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THE
LIFE AND WRITINGS
MIGUEL DE CERVANTES.
THE
LIFE AND WRITINGS
OF
MIGUEL DE CERVANTES
SAAVEDRA.
WITH
Utterarg anti l^istortcal Jlllustrations
AUTHENTIC DOCUMENTS SUPPLIED BY SPANISH BIOGRAPHER!-
AND OTHER EDITORS OF HIS WORKS.
BY THOMAS ROSCOE, ESQ.
LONDON: WILLIAM TEGG.
1861.
CONTENTS.
CHAPTER I.
I
Ancient and noble flxinily of Cervantes — Its origin — Mili-
tary serdces — Birth and baptism of Cervantes — Want of
dates — Neglect of his con temporaries — His education — Early
poetic taste — His preceptors — Anecdotes — Fondness for the
drama — Early opinions of him — Juvenile essays — Studies at
Salamanca — Dramatic representations at Alcala and Madrid
— Introduction to Cardinal Aqua viva — Accompanies him to
Rome — Description of his lour — Residence in Rome — Enters
the Spanish army — Sails with the fleet — Battle of Lepanto
— His heroic conduct — Receives three wounds — Is taken to
Messina — Eulogised by Don John of Austria — Recovers
and rejoins the army — In the regiment of Figueroa — Goes
upon new expeditions — His naval service described by him-
self .......
CHAPTER II.
Sails with the expedition from Palermo — Attack of Tunis —
Flight of the Moors — Gallant conduct of Cervantes — Re-
turn of Don John to Italy — Cervantes winters with his regi-
ment at Cerdena — Sails with Marcello Doiia to Genoa —
Proceeds with his regiment to Sicily — Visits the principal
cities of Italy — Descriptions in his writings — Studies the
Italian poets — The use he made of them — His delicate
satire — Envied and depreciated — Gains the esteem of his
commanders — Distinguishes himself — Obtains leave to re-
turn to Spain — Sets sail with his brother Rodrigo Attacked
and captured by an Algerine squadron — Brave defence —
Carried to Algiers — Cruel treatment — Forms a plan to
CONTENTS.
PAGE
escape — Abandoned by bis guide — Is re-captnred — His
second attempt — Adventures and sufferings — Takes tbe re-
sponsibility upon himself— Threatened by the Dcy— Curious
anecdotes — A Spanish renegade — Conduct of Cervantes —
Rene^vs his attempt to escape . . • .18
CHAPTER III.
Cervantes communicates his design to other captives — His plan
is matured — Betrayed to the Dey — Blanco de Paz — Mag-
nanimous conduct of Cervantes — Refuses to abandon his
fellow-captives — Is brought before the Dey — Threatened
with death — Refuses to name his coadjutors — Treated with
extreme rigour — His plotting genius dreaded by the Dey —
Sufferings of the captives — Dearth in Algiers — The Duke
de Sesa interests himself for Cervantes — Solicitude and
efforts of his relatives — Petition to Philip II. — It is granted
— Renewed attempts to obtain the amount of his ransom —
Society of the Redemption — Father Gill — Cervantes placed
on board a vessel bound for Constantinople — Is ransomed —
And set at liberty — Compassion for his fellow-captives —
Noble example — Religious duties — And resignation — His
numerous friends — Documents and certificates of witnesses
— Interesting depositions — Cervantes sails for Spain . 37
CHAPTER IV.
Cervantes returns to the army — Supposed to re-enter his old
regiment — Campaign of Portugal — Sails from Lisbon — Ex-
pedition to Terceira — Junction of the Spanish fleets — Battle
and victory oft" Terceira — Serves with his brother Rodrigo
in the new attack — Gallant exploit — Conquest of the neigh-
bouring islands — Addresses complimentary lines to the
famous Santa Craz — Long services of Cervantes under his
flag — Reception in Portugal — His interesting descriptions of
the country — Liaison with a Portuguese lady — His natural
daughter — Residence in Mostagan— Sent with letters from
the Governor to King Philip — Garrison duty — Composition
of his Galatea — Description of the heroine — Taken from
real life- — Critical opinions — Analysis of it — Anecdotes —
Marriage of Cervantes — Resides at Esquivias — Literary
occupations — Compositions — Formation of Academies — Be-
comes a member — Residence at the Court . . 52
CONTENTS.
vii
CHAPTER V.
PAGE
Dramatic compositions of Cervantes — Introduces moral and
allegorical personages — Number of liis plays — Reform of the
Spanish Theatre — Prepares the Avay for Lope de Ycga — His
embarrassing situation — Is made a Commissioner of the
Commissariat Department — Removes to Seville — His inade-
quate income — Sends a memorial to the King — Favourably
entertained — Singular allusion to his blighted prospects — His
great exertions and perseverance — Frequent journeys — In-
teresting incidents — His satiric vein — Applied to moral uses
— Origin of his amusing Episode in Don Quixote — Diffi-
culties encountered in his employment — Solemn festival —
Monks of Saragossa — Literary contest — Enters the lists —
Gains the first prize — Returns to Seville. . . . G7
CHAPTER VI.
Early dramatic efforts — Opinions of Cervantes — Progress of
the art in Spain — Curious retrospect — Lope de Rueda — His
dramatic equipments — A travelling stage — Spanish authors
and actors — A canon of Toledo — A censorship — Ideas of
Cervantes — Strictures of M. Sismondi — Extracts — Speci-
mens translated — His dramatic genius — How to be esti-
mated — His dramas — The Numantia — Description and
analysis — Specimens — Peculiar characteristics — Elevated
character — Grand sentiment — Eloquent and powerful ap-
peals — Its progress, development, and final struggles —
Devoted patriotism — Genius and conduct of Scipio — Re-
duces the city by fiimine — Its destruction by the inhabitants
— Self-sacrifices — Its fall — Effects on a Spanish audience —
Its classical character — Old Greek spirit — Concentred in-
terest and unity . . . . .81
CHAPTER VII.
Other dramatic works — Life in Algiers — Circumstances in
which it originated^ — Los Bafios de Argel — Various adven-
tures — Allegorical personages — Analysis — Specimens and
translations — The slave-market — Pathetic and startling
scenes — Society of the Redemption — The drama — Opinions
of Cervantes — His judgment — Extensive reading — Famili-
vin CONTENTS.
PAGK
arity -with and imitation of the Ancients — Noble qualities
of the drama as conceived by Cervantes — Freedom from
affectation and conventional gallantry — Unable to establish
a reform — Prevailing taste of the day — Triumphant — Lope
de Vega and Cervantes both yield to it . . . 1 U4
CHAPTER VIII.
Attack of Cadiz by the English — Calls forth the satirical genius
of Cervantes — His happy irony — Story of the Espanola
Inglesa — New difficulties, owing to the treachery of an
acquaintance — Compromised with the agents of government
— Called to Madrid — Residence there — Death of Philip
II. — Grand solemnities — Strange commotion, and battle of
the priests— Celebrated by Cervantes in a burlesque sonnet
— Idiom of the country people — Residence in Seville —
Agent to people of rank — Familiar acquaintance with the
customs and manners of the people — Origin of his novels —
Their character and object — Andalusian tone of his %vit and
satire — Mixing -with the people — Foundation of his Don
Quixote — His commission in La Mancha — Doubts enter-
tained — Visit to Valladolid — Supposed imprisonment — Tra-
dition, anecdotes, and reflections — Composition of Don
Quixote — Its reception — Criticisms and discussions — Models
— His ideas of romance on new principles . .115
CHAPTER IX.
Transitory effects c^f the death of Philip II. — Reflections upon
arbitrary government — Its fatal influence on the fortunes of
Cervantes — The victim of e\-il times and circumstances —
of a despotic court — Don Quixote — Its cool recpetion —
Gradual progiess — Rapid sale and universal fame — Opinions
of M. Sismondi — Requisites for its perusal — Object of the
work — Its spirit, plot, characters — Ancient and modern
models — Mixed nature — Real views of Cervantes — To en-
tertain, reform, and instruct — Specimens — Anedotes — Ori-
ginal idea — Power of imagination — Its vivid representations
— Lasting impressions — Vigour of description — Vast know-
ledge and learning — A'ariety of the episodes — Their charm
and pathos — Powerful contrasts — Dignity, richness — Beauty
and exquisite polish of style . . . . 1 39
CONTENTS.
CHAPTER X.
PAGE
Astonishing success of his new work — Envy and malignity of
his contemporaries — Lope de Vega — Attempts made to excite
enmity between them — Calnmnies and falsehoods employed
— Birth of Philip IV. — Count de Lerma's embassy to Eng-
land — Splendid banquets — Singular fatality — Depositions
of Cervantes and his family relative to the affair — Informa-
tion of his residence and family thus obtained — Anecdotes —
The works of Hurtado de Mendoza — Academical meetings
— His connexions and friendships — Ungrateful return —
Heartlessness of men of rank — Academy of the Selvage —
Its members — ^Poems composed by Cervantes. . .156
CHAPTER XI.
Cervantes devotes himself to literary compositions — Corrects
his former productions, and prepares them for the press —
His novels and tales — Interwoven with his great work —
Boccaccio — How far imitated by Cervantes — Why entitled
Exemplares — Noble objects he had in view — Tales of
witchcraft, and diablerie — Dangerous test of merit — Curi-
ous instance of hallucination — Various characters of the
novels — How natural and well-supported — Examination of
their merits — Accused of not being the author of them —
Forms a new era in the popular fiction of Spain — Imitated
by Lope de Vega — Richness and beauty of the language .173
CHAPTER XII.
Continuation of the Novelas Exemplares — Opinions — Ana-
lysis — Specimens and translations — La Gitanilla — Charac-
ters — Peculiarities of the Gitanos — Sketches — Peculiarities
of climate — El Amante Liberal — Characters and adven-
tures — Historical allusions — Power of the Corsairs — Singu-
lar historic incidents — Story of Rinconete and Cortadillo —
Characteristics of vagabond life — Religion of thieves — Regu-
lar establishment — Singular priesthood — The Spanish-Eng-
lish lady — Admirable pictures of the country — Customs and
manners of the people . . . , . 1 i
CONTENTS.
CHAPTER XIII.
PAGE
Characteristics of novel ^Yriting — Its former and present pecu-
liarities — The test of time — Increased popularity of Cer-
vantes — High opinion expressed by his rivals — Tacit admis-
sion of Cervantes' merit by Lope de Vega — Opposed to a
vicious popularity, or vulgar fame — Extended the same high
sentiment to the drama — His views of the drama — State of
the Spanish stage — Its extravagance — Bad taste — And de-
pravity — Example — Base proceedings of the Licentiate
Avellaneda — Violent party spirit excited — Moderation and
magnanimity of Cervantes — Extreme bitterness and enmity
of his rival — ]\Iystery in which it is enveloped — Silence of
his contemporaries on the subject — Improvement of the
Spanish language by Cervantes . . . .198
CHAPTER XIV.
Literary productions — The Viage al Parnaso — Complains
of the neglect of his friends — of men of rank — the court —
the country for Ashich he bled — The Adjunta^al Parnaso
— Fresh disappointments — Injustice of the Spanish theatre
— He composes new plays — Maligned and persecuted — Re-
vises his comedies — Dedicates them to the Count de Lemos —
Their cold I'cception — Characteristics of the drama of that
period — Examination of the various subjects treated by Cer-
vantes — His contemporary, Lope de Vega — " Justas Poeti-
cas " — Second part of Don Quixote — Humorous picture of
his rival — Pleasant dialogue — Delicate feeling of Cervantes
— Contrasted with his rival — His style — Charged with
Italianisms by his enemies — His purity and harmony of style
— His works translated and published in other countries . 212
CHAPTER XV.
Popularity of Don Quixote — Neglect of men of letters —
Curious anecdote — Compliment to Cervantes — Numerous
editions of Don Quixote — Fame of the author — Ariosto —
Tasso — Critical remarks — Violence and injustice of other
writers — Monsieur Sorel — A bold English critic — El Escu-
dero Obregon — Character of its author — His crafty and
cavilling spirit towards Cervantes — Want of consistency and
lucrit in hs own work . . . ' . 231
CONTENTS.
CHAPTER XVI.
PAGE
New romauce of Cervantes — Unpublished during his life —
His own estimate of it — By native critics — By foreigners —
Bold and imaginative character — Strange ideas of the North
— Wonderful adventui-es — The marvellous — Grand extra-
vagances — Humorous incidents — New method of travelling
— Specimens of diablerie — Numerous episodes — Ironical
treatment of his own story — Effect of age, and influence of
Catholic priests — Superstitious feelings productive of into-
lerance — Injustice towards the Moriscoes — Bad effects of
their banishment — Touching lament — Adventures of the
hero and heroine — Odd notions of heroic morality . 243
CHAPTER XVll.
Envy and ingratitude of Figueroa — Unjust and unprovoked
attacks upon Cervantes — Strange conduct of the Argen-
solus — Try to poison the minds of his patrons — Noble cha-
racter of the Count de Lemos — Of Sandoval y Rojas — Their
muuificence — Pi'otect Cervantes — Interesting facts — Parti-
culars relating to the second part of Don Quixote — Analysis
— Episodes — The hero — Character of Sancho — Dedication
to the Count — Persiles and Sigismunda — Observations and
analysis — Illness of Cervantes — Tries a change of air-
Amusing ad ventures — Becomes Avorse — Fondness for litera-
ture to the last — Corrects his works — Writes to his patron
— His noble expressions — His death — Summaiy of his
character and merits .... 254
Appendix . . . . • .275
THE
LIFE AND WRITINGS
OF
MIGUEL DE CERVANTES.
CHAPTER I.
Ancient and noble family of Cervantes — Its origin — Military ser-
vices — Birth and baptism of Cervantes — Want of dates — Neglect
of his contemporaries — His education — Early poetic taste — His
preceptors — Anecdotes — Fondness for the drama — Early opinions
of him — Juvenile essays — Studies at Salamanca — Dramatic re-
presentations at Alcala and Madrid — Introduction to Cardinal
Aquaviva — Accompanies him to Rome — Descriptions of his tour
— Residence in Rome — Enters the Spanish army — Sails with the
fleet — Battle of Lepanto — His heroic conduct — Receives three
■wounds — Is taken to Messina — Eulogised by Don John of
Austria — Recovers and rejoins the army — In the regiment of
Figueroa — Goes upon new expeditions — His naval service de-
scribed by himself.
The noble family of the Cervantes was, it appears,
first settled in Galicia, from whence it removed to
Castile, spreading through that province its numer-
ous branches. Its origin was adorned by the most
memorable actions and signal victories for which it
received the distinguished approbation of its sove-
reigns ; and it figures in the pages of Spanish history
for more than five centuries with such splendour, that
Sr LIFE AND WRITINGS
if we may believe the learned marquess of IMondeJar,
it has no occasion to envy the most august houses
of Europe.
Some descendants of this numerous race accom-
panied the King Don Fernando in his conquest of
Baeza and Seville, and shared in the spoils of that
expedition ; and others of the name, who emulated
the actions of their ancestors, were amongst the con-
querors of the new world, where they established
themselves and flourished. Another kindred branch
are descended from Juan de Cervantes, a man of dis-
tinction and corregidor of Ossuna, where he acquired
by his noble qualities the respect of the natives of
that place. He had a son, Rodrigo de Cervantes,
who intermarried in the year 1540 with Donna Leo-
nora de Cortinos, a lady of noble birth, and a native,
as it appears, of the town of Barrajos. The issue of
this marriage were Donna Andrea and Donna Louisa,
Roderigo and jMiguel. Miguel de Cervantes, who was
the younger son of this noble but reduced family,
was born in Alcala de Henares,' and baptised in the
parish church of Santa Maria la Mayor on the ninth
day of October, 1547 ; a fact which is now most
satisfactorily established, and which consequently for
ever destroys the pretensions of Madrid, Seville, Lu-
cena, Toledo, Esquerios, Alcazar de San Juan and
Consuegra, which cities had long contended for the
honour of giving birth to so illustrious a person. But
there is still, unfortunately, room for them to contest
the honour of possessing his tomb ; the traveller and
the pilgrim of the world know not yet where to
pay their devotions to the relics of Cervantes — more
sacred for the nobleness and greatness of his character.
One of the virtuous few who season human kind,
and redeem humanity in our eyes, he showed us that
OF CERVANTES. 3
the life of an author is not necessarily confined to the
influence of his works ; that his actions are not
bounded by his writings, though these have been
thought to constitute the most valuable of his actions ;
and that the man ought never to be lost sight of
in the author or the artist. It is that which adorns
through all time the names of Da Vinci, of Michael
Angelo, of Camoens, of Dante, Milton, and Cervantes,
which gives them clearness, distinctness, and identity
through the mists of time, stamping upon them that
true nobility of imperishable mind, which must pre-
serve them fresh and immortal in the memory of
posterity. Cervantes was illustrious as a man, before
he was known as a writer ; he was signalised by his
courage, his virtues, and his trials, long before he
wrote his best book. His own life was a series of
adventures sufficient to interest us without his fame ;
possessing the same charm, the same moral force,
w^hich surprises and delights us in his works. It was
impossible for contemporary biography to describe a
man whose high qualities were not appreciated, whose
character was not understood ; and it is for this reason
that we have to lament the want of those full and
rich materials which the writers of Spain were then
so industriously engaged in collecting to illustrate the
lives of their kings, and the annals of their inquisitions.
It seems most probable, however, that Cervantes
received the first rudiments of his education in his
native place, and amongst his own kindred ; more
particularly as at this time Alcala was celebrated for
its cultivation of science and literature, and was also
the resort of many distingTiished men.* Neverthe-
less, nothing can with certainty be averred on this
point ; and all that we know is, that from his most
tender years Cervantes manifested a decided inclina-
b2
4 LIFE AND WRITINGS
tion to poetry and to works of invention and imitation,
and a lively curiosity which led him to read the
idle ballads of the streets. He discovered, too, an
affection for the theatre, where he attended the re-
presentations of the pieces of the celebrated poet and
noted performer Lope de Rueda, although his tender
years did not then permit him fully to appreciate the
quality of his verses. He however retained them in
his memory to a more mature age, when he bestowed
on them their due meed of praise.
Some authors, as D. Nicolas Antonio, believe that
Cervantes joined in the representation of these pieces
in Seville, of which city Lope de Rueda was a native,
and have even inferred that he was himself born in
that city : 3 but allowing that this eminent performer
was present with his company in Segovia in 1558,
on occasion of the solemn festival which was held
there on the removal of divine worship from the old
to the new cathedral, where the resort of persons was
the greatest ever known in Castile, all Spain assist-
ing at it, as Colmenares assures us ; and knowing
equally well that during three years Lope and his
company continued their performances at ^ladrid and
other cities of Castile (where he saw the famous
Antonio Perez before he became secretary to Philip
IL), it seems most natural to conclude that Cer-
vantes, though only eleven years of age, might be
present at these plays in Segovia, or Madrid, or in
the neighbouring town of Alcala, where Rueda per-
formed on occcasion of other festivities and solem-
nities until the year 1567, in which he died.
"We know with greater certainty that Cervantes
studied grammar and the belles-lettres with the learned
Juan Lopez de Hoyos, a respectable ecclesiastic, and
a native of Madrid. This person being charged with
OF CERVANTES. 5
the arrangement of the histories, allegories, emblems
and inscriptions, which were directed to he placed in
the church of the Descalzas Reales in celebration of
the magnificent obsequies of the Queen Donna Isabel
de Yalois in that town, on the 24th day of October
1368, employed his scholars in these compositions.
Some of these were in Latin and others in Castilian.
Amongst these scholars Cervantes was one of the
most distinguished, as is recorded by the same Juan
Lopez, in the account he published of the last illness,
death, and funeral of the princess, speaking of him
repeatedly as " his most favourite and much loved
scholar," and inserting with especial mention of his
name a sonnet and four redondillos, in which in
striking language he apostrophises the deceased queen
in a Castilian couplet, describing the suddenness with
which she was snatched away by death, and an elegy
in tercetos, finely conceived and composed in an ele-
gant style (in the opinion of his master), and dedi-
cated to the cardinal D. Diego de Espinosa, president
of the council and inquisitor-general. *
The common opinion has been, that it was at Ma-
drid that Cervantes prosecuted his studies with Juan
Lopez ; but considering that Lopez did not obtain the
chair of grammar and belles-lettres in that city until
the 29th of January, 1568, when Cervantes was
already more than twenty years of age, it is most
natural to conclude that his instructions were ante-
rior to this period, and that either as a private master,
or out of Madrid, he had taught his celebrated scho-
lar, so far as to call him w^ith propriety his disciple,
after he had been only eight months presiding in the
before-mentioned chair — a conjecture that admits of
entire confirmation, it being certain that Cervantes,
as he has himself informed us, studied two years
6 LIFE AND WRITINGS
in Salamanca and matriculated in that university,
and resided in the Calle de los Moros.*
From this arose the accuracy with wliich he painted
the customs and peculiar manners of that city ; as is
particularly evident from the Second Part of Don
Quixote, and in the Tale of the Licenciado Vidriera^
and the T'la Fingida. At all events the singular
expressions of his master Lopez, and the fact of his
having selected Cervantes from amonost his other
scholars to write the above-mentioned elegy, prove
how much he surpassed all his contemporaries in
genius. ^
The applause which attended these first essays, the
example of the poets of the day, and his frequenting
the theatre, tended to confirm his passion for the
drama (which became remodelled in his hands), and
excited him to the composition of his Fileria^ a sort
of pastoral poem, and of some sonnets, rhymes, and
romances, which he mentions in his Viage at Par-
nasso. These productions placed him in the first rank
of the poets of Spain, before the period of his cap-
tivity in Algiers.'
The death of the queen occurred on the third of
October, 1568. When her obsequies were cele-
brated at the end of that month, Cers^antes was in
Madrid. At that time there came from Rome Julio
Aquaviva of Aragon, gon of the duke of Atri, sent
by Pope Pius V. to condole with Philip II. on the
death of the Prince Don Carlos, who died on the
24th July preceding ; and probably to require some
apology to the ecclesiastics, to whom it is believed
his ministers at Milan had ^iven some offence. Both
these commissions must have been far from agree-
able, if not offensive, to the king at this conjuncture.
The mysterious cause of the imprisonment of the
OF CERVANTES. 7
prince, the severity of his father in refusing to lend
an ear to the many appliciitions made in liis favour
by several cities and by sovereign princes, the prohi-
bition that no one should express condolement to
him upon this event, as was announced to the nuncio
of the pope, the premature death of the prince in
prison, and the recent and melancholy decease of the
queen ; were appalling events, which excited public
curiosity, and led to much discussion amongst the
people, always prone to suspicion and to question the
actions of their rulers.
All these circumstances rendered the first commis-
sion of the legate odious and ill-timed. The second
commission was no less so, from the king obstinately
defending what he deemed his rights, against the
pretensions of the Roman court to the Spanish domi-
nions in Italy. In confirmation of this displeasure
a passport was expedited to the legate of his holiness,
from Aranjuez, on the 2nd day of December of the
same year, 1368, to return to Italy by Aragon and
Valencia before the expiration of sixty days.
In consequence of this proceeding he was doubtless
created cardinal in Rome on the 17th of May, 1570.
On the occasion of the ambassador of Spain at that
court, D. Juan de Zuniga, announcing to Philip II.
the arrival of Aquaviva,* he stated among other
matters, that that prelate was highly esteemed for
his love of letters ; and Mateo Aleman doubtless refers
to him, when he says he lived in the 'palace of a
certain dignitary of the Church, sent by Pius V. to
negotiate with Philip on aff'airs of the Church, adding
that this legate was oTeatlv attached to men of learn-
mg, and extended his friendship to them, entertaining
them familiarly at his table, carrying them in his
carriage when he went into public, honouring them
b LIFE AND WRITINGS
in every possible way, and delighting to discuss with
them questions of politics, science, and letters.
As Cervantes informs us that he served in Rome
as a chamberlain, it may be presumed, when we
consider the character of Aquaviva as a patron of
letters, that finding himself in Madrid when the funeral
of the queen took place, and at the time that Cer-
vantes dedicated his elegy to the Cardinal Espinosa,
this nobleman might be struck by his genius and
penetration ; and probably compassionating his
narrow fortune, admitted him into his family, and
invited him to accompany him to Italy, a journey
which the young Spanish nobility frequently took at
that time with a view of embracing the service of the
pope and the cardinals, as was the case with Don
Diego Hurtado de Mendoza, Don Francisco Pacheco,
and others.^ They thus prosecuted their studies in
Rome, and occasionally obtained through this chan-
nel the most wealthy and elevated dignities in the
Church. Sometimes, too, they might have been in-
stigated by a desire to see the world, and to try their
fortune in arms, a path which if less strewed with
riches, was still the road to fame and renown at this
palmy epoch of the Spanish empire. ^°
Such miofht be the motives which influenced Cer-
o
vantes to leave his native country for a time. We
henceforth find him describino- in the countries through
which he travelled not only the varied and en(;hant-
ing varieties of scenery, but also the peculiar customs
of the inhabitants. He beheld with admiration the
rich and beautiful city of Valencia, its delightful sub-
urbs, the charms and engaging manners of its women,
and its graceful language, with which the Portu-
guese alone can compete for sweetness and agreeable-
ness. On the principality of Catalonia he made more
OF CERVANTES. 9
extensive and particular observations, as appears from
many of his notes, describing and justly censuring
the levies and bands of soldiers which the principal
gentry employed in the gratification of their private
revenge, remarking the severity of punishments,
and noticing the most distinguished families of the
country, their party, their influence, and manners ;
now describing the well-known road of Barcelona so
dangerous for shipping, and the city, as the school of
chivalry, the queen of all beautiful cities, the pride
of Spain, the dread of her neighbouring enemies, the
paragon of loyalty, the protectress of strangers, and.
faithful in her friendships ; and finally summing up
the character of the Catalonians by saying, that they
are passionate and warlike, peaceful and agreeable,
and in bravery and honour exceeded by no people
in the universe. With equal felicity he describes the
route to Italy, through the southern provinces of
France, afi'ording grounds for surmise that he had
made that journey on this occasion with Monsignor
Aquaviva ; for as we find some of these descriptions
in the Galatea^ which was the first work he pub-
lished after his captivity and his service in Portugal
and the Terceira islands, w^e may infer that it could
be only at that time he had an opportunity of ac-
quiring an accurate knowledge of the geography,
history, and manners of the principality and of those
countries, which he displays in his works at a more
advanced period of life.
Cervantes must have remained only a short time
in this domestic service, as he enrolled himself in the
following year as a common soldier in the Spanish
army'^ then stationed in Italy; embracing thence-
forth a nobler profession, and one more consonant
to his birth and connexions : since the exercise of
10 LIFE AND WRITINGS
arms (to use his own expression), although it raises
all persons, yet more particularly becomes those that
are noble-minded and well born. It was not long
before he found a theatre on which he might display
his martial spirit. The Grand Turk, Selim II.,
breaking the treaty which he had formed with the
republic of Venice, suddenly invaded, at a time of
profound peace, the island of Cj'prus. The Vene-
tians on this event implored assistance from the
various princes of Christendom, particularly from the
Pontiff, Pius V. That pontiff, with the greatest
alacrity, placed his galleys under the command of
Marc Antonio Colonna, duke of Paliano, and uniting
with those of Spain and Venice, they assembled in
the winter of 1370 in the Levant, to check the pro-
gress of the enemy ; but in consequence of the dis-
sensions and indecision of the confederate commanders,
the Turks were enabled to take Nicosia by assault,
and extend their conquests ; and the combined fleet
allowing the favourable season to escape for the suc-
couring of Cyprus, was diminished by tempests, and
compelled to retire to their respective ports. Among
the forty-nine galleys, which under the command of
Juan Andrea Doria assembled at Otranto with
Colonna, agreeably to the orders of Philip II., were
included twenty of the squadron of Naples, sent by
the marquess of Santa Cruz, and the whole had
been reinforced by five thousand Spanish soldiers and
two thousand Italians.
Among these troops was the company of the
famous Captain Diego de Urbina, a native of Gua-
dalajara, which belonged to the regiment of Don
Miguel de Moncada, and in this company it was that
Miguel de Cervantes volunteered as a common sol-
dier.'^ In this station he made the campaign of the
OF CERVANTES. 11
summer under the orders of Colonna, embarking pro-
bably in one of the galleys of the squadron from Na-
ples, in which city, on its return, he spent the winter,
whilst the armament was repairing and refitting for
the service of the following year.
The Roman court, far from being dismayed by
its late misfortunes, now formed with undiminished
zeal a confederacy of the principal powers of Europe
against the Turks, concluding on the 20th day of
May, 1571, the famous league between his holiness
the pope, the King of Spain, and the republic of
Venice, and naming as generalissimo of the united
force by land and sea, Don Juan of Austria, natural
son of Charles Y. The enlistment of troops, the
supplies of ammunition and provisions, and the
means of war, were forwarded by religious zeal;
and the spirit of military glory which displayed
itself, was further excited by the presence of a
numerous army, and its illustrious commanders.
Don Juan of Austria had scarcely received his ap-
pointment of generalissimo, when he proceeded with
the utmost despatch to Madrid, and uniting in Bar-
celona the distinguished regiments of Don Lope de
Figueroa and of Don Miguel de Moncada, which had
given signal proofs of their valour and military skill
in the war of Granada, he set sail with them from
that part for Italy, and arrived at Genoa on the 26th
day of June with forty-seven galleys. Moncada was
commissioned to rouse the Venetians to co-operate
with spirit in an enterprise which they had them-
selves provoked ; encouraging them with the pro-
spect of a happy result, which the dissensions of the
former year had prevented. During this time those
two regiments were completed at Naples by soldiers
who were serving in the fleet ; and it was then that
12 LIFE AND WRITINGS
the company of Urbina, in which Cervantes served,
was united to the regiment to which it belonged.
The united land and sea forces of the allied powers
then assembled at Messina, and diligently prepared
themselves for the campaign ; and the troops were
distributed in the several ships of war, placing in the
galleys of Juan Andrea Doria, then in the service of
Spain, two old companies, two others of the regiment
of Moncada, that of Urbina and that of Rodrigo de
Mora, each composed of two hundred men.
By this arrangement Cervantes, with his captain
and company, were allotted to the galley the Marquesa
de Juan Andrea, commanded by Francisco Sancto
Pietro ; and as on going to sea on the 13th of Sep-
tember, with the intention of engaging the Ottoman
fleet, the combined force was formed into three
divisions, — the Marquesa was assigned to the third
squadron, which formed the left wing of the battle,
the command of which was given to Augustin Barba-
rigo, purveyor-general of Venice. After succouring
Corfu, and seeking the fleet of the enemy, they dis-
covered it on the morning of the 7th of October,
towards the entrance of Lepanto. Being compelled
from his situation to engage immediately, Barbarigo
began the attack a little after mid-day; and the battle
soon becoming general and obstinate, terminated at
night with the most glorious victory that the Christian
arms everachieved.^' Cervantes being at this moment
sick of the ague, his captain and comrades endea-
voured to dissuade him from taking a part in the
approaching action, and advised him to remain in
quiet in the cabin of his ship, but, warmed with
military ardour, he indignantly asked, What would be
thought of him, if he should desert his post at such
a time? and declared that he should prefer death
OF CERVANTES. 13
bravely fighting for God and his King, to preserving
life on such ignoble terms. He then earnestly en-
treated his captain to place him in the hottest part of
the battle ; and the captain indulging him, gave him
a post in his vessel, with twelve soldiers, where they
fought w^ith such heroism, that the Christians in
his galley killed five hundred Turks, slew the gover-
nor of Alexandria, and captured the royal standard of
Egypt.
In this fierce contest Cervantes received three
arquebuss wounds, two in the breast, and the other
in the left hand, which remained maimed and lame
ever afterwards. By his bravery and valour, how-
ever, he contributed to the glory of that day, the
7th of October, 1571, a day for ever memorable for
the signal victory gained by the Christian powers
over the Turks. Of his share in this action he made
honourable boast during the rest of his life, showing
in proof of his distinguished bravery the scars of his
wounds received in " the most memorable of all
occasions past, present, and to come" — " wounds that
show like stars, lighting us on our way to heaven and
to fame." He thus chose rather to share the dangers
and glories of this day with loss of limb, than to
excuse himself from illness, " since it is better for a
soldier to be found dead on the field of battle, than to
save his life by an abandonment of duty."
On the night which succeeded to this glorious day,
the victorious fleet retired to the port of Petela, to
attend to the repair of the ships, and to minister to
the wants and comforts of the men. The bad state
of Cervantes' health at this time retarded the healinof
of his wounds, but he had the honourable satisfaction
of being visited on the following day by Don Juan of
Austria, who came to thank the soldiers for their
14 LIFE AND WRITINGS
valour, succouring the wounded, and bestowing on
such as had distinguished themselves three escudos
each, above their ordinary pay. This prince was
desirous of iiTiproving the advantages of his victory
by blocking up the Turks in the Dardanelles, and
possessing himself of the castles of Lepanto and Santa
Maria, wintering for this object in Corfu with the
Venetians ; but the very advanced season of the year,
the want of victuals, and also of men, the number of
sick and wounded, and the commands of his brother,
compelled him to return to Messina, where he arrived
on the 31st of October, and was received with every
demonstration of joy so glorious a triumph deserved,
as were soon afterwards ]\Iarc Antonio Colonna in
Rome, and the marquis of Santa Cruz at Naples.
A hospital was prepared in Messina for the reception
of the wounded, where Cervantes disembarked with
his comrades. The condition of these meritorious
men immediately attracted the attention of Don Juan
of Austria, who not only generously gave thirty
thousand ducats for their relief, but frequently
visited them himself, and reiterated his thanks to
those who had distinguished themselves in the late
action. He moreover directed Gregorio Lopez,
the surgeon-general of the army, and the king's
physician (who had been physician to Charles V.),
to attend personally to the cure of the wounded ;
and these brave men, so worthy of their general's
regard, were thus treated with the most tender care.
The greater part of them were soon restored to health,
and were able to take a share in the public and
solemn rejoicings with which the city of Messina
celebrated tliis memorable victory, making its grate-
ful acknowledgments to the young champion who
had achieved it.
OF CERYANTES. 15
The prince remained in Sicily agreeably to the
wishes of his brother ; and, to provide for the better
order of the fleet, he sent a portion of it to various
parts of Italy for the winter ; he also despatched
some foreign ships and troops, and assigned a station
to the Spaniards in Naples and Sicily, ordering to
the southern part of that island the regiment of
Moncada. It seems certain that Cervantes remained
at Messina for the healing of his wounds, for Don
Juan of Austria sent to succour him there on the 15th
and 24th of January, and on the 9th and 17th of
March, 1372, remitting him money for the pay of the
fleet, and for secret and extraordinary expenses, in
consideration of his services, and to complete the
cure of his wounds. His health being re-established,
Cervantes received three additional escudos monthly,
in the regiment of Don Lope de Figueroa, and in
the company which had signalised itself, which was
doubtless that of Ponce de Leon. It was in-
tended to complete the regiment of Moncada with
four thousand men from the garrison of Naples ; but
although Don Juan of Austria proposed this, and
gave Moncada leave to go to Spain, it seems certain
that the object was given up, and that the general
continued his services in the following year.
This signal success animated the confederate powers
for fresh enterprise, and the court of Rome occupied
itself forthwith in making arrangements with the
other powers for another campaign, and by fervent
exhortations of its legates induced the Christian
powers to enter into a new confederacy. Selim, on
his part, increased his fleet, and engaged the king of
France to divert the attention of Philip II., by
attacking his dominions in Flanders and Italy, and
he also succeeded in separating the Venetians from
16 LIFE AND WRITINGS
the leagiie. Don Juan of Austria was now ordered to
assist the allies with his forces, and to remain in Sicily
to protect the coasts of that island. The operations
for the spring of 1572 were impeded, amongst other
things, by differences between the courts of Rome
and Florence, and the death of Pius Y.
At leng-th Colonna departed for the Levant on
the 6th day of June, and Don Juan of Austria
rendered him effectual assistance by his ships loaded
with victuals and ammunition, and with the thirty-
six galleys of the marquis of Santa Cruz, which
transported a large body of troops to Corfu. Among
these was the Spanish infantry regiment of Moncada,
and two companies of that of Don Lope de Fig-ueroa,
which were embarked from the southern side of Sicily.
At this island the Roman commander assembled and
reviewed all the forces under his command. He then
embarked them, and pursued the Turkish fleet,
which avoided a general action, and availed itself
of every opportunity of escaping into port. The
apprehensions of Philip were now allayed by the
success of his arms in Flanders, and paying less
attention to the views of the French court, and
satisfied of the friendly intentions of the new pon-
tiff, he ordered his brother to the Levant, leaving
John Andrea Doria in Sicily with forty galleys, and
a correspondent number of troops.
In order to unite the fleet of the allies, the gene-
ralissimo directed his course on the 9tli of August
to Corfu, where he fovind neither Colonna, nor any
tidings of him. Displeased with this event, which
deprived him of the best part of the season, he desired
him to make all haste, and join him on the last day
of the month. He then prepared his ships, and took
to sea on the 8th day of September, with the in-
OF CERVANTES. 17
tention of advantageously attacking the Turks, whose
force was divided between Navarino and Modon.
He would have surprised them in this situation on
the morning of the 16th, if a mistake of the pilot in
the roadstead had not given them time to avoid the
danger, and unite their force in the latter port, where
tliey fortified themselves. Don John of Austria here
wished to attack them, but was prevented by the
counsels and opposition of his generals, and con-
sented at last to join the Venetians in their attack
on Navarino, though it was an enterprise from which
much was not to be expected. He was not deceived
in this surmise, for although under the command of
Alessandro Farnese, they were compelled to abandon
tlie enterprise after the lapse of some days, and to
embark the troops and artillery under favour of the
night, and under the protection of the fleet.
Spite of these disappointments, Don John was de-
sirous of attacking the enemy in harbour, as they
refused to give him battle in the open sea; but,
surrendering his own opinion to that of others, and
seeing the season so far advanced, he decided on the
allies retiring to their several homes, and he himself en-
tered Messina with the Spanish fleet at the beginning
of November. They took measures for passing the
winter here, and disembarked the Spanish regiments
of Naples and Sicily. They appointed quarters to
the regiment of Don Lope de Figueroa, which was
in the pay of the fleet, and then filling up that of
Moncada, they re-formed and completed it with the
soldiers of the former regiment. We may conclude
from this narrative, that whilst Moncada wintered in
tlie southern part of Sicily, Cervantes remained in
Messina for the cure of his wounds, until the end of
April, 1572, w^hen he passed into the regiment of
18 LIFE AND WRITINGS
Don Lope de Figueroa, which was at Corfu on board
the galleys of the Marquis of Santa Cruz, and that he
was in the battle of the Levant when Colonna com-
manded, and in the enterprise of Navarino, since
he afterwards joined the prince generalissimo. This
he states in his memorial, and several circumstances
strengthen the supposition ; and to this may be added
the minute description, in his tale of the Cauiivo, of
the events of this battle, and the well-founded
assertion, in his dedication of the Galatea^ that he
had followed for several years the standard of Marc
Antonio Colonna.
CHAPTER II.
Sails with, the expedition from Palermo — Attack of Tunis —
Flight of the Moors — Gallant conduct of Ccryantcs — Return
of Don John to Italy — Cervantes winters with liis regiment
at Cerdena — Sails with Marcello Doria to Genoa — Proceeds
with his regiment to Sicily — Visits the principal cities of Italy
— Descriptions in his writings — Studies the Italian poets — The
use he made of them — Hi- delicate satire — Envied and depre-
ciated — Gains the esteem of his commanders — Distinguishes
himself — Obtains leave to return to Spain — Sets sail with his
brother Rodrigo — Attacked and captured by an Algerine squad-
ron—Brave defence — Carried to Algiers — Cruel treatment —
Forms apian to escape — Abandoned by his guide — Is re-captured.
— Plis second attempt — Adventures and sufferings — Takes the
responsibility on himself — Threatened by the Dey — Curious
anecdotes — A Spanish renegade — Conduct of Cervantes — Re-
news his attempt to escape.
The winter was passed in making active prepa-
rations. In the spring of 1572, at which time Philip
II. intended to repair to Corfu with three hundred
galleys of liis own, the Venetians, for the purpose
of dissimulation, prepared at the same time a large
OF CERVANTES. 19
force of foot soldiers for their ships, as they were
secretly negotiating a peace with Constantinople
through the French ambassador. This treaty was
finally concluded at the end of March, and they
then separated themselves from the league. This
so far disgusted the confederates, that they deter-
mined to abandon the Levant, and turn their forces
against Algiers, and the Prince Don John decided
upon sailing against Tunis, — an enterprise which
Philip II. adopted, though for causes very different
to those of his brother. Philip flattered himself
with obtaining the sovereignty of Algiers, agreeably
to the promise of the Pope and the wishes of his
own court ; whilst Don John's object was to de-
throne Aluch-Ali, to restore Muley Mahomet, and
to dismantle the fortresses : thus getting rid of the
Christian tribute, and depriving the corsairs of this
their favourite stronghold.
The whole spring passed away in these prepa-
rations, and it was now the 24th of September when
the expedition, with twenty thousand soldiers, set sail
from Palermo, and with these the regiment in which
Cervantes served. The whole force disembarked at
the Goleta, on the 8th and 9th of October ; and as the
Turks in the garrison and the Moors in Tunis hastily
abandoned the city and the fortress, Don John of
Austria ordered tlie Marquis of Santa Cruz to take
possession of them witli the prudence and caution
which circumstances dictated. For this pui'pose he
removed from the garrison of the Goleta two thou-
sand five hundred veteran troops, which he replaced
by as many new soldiers, among which were four
companies of the regiment of Figueroa, who, to use
the expression of Yanderhamen, " made the earth
tremble with their muskets ;" and as all were well
c2
20 LIFE AND WRITINGS
acquainted with the country, and commanded by a
brave and experienced captain, tliey disembarked
with amazing despatch and success.
Instead of demolishing the fortifications, agreeably
to the orders of the King, and the advice of the Duke
de Sesa and Marcello Doria, Don John endeavoured
to assure his conquest, constructing in the Estaiio a
fort capable of containing eight thousand men in
garrison, and occupying Viserta, which surrendered
of its own accord. This being sufficiently matured,
he left a considerable number of troops for the defence
of these places, returned to Sicily at the beginning
of November, and made his arrangements for the
winter season, giving orders for the refreshment of his
men and the repair of the fleet. He then sent to
Cerdeiia the four companies commanded by Figueroa,
that they might at the same time attend to the de-
fence of that island, and extend their aid to the other
garrisons in Africa when requisite. Cervantes not
only states in his memorial that he was in the expe-
dition to Tunis, — a fact confirmed by several of his
fellow-soldiers, who asserted that they had seen him
serving there, and commended his bravery, — but that
he was also one of the division who sallied forth with
the iNIarquis de Santa Cruz from the garrison of the
Goleta to take possession of Tunis and its castle.
Cervantes himself, and his father, have left us a
notice of his ser\'ices on both these occasions ; and this
is confirmed by the extreme accuracy with which, in
the before-mentioned novel, he has related the success-
ful events of this day.
Don John of Austria had received permission to
return to Spain, and he solicited in Rome, by means
of his secretary, Juan de Escovedo, the mediation of
the Pope to obtain from the King the sovereignty of
OF CERVANTES. 21
Tunis. But on liis journey he found at Gaeta fresh
orders to pass into Lonibardy, and thereto await the
pacification of the troubles which had broken out at
Genoa. Directing his course to the port of Especia at
the close of April, 1574, he there found Doria, who
with fourteen galleys had brought from Cerdena the
Spanish infantry of Figueroa, which he conducted to
the coast of Genoa to await the immediate orders of
that prince.
The latter complained of the delay whicli had
occurred in his absence with regard to the armaments
in Naples and Sicily, when he learnt that in the
month of July the Turks had arrived with numerous
forces to reconquer Tunis and the Goleta. • To
prevent this misfortune he despatched succour to the
viceroys of these states, under the command of Don
Juan de Cardona and Don Bernardino de Yelasco,
with which, and tlie abandonment of Yiserta, they
managed to preserve their fortresses for some time,
though attacked by a powerful army. Don John
was now^ aware of the error of not dismantling these
places in the previous year ; and believing he could,
notwithstanding, remedy the evils he apprehended, he
embarked at Especia with the infantry of Don Garcia
de Mendoza, that of Figueroa, and some Italian
troops, and sailed for Naples and Messina, Avhere he
put in order some vessels that had been there repaired.
Impatient of the delay which this misfortune had
occasioned, he resolved to embark and conduct in per-
son the requisite assistance, and for this purpose he
reinforced his ships with the best soldiers from the
regiments of Don Pedro de Padillar and Don Lope
de Figueroa. He then put to sea, resolved to succour
thebesieged at all risks ; but the storms and hurricanes
rendered his efforts fruitless, having been nigh perish-
22 LIFE AXD WRITINGS
ing, and obliged to save himself by taking refuge in
the ports of Sicily.
In the meanwhile the Goleta, which had been
hitherto considered impregnable, was taken by assanlt
after a long siege, and a well-sustained and vigorous
defence, as was also Tunis after twenty days, the
victors entering over the ruins of the ramparts, which
were thrown down by the violence of the mines, and
the fortress oftheEstano was in consequence reduced
to capitulation. This unfortunate intelligence reached
Don John when he had repaired his ships, and was
persisting in his intentions, and about to set sail
from Trepana. Extremely chagrined to see his
exertions fruitless, his hopes destroyed, and his
reputation compromised, he returned to Xaples on
the 29th of September, leaving at Palermo, in the
charge of the Duke of Sesa, the care of the armada,
and the regiment of Figueroa, with the intention not
only of protecting the coast of that kingdom, but also
to recruit the losses he had sustained in his troops.
For this purpose the Duke judged it best to fix his
abode at the maritime towns, and to strengihen the
army of Sicily.
This division was in the interim commanded by
Don Martin de Argote, Don Lope de Figueroa
having obtained leave to go to Spain for the re-
establishment of his health. He prosecuted his
journey at the same time as Don John of Austria,
who solicited of his brother on this occasion the
appointment of Lieutenant of all Italy, with the
treatment of an infante of Castile; but Philip II.,
suspicious of his views, and jealous of his own repu-
tation, always endeavoured to limit or thwart his
pretensions, and thus conceded the first request, but
delayed the other to a future period. The prince then
OF CERVANTES. 28
returned to Naples in June, 1575, to occupy liimself
in the preparations of the fleet at Genoa, it having
been reported that the Turks were this summer
intending to visit the Mediterranean with a large
force.
From the course of these events we may conclude
that from the end of 1573 to the beginning of May of
the following year, Cervantes was with his regiment
in garrison, and passed the winter in the island of
Cerdeiia, and that from thence he sailed to Genoa in
tlie ships of Marcello Doria, to await in Lombardy the
orders of Don John of Austria, who, at the beginning
of August, when lie sailed from Spain, took with him
that regiment to Naples and ^lajorca, and reinforced
with his best soldiers the ships with which he had
intended to succour the Goleta ; that after that oc-
currence Cervantes waited with the same regiment in
Sicily the orders of the Duke of Sesa, when he incor -
porated his regiment with the forces of that country
in the absence of his master of the camp ; and that
the prince Don John, on his return to Naples on the
18th of June, 1575, gave leave a little time afterwards
to Cervantes to return to his native country, after so
long an absence, and so long continued meritorious
services.
In the course of these various campaigns Cervantes
had an opportunity of visiting most of the magnifi-
cent and delightful cities of Italy and Sicily, as Genoa,
Lucca, Florence, Rome, Naples, Paleniio, 3Iessina,
Ancona, Venice, Ferrara, Parma, Piaccnza and Milan,
of which he has left us such enchanting descriptions
in his writings. Italy had now been for more than
a century the centre of the arts, and of that literature,
the inestimable remains of which had been saved by
the Greeks who had fled from the East on the taking
24 LIFE AND -WRITINGS
of Constantinople. The Spaniards, who were then
in possession of many of the states of Italy, either
from the union of the sovereioTi houses of Arraoron
and Castile, or from the memorable conquests of 'the
" grand captain" and other illustrious commanders,
maintained a frequent communication with the
Italians ; and the natives of Spain frequently yisited
Rome, in the prospect of obtaining benefices or
ecclesiastical dignities, or in order to receive their
education in the University of Bologna, founded
exclusively for the Spaniards by the illustrious
cardinal Albornoz. xSome were on service with the
military that formed the garrisons in various places,
or with the armies employed there on service ; some
followed the career of jurisprudence, or political life,
and repaired to seek office or empIo\nnent under the
patronage of the viceroys. On the other hand, many
Italians, anxious to visit the Spanish coast, and to pay
their respects to their sovereign, or in the pursuit of
wealth and prosecution of their commercial pursuits,
were made denizens of Spain ; and in this way the
beneficial influence of Italy was felt.
It was thus that Christ obal de Mesa, having for
his tutor during six years the famous Torquato Tasso,
finished with him the education he had commenced
in Spain under Pacheco, Medina, and Brocense ; and
thus Francisco de Figueroa, Andrez Rev de Artieda,
called Artemidoro, and Christobal de Yiruez, who
served in the countr}*, acquired that refinement of
taste, that elegance and amenity, peculiar to the
schools of Dante and Petrarca. It was hence that
Bartolomeo de Argensola, the Dr. Mira de Amescua,
and Suavez de Figueroa, learned to adorn their native
tongue with new graces ; and it was hence that Cer-
vantes, applying himself to the study of the Italian
OF CERVANTES. 25
poets and writers, and devoting himself to an inter-
course with tlicm for more tlian six years, acquired
that store of learning and erudition, of which he has
availed himself so lavishly in his writings.
It must be confessed that his language is some-
times redolent of the climate of Italy, but we may at
the same time observe that many of the most classical
authors of Spain, at this time, enriched the Castilian
tongue from the same quarter, and that many passages
which were taken by the poets from Ariosto, were
introduced with all the grace and beauty of original
compositions ; but he did not on this account lose
sight of the classical writers of antiquity, whose
works he constantly studied, as the models and
examples of true taste in literature, as may be seen in
the imitations he has left lis of Apuleius, Heliodorus,
and of Horace and Virgil, without too servilely
following their footsteps. On the contrary he boldly
emulates their flight, striking out new paths in the
world of imagination, and discovering mines of the
richest genius. These he seized on for his own fame
and the instruction and delight of mankind, possess-
ing an elevation of mind and energy of character
which he derived rather from his intercourse with
learned men, and an intimate knowledge of the world,
more than from tlie barren perusal of books, or the
abstract and subtle studies of the schools.
But these eminent qualities Avere viewed with in-
difference at a time when, for persons who made any
claim to distinction, it was requisite to obtain the
honours of a university, or to pass through the studies
which were denominated the higher faculties- Such
an education, with many abuses inherent in these
studies, as well as the contention for literary rank and
emolument, could not escape the delicate satire of
26 LIFE AND WRITINGS
Cervantes and other eminent writers of that age.
Many of his rivals, too, vain of their pompous titles,
gained at so little cost, looked down on him with
affected contempt, and depreciated him as deficient
in such qualifications; applying to him the epithet of
" a dull genius," as mentioned by the historian Don
Tom as Tamayo de Yargas ; having before bestowed
it on the a\Iarquis of Santillana, on Don Inigo Lopez
de JSIendoza, on Philip de Comines, on Don Antonio
Hurtado de ]Mendoza, on Rodrigo Mendez de Silva,
and others who did not stand in need of university
distinctions, to be mentioned with commendation by
one of the most eminent authors of Spain, as Don
Alonso Nunez de Castro.
Such was the eventful life of Cervantes " whilst
fighting," to use his own language, " under the con-
quering banners of that thunderbolt of war, Charles
Y." But finding that his distinguished services met
with no corresponding remuneration, and suffering
from the effects of his wounds and fatigues, he ob-
tained leave of Don John of Austria to go to Spain
to solicit the recompense he so justly merited. For
this purpose the Prince gave him the warmest letters
of recommendation to the King, entreating his ma-
jesty to confer on him a company in the regiments
then raising in Spain for service in Italy, as a reward
for his bravery, his signal and acknowledged services.
Don Carlos de Aragon, Duke of Sesa and Terranova,
and Yiceroy of Sicily, also wrote to the King and to
his ministers in the strongest language, in favour of
a soldier as unfortunate as meritorious, who had ob-
tained by his gallantry and pleasing manners the
esteem of his commanders and fellow-soldiers.
Having thus prepared for his departure, and with hopes
so flattering and well-founded, Cervantes embarked at
OP CERVANTES. 27
Naples in a Spanish galley called " el Sol" in com-
pany with his brother Rodrigo de Cervantes, who
had also served in the past campaigns, with Pero Diez
Carillo de Quesada, governor of the Goleta, and
afterwards general of artillery, and also with several
officers of high rank and distinction, at that time
returning to their native country.
