precedent, and, probably, will be no example. Everybody was com-
pelled (there is no other word) to respect him, and those who en-
joyed his intimacy, loved him.
During the month of June, Lord Shaftesbury was
busy with two Bills, one for further legislation on be-
half of Chimney Sweeps, whose wrongs were still left
unredressed (which Bill, chiefly in consequence of the
active resistance of Sir Gr. Grrey, he was compelled to
withdraw), and another, on behalf of Milliners and Dress-
makers. The question of their condition had been fre-
quently discussed, but nothing had been done until
1842, when the Report of the Employment Commission
1855.] MILLINERS. AND DRESSMAKERS. 523
was issued, and, even then, no direct legislative results
followed. In 1S43 there were 1,500 young persons of 14
years old and upwards employed in this business in the
metropolis. Their hours were from fifteen to eighteen a
day, with only from two to six hours for rest. The conse-
quence was that consumption and impaired eyesight were
terribly prevalent amongst them. In 1844 a committee
of benevolent ladies caused Sunday work to be aban-
doned, and in 1853, the proprietors of many dressmaking
establishments agreed to abide by rules, laid down by an
association formed to protect the interests of the needle-
women. Since that time, however, things had lapsed
almost to their former worst condition, and Lord
Shaftesbury's Bill proposed that between May the 1st
and August the 1st, which included the " London
season," work should be prohibited between 10 p.m.
and 8 a.m., and, for the remainder of the year, between
9 p.m. and 8 a.m. An hour and a half was to be allowed
for meals ; all proceedings for the enforcement of penal-
ties under the Bill were to be taken at the police courts,
before magistrates to whom the jurisdiction in these
matters was to be exclusively committed. The prin-
ciple of the Bill had already received recognition in
the three great measures, the Factory, the Mines and
Collieries, and the Ten Hours Bills.
June 6th.— Have prepared Bills for the Chimney Sweepers and
Milliners. Sad, cruel, overwhelming their sufferings; but how shall
I prosper 1 All is in His hands, who cares as much for the smallest,
sickliest sempstress as for all the grand ladies of the land. But it is
not the great who are alone chargeable with connivance (to suit their
own convenience) at these enormous abuses ; every woman who is
524 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Chap. XXII.
rich enough to have a fine gown is particeps criminis, and the
wealthy of Liverpool, Birmingham, Norwich, and all the large towns,
perpetrate the same abominations.
June 16th. — On Thursday last introduced Bill for relief of 'Milli-
ners and Dressmakers.' Statement, though most distressing, received
with little favour indoors, and, so far as I can see, with none out of
doors. Not a paper, except the Standard, has uttered a word in
defence of those poor, helpless, oppressed girls. Referred to a ' Com-
mittee on Trade.'
Immediately after the close of the Parliamentary
Session, Lord Shaftesbury started for his customary
tour abroad.
Aug. 8th. — Do not start on my journey with a light heart ; far
rather remain in England. . . . Am getting on in life, and must
use, while it lasts, my remnant of intellect : powers, such as they
were, weaken ; and no wonder, for it is all expense and no income;
all labour and no rest; all action and no study ; all exhaustion and
no supply. Not had time to read a single book, a single review.
. . . It requires the skill of the most cunning practitioner to turn
to account time in Mosaic.
The journey which began without light-heartedness
was to end in deep gloom. His son, Maurice, had for
many years been the victim of a sad malady, and, while
Lord Shaftesbury was on his travels, the news reached
him that he had passed away.
Lord Shaftesbury to the Hon. Evelyn Ashley.
Basle, Aug. 21, 1855.
