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LIFE AND PUBLIC SERVICES
OF
ABRAHAM LIISrCOLN.
LINCOLN,
HIS LIF^ AND TIMES.
— BEING —
THE LIFE AND PUBLIC SERVICES OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN, SIX-
TEENTH PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES, TOGETHER
WITH HIS Sl-.rs PAPERS, INCLUDING HIS SPEECHES,
ADDRESSES, MESSAGES, LETTERS AND PROCLA-
MATIONS, AND THE CLOSING SCENES CON-
NECTED WITH HIS LIFE AND DEATH.
By henry J. RAYMOND.
to which are added anecdotes and personal reminiscences
of president lincoln,
By frank B. carpenter.
IDolume f ♦
NEW YORK
HURST & COMPANY
PUBLISHERS
PREFACE,
During the Presidential canvass of 1864, the authoi
of this work prepared for its pnbhshers a volume upon
the Administration of President Lincoln. Its main object
was to afford the American people the materials for form-
mg an intelligent judgment as to the wisdom of continu-
ing Mr. Lincoln, for four years more, in the Presidential
office.
That canvass resulted in his re-election. But he had
scarcely entered upon the duties and responsibilities
of his second term, when his career was closed by
assassination. He had lived long enough, however,
to finish the great work which had devolved upon him.
Before his eyes were closed, they beheld the overthrow
of the rebellion, the extirpation of slavery, and the res-
toration, over all the land, of the authority of the
Constitution of the United States.
Not the people of his own country alone, but all
the world, will study with intere^^t the life and public
acts of one whose work was at once so great and so
successful. The principles which guided his conduct,
and the policy by which he sought to carry them out —
the temper and character which were the secret sources
of his strength — will be sought and found in the acta
and words of his public life. For more trulv, perhaps,
6 ViiEi'ACE.
Uian any other man of his own or of any other time,
Mr. Lincoln had but one character and one mode of
action, in public and private affairs.
It is the purpose of this worli, so far as possible,
to facilitate this inquiry. Every public speech, message,
letter, or document of any sort from his pen, so far as
accessible, will be found included in its pages. These
documents, with the narrative by which they are accom-
panied, may, it is hoped, aid the public in understanding
aright the character and conduct of the most illustrious
actor, in the most important era, of American history.
CONTENTS.
CHAPTER L
_:c.ily Life of Abraham Lincoln. — His Own Record. — His Ancestry. — Changes
of Residence. — Death and Funeral of his Mother. — Entrance upon Polit-
ical Life. — A Member of the Legislature and of Congress. — The Mexican
War Page 17
CHAPTER n.
THE LINCOLN-DOUGLAS DEBATE.
Presidential Campaign of 1856. — Douglas at Springfield in 1857. — Lincoln's
Reply. — The Great Debate. — Eloquent Defence of the Doctrines of the
Repubhcan Party. — Result of the Contest Page 46
CHAPTER HL
MR. LINCOLN AND THB PRESIDENCY.
The Campaign of 1859 in Ohio. — Mr. Lincoln's Speeches at Columbus and
Cinoinnati. — His Tisit to the East — In New York City. — The Great
Speech at Cooper Institute. — Mr. Lincoln nominated for the Pr«33idoncy.
—His Election Page 19
CHAPTER IV.
»ROM THE ELECTION, NOVEMBER 6, 1860, TO THB INAUCHJRATION, MARCH 4,
1861.
The Presidential Election. — Secession of South CaroUna. — Formation of the
Rebel Confederacy. — The Objects of Secession. — Secession Movements in
Washington. — Debates in Congress. — The Crittenden Resolutions. — Con*
; dilatory Action of Congress. — The Peace Conference. — Action of Con-
gress.— The Secession Movement unchecked Page 107
CHAPTER V.
rOOM SPRINQFIELD TO WASHINGTON.
Speech at Indianapohs. — Arrival and Speech at Cincinnati. — Speech at Co*
lumbus — Speech at Pittsburg. — Arrival and Speech at Cleveland. — Arri-
val at Buffalo. — At Rochester ana Syracuse. — At Albany. -Speech at
10 Contents.
Ponghkeepsie. — In New York. — Reply to the Mayoi of New York. — la
New Jersey. — Arrival at Philadelphia. — Speech in Pliiladelphia. — At
Harrisburg. — Arrival and Reception at Washington Page 131
CHAPTER VI.
FROM THE INAUGURATION TO THE MEETIXO OF CONGRESS, JULY 4, 1861.
fhe Inaugural Address. — Organization of the Grovernment. — The Bombard-
ment of Fort Sumter. — Passage of Troops through Baltimore. — Interview
with the Mayor of Baltimore. — The Blockade of Rebel Ports. — The Pres-
ident and the Virginia Commissioners. — Instruction to our Ministers
abroad. — Recognition of the Rebels as BelHgcrents. — Rights of Neu-
trals Page 161
CHAPTER VII.
naS EXTRA SESSION OP CONGRESS, AND THE MILITARY ETTENTS OP THE BUMMER
OP 1861.
l^st Annual Message. — Action of Congress. — Slavery and Confiscation. — The
Defeat at Bull Run. — Treatment of the Slavery Question. — General Fre-
mont and the President. — The Trent Affair , Page 186
CHAPTER VIIL
rHE REGULAR SESSION OP CONGRESS, DECEMBER, 1861. — THE MESSAGE. —
DEBATES, ETC.
Meeting of Congress. — President's Message. — Disposition of Congress. —
Slavery in Territories and District of Columbia. — Proposed Aid to Eman-
cipation by Slave States. — The Debate in Congress. — The President and
General Hunter. — The Border State Representatives. — The Border State
Reply. — The Finances. — The Confiscation Bill. — The President's Action
and Opinions. — The President's Message. — Message in Regard to Mr.
Cameron. — The President and his Cabinet. — Close of the Session of Con-
gress.— The President's Letter to Mr. Greeley. — The President and the
Chicago Convention. — Proclamation of Emancipation Page 212
CHAPTER IX
THE MILITARY ADMINISTRATION OF 1862. — THE PRESIDENT aND GENERAL
m'clellan.
General McCleUan succeeds McDowell. — The President's Order for an Ad-
vance.— The Movement to the Peninsula. — Rebel Evacuation of Manas-
sas.— Arrangements for the Peninsular Movement. — The President's
Letter to General McClellan. — The Rebel Strength at Yorktown —The
Contents. 11
Battle of ■Williamsburg. — McClellan'a Fear of being Overwhelmed. — The
President to McClellan. — Jackson's Raid in the Shenandoah Yalley. — The
President to McClellan. — Seven Pines and Fair Oaksi — McClellan'a Com-
plaints of McDowell. — His Continued Delays. — Prepares for Defeat. —
Calls for more Men. — His Advice to the President. — Preparations to Con-
centrate the Army. — General Halleck to McClellan. — Appointment of
General Pope. — Imperative Orders to McClellan. — McClellan's Failure to
aid Pope. — His Excuses for Delay. — Proposes to Leave Pope Unaided.
— Excuses for Franklin's Delay. — His Excuses proved Groundless. — Hia
aiicged Lack of Supplies.—ii dvance into Maryland. — The President's
Letter to McClellan. — He Protests against Delay. — McClellan Relieved
from Command. — Speech by the President Page 262
CHAPTER X.
GENERAL OOITDUOT OF THE ADHDHSTaATIGV QT 1862.
Successes in the Southwest. — Recognized Objects of the War. — Relations of
the "War to Slavery. — Our Foreign Relations. — Proposed Mediation of the
French Emperor. — Reply to the French ProposaJ. — Secretary Seward's
Dispatch. — The President's Letter to Fernando 'Wood, — Observance of
- the Sabbath .... Page r26
CHAPTER XI.
THE CONGRKSSIONAL SESSION OF 1862-63. — MESSAGE OS' THE PMaTCSNT
AND GENERAL ACTION OF THE SESSION.
The President's Message. — Are the Rebel States Ahens? — The Provision for
a Draft. — Message on the Finances and Currency. — Admissiork of We-st
Virginia. — Close of the Session Pago ?44
CHAPTER Xn.
ARBITRARY ARRESTS. — THE SUSPENSION OP THE WRIT OF HABEAS OORPUa
— THE DRAFT.
Arbitrary Arrests. — First Suspension of the Habeas Corpus. — Aid and Com-
fort to the Rebels. — Executive Order about Arrests. — Appointment of a
Commissioner on Arrests. — Opposition to the Government. — The Case of
Yallandigham. — Governor Seymour on Yallandigham. — President Lin-
coln on Arrests. — President Lincoln on Military Arrests. — The Presi-
dent's Letter to Mr. Corning. — The President to the Ohio Committee. —
The President on Vallandigham's Case. — The Habeas Corpus Suspended.