But whilst at sea on the 26th day of September,
1573, they were met by a squadron from Algiers,
under the command of Arnauti Mami, and the Span-
ish galley was immediately attacked by three of the
corsair ships, particularly by one of twenty-two oars
commanded by the captain Dali ]Mami, a Greek
renegade, who was named El Cojo. After sustaining
a combat, as obstinate as unequal, in which Cervantes
distinguished himself by his valour, they were com-
pelled to surrender to a superior force, and were car-
ried to Algiers in triumph, all being made slaves that
were found in the vessel. Cervantes himself fell to the
share of the captain Dali Mami, who gained a valu-
able prize in his captive. It is highly probable that
he alludes to this event in the fifth book of the
Gakitea, when he describes the combat sustained by
the ship which carried Timbrio to Spain from Italy
with the same Arnauti Mami, who was the com-
mander of the squadron which captured him.'^
When Dali Mami, the master of Cervantes, disco-
vered the letters of recommendation which he carried
from Don John of Austria and the Duke of Sesa,
he imagined him to be one of the principal noblemen
of Spain, and a person of the first quality and dis-
tinction, and hoping to realize a large sum of money
by his ransom, ^^ for his greater security he loaded
him with irons, and placed a guard over him, and by
a course of severe and cruel treatment endeavoured
28 LIFE AND WRITINGS
to compel liim to interest his relatives and friends in
his redemption.
Such was the custom of these barbarians, and such
the artifices which their avarice and covetousness sug-
gested to them to augment the ransom, and to induce
their wretched captives to solicit their friends find
country for their release ; or to force them by their
snfi'erings to abandon their faith, and enter upon a
dissolute course of life : for those who turned rene-
gados were invested with commands and dignities,
and were even raised above the natives of the country,
on whom they TNTcaked their revenge and private
resentments.
But Cervantes rejected all their offers with disdain,
and, inspired with a generous ardour, nobly resolved
to attempt his own liberation and that of many of
his fellow-sufferers, particularly Don Francisco de
Meneses, Avho was captain in the Goleta, Don Bel-
tran del Salto y de Castilla, taken prisoner in that
fortress, the ensigns Rios and Gabriel de Castaueda,
the sergeant Navarrete, a gentleman of the name
of Osorio, and many more. AVith this object he
took a Moor into his confidence, to serve them as a
guide, and to conduct them by land to Oran, not aware
that before this he had betrayed some Spanish cap-
tives. On commencing their journey they were on
the first day abandoned by the Moor, and were com-
pelled to retrace their steps to Algiers. Here they
were subjected afresh to the cruel usage of their masters
and. owners ; in particular Cervantes, wlio for this
attempt at escape was loaded witli heavier chains,
and consigned to a more severe confinement. Besides
the two attempts which he made, and which Haedo
relates in liis history, Cervantes makes mention of two
others in his play of the " Trato de Argel," in which
OF CERVANTES. 29
he has doubtless copied from life some of the events
and accidents of this first and unfortunate attempt
to escape from captivity.
About this time in the year 1576 some friends of
Cervantes, his fellow-captives, obtained their free-
dom, and amongst others the ensign Gabriel de Cas-
taneda, by whom he WTote to his relations represent-
ing his own deplorable situation, and that of his
brother. This was more than sufficient to excite the
compassion and paternal regard of a father, in en-
deavouring to procure the means of liberation for his
unfortunate sons, both gallant soldiers; andRodrigo de
Cervantes for this purpose mortgaged the whole patri-
mony of his family, his own estate, and the marriage
portions of his two daughters, thus reducing himself
almost to a state of destitution.
When Cervantes received this supply, he endea-
voured to negotiate his redemption with Dali Mami,
but this man had formed so high an opinion of the
consequence of Cervantes that his avarice became
insatiable ; and the sum offered appeared in his eyes
contemptible,^^ and he refused therefore to enter into
fresh negotiations. All prospect of his own release
having thus vanished, Cervantes treated for and
effected the liberation of his brother Rodrigo, in Au-
gust 1577, enjoining him as soon as he reached Spain
to despatch from Valencia, or from Majorca or Ivica,
an armed vessel, which might approach the coast of
Algiers upon an appointed signal, and thus liberate
and convey Cervantes himself and the other Christian
captives to Spain. In order to enter on this plan
with more security and confidence, Don Antonio de
Toledo, of the house of the dukes of Alba, and Fran-
cisco de Valencia, a native of Zamora, both knights
of the order of S, Juan, and at this time captives in
30 LIFE AND WRITINGS
Algiers, gave letters to the viceroys of that province
and those islands, intreating them to assist in de-
spatching the vessel, and to aid in every way this
daring enterprise.
Cervantes had now for some time meditated on the
plan of escape, and the means of bringing it to a
favonrahle result. To the east of Algiers, about
three miles distant from the sea, the Alcalde Azan,
a Greek renegado, possessed a garden, which was
cultivated by a Christian slave called Juan, a native
of Navarre. This man, at the request of Cervantes,
had concealed in a cave in the most retired part of
the garden several Christian captives ; in February,
1577, others were added to them ; so that at the time
Rodrigo Cervantes departed to Spain there were
fourteen or fifteen captives concealed in this place,
all gentlemen of rank, the chief part Spaniards, and
three from Majorca. One cannot imagine how Cer-
vantes, without being detected by his master, could
establish this little subterranean republic, providing
for the subsistence of the inmates, and securing them
against discovery; but the truth of the incidents, and
the long time during which he supported his friends,
are proofs of his great sagacity and judgment. By
the hopes of sharing in their liberation, he engaged
the same gardener to serve as a sentinel and guard,
so that no one could approach the garden unknown
to them, and he also secured the services of another
captive called El Dorador (the gilder), a native of
Melilla, Avho when young had abandoned his faith,
but to which he was now restored. Cervantes em-
ployed this man to purchase victuals, and to convey
them secretly to the cave, from which no one ever ven-
tured out, except under cover of the night. Cervantes,
having now assembled all the Christian captives
OF CERVANTES. 31
whose delivery he was attempting, in order to
be nearer the place of their embarkation, fled from
the house of his master. lie took leave of his friend
and confidant D. Antonio de Sosa, entreating liim to
follow, which he was not able to do from his infirmi-
ties, and then took refuge in the same cave with his
friends, on the 20th of September of this year.
A brigantine was now with all possible haste de-
spatched from the coast of Valencia, or, as P. Haedo
relates, from Majorca, under the command of one
Yiana, who had himself escaped from slavery, and
who was a brave and active sailor, and well ac-
quainted with the coast of Barbary. He set sail at
the latter end of September, and arrived at Algiers
on the 28th day of the same month ; keeping at a
distance from the shore for fear of a discovery. He
lay-to at night at the nearest point of land to the
garden, and despatched a messenger to inform the
Christian captives of his arrival. At this moment
some Moors happened to be near in a fishing-boat,
or in the road, and descried the Christian bark in
the twilight, and gave the alarm with so much noise
and tumult, that the persons who had come in the
boat tlirew themselves into the sea ; and although a
little time afterwards they again attempted to ap-
proach the coast, they were not less frustrated, and they
unfortunately fell into the hands of the floors. The
enterprise thus became entirely disconcerted.''
Cervantes, meanwhile, and his companions, had
borne with resignation the privations and sufterings
arising from the dampness and darkness of their
abode ; consoling one another with the pleasing pro-
spect of regaining their liberty, which, as one of the
most precious gifts of Heaven, could alone recompense
them for so many sufferings ; '' and for which, as for
32 LIFE AND WRITINGS
our honour," said Cervantes, " we ought to risk life
itself, slavery being the greatest evil that can fall to
the lot of man."
But fortune, who counteracted all their plans, at
last deprived them of any further hope, in a manner
the most extraordinary and unlooked for. The
Spaniard, El Doradoi\ to whom Cervantes had en-
trusted the completion of his enterprise, proved a
consummate hypocrite, and now resolved to abjure
the Christian faith ; and with this design he presented
himself on the last day of September before the Dey,
Azan, manifesting his vile intention, and in order to
ingratiate himself he communicated the secret of the
concealment of the captives, the situation of the cave,
and the ingenuity Cervantes had displayed in the
whole affair. The Dey, overjoyed at this informa-
tion, and seeing a most favourable opportunity of
gratifying his avarice by " appropriating these slaves
to himself," agreeably to the custom of Algiers, imme-
diately directed the commander of his guard to take
with him eight or ten Turks on horseback, and
twenty-four foot soldiers with their firelocks and
cutlasses, and some with lances, and to repair to the
garden of the Alcalde Azan, the informer serving
them as a guide, and there to secure the Christian
captives in the garden. This armed troop instantly
departed, and soon afterwards entered the garden and
surrounded tlie cave. In midst of the consternation
caused by thisevent, Cervantes had only time to entreat
his companions in adversity to throw all the blame
of the attempt on him, hoping by this generous pro-
ceeding to save his friends.
Whilst the Turks and IMoorish soldiers were secur-
ing the captives whom they there found concealed,
Cervantes, commanding the attention of the troops,
OF CERVANTES. ' 33
declared with the utmost coolness that none of those
unhappy men were to hlame in the affair, for that he
himself had persuaded them to fly and conceal them-
selves ; and then he narrated his whole plan. The
Turks, surprised at tliis noble and chivalrous confes-
sion, by which he might risk his life, or subject him-
self to the most cruel treatment, despatched a mes-
senger on horseback, to inform the Dey of what had
passed, and what Cervantes had represented. The
Dey returned for answer that all the captives except
Cervantes should be incarcerated in the Bath, and
that Cervantes should be conducted to the presence
of the Dey. They then manacled him, and con-
ducted him on foot, while in the course of his march
he suffered from the soldiers and mob of Algiers every
possible insult and indignity.
He was then carried before Azan, the Dey, before
whom he underwent a rigid examination. The Dey
at first used every degree of flattery and cunning
which his interest suggested, and afterwards the
most dreadful threats of torments and death that
cruelty could invent, in order to induce him to dis-
cover who were the real contrivers of this affair.
The Dey was strongly persuaded that one of the
principal was the R> P. Fr. Jorze Olivar, commen-
dador of Valencia, of the order of Merced, and agent
for the crown of Aragon for the redemption of slaves
in Algiers, either because the Dorador had asserted
that he had favoured the escape of the captives, or
because his avarice sought for the pretext of an oc-
casion to criminate this ecclesiastic, and force from
him a considerable sum of money. ^^ .The Padre
Olivar the same day informed Don Antonio de Sosa,
an ecclesiastic of great reputation for piety and learn-
ing, that he was made prisoner, and thrown into
D
34 • LIFE AND WRITINGS
chains, and that he had sent hmi the vestments and
ornaments, sacred vessels and other things for the
service of the Church, fearing that the Turks might
seize and profane them. But Cervantes, unterrified
by all their threats, and deaf to all seductions and
flattery, persisted in his asseveration that he alone
was culpable, without compromising directly or indi-.
rectly any of his associates. The Dey, wearied by
his constancy and unable to elicit further information,
was contented with appropriating to himself all the
captives, among others Cervantes, whom he ordered
to be confined in his bath, loading him with chains
and fetters with the intention of punishing him.
The Dorador being apprehensive that the infamy
of the discovery might be imputed to him, repaired
to the house of the Alcalde jNIahomet in order to see
Don Antonio de Sosa, and with many feigned and
plausible statements attempted to excuse himself lest
his reputation should suffer among the Cliristians,
but neither Don Sosa nor any one else could exculpate
him, when he had so openly betrayed the captives
in the cave. He soon afterwards relapsed into Ma-
hometism, and under the name of Mami lived in
Algiers until the 30th of September, 1580, on which
day he died in a wretched condition ; just completing
three years fi'om the time in which he perpetrated his
execrable treachery. The Alcalde Azan, on his part,
as soon as he heard of the affair of the cave, re-
paired instantly to the Dey, and earnestly entreated
him to surrender the fugitives into the hands of justice,
and to place the gardener at his disposal. The latter
request was granted, and he cruelly put him to death
with his own hands on the third of October of that
year. Tlie same fate would have awaited Cervantes
and his companions, if avarice in the heart of the
OP CERVANTES. . 35
Dey had not resisted his sanguinary intentions, as he
hoped himself to obtain the benefit of the ransom of
these captives, as in their character of criminals he
considered himself entitled to their persons ; some of
them however he returned to their fonner masters,
and if Cervantes was one of these, as the P. Haedo
relates, he could have remained only a very short
time in the hands of Dali Mami, since the Dey,
either fearing his plots, or expecting to obtain a gTeat
ransom from him, bought him from his master for
five hundred escudos.
Azan Basha was suspicious and malignant, and so
cruel a tyrant to his slaves that his treatment of them
w^as that of a demon. We are horror-struck at the
history of his life and atrocities, given by P. Haedo ;
and Cervantes himself, in speaking of the sufferings
which the captives of Azan, who were about two
thousand, endured in his rigorous custody, says —
" Although we were almost constantly suffering from
hunger and nakedness, nothing gave us so much pain
as to witness, at every moment, the unheard of cruel-
ties which our master inflicted on the Christians.
He was every day hanging one, impaling another,
mutilating a third, and this frequently without the
slightest provocation, so that the Turks confessed
that his object seemed to be to establish his character
as a butcher of the human race." Considering Cer-
vantes now as his own individual property, he kept
him confined with the greatest rigour in his dungeon
from the end of 1577. But Cervantes, always plot-
ting to escape from this miserable situation, contrived
to despatch a Moor with letters addressed to the
governor of Oran, Don Martin de Cordova, and other
persons of influence resident there, entreating them
to send some confidential persons as spies, with whom
36 LIFE AND WRITINGS
he and three other gentlemen captives might contrive
a plan for escaping from the hands of the Dey. The
Moor departed on his mission, but on entering Oran
he had the misfortune to fall into the hands of some
other Moors, who intercepted the letters he carried,
and conducted him back to Algiers.'^ The Dey,
on recognizing the seal and name of Cervantes, com-
manded the poor Moor to be impaled alive, who died
without making any further discovery. He at the
same time ordered Cervantes to receive two thousand
strokes of the bastinado, but this sentence was re-
mitted at the urgent request of some persons who
interested themselves for him : a singular mark of
condescensi'on and favour in the barbarian, for at the
same moment he caused three Spanish captives, who
on various occasions had attempted to escape to Oran,
and who had been apprehended by the natives of the
country, to be impaled alive in his presence.
These repeated misfortunes, and the chance of even
suffering a cruel death, could not abate the courage
of Cervantes, nor repress his ardent endeavours to
procure liberty for himself and his fellow- sufferers,
in whose fate he took so strong an interest. There
happened to be at Algiers in the month of September,
1579, a renegade Spaniard, who was known in Gra-
nada, of which city he was a native, as the licentiate
Giron. On his conversion to Mahometism he had
assumed the name of Abderrama. Cervantes was
given to understand that this unhappy man had re-
pented of his crime, and was desirous of being re-
stored to his religion and his country. He assured
himself of his character and his sincerity through
some captives, his countrymen, and he implored him
to return to the bosom of the Catholic Church, offering
to assist him in his design. Through this man he
OF CERVANTES. 37
ncootiated with , two Valentian merchants, called
Onofrio Exarque and Baltasar de Torres, resident in
Algiers, for a sum of money for the purchase of
an armed vessel ; and Exarque having supplied 1500
dollars, Giron completed in his name the purchase of
a brigantine of twelve oars, and prepared her for
sea, all under the secret orders of Cervantes himself.
CHAPTER III.
Cervantes comtuimicates his design to other captives — His phm is
matured — Betrayed to the Dey — Blanco de Paz — Magnanimous
condiict of Cervantes — Refuses to abandon his fellow- captives —
Is brought before the Dey — Threatened with death — Refuses
to name his coadjutors — Treated with extreme rigour — His plot-
ting genius dreaded by the Dey — Sufferings of the captives —
Dearth in Algiers — The Duke de Sesa interests himself for Cer-
vantes — Solicitude and efforts of his relatives — Petition to Philip
II. — It is granted — Renewed attempts to obtain the amount of
his ransom — Society of the Redemption — Father Gil — Cervantes
placed on board a vessel bound for Constantinople — Is ransomed
— And set at libertv — Compassion for his fellow-captives — Noble
example — Religious duties — And resignation — His numerous
friends — Documents and certificates of witnesses — Interesting
tlepositious — Cevvantes sails for Spain.
Cervantes had, in the mean time, communicated
his secret to sixty of the principal captives, and
enjoined them to hold themselves in readiness to
embark for Spain ; and the moment of departure was
just at hand wdien an ill-affected person discovered
the wdiole plan to the Dey Azan, and thus frus-
trated the attempt. In fact, Don Juan Blanco de
Paz, native of the city of Montemolin, near Lerena,
forgetting his religious profession of the order of
St. Domingo, in Santesteban de Salamanca, through
displeasure or envy of Cervantes and some of his
38
LIFE AND WRITINGS
companions, betrayed to the Dey this project of
flight and embarkation, receiving a base and paltry
reward for his detestable perfidy.-'^
The Dey chose on this occasion to dissemble his
knowledge of the attempt, thinking it better to take
the captives in the fact, in order that he might punish
them with more show of reason and justice ; but the
captives suspecting that the Dey was acquainted
with their designs, were struck with apprehension,
particularly Onofrio Exarque, who was afraid of
losing his property, his liberty, and his life, fearing
that Cervantes might be forced by torture to dis-
cover the whole affair, and his accomplices in it.
To avoid this, he entreated Cervantes most earnestly
to embark for Spain in a ship then about to sail, and
engaged to satisfy the amount of his ransom ; but
Cervantes, who saw through his alarm and distrust,
and how disgraceful it would be to flee from present
danger, and abandon his companions to their fate,
not only refused the offer, but with his characteristic
magnanimity tranquillised the fears of the merchant,
declaring that no tortures, nor even deatli itself,
should force him to criminate any of his companions,
but that he would rather accuse himself to save
them ; and that he wished to acquaint them with
this determination, that they might divest themselves
of all apprehension.
Cervantes, after having fled from his master, had
placed himself under the protection of a former friend,
Diego Castellano, until it was known in what way
the Dey might proceed. In the course of a few
days public proclamation was made for the discovery
of Cervantes, and prohibiting any one concealing him
under pain of death. ^^ Fearing now to compromise
the safety of liis friend, he resolved of liis own free-
OF CERVANTES. 39
will to surrender himself, confiding- for this purpose
in a renegado, a native of Murcia, called Morato
Raez Maltrapillo, an intimate friend of the Dey,
through whose means and intercession he hoped to
surmount this fresh affliction.
Azan Aga, as soon as he appeared in liis presence,
began to inquire into the particulars of the late at-
tempt of himself and his companions ; and to terrify
him the more he ordered a halter to be placed round
his neck and his hands to be tied behind his back,
as if it were intended to hang him forthwith. Cer-
vantes, notwithstanding, behaved with the gTcatest
composure, and not only did not accuse any one, Jbut
openly confessed that he alone had concerted the
whole affair with four gentlemen who had since
escaped, but of the remainder, that none of them
knew anything of the scheme till the moment of its
attempted execution. His replies to the interroga-
tories of the Dey were so ingenious and discreet,
that if they did not wholly justify him, they at any
rate tempered the anger of Azan Aga, wdio satisfied
himself with banishing the renegado Giron to the
kingdom of Fez, and with ordering Cervantes to be
incarcerated in the prison of the Moors, in his own
palace, where he lay five months in chains, strictly
guarded, and treated with the utmost rigour ; at the
same time that, for his noble conduct (to use the
expression of the ensign Luis de Pedrora, one of the
witnesses,) he acquired fame, and honour, and glory
among all Christians.
In fact, the perseverance and sagacity, with which
Cervantes had concerted and conducted these various
enterprises, and the courage and constancy with
which he had several times run the risk of his life
by a cruel death from torture or from fire, had gained
40 LIFE AND WRITINGS
liim such a character, and made him so much dreaded
in the eyes of the Algerines, that Azan Aga himself
began to fear lest he should attempt to possess him-
self of Algiers. And indeed the previous example
of the valiant Spaniards who had before attempted
this enterprise, and tlie formidable number of twenty-
five thousand captives who might be united in the
execution of such a plan, strengthened Cervantes in
the idea of possessing himself of that city, with the
intention of delivering it up to his sovereign, Philip
II., making it a part of the Spanish monarchy, well
persuaded of its impoi'tance, and remembering the
many unsuccessful attempts that had been made to
reduce it by the bravest Spanish captains of that age ;
and from the manner in which he had conceived this
great enterprise, it is highly probable he would have
succeeded, if the base ingratitude and malevolence of
some of the conspirators had not entirely frustrated
his plans, and exposed him again as a victim to their
atrocious perfidy.
The designs of Cervantes were for a long period
the subject of conversation among the Algerines, and
P. Haedo says tliey are deserving of a particular
history. The close custody, therefore, in which Cer-
vantes was held by the Dey, was not merely pecu-
liar to his situation, but was a wise precaution for
his own safety, and that of the state ; and on this
account he was accustomed to say, that as long as the
" lame Spaniard" was well watched, he considered
his city, his slaves, and liis ships all safe.
Cervantes himself states that Azan Aga treated
him with a degree of moderation and temper which
he never extended to his other captives. When
speaking of the cruelties that he exercised on the
Christian slaves, he says — "There was only one whom
OP CERVANTES. 4l
he treated well, and this was a Spanish soldier, one
Saavedra, whose many plots for obtaining his liberty-
will long live in the memory of those jieople. This
man he never struck or ordered to be pimished, nor
gave him a bad word ; and yet for many things which
he did, we all feared that he would have been impaled
alive, and he many times thought so himself." ^'^
Towards the latter part of his captivity, Cervantes,
in addition. to his own sufferings, had to witness the
general dearth that afflicted the city of Algiers. The
cniel remorseless despotism of Azan Aga from his
first entering on tlie government, had enforced a
monopoly of all corn and provisions, and the price
of all things was regnlated only by his unbounded
avarice, the result of which was a scarcity and famine;
while pestilence was spread abroad and filled the
streets of this unhappy city with the dead and dying ;
and although the captives were preserved alive by
the care of their friends, yet they were not exempt
from the privations attendant upon a scarcity in a
city with so large a population, and so wretchedly
governed as Algiers. -At this moment, too, the for-
midable preparations wdiich Philip II. was making
with so much secrecy and activity for the conquest of
Portugal, struck the people of Algiers with a sudden
panic, for they imagined this force was intended to be
directed against that city.
They in consequence laboured incessantly to repair
and strengthen the fortifications, employing the un-
fortunate captives day and night in this service, from
whom they carefully concealed their apprehensions,
and loaded them witli fresh cruelties in proportion to
the dread of their own imagined danger, till the en-
trance of the Spanish army into Portugal discovered
to them the true object of the expedition.
42 LIFE AND WRITINGS
Whilst Cervantes was exercisinof his ino-eniiitv in
these various attemjDts for his escape from captivity,
his liberation was endeavoured to be effected at
Madrid by his parents, through the ordinary mode of
ransom. The requisite amount was, however, want-
ing, as their little property had been exhausted in
redeeming their eldest son in 1577. This son, Rod-
rigo de Cervantes, as soon as he arrived in Spain,
presented to an alcalde of the court, with a judicial
statement, not only of the rank, circumstances and
services of his son Miguel, but also of his own po-
verty, and absolute inability to ransom him.
He likewise presented, on the 17tli of March
1578, a petition of six heads, and at the same time
four ^^^tnesses, who having known his son during his
military ser\^ce, and also in his captivity, could add
their testimony in support of his petition. These
were the ensigns IMateo de Santesteban, a native of
Tudela, in Navarre, and Gabriel de Castafieda, of the
town of Salaya in the mountains of Santander, the
Serjeant Antonio Godinez de ]\lonsalve, a native of
and living near Madrid, and Don Beltran de Salto y
de Castilla, residing in that court. These persons
attested the truth of the statements in the petition,
and deposed to Cervantes being the legitimate son of
RodrigOj de Cervantes, and of Donna Leonora de Cor-
tinas ; of the age of thirty, more or less, to judge
from his appearance ; that he had been captured by
Dali Mami, though he was then in the hands of Azan
Aga ; and that his father was a gentleman by birth,
but had sold all his property in order to redeem his
eldest son.
The Duke de Sesa, who had been viceroy in Sicily,
happening at this time to reside in Madrid, the re-
lations of Cervantes applied in his name for a ccrtifi-
OF CERVANTES. 43
cato of his meritorious services in Italy, and in
various expeditions, as he had lost his letters of re-
commendation to the king, on the occasion of his
being made captive. The duke, well satisfied of the
truth of this statement, immediately granted him a
still stronger certificate, under his seal, and signed by
his secretary, with the date of the 25th of July of the
same year, in which he narrated the services of Cer-
vantes, and concluded that he was deserving of the
king's favour and regard. The anxious solicitude of
his parents and friends had now procured the
requisite testimonials, but Rodrigo de Cervantes, the
father, about this time died, without having the con-
solation of seeing his son restored to his arms, and
some delay also occurredintransmitting the papers. At
this juncture there were despatched as ambassadors to
Algiers, for the redemption of captives, by Philip II.
and his council, and the superiors of the order of the
Most Holy Trinity, the R. P. Fr. Juan Gil, procura-
tor-general of that order, and brother of redemption
for the crown of Castile, and the P. Fr. Antonio de la
Bella, minister of the house of Baeza, to whom, on
the 3 1st of July, 1579, Dona Leonor de Cortinas,
now a widow, and Donna Andrea de Cervantes, her
daughter, inhabitants of Alcala, and then residing at
Madrid, presented themselves, and placed in their
hands three hundred ducats, two hundred and fifty
from the former, and fifty from the latter, to aid in
redeeming their son and brother.
Donna Leonor de Cortinas, in order to increase
this sum, renewed the application which had been
begun by her husband, and presented to the king a
petition, supported by the judicial information and
certificate from the Duke de Sesa, praying that his
majesty, in consideration of the meritorious services
44 LIFE A^D WRITINGS
of her son, and in compassion to their impoverished
circumstances, would grant an aid for liis ransom.
The king listened graciously to this petition, and, on
the 17th of January, 1580, granted Donna Leonor
permission to export from the kingdom of Valencia
merchandise not prohibited, to the amount of ten
thousand ducats, the profits to be derived from which
might be sent for the ransom of her son ; but such
was the ill-fortune of the family that this favour was
of no avail, the profits not realising more than sixty
ducats. In the meanwhile the fathers of redemption
had proceeded on their vovage to Algiers, where they
aiTived on the 29th of May, 1580, the day of the
Most Holy Trinity, and began to treat immediately
for the redemption of the captives. The difficulty
which they experienced in ransoming Cervantes de-
layed them some time, for the Dey insisted on
receiving for him a thousand pieces, thus doubling
the price of his purchase ; and threatening that if they
should not advance this sum, he would carry him
with him to Constantinople. For Azan's term of go-
vernment Jiaving now expired, and Jafer Basha being
appointed his successor by the Grand Turk, he was
now on the eve of departing for that capital with four
barks belonging to liimself and his chaya or major-
domo, armed with his own slaves and renegadoes,
and carrying with them a convoy of seven other
vessels on their return to Turkey. Cervantes was
already on board, loaded with chains and fetters,
when the Padre Gil, compassionating his situation,
and fearing that he might lose for ever the opportu-
nity of recovering his liberty, did not rest until he
succeeded in redeeming him for five hundred pieces
of gold of Spain, raising this amount from the mer-
chants, and ai)plying towards it a sum from the
OF CERVANTES. 45
redemption fund and particular cliarities, to make up
the requisite payment. The bargain beino- con eluded,
and the officers of the galley being gratified by nine
dollars for their fees, Cervantes was disembarked on
the 19th of September, at the very moment that
Azan Aga set sail for Constantinople.
On his restoration to liberty, it was the first object
of Cervantes to justify his conduct and place his re-
putation beyond the reach of calumny and malignity,
previous to his presenting himself in Spain. It was
highly desirable, in order to support his pretensions
towards some remuneration for his services and long
sufferings, to confirm and substantiate the proofs of
the many bold attempts he had made to obtain his
freedom. With this view he appeared before the
Padre Gil on the 10th day of October, 1580, suppli^
eating him, as there was no person in Algiers
authorised to administer justice among the Christians,
and as he there represented his majesty as apostolic
delegate of the supreme pontiff, that he would receive
the declaration of witnesses before the notary Pedro
de Ribera, in the way of interrogations. This favour
was conceded, and eleven of the principal and best
qualified Christians to be found were examined as to
the truth of twenty-four clauses, which comprehended
not only all the events and occurrences of the past
years, as has been narrated, but a justification of the
conduct, public and private, of Cervantes, and an
account of the artifices of his enemies during that
period to discredit and injure his character.
Ever since Juan Blanco de Paz had betrayed to
the Dey the project of the armed brigantine chartered
in the name of the renegade Giron, he was so abhorred
by the captives, that he would have been assassinated
by them, except for the interference of Don Antonio
46 LIFE AND WRITINGS
de Sosa. This infamous traitor, thus stung and
irritated, directed his enmity and resentment against
tlie merchants Exarque and Torres, and Cervantes,
openly denying his correspondence with the latter.
He carried his malevolence to such an extreme, that
in order to discredit Cervantes, and destroy his future
prospects, he attempted to raise some criminal accu-
sations against him, engaging witnesses by bribes and
promises of their enfranchisement, and terrifying
others from the truth of their statements by threats.
With this malevolent intention, he gave out that
he was appointed a commissary of the Holy Office,
with a commission from the king for the exercise of
all its functions, and he even pretended to require the
fathers of redemption of Spain and Portugal, Don
Sosa and other ecclesiastics, to yield him obedience ;
but on their requu'ing him to exhibit his commission,
his not being able to produce it, was an additional
reason for convincing them of his duplicity, and they
reprehended him strongly for his infamous conduct.
Under these circumstances Cervantes saw the absolute
necessity of placing his character in sucli a light before
the king and his council, as to defeat the calumnious
misrepresentations of his enemies. This was easily
accomplished, for the investigation made before the
Padre Gil affijrded the most entire justification ; and,
as in a picture the lights acquire additional lustre
from the darkness of the shadows, so the noble con-
duct of Cervantes shone with more brilliancy amidst
the cowardly machinations of his detractors.
The attention of Cervantes at all times to the alle-
viation of the sufferings of his fellow-captives was
uniform and persevering. The masters of the Christian
slaves, after they had finished their domestic duties,
compelled them to labour at the public works in the
OF CEKV ANTES. 47
city, in order that they might possess themselves of
their wages, and snatch from them their wretched
pittance. They often treated them witli sucli cruelty
that they became totally incapacitated for work, and
were compelled to support themselves by asking-
charity from door to door. Cervantes, moved with
compassion at the unhappy lot of these persons, bent
all his energies to their relief, contributing to their
support, and, endeavouring to emancipate them from
the tyranny and cruel treatment of their owners.
This was the testimony afforded by some of the wit-
nesses in Algiers, who praised his benevolent and
christian attempts, and his generosity in distributing
amongst them the little means he possessed to alle-
viate their distress, and to pay their wages ; and in
this w^ay satisfy the cruel avarice of their tyrants.^
It appears, moreover, from most unquestionable
testimony, that Cervantes was during this period
most punctual and exact in all the religious duties of
a catholic christian, and that the fervour of his zeal,
and his knowledge of the grounds of his faith, assisted
many times in defending his religion at the risk of
his life ; and in imparting the same spirit to the timid
and the disheartened, he prevented them from aban-
doning their faith. His magnanimity of mind, his
pleasing manners, his frank address, his fine genius,
and his discretion, gained him numerous friends, who
all acknowledged his good qualities, while his benefi-
cence and kindness rendered him an equal favourite
with the many. It was thus that during his
captivity he retained all the respect due to his merits,
and maintained a friendly intercourse with persons of
the highest station and condition; and the fathers of
redemption, duly appreciating his talents and good
conduct, not only treated him with great respect, but
48 LIFE AND WRITINGS
frequently consulted with him on affairs of the first
importance.
Among the many testimonials given as above
mentioned, that of Don Diego de Benavides, a native
of Baeza, is the most remarkable. Having arrived
as a captive from Constantinople at Algiers, he peti-
tioned some of the most influential Christians there,
naming among the first of these Cervantes, an upright,
noble and valiant cavalier, of cultivated manners, and
extremely attached to his friends. lie sought his
acquaintance, and, fortunately succeeding, found, in
him a father and mother, and being arrived in that
country, and having no one to apply to, Cervantes,
who had then been recently ransomed, not only gene-
rously furnished him with clothes and money, but
carried him to his house, lodged him there, and
placed him at his table, and bestowed on him every
degree of hospitality and kindness until their de-
parture together for Spain. The ensign Louis de
Pedrosa, a native of Ossuna, declared that though
there might be in Algiers cavaliers as noble as
Cervantes, yet there were none that manifested such
kindness to the captives as he had done, and that he
gained universal esteem by his affability and goodness.
The Carmelite Frate Feliciano Enriquez, a native
of Ypres, relates that having vindicated thereputation
of Cervantes from a calumny, he became his attached
friend, as were all the other captives, who admired
his christian and eminent virtues. The same P. Fr.
Juan Gil, after confirming the circumstantial evi-
dence of the witnesses, says that he considered Cer-
vantes highly honourable, that he had served the
king for many years, and that, more particularly
for Iiis conduct in his captivity, he was richly de-
serving of his majesty's regard ; intimating at the
OF CERVANTES. 49
same time, that he had given him his confidence
and esteem, which he should not have done if he had
not possessed the many virtues which common report
awarded him. Don Antonio de Sosa, who from
his close confinement could not join in the petition,
when the papers were shown to him wrote with his
own hand, on the 24th of the same month of October,
a narrative, in which, after confirming and amplify-
ing with much judgment the facts it contained, and
mentioning, amongst other matters, that he had for
the space of four years maintained the strictest
friendship with Cervantes, that he had always con-
sulted him in his affairs, and even on the verse he
had composed, and that he had never observed in him
any vice or folly, and that if such had been the case,
he should not have formed an intimacy with him, as
he says — " It is w^ell known that persons of ray
rank and profession hold intercourse only with vir-
tuous and honourable men."
What a contrast this portrait of Cervantes offers
to that of his enemy, Juan Blanco de Paz ! Neg-
lecting his religious duties, he neither assisted at the
services of the church, nor at its prayers and orations,
nor visited the sick captives in the hospital; in-
triguing and quarrelsome, he induced many by
false promises to inform against the Christians,
particularly Cervantes ; and he had the audacity to
maltreat with his own sacrilegious hands two priests.
He betrayed the project of the frigate, and attempted
to fix the infamy of the crime on Don Domingo Be-
cerra, a captive of the Dey, who repelled the charge,
and proved this calumniator to have been the only
person concerned in that infamous affair. But let us
avert our eyes from crimes to which our unbridled
E
50 LIFE AND "WRITINGS
passions lead us, when we abandon the strict paths
of truth and of virtue !
When we reflect on these circumstances, it is not
surprising that Cervantes during the whole of his
life attached so much importance to the numerous
attempts at escape which he had made at Algiers,
and to tlie privations and persecutions he suffered
from that cause, having frequently mentioned such
events, and having alluded to them in almost all his
works, events which until the present time have
never been fully elucidated for want of documents ;
nor ought it to surprise us that he felt such a lively
gratitude to the Fathers of Redemption, and to that
sacred and charitable institution, on which he passes
a deserving eulogium in his tale of the " Espahola
Inglesa."
Haedo asserts that the imprisonment of Cervantes
was one of the most severe that ever occurred in
Algiers; and he himself says, many years after-
wards, " that in this school he learnt to bear
adversity with submission." But no reverse of
fortune could damp the flame of genius in the heart
of Cervantes, nor extingiiish his passion for letters.
It appears that he composed at that time some verses
addressed to the sacred objects of his devotion ; and it
is highly probable that he wrote at that period some
oihisiComedias^ since we know that on certain festivals
the Christian captives amused themselves in repre-
senting various dramas, and reciting favourite passages
from the Spanish poets. Cervantes himself states this
fact in the Bahos de Avgcl^ (the Prison of Algiers),
where he inserts a fragment in verse from one of the
pastorals of Lope de Rueda, which it is believed was
represented by the captives. But, above all, an inti-
OF CERVANTES. 51
mate knowledge of the customs and manners of the
Moors could not escape his observing and inquisitive
mind, and it was this that enabled him to portray
that country with such a delicate pencil, and with so
much truth in many of his delightful compositions.
As soon as Cervantes had concluded this business
entirely to his own satisfaction, he had his papers
authenticated by Pedro de Ribera, the apostolic
notary, and certified by Padre Gil on the 12th of
October, with the intention, in case of necessity, of
presenting them to the council of his majesty, and to
solicit the king's favour ; and he took his departure
from Spain with some others of his companions who
obtained their freedom at the end of the same year,
1580, " in the anticipation," to use his own words,
" of one of the greatest pleasures in life — the arriving
safe and well in one's native land, after a long and
cruel captivity." " For," as he says on anotlier
occasion, " there is on earth no transport equal to that
of recovering liberty long lost."^^
e2
52 LIFE AND WRITINGS
CHAPTER lY.
Cervantes returns to tlie army — Supposed to re-enter his old regi-
ment — Campaign of Portugal — Sails from Lisbon — Expedition to
Terceira — Junction of the Spanish fleets — Battle and victory off
Terceira — Serves -with his brother Rodrigo in the new attack —
Gallant exploit — Conquest of the neighbouring islands — Ad-
dresses complimentary lines to the famous Santa Cruz — Long
services of Cervantes under his flag — Reception in Portugal —
His interesting descriptions of the country — Liaison with a Por-
tuguese lady — His natural daughter — Residence in Mostagan —
Sent with letters from the Governor to King Philip — Garrison
duty — Composition of his Galatea — Description of the heroine —
Taken from real life — Critical opinions — Analysis of it — Anec-
dotes — Marriage of Cervantes — Resides at Esquivias — Literary
occupations — Compositions — Formation of academies-^ — Becomes
a member — Residence at the court.
At tlie time Cervantes arrived in Spain, Philip II.
was in Badajos, slowly recovering from a severe
illness, and the affliction consequent oh the loss of
his queen, Anne of Austria, and occupied with the
conquest of Portugal ; and the way being prepared
for him by the gi-eat duke of Alva, and his brave
captain, Sancho Davila, he entered the city of Tomar
on the 5tli day of December, and there assembled
the cortes in the middle of April of the following
year. The Castilian army remained in that kingdom
for the purpose of preserving the public tranquillity,
for repressing partial disturbances, and to estab-
lish the authority of the king, and prepare for the
reduction of the island of Terceira. Rodrigo Cer-
vantes, continuing his military career, was now
serving in this army, and Cervantes himself, when
he arrived from Algiers, found that no more likely
OP CERVANTES. 63
means presented themselves of forwarding his views
at court, than engaging to serve with the army in
Portugah It may therefore bo presumed with great
probability, that he there attached himself to his old
regiment, still under the command of the master of
the camp, Don Lope do Figueroa. This regiment
•was composed of veterans, who had distinguished
themselves in the wars of the Levant and Flanders,
and were long accustomed to conquest. We thus find
Cervantes embarking, in the summer of 1581, on
board the fleet in which his old commander sailed
from Lisbon with his regiment to aid Don Pedro
Valdes, who had been sent with a squadron to
attempt the reduction of the island of Terceira, and
to protect the ships trading with the Indies. Don
Lope de Figueroa, on going to sea, fell in with the
ships of Portugal returning from the East Indies,
and furnishing them with supplies, directed them
to Lisbon, where they an-ived in safety. He then
met with general Valdes, smarting under the failure
of an attempt to land at Terceira, and the two com-
manders, not being able to agree in opinion, separated,
and returned at the same time to Portugal. It was
there that Philip II. ordered to be assembled in the
followingyearthe various squadrons which were pre-
paring in the other maritime provinces, for the purpose
of thwartino" the intrigues of the courts of France and
England, which secretly and insidiously supported the
pretensions of Don Antonio, prior of Ocrato, to the
crown of Portugal, incited disaffection in the Terceii-a
isles, and attempted to intercept the treasures which
the galleons were bringing home from the Spanish
colonies. A French fleet had already set sail with
this object, and Philip II. having appointed to the
command of the Spanish fleet the most distinguished
54 LIFE AND WRITINGS
seaman of his age, Don Alvaro de Bazan, marquis
of Santa Cruz, ordered him to set sail, after
embarking a large military force, composed in part
of the veteran regiments of infantry under the charge
of the masters of the camp, Don Lope de Figueroa,
and Don Francisco de Bobadilla, the whole of
which force the king passed in review in the vicinity*
of Lisbon, on the 29th of June, 1582.
The fleet sailed from thence on the 10th of the
following month; on the 21st they discovered the
island of San Miguel, and on the 25th they saw the
enemy to leeward, near the island of Terceira. A
partial engagement immediately occurred, which soon
became general, and was continued until the next
day with the utmost obstinacy, as the French, from
the superiority of their force, felt confident of success.
The galleon San Mateo, the admiral's ship, in w*hich
Don Lope de Figueroa had embarked, and, it is most
probable, Cervantes with him, distinguished herself in
this action, for she was attacked at the same time by
several French ships, and defended herself valorously
for two hours, boarding some, charging others with
the pike, spite of being set on fire five different times
during the action. Her situation was so critical that
the marquis de Santa Cruz was obliged to bring the
whole squadron to her assistance. By this man-
oeuvre, the ships in the rear were enabled to enter into
the contest, having at the head of the line the valiant
commander, Yillavicion, Miguel de Oquesado, and
others, who aided by their commander, not only suc-
ceeded in liberating the galleon San Mateo, but
destroyed or captured the greater part of the enemy's
ships, put the remainder to flight, and obtained with
a force so inferior, one of those splendid victories
which give renown to nations, and confer immortality
OF CERVANTES. 53
on the names of the commanders. The Spanish fleet,
after having remained some days at the island of tSan
Miguel, to repair its losses, and reconnoitcring Ter-
ceira, arrived at Lisbon on the 10th of September.
Cervantes informs us of his having joined in this ex-
pedition with his brother Rodrigo, but does not go
into a nan-ative of events.
Both brothers served, as well, in the attack on Ter-
ceira of the following year, which was a consequence
of the former one, for the support which the partisans
of Don Antonio reckoned on in the islands having
failed, the reduction of Terceira was rendered more
practicable. With this view, Philip II., when he re-
turned to Castile on the 4th of February, 1583, left
another fleet ready in Lisbon, under the same Don
Alvaro de Bazan. Among the numerous and choice
infantry on board were twenty companies of the
regiment of Figueroa, consisting of three thousand
seven hundred veteran soldiers. The marquis set sail
from Lisbon on the 23rd of June, and disembarked
his forces at Terceira ; the men displaying the greatest
valour and courage, though the surf at this time of the
year was running very high. The ensign, Francisco
de la Rua, distinguished himself in this action ; for
the vessel in. which he was on board being driven
on shore, he intrepidly threw himself with his com-
pany into the sea, and was followed by the captain,
Luis de Guevara and Rodrigo de Cervantes, for
which noble action he was afterwards rewarded by
the marquis of Santa Cruz. This heroic example so
encouraged the other soldiers tliat they all swam to
the shore, and collecting together in the highest
spirits, without scaling ladders or opening trenches,
they gallantly planted the standard of Castile upon
the walls. They engaged and defeated the Portu-
56 LIFE AND WRITINGS
guese troops and their auxiliaries with the same suc-
cess, took all the forts and castles, and compelled
the French force to capitulate. In this manner, not
only Terceira, but the other islands in its neighbour-
hood, though of inferior importance, were conquered.
With this signal success the marquis of Santa Cruz
terminated his exjTedition, and returned to Cadiz,
which he entered on the 15th of September, in the
midst of the applause and acclamations of his coun-
trymen.
Cervantes, who had been an eye-witness in the
Levant, as well as in other quarters, of the memorable
actions of this heroic commander of the Spanish fleet,
obeying his orders as a soldier, and admiring his
noble qualities as a man, could not refuse to his glory
the praises which were dictated by his admiration
and his gratitude. A sonnet which he composed on
this occasion, was published some years afterwards by
the licentiate Cristobel Mosquera de Figueroa, in his
relation of the battle of the Azores. We also find
in the first part of Don Quixote some remarkable
allusions, when speaking of the capture of the galley
which was commanded by a son of Barbarossa, he
concludes by saying, — " She was taken by the ad-
miral's ship, la Loba, commanded by that man of
war, that father of his soldiers, the valorous and in-
vincible captain, Don Alonso de Bazan, marquis of
Santa Cruz," — a just and sincere eulogium, and due
to the memory of that great commander as a tribute
of gratitude and respect from a veteran soldier who
had served so many years under his flag.
The circimistances of Cervantes which detained him
in Portugal for the prosecution of his claims, led him
also to a more intimate acquaintance with the country,
and the manners and customs of the inhabitants, by
OF CERVANTES. 57
whom he was hospitably received, and appreciated
in a way worthy of his distinguished merits. His
mien, which still retained all the buoyancy and
vigour of youth, his generous and susceptible heart,
and his lively and warm imagination, led him to cul-
tivate the softer passion, and to describe its many joys
and sufferings in his poetry and writings. He tells
us that all the inhabitants of Lisbon are agreeable,
courteous, and liberal ; are willing worshippers at
the shrine of beauty ; and that the loveliness of the
women enchants all beholders; he pronounces the
Portuguese tongue to be soft and agreeable, and calls
Lisbon a noble and renowned city, and the country
itself " another land of promise."
It was probably at this period that he formed an
intimacy with a Portuguese lady (we must here
allow for the times in which he lived), who bore him
a natural daughter called Donna Isabel de Saavedra,
who shared the fortunes of her father, and resided
with him and his wife when they were established
in Yalladolid, during the residence there of the court
of Philip III. Cervantes retained, through life, a
lively remembrance of the warm reception and gene-
rous hospitality of the people of Portugal, and often
eulogised the manners of that nation, and the noble
qualities it manifested ; as appears from many of his
writings, particularly from the third book of his
Persiles, where his commendation is accompanied by
a generous expression of gratitude. He derived
similar advantages from the other countries through
which he travelled, or which he visited in his military
capacity ; for he introduced himself to their most
eminent literary characters, examined with impar-
tiality their political state, estimated their virtues
and their vices, their merits, and demerits; and ac-
58 LIFE AND WRITINGS
quired that fund of knowledge, that pure and correct
judgment, with that amenity and grace of style, which
characterise his works. Above all, he there attained
that truth of description, which derived from nature
herself, or drawn from his own adventures, arrests
the attention of his readers, and forces involuntary
smiles or tears, so commanding is his imaginative
genius. At all times shunning inactivity, he ap-
plied himself during his service at sea to acquiring
a knowledge of maritime affairs, and to this we are
indebted for the variety of interesting adventures of
this kind, which we meet with in his works, and for
the accurate and appropriate language of his maritime
characters, which adding fresh truth to the eloquence
of his narrative, gives him so great a superiority, in
this respect, over all other Spanish writers.
At this period Cervantes was residing in i\Iostagan,
from whence he w^as despatched with letters from
the governor of that place, to Philip II., who gave
him orders to repair to Oran, no doubt in order to
join the regiment or company, then in garrison there,
in which he had at all times served. As Cer-
vantes gives us no further particulars, it is impossible
to fix with certainty the date of this event, as the
passing affairs of a garrison can never possess suffi-
cient interest to be commemorated in history, nor is
the life of a simple soldier in the discharge of his daily
duty, likely to arrest the attention of men of letters.
In the course of this long period he composed and
finished in 1583, his Galatea^ which appeared the fol-
lowing year. This was the first work he is known to
have published. It is a pastoral romance accommodated
to the taste of the age, and characteristic of the youth
of Cervantes, and in which indulging his inclination
for poetry, and the cultivation of his native tongue,
OF CERVANTES. 59
he endeavoured to exhibit the fertility of liis genius*
lie relates some of his own adventures, and awards
the meed of praise to the several poets of his day.
He offers to a lady, the object of his passion, a deli-
cate and appropriate compliment, for at tliis day the
scene of love was transferred to the fields and plains,
and adorned with the modesty and innocence of their
inhabitants. Of this singular work it will be the
more necessary to give a brief analysis, as after his
Filena, and his early poetical essays, it is his first
regular production, written partly in imitation of the
Diana of Montemayor. It was pubhshed in 1584,
and next to his Don Quixote, perhaps, is the most
popular of any of his works, at least among foreigners.
The translation, or rather theimitation of it by Florian,
has rendered it popular in France. The Italians had
already sho\vn a great taste for pastoral poetry; they
did not, like the ancients, content themselves with writ-
ing eclogues, in which a single sentiment was developed
in a dialogue between a few shepherds, without action,
plot, or catastrophe. To the sweetness, the spirit, and
the elegance which belong to pastoral productions,
the Italians added romantic situations and powerful
passions. They had composed several pastoral
dramas, some of which had been early presented to
the notice of their admirers in the different languages
of Europe. The Spaniards had been still more
deeply captivated by these pastoral fancies, which, by
recalling to the mind the feelings of childhood, accord
admirably with the yielding indolence of southern
feelings. Their drama, in its origin, was entirely
pastoral. Incited by the same taste, they produced
many long works, which were in fact nothing more
than tedious eclogues. The six books of the Galatea
form two octavo volumes, and yet these constituted
60 LIFE AND WRITINGS
only the first portion of the work, which was never
finished. Florian soon perceived that a tale of this
length would riot be agreeable to the taste of his
countrymen ; and he therefore worked up the inci-
dents while he abridged the romance, and while he
retrenched the poetical portions, added to the general
interest of the whole. Cervantes has been blamed for
having mingled too many episodes with the principal
tale. It is said that he has attempted too many
characters, and that he has by the quantity of inci-
dents and names confounded the imagination of the
reader, who is unable to follow him. He is also
blamed for having, in the earliest of his works, when
he was yet comparatively ignorant of what consti-
tutes purity and elegance of style, employed an in-
volved construction, which gives his work an ap-
pearance of afi^ectation. We should be also inclined
to impute it to him as a fault, though this accusation
more properly falls upon the class than upon this
individual work, that he is almost cloying in the
sweetness and languor of his love scenes. When we
read these pastoral romances, we may almost imagine
ourselves bathing in milk and honey.
Notwithstanding these observations, the purity of
its morals, the interest of its situations, the richness
of invention, and the poetical charms which it dis-
plays, must ensure to the Galatea an honourable
place in the list of Spanish classics.*
Cervantes himself intimates in the prologue to this
work, that many of the shepherds in this romance
were under disguise ; and the example of Rodrigo de
Cota, author of the Celestina^ and of his contempora-
ries Jorge de IMontemayor, Luis Galves de Montalvo,
• Literature of the South of Europe, Vol. III., pp. 419-21.
OF CERVANTES. 61
and above all thetestimony of Lope de Yega, confirm
the supposition that Galatea was not merely an ideal
person, and that Cervantes concealing himself, under
the name of Eiicio, " a shepherd dwelling on the
banks of the Tagus," relates his loves with Galatea,
" a shepherdess, born on the margin of the same
river ;" and as at the time that Cervantes published
these adventures, he was paying his addresses to a
lady of rank in the town of Esquivias, called Donna
Catalina de Palacios Salazar y Vozmediano, with
whom he soon afterwards contracted marriage, it
cannot be doubted that she was the true Galatea ;
nor can we hesitate to assert that under the names
of Tirsi, Damon, Meliso, Siralvo, Lauso Larsileo, and
Artidoro, he introduced in this fable Francisco de
FigTieroa, Pedro Lainez, D. Diego Hurtado de Men-
doza, Luis Galvez de Montalvo, Luis Barahona de
Soto, D. Alonso de Ercilla, and Micer Andres Rey
de Artieda, all amongst the number of his friends,
and the most celebrated poets of the age.
As early as the 1st of February, 1584,.- we find
that Lucas Gracian Dantisco, by order of the royal
council, had examined and approved this work, de-
scribing it as agreeable, the story well- imagined, and
the style and language pure and correct ; to which
opinion were added the commendations of Luis Gal-
vez de ]\Iontalvo, D. Luis de Yargas Manrique, and
Lopez Maldonado, and which were corroborated by
the reception it met with in Spain, and in foreign
countries. But this general applause, and vague and
indefinite praise, must not bias our judgment, when
criticism, enlightened by taste, directs and governs
our decision. When we examine the Galatea on cor-
rect principles, and consider it as a pastoral romance,
or eclogue (as the author calls it), we shall find that
62 LIFE AND WRITINGS
if on the one hand we admire the beautiful descrip-
tions of nature, the delicacy and liveliness of senti-
ment, the variety and contrast of the passions, the
incidents managed with so much felicity and grace,
the purity and appropriateness of the language, and
the fertility of invention ; we are on the other hand
introduced to erudite and philosophical shepherds,
and meet with a prodigality of episodes, which throw
the principal action into shade and diminish the in-
terest, while they confound the personages of the first
part of the picture with others of inferior order,
without regarding the due connection of accessory
incidents, with the principal action, nor the manner
in which they should contribute to the denouement,
"We may infer from these peculiarities that Cer-
vantes was more disposed to draw upon the richness
of his invention, than to appear moderate in the dis-
position of his plot, consequently preferring abun-
dance and even superfluity, to a wise and prudent
economy : for there cannot be a doubt that he was
himself aware of these defects, and deprecated the
condemnation of them in his prologue, when he begs
for indulgence until the second part should make its
appearance. This he never published, though it was
found nearly completed at the time of his death. He
informs us that he took the idea from the Canto d^
Caliope^ which under the name of Turia, Gaspar Gil
Polo had published some years before in his Diana
Enamorada, to celebrate the poets and wits of Va-
lencia.