My dear Evelyx, — Here, on our way to Lausanne as fast as we
could go, we received a telegraphic message to announce that dear
Mam-ice had entered into his rest. It has pleased God to take the
afflicted child — afflicted doubtless in His infinite wisdom — and receive
him into Paradise. For that he is there, through the boundless love
and merits of our blessed Saviour, I am as certain as I am of my own
existence. His intellect, through a terrible succession of fits, had
1855.] DEATH OF A SOX. 525
sunk exceedingly ; yet his heart was erect ; he was heard to muramr
' Christ's Kingdom. Christ's Kingdom,' and endeavoured to recover
many texts that he had learned in earlier days. What a lesson is
this for the teaching of youth ! Here is he consoled, and repeating,
as it were, the password into Heaven l>y the spiritual knowledge
acquired in his merest childhood, the only remnant of mind in an
hour of darkness.
I have lost two precious sons for the short time of human life ;
but I have, by the love of Christ, housed them for ever in Heaven.
May those who survive walk worthy of their vocation, and, after
a life of service and faith, be gathered into a blissful eternity. I
am going to travel all night, in the hope of reaching Lausanne for
the final work of respect and affection.
May God be with you.
Yours affectionately, S.
Lord Shaftesbury to the Hon. Evelyn Ashley.
Schwalbach, Sept. 3, 1855.
My Dear Edy, — Your letter, addressed to Lausanne, followed
me to Schwalbach, and found me recovering, thank Cod, from a
singularly sharp attack of bilious cholic. . . Poor dear Maurice was
interred in the cemetery of the district (there being no English
churchyard) attended by many kind and sympathising people. Won-
derful it is that this feeble boy had such a charm around him, as to
attract very many. His intellectual weakness and his spiritual
strength resulted in a very impressive combination. I have directed
a tombstone to his memory, on which will be engi^aved two texts
which he cherished, and often repeated, ' The Lord is my Shepherd,
I shall not want;' 'It is good for me that I have been afflicted.'
How good, he now knows in reality ; he knew it before in faith.
Frequently, in speaking and in writing, I have been permitted to
comfort him by quoting the words of our blessed Lord, 'What I do
thou knowest not now, but thou shalt know hereafter.' . . I have
written details to St. Leonards ; the children might send you the
letters. . . I am in perplexity about our fleets. What is that in the
Euxine doing 1 Lyons seems to have no more energy than Dundas.
As for Sweaborg, the Russian account is clearly a lying one ; it says
526 THE EARL OF SHAFTESBURY. [Ckap. XXII.
that ' we attempted to land troops, and were beaten back with loss.'
Not a single man, thank God, was killed. . . Can you devise a little
change for Lionel before he returns to Harrow ] He must, poor boy,
have been grievously dull all this time.
May God bless you.
Yours affectionately, S.
The Diaries abound with fugitive thoughts put down
at odd moments on a wonderful variety of subjects.
Here is one as an example : —
August 15th. — Intellect is everything in this age, character
nothing. Let a man make a good speech, and he is a good man-
good enough, at least, for all practical purposes. ' Illuc cuncta vero--
ere;' these public examinations for public appointments are hasten-
ing the consummation. If a man can construe well a passage in
Tacitus, or solve a mathematical problem, it is enough ; no inquiry
as to the higher qualities, moral fitness, personal adaptation ; — away
he goes a writer to India, having passed, in many instances, his
pillars of Hercules, never to go further — possibly to retrograde.
Nov. 13th. — Broadlands. Palmerston has appointed Eyre, of
Bury, on my recommendation, to the living of All Souls. A blessed
work. May God sanctify it !
Lord Shaftesbury to the Hon. Evelyn Ashley.
St. Giles's House, Nov. 21, 1855.
My dear Edy, — ' No play, and all employ, makes Jack a dull
boy.' I quite admit this assertion ; but I fear that, unless corrected
by steady and severe study, it may very easily be abused. I say no
more ; you will best judge how far a succession of amusements will
enable you to ' square the circle.' . . . Our weather is mild, but dull.
We are like St. Paul, when he was ' driven up and down in Adria : '
neither stars nor sun have appeared for at least fourteen days. I am
very busy with schools, and want you much. The evening classes, bv
God's blessing, prosper exceedingly. The lads are attentive, very
regular, fifty-two in number (an immense gathering for so small a
parish), and make progress. Much will arise from our new master,
an excellent man, trained to the charge of turbulent Bagged Schools
in London, and experienced in the modes of imparting knowledge.