— Proclamation Concerning AHqjis. — The Draft —The New York Riots. —
Letter to Governor Seymour. — The Draft Resumed and Completed . Paise 373
12 Contents.
CHAPTER XIIL
MILITARY EVENTS OP 1863. — THE REBEL DEFEAT AT GETTTSBUEQ. — FALL
OP VICKSBURG AND PORT HUDSON.
The Battles at Fredericksburg. — Rebel Raid into Pennsylvania. — Results at
Gettysburg. — Vicksburg and Port Hudson Captured. — Public Rejoicings.
—The President's Speech. — Thanksgiving for Victories. — Battle of Chat-
tanooga.— Thanksgiving Proclamation Page 40'
CHAPTER XIV.
POLITICAL MOVEMENTS IN MISSOURI. — THE STATE ELECTIONS OF 1863.
General Fremont in Missouri. — The President's Letter to General Hunter. —
Emancipation in Missouri. — Appointment of General Schofield. — The
President and the Missouri Radicals. — The President to the Missouri
Committee. — The President and General Schofield. — The President and
the Churches.— Letter to Illinois.— The Elections of 1863 Page 422
CHAPTER XV.
THE CONGRESS OF 1863-64. — MESSAGE OF THE PRESIDENT. — ACTION OF
THE SESSION. -PROGRESS IN RAISING TROOPS.
The President's Message. — Tae Proclamation of Amnesty. — Explanatory
Proclamation. — Debate on Slavery. — Call for Troops. — General Blair's
Resignation. — Diplomatic Correspondence. — Our Relations with England.
— France and Mexico. — The President and the Monroe Doctrine . . . Page 446
CHAPTER XVL
MOVEMENTS TOWARDS RECONSTRUCTION.
State Governments in Louisiana and Arkansas. — DiflFeren^e of Views be-
tween the Pre.sident and Congress. — The Rebellion and Labor. — The
Preside'it on Benevolent Associations. — Advancing Action concerning
the Negro Race. — Free State Constitutions Page 481
CHAPTER XVIL
MILITARY EVENTS OF THE SPRING AND SUMMER OP 1864.
Battle of the Olustee. — Kilpatrick's Raid on Richmond. — The Red River
Expedition. — The Fort Pillow Massacre. — Rebel Atrocities. — General
Grant's Advance upon Richmond. — Battles in May. — Sherman's March to
Atlanta. — Rebel Raids in Maryland and Kentucky. — Siege of Petersburg.
— Martial Law iu Kentucky. — Draft for Five hundred thousand Men. —
Capture ol Motile and Atlanta Page £13
Contents. 13
CHAPTER xvni
•HE POLITICAL CAMPAIGN Of 1864.
The Presidential \tvci v a. — The Cleveland Convention. — The Convention at
Baltimore. — Mr. LincrUn's Renomination and Acceptance. — Popular Feel-
ing During tlie 3i]mn«jr. — The Arguelles Case. — The Forged Proclama-
tion.— The Niagara Falli Conference. — The Chicago Convention. — Progress
and Result of the Campaij^n. — Popular J07 at the Result Page 541
tfuPTER XIX.
THE MEETINa OP CONGREai <ND PROGRESS OF THE WAR.
Condition of the Country at the Meeting "* Congress. — The Message. — Pro
ceedings in Congress. — Fort Fisher. — b j,th of Edward Everett. — Peace
Conference \n Hampton Roads. — Military x flfairs Page 620
CHAPTER X.^
CLOSE OP THE REBEL! %*»
TLe Inaugurai Address. — Proclamation to Deserters.- bpoeches by the Pres-
ident.— Destruction of Lee's Army. — The President's ''isit to Richmond.
— Return to Washington. — Close of the "War Page 669
CHAPTER XXL
THE president's ASSASSINATION.
The Condition of the Country. — Assassination of the Presidsni.. --Murderous
Assault upon Secretary Seward. — The Funeral Procession from "Washing-
ton to Springfield, Illinois. — Fate of the Assassins. — Estimate of Mr.
lincolu'a Character. — Conclusion Page 691
ANECDOTES AND REMINISCENCES OF PRESIDENT
LINCOLN.
rAu
Mr. Lincohi's Sadness 72G
His Favorite Poem 728
His Religious Experience 730
His Sympathy 736
His Humor, Shrewdness, and Sentiment 743
Th« 's^«»»'«'^ation Proclamation , 769
14 ^<)NTEl,"xo.
APPENDIX.
LETTERS ON SUNDRY OCCASIONa
To M'r. Hodges, of Kentucky *IS1
To General Hooker T68
To John B. Fry .770
To Grovernor Magoffin 770
To Count Grasparin 771
The Phesedent and Gteneral MoClellan , 772
Warnings against > ssassination 779
REPORTS, DISPATCHES, AND PROCLAMATIONS REl 4.TING TO
THE ASSASSINATION.
Secretary Stanton to General Dix 783
The Death-Bed 785
The Assassins 736
Reward Offered by Secretary Stanton 787
Flight of the Assassins 787
The Conspiracy Organized in Canada , „ . . 787
Boolh Killed.— Harold Captured 788
Reward Offered by Preadent Johnson 788
The Funeral 78S
OFFICIAL ANNOUNCEMENTS.
Acting Secretary Hunter to Minister Adams ^ . . . 7S9
Acting Secretary Hunter to his Subordinates 788
Orders from Secretary Stanton and General Grant 78S>
Orders from Secretary "Welles 790
Order from Secretary McCulloch 791
Order from Po3> na aster-General Dennison 791
Proclamation by President Johnson of a Day of Humiliation and Mourning. 791
Secretary Stanton to Minister Adams 792
Important Letter from J. "Wilkes Booth 793
Indictment or the Conspirators 796
The Finding rse the Court 799
Thb SoUowing memorandum given by Mr. Lincoln to Hicks, the well-
known artist, while he was painting his portrait in Springfield, Illinoifl,
«oon after his first non)ination for the Presidency, is not without in-
terest : —
" I was born Februarj 12, 1809, in then Hardin County, Kentucky,
Bt ik point within the now County of Larae, a mile or a mile and a half
from where iiodgen's mill now is. My parents being dead, and my own
memory not serving, I know no means of identifying the precise locality.
It syas on Noleu Creek. A. LiNOOur."
iz&s 14. \Sm.
THE LIFE,
PUBLIC SERVICES AND STATE PAPERS
or
ABRAHAM LINCOLN
CHAPTER I.
Early Life of Abbaham Linooln. — His Own Record. — His Anoestbt. —
Changes of Residence. — Death and Funeral of his Mother. — En-
trance UPON Political Llfe. — A Member of the Legislature and
OF Congress. — The Mexican "War.
The compiler of the '^ Dictionary of Congress" states,
that while preparing that work for publication, in 1858, he
Bent to Mr. Lincoln the usual request for a sketch of his
life, and received the following reply :
" Born, February 12, 1809, in Hardin County, Kentuokt.
"Education defective.
" Profession, a Lawyer.
"Hate been a Captain of Volunteers in Black Hawk "Wab.
"Postmaster at a very small Office.
" Four times a Member of the Illinois Legislature, and was a
Member of the Lower House of Congress.
" Y011E8, Ac,
"A. LiNOOLH."
Around the facts stated with such characteristic mod-
esty and brevity clusters the history of the early life of
our late President. The ancestors of Abraham Lincoln
were of English descent ; and although they are believed
to have originally emigrated to this country with the
William Penn, it is difficult to tra^e them
18 The Life, Public Services, and
farther back than to their place of residence in Berks
County, Pennsylvania, whence a part of the family re-
moved, in 1750, to that section of Virginia now known as
Rockingham County. Thirty years later, Abraham Lin-
coln, the grandfather of our late President, finding civil-
ization crowding him too closely, and possibly enticed,
by the stories which came back to the frontier settle-
ments from that famous pioneer, Daniel Boone, but
undeterred by the dangers which he knew he must in-
evitably encounter, detemiined to make another bold
push westward, and settled on Floyd' s Creek, in Ken-
tucky, in what is now known as Bullitt County. Hardly
had he secured a home for his little family, when he was
fatally shot by an Indian, who came upon him stealthily
while he was at work, some distance from his log cabin.
Thus deprived of her protector, his widow at once re-
moved, with her three sons and two daughters, to that
part of Kentucky now known as Washington County.