This work, which was so anxiously looked for, was
not published until the latter end of this year, as we
may conclude from Cervantes having addressed the
dedication in August, to Ascanio Colonna, the abbot
of Santa Sofia : for he there makes mention of Antonio
OF CERVANTES. 63
Colonna, his father, " as having followed for several
years the invincible banners of that gallant soldier,
whom Heaven yesterday removed from our eyes, but
not from the memory of those who are acquainted
with his magnanimous actions." He unquestionably
alludes by these expressions to Colonna's death,
which happened at eleven at night, on Wednesday
the first of August, at ]Medinaceli, on his way from
Italy to the court of Philip II., who had sent for
him. This proves how little they had examined this
point, who assert that Cervantes published his Gala-
tea at the beginning of the year I 584, and that the
death of Marc Antonio Colonna occurred in 1585.
Immediately on the publication of this romance,
Cervantes espoused at Esquivias, on the twelfth day of
December of the same year, 1584, Donna Catalina de
Palacios Salazar y Yozmediano, daughter of Fernando
de Salazar y Yozmediano and of Catalina de Palacios,
both descended from honourable families of that place.
When this marriage was solemnised, the father of
the bride appears to have been some time dead, which
renders it probable that she owed her education to
her uncle, D. Francisco de Salazar, who afterwards
left her a legacy in his will. Her uncle, too, having
promised her mother, at the time of the marriage
agreement, a reasonalDle portion, he fulfilled his pro-
mise two years afterwards, granting Cervantes and
his wife an assurance in writing, and presenting his
wife with one hundred ducats, which, according
to some, was the tenth part of his fortune. This
appears from the marriage paper, verified by both
the new-married persons on the 9tli of August, 1586,
before Alonzo de Aguiler, a notary of Esquivias,
of which place Cervantes became a denizen, as ap-
pears from the same document. But as his property
64 LIFE AND WRITINGS
was not sufficient to answer his increased expenses,
and his frank and social manners were not in unison
with a country life, the proximity of Madrid led him
to reside occasionally at that court, either from the
affection which he bore to his own relations, or the
wish of enjoying the society of his friends, or from
the desire he always felt, of making himself better
known to the world by his poetry and his dramatic
writings.
This is confirmed by the account we have retained
of his having commenced or renewed at this epoch a
friendly intercourse with Juan Rufo, Pedro de Padilla,
Lopez Maldonado, Juan de Barros, Vicenti Espinel,
and other eminent writers, whose works he celebrated
in sonnets, and other verses, which, if not of first-rate
merit, still serve to testify the goodness of his heart,
and remain a pleasing tribute to genius and friend-
ship. Rufo, who had now been engaged on his
Anstriada for the space of seven years, finished that
poem in 1578 ; and it was approved by Lainez in
1582, but not published until two years afterwards,
at the time Cervantes was residing in Madrid, where
he composed in praise of the author a sonnet which,
with others, stands at the commencement of the book.
At the same time Padilla printed his Jardin Esjnrit-
ual., which first appeared in the following year, 1585.
He not only included in it some redondillas and
stanzas which Cervantes had formerly composed in
his praise, but placed in the same work various
poems which, at the request of the author, some of
the most celebrated Castilian writers had composed in
praise of St. Francisco, and he inserted among others
a sonnet of Cervantes, which is not devoid of merit.
He composed another sonnet in praise of the work of
the same Padilla, on the Grandezas y excelencias
OF CERVANTES. 6.'>
de la Virgen nuestra scnora, which was puhllslicd in
138.7. At the beginning of the previous year, 1586,
Lopez Maldonado piibUshed his Cancionero, and
amongst many other classical poets who honoured
tliat work with their encomiums, we may include
Cervantes, who extolled it in a sonnet and some quin-
tillas, which are to be found in the first pages. He
also honoured with another sonnet the Filosojia Cor-
tesana Moralizada, of his friend Alonso de Baiios,
which was also commended by ErcilLa, and published
in 1387. Vicente de Espinel had already written
his Casa de la Memoria^ although it was not printed
until 1391.
In this work a place among the most celebrated
poets is allotted to Cervantes, whom he praises for
his constancy in adversity, and alludes to his suf-
ferings in captivity, which could not abate the fervour
and vigour of his genius. Espinel had made honour-
able mention of Cervantes in his Canto de CaViope^ and
from that time the foundations were laid for that solid
and lasting friendship which ever afterwards united
them, and of which Cervantes makes mention in the
last year of his life. This growing taste for litera-
ture, particularly in the cultivation of poetry, at this
period, led to the formation of academies in many of
the principal cities of Italy. These were established
and encouraged by many noble and distinguished
persons, among whom w^e may name the marquis of
Pescara, the founder of the academy at Pavia. This
example was followed in Spain, in the reign of
Charles Y., and amongst the most celebrated acade-
mies that added a lustre to that splendid court
was the one which Herman Cortes held in his house.
This was frequentedby men of the highest cultivation
and <Tjenius, of whose meetinirs and discussions some
F
66 LIFE AND WRITINGS
valuable memorials remain. But these assemblies in
Spain were not of long continuance, and disappeared
with their founders, w'hilst in Italy their numbers
increased with the cultivation of letters, to which
indeed they themselves contributed. This success
stimulated a man of rank at court, of a fine genius
and attached to poetry, to found in the year 1585, an
acadeni}' in imitation of those in Italy, to wdiich the
most distinguished poets and men of letters in Madrid
might resort, and whom he received at his house with
the utmost liberality and courtesy. The ministers
of the king and the nobility honoured it wdth their
presence, attended the discussions, and applauded the
poetical compositions which were there recited. By
one of their statutes the members of this academy
were bound to drop their owm names and adopt some
other appellation as their choice ; and with this view,
Lupercio Leonardo de Argensola, in the buoyancy of
youth, adopted that of Barbaro, in allusion to Donna
Mariana Barbara de xVlbion, whose hand he at that
time sought in marriage, as he made known in the
pleasant reply he gave to the academy, when they en-
quired the reason of his assuming so singular a name.
It is highly probable that Cervantes was one of
the members of this academy, as well from his merit
and reputation, now revived by the publication of
his Galatea^ as from his friendship with the other
academicians, and his experience of the utility of
similar societies in Italy, and from having especially
mentioned the Academy Imitator ia of Madrid, in ono
of his novels. From these circumstances we may
conclude that Cervantes' general abode was at the
court, and that he did not reside at Esquivias, except
probably at such times as he was called thither by
the exigencies of his household aftairs.
OF CERVANTES. 67
CHAPTER V.
Dramatic compositions of Cervantes — Introduces moral and allego-
lical personages — Number of his plays — Reform of tlie Spanish
Theatre — Prepares the way for Lope dc Vega — His embarrassing
situation — Is made a Commissioner of the Commissariat De-
partment — Removes to Seville — His inadequate income — Sends
a memorial to the King — ^^Favourably entertained — Singular al-
lusion to his blighted prospects — His great exertions and perse-
verance — Frequent journeys — Interesting incidents — His satiric
vein — Applied to moral uses — Origin of his amusing Episode in
Don Quixote — Difficulties encountered in his employment — So-
lemn festival — Monks of Saragossa — Literary contest — Enters
the lists — Gains the first prize — Returns to Seville.
It was at this time that Cervantes introduced, with
general applause, at the theatre of the court, the Tra-
tos de Argel., the Numancia^ the Batalla Naval^ and
other dramas of his composition ; in which he ven-
tured, as he says, to attempt some improvements
that were well received, but which we must pre-
sently examine with impartiality. Tlie Spanish stage
until this time had only witnessed the compositions
of the players themselves, written with entire sim-
plicity, without plot or interest, and performed
without any theatrical decoration, in the manner of
eclogues, dialogiies, or colloquies, as some of them
were called. But a new and improved era awaited
the drama, from the hands of M. Ferrara Perez de Oli-
va, Geronimo Bermudez, and particularly Juan de la
Cueva, Christobal de Yirvez, Juande^Ialara, and some
other celebrated dramatic poets. Cervantes, whose
passion for poetr^'^, and especially for the drama, dis-
played itself from his infancy, and whose own singu-
lar adventures supplied so manv materials of interest,
f2 "
68 LIFE AND WRITINGS
now presented his plays to the public. These were
highly applauded for the variety and novelty of the
plot, and a style more popular and agreeable than
that of Cueva or Yirves, and attracted a greater
number of partisans : particularly as those authors,
not having published their plays, w^ere better known
in Seville and Valencia, where they resided, than
at 3Iadrid. Cervantes boasts of having been the first
to introduce on the stage moral or allegorical per-
sonages, as he mentions in his Trato de Argel^ in his
Nummular and in his Casa de los Zelos^ and also as
being the first to reduce the drama to three acts from
five, of which they before consisted, as is seen in his
Batalla Naval. Even when w^ accord to these im-
provements ail the merit which the author claims,
we cannot consider them as entirely original, because
there is no doubt that the moral drama was already
known in the fifteenth century, when it was intro-
duced by the celebrated Don Em^ique de Aragon,
marquis of Villena ; and Alonso de Vega afterwards
repeated it in his play of the Duquesa de la Rosa., pub-
lished in 1560, besides Juan de ]\Ialara, who, accord-
ing to Rodrigo Caro, was also the first who in Spain
composed a play all in verse for the stage. As to
tlie shortening of the acts, which has been adopted
by all the dramatic writers, some ascribe it to Chris-
tobal de Virves, others to Micer Andres Rey de Ar-
tieda, and some persons at that time attributed it to
Juan de la Cueva, as he himself mentions in his Arte
Poetka.
But Cervantes may with justice boast of having
composed at this period twenty or thirty plays,
which were all performed with success, particularly
La Gran Turquesca., La Batalla Naval^ La Jeru-
salem., La Amaranta o la del Mayo., El Bosque
OF CERVANTES. 69
Amoroso^ La Unica y la Bizarra Arsinda ; but the
one which drew the greatest applause was the play
called La Confusa^ which, it is said, was admirably
adapted for representation, and deserves a place among
the best comedies that had at that time appeared.
This popularity, however, wa*s not very durable,
for the stage has its times and seasons, and now the
wonder of his age, the great Lope de Vega, suddenly
appeared to rule the stage like a despotic sovereign.
He soon subjected to his sway all the dramatic
writers of his country, crowding the stage with his own
successful and well-planned dramas, and, according
to the expression of Cervantes himself, he eclipsed
not only those whom he had seen attain a just cele-
brity, but all other authors that had preceded him.
From this period they lost their old estimation in
the opinion of the players and audience, and are con-
sidered only by literary men as precursors of therestora-
tion of the Spanish theatre, and as preparing the way
for Lope de Vega. Cervantes acknowledged and in-
genuously confessed this at the close of his life, when
his plays were no longer called for, nor any found to
applaud them ; attributing this change to the
improvement the drama had experienced from the
number of new and more accomplished writers. It
was not only his attachment to the muse, and the
love of fame, the meed of popular applause, which
induced Cervantes at this time to compose his dramas,
and entertain the public w^ith his plays ; he had
another and a stronger inducement, the supplying
his own necessities, and providing for the support of
his family. His situation became daily more em-
barrassing ; he now saw himself surrounded with the
cares which matrimony brings along with it, and
with the maintenance of his sisters and daughter :
70 LIFE A>D WRITINGS
he saw bis merits and services disregarded without
the probability of any recompense, now found him-
self at upwards of forty years of age, maimed
in his left hand, and little qualified under such cir-
cumstances to attempt any fresh career, or aspire to
an employment that might afford him a suitable
competence.
In the hopes, however, of a more certain occupa-
tion, he abandoned his pen and the stage early in
1588, and removed to Seville on the occasion of
Antonio de Guevara being appointed commissary-
general of the armadas and fleets of the Indies, with
great privileges and prerogatives. Among these was
the right of appointing four commissioners to aid
him in the discharge of this vast business, the apply-
ing with care and economy the treasures of the king
in the purchase of provisions and other necessaries
from various persons in the provinces. One of the
commissioners whom Guevara named on this occasion
was Cervantes, who immediately offered as his
sureties, before the notary" Pedro Gomez, the licen-
tiate Juan de Nava Cabeza de Vaca, and Luis Mar-
molejo, both residing near Seville. He immediately
entered on the duties of his new office, for under the
date of the fifteenth, the commissary -general for-
warded him his appointment, which he retained until
the 2nd of April, 1589, purchasing in Ecija large
quantities of oil and corn, for which he disbursed
two thousand nine hundred ducats. Such was the
cause of the removal of Cervantes to Andalusia,
whilst his brother Rodrioo was still servino- as ensign
in the armies of Flanders.
Other circumstances, too, might have induced
Cervantes to remove to Seville. The illustrious
family of the Cervantes y Saavedras, which had pro-
OF CERVANTES. 71
diiced men alike eminent in letters and in arms, and
from which he derived his descent, and with whom
he had maintained a friendly intercourse, was resident
there. In addition to which, Seville was at that time
the most opulent and populous city of Spain, and the
emporium of theriches and commerceof the new world.
She was also distinguished for the cultivation of
science, and the encourao^ement of the fine arts : and
was- with justice, to use the words of Cervantes, con-
sidered the protectress of the poor, and refuge of the
unfortunate, beneath wdiose kindly shade he might
expect to meet with that independence and comfort
which he sought for in vain amidst the dissipation
and bustle of a court, and the empty flattery of
nobles and courtiers.
Cervantes was thus compelled by his poverty to
embrace this precarious and subaltern occupation,
regarding it, doubtless, as a stepping-stone to some
better appointment, or as well adapted to promote
his views with regard to any vacant employment in
the Indies, and in order to prosecute his claims wnth
more support and advantage.
With this view, in May, 1390, he addressed to
the king a memorial, in which, after reciting his
unrequited services for a period of twenty-two years,
he supplicated his majesty to bestow on him some
one or other of the three vacant appointments in the
Indies, as the auditorship of the kingdom of Granada,
that of the galleys of Carthagena, the government of
the province Soconusco, in Guatemala, and a magis-
tracy in the city de la Paz, w'ith any of which he
should be satisfied ; and so continue so serve his
majesty, as was his desire, to the close of his life, as
his ancestors had done before him. The adoption of
this course plainly proves the situation of Cervantes
72 LIFE AND WRITINGS
when, to use his own words, he had recourse to that
which all the wretched in that city (Seville) applied
themselves — to transport themselves to the Indies,
the last harbour and refuge of those who despair of
their fortunes in Spain.
The king, on the 2 1 st of the same month, referred
this petition to the president of the council of the
Indies; and by a decree dated at Madrid, on the
6th of June, and confirmed by Dr. Nuiiez Mor-
quecho, it was ordered that the petition of Cervantes
should be taken into consideration. He would
doubtless, on this, leave no means untried to avail
liimself of the favourable disposition manifested
towards him ; and we may still further presume,
agreeably to what he himself hints at, in a general
manner, in his Vlage al Paniasso (alluding, no doubt,
to his latter employments), that he could not mature
his plans, and obtain a jDlace suitable to his station
in life, in consequence of the persecutions occasioned
by some imprudence or other, wdiich blighted the
opening prospect which his relenting fortune seemed
to present. In the hope of bettering his condition,
he continued in the employ of the purveyor, Pedro
de Isunza, during the years 1591 and 1592, purchas-
ing provisions for the galleys of Spain, in the towns
of Teba, Ardales, Martos, Linares, Aguilar, Mon-
turque, Arjona, Porcuna, Marmalejo, Estepa, Ped-
rera, Lopera, Arjonilla, Las Navas, Yillanueva del
Araobispo, Begijar, Alcandete, and Alora. His
accounts, and those of his assistants, Nicolas Benito,
Antonio Caballero, and Diego Lopez Delgadillo, were
certified and presented in Seville on the 28th of
April, 1598, with the greatest regularity, and an
acqui^ance granted, and an order for his salary of
one hundred and two thousand maravedis, corre-
OF CERVANTES. 73
sponding to three thousand realesr(?//o«, or about <£ 100.
In the discharge of these and similar commissions he
became intimately acquainted with the people of
Andalusia, whose modes of life, manners, and the
most interesting particuhirs, he describes as an eye-
witness ; availing himself at the same time of many
objects and incidents that afforded materials for the
exercise of his fine satirical humour and wit, and
deducing from these a just and rational moral,
directed to the improvement, the cultivation, and
civilisation of man.
We may trace this feature particularly in his
description of the mode of life of the vagabond race
that assembled at the tunny fisheries, in Zahara ;
of the gypsies and Moors dwelling in Granada and
its neighbourhood ; of the fables and tales related in
Montilla, respecting the incantations and transform-
ations of the witch Camacha, and her crew, and in
similar passages.
We may here too, with propriety, allude to an
event which occurred at this time and caused a con-
siderable sensation in that province, and w^hich, inge-
niously disguised in Don Quixote, afforded Cervantes
materials and colouring for an amusing adventure.
About the close of the year 1591 there died in the
convent of Ubeda, of a contagious fever, S. Juan de
la Cruz. The extreme attachment which Donna
Anna de Mercado and her brother D. Luis de Mercado,
of the royal council, then residing in Madrid, felt for
the convent of Segovia, which was founded by them,
induced them to remove thither, at every risk, the re-
mains of this saint, without reflecting on the opposition
which the city of Ubeda might make to such a measure.
They procured, for this purpose, the permission
of the vicar-general of the Carmelites, and ordered a
74 LIFE AND WRITINGS
person in their confidence, under the title of algiiazil
of the court, to appear before the prior of tlie con-
vent of Ubeda, and obtain the disinterment of the
body, and remove it to Segovia with the greatest
secrecy and despatch. The person thus employed
entered the city in the niglit, and delivered his de-
spatches to the prelate, who proceeded to open the
sepulchre whilst the monks were asleep. It was
now nine months since his interment, and they found
the body so incorrupt, fresh, and entire, and indued
w^ith such a surprising fragrance, that they suspended
at that time its translation, covering it with chalk
and earth that they might more easily recognise it.
After a lapse of eight or nine months, and towards
the middle of 1593, the alguazil returned to Madrid
upon the same mission ; and now finding the body
more dry, though still retaining its fragrant odour, he
placed it in his portmanteau in order to avoid detec-
tion, and departed from the convent to the city with his
guards and companions while all was wrapt in sleep.
To avoid discovery they forsook the great road to
Madrid, and pursued their journey through the most
unfrequented paths and heaths in the darkness and
silence of night.
The story tells, that when this pious theft was
being accomplished, a monk of the convent was
roused from his sleep by a loud voice saying — " Arise
forthwith, for plunderers are carrying off the body of
your saint, Fr. Juan de la Cruz," — that the monk
immediately arose and repaired to the church, and
there found the door guarded by the prior, who com-
manded him to observe silence. Just before the
alguazil arrived at the town of Martos, it is said
there suddenly appeared on a little hill at the road
^ide, the figure of a man, who called out with a loud
OF CERVANTES. 75
voice — " Whither are you carryino; off the body of
the saint ? Restore it to the tomb," — which struck
such terror and affright into the alguazil and his
companions, that their hair stood on end.
Afterwards, as they were crossing a wild heath,
the figure of a man suddenly stood before them, and
asked what they were conveying ; they informed him
they must not divulge their business ; but he per-
sisted so pertinaciously in his curiosity, that they were
determined to offer him money to get rid of him —
when he suddenly vanished from their eyes. They
now continued their journey without further interrup-
tion to Madrid and iSegovia ; and the conductor after-
wards deposed that a brilliant light was seen to accom-
pany the portmanteau, that contained the relics of the
saint, a great part of the w^ay. The terror of the per-
sons employed in this singular and pious robbery, with
the apparition and extraordinary events attending it,
supplied an ample theme of wonder and gossip to the
Andalusians, being so w^ell suited to their inquisitive
character, w^hich was increased by the contest which
now arose between the cities of Ubeda and Segovia,
from the abstraction of such an inestimable treasure.
Scarcely had the theft transpired in Ubeda, when
its town council resolved to apply to the pope,
demanding tlie restitution of the body of the saint,
and for this purpose appealed to Clement YIII.,
against the city of Segovia. The city entered on its
defence tlirough the medium of D. Luis de Mercado
and his sister. His holiness having heard the several
parties, ordered the body to be restored to Ubeda,
and commissioned the execution of this order by a
brief of the 13th Sept. 1396, addressed to the bishop
of Jaen, D. Bernardo de Rojas, and to Dr. Lope de
Molina, treasurer of the college of Ubeda. But when
76 LIFE AND WRITINGS
the issue of this singular and expensive litigation was
made known in Spain, some persons of high rank
who w^ere zealous friends of the Church, fearing dis-
agreeable consequences might attend it, interposed
their good offices, and effected an amicable arrange-
ment, by which one half of the body of the saint was
left to the city of Ubeda, thus satisfying the devout
scruples of both the contending parties. This cir-
cumstance, in all probability, is the original of the
adventure of the " Cuerpo muerto" which Cervantes
relates in the nineteenth chapter of the first part of
Don Quixote. He happened to be about this time
in Andalusia, where he would hear those events
narrated with all the wit and humour peculiar to the
natives of that province. It was of course requisite
for him to adapt the narrative to the circumstances
of his story. The course of the journey through
bye- ways, and under the cover of night, the lights
which the surpliced bearers observed attending the
body, the translation to Segovia from Baeza (which
is now Ubeda, and where the saint for some time
resided), his death from pestilence, the appearance of
the ghosts to Sancho, and some " bad spirits of the
lower world," to Don Quixote, the terror and con-
sternation which this vision threw them into, the
squire trembling like quicksilver, and his master's
hair standing on end on his head, the detention of the
whole retinue, by a loud voice enquiring who they
were, whence they came, and whither they were
going, and what they were conveying on that bier
or litter; his describing this adventure as a true
occurrence, and, above all, Don Quixote thinking
himself excommunicated for having meddled with
the aftairs of the Church, when he did not think he
was dealing with priests or the Church, but ghosts
OF CERVANTES. 77
and evil spirits of the other world, and recollecting
in his justification the adventure of the Cid when in
the church of St. Peter, he overturned and broke to
pieces the chair of the king of France, not enduring
tliat he should possess a higher place than the king
of Castile, for whicli action he was excommunicated
by the pope, although he pardoned him on promise
of his being more moderate in future. According
to the ancient romances, all these are circumstances
so analogous and conformable to the event which
occurred on the removal of the remains of this favourite
saint, that there is little doubt, Cervantes took from
hence, with little variation, the colours to adorn the
picture, in which he directed his fine genius, his keen
and delicate satire, and his pleasant and well-timed
irony, against the bewildered imaginations of the
heroes of chivalry.
It is very probable that Cervantes became acquainted
Avitli this and similar romantic events, in the exer-
cise of his commissions amongst the people of the
kingdom of Granada, particularly in that in which
Philip II. entrusted him with, to collect the customs
and duties owing to his revenue. For the purpose
of giving an account of his commission he repaired to
Madrid, where, on the 1st July 1594, he presented to
the licentiate Diego de Tamayo, the acting corrcgidor,
a report which commences — " I, Miguel de Cervantes
Saavedra, an inhabitant of the town of Esqnivias, and
a resident at this court, declare that I am bound for
the due collection of the amount assigned to me by
the auditors of his majesty's exchequer, having
2,459,989 maravedis which are owing on the customs
and duties in the kingdom of Granada, and on other
affairs of his majesty, am bound" — and so forth ; and
concludes by proposing D. Francisco Suarez Gasco,
7^ LIFE AND WRITINGS
a native of Tarancon, as a surety for the faithful dis-
charge of the trust confided to him ; and having pro-
duced as vouchers, Augustin de Cetina, collector to
his majesty, D. Gabriel Suarez Gasco, brother of D.
Francisco, and of the same vicinage, and Juan de
Valera, a native of Belinchon, all resident at the
court, the same declared on oath on the following day,
that the above Francisco was possessed of much more
than the 4000 ducats for which he became surety
for Cervantes.
Although the council of auditorship approved of
these sureties, the collector, Enrique de Araiz, insisted
on larger ones ; but Cervantes presented a memorial
praying that those he then offered might be held
sufficient, and that he might be despatched. The
tribunal acceded to his prayer on the 2 1 st of August
under the bond of the 4000 ducats, binding also
Cervantes and his wife for the greater security.
Indeed, by a writing dated in Madrid on the same
day, the 21st, both husband and wife became bound
in person and property for the good and sufficient
accounting- of all sums to be received under the com-
mission.
After giving these sureties, Cervantes had to apply
for the royal chart or order wliich had passed on the
13th of the then month of August, though accom-
panied with the date of the 23rd, and which autho-
rised him to depart with full powers to collect the
public money owing in the several towns of the
kingdom of Granada, agreeably to particulars, and
amounting in the whole to 2,357,029 maravedis.
On the ninth day of September following, he exhi-
bited in Baza the royal schedule in presence of the
alcalde mayor, and the accountant, Cristobal JMingues,
with the assistance of the collector of revenue ;
OF CERVANTES. 79
and proceeding as commanded, he took an account
from the treasury of the receipt of the rates and cus-
toms, corresponding to that year, whicli with the
taxes for the town of Zujar, and the salary of Cer-
vantes for six days, amounted to sixteen reales vellon
for each person. From thence he proceeded to Gra-
nada, agreeably to the other royal order of the 29th
of November, which begins " A vos Miguel de Cer-
vantes," &c. From thence he went to Yelez-malaga,
where he immediately produced his commission, when
the collector of customs, Francisco Lopez de Vitoria,
engaged to pay a certain part in Seville, and the rest
in hand ; and giving a letter of exchange for 4000
reales on Malaga, on the 21st of the same month of
November, in which city Cervantes remained somo
days, having written from thence to the king under
date of the 17th, stating what he had mentioned
in another letter (doubtless that of the 8th October),
that he could not receive the moneys of Granada,
Motril, Salobreiia, and Almunecar ; and adding,
among other things, that from the collector in Baza,
Guadix, Aguela de Granada, and Loja, he would
remit good bills to Madrid, and that there only re-
mained to collect the proportion of Ronda ; but in
order to finish his commission, and to remit the rest of
the money to its destination, he required an extension
of twenty days to communicate with the city of
Malaga.
His letter of the 17th November, directed to his
majesty, through the hands of Juan de Yelasco,
secretary of the council of land-revenue, was received
in Madrid on the 28th, and it is to be inferred that it
hastened the despatch of the royal order, already cited,
of the 29th, in which, allowing for the delay, he was
ordered to collect immediately what was due. He
80 LIFE AND "WRITINGS
had scarcely received this answer when he had to re-
pair to Ronda, where, on the 9th of December, he
received from the collector of duties, Juan Rodrio;uez
Cerero, 429,848 maravedis, agreeable to the account
given on that day by the collector of rents, Sebastian
de Montalvan; and on the 15th of the same month
he was already in Seville, from whence, under that
date, he rendered an account of the amount received
from Malaga by Francisco Lopez de Yitoria. It was
at this time that the pope, Clement VIII., at the
solicitation of the kinof of Poland, consented to the
canonization of St. Jacinto; on which memorable
occasion the Dominican monks of Saragossa held a
solemn festival for some days, and proclaimed aliterary
contest throughout the whole kingdom of Aragon,
which was also communicated to the principal cities
of the Peninsula, and in particular to the universities
of Salamanca and Alcala. In the second contest a
redondilla was proposed in praise of the saint, with
prizes of three spoons of silver for the best poem, for
the next best two yards of dark coloured tafteta silk,
and for the third a gold time-piece.
The productions which were intended to aspire to
these and other rewards, were ordered to be entered
before tlie 29th day of April, 1595, for on the next
day the solemnities ended. The judges being already
appointed for the examination of the verses, which
were to be read publicly in the church of the same
convent, Cervantes entered the lists for the second
contest ; and on the second day of May, immediately
after vespers, the jioems delivered in were recited,
and amongst others that of Cervantes, to which the
first prize was assigned ; which, without flattering
him, evinced the wretched productions of his com-
petitors. Wlien the judges pronounced in verse the
OF CERVANTES. 81
sentence on Sunday the 7th of the same month, they
directed that the poet, like another Apollo or son of
Latona, should repair to his maternal Delos in Seville,
to receive the crown of merit, commending his subtle
and refined genius, which had already drawn upon
him the applause of an admiring world. A narra-
tive of these solemnities, compiled by Geronimo
Martel, a citizen of Saragossa, afterwards historian
of the city of Aragon, was published in that city by
Lorenzo Roblee, in the year 1595.
Like another Apollo, then, the hero of the day
having carried off the prize from lists rather less dan-
gerous than Lepanto or Tunis, returned to enjoy his
famous triumphs in the bosom of his maternal Delos;
in short he hastened back to his agency business in
Seville.
CHAPTER VI.
Early dramatic efforts — Opinions of Cervantes — Progress of the
art in Spain — Curious retrospect — Lope de Rueda — His dramatic
equipments — A travelling stage — Spanish authors and actors — A
canon of Toledo — A censorship — Ideas of Cervantes — Strictures
of M. Sismondi — Extracts — Specimens translated — His dramatic
genius — How to be estimated — His dramas The Numantia —
Description and analysis — Specimens — Peculiar characteristics —
Elevated character — Grand sentiment — Eloquent and powerful
appeals — Its progress, development, and final struggles — De-
voted patriotism — Genius and conduct of Scipio — Reduces the
city by famine— Its destruction by the inhabitants — Self-sacri-
fices — Its fall — Effects upon a Spanish audience — Its classical
character — Old Greek spirit — Concentred interest and unity.
The comic powers which Cervantes afterwards
manifested in his Don Quixote, seemed epninently
to qualify him for dramatic attempts. We have
G
82 LIFE AND WRITINGS
ab'eady seen tliat lils first literary compositions
were of this class, but although he had considerable
success in this career, he likewise experienced no few
mortifications. He did not at that time conceive that
his dramatic talent was proportioned to the superi-
ority which he afterwards manifested in other branches.
Thus, when compared with Lope de Vega, his dramas
are but few in number. This might, perhaps, have
aiforded a reason for commencing our notice of the
Spanish theatre, by examining the works of Lope
before those of Cervantes, had we not wished to
present to the reader, from the mouth of Cervantes
himself, a history of the early progi'ess of the dra-
matic art in Spain, The following extract is taken
from the preface to his comedies: —
" I must entreat your pardon, dear reader, if you
should see me in this prologue a little overstepping
accustomed modesty. Some time since, I happened
to find myself in company with a few friends who
were discoursing about comedies, and other matters
relating thereto; and they treated this subject with
so much subtlety and refinement, that they appeared
to me almost to approach perfection. They spoke
of the man who was the first in Spain to free the
drama from its swathing bands, and to clothe it with
pomp and magnificence A& the oldest of the com-
pany, I remarked that I had frequently heard the
great Lope de Rneda recite, a poet equally celebrated
as a man and as a scholar. He was born at Seville,
and was by trade a gold-beater. As a pastoral poet
he had gi-cat merit, and in that species of composition
no one before or since his time has surpassed him.
Although I could not judge of the excellence of his
poems, for I was then but a child, yet some of them
still remain in my memory, and recalling these at a
OF CERVANTES. 83
riper age, they appear to me to be worthy of their
reputation. In the time of this celebrated Spaniard,
all the apparatus of a dramatist and a manager was
contained in a bag, and consisted of four wliite cloaks
bordered with gilt leather, for shepherds, four beards
and wigs, and four crooks, more or less. The dramas
were mere dialogues, or eclogues, between two or
three shepherds and a shepherdess ; and these con-
versations were enlivened and prolonged by two or
three interludes, in which negresses were introduced
as confederates, or go-betweens ; and occasionally
some clowns and Biscayans made their appearance. At
this time there was no scenery, there were no combats
between Moors and Christians, on horseback and on
foot ; no trap-doors by which figures might appear to
rise out of the earth. The stage was merely com-
posed of four square blocks of wood, upon which
rested five or six planks, so as to elevate the actors a
foot or two above the ground. No angels or spirits
descended in clouds from heaven. The sole ornament
of the theatre was an old curtain, supported at both
ends by strings, which separated the dressing-room
from the audience. At the back were placed the
musicians, who sung, without any guitar, some
ancient ballad.
" Lope de Rueda at last died, and on account of
his celebrity and excellence, w^as buried between the
two choirs in the great church of Cordova, where he lies
in the same place where that renowned madman, Luis
Lopez, is interred. Naharro, a native of Toledo,
succeeded Lope de Rueda. He attained a great
celebrity, more especially in his representations of a
busy, meddling poltroon. Naharro added something
to the scenic decorations, and changed the bag in
which the wardrobe was contained, for trunks and
g2
84 LIFE AND WRITINGS
portmanteaus. He introduced the music upon the
stage, which had formerly been placed in the back-
gi-ound ; and he took away the actors' beards ; for,
until his time, no actor dared to appear without a
false beard. He, on the contrary, wished all his actors
to appear undisguised, with the exception of those
who represented old men, or changed their charac-
ters. He was a great inventor ; he invented scenes,
clouds, thunder, lightning, challenges and combats,
but nothing of this kind was carried to the perfection
which at this day we behold, (and it is here that I
must trespass upon my modesty,) until the time when
the theatre of Madrid exhibited the Captives of
Algiers^ which is my owti composition, Numantia
and the Naval Engagement. It was then that I
made an attempt to reduce the comedies of five acts
into three, and I was the first to represent the phan-
toms of the imagination, and the hidden thoughts of
the soul, by introducing figures of them upon the
stage, with the universal applause of the spectators.
I composed during this period from twenty to thirty
dramas, all of which were represented without a single
cucumber, or orange, or any other missile usually
aimed at bad comedians, being flung at the actors'
heads. They proceeded through their parts without
hisses, without confusion, and without clamour. I
was at length occupied with other matters, and I laid
down my pen and forsook the drama. In the mean-
time appeared that prodigy. Lope de Vega, who
immediately assumed the dramatic crown. He
reduced under his dominion all the farce writers, and
filled the world with excellent and well combined
comedies, of which he wrote so many, that they
could not be comprised in ten thousand pages. AVhat
is no less surprising, he himself saw them all repre-
OF CERVANTES. 85 *
scnted, or was credibly assured that tliey had been
so. All his rivals together have not written a moiety
of what he himself achieved alone. Notwithstanding
this, as God grants not all things to every one, the
labours of Dr. Ramon, who was the most laborious
writer after the great Lope, have been much esteemed.
"The ingenious plots of the licentiate Miguel San-
chez, and the gravity of Dr. Mira de Amescua, have
likewise met witli applause, which has also been
granted to the wisdom and prodigious power of
invention of the canon Tarraga, to the sweetness of
Guillen de Castro, to the refinement of Aguilar, to
the sonorous pomp and grandeur of the comedies of
Luis Yelez de Guevara, to the polished wit of Don
Antonio de Galarza, whose dramas are written in a
provincial dialect ; and lastly, to the love plots of
Gaspard de Avila ; for these, as well as some others,
assisted the great Lope in the creation of the Spanish
drama."
Such, then, was the first age of the Spanish drama ;
and, if we may believe Schlegel and Boutterwek,
dramatic poetry never assumed in Spain more
than two diff*erent characters. They consider the
first age, that of Cervantes and Lope de Vega, as
one of barbarian grandeur ; the second, that of Cal-
deron, as the perfection of romance. They scarcely
concede the title of poets to those writers who, in the
last century, abandoned the example of their prede-
cessors, to become subject to the theatrical laws of
the French. We do not share in the admiration
which the German writers profess for the romantic
theatre of Spain ; while on the other hand, we are
not inclined to despise a branch of literature to which
we owe productions like those of the great Corneille.
But as it is our object to enable the reader to judge
for himself, we shall present a few specimens of
86 LIFE AND WRITINGS
the dramatic power of Cervantes, such as may afford
some idea of his peculiar merits and defects.
The foregoing extract from the preface to his
comedies, as we have seen, represents the Spanish
drama as still in a state of uncultivated barbarism,
even after the middle of the sixteenth century. If we
compare these pastoral dialogues, diversified with
indecent interludes, with the comedies of Ariosto and
Machiavelli, or with the tragedies of Trissino and
Rucellai, it must be acknowledged that the Italians
were at least half a century before the Spaniards in
all the mechanical parts of the dramatic art. In
Italy, indeed, it must be remembered that men of the
highest genius, seconded by the munificence of their
princes, attempted to revive the dramatic representa-
tions of the ancients; whilst in Spain the art, still in
a rude state, could boast mere adventurers and pre-
tenders, who recited their own dramas, frequently
without committing them to writing, and without
any other object than that of amusing the populace,
and rendering the representation a source of profit to
themselves. It would seem as if Cervantes himself
was not quite sure whether he had v^Titten twenty or
thirty comedies. Those published by him in his old
age, are not the same which were represented upon
the stage, and which,with the exception of a very few,
have been lost. This very dissimilar origin has im-
pressed an indelible character on the dramas of the
two countries. The Italian dramatists ^vrote to
please the learned, the Spanish to please the people.
The former, influenced by an imitation of the
ancients, while they possessed more method, refine-
ment, and taste, manifested something of a pedantic
spirit, and servilely adopted the rules of composition by
which the ancients were governed. The latter, on
OF CERVANTES. 87
the contrary, recognised no rule but that of conform-
ing themselves to the spirit of the nation, and to tlie
taste of the populace. Their dramas, therefore, ex-
liibited more vigour and more nature, and were more
in harmony with the spirit of the people for whom
they were composed, tlian the productions of the
Italian dramatists. By their absolute neglect, how-
ever, of the ancients, these writers deprived them-
selves of all the advantages of experience, and the
dramatic art amongst them was, consequently, as
inferior to that of the Greeks, as the population of
Madrid and Seville, from whom the laws of the drama
emanated, were inferior in point of intelligence, taste,
and 'polish, to the people of Athens, where every
citizen received some degree of education.
The conclusion of the sixteenth, and the com-
mencement of the seventeenth century, was a very
learned epoch. The Spanish scholars of this period
becoming disciples of the classical authors, upheld,
with as much fervour as La Harpe and Marmontel,
among the French, the poetical system of Aristotle,
and the rules of the three unities. The dramatic
writers, while they recognised the authority of these
rules, neglected to act upon them, for they were com-
pelled to follow the taste of the public. None of
them were acquainted with the nature of the inde-
pendence which they possessed, or of that system of
romantic poetry w^hich has been only in our own days
developed by the Germans. On the contrary, the
Spanish dramatists confessed, in a curious manner,
the superiority of the law^s which they neglected.
Lope de ^"^ega, in some verses addressed to the
academy of poetry at Madrid, exculpates himself
from this charo^e in the followinof manner : —
" I write a play ! Then, ere I pen a line,
Under six locks and keys let me confine
88 LIFE AND AVRITINGS
AH rules of art. Next, Plaiitus, 'tis thy doom,
And Terence then, to quit forthwith the room.
Lest ye upbraid me. Books can speak, though dumb.
And tell unwelcome truths. By other laws
I write, laid down by those who seek applause
From vulgar mouths : what then ? the vulgar pay ;
They love a fool, and let them have their way."*
Cervantes, in the first part of his Don Quixote,
introduces a canon of Toledo, who, after blaming the
Spaniards with some asperity, for having perpetually
^^olated the laws of the dramatic art, regrets that
the government has not established a censor for the
drama, who might have power to prevent the repre-
sentation of pieces, not only when they are injurious
to morals, but likewise w^hen tliey offend against
the laws of classical poetry. The censor would be
sufl&ciently ridiculous, who should maintain upon
the stage the three unities of Aristotle ; and those
authors have a strange idea of authority, who
imagine that a censor must possess a mare just and
correct taste than the public, and that a king can
bestow upon his favourite the power of discriminating
between the good and the bad in literature, while
the academies of the learned, and the assemblies of
the ignorant, have not yet been able to agree on the
subject of abstract beauty and excellence ;t if, how-
ever, the magistrate thus proposed by Cervantes had
been instituted, and bad be been, though it be a
most improbable supposition, inaccessible to intrigue,
to favour, and to prejudice, he w^ould in all proba-
bility have forbidden the representation of the
dramas of Cervantes, since they are by no means
constructed upon those classical rules, the neglect of
which the poet so deeply regrets. The tragedy of
• Arte nuevo de hiicer comedias en cste tiempo. — Lope de Vega,
■y Literature of the South of Europe, by M. de Sismoudi.
OF CERVANTES. 89
Niimantla, and the comedy of Life in Algiers, are
the only two which liave been preserved out of
twenty or thirty dramas written in 1582, soon after
the author's release from captivity. Those which
he published in 1615, were never represented, and
therefore merit less attention ; though it is from the
preface to the latter tli at we have drawn the history
of the dramatic art already presented to the reader.
When Cervantes speaks of this work in his old age,
his simplicity and gaiety have in them something
touching; for it is evident that he was suffering
inward mortification more severe in proportion as
his circumstances rendered success so desirable to
him.
" Some years since," he observes, " I returned to
the ancient occupation of my leisure hours ; and
imagining thai the age had not passed away in
which I used to hear the sound of praise, I again
began to Avrite comedies. The birds, however, had
flown from their nest. I could find no manager to
ask for my plays, though they knew that I had
written them. I threw^ them, therefore, into the corner
of a tnmk, and condemned them to eternal obscurity.
A bookseller then told me that he would have
bought them from me, had he not been told by a
celebrated author that much dependence might be
placed upon my prose, but none upon my poetry.
To say the truth, this information mortified me
much. I said to myself, Cervantes, I am certainly
either changed, or the world, contrary to its custom,
has become much wiser, for in past time I used to
meet w4th praise. I read my comedies anew, together
with some interludes which I had placed with them.
I found that they were not so bad, but that they
might pass from what this author called darkness,
90 LIFE AND WRITINGS
into what others might perhaps term noon-day. I
was angry, and sold them to the bookseller who has
now prmted them. They have paid me tolerably ;
and I have pocketed my money with pleasure, and
without troubling myself about the opinions of the
actors ; I was willing to make them as excellent as I
could, and if, dear reader, thou findest any thing in
them good, I pray thee when thou meetest any other
calumniator, to tell him to amend his manners, and
not to judge so severely, since, after all, the plays
contain not any incongruities, or striking faults."
These are reasons why we should ask the same
kind of indulgence towards the dramas of Cervantes,
which the author himself entreats from his readers.
In order to be just towards him, we must commence
by rejecting all our theatrical prepossessions, remem-
bering that he wrote before any of .those authors
whom we regard as the legislators of the drama,
upon a different system, and with another object in
view. Let us consider his dramas as a series of
pictures, all connected by the chain of historical in-
terest, though varying in subject. In some he has
endeavoured to excite the noblest sentiments of the
heart : in his Numantia^ patriotism ; in his Life in
Algiers^ zeal for the redemption of captives. Such
are the only unities for which we must seek in his
dramas. Let us abandon ourselves to his eloquence,
without endeavouring to resist the feelings of terror,
or of pity, which he so powerfully awakens ; and let
us forget, as far as possible, those rules which our
own dramatists obey, but which to him are entirely
inapplicable. When we analyse even the models of
antiquity, we do not apply to all of them rules
equally severe. We do not forget that ^?Lschylus,
like Cervantes, was in the van of his art. Perhaps,
OP CERVANTES. 91
if we compared the Numantia with the Persians^ or
with the Prometheus^ many points of resemblance
between these two celebrated authors would strike us.
We should probably find that in the grandeur of the
incidents, in the depth of feeling, in the nature and
language of the allegorical personages introduced
upon the stage, and lastly, in the patriotic sentiments
of the compositions, the oldest of the Spanish dra-
matists has approached nearer to the most ancient of
the Greek tragedians, than any voluntary imitation
could have accomplished.
There is a strong feeling of patriotism manifested by
Cervantes in his Numantia. lie has taken as the
subject of his tragedy the destruction of a city which
valiantly opposed the Romans, and whose inhabit-
ants, rather than surrender themselves to the enemy,
preferred perishing beneath the ruins of their homes,
slaughtering one another, and precipitating themselves
into the flames. This terrible subject is not one
which would be considered at the present day as
suitable to the purposes of the drama. It is too
extensive, too public, too little adapted to the display
of individual passions, and of those motives which
operate upon persons, and not upon nations. A cer-
tain degree of admiration, however, cannot be refused
to this poetical attempt of Cervantes, which seems
like an expiatory sacrifice offered up to the manes of
a great city.
The tragedy opens with a dialogue between Scipio
and Jugurtha. This scene, like the greatest part of
the drama, is composed in the ottave rime of the
heroic Italian verse. In a few scenes only, in which
the dialogue is more lively, is the Spanish redondilla
of four trochees, rhymed in quatrains, employed.
Cervantes has never made use of the assonants which
92 LIFE AND WRITINGS
by later writers were almost constantly adopted for
the dialogiies.
Scipio declares to Jiigurtlia the repugnance which
he feels to continue a war which has already cost the
Roman people so much blood, and in which he has
at the same time to contend against the obstinate
valour of the enemy, and the want of discipline which
his own army betra^^s. He then gives orders for all
the troops to be assembled, that by haranguing them
he may recall them to a sense of their duty. The
novelty of these dramatic representations is curiously
manifested in the stage directions, which Cervantes
has added to his dramas. Thus, in one scene it is
said : " Here enter as many soldiers as the stage will
hold, and Caius Marius with them ; tbey must be
armed in the ancient fashion, without muskets. Scipio,
ascending a little rock upon the stage, gazes on the
soldiery before he addresses them." The harangue,
however, is too long to be given entire, and indeed
too long for representation. It is, however, full of
elevated feeling and martial eloquence. He thus re-
minds them of the contrast between themselves and
the hardy, plain-clad veterans of the old school : —
Well, by your pride of feature, noble friends,
And splendour of your martial decorations,
I recognise in you the sons of Rome ;
Yea, brave and valiant sons ! But, by your bands.
Fair and effeminate, by the glossy show
Of your smooth faces, rather should I deem you
Of Britain born, or Belgium. You yourselves.
By your neglect, your reckless disregard
Of all your duties, you yourselves have raised
Your foe, already vanquished, from the ground,
And wronged at once your valour and your fame.
Behold these walls that yet unshaken stand
Firm as the rocks on which they rest ! these walls
Bear shameful witness to your weak attempts,
OF CERVANTES. 93
That boast of nothing Roman, but the name.
What ! when the whole world trembles and bows down
Before the name of Rome, will you alone
Betray her claims to empire, and eclipse
Her universal glories here in Spain ?"
Scipio then directs various reforms. He orders
the women to be removed, and that nothing shall be
introduced into the army which can be productive of
luxury and effeminacy ; and he then expresses his
confidence that, as soon as discipline is re-established
within the camp, it will be an easy task to vanquish
the handful of Spaniards who have shut themselves
up within the walls of Numantia. Caius Marius
answers in the name of the rest, and promises that
the soldiers shall show themselves true Romans, and
submit cheerfully to the most rigorous discipline.
Two Xumantian ambassadors now present them-
selves before the general and the army. They declare
that it was to the severity, avarice, and injustice, of
the generals who had hitherto commanded in Spain,
the revolt of Numantia was to be attributed ; that
the arrival of Scipio, witb whose virtues they are
acquainted and in whom they place the fullest con-
fidence, had induced them to sue, as they now did, as
ardently for peace as they had before courageously
sustained the war. Scipio, however, demands a
higher satisfaction for the insults offered to the
majesty of the Roman people. He refuses all over-
tures for peace, and dismisses the ambassadors with
an exhortation to look well to their defence. He
then informs his brother that instead of exposing his
army in fresh engagements and moistening the soil
of Spain with Roman blood, he has determined to
surround Numantia with a deep fosse and to reduce
the place by famine. He therefore orders the army
to commence the circumvallations.
94 LIFE AND WRITINGS
In the second scene (and between each scene some
time is supposed to have elapsed) Spain is introduced
in the figure of a woman crowned with towers, and
bearing in her hand a castle, as a spiibol of those
castles from which are derived the name and arms of
Castile. She invokes the mercy and favour of Heaven,
and complains bitterly of her state of perpetual
bondage. She has seen her riches alternately the
prey of the Phoenician and of the Greek ; and her
most valiant sons divided amongst themselves, com-
bating with one another, when they should have
united their arms against the common enemy : —
Numantia only, careless of her blood,
Has dared to draw her shining sword and strike
For that old liberty she long has cherished.
But now, oh grief 1 her time of doom is near ;
Her fatal hour approaches, and her life
Is waning to its close ; but her bright fame
Shall still survive, and, like the Phoenix, burst
ISIore glorious from her ashes.
The circumvallation being now accomplished, the
Numantians have to contend against hunger, without
any opportunity of engaging with the enemy. One
side of the city is washed by the Douro ; and the
Spaniards, therefore, address themselves to that river,
beseeching him to favour the people of Numantia, and
to swell his waters so as to prevent the Romans from
erecting towers and machines on its banks. The
Douro, followed by three tributary streams, advances
upon the stage, and declares that he has made the
greatest efforts to remove the Romans from the w^alls
of Numantia, but in vain ; that the fatal hour has
arrived, and that the only consolation he has left is
derived from Proteus, wdio has revealed to him the
future glories reserved for the Spaniards, and the
humiliations to which the Romans are destined. He
OF CERVANTES. 95
predicts the victories of Attila, and tlie conquests of
the Goths, which are to renovate Spain ; the title of
" Most Catholic," which will be bestowed upon her
kings ; and lastly, the glory of Philip II., who will
unite the territories of Portugal to the two kinodoms
of Spain.
In the second act the Xumantians are seen assem-
bled in council. Theogenes inquires of his coun-
trymen by what means they can escape from the
cruel vengeance of their enemies, w^ho, without daring
to combat with them, have reduced them to perish
by hunger. Corabino proposes that an offer shall be
made to the Romans to decide the fate of the two
nations by single combat ; and that if this is refused,
they should try the effect of a sortie through the
fosse, and attempt to open a passage through the
enemy. Others present support this proposition, and
at the same time describe their despair and the suf-
ferings which they endure from famine. They like-
wise propose sacrifices to appease the gods and
auguries to ascertain their wishes.
The scenes in the dramas of Cervantes are as dis-
tinct as the acts. They seem intended in the JS'ii-
mant'ia to exhibit the sentiments and ideas of a whole
people, under the various aspects of public affairs.
To accomplish this design, we are sometimes intro-
duced into the assemblies of the nobles ; at others,
simple citizens appear upon the stage, and, occa-
sionally, allegorical personages come forward. The
second scene of this act is between two Numantian
soldiers, Morandro and Leoncio ; the former, the lover
of Lira, a young maiden of Xumantia, was on the
eve of maiTiage when the nuptials were deferred on
account of the war and the public misfortunes.
Leoncio accuses him of forgetting, in his passion for
96 LIFE AND T»'RITINGS
his mistress, the dangers of his country. Leoncio
thus replies to his companion : —
Never did love teach lover cowardice !
Have I e'er been a truant from my post
To visit her I love ? Have I e'er closed
My eyes ia slumber when my captain watched ?
Have I e'er failed when duty called on me
Because my heart was filled with her sweet image ?
If, then, these things be not objected to me,
Why will you blame me for my passionate love ?
Tlie dialogue is interrupted by the arrival of the
people and the priests, with the victim and the incense
for the sacrifice to Jupiter. As the priests proceed
with the sacrificial ceremonies, the most terrible pre-
sages present tliemselves. The torches will not light ;
the smoke curls towards the west, and the invoca-
tions are answered with thunder. It is curious to
remark the expedients by which the author proposes
to imitate thunder, and which, like Gibber, who was
so proud of his receipt for making it, he might fairly
claim for his own. " Here," savs he, " a noise must
be made by rolling a barrel full of stones, and fire-
works must be let off." In the air, eagles are seen
pouncing upon vultures and tearing them in their
talons. At last the victim is carried away by an
infernal spirit, at the moment when it is about to be
slain. Marquino, a magician, then endeavours in
his turn to discover the will of Heaven by enchant-
ment. He approaches a tomb where, three hours
previously, a young Xumantian had been buried who
had died of hunger, and he invokes his spirit from
the infernal regions. His address to the spirits of
darkness is singularly poetical. He speaks in that
commanding style, and at the same time with that
contempt and anger, with which the poets have gifted
those magicians who have not allowed themselves to
OF CERVANTES. 97
become the slaves of Lucifer. The tomb opens ; the
dead rises, but moves not. Marquino, by fresh
enchantment, bestows animation and compels the
body to speak. The corpse announces that JSuman-
tia will neither be the conqueror nor the conquered ;
but that her citizens shall destroy one another. The
corpse then sinks again into the tomb, and Marquino
in despair stabs himself and falls into the same grave.
The third act again brings us into the Roman camp;
Scipio congratulates himself on having reduced Nu-
mantia to the last extremities, without finding it
necessary to expose his soldiers. In the meantime a
solitary trumpet is heard from within the walls.
Corabino then appears with a white flag in his hands.
lie proposes to terminate the quarrel by single com-
bat, on condition that if the Numantian champion is
vanquished, the gates of the city shall be opened ; if
on the contrary, the Roman combatant is overcome,
that the siege shall be raised. -At the same time he
flatters the Romans, by assuring them that from the
valour of their champions they may count upon a
victory. Scipio rejects with ridicule a proposal which
would place him en equal terms with the enemy, at
a time when he is assured of the conquest.