1855.] LIFE PEERAGES. 527
Now is the time, Edy, to lay in a stock of all that is requisite.
In a very few years your life, should it be spared by God's mercy,
will be a life of action, not of acquisition. Every revolution of the
earth on its axis shortens the period allotted to study, and forces
mankind to be ' up and doing,' as the phrase is. May you be an in-
strument in the hands of the Almighty for His great and blessed
purposes ! Yours affectionately, S.
The following are. among the closing entries in the
Diary for the year.
Dec. 8th. — Woburn Abbey. Here last night. What a place !
It is not a palace, a house ; it is a town, a municipal borough, a
city. Why, with all its appurtenances of stables, garden's, out-
buildings, &c , there is more brick, stone, and mortar than in a dozen
streets of Dorchester or Blandford. It is a ' Kirjath Hazotli,' ' a
conglomeration of streets ' — costly, astounding, wearisome.
Dec. 12th. — St. Giles. Winter has set in early and vigorously.
Sufferings of the poor very great. The scenes, as recorded in the
Police Reports, at the doors of the workhouses, and all night long,
are horrifying. Boards of Guardians, Vestrymen, Relieving Officers,
and the President of the P. L. Commission, are alike, either brutal,
ignorant or foolish. These things morbidly affect me. They are
ever in my mind, and during the inclement season destroy all my
comfort, and abate the enjoyment of what, by God's mercy, I possess.
All is remediable, but not by one man. And now 'philanthropy'
is at a discount ; people are nauseated with humanity and ' humanity-
mongers,' and especially with myself.
Dec. 27th.— Just heard that Palmerston designs to make some
lawyers ' Peers for life ' — a step as pernicious as it is specious. It
must eventually, and not remotely, destroy the hereditary House of
Lords. It will begin by making us the ' French Chamber/ and end
by making us the ' American Senate.'
Written to dissuade him ; but cui bono ? The day is come—
' Venit summa dies et ineluctabile tempus ' — and all these things
will fall.
END OF VOL. II.
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Shall We Know One Another? By the Rt. Rev. J. C. Ryle, D.D., Bishop of
Liverpool. New and Enlarged Edition. Cloth limp, is.
Simon Peter : His Life, Times, and Friends. By E. Hodder. 5s.
Twilight of Life, The. Words of Counsel and Comfort for the Aged. By
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Voice of Time, The. By John Stroud. Cloth gilt, is.
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the Million, 2s. ; or cloth, 3s. Books for Jones's System, Ruled Sets of, 2s.
Chemistry, The Public School. By J. H, Anderson, M.A. 2s. 6d.
Commentary, The New Testament. Edited by Bishop Ellicott. Handy
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St. Matthew. 3s. 6d.
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Peter, Jude, and John. 34
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French, Cassell's Lessons in. New and Revised Edition. Parts I. and II., each
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French-English and English-French Dictionary. Entirely New and Enla?-ged
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Galbraith and Haughton's Scientific Manuals. By the Rev. Prof. Galbraith,
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Euclid. Books I., II., III. 2s. 6d. Books IV.,
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Geometry, Practical Solid. By Major Ross, R.E. 2s.
German of To-Day. By Dr. Heinemann. is. 6d.
German-English and English-German Dictionary. 3s. 6d.
German Reading, First Lessons in. By A. Jagst. Illustrated, is.
Handbook of New Code of Regulations. By John F. Moss. is. ; cloth, 2s.
Historical Course for Schools, Cassell's. Illustrated throughout. I. ^Stories
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Latin-English Dictionary, CasselTs. Thoroughly revised and corrected, and in
part re-written by J. R. V. Marchant, M.A. 3s. 6d.
Latin-English and English-Latin Dictionary. By J. R. Beard, D.D., and C.