Thomas, the eldest of the sons, the father of Abraham
Lincoln, was but six years old when his mother was so
suddenly made a widow. The necessity of assisting to
provide for her probably delayed his own settlement in
life, for it was not until he was twenty- eight years old,
in 1806, that he married Nancy Hanks. His wife was a
Virginian by birth ; but no facts regarding either her an-
cestry or early life have been preserved, although it is a
tradition, possibly originating in the reputation achieved
by her son, that she was a woman of rare mental endow-
ment Immediately after their marriage the couple re-i
moved to Hardin County, Kentucky, and there on Feb-
ruary 12th, 1809, as has already been stated, Abraham
Lincoln was bom. His early life was spent in poverty
and toil ; but his father, feeling keenly his own deficien
cies, determined to give his son every possible advantage
in the way of gaining an education, and, when but seven
years old, he was equipped with an old copy of Dil-
worth's Spelling Book, which constituted one-third of
the family library, and was sent to school to a Mr. Hazel,
It is also said that one Zacliariah Riney, a Roman Catholic,
State Papers of Abraham Lincoln. 19
having some connection with the Trappists, who had
founded an institution on Pottinger's Creek, with Urban
Guillet as superior, had the lionor of instructing the
future President in tlie rudiments. Whether Mr. Lin-
coln favored his other children, one a girl two years
older than Abraham, and the other a boy two years his
junior, to the same extent, is doubtful, for the routine of
school life was not only broken in upon by his frequent
demands upon liis son's time, but finally it was inter
riFpted altogether by his determination to abandon Ken-
tucky and try his fortunes where liis energies were not
checked and repressed by the obstacles which slavery
constantly thrust in his way. In 1817 Mr. Lincoln car-
ried this plan into execution, '^he old home was sold,
their small stock of valuables placed upon a raft, and the
little family took their way to a new home in the wilds
of Indiana, where free labor would have no competition
with slave labor, and the poor white man might hope
that in time his children could take an honorable posi-
tion, won by industiy and careful economy. The place
of their destination was Spencer County, Indiana. For
the last few miles they were obliged to cut their road as
they went on. " With the resolution of veteran pioneers
they toiled, sometimes being able to pick their way for
a long distance without chopping, and then coming to a
standstill in consequence of dense forests. Suffice it to
say, that they were obliged to cut a road so much of the
way that several days were employed in going eighteen
miles. It was a difficult, wearisome, trying journey, and
Mr. Lincoln often said, that he never passed through a
harder experience than he did in going fi'om Thompson's
Ferry to Spenser County, Indiana."
Thus, before he was eight years old, Abraham Lincoln
began the serious business of life. The cabin in which
the family lived was built of logs, and even the aid of
such a mere child was of account in the wilderness where
they now found themselves, after seven days of weary
travel. Their neighbors, none of whom lived nearer
than two or three miles, welcomed the strangers, and
20 The Life, Public Service «», and
lent a hand towards "building the rude dwelling in which
the future President lav down, after fatiguing out health-
ful toil, to dream the dreams of childhood, undistuibed
by thoughts of the future.
But just as Abraham was becoming ^'castomed to hia
new residence, his home was made des late by the death
of his mother, which occurred when he ^vas ten years old.
She died long before she could have imagined, in her
wildest dreams, the eminence and distinction which her
son was to attain ; but she was happy in the knowledge
that, chiefly under her own tuition, for she had not in-
trusted his education entirely to the schoolmaster who
chanced to settle within reach, her favorite son had
learned to read the Bible — the book which, as a Christian
woman, she prized above all others. It is impossible to
estimate the influence which this faithful mother ex
erted in moulding the character of her child ; but it ia
easy to believe that the earnestness with which she im-
pressed upon his mind and heart the holy precepts, did
much to develop those characteristics which in after
years caused him to be known as pre-eminently the
"Honest" man. There is touching evidence that Abra-
ham held the memory of his mother in sacred remem-
brance. She had instructed him in the rudiments of
writing, and Mr. Lincoln, in spite of the disparaging
remarks of his neighbors, who regarded the accomplish-
ment as entirely unnecessary, encouraged his son to per-
severe, until he was able to put his thoughts upon paper
in a style which, although rude, caused him to be regarded
as quite a prodigy among the illiterate neighbors. One
of the very first efibrts of his faltering pen was writing a
letter to an old friend of his mother's, a travelling
preacher, urging him to come and deliver a sermon over
her grave. The invitation must have been couched in
Impressive, if not afl'ecting language ; for, althougii the
letter was not written until nine months after his mother s
remains had been deposited in their last resting-place,
Parson Elkins, the preacher to whom it was extended,
responded to the request, and three months subsequent-
State Papers op Abraham Lincoln. 21
[j, just a year after her decease, preached a sermon com-
memorative of the virtues of one whom her neighbors
still held in affectionate and respectful remembrance. In
his discourse it is said that the Parson alluded to the
manner in which he had received the invitation, and Abra-
ham's pen thereafter found frequent employment, in
writing letters for the same neighbors who had before
pretended to esteem lightly tlie accomplishment of which
they at last recognized the value.
About two years after the death of Mrs. Lincoln, Mr.
Lincoln married Mrs. Sally Johnston, a widow with three
children. She proved an excellent mother to her step-
son and daughter, and a faithful wife. During the twelve
years that the family remained in Indiana, Abraham's
father encouraged him to improve all the opportunities
offered for meut^ development. How scanty these privi-
leges were, may be inferred from the fact that the entire
number of days that he was able to attend school hardly
exceeded one year. "While in Indiana, one of his teachers
was a Mr. Dorsey, who, a few months ago, was living in
Schuyler County, Illinois, where he was looked up to with
much respect by his neighbors, as one of those who had
assisted in the early instruction of the then President of
the United States. He tells with great satisfaction how hia
pupil, who was then remarked for the diligence and eager-
noss with which he pursued his studies, came to the
log-cabin school-house arrayed in buckskin clothes, a rac-
coon-skin cap, and provided with an old arithmetic which
had somewhere been found for him to begin his investiga-
tions into the "higher branches." In connection with his
attendance upon Mr. Crawford's school, an incident ia
told which is sure to find a place in every biography of
our late President. Books were, of course, very hard to
find in the sparsely settled district of Indiana where the
Lincoln family had their home, and every printed volume
upon which Abraham could lay his hands was carefully
guarded and eagerly devoured. Among the volumes in
Mr. Crawford's scanty library was a copy of Ramsay's
Life of WashingtoUj which Abraham secured permission-
22 The Life, Public Services, and
upon one occasion, to take home with him. During a
severe storm he im^proved his leisure by reading his book.
One night he laid it down carefully, as he thought, and
the next morning he found it soaked through ! The wind
had changed, the storm had beaten inthiough a crack in
the logs, and the appearance of the book was ruined
How could he face the owner under such circumstances ?
He had no money to offer as a return, but he took the
book, went directly to Mr. Crawford, showed him the
irreparable injury, and frankly and honestly offered to
work for him until he should be satisfied. Mr. Crawford
accepted the off'er, and gave Abraham the book for his
own, in return for three days' steady labor in '* pulling
fodder.*' This, and Weems's Life of Washington, were
among the boy' s favorite l>ooks, and the story that we have
just told is so nearly parallel to the famous " hatchet" in-
cident in the early days of the Father of his Country, that
it is easy to believe that the frequent perusal of it im-
pressed upon his mind, more effectually than any solemn
exhortation could have done, the precept that " honesty
is the best policy," and thus assisted to develop that
character of which integrity was so prominent a trait
in after years. Among the other volumes which Mr.
Lincoln was accustomed to refer to, as having been
eagerly read in his youthful days, were a Life of Henry
Clay, Esop's Fables, and Bunyan's Pilgrim's Progress.
It is quite probable that the quaint phraseology of these
last two volumes, and their direct and forcible illustra-
tions, may have impressed upon the productions of Mr.
Lincoln' s pen that style which is one of their most pecu-
liar and favorite characteristics.
When nineteen years old, Abraham Lincoln, moved,
pt?rhaps, equally by the desire to earn an honest liveli-
hood in the shape of "ten dollars a month and found,"
and by curiosity to see more of tie world, made a trip
down the Mississippi to New Orleans, upon a flat-boat.
He went in company with the son of the owner of the
boat, who intrusted a valuable cargo to their care. The
trip was quite an eventful and exciting one, for on the
State Papers of Abraham Lincoln. 28
way down the great river tliey were attacked by seven
negroes, wlio hoped to capture the "boat and the cargo.
They found, however, that they had undertaken a task
to the execution of which they were unequal. After a
spirited contest the negroes were driven back, and com-
pelled to abandon their attempt, leaving our boatmen
the undisputed masters of the field. Upon this trip
young Lincoln's literary acquirements were called into
useful action, and besides the stipulated ten dollars per
month, he gained a substantial reputation as a youth of
promising business talent.