Corabino, left alone on the walls, overwhelms the
Romans with vituperation. They, however, hear
him not, and he retires. The next scene represents
the interior of Numantia. The council of war is
assembled, and Theogents, having given an account
of the failure of the sacrifices of the enchantment,
and of the challenge, proposes again to make a
sally. The warriors dread the opposition of their
wives, whom they will be compelled to abandon.
The women, infoimed of the proposed sortie, crowd
around the council-chamber with their infants in
H
98 LIFE AND WRITINGS
their amis, and each, in eloquent language, demands
to share the fortunes of her husband : —
What is it that you wish, brave warrioi's !
Have, then, your sorrowful fancies worked on you
To fly us and forsake us ? Do ye think
To leave the virgins of Numantia
A spoil to arrogant Romans, and your sons,
Your free-born sons, in bondage to the foe ?
Were it not better that your own right hand
At once should take the life which ye have given ?
Would you then feed the Roman avarice ?
Would you then suffer them in unjust pride
To triumph over us, while with foreign hands
They pillage all our mansions ?
* * * *
If you are well-resolved to attempt the sortie,
Then take us with you. It will be life to us
To perish by yo\ir sides. Nor will ye thus
Shorten our way to death, for famine ever
Threatens to cut the thread of life in twain.
Another woman then presents herself and her
children before the senators of Numantia, and thus
speaks : —
Oh, children of most desolate mothers, why,
Why speak ye not, and why with moving tears
Do ye not supplicate your cruel sires
Not to desert you ? Doth it not suffice
That terrible famine should oppress your lives
But must you also prove the bitterness
Of Roman rigour. Tell them that ye were
Begotten free, free born, and that your mothers,
Your wretched mothers, nursed you still in freedom.
And tell them if our fate so adverse is.
They who have given you hfe should take it back.
Oh walls ! if ye can speak, exclaim aloud,
A thousand times repeat — Numantians !
Numantians ! liberty !
After several of the women have spoken, Thco-
genes answers their complaints with great tenderness.
I
OF CERVANTES. 99
He swears that they shall not be abandoned by their
husbands, but that, living or dying, they shall still
be protected. Lastly, lie endeavours to persuade
the Numantians to adopt a still more desperate
course, and not to leave within the walls of Xuman-
tia a single relic of their persons or their property to
adorn the triumphs of their enemies. He proposes
that in the middle of the great square of the city a
pile should be raised, npon which the citizens should
themselves cast all their riches, and that to mitigate
for a few hours at least the hunger which consumes
them, the Roman prisoners should be slain and eaten
by the soldiery. The people immediately adopt
this frightful resolution, and separate in order to put
it into execution. Morandro and Lira remain upon
the stage, and a terrific scene, of love struggling
with famine, succeeds. Lira, to the passionate ex-
clamations of her lover, only answers that her brother
had died of hunger the preceding day ; that on that
very day her mother had perished, and that she her-
self is on the verge of death. Morandro determines
to penetrate into the Roman camp in search of food
to prolong the life of his mistress. Leoncio, his
friend, notwithstanding his remonstrances, resolves to
accompany him, and the two friends impatiently
expect the friendly shades of night that will afford
them an opportunity to make their attempt.
Two of the citizens now announce that the pile is
on fire, and that the inhabitants are eagerly heaping
upon it all the remains of their property. ]Men,
loaded with burthens of rich and precious articles,
are seen passing over the stage towards the pile.
One of the Xumantians then declares, that as soon
as their riches are consumed, the women, the chil-
dren, and the old men will be massacred by the
n 2
100 LIFE AND WRITINGS
soldiers to save tliem from the hands of the con-
querors. A Xiimantian mother is then introduced,
leading by the hand her little son, who bears a va-
luable packet. She holds an infant to her breast :
Mother. Oh life, most cruel and most hard to bear I
Oh agonj^ most deep and terrible !
Boy. Mother ! wiU no one give a little morsel
Of bread for all these riches !
Mother. No, my son,
No bread, nor aught to nourish thee, my child. -^
Boy. INIust I then die of hunger ? Mother, mother,
I ask one morsel only, nothing more.
Mother. My child, what pain thou givest me !
Boy. Do you not
Wish for it then !
Mother. I wish for it, but know not
Where I may seek it.
Boy. Why not buy it, mother ?
If not, I'll buy it for mj^elf, and give
To the first man I meet, even all these riches —
Aye, for one single morsel of dry bread,
My hunger pains me so.
Mother (to her infant). And thou, poor creature,
Why cling'st thou to my breast ? Dost thou not know
That in my aching breast despair has changed
The milky stream to blood ? Tear off my flesh.
And so content their hunger, for ray arms
Are weak, and can no longer clasp thee to me.
Son of my bOul, with what can I sustain thee ?
Even of my wasted flesh, there scarce remains
Enough to satisfy thy craving hunger.
Oh hunger, hunger ! terrible and fierce,
With what most cruel pangs thou tak'st my life !
Oh war, what death dost thou prepare for me ?
Boy. My mother ! let us hasten to the place
We seek, for walking seems to make me worse.
Mother. My child, the house is near us, where at length
Upon the burning pile thou may'st lay down
The burthen that thou bearest.
Were it not for its stern trutli, and sterner reality
too widely spread, we might ahnost repent of hav-
OF CERVANTES. 101
ing introduced a scene so fiercely terrible, and so
full of cruel suffering. It is the dungeon of Ugolino
opened to the public, and rendered tenfold more
appalling by its far-extended desolation. The cala-
mity, with its baneful wings oversjireading a wliole
city, exhibits famine contending with every species
of the most gentle as well as the most passionate
feelings. It is because sufferings like these have
really existed, because the very name of war recalls
them to our minds, that such scenes ought not, per-
haps, to be brought before the eye. The misfortunes
of CEdipus have passed away ; the feast of Thyestes
will never again be celebrated ; but who can say
that in some city exposed to the horrors of a siege,
some nameless mother may not, like the Numantian
matron, be nourishing her infant with blood instead
of milk, struggling against the excess of suffering
which human nature was not formed to support ? If,
indeed, we could succour or save her, it would be
weakness to fear the shock which so frightful a pic-
ture produces ; but if eloquence or poetry be em-
ployed without object to give effect to such descrip-
tions, how can we experience any pleasure in emotions
which border on so dreadful a reality ?
At the commencement of the fourth act the alarm
is sounded in the Roman camp, and Scipio demands
the cause of the tumult ? He learns that two
Numantians have broken through the barriers, and,
after killing several soldiers, have carried off some
biscuit from a cart ; that one of them again passed
the wall and gained the city, but that the other had
been slain. In the following scene we find jNIorandro
again entering Numantia wounded and bleeding. He
is weeping over his friend's fate, and the bread which
he is canying to Lira is moistened with his tears.
102 LIFE AND WRITINGS
He lays before her this last offering of his affection,
and expires at her feet. Lira refuses to touch the
sustenance which has been so dearly bought ; while
her little brother seeks refuge in her arms, and dies.
A soldier now appears upon the stage pui'suing a
woman, whom he is endeavouring to kill, for an
order has been issued from the senate of Numantia
that all the women should be put to the sword. He,
however, refuses to slay Lira, and bears along with
him to the funeral pile the two bodies which lay
before her.
War, famine, and pestilence now appear, and dis-
pute for the ruins of Numantia. This description
of the calamities which the city has suffered is cold,
when compared with the preceding frightful scenes.
Theogenes then passes over the scene with his wife,
his two sons, and his dauohter, conductino' them to
the pile where they are to die. He informs them
that they are to perish by his own hand, and his
children submit to their fate. Two youths, Yeria-
tus and Servius, flying before the soldiers, cross the
stage ; the first endeavours to reach a tower which
will afford him a refuge, but the latter, being over-
come by famine, can proceed no farther. Theogenes,
who has despatched his wife and children, returns
and beseeches a citizen to put him to death ; the two,
however, determine to fight near the pile upon vv'hich
the survivor is to cast himself. The Romans, having
remarked the stillness which reigns in Numantia,
Caius Marius mounts upon the wall by a ladder, and
is shocked to see the city one lake of blood, and
the streets filled with the dead. Scipio fears that
this universal massacre will deprive him of all the
honour of a triumph. If a single Numantian cap-
tive could be found alive to be chained to his car.
OF CERVANTES. 103
thcit honour would be his ; but Caius Marius and
Jugurtha, wlio have traversed all the streets, have
met with nothing but gore and corpses. At last,
however, they discover Yiriatus, the young man who
has taken refuge at the top of the tower. Scipio
addresses him, and invites him, with kind words and
promises, to deliver himself up. Yiriatus rejects
these offers with indignation. He is unwilling to
survive his country ; and, after heaping curses upon
the Romans, he throws himself headlong from the
tower, and falls lifeless at the feet of Scipio. Re-
nown, with a trumpet in her hand, terminates the
tragedy, by promising eternal glory to the Numan-
tians.
The Numantla was represented several times in
the earlier part of the life of Cervantes, whilst the
nation was still warm with the enthusiasm which the
victories of Charles V. had produced ; and whilst
the reverses, which they began to experience under
Philip II. made them doubly resolute not to stain
their ancient glories. We may imagine the effect
which the Numantia must have produced, if it was
represented in Saragossa, as it has been asserted,
during the siege of that city : we may conceive how
deeply the Spaniards must have felt the sentiments
of national glory and independence whicli breathe
throughout the drama, and with what animat'.on
they must have prepared for new dangers and new
sacrifices. We thus see that the theatre, which we
have denominated barbarous, did in fact approach
much nearer, than what are termed the classic dramas
of France and Italy, to that of the old Greeks, in the
energetic influence which it exerted over the people,
and in the empire with which the poet ruled his
audience. We cannot, at the same time, avoid being
104 LIFE AND WRITINGS
stnick in the Numantia with the spirit of fatality,
and the ferocity which reigns throughout the whole
drama. The appallino- resolution of the Numan-
tians, the details of their situation, the progTess of tlie
plot, and the catastrophe, are all terrific. The tra-
gedy does not draw tears, but the shuddering horror
which it induces, becomes almost a punishment to the
spectator. It is one symptom of the change which
Philip II. and the Autos-da-fe had wTought in the
character of the Castilians ; and we shall soon have
occasion to notice others. When the soldiers of fana-
ticism had acquired these ferocious qualities, litera-
ture itself did not wholly escape the infection.*
CHAPTER VII.
Other dramatic works. — Life in Algiers. — Circ-n Distances in which
it originated. — Los Banos de Argel. — Various adventures. —
Allegorical personages. — Analysis. — Specimens and translations.
— The slave-market. — Pathetic and startling scenes. — Society of
the Redemption. — The drama. — Opinions of Cervantes. — His
judgment. — Extensive reading. — Familiarity with and imitation
of the Ancients. — Noble qualities of the drama as conceived by
Cervantes. — Fi-eedom from affectation and conventional gal-
lantry. — Unable to establish a reform. — Prevailing* taste of the
day. — Triumphant. — Lopede Vega and Cervantes both yield to it.
There is still remaining for analysis another drama
by Cervantes — Life in Algiers — El Trato de A rgel^
which has been called a comedy ; but neither tliat
title, nor the name of Cervantes himself, lead us to
expect in this piece the same humour which reigns
throughout Don Quixote. To the gloomy picture
which is represented in this drama, no relief is
* Literature of the South, <ic., by M. Sismondi, iii. pp. 355. 77.
OP CERVANTES. 105
afforded either by liveliness of plot, or by amusing
delineation of character. Cervantes did indeed, in
his interludes, condescend to excite laughter ; but the
object, both of his comedies and of his tragedies, was
to awaken terror and pity. All his compositions
were adapted to excite popular feeling, on the topics
of politics or religion ; to strengthen the pride, the
independence, or the fanaticism of the Spaniards.
His dramas were distinguished into tragedies and
comedies, according to the rank of the characters,
and the dignity of the action, and not from any re-
ference to the liveliness or the gravity of their subject.
Cervantes, as we have already stated, had been
detained for upwards of five years a captive at Al-
giers ; and his own sufferings, and those of his com-
panions, had made a deep impression upon his mind.
He returned to Spain witii feelings of undisguised
animosity against the Moors, and with an ardent de-
sire to contribute towards the redemption of those
prisoners who had fallen into the hands of the Mus-
sulmans. Thus his comedy of El Trato de Argel ;
another drama which he published towards the close
of his life, entitled Los Banos de Argel; his tale of
the captive in Don Quixote, and that of the Generous
Lover, were not mere literary works, but charitable
endeavours to serve his brother captives, and to ex-
cite public opinion in their favour. His object was
to rouse the nation, and the king himself, against the
Mussulmans, and to preach a kind of crusade for the
deliverance of all Christian captives.
To accomplish this end, he proposed merely to
give to the public a sketch of the life of the captives
in Algiers, and a description of the interior of their
habitations. He, therefore, employed no dramatic
action, no plot, and no catastrophe ; nor did he pay
106 LIFE AND WRITINGS
the least regard to tlie laws of the unities. He only
collected into one point of view the various sufferings,
pains, and humiliations, which were consequent upon
slavery amongst the Moors. The truth of the pic-
ture, the proximity of the scene, and the immediate
interest of the spectators, supplied the want of art
which is visible in this drama, and exerted, it may
be believed, a more powerful influence over the
audience.
Life in Algiers contains various adventures un-
connected with one another, except in the community
of suffering. The principal characters are Aurelio
and Sylvia, an affectionate pair, who are exposed to
the solicitations of their mistress and master. The
religion and conjugal fidelity of Aurelio having in-
duced him to repress all the advances of his mistress,
Zara, he is at last tempted with enchantments ; but
the demons soon perceive that they possess no power
over a true Christian. He is then exposed to the
seductive influence of Occasion and Necessity, who
are personified by the dramatist, and who make
various proposals to the captive, which he at last
succeeds in rejecting and expelling from his mind.
At the conclusion of the piece, both Aurelio and
Sylvia are sent home by the Dey, on the promise of
a large ransom.
Another captive, of the name of Sebastian, relates
with extreme indignation, a spectacle of which he
had been a witness — the reprisals exercised upon the
Christians by the Moors. The conduct, however,
at which the captive expresses such horror, appears
only to have been a jus retaliation. A Moor,
who had been forced to sutbmit to the ceremony of
baptism, at Valencia, being afterwards exiled with
his countrymen, had taken up arras against the
OF CERVxVNTES. 107
Christians. Being made prisoner in an engagement,
lie was recognised as having been baptised, and was
delivered over to the Inquisition, who condemned
him to be burnt as a rehipsed infidel. His relations
and friends, eager to avenge him, bought a Yalencian
captive, of the same class of inquisitors from amongst
whom his judges had been appointed, and inflicted
upon their captive a similar death. If the rigour
of such reprisals could have suspended the frightful
proceedings of the Inquisition, this attempt to terrify
the Spaniards with the consequences of their own
barbarity would have been grounded upon good
reason. The retaliation in this case did not inflict
the punishment of the guilty upon the innocent, for
every inquisitor was bound to participate in the
same crime. The anecdote is founded on fact, and
the inquisitor burnt by the Algerines was the monk
Miguel de Aranda.
One of the most affecting scenes in the drama is
the slave-market. The public crier offers for sale a
fiither and mother and their two children, who are
to be sold in separate lots. The resignation of the
father, who in this dreadful calamity does not foroet
to confide in the goodness of God, the tears of the
mother, and the childish conviction of the younger
captives, that no power upon earth can dispose of
them contrary to the will of their parents, altogether
form a frightful picture ; the truth of which is the
more impressive, from the circumstances that the
characters are anonymous, and that, in the present
age, such scenes may happen daily at Algiers, or in
our colonies. The merchant, who is about to
buy one of the children, makes him open his mouth,
in order that he may see whether he is in good
health. The mihappy child, unconscious that it is
108 LIFE AND WRITINGS
impossible for him to suffer greater grief than those
which he has ah-eaclv experienced, imagines that the
merchant is going to extract a decayed tooth, and,
assuring him that it does not ache, begs him not to
pull it out. These little incidents more forcibly de-
scribe the horrors of slavery, than the most laboured
eloquence could do. In the child is exhibited a
touching ignorance of the destiny which awaits him;
in the merchant a cold and calculating interest, con-
trasted with a sensibility which he beholds without
any emotion. We suffer, in common with the whole
human race, which we here see degraded to the con-
dition of brutes. The merchant, who is in other
respects a worthy man, after giving 130 piastres for
the youngest of the children, thus addresses him : —
Merchant. Come hither, child ; 'tis time to go to rest.
Juan. Signor, I will not leave my mother here
To go with any one.
Mother. Alas ! my child, thou art no longer mine.
But his who bought thee.
Juan. What ! then have you, mother,
Forsaken me ?
Mother. Oh, heavens ! how cruel are ye !
Merchant. Come, hasten, boy.
Juan. Will you go with me, brother ?
Francisco. I cannot, Juan, 'tis not in my power.
May heaven protect you, Juan !
Mother. Oh ! my child,
My joy and my delight, God won't forget thee !
Juan. O father ! mother ! whither will they bear me
Away from you ?
Mother. Permit me, worthy signor,
To speak a moment in my infant's ear.
Grant me this small contentment ; very soon
I shall know nought but grief.
Merchant. What would you say ?
Say now ; to-night is the last time.
Mother. To-night
Is the first time my heart e'er felt such grief.
OP CERVANTES. 109
Juan. Pray keep me with you, mother ; for I know not
Whither he'd carry me.
Mother. Alas, poor cliild !
Fortune forsook thee even at thy birth ;
The heavens are overcast, the elements
Are turbid, and the very sea and winds
Are all combined against me. Thou, my child,
Knowest not the dark misfortunes into which
Thou art so early plunged, but happily
Lackest the power to comprehend thy fate.
What I would crave of thee, my life, since I
Must never more be blest with seeing thee,
Is that thou never, never wilt forget
To say, as thou wert wont, thy Ave Mary !
For that bright queen of goodness, grace, and virtue
Can loosen all thy bonds and give thee freedom.
Aydar. Behold the wicked Christian, how she counsels
Her innocent child. You wish, then, that your child
Should like yourself, continue still in error.
Juan. Oh mother, mother, may I not remain .^
And must these Moors then carry me away ?
Mother. With thee, my child, they rob me of my treasure.
Juan. Oh, I am much afraid.
Mother. 'Tis I, my child.
Who ought to fear at seeing thee depart.
Thou wilt forget thy God, me, and thyself:
What else can I expect from thee, abandoned
At such a tender age, amongst a people
Full of deceit and all iniquity ?
Crier. Silence, you villanous woman, if you would not
Have your head pay for what your tongue has done.
In the fifth act Juan is introduced as a renegade.
lie has been seduced by the dainties and rich cloth-
ing -which his master has given him. He is proud
of his turban, and disdains the otlier captives, saying
that it is a sin in a Mussulman to be seen in conver-
sation with Christians. Cervantes has inserted a
scene between Juan and his mother, who is in despair
at his apostacy. The mother, however, does not
again appear ; her gi'ief must have been too poig-
nant for representation.
110 LIFE AND WRITINGS
The escape of Pedro Alvarez, one of the cap-
tives, who, being unable any longer to bear the
horrors of slavery, resolves to cross the desert and
endeavour to reach Oran by following the line of
the coast, forms another independent plot. He pre-
pares ten pounds of biscuit, made of eggs, flour, and
honey ; and with this stock of provisions, and three
pair of shoes, he enters upon a journey of sixty
leagues, through an unknown country, and over a
burning desert infested with wild beasts. In one
scene the captive is introduced consulting with
Saavedra, under which name, in all probability, the
dramatist intended to represent himself. In another
we find him in the midst of the desert, where he is
wandering after he has lost his way ; his provisions
are exhausted, his clothes are in tatters, his shoes
are worn out, and he is tormented with hunger, and
reduced to such an extreme of weakness, that he can
with difficulty walk. In this state of distress he
invokes the Virgin of ^lontserrat, and presently a
lion appearing crouches at his feet. The captive
finds his strength restored; the lion becomes his
guide; he recommences his journey, and when he
appears upon the stage the third time, he has nearly
arrived at Oran.
Towards the conclusion of the fifth act, the ar-
rival of a monk of the order of the Trinity is an-
nounced, bearing with him a sum of money for the
redemption of the captives. The prisoners throw
themselves on their knees in prayer, and the curtain
falls, leaving the spectators to conclude that they are
all redeemed.
Such are the two dramas which alone remain of
the twenty or thirty which were composed by Cer-
vantes in his youth. They are curious specimens of
OF CERVANTES. Ill
the character which that great genius gave to the
national drama of Spain, at a period when it was in
his power to model it according to his will. The
theatre of the ancients was not unknown to Cer-
vantes, for in addition to the opportunities he had
enjoyed of becoming acquainted with it in the learned
languages, he was very familiar with the Italian, and
consequently with the efforts which had been made
at the court of Leo X. to revive the scenic representa-
tions of Greece and Kome. In Spain, indeed, during
the reign of Charles Y., Perez de Oliva had trans-
lated the Electra of Sophocles, and the Ilecuba of
Euripides ; Terence also had been rendered into
Spanish by Pedro Simon de Abril, and Plautus had
appeared in a Castilian dress. Cervantes, however,
thought that the moderns ought to possess a drama
which should represent their own manners, opinions,
and character, and not those of antiquity. He
formed, indeed, his idea of tragedy upon the models
of the ancients ; but that which he beheld was
not what we discover in their dramas. The dra-
matic art appeared to him to be the art of trans-
porting the audience into the midst of events, calcu-
lated, from their political or religious interest, to
make the most impression upon the mind ; tragedy,
the art of making the spectators sharers in the most
brilliant historical incidents ; and comedy, of intro-
ducing them into the houses of individuals, and of
laying bare their vices or their virtues. He attached
little importance to that which has become a matter
of such consequence in our eyes, — the space of time
which is supposed to elapse between each scene, and
the power of transferring the actors from place to
place. He paid the greatest attention, on the con-
trary, to that which we have considered as a defect
112 LIFE AND WRITINGS
in the ancient drama, the political and religious or
l^Tical portion, which amongst the Greeks was the
province of the chorus, and which Cervantes wished
to re-produce by the aid of allegorical personages.
The ancients, who made religious spectacles of their
tragedies, always aimed at representing the course of
Providence or Fate as linked with human actions.
The choruses, which, during the progress of the
drama, shock our ideas of propriety, appeared to
them to be necessary for the purpose of interpreting
the will of the Divinity, of recalling the thoughts
from terrestrial to higher objects, and of re-establish-
ing the tranquillity of the soul by the delights of
IjTical poetry, after the passionate excitement of
theatrical eloquence. Such, likewise, was the end
which Cervantes proposed for himself in the creation
of the allegorical personages. He did not allow them
to mingle in the action like supernatural beings, nor
did he make any of the incidents depend upon their
agency. Indeed, like the choruses of the ancients,
they might be rejected from his dramas altogether,
without any void being perceived. His aim was to
give us an idea, through their means, of the corre-
sponding progress of the universe, and of the designs
of Providence. He ^^dshed to enable us to behold in
his dramas the things invisible, as though they were
material. He wished to transport his drama from
the real world into the realm of poetry, and he en-
deavoured to accomplish this object by the assistance
of the most elevated language, which he could put
into the mouths of these unearthly beings, by the
magic of lyrical poetry, and by the employment of
the boldest figures. These objects, which were alto-
gether excluded from the modern drama, but which
were much considered by the ancients, have been but
OF CERVANTES. 113
imperfectly attained by Cervantes. Perhaps lie did
not possess in a high degree the lyrical talent. If
there are any sublime passages in his plays, they are
to be found in the dialogues, and not in tlie rhapso-
dies of his allegorical personages. JMoreover the
introduction of allegorical characters upon the stage,
appears to be directly contrary to the essence of
the drama, which, as it appeals as well to the eye as
to the ear, ought not to admit of objects which never
can have a visible existence. When the Famine or
Pestilence appears in the Ntimantia^ and Occasion or
Necessity in the Life of Algiers^ the action of the
drama is arrested. There metaphysical abstractions
destroy at once the illusion, the vivacity, and the in-
terest of the drama, and the attention is confused by
these varying appeals to the intellect and to the
senses.
In the Numantia^ Cervantes has scrupulously ob-
served the unity of action, the unity of interest, and
the unity of passion. No episode is mingled with
the terrible plot. The whole people are animated
with one idea, and partake of the same suffering.
Individual wretchedness is swallowed up in the
general calamity, which it only serves to render more
striking. The story of Morandro and Lira presents
us with a picture of what every lover in Numantia
must have suffered ; and, instead of detracting from
the interest, serves to concentrate it. There are
no traces either in this play or in the Life Jin
Algiers, of that insipid spirit of gallantry which
has infested the French theatre from its birth, and
which has been erroneously attributed to the Spanish.
In Cervantes, and generally in the Spanish dramas,
w-e never see a hero in love but when he ought to be
so ; and their language, figurative and hyperbolical
114 LIFE AND WRITINGS
as it is, according to the bad taste of the nation, is
still passionate and not gallant. The unity which
was so rio-oroiisly observed in the Xumantia, was
completely abandoned by Cervantes in his Life in
Algiers. It is strange that he did not perceive that
it is this quality alone which is the basis of har-
mony ; which preserves the relation of the various
parts which distinguishes the productions of genius
from real life, and the dialogue of the drama from
the conversations of society. Life in Algiei^s is, con-
sequently, a tiresome play, and loses its interest as
we advance in it, notwithstanding it possesses some
beautiful scenes.
Hitherto we have only animadverted upon the
en'ors of the art ; in other points of view we may
perceive that it was in its infancy. Thus Cervantes
has formed a false idea of the patience of his audi-
ence. Supposing that a fine speech must produce
the same effect upon the stage as before an academi-
cal assembly, he has frequently made his characters
trespass beyond every boundary, both of natural
dialogue and the reader's patience. He who in his
narrative style was so excellent, who in his romances
and novels so completely possessed the power of
exciting and of sustaining interest, of saying pre-
cisely what was proper, and of stopping exactly
where he should, yet knew not how much the pub-
lic would be willing to hear from the mouth of an
actor. Many of the Spanish dramatists appear to
have been equally ignorant upon this point.
The two dramas of Cervantes occupy an insulated
situation in the literature of Spain. We discover
not after this great and original Avriter any instance
of that terrible majesty which reigns throughout the
Namantia ; of that simj^licity of action, that natural
OF CERVANTES. 115
ilialogue, and tliat truth of sentiment. Lope de
Vega introduced new plays upon the stage, and the
public, captivated by the pleasure of pursuing an
intrigue through its thousand windings, became dis-
gusted with the representation of powerful and deep
emotions, whicli produced not the eiiect of surprise.
Cervantes himself gave way to tlie national taste,
without satisfying it, in the eight plays which he
published in his declining years ; and the Castilian
^Eschylus may be said to have left us only one real
specimen of his dramatic genius.'"'
CHAPTER YIII.
Attack of Cadiz by tlie Englisli — Calls forth the satirical genius of
Cervantes — His happy irony — Story of the Esparlola Inglesu
— New difficulties, owing to the treachery of an acquaintance —
Compromised with the agents of government — Called to iMadrid
— Residence there — Death of Philip II. — Grand solemnities —
Strange commotion, and battle of the priests — Celebrated by
Cervantes in a burlesque sonnet — Idiom of the country people
— Residence in Seville — Agent to people of rank — Familiar
acquaintance with the customs and manners of the people— Origin
of his novels — Their character and object — Andalusian tone of
his wit and satire — Mixing Avith the people — Foundation of his
Don Quixote — His commission in La Mancha — Doubts enter-
tained — Visit to Valladolid — Supposed imprisonment — Tradition,
anecdotes, and reflections — Composition of Don Quixote — Its
reception — Criticisms and discussions — Models — His ideas of
romance on new principles.
Cervantes continued his residence in Seville
during the following year of 1596. In that year, on
the first day of July, an English fleet of one hundred
* Literature of the South of Europe, &C.5 by M. Sismondi,
iii., pp. 377. 392.
I '2
116 LIFE AND WRITINGS
and fifty sail, commanded by Charles Howard,
lord high admiral of the kingdom, with an army of
twenty- three thousand men, under the orders of the
Earl of Essex, the celebrated favourite of Queen Eli-
zabeth, suddenly appeared before Cadiz. The Spanish
ships lying in the bay, taken by surprise, were soon
thrown into disorder, and retired under the batteries
for shelter ; which circumstance augmented the con-
sternation and alarm in the city, as there was no
military man there of sufiicient experience to under-
take its defence. This gave courage to the English,
who disembarked their troops and entered the city
after a feeble resistance. The town was given up to
pillage, and the English, loaded with a rich booty,
after setting the city on fire, abandoned it on the
twenty-fourth day after their entry, re-embarking
their forces, and setting sail with the intention of com-
mencing similar hostilities in other parts of Spain.
The other maritime towns of the kingdom, as w\is
natural, took the alarm at this unforeseen and suc-
cessful enterprise, and made great exertions to pre-
pare for their defence. At Seville the asistente or-
dered a battalion to be formed of twenty-four com-
panies of infantry from the immediate neighbourhood,
having as oflicers a number of the first gentlemen of
the place. This body, on holidays, was trained to
the use of arms, in military evolutions in the plain
of Tablada, for which purpose the duke of Medina
had sent the captain Becerra to that city. The gal-
lantry and martial spirit of the young men enrolled in
this new militia, and the promptitude with which they
answered to the call of arms, formed a strikino- con-
trast to the inactivity and cowardice of the inhabit-
ants of Cadiz, and the want of energy which they
had shown, in not daring to attack the enemy during
OF CERVANTES. 117
SO many days, but allowing them to sack the city
and retire with impunity. The ostentatious entry
of the duke into the city after so lamentable an event,
as if he had come to solemnise the most signal vic-
tory, could not fail to become the subject of public
censure and ridicule, and provoked Cervantes to the
composition of a sonnet in which these occurrences
formed a theme for the pleasantry and native irony
of his genius. On this expedition of the English to
Cadiz he some years after founded his tale entitled
la Espahola Inglesa.
In order to save the expense of conveying to the
court some moneys collected under his commission,
Cervantes prepared to remit the amount in letters of
exchanofe from Seville to Madrid : a sum of 7400
reales, arising from his collection in Velezmalaga and
the neighbourhood, he consigned to a merchant, Simon
Freire de Lima, who engaged to pay it in Madrid.
Cervantes, on repairing soon afterw^ards to that city,
not finding Simon Freire there, wrote to him at
Seville, and he then directed Gabriel Rodriguez, a
Portuguese, to pay the amount to Cervantes ; but this
was not done, and in the meantime Freire himself
failed and absconded from Spain. This event obliged
Cervantes to return to Seville to procure tlie recovery
of this sum ; when he found, on his arrival, the whole
property of Freire seized on by his other creditors.
Cervantes represented tliis to the government, w^ho
on the 7th of August 1595, sent a mandate to Dr.
Bernardo de Olmedilla, in Seville, to raise from the
property which Freire had left in that city, the pay-
ment of the amount claimed by Cervantes, the receipt
of which was verified and remitted to the treasurer-
general, D. Pedro Mesia de Tobar, by a letter of the
22nd of November 1596.
118 LIFE AND WRITINGS
These circumstances, and others which created some
apprehensions on the part of the government as to the
conduct of the principal surety, was the cause of him and
the other sureties being compelled in the following year,
1597, to make a return of the sums Cervantes had re-
ceived inthe execution of his commission. They replied
that they coidd not furnish them in consequence of
Cervantes being in Seville, and having in his posses-
sion the papers and documents on which their accounts
were founded. At their instance a royal mandate of
the sixth of September of this year was forwarded to
the licentiate Caspar de Yallejo, judge of the auditor-
ship of the said city, to require sureties from Cer-
vantes that within the space of twenty days he would
present himself at Madrid to give an account and
pay the balance remaining due ; and on his not com-
plying, to arrest him and place him in the custody of
the court at the disposal of the tribunal of the chief
treasurer ; a measure which was commonly taken
with other agents, imprisoning some of them in
Seville for the space of five, six, or eight years, •after
the expiration of their respective commissions.
The exigencies of the treasury resulting from the
enormous expenses attending the conquest of Portu-
gal, and tlie Terceira Islands, and the cost of the
unfortunate armada directed against England, called
'-'• the invincible ;" the continued changes in the con-
stitution of the revenue and its tribunals ; the new
duties and taxes which were laid, and the want of a
Avell-regulated system, contributed to embarrass the
finance department, and to introduce distrust, com-
pulsion, sequestration, arrests, and other judicial pro-
ceedings among the persons employed in the different
branches of collection. Cervantes represented the
impossibility of giving sureties whilst at Seville and
OP CERVANTES. 119
absent from home ; for wlilch reason and on acccimt
of the smallncss of his debt, he demanded that his
account might he passed for what he appeared to
owe, and that he might be discharged from prison
in order to repair to Madrid and complete the settle-
ment of his accounts.
We are ignorant of the result of these proceedings ;
but it is certain that Cervantes remained at Madrid
at least until the next year, 1598. Philip II. died
on the thirteenth of September of this year ; and for
the due solemnisation of his funeral, the city of ^Madrid
directed a catafalque to be raised on so magnificent a
scale, that one of the historians who mentions it de-
scribes it as the most astonishing monument human
eyes had ever beheld.
It was adorned with elegant Latin inscriptions,
and ornamented with numerous statues of Juan Mar-
tinez Montanes, and Gaspar Xuhez Delgado, and
also with the finest pictures of Francisco Pacheco,
Alonso Yasques Perea, and Juan de Salcedo ; all
among the first artists of Seville.
On the twenty-fourth day of November, the exe-
quies were commenced, with the assistance of the
city, the audiencia, and the tribunal of the inquisition.
On the following day^ appointed for mass and the
services of the Church, there unfortunately arose so
violent a quarrel in the same church between the
inquisitors and the audiencia, in consequence of the
president having covered his seat with black cloth,
that without regard to the place or the solemnity of
the service, the inquisitors were excommunicated.
The priest retired to finish the mass in the sacristy,
and the preacher descended from his pulpit, where
he stood prepared to pronounce the funeral oration,
leaving the tribunal of the inquisition in their places
120 LIFE AND WRITINGS
until five in the evening, in the act of protesting and
remonstrating ; but through the mediation of the
marquis of Algaba, the dissentions were allayed, and
the inquisition absolved from the censures of the
Church, both parties submitting to the king and the
royal council the settlement of this important dispute.
The decision did not arrive until the end of
December, and on the thirtieth and thirty-first, the
funeral honours were renewed, the catafalque having
remained erected with the other preparations of the
funeral. The sumptuous preparations for this cere-
mony, and the long time it lasted, attracted an infi'
nite number of persons from all parts to see it, and
excited such extreme admiration and hyperbolical
language in the people of Seville as to induce the
festive muse of Cervantes to compose a sonnet, in
which he describes the ostentation and splendour of
the ceremony, and burlesques its absurd and long
duration, in the peculiar idiom of the country people.
This sonnet was so much to his taste, that he did not
hesitate in his Via^e al Parnaso to place it among his
best productions.
These facts indisputably prove that Cervantes
resided at that time at Seville, where he was encraofed
in agencies for various persons of rank and distinc-
tion, and among others, D. Hernando de Toledo,
Senor de Cigales, with whom he contracted an inti-
mate friendship. From his prolonged residence in
Seville an opinion prevailed, even among some of his
contemporaries, that it was the place of his birth.
And the intimate knowledge which he shows of the
streets, alleys, and suburbs of that town ; of the
manners and mode of life of the Sevillians, their
foibles, and the gossiping tales most prevalent among
its credulous popuhxce, prove that he must have re-
OF CERVANTES. 121
sided there for a considerable time. It was hence,
too, he derived tlic subjects for some of his tales, as
he found there the noted robbers Rinconete y Cov-
tadillo^ whose adventures occurred in the year 1569 ;
for it was about this time, agreeably to the testimony
of D. Luis Zapota, that there existed a brotherhood
or society of the most desperate and daring character
in Spain, who had formed a regular and established
system of robbery, attended with great risk to per-
sonal security, and setting justice and public autho-
rity at defiance, as is shown by Cervantes. In his
tale of the Zeloso Extremeno^ he exemplifies the bad
effects of severity in a husband, the evil consequences
of licentiousness and indolence in the young, the
selfish artifices of a crafty and jealous duenna.
The two tales, the one La Tia Fingida^ which has
remained unpublished to our own times, and that of
the Curioso Impcrtinente^ and perhaps some others,
were written during his residence at Seville, when
they were read in manuscript and highly appreciated
by the lovers of letters ; and through this channel
the three first were placed in the hands of the licen-
tiate D. Francisco Porras de la Camara, prebendary
of that church, who included them in a collection
which he formed, in the year 1606, of various
works of his own and others, for the entertainment
of the Archbishop D. Fernando Nifio de Guevara,
who beguiled with them his summer siestas in Um-
brete.
But this mode of life, which enabled Cervantes to
form such an intimate knowledge of the idle and
giddy population of Seville, did not prevent his cul-
tivating the friendship and enjoying the company
of the most illustrious men of genius, who had their
residence there at that time. One of these was
122 LIFE AND WRITINGS
Francisco Paclieco, the celebrated painter and poet,
whose studio was the common resort of strangers and
the most celebrated persons of Seville, and whose
great love for letters induced him to paint the por-
traits of one hundred and seventy persons, among
whom are found one hundred of the highest eminence.
It is known that Cervantes was one of these, and that
he was also painted by D. Juan de Jauregui, also a
famous painter and poet of ScA^ille ; and there are
substantial grounds for believing that that ^vriter was
on an intimate and friendly footing with Pacheco,
and that he was one of those who frequented his
academy. The same may be presumed with regard
to the accomplished and celebrated poet Fernando de
Herrera, who died about this time, and whose memory
Cervantes honoured with a sonnet, which has been
preserved but not published.
y\^hoever examines the works of Cervantes with a
critical eye, bearing in mind his peculiar character
and the events of his life, will be easily convinced
that his intimate connexion with the Andalusians,
their keen and appropriate wit, their jests, and ludi-
crous national customs, were so consonant to liis
genius, and ministered so much to his fertile imagi-
nation, that we may be assured that it was here that
he formed the picture and the colours which afterwards
rendered his pencil immortal, and so remarkable in
that native grace, that delicate satire, that unrivalled
humour, which secures an ever new delight to his
works which were written subsequently to his re-
sidence in Andalusia.
An opinion has generally prevailed that Cervantes
departed from Seville for La Mancha, with a com-
mission that occasioned him great perplexity and
persecution, and which ended in his being thrown
OF CErvVA>'TES. 123
into jail, where it is supposed lie wrote the first part
of his Don Quixote ; but allowing its full value to
the ground on which this tradition is founded and
yet retained in this province, we may be allowed to
investigate the matter more thorouglily.
At the time of rendering his accounts, at the be-
ginning of 1603, to the proper tribunal, the collector
of Baza, Gaspar Osorio de Tejeda, presented for his
discharge a paper of payment, which Cervantes gtive
him, when in 1594 he was commissioned to collect
the arrears of revenue owing in that city and the
neighbourhood. At the sight of this document the
tribunal, on the fourteenth day of January, 1603, in-
quired from the auditors of accounts whether or not
Cervantes had rendered an account of his commission,
and discharged the balance due upon it. The audi-
tors in their reply, given in Yalladolid, under the
date of the 24th of the same month, replied, that
although the money remitted by him to the general
treasury agreed with the balance due, viz., 2600
reals, agreeably to the amount in the royal schedule
of the 13th of August, 1594, yet he had rendered no
account of the S])ecific sum collected in each depart-
ment ; and in order to effect this, directions were sent
to P. Bernabe de Pedroso, purveyor-general of the
fleet, to release Cervantes from his prison in Seville,
upon his giving sureties to appear within a certain
time, and that up to that period he had not appeared.
A few days after this information Cervantes must
have arrived at Yalladolid, where he was on the 8th
of February, with his family, since it appears that
his sister, Doha Andrea, was occupied in the service
of his Excellency D. Pedro de Toledo Osorio, the
fifth marquis of Villa Franca, who was just returned
from his expedition to Algiers, and among his
124 LIFE AND WRITINGS
accounts are some papers in the handwriting of
Cervantes. It was now intimated to him that he
might remain at liberty, his debt being so small ;
and this he afterwards satisfied, residing in the court
tlie remainder of his life, in the presence of the tri-
bunal which had so much harassed him.
What most contributes to tliis belief is, the tran-
quillity of mind which Cervantes always exhibited,
supported as he was by a consciousness of his inno-
cence and upright conduct. Don Gregorio Mayans
sagaciously remarks, that when Cervantes makes ex-
press mention of his being confined in prison, and of
his having in that situation planned his Don Quixote,
his offence could not have been of an ignominious
nature, and this conjecture is confirmed by the silence
his rivals and enemies have observed on this occasion,
not even mentionino- the circumstance or attachino-
any calumny to it.
These misfortunes in the life of Cervantes are very
similar to those that befell the celebrated poet Luis
Camoens,whom in addition to his calamities some peo-
ple, in a spirit of malevolence, accuse of malversation
in the public moneys while he presided over the
collection of the revenue at Macao, stating that he
was prosecuted and imprisoned on that account ; but
his integrity was vindicated, and the calumny of his
enemies overthrown, and he was about to quit his
prison, when a gentleman from Goa detained him
for a debt of two hundred cruzados ; the viceroy,
however, generously tendered his protection to
Camoens, who was thus enabled to live unmolested
during the remainder of his sojourn in that country.
Cervantes, although he lived thenceforth in freedom,
was still subject to persecution. He owed his tran-
quillity of mind to the conscious feeling of an hon-
OF CERVANTES. 125
ourablc integrity, and his subsistence to the fruits of
his industry and his genius, and to the kind consi-
deration which some of liis friends and some persons
of rank showed to his merit and his misfortunes.
From the end of tlie year 1598 the documents we
possess afford no matter for the next four years in tlie
life of Cervantes. In this period we may perhaps
place the occurrences in La ^Mancha, as sucli a tradition is
still prevalent there, and it being certain that he pos-
sessed ties of kindred and relationship with many distiu-
guished families in tliat province. Some affirm, that
being commissioned to collect the arrears of duties in
the neighbourhood of Argamasilla, which were owing to
the grand prior of St. Juan, he was assaulted and thrown
into prison. Others suppose that this imprisonment
arose from a commission that had been entrusted
to him relative to the manufacture of saltpetre and
gunpowder, in the same town, the preparation of
which was injurious to the waters of the Guadiana,
which the neighbouring people used for the purpose
of irrioation.
There also exists another tradition that this
incarceration happened in Toboso, in consequence of
a severe jest on a female, wdiich gave offence to her
relations and friends. But the most remarkable fact
is, that in Argamasilla there has been regularly trans-
mitted down from father to son a story, that in a
house in that city, called De Medrano^ was the prison
in which Cervantes was confined for a long time ;
when he was so ill-treated, and in' such a destitute
condition, that he w^as obliged to have recourse to his
uncle, Don Juan Bernabe de Saavedra, then living at
Alcazar de S. Juan, and to solicit his succour and sup-
port. In the commencement of his letter he describes
himself as being in a most wretched condition — " I am
126 LIFE AND WRITINGS
worn out," he says, "by long days and miserable nights
of confinement in this dmigeon of a prison." But this
document, which is said to have been preserved to
our own days, has disappeared in such a way that
the most anxious inquiry and research to trace it
have been vain and ineiiectual.
If we were to give credit to this tradition, we
might conjecture that Cervantes being at liberty to
proceed to Madrid, left Seville in 1599, or soon after-
wards, and stopt at La Mancha, under the protection
of his friends ; and that the long silence of his judges,
and the suspension of judicial proceedings, gave room
to believe that he was discharged from his employ-
ments, and that proceedings against him had ceased.
To this belief other contemporary events contributed,
as the change of government, since the death of Philip
II., the removal of the court to Yalladolid, the
confused state of the accounts of the revenue from
tribunals being created by the ordinances of Pardo,
in 1593, until the necessity of simplifying the system
of administration reduced them to one, by the orders
of Lerma, on the 26th day of October, 1602, the
result of which w^as the removal of proceedings
against all from wliom any balance was due.
The promptitude with which Cervantes presented
himself at Yalladolid, agreeably to the order of the
auditor of accounts, issued on the 24th of January,
1603, leads us to suppose that he resided within a
few days' journey of that place, as he could not have
arrived in so short a time, if he had been then living
in Andalusia ; and all this leads to a probability that
he remained in La Mancha, since we cannot doubt
that he resided there for a long period, especially in
Argamasilla, which he makes the native land of his
" ingenioso hidalgo" taking an opportunity of ridi-
OF CERVANTES. 127
culing in it the empty pretensions of its inhabitants
to titles of nobility and gentility, when the requisite
means to support such title were wanting ; a passion
that occasioned amongst them disastrous quarrels, and
scandalous brawls, and the decay of the population,
as several writers of that period have mentioned.
And, as a last reason, we may adduce his accuracy in
the topographical description of La Mancha, his
knowledge of its antiquities, its customs, and man-
ners.
The particulars, too, which he relates of the lakes
of Ruidera, the course of the Guadiana, the cave of
Montesinos, the situation of the fulling-mills, Puerto-
Lapice, and other parts of the country, included in
the itineracy of Don Quixote, afford us strong evi-
dence of his residence in La Mancha, although we are
ignorant of the time and motives that have induced
...
him to fix on that country as the native soil of his
chivalrous hero, and the scene of most of his adven-
tures.
When Cervantes removed to Yalladolid, the couii;
had been established there for two years, and the
change of persons and influence had dissipated the
memory of the services of the veteran soldiers.
His recent persecution, and the alteration at this
time in the system of the royal revenue, and the tri-
bunal of general auditorship, had an unfavourable
influence also on the claims of Cervantes, whose
absence for so many years had reduced the number
of his acquaintance, deprived him of his friends, and
obliterated the esteem w^hich he merited. The duke
of Lerraa, "the Atlas of the monarchy," as one
author calls him, was the ruler of the will of the
sovereign, was the arbitrary disposer of all places,
and held the foi-tunes of all Spaniards in his hands :
128 LIFE AND WRITIN-GS
a favourite witlioiit knowledge or^experleuce, flatter-
ing and effeminate, of uncultivated mind, as Quevedo
remarks, imperious with others, and domineering
through the craftiness and subtlety of his servants ;
fond of show and splendour, but of indiscreet pro-
fusion and reprehensible prodigality ; whose selection
of servants to the state was governed by political
faction, or the undue influence of friendship or
relationship. Hence it happened that merit and
talent, and virtue, were neglected, not without the
regret and censure of the good.
The Padre Sepulveda, who \\Tote at that time an
account of occurrences in the Escurial, laments with
patriotic zeal and just indignation the manner in
which so many famous captains and brave soldiers
were doomed to obscurity and neglect ; men who had
devoted their whole lives to the service of the king,
who had shared in the most celebrated actions,
exposing themselves a thousand times to death for
their country, and bearing the marks of honourable
w^ounds, not only remained neglected without any
recompense, but beheld at the same time men with-
out either merit or service loaded with honours,
solely through theinflucnce they accidentally obtained
with ministers, or courtiers. Equally remarkable
vras the contempt and neglect with which letters,
and those who cultivated them with so much glory
and utility to the nation, were treated, forgotten and
deprived of patronage ; as we learn from the severe re-
marks of Juan de Mariana, and of Bartolomeo Leonardo
de Argensola, Christobal de ]\lesa, and Cervantes
liimself, and the regrets of other eminent writers.
Cervantes, we may presume, afterwards found it
necessary to present himself to this powerful minister,
to make know n his services, his merits, and his misfor-
OF CERVANTES. 129
tunes, imploring his protection to enable him to obtain
some means of alleviating the anxieties of age in the
bosom of his family. But the duke of Lerma,
ignorant of his eminent qualities as a soldier and a
man of letters, and with an imperfect knowledge
of the persecutions he had suffered, received him
with disregard and disdain, as some writers of that
age have assured us.
Thus bitterly undeceived, Cervantes found the
gates barred against his hopes, and, abandoning all
further thoughts of prosecuting his claims, he turned
to other quarters to seek his subsistence ; at one time
employing himself in various agencies and commis-
sions, at another planning or composing some new
work, or polishing those already written, and pre-
paring til em for the public eye. Neglected with so
much ingratitude by the country he had so long
served, or sharing the small degTee of favour he could
obtain, through his pieces, from some few who more
justly appreciated his merits, Cervantes passed the
rest of his life comparatively poor and slighted, in
the midst of the splendour of the great, remarkable
for the patient wisdom and resignation which dis-
tinguished his conduct in this last period, though he
sometimes imparted to the bosom of friendship his
complaints of the Duke's treatment.
If, sometimes, from the impulse of his genius, he
mingled in his \NTitings some satirical allusions, in
revenge for the injustice and insensibility with which
he was treated, his prudence, and the delicate manner
in which these allusions were veiled, saved him from
the resentment of a powerful and despotic individual,
of whom, on the other hand, he always spoke in his
works with that respect and consideration which
prudence dictated as due to those who enjoyed the
130 LIFE AND AYRITIXGS
confidence of their sovereign, and who held in their
hands the welfare of millions, and the happiness or
misery of many generations.
The unfortunate state in which Cervantes was
placed by the disappointment of all his expectations,
made him anxious to accelerate the publication of his
Don Quixote, in the hopes that judicious and impar-
tial readers, by a perusal of this work, might satisfy
themselves of the elevation and amenity of his genius,
and recalling to mind, by the Tale of the Captive,
the sufferings of his earlier days, might view his fate
with compassion, and at the same time excite in the
public mind feelings of just indignation against the
injustice and indifference with which he had been
treated. In addition to this, the perusal of books of
chivalry was not so peculiar to the lower orders, as
not to be equally shared by persons of loftier rank,
as the courtiers and nobility. Among these, too,
were to be found some who wrote and published the
most absurd romances, as the history of the prince
Don PoUcisce de Boncia^ composed by Don Juan de
Silva y Toledo, senor de Canada Hermosa, and pub-
lished in the year 1602.
Thus it was not surprising that Cervantes, fearing
that the malice or scrutiny of hisreaders might discover
some allusions which might be applied to persons of
elevated character, or wdio were respected for their
influence and authority, should endeavour to avoid
the consequence of such resentment, by previously
enlightening the reader, in the prudent verses of Ur-
ganda la desconocida^ that it was wise not to meddle
with such particulars, nor to attack the conduct of
others by dangerous and untimely jests, especially of
persons whose houses are of glass, and who seek for
protection and interest.
OF CERVANTES. 131
With a view to the same object he endeavoured to
find a patron of noble birth, of high character, and a
love of letters, whose favour might accord to his
romance of Don Quixote a greater degree of con-
sideration and attention. The individual he thought
most deserving of this compliment, and the most
likely to aid his views, was Don Alonso Lopez de
Zuhiga y Sotomayor, seventh Duke of Bejar, not only
for the strong attachment he showed to literature,
but also for his encouragement of the fine arts, as
well as for his illustrious descent from the house of
NavaiTe, and his generous reception of men of letters.
The favours he had conferred on these, determined
Cervantes to dedicate to him this felicitous and
transcendant effort of his genius. He had applied
for the royal license on the 26th of September, 1604,
and having obtained this about the middle of De-
cember, he proceeded to its publication at the
beginning of the following year.
If the tradition be true which Don Vicente de
los Rios relates, the object of Cervantes, in this choice
of a patron, was not merely to obtain the means of
printing and publishing his work. He feared lest
persons of cultivated minds might disregard a title-
page announcing the adventures of a knight-errant,
and that general readers might not properly appreciate
it, when they did not meet with the striking inci-
dents to w^hich they were accustomed in books of
chivalry, and might not thus penetrate the refined
and delicate satire which it contained. This objec-
tion he thought would be obviated, if his work
bore on its front the recommendation of the illus-
trious name of a person, who, according to a con-
temporary, deserved to have been born a Maecenas
in the age of Augustus.
k2
132 LIFE AND WRITINGS
The same tradition informs us, that wlien the Duke
was made acquainted with the real design of the romance
of Don Quixote, he refused to accept the dedication,
and that Cervantes humbly bowed to his decision,
but earnestly entreated him to hear a chapter of it
read. This stratagem, it is said, succeeded to its
fullest extent ; for such was the unexpected enter-
tainment and delight it awoke in the hearers, that
they insisted on the whole of it being read, and loaded
it with unqualified approbation and praise. The
Duke, on this, relaxed in the repugnance he had shown,
and cheerfully accepted the dedication which he had
before treated with contumely. But it w^ould still
seem that this general applause could not soften the
asperity of an ecclesiastic, who ruled in the house of
the Duke, as he not only attempted to depreciate the
work and discredit its author, but instigated the
Duke to withdraw^ the kind reception with which he
had honoured him, and in so far, that he ultimately
treated him with neglect.
It was doubtless owing to this circumstance, that
Cervantes never afterwards dedicated to him any of
his future works. The conduct of this ecclesiastic is
probably alluded to in the second part of Don
Quixote, in the person of the chaplain whom he
describes in the house of the nobleman who enter-
tained Don Quixote.