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Little Folks' History of England. By Isa Craig-Knox. With 30 Illustrations.
is. 6d.
Making of the Home, The : A Book of Domestic Economy for School and Home
Use. By Mrs. Samuel A. Barnett. is. 6d.
Marlborough Books.
Arithmetic Examples, 3s. French Exercises. 3s. <5d.
Arithmetic Rules, is. 6<f. French Grammar. 2s. 6d.
German Grammar. 3s. 6d.
Music, An Elementary Manual of. By Henry Leslie, is.
Popular Educator, Cassell' s. New and Thoroughly Revised Edition. Illustrated
throughout. Complete in Six Vols., 5s. each ; or in Three Vols., half calf, 42s. the set.
Physical Science, Intermediate Text-Book of. By F. H. Bowman, D.Sc,
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Reader, The Citizen. By H. O. Arnold -Forster. With Preface by the late
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Reading and Spelling Book, CasselTs Illustrated, is.
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School Manager's ManuaL By F. C. Mills, M.A. is.
Shakspere Reading Book, The. By H. Cocrthope Bowen, M.A. Illustrated.
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Spelling, A Complete Manual of. By J. D. Morell, LL.D. is.
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Applied Mechanics. By Sir R. S. Ball,
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Technology, Manuals of. Edited by Prof. Ayrton, F.R.S., and Richard
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Beautifully illus-
With an
Uooks for ^omtg l^opl?.
Rhymes for the Young Folk. By William Allingham.
trated. 3s. 6d.
The Tales of the Sixty Mandarins. By P. V. Ramaswami Raju
Introduction by Prof. Henry Morlev. Illustrated. 5s.
The Merry-go-Round. Poems for Children. Illustrated throughout. 5s.
The New Children's Album. Fcap. 4to, 320 pages. Illustrated throughout.
3s. 6d.
" Little Folks " Half- Yearly Volume. With 200 Illustrations. 3s. 6d. ; or cloth
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Bo-Peep. A Book for the Little Ones. With Original Stories and Verses.
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The World's Lumber Room. By Selina Gaye. Illustrated. 3s. 6d.
Lay Texts for the Young, in English and French. By Mrs. Richard
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Sunday School Reward Books. By Popular Authors. With Four Original
Illustrations in each. Cloth gilt, is. 6d. each.
or, " If Wishes were
Rhoda's Reward;
Horses."
Jack Marston's Anchor.
Frank's Life-Battle ;
Friends.
or, The Three
Hags and Rainbows: a Story of Thanks-
giving-.
Uncle William's Charge; or, The Broken
Trust.
Pretty Pink's Purpose; or, The Little
Street Merchants.
'Golden Mottoes" Series, The. Each Book containing 208 pages, with Four
full-page Original Illustrations. Crown 8vo, cloth gilt, 2s. each.
"Nil Desperandum." By the Rev. F. Lang- ! "Honour is my Guide." By Jeanie Hering
bridge. (Mrs. Adams-Acton).
"■Rpar and Pnrhpar " Rv Sarah Pitt I " Aim at the Sure Bod." By Emilie Searchfield.
Eeai ana ± oroear. By baran ritt. 1 „ He Couquers who Endures." By the Author
" Foremost if I Can." By Helen Atteridge. | of " May Cunningham's Trial," &c.
The " Proverbs " Series. Consisting of a New and Original Series of Stories by
Popular Authors, founded on and illustrating well-known Proverbs. With Four Ulus
trations in each Book, printed on a tint.
FritterB ; or, " It's a Long Lane that has
no Turning." By Sarali Pitt.
Trixy; or, "Those who Live in Glass
Houses shouldn't throw Stones." By
Maggie Symington.
The Two Hardcastles ; or, " A Friend in
Need is a Friend Indeed." By Made-
line Bonavia Hunt.
Crown 8vo, 160 pages, cloth, is. 6d. each.
Major Monk's Motto; or, "Look Before
you Leap." By the Rev, F. Langbridge.