During the twelve years that the family had been
living in Indiana, the advancing tide of civilization had
again encroached upon them almost imperceptibly, and
in 1830 Thomas Lincoln, impatient of the restrictions
which he found the gradually increasing population
drawing around him, again determined to seek a new
home farther west, and after fifteen days' journey came
upon a site near Decatur, Macon County, Illinois, which
seemed to him a desirable one. He immediately erected
a log cabin, and, with the aid of his son, who was now
twenty-one, proceeded to fence in his new farm. Abra-
ham had little idea, while engaged in the unromantic
occupation of mauling the rails which were to bound his
father s possessions, that he was writing a page in his life
which would be read by the whole nation years after-
ward. Yet so it proved to be. A writer, describing one
of the incidents in the earlier political career of the late
President, says: —
During the sitting of the Republican State Convention, at Decatur, s
banner, attached to two of these rails, and bearing an appropriate inscrip-
tion, was brought into the assemblage, and formally presented to that
body, amid a scene of unparalleled enthusiasm. After that, they were in
demand in every State of the Union in which free labor is honored,
where they were borne in processions of the people, and hailed by hun-
dreds of thousands of freemen as a symbol of triumph, and as a glorious
vindication of freedom and of the rights and dignity of free labor. These,
however, were far from being the first and only rails made by Lincoln
He was a practised hand at the business. Mr. IJncoln has now a oanf
floade from one of the rails split by his own hands in "boyhood.
24 The Life, Public Services, and
Every one remembers liow, during tlie presidential
campaign of 1860, Mr. Lincoln was characterized as a
'* rail- splitter ;" first, sneeringly, by his opponents ; after-
wards by his own supporters, as the best possible proof
fhat he was of and from the people.
Notwithstanding the increasing age of Thomas Lincoln,
tiis disposition was so restless, and his desire for change
50 ineradicable, that, after a single year' s residence in his
aew home, he determined to abandon it, and in the spring
of 1831 started for Coles County, sixty or seventy miles
fo the eastward. Abraham determined not to follow hds
father in his journeyings, and possibly the want of his son' s
efficient help compelled him to forego further change,
ind to settle down for the rest of his days on the upper
R^aters of the Kaskaskia and Embarras, where he died on
January 17, 1851, in the seventy -third year of his age.
In the spring of 1831, Abraham made his second trip to
New Orleans, in the capacity of a flat-boatman, returning
in the summer of the same year. The man who had em-
ployed him for this voyage was so well pleased with the
energy and business capacity displayed by young Lincoln,
that upon establishing a store at New Salem, some twenty
miles fi'om Springfield, soon afterward, he engaged him to
assist him in the capacity of clerk, and also to superin-
tend a flouring-mill in the immediate vicinity. In one of
the celebrated debates during the Senatorial campaign,
Mr. Douglas ventured to refer, in rather disparaging
terms, to this year of Mr. Lincoln's life, taunting him
with having been a grocery-keeper. To this Mr. Lincoln
replied as follows : —
Tl e judge is wofully at fanlt about his early friend Lincoln being a
•'grocery-keeper." I don't know as it would be a great sin, if I had
been ; but he is mistaken. Lincoln never kept a grocery anywhere in
the world. It is true that Lincoln did work the latter part of one winter
in a little still-house, up at the head of a hollow.
This frank statement drew the sting completely from
the taunt of Senator Douglas. Some, at least, of those
who were listening to the debate, knew that, at the time
State Papers oe Abraham Lincoln. 25
to wliicli Mr. Lincoln referred, a winter of unusual
severity had caused extreme suffering through that sec-
tion of Illinois, and that he was not only anxious, but
compelled, to take up with any occupation by which he
might turn an honest penny in order to keep his father' s
family, who were even then partially dependent upon
him, from positive want.
Li 1832 the Black Hawk war broke out, and Mr. Lin-
coln, prompt as ever to answer the call of duty, joined a
volunteer company and took the field against the Indians.
That he had already gained a recognized position in the
part of the State where he then lived, is clearly indicated
by the fact that he was elected captain of his company.
After a few weeks' ineffectual service, the force which had
responded to the call of Governor Reynolds was dis-
banded. The troubles broke out anew, however, within
a short time, and again ^Ir. Lincoln enlisted, this time
also as a private. What rank was conferred upon him,
if any, during this campaign is not recorded ; but in spite
of the pressure brought to bear upon him by older mem-
bers of his company, to induce him to return home, he
discharged his duties faithfuUy through the three months'
campaign.
Many years after, durkig his congressional career, Mr.
Lincoln referred thus humorously to his military services
in this "war:" —
By the way, Mr. Speaker, did you know I was a military hero?
Yes, sir, in the days of the Black Hawk war I fonght, bled, and came
way. Speaking of General Cass's career, reminds me of my own. T,
was not at Sullivan's defeat, but I was about as near to it as Cass was tc |
Hull's surrender ; and, like him, I saw the place soon after. It is quite
certain that I did not break my swor d, for I had none to break ; but I
bent my musket pretty badly on one occasion. K Cass broke his sword,
the idea is, he broke it in desperation. I bent the musket by accident.
If General Cass went in advance of me in picking whortleberries, I guess
I surpassed him in charges upon the wild onions. If he saw any live
fighting Indians, it was more than I did, but I had a great many bloody
struggles with the mosquitoes ; and although I never fainted from loss of
blood, I certainly can say I was often very hungry.
His military career closed, Mr. Lincolr turned his atten-
26 The Life, Public Services, and
tion to politics. He espoused tlie cause of Henry Clay — '
in opposition to that of General Jackson, who was very
popular in that section of Illinois — and ran as a candidate
for the State legislature. Although this contest took
place three months before the presidential election, the
same elements entered into it, and Mr. Lincoln was de-
feated, as he undoubtedly expected to be, although hia
failure must have been amply compensated for by the
highly complimentary vote that he received in his own
precinct, which gave him two hundred and seventy- seven
votes out of two hundred and eighty-four cast ; and this,
be it remembered, was the first and last time that he was
ever beaten before the people. The contest ended, Mr.
Lincoln settled down to business again. He purchased
a store and stock of goods on credit, and secured the
postmaster ship of the town ; but the venture was un
successful, and he sold out. Meanwhile, he was still
employing every opportunity olferea him to improve his
i^iind. He had mastered grammir^ md occupied hia
leisure time in general reading, taiviu^c^ care to write out a
synopsis of every book he per >.ed, so as to fix the con-
tents in his memory.
About this time he met John Calhoun, afterwards
president of the Lecompton Constitutional Convention.
Calhoun proposed to Lincoli^ to take up surveying, and
Limself aided in his studies. He had plenty of employment
as a surveyor, and won a good reputation in this new
line of business ; but the fijiancial crash of 1837 destroyed
his business, and his instruments were finally sold under
a sherifi''s execution. This reverse again threw him back
into political life, and as the best preparation for it he
vigorously pursued his legal studies.
In 1834, Mr. Lincoln again ran for the legislature, and
this time was elected. Then that political life commenced,
which his countrymen's votes liave since shown they
fully appreciated. In 1836, Mr. Lincoln was again elect-
ed to the legislature as one of the seven representatives
from Sangamon County, and daring this term he was
assigned a place on the Finance Committee, his aieniDer-
State Papers op Abraham Lincoln. 27
fiMp of the Committee on Public Accounts and Expendi
tares during his first term having qualified him for thia
duty.
The following letter, which was written during thia
canvass, besides being an interesting reminiscence of Mr.
Lincoln's early political life, is valuable as exhibiting,
in a striking manner, his determination to be frank and
honest in all his dealings with the public and with his
opponents : —
New Salem, Jwru 21, 1836.
Dear Colonel: — I am told that, during my absence last week, you
passed through this place, and stated publicly that you were in possession
of a fact or facts, which, if known to the public, would entirely destroy
the prospects of N. W. Edwards and myself at the ensuing election ; but
that, through favor to us, you would forbear to divulge them.
No one has needed favors more than I, and, generally, few have been
less unwilling to accept them ; but in this case favor to me would be in-
justice to the public, and, therefore, I must beg your pardon for declining
it. That I once had the confidence of the people of Sangamon county is
sufficiently evident, and if I have since done any thing, either by design
or misadventure, which, if known, would subject me to a forfeiture of
that confidence, he that knows of that thing and conceals it, is a traitor
to his country's interest.
I find myself wholly unable to form any conjecture of what fact or
facts, real or supposed, you spoke. But my opinion of your veracity will
not permit me, for a moment, to doubt that you, at least, believed what
you said. I am flattered with the personal regard you manifested for
me; but I do hope that, on more mature reflection, you will view the
public interest as a paramount consideration, and therefore determine to
let the worst come.