It is said that the public at first received the
romance of Don Quixote with extreme indifference,
as it was from its title the object of the derision and.
contempt of the half learned. Cervantes, perceiving
that his work was read only by those who did not
understand it, and that those who were capable of
appreciating its merits, disregarded it, endeavoured
to excite tlie attention of the world at large by pub-
OF CERVANTES. 133
llshing the Buscapie^ an anonymous, but talented
production, in Avliich he criticises Don Quixote, and
asserts that it is written in the spirit of satire, abound-
ing with instruction and entertainment, and composed
with the laudable design of banishing the pernicious
reading of books of chivalry ; and that the personages
introduced, though of pure invention, w^ere not after
all so imaginary, but that they might claim a degree
of relationship with the character and actions of
Charles the Fifth, and the paladins of his court, as
well as other persons who held some of the highest
dignities under the monarchy. The persons who
were thus induced, through curiosity, to peruse Don
Quixote, could not but acknowledge its singidai
merits, and perceive the charm of its festive and
graceful style ; and by this means Cervantes gave to
his design all the effect he had designed, or wished
for.^'^
But whatever degree of credibility may be attached
to these cii'cumstances founded on a tradition which
has been attempted to be refuted by Pellicer, it is
beyond a doubt that Cervantes himself, convinced of
the just severity with which the chivalrous romances
had been written against by many accomplished and
learned Spaniards, as Luis Yives, Melchior Cano,
Alejo Yenegas, Pedro Mexia, Alonso de Ulloa, Luis
de Granada, Benito Arias Montano, Pedro Malon de
Chaide, author of the dialogue on languages, and
many others, was led to satirize these books
^vith the intention of destroying the authority and
influence they everywhere possessed over the minds
of the vulgar. The purport of the prologue of Cer-
vantes, seemed, in the opinion of Pellicer, to obviate
the necessity of making kno^Ti the object of the
work ; but on the other hand we cannot doubt of its
134 LIFE AND WRITINGS
having appeared; a person so vrell known for sincerity
and truth as Don Antonio Ruidiaz, having, as he
assures us, himself seen it.
We must conclude therefore that Cervantes did
not intend merely to manifest, hy this little work, the
principal object of his romance, which indeed he had
already declared without reserve in his prologue, but
to raise the veil of some allusion to recent events and
well-known persons, and to excite the curiosity of
his readers and lead them to the admiration of his
genius without compromising the author. Under
this persuasion we may believe he published this
little piece anon^Tuously, and confined it to a small
impression, as was the case with other contemporary
^vl'itings whose authors wished to speak the truth,
but without making their names kno^vn.
As we are ig-norant whether the Buscapie ap-
peared at the same time as Don Quixote or came out
some time afterwards, we cannot decide on the influ-
ence it might have in contributing to that general
applause which the author mentions in the second
part. So great, however, was the popularity of this
romance, that at least four editions appeared in 1605,
the year in which it was first published ; and it soon
spread through France, Italy, Portugal, and Flanders.
It is very possible that the readers of that day, catch-
ing the many delicate and satirical allusions scat-
tered through this work, to recent events and well-
kno\^Ti personages, might derive greater pleasure from
the perusal than we can at the present time, when
the revolutions of time have enveloped in obscurity
many incidents and events, to which we cannot now
apply the satire and irony, nor appreciate so exactly
their tnie merit, not being acquainted with the facts
on which they are founded. However certain and
OF CERVANTES. 135
positive these reflections may be, they cannot, how-
ever, authorise or support the extravagant opinion
widely spread in Spain and other countries, that
Cervantes intended to portray in his Don Quixote
the emperor, Charles the Fifth, and his minister the
Duke of Lerma ; much less that he made his work
the channel of a satire on his own country in order
to ridicule the Spanish nobility, who he imagined
were carried away by an absurd spirit of chivalry.
From this imputation, in many respects injurious to
Cervantes, he was vindicated by Don Vicente de los
Rios, who proved, with singular erudition and admi-
rable acuteness, that the spirit of chivalry was com-
mon to all Europe, and not peculiar to Spain alone,
of which Cervantes could not be ignorant, nor was
it his intention to depreciate the genius of his country ;
and the opinion of Lope de Yega is correct, that in
this description of writing the Spaniards have always
held a high station, as, in point of invention, no other
nation of the world has excelled them.
But with regard to the persons whom Cervantes
is supposed to have held up to ridicule, the simple
perusal of Don Quixote is sufficient to show us that
the character and manners of his hero, and the nature
and quality of his adventures and exploits, are all
adopted from chivalrous romances which he proposed
as subjects of ridicule ; for, as Pellicer judiciously
observes, Don Quixote de la Mancha is a true Amadis
de Gaul, painted in burlesque ; to which we may
subjoin, with Don Diego de Torres, " that in the
range of the humorous epic it is impossible to find
anything to equal the charm of this romance, nor
could a more bitter satire be produced against the
absurdities of knight-errantry. Cervantes, too, like
a great master, has added to his picture many strokes
136 LIFE AND WRITINGS
and incidents related of other kniglits-errant, real
and feigned, in order to render the portrait of his
hero more perfect and appropriate, and the traits of
his madness and extravagance more probable."
But as at the same time the variety and proba-
bility of the adventures, episodes, and incidents of
this romance afford an ample field for censuring the
views and prejudices of society, he endeavoured to
effect this object with a commendable zeal and a
direct pleasantry, with allusion to real events and
personages. The curiosity and interest becoming
thus greater, the remedy was more efficacious and the
cure more prompt, without, however, openly wound-
ing the self-love of those who imagined themselves
reprimanded, by the graceful tone and chivalrous air
with which the reproof was tempered.
From this ingenious mode of censure adopted by
Cervantes arose the expression of agudissimo^ which
his contemporary IManuel de Faria y Sousa apphed
to Cervantes, adding, in reference to Don Quixote,
that he scarcely ever introduced an incident without
deducing a useful moral from it, either openly or
figui'^tively ; as he has demonstrated in analysing the
government of Sancho, and as Pellicer and Bowles
have shown in various parts of their annotations.
From hence we may see how ill-founded was
the opinion of Voltaire, when he asserted that Cer-
vantes found the type of Don Quixote in the Orlando
of Ariosto, and how idle and absurd the attempt of
Rios to prove that Cervantes, in his " ingeniosa hi-
dalgo" proposed to himself an imitation of Homer in
his Iliad ; or tliat of Pellicer, who, in endeavouring to
invalidate this opinion, pretends to have found many
points of resemblance between the Spanish romance
and the Golden Ass of Apuleius ; giving occasion by
OF CERVANTES. 137
these paradoxes to some Spanish literati resident in
Italy, as Don Antonio Eximeno, and an anonymous
writer, under the pretext, first of defending Cervantes,
and afterwards of criticising him, to amuse them-
selves with comparing the arms brought hy Thetis
to Achilles to the helmet of Mambrino, the wedding
of Camacho with the funeral games of Patroclus and
Anchises ; the apparition of the winged steed, with
tlie Trojan horse ; the disenchantment of Dulcinea,
announced by Merlin, with the enchanted forest of
Tasso ; and many other such comparisons.
Without adopting the extravagant opinions of the
one, or the perhaps idle conjectures of the other, we
are persuaded that Cervantes had read and studied
with advantage those celebrated authors, and has at
times adopted and imitated some of these sentiments
and incidents, as Faria himself informs us he has
taken some from Petronius and Camoens ; but with
that air, ease, and lightness, with that grace and
appropriate elegance, with which great writers know
how to appropriate and infuse the thoughts of others,
and without impairing in any degree the inimitable
originality of his work. Cervantes, in adopting the
air of the old romance with its adventures and heroes,
opened a middle path between this and the old epic,
touching neither extremes, although it retains the
qualities of both; as its plan, action, and episodes,
and moreover the modes of expression, the passions,
tlie characters and events, resemble the writers of
chivalry, while in probability, in plot and develop-
ment, it is nearer the regular epic. But he may claim
as his own the piquant irony, the native grace, and
comic wit, which at that time had had no precursor,
and has since had no imitators.
*' If all works of romance had been written in the
138 LIFE AND WRITINGS
manner that Cervantes described and proposed, they
would not have merited the reprehension and con-
tempt of reasoning and well-judging men, nor have
provoked the satire and burlesque with which they
have been so happily ridiculed in Don Quixote.
Ample matter and argument are not wanting to a
refined genius where he might display all the trea-
sures of the imagination and of philosophy, in agree-
able and magnificent description, in the delineation of
character, in the expression of the afi'ections and pas-
sions, in the riches and pomp of eloquence, and in
the correctness and propriety of language.
" In this manner, and with such art and rules, a
romance might be written, that should render its
author as celebrated in prose as the two great poets
of Greece and Rome are in verse — enriching our
language with a treasury of eloquence, while the
absurd and neglected romances would vanish before
the light of new works, producing as unexception-
able entertainment, not only for the idle but the
learned." These are the words of Cervantes, at a
time when he was %^Titing a burlesque imitation and
a pleasant satire on those works, and thought himself
capable of executing the plan he proposed. Estab-
lishing in this manner, not only his perpetual cele-
brity, like Homer and Virgil in their epics, but also,
by ridiculing all the absurd books of chivalry, he
banished them from the republic of letters as useless
and prejudicial, and substituted for their absurd style,
another full of grace and urbanity, of erudition and
instruction, of learning and morality ; uniting useful-
ness with pleasure, in the prudent combination of
which consists the perfection of works of genius,
agTceably to the precepts of Horace.
" We may here remark with P. Sarmiento, that
OF CERVANTES. 139
whilst Cervantes was wao-inor war in this manner,
and with such signal success, against the false and
absurd books of chivalry, there now began to appear
in every shape the idle tales and traditions of false
chronicles, to the injury of the integrity and purity
of our history. Such is the wretched condition of
mankind — to be ever pursuing phantoms instead of
realities, and such the shameful abuse of talent in
those who lead others astray from the paths of know-
ledge and truth."
CHAPTER IX.
Transitory effects of the death of Philip II. — Reflections upon arbi-
trary government — Its fatal influence on the fortunes of
Cervantes — The victim of evil times and circumstances — of a
despotic court — Don Quixote — Its cool reception — Gradual
progress — rapid sale and universal fame — Opinions of M. Sis-
mondi — Requisites for its perusal — Object of the work — Its
spirit, plot, characters — Ancient and modern models — Mixed
nature — Real views of Cervantes — To entertain, reform, and
instruct — Specimens — Anecdotes— Original idea — Power of ima-
gination — Its vivid representations — Lasting impressions — Vigour
of description — Vast knowledge and learning — Variety of the
episodes — Their charm and pathos — Powerful contrasts — Dignity,
richness — Beauty and exquisite polish of style.
After the death of that gloomy and bigoted
monarch, Philip II., in 1598, genius, freedom, science,
and the arts, appeared to revive from the deadening
influence, which extending to the very thoughts and
minds of men, produced a general torpor ; a silence
of religious and political d( spotism which few were
daring enough to break. We haA'e seen Cervantes
returning to his country and to his family, maimed,
140 LIFE AND WRITINGS
ruined, and neglected; ^Yithout prospects or resources,
yet with a vigour of mind, a gaiety of disposition,
and brilliant talent, which under happier circum-
stances would soon have raised him to that rank and
fortune — the least noble, though the just and natural
heritage of pre-eminent mind. As it was, that sphere
of ardent mind was restricted within the least pos-
sible limits ; liberty of speech, discussion of all the
great questions connected with the religious or poli-
tical welfare of man, were under the same ban as
the liberty of the press itself; and the freedom of
the human energies and intellect thus shut out — cut
off as it were at the fountain head — could not exert
a proper influence upon the glory of letters, upon the
drama, the fine arts, or indeed on any of the intellec-
tual productions of the times. Under other institu-
tions, Cervantes would never, as a common soldier,
have embraced the ]3rofession of arms, continued in
it long after he had lost the use of a limb, with a
constitution impaired by extreme sufferings and cap-
tivity ; would never have been compelled to solicit
mean employments uncongenial with his habits, or
to be sent in a subordinate capacity from the coun-
try for which he had fought and bled into a distant
colony. Nor would he, with fire of imagination and
energy of spirit, such as are rarely possessed, have
suffered above twenty years to elapse under the dead
calm of a dreaded tyrant, and more ungrateful master,
without the publication of a single work, or giving
to the world the first part of Don Quixote before
the year 1603. Thus, in addition to his other dis-
appointments, debarred on one side from a career
of honour by the ingratitude of a court which refused
either to promote or to reward him, his mind and
genius, like his fortune, may truly be said to have
OF CERVANTES. 141
been condemned during that oi:>pressive reign to a
kind of solitary imprisonment, worse almost in one
sense than the Baths of Algiers ; while a despicable
court, and men of rank, affected in their ignorance
to despise even his Don Quixote.
When Spain began to breathe from the weight of
successive wars and oppression at home, and peace
and the useful arts for a brief interval seemed likely
to re-appear, the change, though not more favourable
to the fortunes of Cervantes, was shown in the rapid
progress and extension of his fame. The success of
his new work (at first received with coolness), even
at that period, and notwitlistanding the envious at-
tacks of his contemporaries, was wonderful ; for more
than thirty thousand copies are known to have been
struck off during the author's lifetime. It was trans-
lated into all languages, was aj^plauded by all classes
of readers, and yet this was as nothing to the vast
circulation and the far ampler honours preparing for
it by the future. To Don Quixote Cervantes owes
his immortality. No work in any language ever
exhibited a more delicate or a more lively satire,
combined with a richer vein of invention, and wrought
with happier success. Of this, every one who has
really read this inimitable work, is pleasantly enough
aware ; and also that it is one which cannot be read
in fragments, or analysed according to rule. To
become acquainted with the knight of La Manclia we
must have a full-length view of him ; watch him
poring over his books of chivalry, hear him holding
parley with paladins and enchanters ; and see him
soaring beyond the little confines of reason in his
fantastic and glorious moods. They who have read
the histories of Amadis and Orlando, in which he
took so much delight, know best how to estimate his
142 LIFE AND WRITINGS
qualities when he mounts his lean and ancient steed,
braces on his rusty armour, and traverses plains and
mountains in quest of adventures worthy of his sword.
They can see how every object is transformed by his
vivid imagination, from windmills, country girls,
and clowns, into giants, paladins, Dulcineas, and
enchanters ; and why all his vexations and reverses
are insufficient to open his eyes. To them the ex-
ploits of the Don, with his faithful Rosinante, and
his comic squire, Sancho, appear in their true colours,
and with all the dignity which gives so rich a zest
to theu' exploits. To value these and their genuine
characters at their worth, we ought to enter into the
circumstances of the previous histories supposed to
have formed them, and into the views which actuated
the author in commemorating their heroic deeds ; into
the essential and deep-seated satire of his entire work,
and which, without the buoyant and merry spirit
that animated him, would liave been a serious labour,
a disquisition upon the errors and follies of human
nature and of his times. His pleasantry, on the other
hand, induces us to think, and to make companions
of >\asdom and reflection by the way-side; and we
laugh while we are taught. Even the most divert-
ing adventures, told in the most humorous spirit,
bear a moral with them at which the author never
fails to point. If we wish to take as it was meant,
the humour afforded by the sing-ular heroism of the
knight, contrasted with the terror of the squire, when,
in the dead hour of night, they hear the sound of a
fulling-mill, we enjoy the humour doubly from our
knowledge of the peril of night adventures and attacks,
and we unconsciously compare their situation with
that of Homer's and Virgil's heroes, when plotting
to surprise the enemy in their camj^s. To form a
OF CERVANTES. 143
just opinion, the work must be understood and read
as a whole. No extracts could convey an idea of
the adventures at the inn which Don Quixote ima-
gined was an enchanted castle, and where Sancho
was thrown in a blanket. It is only in the work
itself that we can enjoy the wit of the fine contrast
between the gravity, the measured language, and the
manner of Don Quixote, and the ignorance and vul-
garity of Sancho. It must be left to the power of
the narrative itself, to the interest and charm of the
whole, blending the liveliness of imagination which
results from variety of adventures, with the liveliness
of wit which displays itself in the delineation of cha-
racter, to rivet the attention of the reader to such a
book. This is shown by the indifference of those
who have perused and relished it, to the best extracts
which could be taken from it, and much is also lost
without some acquaintance with the language, and
with the customs and manners of the hero's country.
Another, and not the least striking feature in the
composition of Don Quixote, is the continual contrast
preserved between what has been called the poetical
and the prosaic spirit. The imagination, the emo-
tions, all the most generous qualities and impulses,
tend to elevate Don Quixote in our eyes. Men of
noble minds, we know, both before and since the age
of the hero, made it the object of their lives to defend
the weak, to aid the oppressed, to be the champions
of justice and innocence. Like Don Quixote, too,
they everywhere discovered the image of those vir-
tues which they worshipped. They believed that
disinterestedness, nobility, courage, and chivalry,
were still in existence. Without calculating upon
their own powers, they still exerted themselves for
the welfare of the ungrateful, and sacrificed -them-
144 LIFE AND WRITINGS
selves to laws and principles, by many considered
altogether illusory. The devotion of heroism, indeed,
and the trials of virtue, are among the noblest and
most exemplary themes in the history of man.*
They present the best subjects for the highest species
of poetry, which is for the most part little more than
the representation of grand and disinterested feelings.
The same character, however, which excites our
admiration when beheld from an elevated situation,
becomes almost ridiculous when viewed from the level
of the earth. We know that there is no more fertile
source of entertainment than error, in other words,
blunders and mistakes. These, which abound in
the adventures of the hero, by producing the most
comic juxta-positions, and what may be truly termed
witty incidents, which speak for themselves, abound
throughout the nan'ation ; for a man who sees nothing
around him but what is heroic or chivalrous, must
assuredly give frequent occasion for the play of
strange combinations, odd situations, and novel
events. Next to such pleasant mistakes are those
contrasts still more productive, perhaps, of risible
effects, for nothing can be more singularly contrasted
than the poetry and the prose of life ; the romance of
the imagination, and the petty details of everyday
occurrence ; the valour and the great appetite of the
hero ; the palace of Armida and an inn ; the en-
chanted princesses and IMaritorna.
It is from these considerations that some persons,
in the opinion of M. Sismondi, have thought Don
Quixote one of the most melancholy books that was
ever written, and it is so far true, that the ground-
work and moral of the romance are, in point of fact,
" * M. Sismondi, " Literature of ihe South of Europe," vol.
iii., pp. 325,345,350.
OF CERVANTES. 145
of a inoiirnful character. In the unhicky adventures
of his hero, Cervantes has, in some measnre, exhibited
the variety of noble feelings, and the illusions of an
heroic mind. In Don Quixote we behold a perfectly
gentlemanly and accomplished man, who is, notwith-
standing, the object of continual ridicule, — a man
brave beyond all that history could boast of, — who
confronts the most terrific, not only of mortal, but of
supernatural terrors; whose high sense of honour
will not permit him to hesitate a single moment in
performing his smallest promises, or to deviate in the
slightest degree from strict truth. Disinterested also
as brave, he combats only for virtue ; and when he
is anxious to possess a kingdom, it is for the purpose
of conferring it upon his faithful squire. He is at once
the most faithful and most respectful of lovers, the
most humane of warriors, the kindest master, the
most redoubtable and perfect of cavaliers : with a
taste as refined as his intellect is richly stored and
cultivated, he must be allowed to surpass in good-
ness, in loyalty, and in valour, all the Amadises,
and the Orlandos, whom he had proposed for his
model. His most generous enterprises, however, are
rewarded only with hard knocks and tumbles ; while
his love of glory brings everybody around him into
some serious scrape. The giants with whom he
combats so manfully, turn out to be windmills ; the
ladies whom he frees from the power of enchanters,
are simple women, going upon their ow^n affairs, and
whom he almost frightens to death. The men, in
particular, he treats very cavalierly, and, in the idea
of redressing their wrongs and injuries, generally
leaves behind him some impressive mark of his
favour. It is on this account that the bachelor Lopez
remarks with proper feeling: — " I do not precisely
L
146 LIFE AND WRITINGS
comprehend your method of redressing people's
wrongs ; for, in my own case, you have made me
crooked when I was straight enough before ; you
have broken my leg, and it will never be set right all
the days of my life ; nor, for the life of me, can I
understand how you can repair injuries, for that
which I have received from you w'ill never be re-
paired by you. It was the most unlucky adventure
that ever befell me, when 1 fell in with you in search
of your adventures."*
The conclusion, therefore, to which we must come,
after a perusal of Don Quixote, is the one no doubt
feelingly entertained by the bachelor, that a high
degree of enthusiasm is prejudicial, not only to the
individual who is actuated by it, and who is deter-
mined, without asking leave, to sacrifice himself to
the good of others ; but it is equally dangerous to
society, the rules of which it infringes, puts people
at variance with its spirit and its institutions, and
produces strange and often ludicrous results.
Although a work, as it has been before observed,
which treated this subject seriously and logically,
would be as melancholy as degrading to humanity,
yet a satire, written without bitterness, may still be
a gay and sprightly production, because it is clear
that not only the author of the ridicule, but those
against whom it is levelled, are themselves suscep-
tible of high and generous feelings. It is, indeed,
amongst such personages that we frequently trace
strong resemblances to the knight of La JNIancha, a
truth more honourable, perhaps, to their hearts than
to their judgment ; but that it is a fact, the frequent
occasions upon which we apply, and hear the knight's
nnme applied, to numerous designs and undertakings,
* Book iii., c. i.\.
OF CERVANTES. 147
private as well as public, is a convincinnf proof that
there is at least nothing improbable, or unnatural, in
such a character. It has been even remarked'^ that
there was a sort of knight-errantry in that of Cer-
vantes himself, and indisputably so in the spirit of
his actions and adventures v/hile a captive. It was
the love of honour and fame which in part drove him
to abandon his quiet studies, and the calm enjoy-
ments of home, to fight against the enemies of his
country; which impelled him to volunteer again and
again into the ranks, though his previous services
had remained unrequited ; though he had lost the
use of an arm, and in his own person presented a
memorial of the noblest military achievement, which ,
arrested the increasing power of the Crescent, when
it threatened all Europe. It was the same which
excited the dauntless bravery and persevering efforts
of the captive at Algiers, which extorted the respect
of the Moors, which, after he had received extreme
unction, v/ith tlie certainty that he could not survive
beyond the next Sunday, enabled him to behold death
with that gay and tranquil mind which dictated the
noble words in his last preface ; and in his letter to
the Count de Lemos, and in some of his latter
writings, traces of resemblance are to be perceived
between himself and the undeceived hero, who
becomes conscious of the vanity of glory, and the
illusion of that career of ambition which was always
impeded by misfortune. t If it be true, moreover,
that " to ridicule one's self implies the highest effort of
good taste," we think we see much in Cervantes to
display the ridicule which might attach even to his
* M. Sismondi.
t See The Labours of Persiles and Sigismunda,
l2
148 LIFE AND WRITINGS
most generous efforts. Every enthusiastic mind,
like his, readily joins in pleasantry which does not
spare the iiidividuarl himself, nor that which he most
loves and respects, if, at the same time, it does not
degrade him.
This original idea; in the Don Quixote, this contrast
between the heroic and the vulgar world, and this
happy raillery of enthusiasm, were not, however, the
only objects which Cervantes had in view. There is
one more particularly apparent, and of more direct
application, but which, at this time of day, appears
to be wholly lost sight of. We must always recol-
lect that the literature of Spain, at the moment when
Don Quixote first appeared, was overrun with books
of chivalry, for the most part wretched compositions;
and such was their influence, that not only was the
national taste perverted, but its spirit was mis-
applied. Doubtless, this chivalric mythology con-
tributed to impress upon the imagination ideas of
morality and honour, and in so far to produce a bene-
ficial effect on the character of modern nations. Love
was purified by this spirit of romance ; and it is pro-
bably to the authors of Lancelot, of Amadis, and of
Orlando, that we owe that high feeling and gallantry
which distingTiish modern European nations from the
people of antiquity, as well as that homage towards
women, and that respect, bordering upon adoration,
with which the Greeks were perfectly unacquainted.
Briseis, Andromache, and Penelope, humbly and
timidly resign themselves to the arms of their con-
querors, at once their mistresses and their slaves.
Good faith, in modern times, became the handmaid
of force, and dishonour was then, for the first time,
attached to falsehood, which, though looked upon as
immoral by the ancients, was never considered to be
OF CERVANTES. 149
shameful. The sentiment of honour was connected
with our very existence ; disgrace was rendered
worse than death ; and, to conclude, courage was
made a necessary quality, not only to the soldier, but
to man in every rank of society.
But if the genuine romances of chivalry had so
happy an influence on national manners, the imita-
tions of them were no less fatal to the public taste.
The imagination, when it has no foundation of reality
upon which to rest, and no reference to the congruity
of things, is a quality not only frequent, but even
vulgar. There have been, it is true, a few nations or
a few ages to which it has been denied, but when it
does exist, it is endemic throughout a whole nation.
The Spaniards, the Proven9als, and the Arabians,
have all their own peculiar cast of imagination, which
is distinguishable in every individual, from the poet
to the peasant. If this imagination is not confided
to the direction of rules, it is astonishing to observe
the number and variety of the extravagances into
whicli writers are hurried.
In the examination, for instance, of Don Quixote's
library by the curate and the barber, they cite the
names of hundreds of the old romances of chivalry,
which Cervantes condemns to the flames. It does
not appear that the fault, even of the worst, was tha*
they were destitute of imagination. There was
imagination in Esplandian, in the continuation of
Amadis of Gaul, in the Amadis of Greece, and in-
deed in all the Amadises. There was imagination in
Florismart of Hircania, in Palmerin d'Oliva, and in
Palmerin of England ; for all these books were rich
in enchantments, and giants, and battles, in extraor-
dinary amours and marvellous adventures. In the
vast field throuoh which the romance ^vritcrs mio-ht
150 LIFE AND WRITINGS
Vv'antler wltlioiit encountering a single object, it was
always in their power to tread a new path. Many
of them, however, did not submit to be guided by
nature, who ought to be our mistress even in works
of fiction. The consequence is, that we continually
meet with causes disproportioned to the effects, cha-
racters without unity, incidents without connexion,
and a spirit of exaggeration which, at a first view,
seems to be the result of the imagination, but which
in fact chills it, and by its absurdity disgusts the
reader. There is thus no probability in these com-
positions; not only not the probability of nature,
which we do not look for, but not even the probabi-
lity of fiction. Even in prodigies and fairy tales, a
certain truth, consistency, and probability, must be
preserved, without which miracles cease to be extra-
ordinary, and impossibilities themselves to keep us
awake.
The facility of inventing these productions, and the
certainty of such strange adventures becoming popu-
lar, opened the field of literature to a crowd of inferior
writers, unacquainted with all that an author ought
to know, and more especially with everything which
tends to form a graceful style. The Spaniards, al-
ready addicted to far-fetched and antithetical expres-
sions, and imitating in this the taste of the Africans
and of the Arabians, passionately devoted themselves
to a puerile play upon words, and to that tortured
and inflated style which seems to be the result of a
diseased imagination, and which, where it is con-
sidered to be a perfection, is in the power of the
meanest intellect. This is the style which Cervantes
touches upon in his Feliciano de Si/ha : — " The rea-
son of the unreasonableness which you impute to my
reason, so weakens my reason, that it is with reason
• OF CERVANTES. 131
that I complain of your beauty ;" and again, " The
high heavens which divinely fortify your divinity by
their stars, and which make you merit the mercy
which your greatness merits."
"Whilst the fashionable writers thus overthrew all
the rules of probability, of taste, and of composition,
the multiplicity of the books of chivalry had the
worst influence on the feelings and judgment of the
readers. The Spaniards began, both in conversation
and in action, to esteem nothing so fine as bombast
and inflation. They devoted themselves, almost en-
tirely, to the perusal of those empty authors who
excited the imagination without engaging the other
faculties or feelings of the mind. History, when
compared with these extravagant fictions of the brain,
was considered dull and tiresome. They lost all re-
lish for truth, and that lively sense of it by which it
is distinguished wherever it is found. They became
anxious that their historians should mingle in their
gravest narratives, and even in the annals of their
own country, circumstances only worthy of figuring
in old women's tales. Of this the General Chronicle
of Spain, by Francis de Guevara, bishop of Monte-
nedo, afibrds sufiicient evidence. The romances of
chivalry were, it is true, the inventions of men of an
elevated character, and they inspired a taste for noble
sentiments ; but of all books, these are the last to
afford real entertainment or instruction- Strangers
as the authors were to the world, it is impossible to
apply any of the matter which we there meet with
to the concerns of real life ; or if we do so, it is at the
risk of violating all propriety and correctness of feel-
ing and opinion.
It was, therefore, a useful and patriotic design in
Cervantes, to exhibit, as he has done in Don Quixote,
152 LIFE AND AVRITIX6S
the abuse of the books of chivalry, and to overwhelm
those romances, the creations of a diseased imagin-
ation, which delight in portraying characters and
describing actions which conld never have existed.
In this attempt Cervantes was completely successful ;
and the old romances fell before the lance of Don
Quixote. It was in vain for subsequent writers to
contend against so witty and ingenious a satire, and
to expose themselves to the chance of finding that
they had been caricatured before they made their
appearance. It w^ould be very desirable if, in every
style of composition, after w^e have once secured the
masterpieces, we could thus place a barrier against
the crowd of succeeding imitators.
The vigorous talents which Cervantes possessed
are powerfully manifested in his comic productions,
in which we never find him trespassing, as he him-
self declares, against religion, law, or morals. The
character of Sancho Panza offers an admirable con-
trast to that of his master. The one is full of poetry,
the other of prose. In Sancho are displayed all the
qualities of common life, under the influence of a
corrupt priesthood, and a more vicious government ;
a combination of sensuality, gluttony, idleness, cow-
ardice, vain boasting, egotism, and cunning — all of
these mingled with some degree of native worth,
fidelity, and even shrewd sense and good-nature.
Cervantes w^as fully sensible that he could not bring
into the foreground any odious character, more es-
pecially in a comic romance. In spite of all his hits
at them, it is evident that he wishes both Don
Quixote and his squire to be on good terms with the
reader ; and thougli he has invariably placed the two
characters in contrast, he has not given virtuous qua-
lities only to the one, and vice to the other. Whilst
OF CERVANTES. 133
the amusing madness of Don Quixote consists in
pursuing too far that lofty philosophy which is the
oftspring of exalted minds^ Sancho errs no less in
taking for his guide that practical and calculating
philosophy, on which the proverbs of all nations are
founded. Both poetry and prose are thus turned into
derision ; and if enthusiasm suffers in the person
of the knight, egotism does not escape in that of the
squire.
The general plot of the Don Quixote, and the chain
of incidents which it contains, may truly be con-
sidered prodigal of wit and imagination. The pro-
vince of the imagination is to create. If it were
admissible to make a profane application of the words
of the Evangelist, the imagination represents the
things which are not, as the things which are ; and
indeed the objects which have been once presented to
us by a powerful imagination, remain impressed upon
the memory as though they possessed an actual exist-
ence. Their form, their qualities, their habitudes,
are so marked out and determined ; they have been
so clearly exhibited to the eye of the mind, they have
so palpably assumed their place in the creation, and
they form so distinct a link in the general chain of
being, that we could wutli greater facility deny ex-
istence to real objects, than to these creatures of our
imagination. Thus Don Quixote and Sancho, the
Govemante, and the Curate, have become indelibly
imprinted upon our memory and our fancy, and their
distinct and perfect pictures can never be removed.
In the same way we are made familiar w4th La
Mancha and the solitudes of the Sierra ]Morena.
Spain lies stretched, as it Avere, before our eyes. The
manners, customs, and sj^rit of its inhabitants, are
painted in this faithful mirror. We derive a more
154 LIFE AND WRITINGS
accurate knowledge of this singular nation from the
pages of Don Quixote, than from the narratives and
observations of the most inquisitive traveller.
Cervantes, however, did not devote his mind to
gaiety and wit alone. If his principal hero was not
calculated to excite dramatic interest, he has yet
proved, by the episodes which he has introduced into
his romance, that he was able to excite a livelier in-
terest by the exhibition of tender and passionate sen-
timents, and the ingenious disposition of romantic
incidents. The different stories of the shepherdess
Marcella, of Cardenio, of the Captive, and of the
Curious Impertinent, fonn almost half the work.
These episodes are infinitely varied, both in the na-
ture of the incidents, in character, and in language.
They may, perhaps, be blamed for some degree of
tediousness at the commencement, and for an occa-
sional pedantry in the opening narrative and the dia-
logue. As soon, however, as the situation of the
characters becomes animated, they immediately rise
and develop themselves, and the language becomes
proportionally pathetic. The tale of tlie Curious Im-
pertinent, which is, perhaps, more faulty than any of
the others, terminates in the most touching manner.
The style of Cervantes, in his Don Quixote, pos-
sesses an inimitable beauty which no translation can
approach. It exhibits the nobleness, the candour, and
the simplicity of the ancient romances of chivalry,
together with a liveliness of colouring, a precision of
expression, and a harmony in its periods, which have
never been equalled by any other Spanish writer.
The few passages in which Don Quixote harangues
his auditors, have gained great celebrity by their
oratorical beauty. Such, i'or example, are his obser-
vations on the marvels of the age of gold, which he
OF CERVANTES. 155
addresses to the shepherds wlio are offering him
nuts. In this happy dialogue the language of Don
Quixote is lofty and sustained : it has all the gran-
deur and the grace of antiquity. His words, like his
person, seem always surrounded with cuirass and
morion ; and this style becomes more amusing when
contrasted with the plebeian language of Sancho
Panza. He promises the latter the government of
an island, which he always denominates, according
to the ancient language of the romance writers,
insula^ and not isla. Sancho, who repeats the word
with much emphasis, does not exactly comprehend
its meaning ; and the mysterious language which his
master employs raises his expectation in propor-
tion to his ignorance.
The most extensive learning, and an intellect at
once various and refined, are exhibited in the Don
Quixote. It was the casket which Cervantes
delighted to store with all his most ingenious
thoughts. The art of criticism appears to have
occupied a great share of his attention. This obser-
vation will apply to many authors ; and, indeed, the
art of composition is a subject to which every wi-iter
ought to devote the most mature reflection. The"
examination of the library of Don Quixote by the
Curate, furnishes us w4th a little treatise on Spanish
literature, full of refinement and correct judgment ;
but this is not the only occasion on which the sub-
ject is introduced. The prologue, and many of the
discourses of Don Quixote, or of the othe'r characters
introduced, abound in critical remarks, sometimes
serious, sometimes playful, but always correct, novel,
and interesting. It was, doubtless, in order to
obtain pardon for the severity with which he had
treated others, that he was by no means sparing
156 LIFE AND WRITINGS
upon himself. In the library of Don Quixote the
Curate asks the Barber, " What is the book placed
side by side with the Cancionero Maldonado V " It
is the Galatea of ]Miguel de Cervantes," replied the
Barber. " This Cervantes has long been my friend,"
rejoined the Curate, " and I know he has much more
to do with misfortunes than with poetry. His book
does indeed display a little power of invention ; it
aims at something, but it reaches nothing. We must
wait for the second part which he promises ; who
knows wliether, when it is corrected, the author may
not obtain tlie mercy which we are now compelled to
refuse him ?"*
CHAPTER X.
Astonishing success of his newwork — Envy and malignity of his
contemporaries — Lope de Vega — Attempts made to excite enmity
between them — Calumnies and falsehoods employed — Birth of
Philip IV Count de Lerraa's embassy to England — Splendid
banquets — Singular fatality — Depositions of Cervantes and his
family relative to the affair — Infjrmation of his residence and
family thus obtained — Anecdotes — The works of Hurtado de
Mendoza — Academical meetings — His connexions and friend-
ships — Ungrateful return — Heartlessness of men of rank —
Academy of the Selvage — Its members — Poems composed by
Cervantes.
The universal applause with wliich Don Quixote
was received, was followed by the persecution of the
author, from the malevolence and envy of some \\Titers
who thought themselves included in tlie censures and
reprehensions of that work. The authors of chival-
rous romances and their idle swarm of readers saw
• Literature of the South of Europe, by M. Sismondi, iii., pp.
326-346.
OP CERVANTES. 157
themselves the subjects of its graceful irony ; several
poets, too, found themselves anathematized in the
himiorous scrutiny of the library of Don Quixote,
and several dramatic writers reprehended in the judi-
cious colloquy of the canon of Toledo.
At this time, too, the passionate admirers of Lope
de Vega, astonished at tlie prodigious fertility of his
genius, and loading him with insensate applause,
abandoned the path of reason and nature, openly
setting at defiance the rules and precepts dictated by
the great masters of antiquity, Aristotle and Horace.
From these sources arose the numberless criticisms
and attacks on the romance of Don Quixote, as well
as on its author ; and of this class was the malicious
and spiritless sonnet, possessing neither point nor
talent, which appeared in a paper at A'alladolid, and
of which mention is made in the Adjunta al Parnaso.
Two other sonnets have been inconsiderately pub-
lished in pur own times, attributed to Cervantes
and Lope de Vega, to w^iom they certainly do not
belong. The first sonnet directed against the writ-
ings of Lope is indubitably by Don Luis de Gon-
gora, for it possesses his peculiar mordacity and
satire, (as is expressed in the two manuscripts of the
Royal Library, in which they are preserved) ; but
the author wished to conceal his name ; he used short
syllables in the termination, of Avhich Cervantes was
the inventor, though immediately adopted by others,
and particularly by the author of la Picara Justina.
From this circumstance, some coiirt rivals took
occasion to attribute to him a criticism so opposite to
his character, and so contrary to the high esteem
which he always entertained for the person, the
genius, and the works of Lope, even when reproving
his extravagance of style.
15S LIFE AND WRITINGS
Avellaneda, under a pretence of defending Lope,
discharges against Cervantes all the gall of his bitter
and cutting malevolence on this occasion. It is truly
melancholy that credit should be given in our own
days to a contest of mean and private passion that
certainly never existed ; and the belief of this enmity
subsisting between the two greatest names in Spanish
literature, has provoked the rancour of their respec-
tive favourers and proselytes, when it is well known
tliat the public praises which they have reciprocally
l)estowed on each other's writings, aftbrd the most
convincing proof of their judgment, impartiality, and
regard.
At this time many authors and men of letters
were induced, by the removal of the court to Yalla-
dolid, to fix their residence there, some of whom
were the friends and others the rivals of Cervantes.
Among the chief of these we may notice the cele-
brated Pedro Lainez, the Damon of the Galatea^ of
whom we shall shortly speak more fully ; Vincente
Espinel, who presided at the festivities which were
held at the birth of Philip lY., and who has left
us a circumstantial notice of them in his Esciidero
Marcos de Ohregon ; the secretary, Tomas Gracian
Dantisco, to whose genius the city was indebted for
the design of the triumphal car which was used at
the festival ; the Dr. Dartolome Leonardo de Ar-
gensola, who also removed to Valladolid, attracted
thither by the friendship he entertained for the Duke
of Lerma, as soon as the Empress Donna Maria of
Austria died at Madrid, on the 22 d of February,
1603, to whom he was chaplain while she lived,
retired in the convent of the Descalzas Rcalcs ; the
Benedictine, F. Diego de Haedo, abbot of Fromista,
who, having finished his History of Algiers in 1604,
OP CERVANTES. 159
was at that time soliciting a license for its publica-
tion ; and as lie had related in it many incidents of
Cervantes' captivity, and Cervantes himself was at
that time preparing a narrative of his own in his
tale of The Captive, it is probable that they mutu-
ally sought an interview, to inspect and compare the
respective relations, in order to give them more sup ■
port and recommendation.
We feel convinced of this from the conformity of
style and sentiment ; and P. Sarmiento is of the same
opinion, who, in proof of this conjecture, adds, that
he had heard from a monk of his order, when he
had scarcely held his habit three years, a tradition
which had been preserved, of a Benedictine having
assisted Cervantes in the composition of Don Quixote,
a report which may have owed its origin to his
acquaintance, friendship, and conferences with Haedo.
Lastly, among the second we might include D.
Luis de Gongora, whose writings all bear the mark of
his caustic pen ; and the Dr. Cristobal Suarez de
Figueroa, a native of Yalladolid, who, having returned
to his native country in ] 604, after a long absence,
found it so altered, from the usual changes of time,
and the residence of a dissipated court, that he
felt himself a greater stranger there than in
Ethiopia. "When these two men directed against
Cervantes their gross and malignant satire, they ma-
nifestly proved that their efi'orts, so far from tending
to correct and inform mankind, were only the incite-
ments of vanity and self-love, and a jealous feeling
with which they regarded the fame of others. About
this time occurred the birth of Philip the Fourth ;
having taken place in Yalladolid, on Good Friday,
the eighth day of April, 1605 ; an event most grate-
ful to the Spanish nation, whose wishes were now
160 LIFE AND WRITINGS
realized for a successor to so vast a monarchy. The
desire, and indeed the necessity of a peace with Eng-
land, had obliged the court, the year before, to send
with those views Don Juan Fernando de Velasco,
Constable of Castile, to London. He was received
and treated with the greatest pomp and magnificence
in that capital; and the English court, in order to
ratify the treaty, sent to Spain Sir Charles Howard,
Lord-High-Admiral, who, accomplmied by six hun-
dred English gentlemen, landed at Coruima and
proceeded to Yalladolid, which city he entered on
the 26th day of May, being welcomed with much
affability and respect by Philip III. The English
Ambassador was present at the baptism of the
Prince, solemnized in the convent of St, Paul, on the
eighteenth of the same month, and also when the
Queen made her appearance at mass on the thii*ty-
first, at the church of St. Llorente, with the utmost
elegance and splendour.
To add greater lustre to an event so acceptable
and beneficial to the Spanish nation, in addition to
the pompous services of the church, the most magni-
ficent festivals were given by the court, consisting of
bull-fights, triumphal cars, splendid masques and
dances in the palace, reviews, and military exercises,
and jousts of the canes, in which the king himself
took a part, and other entertainments equally novel
and gTatifying, " which manifested the power and
wealth of the Spanish monarchy," according to
Vicente Espinel, and excited the admiration of the
ambassadors and the world at large.
Amongst other marks of attention to the English
Admiral on the ratification of peace, the most splen-
did banquets were given to him by the Constable of
Castile and the Duke of Lerma, when to the rich
I
OF CERVANTES. 161
and tasteful display of vessels of gold was added an
endless variety of viands. It will suffice to say, that
at the table of the Constable alone they served up
twelve hundred covers of fish and flesh, without
counting the dessert. The Spanish court, having
thus exercised its hospitality, and the Admiral hav-
ing concluded his commission, he took his leave of
the King and Queen on the seventeenth day of June,
when they manifested towards him the greatest afi*a-
bility and kindness, and he took the road to Santan-
der, on his return to his own country.
With the view of perpetuating the memory of
this happy event, the duke of Lerma or the count
of Miranda, the president of the Council, ordered a
narrative to be drawn up, which was printed at
Yalladolid in that year ; and although published
anonymously, yet the celebrated poet, Don Luis de
Gongora. has left us data sufficient to prove that
Cervantes was the author of it ; for Gongora being
present on this occasion, composed a burlesque son-
net, in which, after reviewing the festivities, he repre-
hends the luxury, the wasteful profusion and exces-
sive cost so expended, and considers himself bound
to communicate such a glorious event to Don Quixote
and his squire, and Dapple, with caustic and ironical
allusions to the author of the work which had re-
cently appeared, and was invariably well received.
Scarcely were these public rejoicings concluded,
when a melancholy event occurred to interrupt the
peace of Cervantes and his family. There happened
to be about the court at this time a Navarrese gen-
tleman of the name of Don Gaspar de Ezpeleta, who,
according to the fashion of the times, was addicted to
jousts, tournaments, and gallantry. This gentleman,
on the night of the twenty-seventh of June, 1605.
M
162 LIFE AXD WRITINGS
in crossing the wooden bridge on the river Esgneva,
happened to fall in with an armed man, who desired
him to leave that neighbourhood, and angry words
arising between them, they had recourse to their
swords, and, after exchanging some thrusts, Don
Gaspar remained mortally wounded. He called out
for assistance, and took refuge in one of the nearest
houses.
Fortunately there resided in one of the principal
stories Donna Luisa de Montoya, a widow of the cele-
brated historian Esteban de Garibay, with her two
sons, and in the other resided Cervantes with his
numerous family. On Don Gaspar calling out for
help, one of the sons of Garibay hastened to his
assistance, and, seeing him entering the house covered
with blood and with a naked sword in his hand,
called out to Cervantes. Between them they sup-
ported him to the apartments of Donna Luisa de
Montoya, where he received every assistance until
the morning of the twenty-ninth, when he expired.
A judicial inquiry was immediately instituted re-
specting this event, by the licentiate Christobal Yil-
laroel, the alcalde of the place and court. The first
witness examined was Cervantes, in whose hands the
clothes of the wounded man were deposited, and he
deposed that he saw on that night the wounds of
Don Gaspar de Ezpeleta, but was wholly ignorant
how he received them, or who the offender might be.
No satisfactory information, however, could be ob-
tained, though many witnesses were examined. From
these inquiries, and from the evidence of a servant-
maid of Cervantes, Maria de Cevallos, we are ena-
bled to ascertain that Cervantes' family at that time
consisted of his wife. Donna Catalina de Palacios
Salazar, his natural daughter. Donna Isabel de
OF CERVANTES. 163
Saavedra, unmarried, of the age of twenty and up-
wards, Donna Andrea Cervantes, liis sister, a widow
with an unmarried daughter, called Donna Constanza
de Ovando, aged 28 years, and Donna jMagdalena
Sotomayor, who is also called his sister, and a sister
of charity, and more than fifty years of age.
There existed some suspicion that Don Gaspar
had met his death in an affair of gallantry in wjiich
he had directed his attentions to a daughter or cousin
of Cervantes, or to some of the females who inhabited
the other floors of the house. In consequence of this
several persons were placed in confinement, and
amongst others Cervantes, his daughter, his cousin,
and his widowed sister, and their examination was
taken on the twentieth of the same month. D.
Hernando de Toledo, Seiior de Cigales, and Simon
Mendez, a Portuguese, being questioned respecting
their frequenting the house of Cervantes, the first
stated that he visited Cervantes in consequence of
an intimacy formed with him at Seville ; the other,
that he came on business ; and Donna Andrea added,
that many persons visited her brother as a person
who wrote and transacted business, and that Mendez
had requested him to go to Toledo, to collect rents
due there.
From hence it may be inferred that Cervantes ^vas
employed in agencies during his residence in Seville,
and tliat he continued them in Yalladolid, as a means
of supporting his family.
Soon after the examinations were concluded, Cer-
vantes, w^itli his daughter, his sister, and cousin,
were liberated from prison under bail, with orders to
remain in tlieir own house. But this prohibition
was soon removed, on the appeal of Cervantes, as no
trace of culpability could be found against them ;
m2
164 LIFE A>'D "WRITINGS
and on the 9th clay of July, Cervantes delivered up
the clothes of Don Gaspar, which had been deposited
with him.
It is worthy of remark that in the sai^e house,
w^hich stood in the parish of St. Ildefonso, of which
Juan de Xavas was owner, there lived on the princi-
pal floor, as before mentioned, the widow of Esteban
de Garibay y Zamalloa, historian and chamberlain of
the king, and her two sons, and Cervantes and his
family ; and in one of the second. Donna Juana
Gaitan, widow of the accomplished poet, and par-
ticular friend of the author, Pedro Lainez, who in
his office of Treasurer followed the court to Valla-
dolid, where he died the same year, 1605, leaving in
manuscript two volumes of his works, dedicated to
the duke of Pastrana.
In the succeeding year, 1606, the court returned to
Madrid, where Cervantes followed it, fixing his
residence in that city, not only for the purpose of con-
tinuing his agencies, and seeking for other means of
subsistence, but also to be nearer Esquivias and
Alcala, where his relations resided. This is proved
by some memorials which have been preserved ; from
which it appears that about the middle of J 608 he
published, for a second time, under his own eye, the
first part of Don Quixote, in which he remedied some
imperfections and errors, suppressing some passages,
and adding others, by which he considerably im-
proved this edition, and which, in consequence, is
the most highly esteemed by men of letters and
bibliographers — that soon after he removed to another
house at the back of the college of our Lady of,Lo-
retto — that in June, 1610, he dwelt in the street of
Leon, tlic house'number 9, lodge 226 — that in 1614 he
resided in the street de las Iluertas. He also resided
J
OF CERVANTES. 165
in the street of Duque de Alba, next the comer of
the Estudio de San Isidro, from wliich he removed
after a dispute at law ; and lastly, in 1616, he was
living again in the street of Leon, at the corner of
Francos, No. 20, lodge 228.
Cervantes was now advanced in years, and sur-
rounded by a large family, without the adequate
means of supporting them. Persecuted by his rivals,
his long services and his talents alike neglected, and
weighed down by disappointments of the world, and
the court, and its flatterers, he embraced from this
period a retired and philosophical life, as most agree-
able to his situation. "Seeking refuge," as he himself
expresses it, " once more in his ancient leisure," he
devoted himself entirely to the service of the muses,
in order to present to the world some fresh and more
mature fruits of his genius, allowing, at the same
time, full scope for the exercise of those noble vir-
tues, the resultof his strong conviction of Christianity,
which he had maintained in his youth with such
heroic courage amidst infidels and barbarians, and
which shone more bright in the evening of his days,
to the confusion of his jealous rivals and calumni-
ators.
These devotional feelings led him to join some
associations of pious persons at that time 'established
out of zeal to the common faith, particularly that
of the oratory of Olivaror of Cahizares. Philip
III., a devout prince, honoured it with his favour
and support, and his example was followed by the
duke of Lerma, the archbishop of Toledo, and all the
magnates of the court, the principal ministers, and
the most distinguished men of letters and artists, who
all hastened to enroll their names in this society.
One of the first of these was Cervantes, whose intro-
166 LIFE AND WRITINGS
ductioa bears the date of the 17th of April, 1609.
He was followed in succession by Alonzo Geronimo
de Salas Barbadillo, M. Vicente Espinel, D. Fran-
cisco de Quevedo, Lope de Vega, M. Josef de Valdi-
A-ieso, D. Josef Pellicer y Tobar, D. Juan de Castillo
y Sotomayor, Miguel de Silveira, Vincencio Carducho,
D. Jusepe Gonzalez de Salas, the prince d' Esqui-
lache, D. Juan de Solorzano Pereira, and others.
Other pious establishments, however, were soon af-
terwards dissolved, either from public censure, or
because their numbers and abuses prejudiced them in
the eyes of the government, or because the presumptu-
ous levity of some young men brought the institution
into disrepute. It is believed that after this event
Cervantes, and also Lope de Vega, entered the con-
gregation of the oratory of the Caballero de Gracia,
whilst his wife and his sister, Donna Andrea, dedi-
cated themselves to similar deeds of piety, in the
venerable order of St. Francisco, whose habit they
received on the 8th day of June of the same year.
There subsisted at all times a strong and reciprocal
affection between Cervantes and his sister. Donna
Andrea. This sister, who was older than her
brothers, had formerly appropriated a part of her
dowry to their ransom from captivity, and that not
sufficing, had afterwards, by a repetition of her
generosity for the same purpose, lessened her own
means of subsistence. She was three times married,
the first to Nicolas de Orando, the second to Sanctes
Ambrosi, a native of Florence, and the third time to
the General Alvaro Mendano ; and having survived
them all, and being left with a daughter, Constanza, of
the first marriage, Cervantes received them both with
much pleasure into his own family, and they accom-
panied him to Seville, Valladolid and Madrid ; con-
t
OP CERVANTES. 167
tributing by their labour and industry to their com-
mon means of subsistence. This noble conduct justi-
fied the esteem and regard which Cervantes at all
times manifested towards Donna Andrea until her
death, which happened in his house, on the 9th day
of October, 1609, at the age of sixty-five years. She
was interred in the parish of St. Sebastian, at the
charge of her brother.
Just at this time Frey Juan Diaz Hidalgo, of the
order of St.Muan, had collected together the various
poetical works of Don Diego Hurtado de Mendoza,
who, for his elevated rank, for the important employs
he had held, and above all, for his erudition and
fine taste in literature, had acquired the highest
esteem and respect of all men of letters of his age.
Cervantes himself had honoured his memory by some
beautiful verses and discourses, which he placed
in the mouth of the principal personages in his
Galatea; and on the republication of the poems of
Mendoza, he thought it a fit opportunity to ofi'er
some fresh compliment to his memory, which he did
in a sonnet devoted to the commendation of so
esteemed a writer, and calculated to add to his
deserved celebrity. The count de Lemos, Don Pedro
Fernandez de Castro, had also gained at this time a
distinguished reputation as a patron of letters, which
he himself cultivated with great ardour, and extended
to them his favour and protection. He was ap-
pointed viceroy of Naples in 1610, and soon after
that event, Juan Ramirez de Arellano, his secretary,
died. The count wrote on the day of his death to
the two Argensolas, who were then residing at Zara-
goza, and with whom he always maintained a strict
friendship, offering to Lupercio the secretaryship of
state and of war of the viceroyalty, with a particular
168 LIFE AND WRITINGS
injunction that he should bring with liim his brother,
the rector of Yillahermosa. The two brothers ac-
cepted this flattering offer, and repaired to Madrid,
where they received orders to provide themselves
with proper assistants in the secretaryship.