Tim Thomson's Trial; or, " All is not Gold
that Glitters." By Ceorge Weatherly.
Ursula's Stumbling - Block ; or, " Pride
comes before a Fall." By Julia Goddard.
Ruth's Life - Work ; or, " No Pains, no
Gains." By the Rev. Joseph Johnson.
The "Cross and Crown" Series. Consisting of Stories founded on incidents
which occurred during Religious Persecutions of Past Days. With Illustrations in
each Book, printed on a tint. 2s. 6d. each.
By Fire and Sword: a Story of the
Huguenots. By Thomas Archer.
Adam Hepburn's Vow: a Tale of Kirk
and Covenant. By Annie S. Swan.
No. XIII.; or, The Story of the Lost
Vestal. A Tale of Early Christian Days.
By Emma Marshall.
Strong to Suffer: A Story of the Jews.
By E. Wynne.
Heroes of the Indian Empire ; or, Stories
of Valour and Victory. By Ernest Foster.
In Letters of Flame : A Story of th i
Waldenses. By C. L. Mateaux.
Through Trial to Triumph. By Madeline
B. Hunt.
The World's Workers. A Series of
Authors. With Portraits printed on a
General Gordon. By the Rev S. A Swaine.
Charles Dickens. By his Eldest Daughter.
Sir Titus Salt and George Moore. By J.
Burnley.
Florence Nightingale, Catherine Marsh,
Frances Ridley Havergal, Mrs. Ran-
yard ("L. N. R.") By Lizzie Alldridge.
Dr. Guthrie, Father Mathew, Elihu Bur-
ritt, Joseph Livesey. By the Rev. J. W.
Kirton.
Sir Henry Haveloek and Colin Campbell,
Lord Clyde. By E. C. Phillips.
By
New and Original Volumes by Popular
tint as Frontispiece, is. each.
Abraham Lincoln. By Ernest Foster.
David Livingstone. By Robert Smiles.
George Muller and Andrew Reed.
E. R. Pitman.
Richard Cobden. By R. Cowing.
Benjamin Franklin. By E. M. Tomkinson.
Handel. By Eliza Clarke.
Turner the Artist. By the Rev. S. A. Swaine.
George and Robert Stephenson. By C. L.
Matcaux.
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The " Chimes " Series. Each containing 64 pages, with Illustrations on every
page and handsomely bound in cloth, is.
Bible Chimes. Contains Bible Verses for Every
Day in the Month.
Daily Chimes. Verses from the Poets for
Every Day in the Month.
Holy Chimes. Verses for Every Sunday in the
Year.
Old 'World Chimes. Verses from old writers for
Every Day in the Month.
New Five Shilling Books for Boys.
tint. Cloth gilt, 5s. each.
"Follow my Leader;" or, trie Boys of
Templeton. By Talbot Baines Reed.
For Fortune and Glory; a Story of the
Soudan War. By Lewis Hough.
The Champion of Odin ; or, Viking Life
in tne Days of Old. By J. Fred. Hodgetts.
With Original Illustrations, printed on a
Bound by a Spell; or, the Hunted Witch
of the Forest. By the Hon. Mrs. Greene.
Under Bayard's Banner. By Henry Frith.
The King's Command. A Story for Girls.
By Maggie Symington.
The Romance of Invention. By Jas. Burnley.
New Three and Sixpenny Books for Boys,
on a tint. Cloth gilt, 3s. 6d. each.
On Board the "Esmeralda;" or, Martin
Leigh's Log. By John C. Hutcheson.
In Quest of Gold ; or, Under tne Whanga
Falls. By Alfred St. Johnston.
For Queen and King ; or, the Loyal
'Prentice. By Henry Frith.
A World of Girls : A Story of a School.
3y 1_. T. Meade.
With Original Illustrations, printed
Lost among White Africans : A Boy's
Adventures on the Upper Congo. By
David Ker.
Perils Afloat and Brigands Ashore. By
Alfred Elwes.