I here assure you that the candid statement of facts on your part, how-
ever low it may sink mf , shall never break the ties of personal friendship
between us.
I wish an answer to this, and you are at liberty to publish both, if you
cioose. Very respectfully,
A, LiNOOLN.
Ool. EoBERT Allen.
It was in this year (1836) that Mr. Lincoln first became
acquainted with Mr. Douglas, whom he was destined
to meet in so many hotly contested campaigns, but whom
he did not then anticipate that he should, twenty-four
years afterwards, defeat in a presidential election. The
Democrats of course held the ascendency in the Dlinois
28 The Life, Public Services, and
legislature at this time, and they took advantage of theii
strength to pass some extreme pro-slavery resolutions^
branding as " a'bolitionists" those who refused to indorse
them. That his position might not be misunderstood,
Mr. Lincoln took advantage of his parliamentary privi-
lege to enter upon the Journal of the House, in connec-
tion with a colleague, his reasons for voting in opposition
to the resolutions. This document, which now possesses
historical interest, reads as follows : —
Maboh 8, 1887.
The following protest was presented to the House, which was read and
ordered to be spread on the journals, to wit:
"Resolutions upon the subject of domestic slavery having passed both
branches of the General Assembly at its present session, the undersigned
hereby protest against the passage of the same.
" They believe that the institution of slavery is founded on both injustice
and bad policy ; but that the promulgation of abolition doctrines tends
rather to increase than abate its evils.
" They believe that the Congress of the United States has no power,
under the Constitution, to interfere with the institution of slavery in the
diiferent States.
" They believe that the Congress of the United States has the power,
under the Constitution, to abolish slavery in the District of Columbia;
but that the power ought not to be exercised, unless at the request of the
people of said District.
" The diiference between these opinions and those contained in the said
resolutions, is their reason for entering this protest.
" (Signed)
"Dan Stone,
" A. Lincoln,
Representatives fr(ym the County of Sangamon^
In 1838, Mr. Lincoln was for the third time elected to
the State legislature ; and among his six colleagues, as rep-
resentatives from Sangamon County, was John Calhoun,
since notorious for his connection with the Lecompton
Constitution. His position as leader of the Whigs in the
'House was so well recognized, that he received the party
vote for the Speakership, and was defeated hy only one
vote. In 1840, for the fourth successive term, Mr. Lin-
coln was returned to the legislature, and again received
the vote of his party as the candidate for Speaker.
Meanwhile, he had been vigorously eng£*ged in canvas-
Bing the State, in anticipation of the presidential election.
State Papers of Abraham Lincoln. 29
and had greatly enhanced his reputation by his repeated
earnest and eloquent efforts.
Politics had interfered so seriously with Mr. Lincoln' a
legal studies, which had been energetically prosecuted
during the intervals of legislative duty, that at the close
of this term he declined a renomination, in order that he
might devote his whole time to the practice of his profes-
Bion. As already stated, he had been admitted to the bar
in 1836 ; and on April 15, 1837, he settled permanently
in Springfield, the seat of Sangamon County, which was
destined to be his future home. His frierd and former
colleague in the legislature, Hon. John T. Stuart, was
his partner.
One incident of his law practice partakes deeply of the
romantic. It is authentic, however, and is well worth
narrating. When Mr. Lincoln first went out into the
world, to earn a living for himself, he worked for a Mr.
Armstrong, of Petersburg, Menard County, who, with
his wife, took a great interest in him, lent him books to
read, and, after the season for work was over, encour-
aged him to remain with them until he should find some-
thing '-to turn his hand to." They also hoped much
from his influence over their son, an over-indulged and
somewhat unruly boy. The sequel, which is thus graph-
ically told by the Cleaveland Leader^ shows how these
good people reaped their reward for their generosity to
the young man whom they so generously took under
their protection. That journal says : —
Some few years since, the eldest son of Mr. Lincoln's old friend,
Armstrong, the chief supporter of his widowed mother — the good old
-nan having some time previously passed from earth — was arrested on
the charge of murder. A young man had been killed during a riotous
melee in the night-time at a camp-meeting, and one of his associates
stated that the death-wound was inflicted by young Armstrong. A pre-
liminary examination was gone into, at which the accuser testified so
positively, that there seemed no doubt of the guilt of the prisoner, and
therefore he was held for trial. As is too often the case, the bloody
act caused an undue degree of excitement in the public mind. Every
improper incident in the life of the prisoner — each act which bore the
least semblance to rowdyism -each schoolboy quarrel, — was suddenly
30 The Life, Public Services, and
remembered and magnified, until they pictured him as a fiend of tuv uiost
horrible hue. As these rumors spread abroad they were received as gos-
pel truth, and a feverish desire for vengeance seized upon the infatuated
populace, whilst only prison bars prevented a horrible death at the handa
of a mob. The events were heralded in the county papers, painted in
highest colors, accompanied by rejoicing over the certainty of punishment
being meted out to the guilty party. The prisoner, overwhelmed by tbv|
circumstances under which he found himself placed, fell into a melan [
choly condition bordering on despair, and the widowed mother, lookiE||
■Jljough her tears, saw no cause for hope from earthly aid.
At this juncture, the widow received a letter from Mr. Lincoln, vol-
unteering his services in an efibrt to save the youth from the impending
stroke. Gladly was his aid accepted, although it seemed impossible for
even his sagacity to prevail in such a desperate case , but the heart of the
attorney was in his work, and he set about it with a will that knew no
such word as fail. Feeling that the poisoned condition of the public mind
was such as to preclude the possibility of impanelling an impartial jury
in the court having jurisdiction, he procured a change of venue and a
postponement of the trial. He then went studiously to work unravelling
the history of the case, and satisfied himself that his client was the victim
of malice, and that the statements of the accuser were a tissue of false-
hoods.
When the trial was called on, the prisoner, pale and emaciated, with
hopelessness written on every feature, and accompanied by his half-
hoping, half-despairiug mother — whose only hope was in a mother's belief
of her son's innocence, in the justice of the God she worshipped, and in
the noble counsel, who, without hope of fee or reward upon earth, had
undertaken the cause — took his seat in the prisoners' box, and with a
'■^ stony firmness" listened to the reading of the indictment. Lincoln sat
quietly by, while the large auditory looked on him as though wondering
what he could say in defence of one whose guilt they regarded as certain.
The examination of the witnesses for the State was begun, and a weU-
ftrranged mass of evidence, circumstantial and positive, was introduced,
which seemed to impale the prisoner beyond the possibility of extrication.
The counsel for the defence propounded but few questions, aud those of a
character which excited no uneasiness on the part of the prosecutor —
merely, in most cases, requiring the main witnesses to be definite as to
the time and place. When the evidence of the prosecution was ended,
Lincoln introduced a few witnesses to remove some erroneous impressions
in regard to the previous character of his client, who, though somewhat
rowdyish, had never been known to commit a vicious act; and to show
that a greater degree of ill feeling existed between the accuser and the
accused, than the accused and the deceased.
The prosecutor felt that the case was a clear one, and nis opening
speech was brief and formal. Lincoln arose, while a deathly silence
irrvaded the vast audience, and in a clear and moderate tone began his
State Papers of Abraham Lincoln. 31
irgnmexL., Slowly and carefully he reviewed the testimony, pointing out
tlje hitherto unobserved discrepancies in the statements of the princif-al
witness. That which had seemed plain and plausible he made to appear
crooked as a serpent's path. The witness had stated that the affair took
place at a certain hour in the evening, and that, by the aid of the brightly
ahining moon, he saw the prisoner intiict the death-blow with the slung-
bhot. Mr. Lincoln showed that at the hour referred to the moon had not
yet appeared above the horizon, and consequently the whole tale was a
fabrication.
An almost instantaneous change seemed to have been wrought m the
mmds of his auditors, and the verdict of " not guilty" was at the end of
«very tongue. But the advocate was not content with this intellectual
achievement. His whole bodng had for months been bound up in tiiia
work of gratitude and mercy, and as the lava of the over charged crater
bursts from its imprisonment, so great thoughts and burning words leaped
forth from the soul of the eloquent Lincoln. He drew a picture of thd
perjurer so horrid and ghastly, that the accuser could sit under it no
longer, but reeled and staggered from the court-room, whilst the audience
fancied they could see the brand upon his brow. Then in words of thril-
ling pathos Lincoln appealed to the jurors as fathers of some who might
become fatherless, and as husbands of wives who might be v\idowed, to
yield to no previous impressions, no ill-founded prejudice, but to do his
client justice ; and as he alluded to the debt of gratitude which he owed
the boy's sire, tears were seen to fall from many eyes unused to weep.