Being anxious to fulfil the commission faithfully,
and desirous of gratifying the well known partiality
of the Viceroy for men of letters, they selected from
a number of poets and authors those whom they
judged most fit for the despatch of business, and who
were at the same time most able to support with
credit the academical meetings which the Count con-
templated establishing in his palace.
With these intentions, not uninfluenced altogether
by the partiality of friendship, they attached to their
company Dr. Don Antonio Mira de Amescua, arch-
deacon of the cathedral of Guadix, his native place,
a distinguished comic and lyric poet; Gabriel de
Barrionuevo, celebrated for his humorous interludes ;
Don Francisco de Ortigoza, an eccentric and unfortunate
man of genius ; Ambrosio de Laredo y Coronel, a poet
of the most happy vein of wit ; the son of Lupercio,
called Don Gabriel Leonardo y Albion ; Fr. Diego de
Arce, a Franciscan, native of Cuenca, and bishop
elect of Tuy, confessor of the Coimt, a learned ^\Titer,
and a diligent collector of the rarest books in Spanish
literature ; and otlier persons of equal name and
reputation, although they were unable to satisfy the
wishes of all who made int(Test to accompany the
new Viceroy to Italy, in the hopes of sharing his
patronage and generous protection. Th'e poet Chris-
tobal de Mesa had hitherto experienced the favour
of the count de Lemos, through his secretary ; and
on the first rumour of that nobleman's appointment to
the viceroyalty, Mesa earnestly entreated him, in a
I
OF CERVANTES. 169
letter he wrote, to be allowed to accompany him ; but
he did not succeed in his wishes, either through the
negligence of his favourer and friend, Arellano, or some
fresh appointments in the service of the Viceroy, or
from having omitted during the last five months his
usual visits to his house, in consequence of indisposi-
tion, and to submit his compositions, in verse and
prose, as he had been accustomed to do. He felt this
disappointment very deeply, attributing it to the in-
fidelity of his friends, and the envy of the troop of
new comers, who surrounded the Count, and who
endeavoured to exclude all others from a share of their
patron's favour ; complaints which, as we shall here-
after see, were also made by Don Christobal Suarez
de Figueroa.
But Mesa did not conceal his disappointment from
the Viceroy, but wrote a second letter, in which he
says that some of the Spanish poets, who were held
in such high estimation, had no just claims to a seat
in Parnassus, as would be found on their reaching
Italy, where poetry and good taste were better under-
stood ; for that some who were considered the first-
rate poets in Spain, as Francisco Pacheco, Hernando
de Herrera, Francisco de Medina, Luis de Soto, and
the celebrated scholar Francisco Sanchez de las Bro-
zas, after a residence of some years in Italy, and
studying the works of Tasso, had wholly changed
their style and composition.
In the same letter he made a promise to the Vice-
roy to dedicate to him the translation of the iEneid,
on which he was then occupied ; but there was either
some cause of subsequent displeasure, or he wholly
forgot his promise, for it was not fulfilled when he
gave this work to the world in the year 1615.
Cervantes, who was on familiar terms of friendship
170 LIFE AND WRITINGS
witli the two Argensolas, and to whom he had given
the strongest proofs of his consideration and esteem,
not being able, on account of his advanced age and
his numerous family, to remove from Spain, in order
to better his foi-tune in Italy, under the wing of his
patron, was desirous of availing himself of tlieir
friendship, in recommending him to the favour and
munificence of the Count.
On their leaving ^ladrid both the brothers made
him the most magnificent promises, and Cervantes
confiding in them, hoped at last to find some change
in his unfortunate destiny ; but these flattering hopes
soon vanished, for the Argensolas never performed
the kind ofiices they had undertaken, nor once remem-
bered Cervantes, giving him almost cause to appre-
hend that they had even indisposed his patron against
him. Happily, however, these suspicions vanished,
and his mind was tranquillised on experiencing again
the liberality of his patron, and he remained appa-
rently satisfied with the conduct and proceedings of
his friends. At the same time his candour and inge-
nuousness would not allow him to conceal his feel-
ings, though expressed in language so considerate and
delicate, that it looks more like a testimony of respect
to the Yiceroy, and a panegyric on those celebrated
poets, than a censure on the abandonment of his
friendship and intimacy.
Supposing, in fact, that the Argensolas were not
conducted by Mercury in the Voyage to Parnassus,
because they were employed in the service of the
count de Lemos; yet it appears, that Apollo not only
highly extolled their talents and poetical productions,
but availed himself of their services in the battle
waged against the bad poets, distinguishing them in
the distribution of prizes, and giving Mercury the
OF CERVANTES. l71
charge of nine crowns with which he orders him to
reward tlie most deserving, and to carry with him to
Naples three of the largest, doubtless to encircle the
brows of the Viceroy and those of the two illustrious
Aragonese.
These latter persons perfectly understood this allu-
sion, and secured to Cervantes the favour and pro-
tection of that learned and generous nobleman ; but
Don Esteban IManuel de Villegas, less considerate
and more precipitate, and believing his master, the
rector of Yillahermosa, to have good cause of offence,
undertook to vindicate their conduct, depreciating
the merit of Cervantes, whom he designates as
" mal poeta y quijotista" without reflecting that that
which he considered a satire, w^as a delicate and
appropriate eulogium, and that the taunting word
with which he endeavoured to injure his reputation
was as just and honourable a title to fame as had
ever been won in the world of letters ; undoubted
proofs these of that arrogant and haughty character
which led him to satirise Lope de Yega and Gongora,
flattering himself that he had eclipsed the merit of
their works and those of other Castilian poets, by
the brilliant style of his Eroticas^ " as the rising sun
dispels the clouds of the earth, and overpowers the
light of the other stars," as he gives us to understand
in the allegory and inscription on the gate, and as
Lope de Vega remarks in his Laurel de Apollo.
Cervantes, who had distinguished himself by his
poems in his younger days, had now a stronger claim
to renown in his old age as the author of Don Quixote,
for which, indeed, his name has been inscribed in
letters of gold in the temple of immortality. If this
consideration might govern our conjectures, we may
conclude that C^vantes was one of those individuals
172 LIFE AND WRITINGS
who composed the academy which went by the name
of the Sell-age ^-^ established in Madrid in the year
1612, in imitation of the one which Avas formed
twenty-one years before in Valencia under the name
of the Xocturnos ; for, supposing that it was fre-
quented by the most eminent men of letters that at that
time surrounded the court, no one can with greater
justice be included in that number. The meetings
were established in the private mansion of D. Fran-
cisco de Silva, of the house of the dukes of Pastrana,
and a favourite of the muses, on whom Cervantes
bestows warm commendation in his Viage al Par-
naso^ and who in fact, enjoyed a considerable repu-
tation among the poets of the day. Among other
members of the academy we may include Lope de
Vega and Pedro Soto de Rojas, who styles himself
el ardiente^ and who has preserved to us their notices
in his Desengaho de Amor. Those persons employed
themselves in writing poems on various subjects ; and
particularly in commending or criticising those works
which were submitted to them previous to publica-
tion; and thus it is, that in 1612, Cervantes wrote
some verses in praise of the secretary, Gabriel Perez
del Barrio Angulo, author of the work entitled Secre-
tarlo de Senoirs, and at the beginning of which they
were printed, in conjunction vv^ith A^arious composi-
tions by Lope and Soto de Rojas, and of M. Vicente
Espinel, IMiguel de Silveira, Don Antonio Hurtado
de Mendoza, and other friends and admirers of the
author.
OF CERVANTES. 173
CHAPTER XI.
Cervantes devotes himself to literary compositions — Corrects his
former productions, and prepares them for the press — His novels,
and tales — Interwoven with his great work — Boccaccio — How
far imitated by Cervantes — "Why entitled Exemplares — Noble
objects he had in view — Tales of witchcraft, and diablerie —
Dangerous test of merit — Curious instance of hallucination —
Various characters of the novels — How natural and well-sup-
ported — Examination of their niei'its — Accused of not being the
author of rhem — Forms a new era in the popular fiction of Spain
— Imitated by Lope de Vega — Richness and beauty of the
language.
Cervantes, in the meantime, employed himself
in correcting some of his works, with a view to their
pubhcation. The principal of them was a collection of
twelve tales which he selected from all that he had
written at various times and places ; and as they were
the first of that kind that had appeared in Spain, and
had been well received by the public, he was anxious
to preserve them in a more correct and complete form.
He had interwoven some of them with the first part
of his Don Quixote, as the tales of the Curioso
Imjyertinente and the Cap'itan Cautivo^ although in
no manner connected with the action and plot of that
romance. Hence he feared that the reader, fixing
his attention on the adventures of the principal hero,
mio-ht bestow little reoard on the tales, and mio-ht
heedlessly pass them over, without perceiving the
interesting adventures they contain, w^hich was proved
upon their appearing in a separate form. With the
same object he changed the titles of some others,
174 LIFE AND WRITINGS
endeavouring to bespeak the attention and curiosity of
the public. His wishes were gratified to the utmost,
when he found that they had not only been well
received in Spain, but that in 1608, Cesar Oudin
reprinted the tale of the Curioso Impertinente^ at the
end of the Silva Curiosa of Julian de Medrano, and
published it also at the same time separately, trans-
lated into French for the instruction of his scholars.
This circumstance, and the pleasure of seeing new
editions of them, though not very con-ect, fully ap-
preciated by the learned, induced him to give them
the last polish, as he did about the middle of the
year 1612, and published them about the end of
August in the following year, dedicating them to the
count de Lemos, in a letter deservino- of the hiohest
praise, from the urbanity, and sentiments of gratitude
which it contains.
Cervantes had remarked the applause with which
wi'itings of this class had been received in Italy, par-
ticularly those of Boccaccio : but these, he thought,
though possessed of such charm of style, and an
elegance, purity, and singular grace of language
which made them so highly appreciated, were yet,
on the other hand, prejudicial to morals, from the
freedom and licentiousness of their subjects and
language. He resolved, therefore, to correct this
abuse, and to adopt such narratives only as, without
offending delicacy, might still be characteristic of his
nation, and might afford materials for the correction
of those vices of society which arise from the want
of education, or the empire which prejudice holds
over the vulgar, and which had struck him most in
the course of his various travels, and adventures.
On these grounds he resolved to call his tales E.vem-
plares ; because, as he says in his preface, if any
OF CERVANTES. 175
one will examine them, there is not one from which
some useful moral may not be drawn, for even the
love tales are so well conducted, and with such a
deference to morals, that neither in the busy nor in
the idle can they excite any other than the best feel-
ings. His wish was that every one should be enter-
tained by their perusal without injury to their body
or mind, " for honest and agreeable amusements
rather do good than harm."
It is remarkable that Don Gregorio Mayans, ad-
hering to the opinion of Lope de Vega, and to the
criticisms of the licentiate Avellaneda, and the Dr.
Figueroa, both rivals of Cervantes, should express
any doubt as to the propriety of intitling these tales
Exemplar es ; wdien their author was so convinced and
satisfied of the propriety of it, that he assures us in
his prologues, that if he suspected that the reading
of these could excite an improper thought or desire
in any person, he would rather cut off his right hand
with which he wrote them, than give them to the
world.
At the same time he says to his patron, " I entreat
your Excellency to receive, without any preface,
these twelve tales, wdiich, if they had not proceeded
from my own pen, I mihgt say deserve to be placed
among the most perfect of their kind." An enlight-
ened public formed the same idea of them ; and
many encomiums were passed on them, which, while
they conferred honour on the Castilian tongue, served
to show that the delightful genius of the author was
not less manifested in these tales, than in those he
had before given to the world. That humorous
and prolific writer, too, Alonso Geronimo de Salas
Barbadillo, declared that in this publication Cervantes
confirmed the opinion which was entertained in Spain
176 LIFE AND WRITINGS
and abroad of his fine genius, and that wonderful
imaofination and fluency of lanonaoe with which he
interests and charms us ; thus silencing by the happy
fertility of his language those who, being envious of
the Spanish tongue, have accused it of want of
expression, and denied its copiousness. It was for
this reason that in the license for printing he desig-
nated this work, " the most delightful entertainment,
wherein the loftiness and abundance of the Castilian
tongiie is fully exhibited." And Lope de Vega him-
self, who professed to follow the footsteps of Cer-
vantes, confessed that these tales were not wanting
in grace or composition ; and although a commen-
dation so faint, in which he does not niention the
most essential qualities of these tales, as their in-
vention, their ingenious plots, and the propriety of
character, does not reflect any great honour on
Cervantes, yet it was still further enhanced when
the Tales of Lope, written in imitation of those of
Cervantes, proved so very much inferior to their
models ; an indubitable proof how difficult it is, even
to men of the highest genius, to compete with their
originals, when, clipping the wings of their own ima-
gination, they servilely tread the path that others
have opened and prosecuted with full success.
Tirso de Molina highly commends these Tales,
and calls Cervantes the Boccaccio of Spain; but
he ought to have added, that he excels him in
the morality and good example of his writings.
Lastly, many of the principal dramatic writers have
shown the value they set on their invention and
merit, selecting them as subjects for many of their
own comedies ; as has been done with success by
Lope de Vega, D. Augustin Moreto, Don Diego de
Figueroa y Cordoba, and Don Antonio Solis. This
i
OF CERVANTES. 177
merit will be more manifest if we analyse each Tale .
by itself. We may hence learn the time and place
where Cervantes wrote them, and the source whence
many of them were derived, and shall become more
sensible to his inimitable grace of style. But reserv-
ing this examination for another place, we shall con-
fine ourselves to such circumstances as may tend to
illustrate the life and the opinions of their author.
He appears to have taken the subject of the Curioso
Impertinente from Ariosto, where, in his Orlando
Furioso, he tells us of a knight who had espoused a
lady of honour, beauty, and discretion, with whom
he lived in happiness for several years. As he was
desirous to prove the virtue of his consort, the witch
Melisa advised him to leave her to the free enjoy-
ment of her own will, and that then by his drinking
out of a vessel of gold, adorned with precious stones,
and filled with generous wine, he could ascertain
wliether or not she had been faithful to him ; for if
she had been so, he would be able to drink the whole
wine without shedding a particle ; but if not, the
liquor would all be spilled without a drop entering
his mouth. The knight's impatient curiosity led
him to adopt the advice of the sorceress ; and on
applying his lips to the cup he met with the punish-
ment due to his jealousy, all the wine being spilled
on his breast ; for which reason Rinaldo refused to
expose himself to so fearful a trial, when the same
knight proposed it to him at a feast, contenting him-
self with the good oi^inion he already entertained of
his wife.
It is highly probable that Cervantes, who was a
passionate admirer of Ariosto, adopted from this
fiction the idea of his tale, so perfect in its plot, its
language, and description of the passions ; and the
N
1/8 LIFE AND WRITINGS
moral lesson, conveyed in the punishment which falls
on Camilla, is a warning to shun temptation, and to
resist the first movements of a violent and disho-
nourable passion.
We have already made mention of the Tales he
wrote in Seville — that of Rinconete y Cortadillo.,
famous thieves of that city, whose adventures hap-
pened in the year 1569 ; and that of the Zeloso Extre-
meno^ the story of which is founded in fact, and is
supposed to have happened about the year 1570.
The tale of tlie Tia F'mgida is, according to Cer-
vantes, also a true story, which occurred in Sala-
manca in the year 1575; and although composed
with the air of lightness, and the graceful and comic
humour so characteristic of Cervantes, and with the
design of sho^\ing the unfortunate fate of women,
wdio, listening to their passions when young, apply
themselves in their old age to corrupt youth by their
counsels and services, he determined not to publish
it among the rest, either through delicacy, as he
said, or because his final object was to inculcate good
morals. It does not appear from the incidents of the
story so exemplary as the others, the judgment which
Cervantes passed on the Celestina being applicable to
this tale, that it was an excellent work, in his
opinion, if it had less earthly alloy. From the tenor
of this tale, and that of the Licertciado Vidriera, and
some passages in others of the series, we learn that
Cervantes resided and studied at Salamanca for a
considerable space of time.
There are not wanting judicious critics, who assure
us that Cervantes intended to ridicule the madness
and extravagance of the noted Caspar Barthio, who
was born in Austria, in theyear 1587, and manifested
from his infancy an extraordinary precocity, and a
OP CERVANTES. 179
wonderful memory. He studied and distinguished
himself in various academies and universities of
Germany, and travelled through England, Holland,
France, Italy, and Spain, acquiring a perfect know-
ledge of the living languages, and deriving informa-
tion from his intercourse with the learned, wherever
he met with them. On his return to Germany he
fixed his residence at Leipsic, renouncing every
employment, in order to devote himself more entirely
to his studies. His predilection for the Spanish
language, and the high opinion he entertained of its
works of genius and amusement, induced him to
translate into Latin the tragi-comedy of Celastina^
which he calls a divine work ; the Diana Enamorada
of Gil Polo ; and in mentioning a translation of the
Porno Dklascalo of Pietro Aretino, he assures us he
preferred the Castilian version to the original.
This extreme application and devotion to the
reading of Spanish novels, at last turned the head of
Barthio, and he lived for ten years under the hallu-
cination that he was made of glass. The facility
with which, in the midst of his passion for these
amatory and even licentious works, he turned to
translate and comment upon many ascetic and theo-
logical authors, especially those of the middle ages,
and the contradictions and absurdities of his opinions
upon some of the Latin classics, as Statins, Claudian,
and Silius Italicus, prove the perversion of his judg-
ment, at the same time that they afford a proof
of his immense erudition and extensive reading. It
is highly probable that, when in Spain, he formed an
intimacy with Cervantes ; and, in fact, the rare
genius, the wonderful abilities, and great acquire-
ments of the licentiate Yidriera, when only a few
years old ; his journeys through Italv, Flanders, and
n2
180 LIFE AND WRITINGS
other countries ; his retired and abstracted habits,
attending more to his books than to any other amuse-
ment ; and histly, his madness and extravagance,
undoubtedly prove the learned and crazy Ger-
man to have been the original whence Cervantes
drew his picture with such truth and success iu
this tale. It was written after the court had removed
to Yalladolid, and he exercised his discretion and
judgment in mingling with its incidents a general
censure on the vices and abuses then prevalent in the
government of the country.
Of equal learning and utility was the Dialogue
between the dogs C'lpion and Berganza, which is, in
reality, an excellent apologue, and a severe invective
against all the superstitions and prejudices of the low
educated then prevalent in Spain, though mingled
with the more elevated political and moral maxims.
" A satire," says Mayans, " in which, imitating Lu-
cilius and Horace, he chastises persons with a severe
though refined severity." " An admirable criticism,"
adds Florian, "full of truth and grace; w^here
Spanish customs are painted to the life, with all the
genius of Cervantes : from which circumstance it ob-
tained the approbation of Huet, one of the most
learned men that France has produced." Cervantes
wrote this tale only a little time before its publication.
In it he gives an exact picture of the life and habits of
the Moors, and the injury caused to Spain by their
remaining in that country, and recommends their ex-
pulsion as the only remedy ; a measure which was, in
fact, afterwards enforced in the year 1609 and 1614.
The story of the alchymist, who was shut up in the
hospital of A'alladolid, and pretended to extract silver
and gold from the baser metals, and even from stones,
was derived from athcnrecentincident. Thereappeared
OF CERVANTES. 181
in Maclnd, in the year 1609, one Lorenzo Ferrer
Maldonado, who gave himself the title of captain,,
and announced, among other wonders, that he had
possessed himself of some of the greatest secrets of
nature, such as deciphering Solomon's seal, by which
he was enabled to discover, and bring to perfection,
the true stone, sought for in vain by the alchymists
through a long course of ages, and promising to con-
vert into gold the basest metals. Some simple and
covetous persons, led astray by these magnificent pro-
mises, assisted him with a sufficient capital, and a
house to commence his labours in ; but after holding
them in play for more than two years, and continu-
ally announcing the moment of success, though, as
he stated, a long time was required for the transmu-
tation of the metals, he suddenly disappeared from
Madrid, thus repaying by his flight those who had
encouraged and promoted his scheme. Some time
afterwards, he was apprehended and examined before
the chancery of Granada, on a charge of having
forged some seals and public documents.
The mathematician, also, his companion in the
hospital, who was employed twenty-two years in
seeking for ihejixed pointy found his prototype at
this time. The high reward offeree! by the Spanish
goverament for the discovery of the longitude,
attracted the cupidity of numerous adventurers and
projectors, and amongst others. Dr. Juan Arias de
Loyola, in 1603, and Luis de Fonseca Contino, in
1605, pretended to have made the discovery; but
the claims of the latter were preferred to those of
Arias, no doubt throuoh the influence of his coun-
tr}Tnan, Juan Bautiste Labana, and six thousand
ducats of perpetual rent were ofteredtohim,if the trial
answered to the truth and accuracy of his statement.
182 LIFE AND WRITINGS
After many delays and arrangements, tliey com-
menced in 1610 several experiments, in voyages to
America and Asia ; but these did not realise the ex-
pectations of the projector, v^^ho having in this
manner incurred considerable expenses for more than
eight years, suddenly disappeared from ]\Iadrid ;
while Arias remained there for more than thirty
years, presenting memorials, and throwing discredit on
all other competitors who put in claims for the reward.
Another more remarkable event, while it ascer-
tains the epoch of this tale, displays at the same
time the good sense and intelligence of Cervantes in
combating errors, in proportion to their greater influ-
ence on society. The pernicious credulity prevalent
at that time, and the propensity to indulge in en-
chantments, divinations, fortune-telling, witchcraft,
transformations, and wonders of this kind, which
derived their origin from the IMoors, a race naturally
superstitious, and from the idle study of judicial
astrology, had rooted themselves in the minds of all
classes of people, through vv'ant of education, and
religious principle ; so much so, that the -vv^ritings of
many learned men, such as the erudite Pedro Ciruelo,
had not been able to check these vices, to change
public opinion, or to ameliorate manners.
Cervantes had ridiculed with much pleasantry and
very opportunely these superstitions in various pas-
sages in Don Quixote, and also in the Licenciado
Vidriera^ where, by the advice of a Moorish woman,
they administered some charms to force his will,
he showed that there were no herbs in the world,
enchantments, or words, which could force are solved
and rational man.
In the Cohqulo de los Perros^ he treats more at
large, and with more naivete, of the tricks and
I
OF CERVANTES. 183
cheateries of the hags and witches ; narrating the
story, as of his own time, of Caniacha de Montilla,
one of the most famous disciples of the old Canizares.
He shows the folly of such preposterous tales and
illusions, in the relation this woman makes of the
deeds and doings of her mistress, her confections and
ointments, her voyages and adventures, her trans-
formations and wicked deeds ; and how she could not
close her days without visiting the Moorish dances,
tiie festivities, and merry-makings, in which they
indulged themselves in their nocturnal revels of-
Zugarramurdi in the valley of Baztan, which ended
in some of these persons being brought to justice, by
the tribunal of the Inquisition of Logrono, in the
year 1610. We are told of the horrid and loath-
some figure wdiich the old hag, Canizares, presented,
when in the midst of her ecstasies and raptures, she
seized on and threw one of the dogs into the court
of the house, while she and La Montilla were sen-
tenced to be publicly whipped by the hands of the
hangman.
Others of their companions suffered confinement in
the inquisition, when their cheateries were madeknown,
in order to expose such hypocrites to public execra-
tion, and to convince the people that the witch, Ca-
macha, was an infamous impostor, and La Canizares
a cheat, a thief, and a s\%'indler, when even the dogs
would not acknowledge her as their mother as she
pretended.
This propensity in placing belief in tales, asiex-
travagant as indecent, to the prejudice of relig ous
principles, for some time found support in the cre-
dulity of various persons of rank and authority ; and
for this reason, when Cervantes, protected by the
Cardinal Archbishop of Toledo, Inquisitor -general,
184 LIFE AND WRITINGS
endeavoured to eradicate these pernicious ideas by the
weapons of satu-e and ridicule, the learned Pedro de
Valencia addressed to that illustrious prelate a dis-
course respecting the stories of the witches, where,
in a clear and rational manner, he demonstrated the
cheatery and falsehood of those absurdities, the dan-
ger of publishing and giving them to the world, and
the mischief and bad example they produced.
The other tales of Cervantes are not the less to be
commended for their morality and good feeling.
riorian was of opinion that the tale entitled La
Fuerza de la Sangre possesses greater interest, and
is better conducted than the others of Cervantes ; the
story of which he assures us was founded in truth,
and that Rodulfo and Leocadia, the principal actors
in it, were persons of illustrious descent, leading a
happy life in Toledo. He attributes equal truth to
the story of the Esjyahola Imjlesa^ which, as far as
we can judge from the narrative, appears to have
been written about the year 1611. He also wrote at
that time the Gitanilla^ although he inserted in it a
romance composed in Yalladolid, on occasion of the
Queen Donna ^laroarete visitino- the church of San
Llorente, describing allegorically the various persons
of her suite. In that of the Amante Liberal he re-
lates, under fictitious names, some of his own adven-
tures ; as he has done in others, and particularly in that
of the Capitan Cautivo^ in wliich he doubtless alludes
to D. SuarezdeFigueroa, when speaking on some occa-
sion of the Novclas al uso, and of the qualities and
morality of his compositions, he sarcastically says,
" There is no doubt that he has commemorated his
own adventures, casting a lustre on his own low con-
dition, and giving unbounded praise to his imagina-
tion and talents, for as the cloth was in his own
OF CERVANTES. 185
liands, he could easily apply the shears in whatever
direction his taste dictated."
Other persons, with a criticism more impartial and
judicious, have remarked a certain want of dig-nity
and interest in the arguments of the novels, and
some inequality in them ; though this arises more
from the variety and natural description of the in-
cidents which he relates, and the inclination and
humour of the readers, or rather their ignorance
of the customs he describes, than from a dearth of
ingenuity and felicity in the author, as the events
are all probable and well imagined. The reserve of
Leonisa in the Amante Liberal^ says a modern critic,
differs from the engaging ease of manner of Preciosa
in the G'ltan'illa ; one may observe a different style
in the laiio^uaoe of Lothario and Anselmo, in the
C arioso Impertinente^ to that of the Monipodio and
his companions, in Rinconete y CortadiUo : in short,
they are natural and agreeable pictures of the man-
ners of the day. From hence proceeded, not only
the propriety, but the charming variety in the va-
rious characters he delineated ; and we see that he
was equally alive to the vices and prejudices of the
plebeian and vulgar, as to those of the highest and
most cultivated classes ; and that his graphic pencil
was employed in the portraits of both the one and
the other, persuaded as he was, that information and
good education was the best mode of effectino- the
happmess and respectability of society at large.
We find in his tales rich eloquence of sentiment
clothed in beautiful language. They abound in pas-
sionate and strong expressions ; numerous light traits
of character, and pictures of extreme feeling and
beauty ; and finally, in the description of the pas-
sions, in the sweetness of his descriptions, in his
186 ^ LIFE AND WRITINGS
argument so well supported, it seems as if this author
was desirous of showing the richness and aptitude of
the Castilian tongue, with a view to promote its
cultivation, generalise its application and use, and
justify the high reputation which it enjoyed at this
time throughout the whole world.
In the face of such eminent qualities, and of such
high authority, and the universal esteem in which
the Tales of Cervantes have been held since their
publication, there are some writers of latter times
who, with much effrontery, and without giving us any
proofs of their own genius, or adding to the common
stock of knowledge, assert, with little feeling and ex-
treme levity, that Cervantes was not the real author
of these works, as they were known to the public
many years before he published them ; thus thinking
that they gave proofs of their penetration and in-
dustry in detecting the plagiarism.
In order to silence these calumnious and super-
ficial critics, we need only look at the testimony of
Juan Gaitan de Vozmediano, where in the prologiie
to the translation of the first part of the Hundred
Tales of Cinthio, published in Toledo, in 1590, he
says, " This class of books have hitherto been little
read in Spain, as they have not met with a trans-
lator from the Italian and French ; but the time is
coming when they will be more admired here, and
this may incite us to attempt that which has never
yet been done here, the wi-iting of novels ; in which,
whenever it takes place, Spain will certainly excel,
particularly in this happy age of letters." It will be
conclusive, too, to hear Cervantes himself, when he
says in his Viage al Parnaso^ that in his Tales he
had opened a new path for the extension and esta-
blishment of his country's language in its purity ;
OF CERVANTES. 187
and when with greater confidence he says in his
prologue, " I am myself the first who composed Tales
in the Castilian tongue ; for the numerous Spanish
Tales which have hitherto been published, have been
all translated from foreign tongues; but these are
wholly my own, neither imitated nor derived from
others; they are the offspring of my brain ; my pen
brought them forth, and they are now flourishing
and admired in print."
Knowing, as we do, the candour, the good faith,
and the ingenuousness of Cervantes, his prolific fancy,
and his admirable style, we cannot possibly doubt of
his having been the author of these productions ; nor
can we think it necessary further to vindicate the
greatest genius Spain has produced, from the misrepre-
sentations of ignorance, and the shafts of malevolence.
CHAPTER XII.
Continuation of the Novelas Exemplares — Opinions — Analysis —
Specimens and translations — La Gitanilla — Characters — Pecu-
liarities of the Gitanos — Sketches — Peculiarities of climate — El
Amante Liberal — Characters and adventures — Historical allu-
sions — Power of the Corsairs — Singular historic incidents — Story
of Riuconete and Cortadillo — Characteristics of vagabond life —
Religion of thieves — Regular establishment — Singular priesthood
— The Spanish- English lady — Admirable pictures of the country
— Customs and manners of the people.
Cervantes was eminently gifted with the narra-
tive talent, a quality which seems to be intimately
connected with dramatic powers, since, in order to
possess it, an author must be capable of understand-
ing and adhering to the unity of his narrative. That
188 LIFE AND WRITINGS
unity is the central point to which all the other por-
tions of the work have reference, and upon which
they all depend. The episodes are thus connected
with tlie main action, and never fatigue the mind ;
the plot excites the attention ; and the catastrophe
clears away all the mysteries at once. It is more-
over requisite, as in the dramatic art, to be capable
of giving the colours of truth and nature to every
object, and tlie appearance of completeness and pro-
bability to every character ; to bring events before
the reader by words, as the dramatist does by action ;
to say exactly what ought to be said, and nothing
further. It is in fact this talent that has conferred
upon Cervantes his immortality. His most cele-
brated works are those romances in which the rich-
ness of his invention is relieved by the charms of his
style, and by his hapj^y art of arranging the incidents
and bringing them before the eye of the reader. We
have already spoken of Don Quixote, which merited
a separate examination; but we must content ourselves
with bestowing less time on the pastoral romance of
Galatea ; on that of Perslles and Segismiinda ; and
on the collection of little tales which Cervantes has
called his Exemplary Novels. In giving an idea of
the literature of a country, it seems proper to detail
all the works of celebrated authors, and to pass rapidly
over those who have not attained the first rank. By
studying the fonner we are enabled to observe not
only the intellectual progress of the nation, but like-
wise its peculiar taste and spirit, and frequently even
the manners and history of the people. It is much
more agreeable to contemplate the Castilians as they
are painted in the works of Cervantes, than to attempt
a picture of our own, which must necessarily be less
faithful than the native delineation.
OF CERVANTES. 189
Cervantes had reached his sixty-fifth year when
he published, under the name of Exemjilary or In -
structive Nocels^ his twelve beautiful tales, already
mentioned, v^hich, though they have been translated
into several languages,'^ arc not very generally knovrn.
This species of composition was, before the time of
Cervantes, unknown in modem literature ; for he did
not take Boccaccio and the Italian novelists as his
models, anymore than Marmontel has done in his
Contes Moraux. These tales are, in fact, little
romances ; in which love is delicately introduced,
and where the adventures serve as a vehicle for pas-
sionate sentiments.
The first novel is entitled La Gitanilla^ or the
Gipsy-girl, and contains an interesting picture of
that race of people, who were formerly spread over
all Europe, though they nowhere submitted them-
selves to the laws of society. About the middle of
the fourteenth century this w^andering race first
appeared in Europe, and were, by some, considered
to be a caste of Parias who had escaped from India,
and were called indifferently Egyptians and Bohe-
mians. From that period down to the present day,
they have continued to wander through the various
countries of Europe, subsisting by petty thefts, by
levying contributions upon the superstitious, or by
the share which they often took in festivals. They
have now almost entirely disappeared from many of
the nations of the Continent. The rigorous police of
France, Italy, and Germany, does not suffer the
* There is an English translation of the Ei'emplary N'ovels,
bv Shelton, which was republished iu 1742. A new translation,
in two volumes, appeared in Loudon in 1822. The extract from the
Qipsy-girl, given in the text, has been transcribed from these
volumes.
190 LIFE AND WRITINGS
existence of a race of vagabonds who pay no regard
to the rights of property and despise the laws. There
are still, however, numbers of these people to be found
in England, where the legislature formerly sanctioned
such cruel enactments against them that it was found
wholly impracticable to jjut them into execution.
]\Iany likewise still exist in Russia, and some in
Spain, where the mildness of the climate and the
wild features of the country are highly favourable
to that unconfined and wandering life, for which
the Bohemians seem to have derived a taste from
the Eastern nations. The description of the commu-
nity which they formed in the time of Cervantes is
more curious, from the circumstance of their numbers
at that period being greater, and their liberty more
complete, than at any subsequent time ; while the
superstition of the people afforded them a readier
support. Their manners, their laws, and their cha-
racters, w^ere consequently at that period developed
with much more truth and simplicity.
The heroine of the first tale, who is called Preciosa,
accompanied by three young girls of about fifteen
years of age, like herself, frequents the streets of
Madrid, under the superintendence of an old woman,
for the purpose of amusing the public in the coffee-
houses, and other places of resort, by dancing to the
sound of the tambourine, which she sometimes accom-
panies by songs and verses, occasionally of her own
extemporaneous composition, or else obtained from
poets who were employed by the gipsies. The noble-
men used to invite them into their houses, that they
might have the pleasure of seeing them dance, and
the ladies, in order to have their fortunes told them.
Preciosa, who was modest and much respected, yet
possessed that vivacity of mien, and that gaiety and
OF CERVANTES. 191
promptitude of repartee, which so remarkably dis-
tincriiished her race. Even in relicrious festivals she
would appear and chaunt songs in honour of the
saints and the Virgin. In all probability, this apparent
devotion of the gipsies, who never take any part in
public worship, protected them in Spain — where
they were called CJunstianos Nuevos — from the anim-
adversions of the inquisition. The delicacy and
beauty of Preciosa gained the heart of a cavalier, not
more distinguished by his fortune than by his figure ;
but she refused to accept his hand unless he consented
to pass a probation of two years by residing amongst
the gipsies, and partaking all their adventures and
modes of life. The address of one of the oldest gip-
sies to the cavalier, who assumes the name of Andres,
is remarkable for that purity and elegance of language,
and for that eloquence of diction and expression,
which are peculiar to Cervantes : — " We appropriate
to you the companionship of this young girl, w^ho is
the flower and ornament of all the gipsies to be found
throughout Spain. She is now virtuously placed
within your own power, to consider her either as
your wife, or as your mistress. Examine her
thoroughly, weigh maturely whether she is pleasing
to you ; find out whether she has any defect ; and
should you fancy that you are not calculated for each
other, throw your eyes around upon all the other
gipsy-girls, and you shall have the object most pleas-
ing to your taste. But we warn you, that when
once you have made your choice, you cannot retract,
and must be contented with your fate. No one dares to
encroach upon his neighbour, and hence we are shielded
from the torments of jealousy. Adultery is never com-
mitted amongst us ; for if, in any instance, our wives
or our mistresses are detected in infi'ino-ino; our laws.
192 LIFE AND WRITINGS
we inflict punishment with the utmost severity. You
must also be apprised, that we never have resort to
courts of justice ; we have our own jurisdictions, we
execute judgment ourselves ; we are both judges and
executioners ; and after regular condemnation, we
get rid of the parties by burying them in the wood-
lands and deserts, and no persons whatever, not even
their parents, can obtain information of them, or
bring us to account for their deaths. It is the dread
of this summary jurisdiction that preserves chastity
within its natural bounds ; and thence it is, as I have
already stated, that we live in perfect tranquillity oa
this score, so dreadfully mischievous and annoying
in other societies. There are few thinos which we
possess that we do not possess in common ; but wives
and mistresses are a sacred exception. We command
the whole universe, the fields, the fruits, the herbage,
the forests, the mountains, the rivers and the foun-
tains, the stars and all the elements of nature. Early
accustomed to hardships, we can scarcely be said to
be sufferers ; we sleep as soundly and comfortably
Uf)on the ground as upon beds of down ; and the
parched skin of our bodies is to us equal to a coat of
mail, impenetrable to the inclemency of the weather.
Insensiblq to grief, the most cruel torture does not
afflict us, and under whatever form they make us
encounter death, we do not shrink even to the change
of colour. AVe have learned to despise death. We
make no distinction between the affirmative and the
negative, when we find it absolutely necessary to our
purpose. We are often martyrs ; but we never turn
informers. We sing, though loaded with chains in
the darkest dungeon ; and our lips are hermetically
sealed under all the severe inflictions of the rack.
The great and undisguised object of our profession,
OF CERVANTES. 193
is furtively to seize the property of others, and appro-
priate it to our own use; thereby invariably imitating
the plausible, but perfidious example, of the generality
of mankind, under one mask or other, in which,
however, we have no occasion to court witnesses to
instruct us. In the day, we employ ourselves in
insignificant, amusing, trifling matters ; but we devote
the night and its accommodating darkness to the
great object of our professional combination. The
brilliancy of glory, the etiquette of honour, and the
pride of ambition, form no obstacles to us, as they
do in other fraternities. Hence we are exempt from
that base, cowardly, and infamous servitude, which
degrades the illustrious unhappy voluntarily into
slaves."
Such was the singular race of people, who lived
the life of the uncultivated savage in the midst of
society ; who preserved manners, a language, and
probably a religion of their own, maintaining
their independence in Spain, England, and Russia,
for nearly five hundred years. It may be supposed
that the Gipsy-girl terminates like every other
romance the heroine of wiiich is of low birth.
Preciosa is discovered to be the daughter of a noble
lady, and on her real rank being ascertained, she is
married to her lover.
The second novel, which is entitled i\\e Liberal Lover ^
contains the adventures of some Christians who have
been reduced to slavery by the Turks. Cervantes
lived in the time of the famous corsairs, Barbarossa
and Dragut. The Ottoman and Barbary fleets then
claimed the dominion of the Mediterranean, and had
been long accustomed, in conjunction with the fleets
of the French and their allies, annually to ravage
the shores of Italy and Spain. No one could be
194 LIFE AND WRITINGS
assured of living in safety. The Moors, running
their light vessels in-shore, used to rush sword in
hand into the gardens and houses which adjoined
the sea ; generally attending more closely to the
seizing of captives than the acquisition of plunder,
from a conviction that the wealthy individuals whom
they thus carried into Barbary, and shut up in the
slave-yards, or condemned to the hardest labour,
would gladly purchase redemption, even at the ex-
pense of their whole fortune. In this state of terror,
during the reigns of Charles V. and his successors,
did the people live who dwelt upon the sliores of the
Mediterranean sea. Sicily and the kingdom of
Naples, not being the residence of their sovereign,
were more particularly exposed to the cruelties of
the Barbary powers. They were, in fact, without
a marine, without a garrison, without resources for
defence, in short, without any other tlian a vexati-
ous vice-regal government, which oppressed without
protecting them. It was in their gardens, near
Trapani, in Sicily, that the libera] lover and his mis-
tress Leonisa, were made captives. They meet each
other again at Nicosa, in Cyprus, two years after
the taking of that city in 1571 ; and their adven-
tures possess the double merit of romantic interest
and great fidelity of character and description. Cer-
vantes, who had fought in the wars of Cyprus and
the Greek seas, and who, during his captivity, had
become well acquainted with tlie Mussulmans and
with the condition of their Christian slaves, has given
to his Eastern tales a great appearance of historical
truth. The imagination cannot feign a more cruel
moral infliction, than that to which a man of a culti-
vated mind is subjected when he falls, together with all
the objects of his fondest affection, into the hands of
OF CERVANTES. 195
a barbarian master. The adventures, therefore, of
corsairs and their captives, are ail of them singularly
romantic. At one period the French, the Italian,
and the Spanish writers borrowed all their plots
from this source. The public, however, soon became
fatigued with the same unvarying fictions. Truth
alone possesses the essence of variety ; and the ima-
gination, unnourished by truth, is compelled to copy
itself. Every picture of captivity which Cervantes
has presented to us is an original, for he painted
from the memory of his own sufferings. The other
descriptions of this kind appear to be merely cast from
this first model. Romance writers should not be
permitted to introduce the corsairs of Algiers into
their tales, unless, like Cervantes, they have been
themselves inmates of the slave-yard.
The third, entitled Rinconete and Cortad'dlo^ is
of another class, though completely Spanish. It is
in the Picaresco style, of which the author of Laza-
rillo de Tonnes was the inventor. The history of
two vounor thieves is related in this novel with the
greater humour, inasmuch as the wit of the Spanish
writers was peculiarly reserved for the description of
vulgar life. It seems that they were only permitted
to ridicule such as had absolutely cast aside all pre-
tensions to probity. It is from those writers that
we have invariably borrowed our descriptions of the
social life and organization of the community of
thieves and beggars, and it is amongst them alone,
we are abnost inclined to believe, that they ever
existed. The company of robbers of Seville, and the
authority possessed by their chief, Monipodio, are
pleasantly described in this novel. The most laugh-
able portions of it, however, and which are very
correct as far as regards both Spain and Italv. are
o 2
196 LIFE AND WRITINGS
those in which the strange nnion of devotion and
licentiousness amongst these vagabonds is described.
In the place where the thieves assemble there is
an imaoe of the Yiroin, with a throne for the offer-
ings, and a vessel for the holy water near it.
Amongst the robbers an old woman arrives, " who,
without saying a word to any one, walks across the
room, and, taking some of the w^ater, devoutly falls
upon her knees before the image ; and, after a long
prayer, having kissed the ground thrice, and raised
as often her eyes and hands to heaven, rises, places
her oiFerino- on the throne, and walks out aoain."
. . ...
All the thieves in turn make an offering in silver,
for which purpose they reserve part of their acqui-
sitions, to be employed in masses for the souls of
their deceased companions, and of their benefactors.
Thus a young robber who conducts Rinconete to the
meeting, to the question — " Perhaps, then, you follow
the occupation of a thief?" replies, "I do so in the
service of God and of all worthy people."
In general we are apt to imagine, that this
corrupt and unruly portion of society, who violate,
without ceasing, all laws divine and human, are
infidels in their religious opinions ; as it is difficult
to believe that those who feel any sentiments of
religion, would attach themselves to such infamous
and criminal occupations. Wlien, therefore, in the
countries of the south, we remark assassins, robbers,
and prostitutes scrupulously fulfilling all the cere-
monials of religion, we immediately accuse them of
hypocrisy, and imagine that by this show of Chris-
tianity they merely wish to deceive those whose
eyes are upon them. This, however, is an error ;
for in the south of Europe all these people, the refuse
of society, are really under the influence of religious
feelings.
OP CERVANTES. 197
These malefactors, when they become numerous,
find or form an abandoned priesthood, who, living
upon their offerings, and partaking the produce of
their crimes, are always ready to sell them absolu-
tion. The criminal commits the offence with a
determination to repent of it, and in the expectation
of absolution ; while the priest confesses him with a
conviction that tlie faith is in him, and that the
repentance is sincere. Scarcely, however, does the
penitent leave the confessional, when he returns to his
criminal habits. By this shocking abuse of reli-
gion, the priest and the offender silence their con-
sciences in the midst of all their iniquities. Their
religion is not a salutary curb ; it is an infamous
contract, by which the most corrupt men believe
that they may purchase a license to satisfy all their
evil propensities. The voice of conscience is stifled
by their faith in the act of penitence ; else the infa-
mous and infidel robber w^ould never reach the same
degree of depravity which we may remark in those
villains, so zealous and so pious, wdio have been
painted by Cervantes, and of wliom we find the
models in Italy, as well as in Spain.
The three first novels are of a very dissimilar cast ;
the nine which follow them complete the varied circle
of invention. The Spanish- English Lady^ it is true,
show^s that Cervantes was much more imperfectly
acquainted with the heretics than with the Moors.
The Licentiate of Glass^ and the Dialogue of the tico
Dogs of the Hospital of the Resurrection^ are satirical
pieces, displaying much wit and incident. The
Beautiful Char-icoman resembles a love-romance ;
and the Jealous Man of Estremadura is distin-
guished by the excellence of its characters, by its
plot, and by the skill with which tlie catastrophe is
198 LIFE AND WRITINGS
brought about. AYe have in this tale an example of
the prodigious power of music over the Moors. An
African slave, whose fidelity has resisted every
temptation, cannot be persuaded to be unfaithful to
his trust, except by the hope of being taught to play
upon the guitar, and to chaunt ballads like the pre-
tended blind man who every evenino- rouses him to
ecstacy by his music. The novels of Cervantes, like
Don Quixote, lead us into Spain, and open to us the
houses and the hearts of her inhabitants ; while
their infinite variety proves how completely their
author was master of every shade of sentiment
and every touch of feeling.'""
CHAPTER XIII.
Characteristics of novel wiiting — Its former and present peculiari-
ties. — Tlie test of time — Increased popularity of Cervantes —
High opinion expressed by his rivals — Tacit admission of Cer-
vantes' merit by Lope de Vega — Opposed to a vicious popu-
larity, or vulgar fame — Extended the same high sentiment to
the drama — His views of the drama — State of the Spanish stage
— Its extravagance — Bad taste — And depravity — Example —
Base proceedings of the Licentiate Avellancda — Violent party
spirit excited — Moderation and magnanimity of Cervantes —
Extreme bitterness and enmity of his rival — Mystery in which it
is enveloped — Silence of his contemporaries on the subject — Im-
provement of the Spanish language by Cervantes.
The constant fluctuation of customs and manners
must influence at all times the composition and cha-
racter of novels, and being drawn from the passing
scenes of life, there are persons who, forgetful of
these circumstances, prefer modern compositions to
* Literature of the South of Europe, by M. Sismoudi, iii., pp.
392.40G.
OF CERVANTES. 199
those of Cervantes ; but if they will take tlie trouble
to analyse the one and the other, they will discover,
that in the disposition and plot of the fable, in pro-
priety of character, the expression of the passions,
grace and elegance of style, and appropriate reflec-
tions, Cervantes is superior. For in his works we
see nature represented with all the truth and all the
variety of incident inseparable from human life, while
in other writers we find elaborate artifice, and studied
affectation. Hence it happens that these early Spanish
tales, even after the lapse of two centuries, are now
read with relish and interest by persons of culti-
vated minds, and that w^riters of the highest credit,
considering them the most correct of Cervantes'
w^orks, justify the preference they have received, as
fine specimens of genius and eloquence, and as chefs-
d'oeuvre of their kind.
More rivals of Cervantes, who had been roused by
the publication of the first part of Don Quixote, and
were jealous of the protection shown him by the
Count de Lemos, and the Cardinal Archbishop of
Toledo, Don Bernardo de Sandoval y Rojas, dis-
covered openly their enmity and malice, when they
saw the universal applause with which his tales w^ere
received ; and in order to justify their proceedings,
they pretended to take up the defence of Lope de Vega,
at that time enjoying a degree of popular favour un-
exampled in the world of letters. They affected to
consider that he had just cause of complaint against
Cervantes, for his judicious censure on the Spanish
stage, put into the mouth of the canon of Toledo.
Cervantes does not here require any other testi-
mony to his justice and moderation than the confes-
sion of Lope de Vega himself, who, defending him-
self from the charges which were made against him
200 LIFE AND WRITINGS
for the new course he followed in his dramatic com-
positions, openly acknowledges in 1602, three years
before the publication of Don Quixote, the many de-
fects and inconsistencies of his comedies, his extra-
vagant and voluntary abandonment of all the ac-
knowledged rules of art, the neglect of the examples
of Plautus and Terence, and the discredit he should
suffer on that account with foreign nations; consi-
dering himself so much the more culpable than
others, as he not only opposed the principles of the
most venerable names of antiquity, but adopted a
vicious style, in order to accommodate himself to the
corrupt taste of the vulgar, and to insure a sale for
his works ; and he then spoke of himself in terms
which courttsy and urbanity would forbid others to
use towards him.
. It was thus that Cervantes, treating of the Spanish
staoe in a stvle of iudicious criticism, declared how
prejudicial it was for the drama to become mere
saleable merchandise, as authors were thus compelled
to conform to the taste of the players who purchased
their works : and as he could not undeceive himself as
to the influence which Lope had in supporting such
a corruption of public taste, he thus proceeds to ani-
madvert on his plays, though without naming their
author : " And that this is the case, we may con-
clude from the infinite number of comedies which
have been produced by a writer of the happiest genius
in all this realm, and which possess such life, such
grace, such elegant diction, such excellent plots, such
weighty sentences, and finally, are so rich in elocu-
tion and grandeur of style, as to have filled the world
with his fame ; but in accommodating himself to the
taste of tlie players, he lias not carried them all to
that pitch of perfection which was within his reach:"
OP CERVANTES. 201
Here we see with what feeling and delicacy he
pointed out the defects of many of the plays of this
celebrated writer, knowing that they are more pre-
judicial when they are accompanied by great talents,
supported by a reputation so popular and so extra-
ordinary, as that enjoyed by Lope at this time. It
was thus the great philosopher and critic Diony-
sius Longinus acted, in respect to Plato and Homer;
and the same excellent style of criticism, adopted by
him in his notice of the Dialogues of Plato, is dis-
played by Cervantes, if we may believe the accom-
plished and erudite Garces. He observed the same
degree of circumspection in his remarks on the other
comic poets ; in a way that whoever reads his cen-
sures with impartiality will find reason to regard
them as an excuse or apology for Lope, rather than
a satire, with which he has been charged.
But the extravagances of this prolific \NTiter, and
the faults of his dramatic writinos, were treated with
much more severity by Cristoval de Mera, Mica
Andrez Rey de Artieda, D. Esteban Manuel de
Villegas, Cristoval Suarez de Figueroa, and above
all, and more openly, by Pedro de Torres Ramila,
professor of theology and teacher of grammar, in
Alcala de Henares, whose Spongia^ published in
Paris, in 1617, depreciates the merit of several au-
thors of high reputation, and amongst others of Lope
de Yega ; expressing a caustic and injurious opinion
of his works, and their influence on manners. This
attack was so acutely felt by the passionate admirers
of Lope, that they unanimously raised their voice to
defend him with zeal and courage, and loaded him
with extraordinary praises, particularly Don Fran-
cisco Lopez de Aguilar, prcsbitary and knight of the
order of St. Juan, and Alonso Sanchez, professor of
202 LIFE AND WRITINGS
Greek, Hebrew, and Chaklaic, in the university of Al-
cala, in a work which they puhlished, with the title
of £Jd-postuIatlo Spongia\ and an Appendix^ where
they endeavoured to resent the wrongs heaped on
him by the pens of these insolent rivals and calum-
niators. In order to comprehend the whole justice
of the censure passed by Cervantes on Lope de Vega,
and his good temper and moderation, it will be ne-
cessary to advert to the state of the Spanish stage at
that time, and for this purpose no testimony can be
more free from suspicion, nor of higher authority,
than that of D. Suarez de Figueroa, who was then
living, and who says : —
" The writers of plays of the present day are wholly
ignorant, or appear to be, of the principles of their
art ; excusing themselves by asserting that they are
obliged to conform to the prevailing taste of the
public, who, they say, find the more regular plots, as
those of Plautus and Terence, tedious and wearisome.
Thus to gratify a vicious taste, these pieces are
divested of all learning, and morality, and care of
language, in a manner that persons may attend them
for three or four hours without deriving any im-
provement from them at last. There is no persuad-
ing these modern writers that, in order to emulate
the ancients, they ought to inculcate pure morals,
and teach the art of living wisely and well, as is the
part of a good dramatist, not unaccompanied with
passages of wit and humour. But on the contrary,
most of the comic A\'i'iters evince a poor and con-
tracted genius ; each choosing his subject according
to his own taste, and executing it without either
rule or design. Thus persons, scarcely able to read,
aspire to write plays ; as for example, the tailor of
Toledo, and the sack-clothman of Seville, and other
OF CERVANTES. 203
low and wretched pretenders like these. The result of
this has been the production of a race of low comedies,
filled with indecent dialogue and the poorest attempts
at wit, and abounding in inconsistencies and impro-
babilities. All respect towards the female sex is
disreoarded ; a mere licentious freedom reigns
throughout, sufficient to outrage a respectable audi-
ence. The most absurd thing is, that there are per-
sons who seek to create a fresh interest by a new
style, and introduce in all the comedies a person
under the name of a poet, in whose person they very
consistently comprise all possible faults and misfor-
tunes."
If such was the depravity of the stage, and its
consequences so injurious, w^e cannot sufficiently
admire the sagacity and skill with which Cervantes
censures without offi?nding any particular individual,
although justly lamenting that the good name of
Lope was borrowed to authorise and protect these
scandalous irregularities, which, from his genius and
unbounded popularity, he was, perhaps, the only
person who could remedy and correct.