Freedom's Sword : A Story of the Days of
WaUace and Bruee. By Annie S. Swan.
The ■'Boy Pioneer" Series. By Edward S. Ellis. With Four Full-page
Illustrations in each Book. Crown 8vo, cloth, 2s. 6d. each.
Ned in the Woods. A Tale of Early Days I Ned on the Biver. A Tale of Indian River
Warfare.
Ned in the Block House. A Story of Pioneer Life in Kentucky.
in the V\ est.
The "Log Cabin " Series. By Edward S. Ellis. With Four Full-page Illus-
trations in each. Crown 8vo, cloth, 2s. 6d. each.
The Lost Trail. | Camp-Fire and Wigwam.
Footprints in the Forest.
The
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Down the Mississippi. | Lost in the Wilda.
Up the Tapajos : or, Adventures in Brazil.
Sixpenny Story Eooks.
well-known Writers.
Little Content.
The Smuggler's Cave.
Little Lizzie.
Little Bird.
The Boot on the Wrong
Foot.
All Illustrated, and containing Interesting Stories by
Luke Barnicott.
Little Pickles.
The Boat Club.
The Elehester College
Boys.
My First Cruise.
The Little Peacemaker.
The Delft Jug.
Lottie's White Frock.
Only Just Once.
Helpful Nellie; and other
Stories.
The " Baby's Album " Series. Four Books, each containing about 50 Illustra-
tions. Price 6d. each ; or cloth gilt, is. each.
Baby's Album. | Dolly's Album. | Fairy's Album. | Pussy's Album.
illustrated Books for the Little Ones. Containing interesting Stories. All
Illustrated, is. each.
Indoors and Out. j Little Mothers and then-
Some Farm Friends. Children.
Those Golden Sands. I Our Pretty Pets.
Our Schoolday Hours.
Creatures Tame.
Creatures Wild.
Shining Story Books. All Illustrated, and containing Interesting Stories.
The History of Five Little
Pitchers.
The Giant's Cradle.
Shag and Doll.
Aunt Lucia's Locket.
The Magic Mirror.
Thorns and Tangles.
The Cuckoo in the Kobin's
Nest.
John's Mistake.
Diamonds in the Sand.
Burly Bob.
The Cost of Kevenge.
Clever Frank.
Among the Bedskins.
The Ferryman of BrilL
Harry Maxwell.
A Bainshed Monarch.
Selections from Cassell & Company's Publications.
Cassell's Children's Treasuries.
is profusely Illustrated. Cloth, :
Each Volume contains Stories or Poetry, and
;. each.
Cook Robin, and other Nursery Rhymes.
The Queen of Hearts.
Old mother Hubbard.
Tuneful Lays for Merry Days.
Cheerful Songs for Young Polks.
Pretty Poems for Young People.
The Children's Joy.
Pretty Pictures and Pleasant Stories.
Our Picture Book.
Tales for the Little Ones.
My Sunday Book of Pictures.
Sunday Garland of Pictures and Stone*.
Sunday Readings for Little Folks.
"Little Folks" Painting Books. With Text, and Outline Illustrations loj-
Water-Colour Painting, is. each.
Fruits and Blossoms for " Little Folks "
to Paint.
The "Little Folks" Proverb Painting
Book.
The " Little Folks " Illuminating Book.
Pictures to Paint.
"Little Folks" Painting Book.
"Little Folks" Nature Painting Book
Another "Little Folks" Painting Book.
Eighteenpenny Story Books.
Wee Little Rhymes.
Little One's Welcome.
Little Gossips.
Ding Dong Bell.
Three Wee Ulster Lassies
Little Queen Mab.
Up the Ladder.
Dick's Hero ; and other Stories.
The Chip Boy.
Saggles, Baggies, and the Emperor.
All Illustrated throughout.
Roses from Thorns
Faith's Father.
By Land and Sea.
The Young Berringtons.
Jerf and Leff.