It was near night when he concluded, by saying that if justice was
done — as he believed it would be — before the sun should set, it would
sliine upon his client a free man. The jury retired, and the court ad-
journed for the day. Half an hour had not elapsed, when, as the officers
of the court and the volunteer attorney sat at the tea-table of their hotei.
a messenger announced that the jury had returned to their seats. Ail
repaired immediately to the court-house, and whilst the prisoner was
being brought from the jail, the court-room was filled to overflowing with
citizens from the town. When the prisoner and his mother entered,
silence reigned as completely as though the house were empty. The fore-
man of the jury, in answer to the usual inquiry from the court, delivered
the verdict of "Not Guilty !" The widow dropped into the arms of her
eon, who lifted her up and told her to look upon him as before, free ar.d
innocent. Then, with the words, "Where is Mr. Lincoln?'' he rushed
across the room and grasped the hand of his deliverer, whilst his heart
was too full for utterance. Lincoln turned his eyes toward the West,
where the sun still lingered in view, and then, turning to the youth, said :
" It is not yet sundown and you are free." I confess that my cheeks were
not wholly unwet by tears, and I turned from the affectms scene. As "
cast a glance behind, I saw Abraham Lincoln obeying the liivl^ 'izuunc*
tkn by comforting the widowed and fatherless.
>/">
•>*/
The Life, Public {Services, and
A writer in the San Francisco Bulletin^ in the course
of an article giving reminiscences of Mr. Lincoln, thua
sketches still another phase of his legal career : —
A number of years ago, the writer of this lived in one of the judicial
circuits of Illinois in which Abraham Lincoln had an extensive, though
not very lucrative practice. The terms of the court were held quarterly,
and usually lasted about two weeks. The occasions were always seasons
of great importance and much gayety in the little town that had the honor
of being the county seat. Distinguished members of the Bar from sur-
ro. Hiding and even from distant counties, ex-judges and ex-members of
Congress attended, and were personally, and many of them }>o})ularly
known to almost every adult, male and female, of the limited population.
They came in by stages and on horseback. Among them, the one above
all whose arrival was looked forward to with the most pleasurable antici-
pations, and whose possible absence — although hft never was absent —
was feared with the liveliest emotions of anxiety, was ''Uncle Abe," as
he was lovingly called by us all. Somolimes he might happen to be a
day or two late, itnd then, as the Bloomington stage came in at sundown,
the Bench and the Bar, jurors and the general citizens, would gather in
crowds at the hotel where he always put up, to gi%^e him a welcome if he
should happily arrive, and to experience the keenest feelings of disappoint-
ment if he should not. If lie arrived, as he alighted and stretched out
both his long arms to shake hands with those nearest to Mm and with
those who approached — his homely ftice handsome m its broad and sun-
shiny smile, iiis voice touching in its kindly and cheerful accents — every
one in his presence felt lighter in heart and became joyous. He brought
light with him. He loved his feilow-;ncn with all the strength of his
great nature, and those v»']io came in contact with him could not help
reciprocating the love. His tenderness of the feelings of oihers was
of sensitiveness in the extreme.
For several years after settling in Springfield, IsL^. lin-
coln remained a bachelor, residing in the famil}^ of lion.
William Butler, who was, a few years since, elected State
Treasurer. On Xovemher 4th, 1842, he married Miss
Mary Todd, daugliter of Hon. Robert S. Todd, of Lex-
ington, Kentucky. She novf mourns the violent and
untimely death of her lamented husband.
Mr. Lincoln's love for Henry Clay, which, was enldn
died by the life of that statesman, which he read when a
boy, grew with his years, and when he reached manhood
it had deepened into enthusiastic admiration. In 1844 he
stumped Illinois for him, and even extended his labors to
State Papers of Abraham Lincoln. 33
Indiana. None felt more keenly than lie the unexpected
defeat of his favonte. In 1846 Mr. Lincoln was induced
to accept the nomination fc;? Congress, and in the district
wliich had. two years before., given Mr. Clay, for Presi
dent, a majority of nine hundred and fourteen votes, he
astonished himself and his friends by rolling up a major-
ity of fifteen hundred and eleven. To add to the signifi-
cance of his triumph, he was the only Whig representative
from Illinois, which had then seven members in that
body. This Congress had before it subjects of great
importance and interest to the country. The Mexican
War was in progress, and Congress had to deal with
grave questions arising out of it, besides determining and
providing the means by which it was to be carried on.
The irrepressible Slavery Question was there also, in
many of its Protean forms, — in questions on the right of
petition, in questions as to the District of Columbia, in
many questions as to the Territories.
Mr. Lincoln was charged by his enemies in later years,
when political hostility was hunting sharply for material
out of which to make capital against him, with lack of
patiiotism, alleging that he voted against the war. The
charge was sharply and clearly made by Judge Douglas,
at the first of their joint discussions in the Senatorial
contest of 1858. In his speech at Ottawa, he said of Mr.
Lincoln, that "while in Congress he distinguished him-
self by his opposition to the Mexican war, taking the
side of the common enemy against his own country^
dud when he returned home he found that the indigna-
tion of the people followed him everywhere."
No better answer can be given to this charge than that
which Mr, Lincoln himself made, in his reply to this
speech. He says : "I was an old Whig, and whenever
the Democratic party tried to get me to vote that the war
had been righteously begun by the President, I would
not do it. But whenever they iisked for any money or
land-warrants, or any thing to pay the soldiers there,
during all that time I gave the same vote that Judge
Douglas did. You can think as you please as to whether
34 The Life, Public Services, and
that Tvas consistent. Sucli is the truth, and the Judge
has a rigM to make all he can out of it. But when he,
by a general charge, conveys the idea that I withheld
supplies from the soldiers who were fighting in the Mex-
ican war, or did any thing else to hinder the soldiers, lie
is, to say the least, grossly and altogether mistaken, as a
consultation of the records will prove to him."
We need no more thorough refutation of this imputa-
tion upon his patriotism than is embodied in this clear
and distinct denial. It required no little sagacity, at that
time, to draw a clear line of demarcation between sup-
porting the country while engaged in war, and sustaining
the war itself, which Mr. Lincoln, in common witli the
great body of the party with which lie was connected,
regarded as utterly unjust. The Democratic party made
vigorous use of the charge everywhere. The whole
foundation of it, doubtless, was the fact which Mr. Lin-
coln states, that, whenever the Democrats tried to get
him ' ' to vote that the war had been righteously begun., '
he would not do it. He showed, in fact, on this point,
the same clearness and directness, the same keen eye foy
the important point in a controversy, and the same tena-
city in holding it fast, and thwarting his opponent's
utmost efforts to obscure it and cover it up, to draw
attention to other points and raise false issues, which
were the marked characteristics of his great controversy
with Judge Douglas at a subsequent period of their poli-
tical history. It is alwaj^s popular, because it always
Beems patriotic, to stand by the country when engaged in
WSLT — and the people are not invariably disposed to judge
leniently of efforts to prove their country in the wrong a»
against any foreign power. In this instance, Mr. Lincoln
saw that the strength of the position of the AdministratioB
before the people, in reference to the beginning of the war^
was in the point, whicli they lost no opportunity of reiter-
ating, viz : that Mexico had shed the blood of our citizens
on our oiou soil This position he believed to be false,
and he accordingly attacked it in a series of resolutions
requesting the President to give the H^use infonnatioB
State Papers of Abraham Lincoi^n. 35
on that point ; wliicli President Polk would have found
as difficult to dodge as Douglas found it to dodge th€
questions which Mr. Lincoln proposed to him.
As a part of the history of Mr. Lincoln' s Congressional
career, we give these resolutions, omitting the preamble,
which simply reproduces the language employed by
President Polk in his message, to convey the impression
that the Mexicans were the aggressors, and that the war
Avas undertaken to repel invasion, and to avenge the shed-
ding of the blood of our fellow- citizens on our own soil.
The quaint phraseology of the resc<iutions stamps them
as the production of Mr. Lincoln's pen. They read as
follows :
Resolved ly the House of Representatives^ That the President of the
United States be respectfully requested to inform this House —
1st. Whether the spot on which the blood of our citizens was shed, as
In his messages declared, was or was not within the territory of Spain, at
least after the treaty of 1819, until the Mexican revolution.
2d. Whether that spot is or is not witliin the territory which was
wrested from Spain by the revolutionary Government of Mexico.
Sd. Whether tnat spot la or is not within a settlement of people, which
settlement has existed ever since long before the Texas revolution, and
until its inhabitants fled before the approach of the United States army.
4th. Whether that settlement is or is not isolated fi'om any and all
other settlements by the Gulf and tlie Rio Grande on the south and west,
and by wide uninhabited regions on the north and east.