The testimonies of respect which Cervantes thus
manifested towards Lope de Vega, were not feigned ;
for in his Canto de Callope he has bestowed upon him
the hiofhest commendations : and he afterwards re-
....
peated them with the greatest sincerity, m the sonnet
which he inserted in the opening of the Dragontea,
in the Viage al Pariiaso, in the interlude of the
Giiarcla Citidadosa^ in the prologue to his Comedias,
and in many places in his Don Quixote, where,
giving tlie lie to all who attributed to him malice or
ill will, he says that they are wholly deceived, for of
such a man (speaking of Lope) he adores the genius,
and admires his works, and his commendable labours.
204 LIFE AND WRITINGS
And Lope, alive to this praise, generously reciprocates
it, making honourable mention of Cervantes in his
Dorotea^ and in La Norela Primer a ; and comme-
morates his merit also after his death, in the Laurel de
Apolo. it being very evident that they both cordially
united in the cultivation and improvement of letters,
and the correction of abuses, with that noble and
candid emulation, as in the classic age of gold, and
animating each other, and exchanging those friendly
expostulations and admonitions which are requisite
for the advancement of literature. These facts suffi-
ciently prove how remote from the mind of Cervantes
were those miserable passions and resentments with
which some evil-disposed persons have charged him,
who would measure the nobility and dignity of great
minds by the littleness and baseness of their own
hearts.
Of this class there existed at that time a writer of
plays, who, wounded and chagrined at having been
included in Cervantes' general censure of the stage,
and swelling with envj^ and anger at the great
name and credit which the latter had obtained, and
liaving the audacity to identify himself with Lope,
presented himself in the lists, although under a false
name, country, and profession, and had the hardihood
to publish a continuation of the romance of Don
Quixote, while its legitimate author was not only
living, but had already written and announced the
appearance of the second part, in the prologue to his
tales.
Such was the profligate audacity of this writer,
who, under the assumed name of the licentiate Alonso
Fernandez de Avellaneda, pretending to be a native
of Tordesillas, published in Tarragona, about the
middle of the year 1G14, a continuation, or second
OF CERVANTES. 205
part of Don Quixote, in the preface to which he
pretends to mark out the limits of prudence and
urbanity, venting the malice engendered in his heart,
and insulting the grey hairs and well-earned fame of
Cervantes, whom he designates as a lame, envious,
reckless grumbler, and an incarcerated delinquent.
Thus putting his sickle, in an unprincipled manner,
into another's harvest, he threatens to deprive Cer-
vantes of the profits of his second part, which he was
then on the point of publishing ; while the malignant
libeller never considered, as Cervantes well observed,
that in order to compose histories and books, of
whatever kind they may be, it is requisite to possess
a sound judgment, and a matured understanding ;
and that it requires no common genius to write with
elegance. In whatever light we view this pro-
logue, we cannot help denouncing it as an infamous
libel, deservino- the severest venoeance of the law.
When this medley of contemptuous reproaches
reached the hands of Cervantes, at the head of an
insipid and indecent production, the second part of
Don Quixote was already far advanced, and he
mentions it in his fifty-ninth chapter, but with
remarkable delicacy in relation to his personal
wrongs, and with extreme humour and grace when
he touches on the literary defects of his rival ;
treating with generous disdain the imputations which
he had made, as demonstrating the perversity of his
rival's mind, or ridiculing his ignorance and want of
talent.
It was in the power of Cervantes to have with-
drawn the mask, and to have delivered over this
culprit to public indignation, but his natural mode-
ration of temper, and other considerations, prevented
him. At the same time he offered himself to the
206 LIFE AND WRITINGS
conflict with a genuine openness and frankness.
When we draw a parallel between Cervantes and
Avellaneda on this occasion, we cannot but remark
the noble oenerositv and decorum of the one, and
~ ■ . .
the meanness and malignity of the other ; as on a
comparison also of the two works, tlie genius, eru-
dition, and oTace of Cervantes are strongly contrasted
w4th the pedantry, insipidity, and dulness of Avel-
Janeda.
It was only the universal celebrity and acknow-
ledged merit of Cervantes, that could have excited
any curiosity respecting the real person hidden under
the assumed name of Avellaneda; for he would
certainly have soon disappeared, together with his
work, if Cervantes had overlooked his conduct, and
had made no mention of his wretched adversary;
but the desire to vindicate his ow-n reputation, and
to ridicule his rival, was the cause of perpetuating his
memory in the same work which bore his own fame
to distant generations; and in proportion as the
reputation of his own works is extended, the curiosity
increases to learn wlio the pigmy was, who thus
dared to measure himself with the Atlas of Spanish
literature.
It could be nothing else, if we examine the matter
fairly, than a love of novelty, which led M. Le Sage
to publish in Paris, in 1704, the Don Quixote of
Avellaneda, translated into French, in a very elegant
and pleasing style ; but in order to escape the dis-
gust which its insipidity and disagreeable qualities
were sure to occasion, he took the libert}" of altering
the original, purifying it from many dull, as well as
indecent passages, and adding many engaging tales
and episodes of his own ; for although, according to
the French critics, Le Sage possessed little invention
OF CERVANTES. 207
of his own, he was yet endowed with a singular talent
for embellishing and perfecting the ideas of otliers, and
in this manner making them his own : as he did with
the Diahio Cojuelo^ of Luis Velez de Guevara, and
with other Spanish tales ; thus eluding the dilficulty
he found in conforming to the original, either from
their inimitable humour and burlesque style, or from
want of expression in the French language.
These changes so far improved the work of Avel-
laneda as to entitle it to some share of public esteem ;
but those who w^ere ignorant of the liberties taken
by the translator, and believed it to be a faithful and
correct version, blindly praised Avellaneda, consider-
ing him exempt from the faults they found in Cer-
vantes, and assuring us that the latter had imitated
and copied the second part of Avellaneda, and re-
proaching him, at the same time, with the injustice
with which, impelled by anger and resentment, he
liad treated his competitor. This was the opinion
expressed by the author of the Diario de los Sabios,
and also by Dr. Diego de Torres, and otliers, all
judging of Avellaneda from the French translation
only, censuring the neglect of the Spaniards who
were insensible to the interest of the story, as if,
although its style was not very correct, it was valuable
for the many beauties of invention which it contained
and the corresponding harmony of the narration.
The verdict of persons of such high reputation
attracted to his party others not less distinguished
in the republic of letters, and more especially Don
Bias de Navarre, who, disguising himself under the
name of Don Isidro Perales y Torres, who was an
ecclesiastical friend of his, republished in jMadrid, in
1732 the Don Quixote of Avellaneda with a dedica-
tion, which he also wrote under an assumed name.
208 LIFE AND WRITINGS
ascribing it to a friend of his, who enjoyed a benefice
in the parish churcli of Aliaga, and requiring from
the friendship of Don Augustin de Montiano an
opinion equally favourable of this writer.
With such a parade of encomiums and panegyrics,
Avellaneda appeared in the eighteenth century, as if
to revenge himself for the contemptuous neglect he
had experienced in the age in which he lived ; but
with all this he could not impose on persons of
clear judgment, and thus only enjoyed a short-lived
and superficial popularity; while the book, which had
been difficult to meet with, lost this barren attraction
as soon as it became known, and criticism and good
taste soon consigned it to the sepulchre in which it
had so long remained undisturbed. However, the
fame and reputation of Cervantes have given rise to
much curiosity in our o\ati time, and led to a new
edition of the work of AveHaneda, though the licen-
tious nan^ative and tales which it contained, are omit-
ted ; but without in the remotest manner injuring
the delightful Don Quixote of his noble rival, whose
fame has traversed the habitable globe.
The silence of contemporary writers, or the caution
with which the few who speak of Avellaneda men-
tion him in his own age, is, in reality, some reflection
on the levity and presumption of those, who, a
hundred years after him, began to lavish praises which
were never merited. The lapse of time and the diffi-
culty of ascertaining the real truth, have stimulated
the curiosity and diligence of some literary men to
inquire who the disguised Avellaneda was ; and
although we are too far removed to treat this question
with accuracy, we may yet with propriety state what
others have done in the prosecution of this question.
When Nicolas Antonio makes mention of this dull
OF CERVANTES. 209
novelist in his Biblioteca^ he openly states the little
esteem in which he was held, and the inferiority of
his genius to that of Cervantes. Mayans corroborates
this censure, for, inclining to find something myste-
rious in tlie expressions of Cervantes, he judged, from
some passage in the prologue to the second part of
Don Quixote, that his enemy was a man of rank, and
for this reason he did not venture to give his name ;
but vacillating in his judgment, he afterwards thinks
that he might purposely conceal it, that he might
not extend the fame of a mean and despicable person.
"With more correct judgment and greater proba-
bility, P. IMurillo conjectures, in his Geograjia His-
torica, that he was an ecclesiastic ; and Pellicer, who
laboured with great pains to further this investigation,
not only supports this opinion, but adds further, that
he was a monk of the order of Predicadores. This
is confirmed in part by many of the incidents and
passages in his work of Don Quixote — the partiality
with which he alludes to the peculiar manners of that
order, the zeal to promote its interests, the exact
description of its ceremonies and religions practices,
and an evident scholastic and theological knowledge,
supported by texts and authorities from the holy
fathers. It is equally probable that this masked
Zoilus was a writer of comedies, and was included
in the general censure that Cervantes makes of him
m his Don Quixote, and in his Viage al Parnaso,
when he calls on Lope de Yega to aid his cause ; and
it appears also that he was present at two controver-
sies which we find announced in Zaragoza in 1(514, on
the elucidation of ten enigmas which were circulated
in that city ; and although, from the allusions the
judges make in their sentences to various passages of
the Quixote, it is ascertained that he was a com-
p
210 LIFE AXD WRITIJTGS
petitor, yet sufficient light is not aiforded to say decid-
edly which of the many poets who are there named
was the feigned A vellaneda. When we reflect on what
has been st^ated, and the proof we have of his real
country, we may conclude that the circumspection
and moderation of Cervantes towards his rival, pro-
ceeded from the support and protection that this
person found in the interest and authority of the
confessor of the King, Fr. Luis de Aliaga, a monk of
the same order and a native of Zaragoza, who pos-
sessed great influence at court in all public aff*airs ;
but who, it is said, behaved with signal ingrati-
tude towards his benefactor the duke of Lerma.
His manners too, were so gross and disorderly, that
they excited the complaint of many persons, the censure
of contemporary writers, and ultimately led to the de-
privation of his dignities on the accession of Philip lY.
It was not extraordinary, therefore, that Cervantes,
under these circumstances, finding himself absent from
his protector the count de Lemos, who was sur-
rounded by the Argensolas, also Aragonians, that
might very much influence his situation, should prefer
concealing the name and rank of his adversary, out
of respect to his station, profession, and connexions,
to making known that name, and holdinor J^ini up to
pubUc shame, and gratifying his own just indignation;
well knowing, as he says in his tales, that cowards
and persons of base minds become bold and insolent
when they are protected, and more prone to offend
those who excel them. But we have evidence of his
being a native of Aragon and not of Tordesillas, as
supposed, for Cervantes has not only stated this fact
on several occasions, but it is further confirmed in an
indisputable manner by Avellaneda's language and
style, and the use of certain words and modes of
expression peculiar to that province, and which he
OF CERVANTES. 211
Cither did not or could not avoid, as other more cele-
brated Aragonese of that age did, especially the two
brothers the Argensolas, of whom Lope de Vega
said, that tliey \yere sent from Aragon to instruct
our poets in the Castilian tongue.
TheCastilian language indeed began about this time
to lose that dignity and elegance which it had acquired
in the last century ; and one great cause of its decay
and corruption was the infinite number of poets who,
without any other principle than their own caprice,
or any other guide tlian their own distempered
imagination, profaned the tem.ple of the muses, sub-
stituting artful refinements of language for dignified
expression, and the ostentation of extravagant meta-
phors and a Latinised phraseology for the elegance
and perspicuity of the pure Castilian idiom. This
contagion spread rapidly even among men of the first
genius of that age, and found in the vulgar a welcome
and applause as extraordinary as general. To oppose
a mound to this evil torrent Cervantes composed his
Viafjfe al Parnaso^ in imitation of a work of this kind
published in Italy, by Cesar Caporali, a native of
Perugia, and who resembled Cervantes not only in
his keen and festive w4t, but also in his unfortunate
life. Cervantes in this work gives the meed of
praise to all poets deserving of it, assigning them the
rank they w^ere entitled to in Parnassus, and banish-
ing thence the multitude of corruptors of thenoble Cas-
tilian language, some of whom might be said to write
in Latin and others in Arabic. But as Cervantes,
besides his attachment to letters, considered himself
not undeserving from his genius of occupying a dis-
tinguished place among the poets of his country, but
even was on the other hand comparatively poor and
necessitous, ere he had reached the last stage of life,
p2
212 LIFE AND WRITINGS
he availed himself of this opportunity to desire
Mercury to acquaint Apollo with his military and
literary labours, and how ill they had been rewarded
by those who ought to have remembered him, es-
teeming himself a poet, as Rios well observes, in the
service of the gods, in order that the favour of them
might atone for the injustice and insensibility of
mankind.
CHAPTER XIY.
Literary productions — The Viage al Parnaso — Complains of the
neglect of his friends — of men of rank — the court — the country
for Mhich he bled — The Adjunta al Parnaso — Fresh disap-
pointments — Injustice of the Spanish theatre — He composes new
plays — Maligned and persecuted — Renses his comedies — Dedi-
cates them to the Count de Lemos — Their cold reception —
Characteristics of the drama of that period — Examination of the
various subjects treated by Cervantes — His contemporary, Lope
de Vega — " Justas Poeticas " — Second part of Don Quixote-
Humorous picture of his rival — Pleasant dialogue — Delicate
feeling of Cervantes — Contrasted with his rival — His style —
Charged with Italianisms by his enemies — His purity and har-
mony of style — His works translated and published in other
countries.
Cervantes set a high value on the Viage al Par-
naso^ which, in fact, is more to be commended for its
conception and design, than its style and language.
In this piece he gives full scope to the feelings of his
heart, and openly avows his extreme poverty and
destitution, sets forth his merits as a soldier and as
an author, complains of the neglect and forgetfulness
of his former friends, the indifference of his noble
patrons, and the perverse obstinacy of his evil star.
The justice of his complaints is here not less remark-
able than the temper and moderation with which he
OF CERVANTES. 213
enforces them. It was perhaps for these reasons, or
from tlie fear he had that this new work might not
be well received by the count de Lemos, that he re-
solved to dedicate it to Don Rodrigo de Tapia,
knight of the order of Santiago, who in his youth
had cultivated letters with assiduity and success.
It was about three years before his death, that
Cervantes produced this singular work, more particu-
larly devoted to criticism and literary satire. It was
composed in Urze rime, in eight cantos, of about three
hundred verses each, and entitled Viaf/e al Parnaso,
or " A Journey to Parnassus." Cervantes is farther
represented as being wearied with a state of poverty,
and ambitious of obtaining the name of a poet, while
he modestly asserts, at the same time, that Heaven has
refused him the requisite talents ; but, hoping for the
best, he sets out on foot from Madrid to Carthagena.
" A white loaf," he says, " and a few pieces of cheese
which I placed in my wallet, were all my provisions
for the journey; a weight not too heavy for a pedes-
trian traveller. Adieu, said I to my humble habi-
tation ; adieu, Madrid ! Adieu, ye meadows and
fountains from whence flow nectar and ambrosia !
Adieu, too, society! where, for one truly happy man,
we find a thousand pretenders to happiness ! Adieu,
agreeable, but deceitful residence. Adieu, theatres,
honoured by well praised ignorance ; where, day
after day, a thousand absurdities are repeated 1"
Upon his arrival at Carthagena the poet is re-
minded, by a view of the sea, of the glorious exploits
of Don John of Austria, under whom he had served.
While he is seeking for a vessel, he sees a light boat
approach, propelled both by sails and oars, to the
sound of the most harmonious musical instruments.
Mercury, with his winged feet, and his caduceus in
214 LIFE AND WRITINGS
his hand, invites the poetical pilgTim in the most
courteous manner to embark for Parnassus, whither
Apollo, it seems, had already summoned his faithful
poets ; for it was full time to protect himself, by
their assistance, against the terrible invasion of bad
taste. At the same time he requests him to inspect
the extraordinary construction of the vessel into
which he had just entered. From prow to poop he
found it composed entirely of verses, the various
styles of which are ingeniously represented by the
different purposes to which they are applied. The
spars were made of long and melancholy elegies ; the
mast of a prolix song ; andtheotherpartsof the vessel
wereformedin a similar manner. Mercury next pre-
sents to Cervantes a formidable catalogue of Spanish
poets, and asks his advice as to the propriety of admit-
ting or rejecting each individual. This question gives
Cervantes an opportunity of characterising the con-
temporary poets in a few brief verses, which, at the
present day, are exceedingly obscure. It is often
very difficult to determine whether his praises are
ironical or sincere. The poets now arrive (as if
by enchantment) and crowd into the vessel; but
a terrible storm soon whistles about tlieir ears.
Many marvellous adventures succeed ; and the mar-
vellous is always mingled with a touch of the satiri-
cal. The names introduced are all of them of un-
known personages ; the production is in many parts
obscure ; and, whatever the trip may have produced
to the poets, to the reader it is often not a little
fatiguing. A few passages, indeed, notwithstanding
the frequent satirical allusions which are scattered
through them, still display many poetical charms.
The opening of the third canto may be adduced as an
instance :
OF CERVANTES. 215
■** Smooth gliding verses are its oars ; by these
Impell'd, the royal galley, fast and light,
Wore h€r clear course o'er unresisting seas ;
With white sails spread to the extremest height
Of the tall mast. Of the most delicate thought,
Woven by Jove himself, in colours bright
The various tissue of those sails was wrought.
Soft winds upon the poop with amorous force,
Breathed sweetly all, as if they only sought
To waft that bark on her majestic course.
The syrens sport around her as she holds
Her rapid voyage through the waters hoarse,
Which, like some snowy garment's flowing folds,
Roll to and fro ; and on the expanse of green,
Bright azure tints the dazzled eye beholds.
Upon the deck the passengers are seen
In converse. These discuss the art of verse,
Arduous and nice ; those sing ; and all between,
Others the dictates of the muse rehearse."
Cervantes pleads his own cause before Apollo,
and sets forth the merits of his different works with
a degree of pride which has sometimes been cen-
sured. But who will not forgive the proud feeling
of conscious superiority, which sustains genius when
sinking under the pressure of misfortune ? TVho
will insist upon humility in a man who, whilst he
formed the glory of his age, found himself, in old age
and in sickness, but little removed from poverty?
TVas it not just that Cervantes, to wliomhis country
had denied all recompense, should appropriate to
himself that glory which he felt he had so truly
merited ?*
As a continuation to this work, which appeared
at the close of 1614, he published the Adjunta at
Parnaso^ a dialogiie in prose, in which he represents,
with much freedom of grace and style, a conversation
* M. Sismondi. Literature of the South, &c., vol. iii, pp. 340-,
344.
216 LIFE AND WRITINGS
which he had had with a new poet, who brought a
paper for the god Apollo, containing a list of ordinances
and privileges for the Spanish poets. The object of
this little work seems to have been the same as that of
the Viage al Parnaso^ but he was here more desirous
to make his comedies known, and to publish his
complaints of the comedians, who, holding his plays
cheap, neither asked for them nor bought them.
Some had in former times been represented with
general applause, and others he thought might
obtain popularity from their novelty, if not from
their merit, as they were not yet known to the
public. This neglect of the players wounded the
self-love of Cervantes in so lively a manner, that
in this dialogue he declares his intention of publishing
his plays, that the j^ublic might form a dispassionate
opinion on their merits.
But, in prosecuting the object of his wishes, he
exposed himself to fresh disappointments ; for, ima-
gining that his plays still enjoyed popularity, he
composed some new comedies, but was unable to
procure their representation. This disgusted him so
much, that he threw them into a chest, and con-
demned them to perpetual oblivion. But compelled
by poverty, and anxious to derive assistance from
every quarter, he offered them for sale soon after to
Juan de Yillaroel. This person ingenuously con-
fessed to him that he should have cheerfully pur-
chased them, had not an author of celebrity just said
to him — that as to Cervantes the world might expect
mucli from his prose, but nothing from his poetry.
He was extremely mortified by this answer, from the
desire he had always felt of maintaining his fame as a
poet, and under this heavy disappointment he deter-
mined to revise his comedies and interludes, which were
OF CERVANTES. 217
in his opinion not undeserving of publication. With
this view he renewed his treaty with the bookseUer
Villaroel, w^ith w^hom he ultimately agreed for the
sale of them. In pursuance of this agreement, he
published in September 1615, eight comedies, and
as many interludes, with a handsome dedication to
the Count de Lemos, and a prologue as sensible as
learned, and highly valuable for a detailed history it
contains of the Spanish stage.
But the public received these works with indif-
ference, and the players did not adopt them. This,
indeed, was not to be wondered at, as Lope de
Vega had at this time inundated the stage with his
popular productions, and many other agreeable and
successful writers seconded him in supporting a style
of writing which had obtained general applause.
Cervantes was aware of this, and confessed it w^ith
frankness and sincerity in his prologue ; and it was
this circumstance, or the advice of his friends, that
led him to view his compositions in their true light.
At the same time he asserts that they are neither
tasteless nor immoral, that the verse was what was
required for this class of works, and the language
appropriate to the characters ; but that, to gratify
the taste of a fastidious public, and to show his know-
ledge of the law^s of dramatic poetry, he proposed to
correct all his faults in a comedy he was then writ-
ing, called el Engano a los ojos (which never saw
the light). This w^ould have been a desirable result,
as it would have enabled us to judge whether Cer-
vantes, when he found out his defects, had possessed
discernment and judgment sufficient to correct them.
It is thus that we sometimes see the observation con-
firmed, that there are many men of ability in specu-
lative theories, who are totally deficient in a disposi-
218 LIFE AND WRITINGS
tion and aptitude requisite for the application of
them to practice, and some have undertaken to
defend or acquit Cervantes of some absurd errors in
his comedies, by excuses as singular as inconsi-
derate. This was the case with D. Bias Nasarre,
who, after having published with undeserved eulo-
gium the Don Quixote of Avellaneda, reprinted also,
in 1749, the comedies and interludes of Cervantes,
in order, as he says, to rescue them from the oblivion
in which they lay, while the other works of the same
author occupied the attention of all civilised nations.
It is his opinion that Cervantes composed these plays
with the intention of ridiculing the comedies of his
own time, intentionally writing them in bad taste to
lash and burlesque the defective and absurd pieces
which were introduced on the stage ; and by this
means correcting the depraved taste and immoralities
of the scene, in the same manner as he wrote Don
Quixote in order to ridicule the absurd writers
of knight-errantry. Tlie Abate Lampillas asserts
also, by way of justifying Cervantes, that the male-
volence of the printers led them to publish, with
his name and prologue, these extravagant come-
dies, which were adapted to the depraved taste of
the vulgar, and that they suppressed those which
were in reality his compositionSj substituting others
for them.
No stronger proof can be given of the irregu-
larity of these dramas, than the strange subterfuges
with which their apologists pretend to defend and
exculpate them. A single glance at the Spanish
drama of the time will convince us that the defects
of the comedies of Cervantes were common to all, or
the greater part, of those that were then represented,
yet were such as Cervantes considered as excellent,
OP CERVANTES. 219
and composed agreeably to the strictest rules of art.
These were performed with the most imqiialilied
applause for many years, as La Isahela^ La Fills y la
A lejandra^ of Argensola, La Ingratitiid Vtngada^ of
Lope de Yega ; the Mercader Amante., of Gaspar de
Avila, and the EnemigaFavorahle of the Canon Fran-
cisco Tarrega. All these abound with ftiults and
improprieties, which have now^ rendered them insuf-
ferable ; and the Ti^ato de Argel^ and W\q Nmnantia^
which w^e have seen lately published, which Cer-
vantes acknowledged as his, and which he thought
so well worthy of the stage, in spite of the absurdities
we now notice in them, confirm us in the opinion
that those equally belong to him which were pub-
lished in 1615, as, indeed, he acknowledges in his
dedication and prologue ; and that it was the change
of manners and the greater delicacy and refinement
in the public taste, that reprobated and condemned the
numerous pieces which, twenty or thirty years before,
the public had received wnth eagerness, and wel-
comed with such unbounded applause ; for we find
Cervantes mentioned as an author among other cele-
brated men who had advanced the Spanish drama,
by Agustin de Rojas, in his Viage Entretenido, and
by Dr. Suarez de Figaeroa, in his Plaza Universal.
A greater degree of merit is due to the etit remises
or interludes of Cervantes; short dramas or dialogues,
jocose and burlesque, which were usually performed
between the acts of the play, to render the whole
performance more attractive. These were at first
simple eclogues, but, as the stage improved, they
acquired more dignity and ornament. Kings, queens,
and persons of rank, were introduced into them
by Juan de la Cueva, and he was followed by
Cervantes and others. It then became the custom
220 LIFE AND WRITINGS
to call the ancient comedies entremises^ "while the art
was in its origin, the scene and characters being laid
in low life, as Lope de Yega informs us. Such were
the interludes at the beginning of the 17th century,
and many years afterwards, until the moderns, with
a more extended and complicated plot, adulterated
the original simplicity of the piece ; and even these
were not wanting in merit, especially the pieces of
Ramon de la Cruz.
There prevailed undeniably in these old interludes
such well- seasoned jests, so much humour and truth
in the low and ridiculous characters, such naivete
of manners and simplicity of language, that they
have always commanded the attention of an enlight-
ened public, as is evident from the collection made
of them at different periods. Cervantes composed
some of this class ; but he only published eight among
his comedies. They exhibit his singular faculty of
representing every species of character and custom,
and are a proof of his natural and masterly talent
for dialogue ; his fine and delicate touch in painting
the ridiculous and extravagant, with wit, amenity,
and inimitable grace.
A modern writer, not without good reason, laments
that with such ample requisites Cervantes did not
expose on the stage the social vices and follies of his
own age and nation, in which path he would probably
have equalled Moliere. M. Florian, who has formed
a just esthnate of this species of literature, asserts that
these entremises of Cervantes are superior to his come-
dies ; that they possess a vein of rich comic humour,
though some of them are too free ; but that they are
admirable productions : above all, the one entitled La
Cueva de Salamanca^ in imitation of which the French
wrote their Enchanted Soldier, and the Table of
OF CERVANTES. 221
Wrmders, which afforded materials to the celebrated
Piron for an opera called the False Vrodhjy^ though
much inferior to its original. /
Thus, Lope de Yega composed, in 1598, his play of
Los Cautivos de Argel, borrowing the story and inci-
dents, and even some of the scenes and expressions,
from the Trato de Argel^ which Cervantes had written
many years before. Cervantes too, introduced in
his entremises several subjects he had before touched
on in his works, as, the incidents in the house of
Monipodio, the adventures of the jealous Cahizares,
and of Roque Guinart ; and he left for publication
others not less pleasing and attractive, as that of the
Hahladores^ which was published in Seville in 1624.
Some have also thought that Cervantes composed
some autos sacramentales, and have attributed to him
the one entitled las Cortes de la Miiert\ of which he
speaks in the ninth chapter of the second part of Don
Quixote, but hitherto we have not met with any
proof for this conjecture.
Among the institutions most deserving of com-
mendation which were established at this period, for
the reward of talent, we may mention the assemblies
called Justas jyoeticsa (literary contests). These were
of long standing among the Spaniards, and were
established, it should seem, in imitation of those
jousts and tournaments where the young nobility
of Castile displayed their gallantry and courage.
Literary men found, in these contests, a means of
distinguishing tliemselves by an honourable competi-
tion ; and thus contributed, by their productions, to
render such meetings popular. One of these meet-
ings was celebrated in Madrid in the year 1614, on
occasion of the pope, Paul Y., beatifying Santa Teresa
de Jesus ; when the Latin and Spanish compositions
222 LIFE AND "VTRITIXCS
were directed to be sent to the Procurator-general of
the bare-footed Carmelites.
The tribunal of criticism was assembled in the
large chapel, amidst an audience as numerous as dis-
tinouished. Lope de Vega himself was one of the
judges, and he opened the meeting with a speech and
a discourse in praise of Santa Teresa, with such grace
of language and such propriety of action, such per-
suasion, such reasoning, and so much passionate
tenderness, as to produce a sensation of delight in
the minds of all present : and in conclusion, after the
performance of some excellent music, he recited in a
fine voice the verses he had prepared for the occasion.
Eight contests were then announced to the public,
and in the third three prizes were offered to those
who. with the most erudition and greatest elegance of
styl*, should compose a Castilian cancion, in the lyric
measure, on the ''divine ecstacy" of the saint, in the
manner of those of Garcilaso el dulce lamentar de dos
pa-stores^ so that it should not exceed seven stanzas.
The most distinguished poets of Spain crowded to
this assembly, and among others Migiiel de Cervantes,
with a cancion, so elegant and so strictly conform-
able to the laws prescribed for this contest, that it
merited and obtained a place amongst the most select
in the narrative which F. Diego de S. Josef MTote
of this festival, which was publislied in Madi'id in
1613.
Juan Yagiie de Salas had at this time finished his
poem, or tragic epic^ as he called it, of the celebrated
and unfortunate lovers, Diego Juan Martinez de
Marcilla and Isabel de Segura, commonly called The
Lorers of Teruel ; and being very desirous of making
it a perfect work, he not only submitted it to all the
principal poets of Spain, but to all persons of science
OF CERVANTES. 223
and professors of arts. Among these critics wc find
Lope de Vega, Gcronimo de Salas Barbadillo, ]\Iig\iel
de Cervantes, and others, whose names are preserved
in tlie sonnets aifixed to the work, in commendation
of it, as if to propitiate, by their authority, the good-
will and applause of the public. It appears that
Yague de Salas obtained the royal privilege for print-
ing this work in 1615, but it was not published until
the middle of the following year, 1616, after the
death of Cervantes.
These occasional proofs of his attachment to poetry,
and the compliments he bestowed on deserving men
of letters, did not withdraw his attention from the
composition of works more instructive and engaging,
and of greater extent. The principal of these, and
that on which his reputation latterly reposed, was the
second part of Don Quixote, promised in the year
1604, and announced as ready for publication in
1613. This second part of Don Quixote was anti-
cipated by an anonymous and unprincipled author,
with an intention of destroying at one blow the genius
and fame of Cervantes. Cervantes was on the point
of finishing his work when Avellaneda anticipated
him ; but this incident, which surprised and harassed
him much, acted also on him as a pow^erful stimulus
to finish his work with all possible despatch, and we
find he had concluded it at the beoinnino- of 1615,
and was then soliciting a licence for the printing of
it ; but it was delayed by his care and correction
until the end of October.
In dedicating his Comedias to the count de Lemos
in the previous month, he says : — " Don Q.uixote
has just put on his boots and spurs, in his second
part, to set out to kiss the feet of your Excellency :
I believe he will arrive somewhat out of sorts, for in
224 LIFE AND WRITINGS
Zaragoza they waylaid and maltreated him," &c.,
&c., terms wliich denote not only the jnst resent-
ment of Cervantes, but also the contemptible opinion
that he from that time formed of the work of his
impertinent calumniator.
It is no wonder that he should thus feel himself in-
jured, and we cannot but admire the generosity and
prudence with which he governed his proceedings after-
wards. To the insolent calumnies of hisrivalheopposed
the good sense and urbanity so conspicuous in his pro-
logue, which may serve as a model of literary dispu-
tation, and the ingenious and humorous inventions
which he interweaved with the adventures of his hero,
alluding to the apocryphal history of the disguised
Araofonian. But nothino- could be more well-timed
than the apology which he makes for himself and
Don Quixote, in his dedication to the count de Lemos,
where, speaking of the anxiety with which his book
was expected, he explains himself in these terms : —
" I am pressed on all sides, by persons who are in
haste to get rid of the disrelish and nausea occasioned
by another Don Quixote, who, in a fictitious second
part, has been running his course under a feigned
name ; and the most urgent entreaties have come to
me from the great emperor of China ; for, about a
month since, he sent me a letter requesting, or rather
supplicating me, that I would send him my Don
Quixote, as he was about to found a college for the
cultivation of the Castilian tongue, and the book he
had appointed to be read there was the History of
Don Quixote.
" At the same time he informed me he meant to
appoint me rector of the college. I then inquired
from the ambassador of his majesty, if he had brought
any aid or subsidy. He replied, his majesty had not
OF CERVANTES. 22^
tlionglit of it. ' Then,' said I, * my friend, you may
return to China at your leisure, for my health would
not allow me to undertake so long a journey ; for,
besides being infirm, I am sadly in want of money ;
and talk as you will of your emperors and kings,
there is the great and good count de Lemos in
Naples, who, in spite of your colleges and your
titles, will support and protect me, and heap more
favours on me than I could ask or desire/ "
The object of this petition was not only to call to
the count's recollection the destitution he was suffer-
ing, by addressing to his l^enefactor andMaecenasthese
expressions of his gratitude and acknowledgment for
the liberality with which he at all times succoured
him, but also to support the reputation of his work,
and vindicate it from the malicious and unjust
censure of his enemies. The principal charge brought
against him by Avellaneda was, that his style or
idiom was vulgar, and that he made an ostentatious
display of synonymes. Cervantes, who did not con-
sider it decorous to enter into an open controversy,
chose rather to place the elegance and purity of his
lang-uage in contrast with the rudeness and vulgarity
of that of Avellaneda, under a plea that the most
remote countries were anxiously expecting his work,
that in it they might study the Castilian tongue, as
the most proper text- book for that purpose; an
opinion confirmed by the lapse of two centuries, by
the unanimous voice of the Spanish nation, and the
high authority of the Academy of Spain.
It had, in fact, been the constant aim of Cervantes
from his youth, to cultivate and improve his native
tong-ue. He endeavoured to demonstrate that it had
more variety, facility, and abundance, than the world
generally allowed, and congratulated himself with
Q
226 LIFE AND WRITINGS
the happy result he found on comparing the style of
the Galatea with that of Don Quixote and his No-
velas: a decision which is confirmed by those accom-
plished and judicious critics who have analysed the
language and style of our classic author.
The learned D. Gregorio Garces especially de-
serves honourable mention, when, in pointing out the
source of the vigour and elegance of the Castilian
idiom, he discovers in Cervantes qualities so eminent,
that he assures us that it is he, of all others, who has
donethemostto enrich it,andthathe possesses singular
talents for such a task. In this work he has shown the
indefatigable skill and diligence of Cervantes in intro-
ducing many words to adorn his country's speech, until
this time slender and confined, from the objection
many persons had to employ it in their works, and
from the too great fear of admitting new words, with-
out regarding the precept of Horace, as Arias Mon-
tano observes. He then remarks how much Cer-
vantes contributed to enrich the language by pure
Latin words of the Augustan age, thus adding equally
to its dignity and perspicuity. He also notices the
propriety of these words in expressing things simply
and vividly, satisfying tlie understanding, and pre-
senting objects in their natural light, agreeably to
their essence, qualities, and circumstances. He
admires also that rich vein which consists, not only
in an abundance of words, but in that peculiar mode
of varying in a natural and opportune manner
the same expression, affording additional amenity
and grace to composition. And finally, he praises
his sagacity in the use of old and new words, con-
formable to the rules of Quintilian. Cervantes, in thus
enriching his native language, would interweave a
foreign word, either as being more expressive, or an-
OF CERVANTES. 227
swering to the current of his rapid and lively imagi-
nation, and the example of other ingenious writers,
such as Perez de Castillo, Mendoza, Ercilla, Coloma,
and others. We may allege, as a proof of his circum-
spection on this point, the pleasant reproof which
Don Quixote makes on visiting the printing-house at
Barcelona, of the ahuse of the translators there, and
that of some incautious and conceited young men, who,
after travelling in Italy, afterwards interlarded their
style with a numher of Italian phrases.
He sometimes adopted obsolete words for the sake
of grace and expression, as Cicero and Terence have
done in Latin ; but with such propriety, as shows his
desire to amuse the reader, and lead him to despise
the old romances where such words are to be found.
He, nevertheless, placed these words at the side of the
new, selecting those that had preserved their spirit,
grace, and expression, and which a learned author
has adopted as an improvement in style. The style
of Cervantes was on this account remarkable for its
purity, harmony, facility, energy, and propriety, such
as gave it an indisputable right to be placed among
the first models of the Castilian tongue.
Tliose who have with so much captiousness and
fastidiousness charged Cervantes with the use of
Italianisms, and some expressions which do not
carry all the purity and delicacy which a more cor-
rect taste and the refinement of manners require,
do not reflect that, until the close of the fifteenth
century, the only source of improvement for the
Castilian had been from the Latin, and some remains
of Arabic in the southern provinces ; but after the
reign of the Catholic sovereigns, and during the
whole of the sixteenth century, the dominion in
Italy and Flanders, and the frequent commumcation
ci2
228 LIFE AND WRITINGS
with those countries, naturalised in Spain many-
words and phrases which now form a valuable part
of the staple of its language. The author of the
Dialogo de las Lenguas wished, in the time of
Charles Y., that a number of Italian words which he
mentions, as manejar^ comodo^ disenai\ discurrir^ en tre-
tenei\ facUitar, and others, should be introduced into
the Spanish for the want it had of them, and his
desires were some years afterwards fulfilled, when
duelo was introduced for desojio^ centinela^ mochila,
estrada^ dique^ marisco, and an infinite number of
others, by don Geronimo de Urrea, don Diego de
Mendoza, Ercilla, Coloma, Suarez de Figueroa, Cris-
tobal de Rojas, and other accomplished writers.
And as to the purity, decorum, and dignity of words,
it is acknowledged that they augment or diminish in
proportion to the greater or less delicacy of the ear, the
refinement of manners, the extension and popularity
they have acquired, and also the expression which
is assigned to them in conversation and familiar dis-
course, though they may not have possessed this
meaning originally, either in their composition or
signification. The natural and ingenious words and
expressions of Berseo and of Arcipreste de Hita,
which paint the pure and simple manners of their
age, have now changed their meaning, and we no
longer use them in the same sense; and some words
of Granada, Siguenza, Ribadeneira, and others of the
good old time, we now rank as vulgar, low, and
indelicate, though many of the old writers found in
them all that dignity, grace, and propriety, which
they have now lost by the refinement of taste and
revolutions of time. Reflections like these, directed
by philosophy and a judicious discrimination, ought
always to attend a just criticism.
OP CERVANTES. 229
The malignant hostility of Avcllaneda failed in its
effects, and the pretended embassy to Cervantes
seemed the more opportune when the Life of Don
Quixote was looked for on all sides with the greatest
anxiety, and when there actually arrived at Madrid,
at the beginning of the same year, 1615, an ambas-
sador from the king of Japan, requesting that mis-
sionaries might be sent to preach the Gospel to his
subjects ; on which occasion an Indian of rank,
whom that monarch had sent as a witness and proof
of his sincerity, was baptised in the royal chapel
with extraordinary ceremony in the presence of
Philip III. Nor was the parallel less true at an
epoch in which the Castilian tongue was held in
universal esteem, which indeed it had acquired from
the glorious extension of the Spanish empire in both
worlds in the preceding century, and from the vast
erudition of its learned men.
The Spanish language was at this time spoken at
the courts of Vienna, Bavaria, Brussels, Naples, and
Milan ; all the world took a pride in cultivating it,
and it was thought almost a disgrace to be ignorant
of it. The ties of relationship between the princes of
Austria and the house of Bourbon in France, ex-
tended still further the feelings of friendship, of com-
merce, and interest, between the two countries, and
gave so much lustre to the language which was the
channel of communication, that, according to Cer-
vantes, almost every person in that kingdom thought
themselves bound to learn Spanish ; and in Paris it
was spoken by a great part of the court, and by
persons who had never travelled in Spain, according
to the evidence of Ambrosio de Salazar. On this
account the most able masters were established there,
who thus contributed to extend the language, while
230 LIFE AND WRITINGS
Spanish authors of celebrity were eagerly sought
after and read. And it was not uncommon to see the
classical writers of this Augustan age i.i the houses of
Frenchmen. Teachers of Spanish, also, frequently
published in several countries Spanish poems, having
translated into Spanish the best works of France and
other countries. This Avas the cause that so many
Spanish books were printed in German3% England,
France, and Italy; and that the Spaniards lield the
same sway over the theatres of Europe as they did
over pubHc affairs. We are informed by a French
writer, that the companies of players, exercising
their talents in Paris and other cities, spread
abroad the beauties and excellences of Spain's great
dramatists, which being soon afterwards remodelled
iu the hands of Moliere, Corneiile, and other men
of genius, became .the delight of the civiUsed world,
and the triumph of letters, as far as regards the repre-
sentation of character, the delineation of the passions,
and the correction of the vices and extravagances
of mankind.
Cervantes, too, had the pleasure of seeing his
novel of the Curioso Iinpertinente published in Paris,
and afterwards translated there for the instruction of
those who were studying Spanish ; and he learnt th3
great estimation in which his Galatea^ his other
works, and the second part of Don Quixote, were held
in foreign countries, while he himself was living in
his own country destitute and forsaken. These cir-
cumstances give more reality to the allegory which
he makes use of in his dedication, in which he gives
vent to his complaints, but at the same time with
such delicacy and discretion, that, without offence to
any particular individual, it was capable of being
applied to those who, from their elevated stations
OF CERVANTES. 231
and their opulence, were the natural protectors of
letters, but who regarded with coldness and disdain,
instead of applauding and reviving, that sublime
but neglected genius, who had rendered his country
illustrious, and his productions indissolubly con-
nected with its glory.
CHAPTER XY.
Fopularity of Don Quixote — Neglect of men of letters — Curious
anecdote — Compliment to Cervantes — Numerous editions of Don
Quixote — Fame of the author — Ariosto — Tasso— Critical remarks
— Violence and injustice of other wiiters — Monsieur Sorel — A bold
Eufrlish critic — El Escudero Obrcgou — Character of its author
— His crafty and cavilling spirit towards Cervantes — Want of
consistency and merit in bis own work.
There were many writers of that age, who la-
mented the indifference of the court, and its neglect of
men of letters. A proof of it occurred, which re-
lated peculiarly to Cervantes,and which he at one time
thought of relating in the parable before mentioned.
As Philip the Third w\as one afternoon standing in a
balcony of his palace, in Madrid, he observed a
student on the banks of the river Manzanares, with
a book in his hand, the reading of wdiich was every
now and then interrupted by his striking his forehead
in an ecstacy of laughter and delight. The king
earnestly regarding him, instinctively recognised the
cause of his extravagant conduct, and exclaimed,-^ —
" Yon student is either mad, orreadi.igDon Quixote."
The attendants, eager to satisfy the curiosity of
the kinof, ran to the spot, and found that the scholar
was in the midst of the delightful romance of Cer-
vantes, but none of the courtiers took this opportunity
of mentioning its author to the king, unmindful of
232 LIFE AND WRITINGS
the poverty in which he Uved, loaded with infirmities
and misfortunes; and thus the happiest occasion that
ever occurred of obtaining for him a pension, or
affording him reHef, was overlooked.
We may, perhaps, attribute to this anecdote the
manner in which he speaks of the emperor of China,
preferring to his praises and compliments the benefi-
cence and effective liberality of the count de Lemos,
whose noble character and affection for letters led
him not only to encourage them, but to honour and
succour with his generous aid those who assiduoasly
cultivated them.
AVhilst Cervantes experienced this contumely and
neglect on the part of his own countrymen, and his rivals
pursued him with rancour, he was the first object of
attention to all foreigners wlio visited Madrid. They
remarked him as he passed along the streets, and
sought ev^ery means and opportunity of being intro-
duced to his acquaintance and friendship. Francisco
Marquez de Torres, chaplain, and master of the pages
io tlie arclibishop of Toledo, who licensed the second
part of Don Quixote, has preserved to us an irrefra-
gable proof of the honour in which Cervantes was
held : — " But a very different feeling" (he says, in
his approbation of the 27th of February, 1615) "has
been manifested towards the works of Miguel de
Cervantes, as well by his own countrymen as by
foreigners, for they throng, as to a sight, to see the
author of these works, which, for their good sense
and morality, as well as for their suavity and bland-
ness of style, have been received by Spain, France,
Italy, Germany, and Flanders, with general applause."
Ho relates as a fact, that on the 23rd of February
of that year, 1615, "accompanying my master,
the illustrious senor Don Bernardo de Sandoval y
OF CERVANTES. 233
Rojas, cardinal archbishop of Toledo, to return the
visit of the ambassador of France, wlio had come to
negotiate on a contract of marriage between France
and Spain, many Frenchmen of the archbishop's
train, as well courtiers as private gentlemen and
friends of letters, applied to me and tlie other chap-
lains of my lord cardinal, to ascertain the works then
most in repute, and happening to mention this, which
I had just licensed, they had scarcely heard the name
of Cervantes, when one of them pronounced a great
encomium on him, and spoke of the high admiration
that prevailed in France and the neighbouring coun-
tries of his Galatea^ which some had almost by
heart, his first part of Don Quixote, and his Tales.
They were so warm in their admiration of him, that
they intreated me to carry them to see him, as they
had the most longing desire to be acquainted with
him. They inquired from me his age, his profession,
and every minute particular of his life. Being obliged
to tell them that he was old, a soldier, a gentleman
by birth, and poor, one of them replied, ' Why is
such a man not adopted by Spain, and supported at
the public expense V Another gentleman wittily
exclaimed in reply, ' If poverty compels Cervantes
to write, I hope he will never know abundance, for
his poverty thus enriches the world.' These marked
expressions displayed the urbanity and good taste of
the speaker, conveyed a delicate compliment to Cer-
vantes, and a severe, though silent, invective against
the indiflference with which the court regarded the
man of genius who had obtained for Spain such repu-
tation and glory in the world of letters."
The result of this general and unbounded admira-
tion was seen in the multiplication of editions of
the works of Cervantes, in the original language, and
234 LIFE AND WRITINGS
in translations, in foreign countries. " There have
been," says Don Quixote, " thirty thousand volumes
of the history of my adventures published, and there
will be thirty thousand more, if Heaven is favour-
able." " I declare," he had said before, " that at
this day there are printed more than twelve thousand
books of this history, without mentioning Portugal,
Barcelona, and Valencia, where they have printed it,
and there is a report, too, that it has been published
in Antwerp ; and it seems to me that there soon will
not be a nation or tonoue where it is not translated."
This prophecy of Cervantes was verified in a manner
beyond his hopes, for a very few years after there
appeared two editions in Venice, from the Italian
translation of Lorenzo Franciosini, a native of
Florence.
The French, too, who hastened to translate it,
count at this day nine or ten different versions. In
England, for the English were at all times passionate
admirers of Cervantes, and set a just value on his
works, since the jear 1620 there have been produced
ten different translations, as Shelton, Gayton, Ward,
Jarvis, Smollett, Ozell, Motteux, Wilmont, Durfey,
and J. Philips ; and all these, excellent in their way,
were followed by a diligentand learned commentator,
Dr. Bowie. In Germany they have published, in
modern times, besides two translations, the one by
Tieck, and the other by Soltau, which is the most
valuable for its accuracy, a great variety of critical
and other works upon the subject. Portugal, Hol-
land, and other countries, have also naturalised it :
and it is to be remarked that, in many countries,
being sensible how much the vigour of expression is
lost in translating such a work from the original,
they have multiplied editions in Spanish, illustrating
OF CERVANTES. 235
them with notes, commentaries, and treatises, and
ornamenting them with choice engravings.
The edition by Tonson, published in London in
1738, with such care and magnificence, deserves par-
ticular notice in this place. It was printed in four
volumes, in quarto, and contained the first life of
Cervantes that had appeared, which was written by-
Don Gregorio Mayans and Siscar, at the instance of
Lord Carteret ; also that published, as before men-
tioned, by Bowie, in Salisbury and London, in 1781,
in six volumes, large 4to ; containing in the two last
volumes annotations on the work, and various indexes,
among which is a most copious one of all the 'words
in the book, in the manner of the best editions of the
Latin classics ; also that which in the year 1804 was
published in Berlin, by Louis Ideler, professor of
astronomy in the royal academy of sciences there, in
six volumes, large 8vo, and dedicated to Frederick
Augustus Wolf, professor of poetry and eloquence in
the university of Halle, in wiiich, with a view of
giving a correct text of Don Quixote, and facilitating
the understanding of it to strangers, he chose for his
model the edition of Pellicer, inserting his prelimi-
nary discourse, his new life of Cervantes, and the
notes to the work ; omitting some digressions and
particulars interesting only to Spaniards, and substi-
tuting others from Bowie; with numerous cxp na-
tions of words, phrases, and difiicult proverbs, with
the corresponding terms in German and French.
Another edition of Don Quixote was published in
Bordeaux the same year, in four volumes Hvo, being
an exact copy of the one which appeared in so cor-
rect and beautiful a form from the Royal press of
Madrid, a few years before. Also that published in
Paris, in 1814, in seven volumes, which followed the
236 LIFE AND WRITINGS
text of the edition of the Academy, uniting a life of
Cervantes and an analysis and chronological plan of
Don Quixote, written by Rios, with the notes and
remarks of Pellicer ; and finally the public papers
have announced a new edition of the English trans-
lation of Jarvis by Mr. Belfour, adorned with
magnificent plates, illustrated with notes, historical,
critical, and literary, as well on the text as on the
life of Cervantes, and on the state of manners and
literature in the age in which he flourished.
The fame of Cervantes, so extended and well sup-
ported, has been further confirmed by the verdict of
the most distinguished men of letters. The learned
Peter Daniel Huet declared Cervantes worthy of a
place among the first men of genius in Spain. Rapin
attested hisadmirationof DonQuixoteby an exquisite
satire, superior to anything of the kind in later times.
M. Gayot de Pitaval, in his Causes Celebres^ proposes
to the judicial authorities of France the judgmentand
verdict of Sancho in his oovernment as models in case of
extraordinary occurrences, and calls Don Quixote the
first work of fiction in the world. The accomplished
St. Evremont declared, that of all the books he had
read, he wished to be the author of none so much as
Don Quixote, and that he had never ceased admir-
ing how Cervantes had contrived to gain immortality
from the march of a madman and a clown.
The judicious Abbe du Bos observes, that all
nations have their peculiar fables and heroes of ro-
mance, and that those of Tasso and Ariosto are not so
well known in France or in Italy as those of the
Astrea^ and less known to the Italians than the
French ; and assures us that the romance of Don
Quixote alone has the glory of being equally known
to strangers and to the countrymen of the wonderful
OF CERVAI^TES. 237
Spaniard who first conceived and gave it to the world.
The author of Eloise called the writer of Don Quixote
inimitable, and preferred it to all works of imagina-
tion. The French translator, M. Florian, asserts
that Cervantes is perhaps tlie only man that by a
story, as original as ingenious, compels his readers to
follow his footsteps, not only without ennui or uneasi-
ness, but with admiration and delight. The author
of I'Esprit des Lois, the celebrated Montesquieu, even
when he treats the nation with marked injustice,
cannot deny the merit of Don Quixote, asserting
that it is the only good book in Spain ; an asser-
tion as false as it is honourable to Cervantes.
The poet Butler, in his burlesque and satirical
poem of Hudibras ; the distinguished authors of this
cultivated nation, Pope, Arbuthnot, and Swift, in
the Life of Martinus Scriblerus, which they con-
jointly wrote to satirize pedantry in literature and
science ; the French writer, Pierre Carlet de Mari-
vaux, in his work of Les Folies Romanesques^ ou il
Don Qidchotte Modern e^ the author of the Oujie^ and
the author of Don Quixote a Paris ; M. de Vissieux,
in el nuevo Don Quixote^ and in Spain the humorous
author of Friar Gerund,, the author of the Quixote of
Castile^ and many others of these and other nations,
have all proposed to themselves the i7igenioso hidalgo
de la Mancha as their model, and have all laboured,
though not with equal success, to imitate his life, his
adventures, and his style. The judicious Justo van
Efen, of Holland, recommends this work to be place
in the hands of youth, in order to foster the genius
and cultivate the judgment by the eloquence of its
style and the agreeable variety of its adventures, for
its admirable merit, and wise reflections on manners,
for the treasury it contains of judicious censure and
238 LIFE AND WRITINGS
excellent advice, and especially for the wit with
which it is flavoured.
Finally, several public bodies have honoured Don
Quixote, by expressing their intention of illustrating
it, as well for its chronology and geography, as for
its many allusions to persons and historical events.
We must not here forget to make mention of
a resolution passed by the Academy of Sciences,
Inscriptions, Literature, and the Fine Arts, of Troyes,
in Champagne, about the middle of the past century,
by which one of their body was appointed to travel
into Spain, for the purpose of ascertaining all the
particulars attending the death of the Pastor Crisos-
tomo, and the place of his interment, and of endea-
vouring at the same time to collect further information
to illustrate Don Quixote, to regulate the itinerary
of his expeditions, and to form a chronological table
of his adventures, in order to prepare a French trans-
lation more exact than any at that time published,
and an edition superior to all antecedent ones, for its
correctness and magnificence.
The earnest intentions of these men of letters were
as commendable as their simplicity and credulity
were excessive, in believing in the existence of per-
sons who had their origin only in the prolific fancy
of Cervantes, and in the reality of many actions
which were merely ideal or allegorical. They did
not reflect, as the learned Huet had done, in his
Essay on the origin of this class of novels, relative to
the idea that Cervantes adopted, in supposing the
original of his romance to have been in Arabic.