Tom Morris's Error.
Worth more than Gold
"Through Flood— Through Fire;" and
other Stories.
The Girl with the Golden Locks.
Stories of the Olden Time.
The "Cosy Corner" Series.
One Hundred Pictures.
Story Books for Children,
is. 6d. each.
Each containing nearly
See-Saw Stories.
Little Chimes for ah Times.
Wee Willie Winkie.
Pet's Posy of Pictures and Stories.
Dot's Story Book
Story Flowers for Rainy Hours.
Little Talks with Little People.
Chats for SmaU Chatterers.
Pictures for Happy Hours.
Ups and Downs of a Donkey's Life
The " World in Pictures " Series. Illustrated throughout. 2s. 6d. each.
A Ramble Round France.
All the Russias.
Chats about Germany.
The Land of the Pyramids (Egypt).
Peeps into China.
The Eastern Wonderland (Japan).
Glimpses of South America.
Round Africa.
The Land of Temples (India).
The Isles of the Pacific.
Two-Shilling Story Books. All Illustrated.
Clover Blossoms.
Christmas Dreams.
Stories of the Tower.
Mr. Burke's Nieces.
May Cunningham's Trial.
The Top of the Ladder:
How to Reach it.
Half-crown Books.
Little Flotsam.
Madge and her Friends.
The Children of the Court.
A Moonbeam Tangle.
Maid Marjory.
The Four Cats of the Tip-
pertons.
Through Peril to Fortune.
Marion's Two Homes.
Little Folks' Sunday Boc ,
Two Fourpenny Bits.
Poor Nelly.
Tom Heriot.
Aunt Tabitha's Waifs.
In Mischief Again.
Arm Chair Stories.
Little Hinges.
Margaret's Enemy.
Pen's Perplexities.
Notable Shipwrecks.
Golden Days.
Wonders of Common Things.
Little Empress Joan.
Soldier and Patriot (George Washington).
At the South Pole.
Truth wiU Out.
Pictures of School Life and Boyhood.
The Young Man in the Battle of Life. By
the Rev. Dr. Landels.
The True Glory of Woman. By the Rev.
Dr. Landels.
The Wise Woman. By George Macdonald.
Picture Teaching Series. Each book Illustrated throughout,
gilt, coloured edges, 2s. 6d. each.
Fcap. 4to, cloth
Through Picture-Land.
Picture Teaehingfor Young and Old.
Picture Natural History.
Scraps of Knowledge for the Little
Ones.
Great Lessons from Little Things.
Woodland Romances.
Stories of Girlhood.
Frisk and his Flock.
Pussy Tip-Toes' Family.
The Boy Joiner and Model Maker.
The Children of Holy Scripture.
Selections from Cassell <£• Company's Publications.
Library of Wonders. Illustrated Gift-books for Boys. 2s. 6d. each.
Wonderful Adventures.
Wonders of Animal Instinct.
Wonders of Architecture.
Wonders of Acoustics.
Wonders of Water.
Wonderful Escapes.
Bodily Strength and Skill.
Wonderful Balloon Ascents.
The " Home Chat " Series. All Illustrated throughout. Fcap. 4to. Boards, 3s. 6d.
each ; cloth, gilt edges, 5s. each.
Home Chat. I Half-Hours with Early Explorers.
Peeps Abroad for Folks at Home. Stories about Animals.
Around and About Old England. Stories about Birds.
Paws and Claws.
Books for the Little Ones.
Rhymes for the Young Folk. By William
Allingham. Beautifully Illustrated. 2s. 6d.
The Little Doings of some Little Folks.
By Chatty Cheerful. Illustrated. 5s.
The Sunday Scrap Book. With One Thou-
sand Scripture Pictures. Boards, 5s. ; cloth,
7s. 6d.
Daisy Dimple's Scrap Book. Containing
about 1,000 Pictures. Boards, 5s. ; cloth gilt,
7s. 6d.