5th. Whether the people of that settlement, or a majority of them, or
Rny of them, have ever submitted themselves to the government or laws
of Texas or of the United States, by consent or by compulsion, either by
accepting office, or voting at elections, or paying tax, or serving on juries,
or having process served upon them, or in any other way.
6th. Whether the people of that settlement did or did not flee from the
approach of the United States army, lea^'ing unprotected their homes ant-
, their growing crops, lefore the blood was shed, as in the messages stated ;
and whether the first blood so shed, was or was not shed within the
enclosure of one of the people who had thus fled from it,
7th. Whether our citizens^ whose blood was shed, as in his messages
declared, were or were not, at that time, armed ofiicers and soldiers, sent
into that settlement bv the military order of the President, through the
Secretary of War.
8th. Whether the military force of the United States was or was not
io sent into that settlement after General Taylor had more than once
36 The Life, Public Services^ and
Intinaated to the War Department that, in his opinion, no such movement
was necessary to the defence or protection of Texas.
These reciolutions, which Mr. Polk would have found
it very inconvenient to answer, were laid over, under the
rule, and were never acted upon, although Mr. Lincoln
commented on them in a speech, made January 12, 1848,
which, by the way, was his first formal appearance in the
House. In this speech he discussed, in his homely but
forcible manner, the absurdities and contradictions of Mr.
Polk' s message, and exposed its weaknesses.
In these times, when questions of so much greater mag
nitude and importance have overshadowed those which
occupied or agitated the public mind twenty years ago,
it seems strange that political opponents could even
then have compelled Mr. Lincoln to defend his course in
Congress, as having been prompted by patriotic motives.
The nation which has been plunged into mourning by hia
sudden and violent death, would now regard as gratuitous
and puerile any argument, the purpose of which should
be to prove that Mr. Lincoln's action upon this Mexican
question was governed by the same inflexible ideas of
honor and right which ruled him so unwaveringly
throughout his entire public career, and which have
since made his memory sacred.
A Whig from conviction, Mr. Lincoln acted consistently
with his party upon all questions of public concern. On
June 20, 1848, after the nomination of General Cass as the
Democratic candidate for the Presidency, Mr. Lincolr
made an able speech in support of the line of policy tht
Whigs had pursued regarding internal improvements.
He ridiculed mercilessly the position taken by Gen^'raJ
Cass upon this important question, and, in concluding hie
remarks, thus stated his own views, while he dealt a
severe blow at the same pseudo chivalric spirit of the
South, which he has since been chiefly instrumental in
humbling to the dust. He said :
Bow lo do somctliing^ and still not to do too much, is the desideratum
Let each contribute his mite in the way of suggestion. The late Silas
State Papers of Abraham Lincoln. 37
Wright, in a letter to the Chicago convention, contributed his, which wae
worth something ; and I now contribute mine, which may be worth
nothing. At all events, it will mislead nobody, and therefore will do no
harm. I would not borrow money. I am against an overwhelming,
crushing system. Suppose that, at each session, Congress shall first
determine how much money can, for that year, be spared for improve-
ments; then apportion that sum to the most important objects. Su
far all is easy ; but how shall we determine which are the most im-
portant ? On this question comes the collision of mterests. / shall be
slow to acknowledge that your harbur or your river is more iuiportaut
than mine^ and vice versa. To clear this difficulty, let us have that same
statistical information which the gentleman from Ohio [Mr. Vinton] sug-
gested at the beginning of this session. In that information we shall have
a stern, unbending basis of facts — a basis in nowise subject to whim,
caprice, or local interest. The pre-limited amount of means will save ua
from doing too muc\ and the statistics will save us from doing what we
do in wrong places. Adopt and adhere to this course, and, it seems to
me, the difficulty is cleared.
One of the gentlemen from South Carolina [Mr. Khett] very much de-
precates these statistics. He particularly objects, as I understand him, to
counting all the pigs and chickens in the land. I do not perceive much
force in the objection. It is true, that if every thing be enumerated, a
portion of such statistics may not be very useful to this object. Such
products of the country as are to be consumed where they are produced^
need no roads and rivers, no means of transportation, and have no very
proper connection with this subject. The surplus^ that which is produced
in one place to be consumed in another ; the capacity of each locality for
producing a greater surplus ; the natural means of transportation, and
their susceptibility of improvement ; the hindrances, delays, and losses of
life and property during transportation, and the causes of each, would be
among the most valuable statistics in this connection. From these it
would readily appear whei-e a given amount of expenditure would do the
most good. These statistics might be equally accessible, as they wo ild
he equally useful, to both the Nation and the States. In this way, and by
these means, let the Fation take hold of the larger works, and the States
the smaller ones; and thus, working in a meeting direction, discreetly,
but steadily and firmly, what is made unequal in one place may be equal-
ized in another, extravagance avoided, and the whole country put on that
career of prosperity which shall correspond with its extent of territory,
its natural resources, and the intelligence and enterprise of its people.
The nomination of General Taylor as the Whig candi-
date for the Presidency, by the Convention of that party
at Philadelphia, to which Mr. Lincoln was a delegate,
faiiiy opened the campaign, and Congress prolonged its
38 The Life, PaBuc Services, and
session until August 14th, as the memlDers, — Senators .^d
Representatives alike, — insisted, each for himself, upon
expressing his views, and defining his position in full, for
the benefit of his constituents. The only speech of any
length made by Mr. Lincoln, subsequent to that from
which we have already quoted, was delivered July 27t]i,
when he defended, with characteristic shrewdness and
ability, the position General Taylor had taken regarding
the exercise of the veto power. This speech is, perhaps,
more strongly marked by Mr. Lincoln's peculiarities than
any other of his Congressional utterances. The keen
sarcasm with which h^ exposed the inconsistencies of
both General Cass and Mr. Van Buren, is not surpassed
in any of his subsequent efforts.
Upon the adjournment of Congress, the members en-
tered energetically into the popular canvass, Mr. Lincoln
first making a visit to 'New England, where he delivered
a number of effective campaign speeches in support of
General Taylor. The journals of the day note his pres-
ence at the Massachusetts State Convention during hia
brief visit to New England, and speak in terms of the
highest praise of an address which he delivered at New
Bedford. He felt conscious, however, that he could labor
more effectively among his Western friends, and accord-
ingly spent most of his time during the canvass in that
section of the country. Although he failed to carry his
own State for his favorite candidate, his disappointment
was entirely forgotten in General Taylor' s election.
In December, when the Thirtieth Congress reassembled
for its second session, Mr. Lincoln took his seat ; but the
exhaustion consequent upon the exciting political cam-
paign just closed, reacted upon Congress, and precluded
the possibility of any exciting discussions. Important
action was taken, however, upon the slavery question
in some of its phases. It is needless to state, that du-
ring his entire Congressional service Mr. Lincoln steadily
and persistently cast his vote upon the side of freedom.
He repeatedly recorded himself against laying on the
table, without consideration, -netitions in favor of the
State Papers of Abraham Lincoln. 39
nbolition of slavery in the District of Columbia, and
ao'ainst tlie slave-trade.
On the question of abolishing slavery in the District,
tie took rather a prominent part. A Mr. Gott had in-
troduced a resolution directing the proper committee
^o introduce a bill abolishing the slave-trade in the
District. On January 16 (1849), Mr. Lincoln moved the
following amendment, instructing the Committee to intro-
duce a bill not for the abolition of the slave-trade, but of
slavery, witliin the District : —
Resolved, That 'he Ooramittee on the District of Columbia be instructed
t'3 report a bill in substance as follows :
Sko. 1. Be it enacted 'by the Senate and House of Beprese/ntatwes of
tie United States, in Congress assembled, That no person now within the
[Istrict of Columbia, nor now owned by any person or persons now resi-
dsnt within it, nor hereafter bom within it, shall ever be held in slavery
within said District.
Sko. 2. That no person now within said District, or now owned by any
person or persons now resident within the same, or hereafter born within
It, shall ever be held in slavery without the limits of said District : Pro-
vided, That the officers of the Government of the United States, being
citizens of the slaveholding States, coming into said District on public
business, and remaining only so long as may be reasonably necessary for
that object, may be attended into and out of said District, and while there,
by the necessary servants of themselves and their families, without their
right to hold such servants in service being impaired.
Sec. 3. That all children born of slave mothers within said District,
on or after the 1st day of January, in the year of our Lord 1850, shall be
free ; but shall be reasonably supported and educated by the respective
owners of their mothers, or by their heirs or representatives, and shall
serve reasonable service as apprentices to such owners, heirs, or represen-
tatives, until they respectively arrive at tlie age of years, when
they shall be entirely free : And the municipal authorities of Washington
5nd Georgetown, within their respective jurisdictional limits, are hereby
empowered and required to make all suitable and necessary provision for
enforcing obedience to this section, on the part of both masters and ap-
prentices.