Being deceived by this stratagem of Cervantes, the
academicians of Troyes persuaded themselves that
this work actually existed in Arabic among the
manuscripts of the library of the Escurial, and they
OP CERVANTES. 239
directed their envoy to compare it with the transla-
tion of Cervantes, thinking- that from this careful
examination, and the publication of the original,
much light would be thrown on the subject, and a
great benefit be conferred on literature.
But in the midst of these commendations and
testimonies to the merit of Don Quixote, and the
universal applause of ages, there have not been want-
ing some harsh critics, who, magnifying its defects,
have attempted to lessen its favour, and check the
current of applause. "But I would beg of these
censurers," says Cervantes himself, "to be more com-
passionate and more scrupulous in detecting the
spots on the bright sun at which they murmur ;"
and he suggests, " that those spots that appear so
dark in their eyes, might, in fact, increase the beauty
of the object where they are found."
In the year 1647, Mons. Sorel published in France
a work, entitled Le Berger Extravagant^ with the
design of ridiculing books of chivalry, as well in prose
as verse, describing the work of Cervantes as full of
inconsistencies, as he would prove by the adventures
in the house of the Duke and the government of
Sancho Panza; where too the curate, and the bachelor
Samson Carrasco, leave their village homes to follow
Don Quixote; and in the episodes, of the judgment
passed on the writers of romance; with other reflec-
tions not less frivolous, and many absurd and repre-
hensible remarks ; in which he clearly discovers the
spirit of a writer who, carried away by his imagina-
tion, criticised and abused his model, with the same
petulance and audacity with which he directed his
pen against Homer, Virgil, Ariosto, Tasso, Rousseau,
and others ; without reflecting that the mere circum-
stance of placing Cervantes in such high company,
240 LIFE AND "WRITINGS
■was an acknowledgment of that great original merit,
which, passing from age to age with enthusiasm and
admiration, assured him an ever-during name among
all generations of men.
From the attacks of an English critic of much the
same character as the last mentioned one, Cervantes
was defended hy the author of a periodical published
in Paris, for the year 1737. This critic, after at-
tacking Bayle, Locke, Mallebranche, the Spectator
of Addison, and other authors and books of equal
reputation, undertakes to condemn Don Quixote,
although he acknowledges the difficulty of passing
judgment on a w^ork which had already established
itself in the public favour. He pretends to detect
inconsistencies and improbabilities in the various inci-
dents of this romance, as that of the Biscayan, the
Benedictines, the galley-slaves, and Dorothea ; and
prolixity in the tales of JNIarcela, Zoraida, the
" Curioso Impertinente," and in that of Cardenio,
though nothing has been better conceived or related
more gracefully ; and, finally, he so mag^nifies the
defects — which Cervantes himself indeed acknow-
ledged—that he attempts to contravene the general
opinion of his possessing an accurate taste, and con-
cedes to him only an agreeable and prolific imagina-
tion, without either correctness of taste or solidity of
judgment. It is to be remarked that this criticism
is confined to the first part of Don Quixote, and it
bears so great a resemblance to that of Avellaneda,
that w^e may almost suspect the English critic of
having thence derived his principal charges, as the
before-mentioned champion of Cervantes suggests.
This person adds, that in order to repel such charges
it is sufficient to confront them with the work thus
accused. All readers of sense and good taste will
OP CERVANTES. 241
there meet with such inimitable beauty, such ^race
of style, such graphic delineation, and propriety of
character, that these blemishes, so fastidiously repre-
sented by malevolence, will disappear, and the sur-
prise and delight characteristic of the beautiful and
sublime, in works of imagination, will be the best
apology for the Spanish novelist.
We cannot wonder that some foreigners, to gratify
their self-love, should speak thus of Cervantes, when
even the contemporary writers of his own country,
who ought to name him with delight and affec-
tion, far from showing such manly conduct, endea-
voured to discredit and injure his fame, although
with the timidity and dissimulation that distmguisli
conduct so perfidious. None of these dared to
appear openly in the field ; and we may easily
imagine that the e^'il motives which inspired the
envenomed rage of Avellaneda, spread also among
other literary men, jealous of the public applause Cer-
vantes had acquired by his works, and of the honours
and distinctions which he met with at the hands
of his illustrious patrons, and of which they found
it so diificult to obtain a share. This, in the opinion
of Pellicer, was the cause of the invective with
which Vicente Espinel attempted to lessen the merit
of Don Quixote, in order to elevate his own Escudero
Marcos ch Ohregon^ which he published in 1618.
This writer had eulogised Cervantes in his youth,
had afterwards treated him familiarly in society and at
public meetings, had been favourably noticed by him,
and they had both equally shared the friendship of
the Cardinal of Toledo, and had obtained from his
munificence a pension to alleviate the weight of old
age and poverty. Hence might be derived the emu-
lation that some pretended to discoA^er in the dcdica-
R
242 LIFE AND WRITINGS
tion of that work, and in many passages of the pro-
logue, which he endeavoured to support with the
opinion of the friends he consulted, one of whom
was Hortensio Felix Paravicino, and who in his
license, no doubt spoke the opinion of himself
and others, asserting that of all books of general
entertainment, that of the Escudero Ohregon w^as one
that best deserved to be published ; " for, of wi-itings
of this nature," he adds, " it seems to me the best
our country possesses ;" though this author, as well
as his fellow critics, had seen and read the second
part of Don Quixote when it was published two
years before. The character and genius of Espinel
w^ere confessedly those of a crafty and cavilling critic,
as Cervantes indicates in his Viar/e al Paniaso^ and
it is not improbable that at the same time that he
declares he was one of his oldest and most faithful
friends, he directed his shafts against the work of Cer-
vantes ; while the others joined in a verdict which
must seem as violent as unjust in the impartial eyes
of posterity ; for however deserving of approbation
the Life of the Escudero Obregon may be, it wants
the essential requisites of invention, sense, and beauty
of style, that have made Don Quixote a classical work
amonof all cultivated nations.
OF CERVAiNTES. 243
CHAPTER XYI.
New romance of Cervantes — Unpublished during liis life — His oun
estimate of it — By native critics — By foreigners — Bold and ima-
ginative character — Strange ideas of the North — Wonderful ad-
ventures — The marvellous — Grand extravagances — Humorous
incidents — New method of travelling — Specimens oi diablerie —
Numerous episodes — Ironical treatment of his own story — Effect
of age, and influence of Catholic priests — Superstitious feelings
productive of intolerance — Injustice towards the Woriscoes —
Bad effects of their banishment — Touching lament — Adventures
of the hero and heroine — Odd notions of heroic morality.
We have already had occasion to observe, that
shortly before his death, Cervantes was employed
upon a work, the dedication to which he composed
after he had received extreme unction. It is entitled
The Sufferings of Per siles and Sigismunda^a Northern
Story ; and to this work, more than to any other of
his literary labours, did he attach his hopes of fame.
The judgment of the Spanish critics has placed this
production by the side of Don Quixote, and above all
the author's other works : but a foreigner will not,
we should imagine, concede to it so much merit. It is
the offspring of a rich, but at the same time of a
wandering imagination, which confines itself within
no bounds of the possible or the probable, and which
is not sufficiently founded on reality. Cervantes,
who was so correct and elegant a painter of all that
fell within the sphere of his observation, has been
pleased to place the scene of his last tale in a world
with which he had no acquaintance. He had tra-
versed Greece, Italy, Spain, and Barbary ; he was
at home in everv part of the south. He has, how-
r2
244 LIFE AND WRITINGS
ever, entitled this romance a northern story, and his
complete ionorance of the north, in which his scene
is laid, and which he imagines to be a land of bar-
barians, anthropophagi, pagans, and enchanters, is
not a little singular. Don Quixote often promises
Sancho Panza the kingdoms of Denmark and Sopra-^
bisa ; but Cervantes, in fact, knew little more of
these countries than his amusing knight. The king
of Denmark and the king of Danea are both intro-
duced, though Denmark and Danea are the same
country. '■'• One half of the isles of that country,"
he says, " are savage, deserted, and covered with
eternal snows ; the other is inhabited by corsairs,
who slay men for the purpose of eating their hearts,
and make women prisoners, in order to elect from
amongst them a queen." The Poles, the Norwegians,
the Irish, and the English, are all introduced in their
turns, and represented as possessing manners no less
extraordinary, and a mode of life no less fantastic ;
nor is the scene laid in that remote antiquity, the
obscurity of which might admit of such fables. The
heroes of the romance are the contemporaries of
Cervantes ; and some of them are the soldiers of
Charles Y., who were marched with him into Flan-
ders or Germany, and who afterwards wandered into
these terrible northern and desert countries.
The hero of the romance, Persiles, is the second
son of the King of Iceland, and his mistress, Sigis-
niunda, is the daughter and heiress of the queen of
Fricsland, a country which has escaped from the
chart, but which is now supposed to have been the
Feroe islands, where the very veracious travellers
of tlie fifteenth century have placed many of their
adventures. Sigismunda had been betrothed to
Maximin, the brother of Persiles, whose savage and
OF CERVANTES. 245
rude manners were little calculated to captivate the
heart of the sweetest, the most beautiful, and the
most perfect of women. The two lovers make tlieir
escape at the same time, with the intention of tra-
velling together on a pilgrimage to Rome; no doubt
for the purpose of obtaining from the Pope a dispen-
sation from Sigismunda's engagements. Persiles
assumes the name of Periander, and Sigismnnda that
of Auristela ; and during the whole of the romance
they appear under these names ; they pass as brother
and sister, and the secret of their birth and history,
with which we have commenced our account of the
novel, is not disclosed until the termination of the
work. Their peregrinations through the north a:e
contained in the first volume ; through the south in
the second. Exposed to more dangers than would
be amply sufiicient for ten reasonable romances;
captured by savages and recaptured ; on the point of
being roasted and eaten ; shipwrecked innumerable
times ; separated and reunited ; attacked by assas-
sins, by poison, and by sorcery, and at the same
time robbing all they met of their hearts, they run
greater risks from the love they inspire than could
be occasioned by hatred itself. The ravishers, how-
ever, who dispute for them, combat so fiercely
amongst themselves, that they are all slain. In this
manner perish all the inhabitants of the barbarous
isle, where a whole nation of pirates are consumed
in the flames which they have themselves lighted.
On another occasion, all the sailors of a vessel fight
until none are left ; but this was necessary, that our
travellers might have a fit conveyance. This ro-
mance is, indeed, a singularly bloody one. Besides
those who perish by wholesale, the numbers of those
who either die or kill themselves, would almost fill
246 LIFE AND WRITINGS
the ranks of an army. The history of the hero and
the herome is interspersed with a thousand episodes.
Before they arrive atHhe end of their journey they
collect a numerous caravan, each member of which
in turn recites his adventures. These are always,
of course, most extraordinary, and manifest great
fertility of invention. ]Many of them are amusing,
but it appears to me that nothing is more fatiguing
than the marvellous ; and that there is never so great
a similarity as between productions which resemble
nothing else in nature. Cervantes, in this novel, has
fallen into many of the errors which he so humor-
ously exposed in Don Quixote. We cannot suppose
that in Don Belianis, or in Felix Mars of Hircania,
more extravagance is to be found than in these vo-
lumes. The style of the ancient romance writers, it
is true, did not possess so much elegance and purity.
Amongst the episodes, there is one which appears
to us very interesting, less on account of its own
merits, than because it reminds us of an amusing tale
of one of our celebrated contemporaries. Persiles in
the barbarous isle discovers, amongst the pirates of
the Baltic, a man who is called Rutilio de Sienna,
whois a dancing master,like ]Monsieur Violis amongst
the Iroquois. In his own country he had entrapped
one of his scholars, and had been imprisoned prepara-
tory to his suffering a capital punishment. A witch,
however, who, it appears, had fallen in love with
him, opened the doors of his prison, and she spread
a mantle on the ground before him. " She then
desired me to place my foot upon it and to be of good
courage, but for a moment to omit my devotions. I
immediately saw that this was a bad beginning, and
I perceived that her object was to convey me throngh
the air. Although, like a good christian, I held all
OF CERVANTES. 247
sorcery in contempt, yet the fear of death in this
instance made me resolve to obey her. I placed
my foot in the middle of the mantle, and she also.
At the same time she muttered some words which I
could not understand, and the mantle began to
ascend. I felt so terribly afraid, that there was not a
single saint in the calendar whom, in my heart, I did
not invoke. The enchantress doubtless perceived my
terror, and divined my prayers, for she again com-
manded me to abstain from them. ' Wretch that I
am !' exclaimed I, ' what good can I hope for, if I am
prevented asking it from God, from whom proceeds
all good V At last I shut my eyes, and suffered the
devils to convey me whither they would, for such are
the only post-horses with which witches travel. After
having been carried through the air for four hours, or
a little more, as I should suppose, I found myself at
the close of the day in an unknown country,
" As soon as the mantle touched the ground, my
companion said to me, ' Friend Rutilio, you have
arrived at a place where the whole human race can-
not harm you.' As she spoke these words, she em-
braced me with very little reserve. I repelled her
with all my strength, and perceived that she had
taken the fioure of a wolf. The siojht froze my senses.
However, as often happens in great dangers, when
the very hopelessness of escape gives us desperate
strength, I seized a hanger which I had by my side,
and with unspeakable fury plunged it into the breast
of what appeared to me to be a wolf, but which, as
it fell, lost that terrific shape. The enchantress,
bathed in her blood, lay stretched at my feet.
" Consider, sirs, that I was in a country perfectly
unknown to me, and without a single person to guide
me. I waited for many hours the return of day.
248 LIFE AND WRITINGS
but still it appeared not, and in the horizon there was
no sign which announced the approaching sun. I
quitted the corpse which excited in my heart so much
fear and terror, and minutely examined the appear-
ance of the heavens. I observed the motion of the
stars, and from the course which they pursued, I
imagined that it should have been day. As I stood
in this state of confusion, I heard the voice of people
approaching the spot where I was. I advanced
towards them, and demanded, in Tuscan, in what
country I might be. One of them answered in
Italian, ' This country is Norway ; but who are
you, who question us in a language so little known V
' I am,' said I, ' a wretch who, in attempting to escape
from death, have fallen into his hands,' and in a few
words I related to them my journey, and the death
of the enchantress. He who had spoken, appeared
to pity me, and said, ' You ought, my good friend,
to be very thankful to Heaven, which has delivered
you from out ofthe power of wicked sorcerers, of whom
there are many in these northern parts. It is said,
indeed, that they transform themselves into he- wolves
and she -wolves, for there are enchanters of both
sexes. I know not how this can be, and as a
christian and a catholic, I do not believe it, notwith-
standing experience demonstrates the contrary. It
may, indeed, be said, that these transformations are
the illusions of the devil, who, by God's permission,
thus punishes the sins of this evil generation.' I then
asked him the hour, as the night appeared to me
very long, and the day came not. He replied, that
in these remote regions the year was divided into four
portions. There were three months of perfect night,
during which the sun never appeared above the
horizon ; three months of day-break, which were
m
OF CERVANTES. 249
neither clay nor night ; three months of uninterrupted
daylight, durincr wliich the sun never set ; and Uistly,
three months of twilight : that the season was then
the morning twilight, so that it was useless to look
for the appearance of day. He added, that I must
postpone until the perfect day my prospect of return-
ing home ; but that then vessels would sail with
merchandise to England, France and Spain. He
inquired whether 1 was acquainted with any occu-
pation by which I could support myself till my
return to my own country. I replied that I was a
dancing-master, very skilful in the saltatory art, as
well as in the nimble use of my fingers. Upon this,
mynewfriendbegantolaughmost heartily, and assured
me that these occupations, or duties, as I called them,
were not in fashion in Norway, or in the neighbour-
ing countries." — Rutilio's host, who was the great-
grandson of an Italian, taught him to work as a
goldsmith. He afterwards made a voyage for com-
mercial purposes, and was taken by pirates, and
carried to the Barbarous Isle, where he remained
until all the inhabitants were destroyed in a tumult,
when he escaped, together with Persiles and Sigis-
munda.
In this episode we recognise the pen of the author
of Don Quixote. The insignificance of the hero, and
the greatness of the incidents are here as pleasantly
contrasted, as in Don Quixote are the dignity of the
hero and the petty nature of the incidents. His
humorous spirit, however, and this ironical style of
treating his own story, only manifest themselves
occasionally in the work, which, in its serious
marvellousness, is often fatiguing.
In perusing the latter works of Cervantes, the idea
has more than once struck us that we could trace the
250 LIFE AND WRITINGS
progress which superstition was making in Spain,
under its more imbecile sovereigns ; and the influence
which it was acquiring over the mind of an old man
surrounded by priests, whose object it was to render
him Vii intolerant and cruel as themselves. In his
novel of Rinconete and Cortadillo, Cervantes makes
a skilful and delicate attack upon the superstitions of
his country ; and a similar spirit is observable in his
Don Quixote. The episode of Ricoto the Moor, the
countryman of Sancho Panza, who relates the suffer-
ingsof the Moors, forthemost part professed Christians,
on their banishment from Spain, is highly touching.
" The punishment of exile," says he, " which some
esteem light and humane, is to us the most terrible
of all. Wherever we roam, we lament Spain ; for
there were we bom, and that is our native country.
No where have we found the asylum which our
misfortunes merited. In Barbary, and in every part
of Africa, where we had hoped to meet with a friendly
reception, an abiding-place, and kind treatment, we
have been more injured and more outraged than
elsewhere. We knew not the benefits which we
possessed until we lost them. The desire which we
almost all of us feel to return into Spain is so great,
that the greater part amongst us who like me under-
stand the language, and they are not few, have
returned into this country, leaving their wives and
children without support. It is now only that we
feel by experience how devoted is that love of our
country which we formerly used to hear spoken
of."
With whatever reserve the established authorities
are alluded to in this story, and in the equally attcct-
ing story of his daughter Ricota, it is impossible that
it should not excite a deep interest for so many un-
OF CERVANTES. 251
fortunate beings, who, aggrieved in tljeir religion,
oppressed by the laws no less than by individual
tyranny, had been driven with their wives and their
children, to the number of six hundred thousand,
from a country where they had been established for
more than eight centuries ; — a country which owed
to them its agriculture, its commerce, its prosperity,
and no inconsiderable part of its literature.
In Persilcs and Sigismunda there is a Moorish
adventure, the time of which is laid near the period of
their expulsion from Spain. But in this place, Cer-
vantes endeavours to render the ^Mussulmans odious,
and to justify the cruel law^ which had been put in
execution against them. The heroes of the romance
arrive with a caravan at a Moorish village in the
kingdom of Valencia, situated about a league distant
from the sea. The Moors hasten to welcome them ;
offering their houses, and displaying the most obliging
hospitality. The travellers at length yield to these
entreaties, and take up their lodging with the richest
Moor in the village. Scarcely, however, had they
retired to repose, when the daughter of their host
secretly apprises them, that they have been thus
pressingly invited in order that they might be en-
trapped on board a Barbary fleet which would arrive
in the night, for the purpose of transporting the in-
habitants of the village and all their riches to the
shores of Africa; and that their host hoped by making
them prisoners to procure a large ransom. The tra-
vellers, in consequence of this intelligence, take refuge
in the church, where they fortify themselves ; and
in the night the inhabitants of the village having
burned their dwellings, set sail for Africa. Cervantes,
on this occasion, speaks in the person of a Christian
}»iooT : " Happy youth ! prudent King, go on, and
252 LIFE AND WRITINGS
execute this generous decree of banishment ; fear not
that the country will be deserted and uninhabited.
Hesitate not to exile even those who have received
baptism ; considerations like these ought not to im-
pede your progress, for experience has shown how
vain they are. In a little while the land will be
repeopled with new Christians, but of the ancient
race. It will recover its fertility, and attain a higher
prosperity than it now possesses. If the lord should
not have vassals so numerous and so humble, yet
those who remain will be faithful catholics. With
them the roads will be secure, peace will reign, and
our property will be no longer exposed to the attacks
of these robbers."
This work leads us to hazard another remark on
the character of the Spanish nation. The hero and
heroine are represented as patterns of perfection.
They are young, beautiful, brave, generous, and de-
voted to one another, beyond any thing which human
nature can be supposed to attain ; yet with all these
rare qualities, they are addicted to falsehood, as though
it were their professional business, far beyond the
ordinary tales of travellers. Upon every occasion,
and before they can possibly know whether the false-
hood will be useful or prejudicial to them, they make
it their invariable rule to say the thing which is not
— in direct violation of the truth. If any one ask
them a simple question, they are sure to deceive him ;
if any one confides in them, they deceive him ; if any
one asks their advice, they deceive him ; and those
wlio are most attached to them, are most surely the
objects of this dissimulation. Arnaldo, of Denmark,
a noble and generous prince, is from beginning to
end made the wretched victim of Sigismunda's dupli-
city. Sinforosa is no less cruelly deceived by Persiles.
OF CERVANTES. 253
Policarpo, wlioliad shown them great hospitality, loses
his kingclom by the crooked policy and operation of
their artifices. Every untruth, however, proving
successful, the personal interest of the hero is supposed
to justify the measure ; and what would to our eyes
appear an act of base dissimulation, is represented by
Cervantes as an effort of happy prudence.
We are well aware that foreigners, who have tra-
velled in Spain, and merchants who have traded with
the Castilians, unanimously praise their good faith
and honesty. Such authorities must be believed.
Nothing is more common than to calumniate a people
who are separated from us by their language and
their manners ; and those virtues must indeed be real,
which can triumph over all our national prejudices.
The literature of Spain, nevertheless, does not strengthen
our confidence in the good faith of the Castilians ; not
only is dissimulation crowned with success in their
comedies, their romances, and their descriptions of
national manners, but that quality absolutely receives
greater honour than candour. In the writers of the
northern nations w^e discover an air of sincerity and
frankness, and an openness of heart, w hich w^e may
look for in vain among the Spanish authors. Their
history bears a stronger testimony even than their
literature to the truth of this accusation, which hangs
over all the people of the south, and induces a
suspicion of want of faith, which their sense of
honour, their religion, and the system of morality
current amongst them, would seem to justify. No
history is sullied by more instances of perfidy than
that of Spain. No government has ever made so
light of its oaths and its most sacred engagements.
From the reign of Ferdinand the Catholic, to the
time of the administration of Cardinal Alberoni, every
254 LIFE AND -SVRITINGS
war, every public treaty, every relation between the
government and the people, is marked by the most
odious treachery. Their astute policy, however,
gained the admiration of the world, and they con-
trived to separate truth from honour.*
CHAPTER XYII.
Envy and ingratitude of Figneroa — Unjust and unprovoked attacks
upon Cervantes — Strange conduct of the Argensolus — Try to
poison the minds of his patrons — Noble character of the count de
Lemos — Of Sandoval y Rojas — Their niunificeuce — Protect Cer-
vantes — Interesting facts — Particulars relating to the second part
of Don Quixote — Analysis — Episodes — The hero — Character of
Sancho — Dedication to the Count — Persiles and Sigismunda —
Observations and analysis — Illness of Cervantes — Tries a change
of air — Amusing adventures — Becomes worse — Fondness for
literature to the last — Corrects his works — Writes to his patron
— His noble expressions — His death — Summary of his character
and merits.
The feelings of envy and ingratitude were more
openly displayed against Cervantes by D. Cristobal
Suarez de Figueroa, a native of Yalladolid, advocate-
general of the army in Italy, and a deserving labourer
in Spanish literature. Cervantes had loaded him
with praises in his V'lage al Pamaso\ and in the
second part of Don Quixote, with more indulgence
than justice of criticism, had left nothing undone to
soothe his dark and vindictive temper. He saw the
distinguished and generous protection that was
extended towards Cervantes by the count de Lemos,
and he was dissatisfied at not being able to obtain a
share of it himself, even after having dedicated a work
to that nobleman, to secure his favour ; for, when he
* Literature of the South of Europe, by M. Sismondi, iii., pp.
406, 419.
I
OF CERVANTES. 255
went to present it in person, an ecclcsiiistic denied
him access to the duke, on account of his numerous
engagements, and he afterwards endeavoured to
obtain his presentation througli a physician, but was
equally unsuccessful ; for he found the Duke, he said,
so besieged by inge^iiosos^ as to be quite inaccessible.
This is a strange account of a patron so eminent for
his virtues, his urbanity and popularity, and his
generous protection of literature and its professors,
some of whom enjoyed, through his favour, profitable
employments, as Salas Barbadillo informs us ; and it
is a warnino- to the p-reat to suard themselves aoainst
the evil passions of those who aspire to their favour.
This disappointment divulges to us the origin of
many critical allusions which he directed against
Cervantes in his work entitled El Pasagero^ which
he published at Madrid, in 1617. In this ho indi-
rectly censures the Galatea ; the title of the Ingenioso
Hidalgo Don Quixote de la Mancha appears to him
swollen and pompous ; he dislikes the epithet exem-
plares in the tales ; he ridicules the idea of a man of
Cervantes' age contending for a literary prize, as he
did at the beatification of Santa Teresa ; he satirises
the composition of his Comedias^ which, for the want
of a purchaser and the neglect of the players, he depo-
sited at the bottom of a chest, hoping they might
come to be relished in the theatre of Josafat, where
they would not, at least, want an audience; and lastly,
he animadverts on his having written the dedication
of Persiles, as if gratitude and humility on his death-
bed were not fit virtues to accompany a man to his
grave. With not less eftrontery and rancour, Figu-
eroa censured tlie works of Lope de Vega, Bartolome
de Torres Naharro, of Don Esteban Manuel de Yil-
legas, of Pedro de Espinosa, and other eminent
Spanish writers?
256 LIFE AND WRITINGS
Cervantes was distinguislied for liis frank, noble,
and ingenuous disposition, was always indulgent
to other poets and men of letters, and extremely grateful
to his patrons and protectors. He often risked his
own reputation for that of others, and connected the
glory of others with his own, raising a monument
worthy of their virtues, and he considered them as a
shield and protection against the shafts of calumny.
" May Heaven," he would say, when beset by envy
and persecution, " protect the noble duke of Lemos,
whose well known christian benevolence and libe-
rality has upheld me against all the frowns of fortune ;
and may Heaven, too, protect the illustrious and
charitable D. Bernardo de Sandoval y Rojas, and then
let my enemies print against me more books than
there are couplets in the works of Mingo Revulgo.
These few noble-minded persons, without extorting
from me either adulation or applause, but prompted
solely by their own goodness, have extended their
protection and favour to me ; so that I consider my-
self richer than if fortune by ordinary means had
placed me on the summit of her wheel." Common
adulation to the great, would not have excited such
warm and energetic expressions ; and very similar are
those he made use of to show his gratitude for the
favour and benefits he owed to Pedro de IMorales, an
eminent comic j^oet and performer of that period,
who, to use his own expression, was his refuge in
adversity. Xor can the praises Avhich he bestows on
the talents, affabiHty, and accomplished manners of
his noble patron, be suspected, being supported by
those commendations already bestowed on him by
Lope deYega and Augustin de Kojas, who knew him.
But, however correct these expressions might be,
and liowever just and sincere these panegyrics, they
OF CERVANTES. 257
cannot appear so impartial and disinterested as those
which posterity has consecrated to the noble conduct
of these illustrious men, who, in the midst of tlie
general corruptions of the time, the frivolous education
and occupations of tlie nobility, elevated themselves
above their age, cultivating the sciences and the
useful arts, favouring and rewarding their professors,
and thus weaving for themselves a crown of im-
mortality, and an enviable fame among their con-
temporaries.
We must ever regard with esteem and veneration
the memory of persons, whose pride it was to suc-
cour and support the first genius of his age, encour-
aging his studies, and aiding him in the publication
of his immortal works ; and it will not be less bene-
ficial at the present day to hold up so great an
example to those who, by the elevation of their sta-
tion, or by their opulence and power, are destined to
influence the fate of nations, and the culture and
happiness of the human race.
Don Bernardo de Sandoval y Rojas, Cardinal
Archbishop of Toledo, and Don Pedro Fernandez de
Castro, the seventh Count de Lemos, were connected
by blood with the most illustrious houses in Spain.
They had both received that enlightened course of
education, which produced so many eminent men in
the preceding age ; the count de Lemos, in the bosom
of his own family, a family in which valour, magna-
nimity, courtesy, and genius were all united; while the
Cardinal, yet young, had studied in the University of
Salamanca, and afterv/ards obtained for his tutor the
celebrated Ambrosio de Morales, the father of Spanish
history, as renowned for his wisdom and erudition,
as for the austerity of his manners. Tlie one, es-
teemed by two sovereigns for his talents, information,
s
258 LIFE AND WRITINGS
and high attainments, opened for himself a road to
the highest employments and dignities of the monar-
chy ; the other, adding lustre hy his virtues to three
episcopal sees, obtained, through his merits, from
Clement YIII., the honour of a Cardinal's hat, and
was elevated to the Archbishopric of Toledo, and the
office of Inquisitor- General. The one left in Naples
the most lasting proofs of his munificence and love
of the fine arts, in the sumptuous palace of the
viceroy, the noble edifice of the University, in the
great undertaking of converting pestilential lakes
and morasses into fruitful and smiling plains ; and
in conducting the waters from Vesuvius to supply
the city, and fertilise its delightful meadows. The
other raised, in Toledo and in Alcala de Henares,
lasting monuments of his piety, consecrated to the
worship of religion, as honourable to his devotion as
to his pastoral care. The first, not being able to
endure the insincere and corrupt manners of a court,
spontaneously renounced his dignities, and retired to
Galicia, where he lived like a Christian philosopher,
diligently cultivating letters, and maintaining a
friendly correspondence ^^^th the learned.
The other, although residing within the precincts^
of a court, avoided its snares with prudence, and
reprehended, by his example, his moderation, and
his disinterestedness, the turbulent ambition and
contemptuous pride usually generated in the pa-
laces of kings. Both were strongly attached to
letters, and illustrated and promoted them. The
Cardinal sought out in secret virtuous and neces-
sitous men, in order to succour them, and encourage
them in their tasks, and was considered the father of
the poor, and the protector of virtue. The Count
de Lemos, who had distinguished himself among
OF CERVANTES. 259
learned men by some elegant verses, and his comedy
of the Casa Confusa^ which was represented at Lerma
before the court witli great applause, extended his
patronage without exception to all men of genius,
and was considered by them as their patron and
Maecenas. The first assigned a pension to Vicente
Espinel, and another of equal amount to Cervantes,
when old age and infirmity had deprived them of all
possible means of support ; and in honour to the
memory of his master, ]\Iorales, he erected to his
memory a magnificent monument, with an elegant
inscription.
The Count, being President of the Council of the
Indies, wrote a history of one of the provinces, which
he dedicated to his father ; directed Bartolome Leo-
nardo de Argensola to compose his Conquista de los
Moluccas^ and stimulated Yalbuena to write and pub-
lish his Sigh de Oro^ and other compositions, w^hich he
dedicated to him ; and when he was appointed Viceroy
of Xaples, he not only carried with him the three
Argensolas, and many other well known poets of the
day, making his palace a true temple of the Muses,
but extended his aid to those left in Spain, favour-
ing some, as Lope de Vega and Gongora, animating
others, as Villegas ; and succouring the most distin-
guished of all, Cervantes. Both died in Madrid ; the
Cardinal at the age of seventy-two years, loaded with
the blessings of all who had experienced the effects of
his gentle and compassionate heart ; the Count de
Lemos, in the forty-sixth year of his age, with the
general regret of all the good, and at a time when
Fortune, alluring him from his retirement, seemed to
prepare for him a new and more glorious destiny, in
establishing the prosperity of his country.
Protected by these illustrious patrons, Cervantes
s2
260 LIFE AND WRITINGS
prosecuted his studies, and proceeded to the correc-
tion and publication of his works during the latter
years of his life. He wished to make amends for the
long time that his pen had been idle, or, perhaps,
being sensible of his approaching end, he >vished to
prepare and perfect some work which might raise
his name high above the clouds of time and oblivion.
The second part of his Don Quixote was the last of his
productions which he gave to the world, as well as the
most perfect of them; and this, therefore, we ought, per-
haps, to consider the most just criterion of his genius.
The variety of the episodes, their judicious length,
their connexion with the principal action, and the
truth of nature, and grace of style, give this work
a decided superiority over all modern productions of
tlie same class. We may adduce, as a further proof,
the introduction of a new personage, in the Bachelor
Samson Carrasco, whose original character, and mis-
chievously playful humour, afford so much plea-
santry, and contribute so much to the happy
development of the story, that it cannot fail to pro-
duce interest and excite curiosity. The circumstance
of Gines de Pasamonte appearing under the disguise
of a puppet-show man, under the name of Master
Peter, proves the care which Cervantes took to
connect the interest of the first part of Don Quixote
with that of the second ; but, above all, the solilo-
quy of Sancho in his distress, when he goes to seek
Dulcinea del Toboso, is so original, that it may com-
pete with the best monologues to be found among
the poets and romance writers of antiquity. How
exquisite is the episode of the wedding of Camacho
liow simple and chaste the description of the country
where they assemble, the abundance and elegance of
the repast, and the dances and divertisements that
OF CERVANTES. 261
crown the feast ; how excellent tlie introduction of
Basiho, how natural the development ! The naiTa-
tive of the cave of Montesinos belonos to a hioher
class, where Don Quixote beholds the enchantment
of Montesinos, and his squire Guadiana, and the two
cousins and seven daughters of the duena Ruidera,
thus assigning a fabulous origin to the historical tra-
ditions of La Mancha, and applying so appropriately
the names of its rivers and lakes to those chivalrous
persons celebrated in our ancient fables and romances.
This poetical episode, so beautiful, and so judici-
ously interwoven with the principal fable, may rival
the descent of Ulysses, ^neas, or Telemachus, although
adapted with infinite skill to the peculiar circum-
stances of the knight of La Mancha. The adventure
of the Cavalier of the Green Frock, that of the
puppets of Master Peter, and that of the braying, are
truly comic, natural, and in harmony with the cha-
racter of the principal hero, and the customs and
manners of his countrymen. The simple style of
these episodes is strongly contrasted with that in
which he describes the palace of the Duke and
Duchess, with all its accompanying pomp and splen-
dour ; the reception of Don Quixote by these noble
persons, the apparition of Clavelino, and the unex-
pected termination of his flight ; the funeral proces-
sion of Altisidora, tLe preparations for the tourna-
ment with the lacquey Tosilos, in which the style is
elevated, and appropriate to persons of high rank,
who take a pleasure in representing to their guests
the marvellous adventures of books of chivalry : — in
all these the reader admires the genius of Cervantes,
and finds a double pleasure in the madness of Don
Quixote, and the simplicity of Sancho. Cervantes,
in the second part of Don Quixote, observed more
262 LIFE AND WRITINGS
propriety, and harmony, with a more perfect aiTange-
ment of the incidents of his story ; and, indeed, takes
an opportunity of censuring the inconsistencies of the
episodes in the first part ; thus giving a j^roof that
he could accommodate his incidents to the principal
action. His judgment was here more refined, his
views were more exalted. In the government of
Sancho, he not only desired to show, as his contem-
porary Faria assures us, the absurd choice of persons
who were often appointed to these great posts, but
more particularly alluded to the conduct of the vice-
roys and commanders in Italy, who frequently sent as
governors people of no consideration, possessing nei-
ther talent nor information, to the great prejudice of
the country and injury to the governed — a practical
observation made by Cervantes himself in that coun-
try, and transferred to his work, which, says Faria,
"is so far probable, that there are many Sancho Panzas
to be found in these days, who are well known, and
who deliver their judgments in his style."
Some other of his observations, though concealed
under a delicate veil, were of a nature to subject him
to persecution, and to throw discredit on his religion
and patriotism. Whoever reads with attention the
adventures of the enchanted head, the divining ape,
the secret and unexpected imprisonment of Don
Quixote and Sancho by the servants of the Duke,
the pretended funeral of Altisidora, an adventure
of the most rare and novel kind contained in the
whole history, will easily perceive they contain some
hidden allusions, that it might not be safe or pru-
dent to divulge.
The curiosity and interest which Don Quixote
excited, and its popularity and difi'usion by means of
numerous editions and translations, led to its adoption
OF CERVANTES. 263
by several dramatic writers, who brought forward
on the stage its entertaining adventures and episodes
to gratify the public taste. Already, in 1617, Fran-
cisco de Avila, a native of Madrid, published a
celebrated interlude of " the invincible deeds of Don
Quixote de la Mancha," including the meeting at the
inn in the first part, the watching of the arms, and
the ceremonies of knighthood. A comedy, entitled
Don Quixote de la Mancha, was also represented
before Philip IV. and his consort, on the 24th of
February, 1637. We have in our own times seen
the pastoral drama of the Wedding of Camacho,
which possesses rather sweetness of versification and
propriety of language, than invention, plot, and de~
nouement^ acted with applause ; and we know, that
in the French theatre, they have at the least seven
pieces whose subjects are taken from the same source.
The judicious observation of Mons. Tniblet may be
here opportunely adduced, that Don Quixote, who de-
lights us so much in the history written by Cervantes,
does not equally interest us when estranged from his
native place, and introduced on the boards of a theatre.
The difficulty of preserving the humour and interest
of the original is in every respect greater among the
Spanish adapters, for on one side the popularity of the
romance, and tlie intimacy which every one possesses
with the character and manners of the interlocutors,
deprive their pieces of many sallies of the imagination ;
the spectators do not meet with the incidents which
give such attraction to the original, and do not
experience that surprise and novelty so necessary
to entertain and suspend the mind of the hearers,
and conduct them agreeably to the denouement of the
action.
Cervantes inscribed the second part of his Don
264 LIFE AND WRITINGS
Quixote to his illustrious protector, the count de
Lemos, in a dedication written on the 31st of October,
1613, in which he makes mention of his very infirm
state of health, and ofifers him his Persiles y Sigis-
iniinda^ a book, he says, which had been concluded
about four months. He had announced the publica-
tion of this novel in the year 1613, in which he pro-
posed to imitate Heliodorus, rivalling in the passion
of Periandro and Auristela, the chaste loves of Theo-
genes and Chariclea. There was no mean emulation in
such an imitation, as the incidents of this novel are
remarkable for their variety and arrangement.
If in some of these, the imitation is apparent, in
others, we may remark great superiority and novelty ;
and an engaging and playful imagination reigns
throughout. The descriptions in the Greek romance
are too frequent and elaborate ; those of the Castilian
writer are interspersed more sparingly, and possess a
character of propriety and nature. The style of the
former, though very elegant, is in some degree affected,
too figurative, and more adorned than is allowable in
prose ; that of the latter is more subdued and temperate.
In both, the loves are chaste, the incidents probable,
the catastrophe natural, and the interest increases in
proportion as we approach the conclusion. This work
is of more pure invention, and of a more equal and
elevated style than his Don Quixote, as he here cor-
rected his faults in language and construction.
It is not, therefore, surprising, that its author pre-
ferred it to all his other works, when he says " This
novel is either the best or the worst ever composed
in our language in the Avay of entertaining novels ;
and I repent of having said the worst, because, ac-
cording to the opinion of my friends, it has attained
all possible perfection :" an . opinion confirmed by
OF CERVANTES. 265
Sehor Josef de Yaldivieso in his licence, dated on the
9th of September, 1616, declaring that of all the books
Cervantes had written none were of richer invention,
of a better style, or more entertaining.
Without deciding on the justice of this opinion, it
is certain, that the judgment of the public has decided
against it for the last two centuries, assigning the
priority and preference to Don Quixote.
This was likely to be the case, if we bear in mind
that the story of Don Quixote is far more popular,
the speakers are more animated and fewer in number,
so that it is easily understood, and the manners,
actions, and characters, fix themselves more easily in
the memory; the satire and irony are keen without
wounding, from the delicacy and propriety with
which they are managed ; the moral is preserved, and
it is perceived through a transparent veil; throughout
the style is more natural and varied, and, for the
same reason, more intelligible and acceptable to every
class of persons.
These reflections must have occurred to Cervantes,
when he says, " that the history of the Ingenioso
Hidalgo is as clear as day-light ; the children handle
it, the young delight in it, the men understand it,
and the old praise it." But in giving the preference
to the "Persiles" he did not so much consult the
public taste, or the rules of just criticism, as a
natural love for the last offspring of his genius;
though he composed this work with as much fire,
vigour, and brilliancy of imagination as any in the
most florid years of his youth.
He had just concluded this work, according to his
promise, in the spring of 1616, when his increasing
malady interrupted his labours, and did not permit
him to finish either his dedication or his prologue.
266 LIFE AND WRITINGS
Such was his situation on Holy Saturday, the second
of April, that not being able to go out of his house,^^
he made his profession of the venerable order of St.
Francis, whose habit he had taken in Alcala on the
second of January, 1613 ;26 ij^t as the nature of his
protracted complaint allowed him some intervals of
alleviation, he thought he might possibly recruit his
strength by a change of air and diet, and in the next
week of Easter he removed to the village of Esquivias,
w^here the relations of his ^vife resided. But becom-
ing worse in the course of a few days, and being
desirous of ending his days under his own roof, he
returned to ^Madrid with two of his friends to attend
and assist him on his way. On this journey an inci-
dent occurred which he narrates in his prologue, and
which affords us the only circumstantial account we
possess of his illness. ^7
Cervantes and his friends had just quitted the
village of Esquivias and taken the road to Madrid on
his return home, when they heard' some one follow-
ing them in haste, and calling on them to stop. They
accordingly drew in their reins, and in a few minutes
there came up a student on a she-ass, complaining that
they travelled so fast he could not keep up with them.
"We must lay the blame," said one of them, "on
Sehor Miguel de Cervantes, whose horse is rather met-
tlesome." Scarcely had the student heard the name
of Cervantes, of whom he was a passionate admirer,
though he did not know him personally, than he
threw himself from his ass, and embracing Cervantes,
and taking him by the left hand — " Ay, ay," said
he, "this is the sound cripple, the renowned, the
merry ^vriter, in a word, the darling of the muses."
Cervantes, who thus saw himself suddenly over-
whelmed with praises, replied w^th his accustomed
OP CERVANTES. 267
modesty and courtesy, and embracing the scholar,
desired him to mount his ass again, and accompany
them, that they might enjoy his friendly conversation
for the little remaining part of the journey. The
student complied, and there ensued between him and
Cervantes a dialogue, which aftbrds us some inform-
ation on the subject of Cervantes' complaint, and
which he himself relates in the following terms :
" We drew in our reins (he says) and continued our
journey at a more moderate pace, during which the
conversation turned on my complaint, and the good
student decided my fate in a moment, saying — ' This
thirst of yours arises from a dropsy, which all the
Avater of the ocean, if it were fresh, could never
quench. Therefore, Signor Cervantes,' added the
student, ' you must totally abstain from drink, but
do not neglect to eat heartily, and this regimen will
effect your recovery without physic' ' I have re-
ceived the same advice from other people,' answered
I, ' but I cannot help drinking, as if I had been bom
to do nothing else but drink. My life, indeed, is
drawing to a close, and I find by the daily journal
of my pulse, that it will have finished its course by
next Sunday at furthest, and I also shall then have
finished my career ; so that you are come just in time
to make my acquaintance, though I shall have no
opportunity of showing how much I am obliged to
you for your good-will.' By this time we had
reached the Toledo bridge, by which I entered the city,
while the good student passed over that of Segovia."
The subject of this prologue, its negligent style,
its interruptions and conclusion, are manifest proofs
of the extreme illness of Cervantes when he wrote it.
He now fluctuated between hope and despair ; but
without any abatement of his gay and cheerful tem-
perament, as is shown by his lively description of the
268 LIFE AND WRITINGS
dress and equipage, and behaviour of the student.
As he had predicted, his life seemed to be drawing to
a close on the next Sunday, the 17th of April, when
he took leave of his friends, and bade adieu to the joys
and cares of life — nevertheless, soon afterAvards some-
what recruiting, he still flattered himself with hopes
of amendment.
His complaint, however, soon dissipated ail these
expectations, as it became materially aggravated,
and despairing of any further alleviation, extreme
unction was administered to him next day, Monday
the ISth.
He retained to the hour of his death his serenity
of mind, and his lively and prolific imagination, while
a tender recollection of his benefactor, the Count de
Lemos, was impressed on his heart. That nobleman
was at this time on his way home from Naples, in
order to take his seat as president of the Council of
Italy. Cervantes was anxious to have survived
this event, that he might in person have manifested
his gratitude and respect ; but finding that this was
denied to him, he inscribed to him, as a last mark of
his attachment, his Persiles y Sigismunda^ in a dedi-
cation, says Rios, " which all the great, and all men
of letters might be recommended to read ; those
to learn magnanimity, and these a proper sense of
gratitude." " You may remember the ancient
couplet," says Cervantes, " in its time so celebrated,
commencing, Puesto ya el jne en el estriho^ and I
may commence my letter in the same words —
' Puesto ya el pie en el estribo,
Con las ansias de la muerte,
Gran senor, esta te escribo.'
Yesterday extreme unction was administered to me,
and to-day I am writing this : my time is short, my
pains increase, my hopes vanish, and yet I believe, if I
OF CERVANTES. 269
could only see your excellency in your native country,
it would give nie new life ; but as Heaven has decreed
it otherwise, we must bow to its will, and all that re-
mains will be to acquaint your excellency with the deep
feelings of affection towards you which I carry with
me to the grave. Still, in prospect I may rejoice at
your return, and at the fame and celebrity attending
your excellency." The situation of Cervantes, when
he wrote or dictated these tender and noble expressions,
gives them an energy and sublimity, Avhich render
them worthy of the same veneration and respect
with which in Greece and Rome they listened to the
last words of a Socrates or a Seneca.
With the same composure of mind he executed his
will, naming as his executors his wife, Donna Cata-
lina de Salazar, and the licentiate Francisco Nunez, who
then resided in the same house in the street of Leon.
He desired that he might be interred in the church
of the monks of the Holy Trinity -^^ which had been
founded some years before, both from tlie predilection
he had always shown to this order, and on account of
his daughter. Donna Isabel, having professed it. After
makino- these arranojements and receiving- the con-
solations of religion, he expired on Saturday the
twenty-third of the above-mentioned month of April,
in the year 1616, the same day precisely, as Bowie
well observes,29 on which England lost her celebrated
poet Sliakspeare, the founder of her drama. When
afterwards, in the year 1633, the Trinitarian monks
removed to their new church in the Street de Canta-
ranas, the remains of those who had died in the first
establishment were removed thither, as well as those
of such of their relations as from custom or devotion
had been interred in the church of the first establish-
ment. It is natural to suppose that the bones of
270 LIFE AND WRITINGS
Cervantes also were then removed to their final
resting-place.
Other illustrious writers, however unfortunate and
persecuted during their lives, have obtained after their
death the honours that were due to their merits; and
their country and their fellow-tow^nsmen have, though
late, conferred on them that distinction which was
denied them in their lifetime by calumny and malevo-
lence. Thus it happened to Milton, Camoens, Tasso,
Shakspeare, men of kindred worth, and others. Cer-
vantes alone seems to be excepted from this mark of
respect. His funeral was poorly attended, no stone or
inscription marks the spot where his bones repose ; nor,
indeed, in later times, in which letters and the arts have
stooped to flatter rank and power, has any person ap-
peared to honour the remains of this illustrious man
with aworthymausoleum, on which the fine arts might
be employed to inspire a feeling of veneration, which
mioht serve as a stimulus to succeeding generations,
and direct them in the paths of virtue and knowledge.
Throuoh similar neglect, we have lost the portraits
which were painted by Don Juan de Jauregui and
Francisco Pacheco, and which bore a correct repre-
sentation of the features and figure of Cervantes. A
copy only lias survived to our days, which is un-
doubtedly of the reign of Philip I Y., and is attributed
by some to Alonso del Arco, while others pretend to
trace in it the style of the schools of Vicencio Car-
ducho or of Eugenio Caxes. But whoever painted this
pfcture, it is certain that it agrees in every respect
with the portrait that Cervantes drew of himself in
the prologue to his Novclas, where he says, " He
whom you see here with a sharp countenance, ches-
nut hair, a smooth and cheerful forehead, lively eyes,
a nose aquiline, though well proportioned, a beard of
OF CERVANTES. 271
silver, though some twenty years ago it was yellow
as gold, large mustachios, small mouth, teeth now
few in number, as he has only six left, in height of
a middle size, neither tall nor low, of a good com-
plexion, rather fair than brown, somewdiat heavy in
the shoulders, and not very active — this I say is
tlie portrait of the author of the ' Galatea and Don
Quixote de la Mancha,' and of him that wrote the
Via(/e al Parnaso in imitation of Cesar Caporial of
Perugia, and numberless other works — known by
the name of Miguel de Cervantes Saavedra ^." He
confesses also that he was a stammerer ; and there is
no doubt of the truth of this description, from the
candour and ingenuousness which dictate it, and
from the inimitable grace with which it is written.
Althouoh Cervantes has derived oreat fame from
his prolific and exquisite genius, he is not less de-
serving of the esteem of posterity for the noble qualities
of his heart. He was a true Christian philosopher,
religious without superstition, zealous in faith without
fanaticism, a lover of his country, courageous in
war, generous and charitable without ostentation,
extremely grateful, but without adulation or self-
abasement ; esteeming those who marked his failings,
as well as those who praised him ; moderate and in-
dulgent with his rivals, never resorting in his invec-
tives and satires to personal abuse. Lastly, he never
prostituted his pen to favour or interest, it was never
dipt in calumny, nor did he ever employ it but for
the good of mankind. He was prodigal of praise,
even so far as to have incurred some censure for this
facility, which, however honourable to his heart,
threw a doubt on the rectitude of his judgment, and
the impartiality of his criticism.
Besides the works which we have mentioned, he
272 LIFE AND WRITINGS
had ready for publication, at the time of his death,
Las Semanas del Jard'm^ promised since 1613, the
second part of the Galatea^ since 1615,^/ Bernardo^
which he announced in his dedication to Persiles^ and
the comedy oiElEngaho a los ojos. It was his intention
to have offered the first three to his patron, the count
de Lemos, whilst on the brink of the grave, if by
any mhacle he had recovered his health ; but these
intended fruits of his genius perished with him, and
the titles alone remain to us.
The only work by him which we may call post-
humous, is the Trabqjos de Persiles y Sigismiinda.
His widow solicited and obtained a license to print
and publish it at Madrid, in the year 1517 ; in
which year rival editions were published in Va-
lencia, Barcelona, Pampeluna, and Brussels, honour-
ing with these proofs of respect the memory of the
illustrious man whom Spanish literature had recently
lost. A few years afterwards, in 1626, this work
was published in Venice, translated into Italian by
Francisco Elio, a Milanese ; and the French possess
two translations, both however deficient in correctness.
Such is the history of the life and writings of
Miguel de Cervantes Saavedra ; of that enlightened
Spaniard who, after courageously shedding his blood
for his country in war, and having illustrated it in
peace by works as moral and useful as delightful —
and having left to his fellow-men an example of
virtue in his private life, terminated his days with
that tranquillity which is inspired by religion and
Christian philosophy ; like the sun which, after hav-
iiio- irradiated the world, descends in majesty to the
west, and appears greatest at the close of the declin-
ing day. If the base envy of his contemporaries
delayed for some time the fame due to his merits,
LIFE AND WRITINGS OF CERVANTES. 273
the clouds of prejudice and ignorance were soon
dispersed, and an incorruptible and impartial pos-
terity lias spread the name of Cervantes wherever
civilization and the love of letters are to be found.
On every side he has met with applause, for he may
be regarded as one of those privileged men of genius,
whom Heaven from time to time gives to mortals,
and to whom it has reserved the exclusive prerogative
of enlightening the world, and of exercising an influ-
ence in reforming the opinions and manners of their
species.
APPENDIX.
NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS.
(^) The question, so long discussed, respecting the birth-
place of Cervantes, was not satisfactorily decided till nearly
the middle of the eighteenth century. The documents
up to that time were of a conflicting character, and were
so nearly balanced in point of probability between Madrid,
Seville, Esquivias, and other places, as only to excite fresh
curiosity and research. Literary men, and his biogra-
phers of different countries, redoubled their dihgence, but
in vain, till at length Don Vicente de los Rios clearly
proved, by satisfactory deductions from facts and dates
newly brought to light, that Alcala de Henares could
alone boast the honour of being considered the native place
of Cervantes. The conclusion at which he had arrived by
laborious inquiries and comparisons, was soon afterwards
shown to be correct by the acquisition of further docu-
ments, containing many particulars, which we proceed to
give, and which could not be so well embodied in a nar-
rative of his hfe. The most interesting of all is the requi-
sition which he himself presented at Algiers, on the lOth
of October, 1580, for instituting a judicial information
regarding his conduct and services, and in which he ex-
T 2
276 APPENDIX.
pressly declares, that '' he is a native of the town of Alcala
de Henares, in Castile." In another information, made by
his father, in 157S, at Madrid, it is stated that Miguel de
Cervantes is the son of Rodrigo de Cervantes, and of
Dona Leonor de Cortinas ; and it is equally apparent from
the terms of the ransom, and from the baptismal entry
found at Alcala, that his parents were settled in that city ;
insomuch that there remained no ground for the subse-
quent pretensions which a number of other towns, in the
natural desire of obtaining high