The History Scrap Book. With nearly
1,000 Engravings. 5s. ; cloth, 7s. 6d.
The Little Folks' Out and About Book.
By Chatty Cheerful. Illustrated. 5s.
Myself and my Friends. By Olive Patch.
With numerous Illustrations. Crown 4to. 5s.
A Parcel of Children. By Olive Patch. With
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Little Folks' Picture Album. With 168
Large Pictures. 5s.
Little Folks' Picture Gallery. With 150
Illustrations. 5s.
The Old Fairy Tales. With Original Illus.
trations. Boards, is. ; cloth, is. 6d.
My Diary. With Twelve Coloured Plates and
366 Woodcuts, is.
Happy Little People. By Olive Patch. With
Illustrations. 5s.
"Little Folks" Album of Music, The.
Illustrated. 3s. 6d.
Wee Little Rhymes, is. 6d.
Little One's Welcome, is. 64
Little Gossips, is. 6d.
Ding Dong BeU. is. 6d.
Clover Blossoms. 2s.
ChristmaB Dreams. 2s.
Arm Chair Stories. 2s. 6d.
The Story of Robin Hood. With Coloured
Illustrations. 2S. 6d.
The Pilgrim's Progress. With Coloured
Illustrations. 2s. 6d.
Books for Boys.
Captain Trafalgar. A Story of the Mexican
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Kidnapped. By R. L. Stevenson. 5s.
King Solomon's Mines. By H. Rider Hag-
gard. 5s.
Treasure Island. By.R. L. Stevenson. With
Full-page Illustrations. 5s.
Famous Sailors of Former Times, His-
tory of the Sea Fathers. By Clements
Markham. Illustrated. 2s. 6d.
At the South Pole. By W. H. G. K
The Phantom City. By W. Westall. 55.
Modern Explorers. By Thomas Frost. Illus-
trated, ss.
Wild Adventures in Wild Places. By Dr.
Gordon Stables, M.D., R.N. Illustrated, ss.
Jungle. Peak, and Plain. By Dr. Gotdon
Stables, R.N. Illustrated. 5s.
O'er Many Lands, on Many Seas. By Gordon
Stables, M.D., R.N. Illustrated. 5s.
ingston. New Edition. Illustrated. 2s. 6d.
Books for all Children.
Cassell's Robinson Crusoe. With 100 strik-
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CasseU's Swiss Family Robinson. Illus-
trated. Cloth, 3s. 6d. ; gilt edges, 5s.
Sunny Spain : Its People and Places,
with Glimpses of its History. By
Olive Patch. Illustrated. 5s.
RambleB Round London Town. By C. L.
Mateaux. Illustrated. 5s.
Favorite Album of Fun and Fancy, The.
Illustrated. 3s. 6d.
Familiar Friends. By Olive Patch. Illus-
trated. Cloth gilt, ss.
Odd Folks at Home. By C. L. Mateaux.
With nearly 150 Illustrations. SS.
Field Friends and Forest Foes. By Olive
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Silver 'Wings and Golden Scales. Illus-
trated. 5s.
The 'Wonderland of Work. ByC. L. Maf'
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Little Folks' Holiday Album. Illustrated. 3s. 6d.
Tiny Houses and their Builders. Illus-
trated. 5s.
Children of all Nations. Their Homes, their
Schools, their Playgrounds. Illustrated. 5s. .
Tim Trumble's " Little Mother." By C.
L. Mateauv. Illustrated. 5s.
A Moonbeam Targle. Original Fairy Tales
By S. Shadbolt. illustrated. 3s. 6d.
CASSELL <fc COMPANY, Limited, Ludgate Hill, London, Paris, Ne:v
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Selections from Cassell $ Company's Publications.
Illustrate, f itu ^rt, anft othtv Uolunws.
Art, Tlie Magazine of. Yearly Volume. With about 500 choice Engravings
from famous Paintings and from Original Drawings by the First Artists of tne day.
An Original Etching forms the Frontispiece. 16s.
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