Sec. 4. That all persons now within this District, lawfully held as
slaves, or now owned by any person or persons now residert within said
District, shall remain such at the will of their respective owners, their
heirs, or legal representatives : Provided, that such owner, or his legal
rei>resentatives, may at any Mme receive from the Treasury of the United
40 The Life, PuiiLio Sehvices, and
States the full value of his or her slave, of the class in this section men*^
tioned, upon which such slave shall be forthwith and forever free : And pro •
vided further, That the President of the United States, the Secretary of
State, and the Secretary of the Treasury, shall be a board for determining
the value such slaves as their owners desire to emancipate under this
section, and whose duty it shall be to hold a session for the purpose on the
first Monday of each calendar month, to receive all apphcations, and oij
satisfactory evidence in each case that the person presented for vahiation
is a slave, and of the class in the section mentioned, and is owned by the
applicant, shall value such slave at his or her full cash value, and give to
the applicant an order on the Treasury for the amount, and also to such
slave a cestificate of freedom.
Seo. 5. That the municipal authorities of Washington and George-
town, within their respective jurisdictional limits, are hereby empowered
and required to provide active and efficient means to arrest and deliver
up to their owners all fugitive slaves escaping into said District.
Seo. 6. That the elective officers within said District of Columbia are
hereby empowered and required to open polls, at all the usual places of
holding elections, on the first Monday of April next, and receive the vote
of every free white citizen above the age of twenty-one years, having
resided within said District for the period of one year or more next prece-
ding the time of such voting for or against this act, to proceed in taking said
votes, in all respects not herein specified, as at elections under the muni-
cipal laws, and with as little delay as possible to transmit correct state-
ments of the votes so cast to the President of the United States ; and it
shall be the duty of the President to count such votes immediately, and
if a majority of them be found to be for this act, to forthwith issue his pro-
clamation giving notice of the fact ; and this act shall only be in full force
and effect on and after the day of such proclamation.
Seo. 7. That invol-.-ntary servitude idv the punishment of crime,
whereof the party shall have been duly convicted, shall in no wise be pro-
hibited by this act.
Seo. 8. That for all purposes of this act, the jurisdictional limits of
Washington are extended to all parts of the District of Columbia not
Included within the present limits of Georgetown.
A bill was afterwards reported by the committee for-
bidding the introduction of slaves into the District for
sale or hire. This bill also Mr. Lincoln supported, but
in yain. The time for the success of such measrjres, in-
volving to an extent attacks upon slavery, had not yet
come.
The question of the Territories also came up in many
ways. Th^ Wilmot Proviso had made its first appearance
State Papers of Abraham Lincoln. 41
in the previous session, in the August before, but it was re
peatedly before this Congress also, when efibrts were made
to apply it to the territory which we procured from Mex-
ico, and to Oregon. On all occasions when it was before
the House it was supported by Mr. Lincoln, and he stated
during his contest with Judge Douglas, that he had voted
for it, "in one way and another, about forty times."
He thus showed hinself, in 1847, to be the same friend of
freedom for the Territories which he was afterwards, du-
ring the heat of the Kansas struggle.
Another instance in which the slavery question was
before the House, was in the famous Pacheco case. This
was a bill to reimburse the heks of Antonio Pacheco for
the value of a slave who was hired by a United States
officer in Florida, but ran away and joined the Seminoles,
and, being taken m arms with them, was sent out of
Florida with them, when they were transported to the
West. The bill was reported to the House by the Com-
mittee on Military Affairs. This committee was com-
posed of nine. Five of these wnre slaveholders, and
these made the majority report. The others, not being
slaveholders, reported against the bill. The ground
taken by the majority was, that slaves were regarded as
property by the Constitution, and Avhen taken for public
service should be paid for as property. The principle
involved in the bill, therefore, was the same one which
the slaveholders had struggled in so many ways to main-
tain. As they sought afterwards to have it established
by a decision of the Supreme Court, so now they tried
to have it recognized by Congress, and Mr. Lincoln op-
posed it there, as heartily as he afterwards withstood
it when it took the more covert, but no less dangerous
shape of a judicial dictum.
Mr. Lincoln's congressional career terminated at the
close of this session (March 4, 1849), and, for reasons
satisfactory to himself, he declined a renomination,
although his re-election, had he consented to become a
candidate, was morally certain. In this same year^ how-
ever, he was the Whig candidate in Illinois for United
42 The Life, Public Services, and
States Senator, iDiit without success — the Democrats liav-
ing the control of the State, which they retained until the
conliict arising out of the Nebraska bill, in 1854.
Nothing could more forcibly illustrate the complete
rest and relaxation from political cares and anxieties
which Mr. Lincoln enjoyed during these few years, than
the fact that he found time, while practising his pro-
fession, to indulge the exercise of his inventive faculties.
A correspondent of the Boston Advertiser^ wiiting from
Washington, thus states the form in which the mechan-
ical genius of the ex-Congressman and future President
found expression : —
Occnpying an ordinary and commonplace position in one of tlie show-
oases in the large hall of the Patent Office, is one little model which, in
ages to come, will be prized as at once one of the most curious and one of
the most sacred relics in that vast museum of unique and priceless things.
This is a plain and simple model of a steamboat, roughly fashioned in
wood, by the hand of Abraham Lincoln. It bears date in 1849, when
the inventor was known simply as a successful lawyer and rising politi-
cian of Central Illinois. Neither his practice nor his politics took up so
much of his time, as to prevent him from giving much attention to con-
trivances which he hoped might be of benefit to the world and of profit
to himself.
The design of this invention is suggestive of one phase of Abraham
Lincoln's early life, when he went up and down the Mississippi as a flat-
boatman, and became familiar with some of the dangers and inconve-
niences attending the navigation of the Western rivers. It is an attempt
to make it an easy matter to transport vessels over shoals and snags and
sawyers. The main idea is that of an apparatus resembling a noiseless
bellows, placed on each side of the hull of the craft, just below the water-
jdne, and worked by an odd but not complicated system of ropes, valves,
and pulleys. When the keel of the vessel grates against the sand or
obstruction, these bellows are to be filled with air ; and, thus buoyed up, -^
the ship is expected to float lightly and gayly over the shoal, which would
otherwise have proved a serious interruption to her voyage.
The model, which is about eighteen or tweuty inches long, and has
the air of having been whittled with a knife out of a shingle and a cigar-
box, is built without any elaboration or ornament, or any extra apparatus
beyond that necessary to show the operation of buoying the steamer over
the obstructions. Herein it diAws from very many of the models which
share with it the shelter of the immense halls of the Patent Office, and
which are fashioned with wonderful nicety and exquisite finish, as if
much of the labor and thought and aflfection of a lifetime had been de*
State Papers of Abraham Lincoln. 43
voted to their construction. This is a model of a different kind ; carved
as one might imagine a retired rail-splitter would whittle, strongly_ but
not smoothly, and eyidontly made with a view solely to convey, by the
simplest possible means, to the minds of the patent authorities, an idea
of the purpose and plan of the simple invention. The label on the
steamer's deck informs us that the patent was obtained; but we do cvt
learn that the navigation of the western rivers was revolutionized by thii
quaint conception. The modest little model has reposed here sixteen
years; and since it found its resting-place here on the shelf, the shrewd
inventor has found it his task to guide the ship of state over shoals more
perilous, and obstructions more obstinate, than any prophet dreamed of
when Abraham Lincoln wrote his bold autograph on the prow of this
miniature steamer.
This curions episode, however, must not create the
impression that Mr. Lincoln had allowed his mind to be
entirely diverted from the observation of the important
political events then transpiring. He undoubtedly noted
carefully the development of those questions which sub-
sequently absorbed so large a share of attention, and
calculated accurately the influence which they would
have upon the relations of the two great political organ-
izations. Be had fought slavery often enough to know
what it was^ and he was thoroughly conversant with the
animus of it.s supporters. It is not, therefore, at all likely
that he Wc\% taken by surprise when the Nebraska Bill
was intioduced, and the proposition was made by Stephen
A. Dou/;las to repeal that very Missouri Compromise
which he had declared to be "a sacred thing, which no
ruthless hand would ever be reckless enough to disturb. ''
The Nebraska Bill was passed May 22, 1854, and the
event gave new and increased force to the popular feel-
ing in favor of freedom, which the proposition to repeal
the Missouri Compromise had excited. Everywhere the
friends of freedom gathered themselves together and ral-
lied round her banner, to meet the conflict which was
plainly now closely impending, and which had been forced
upon the people by the grasping ambition of the slave-
holders. The political campaign of that year in Illinois
was one of the severest ever known. It was intensified
by the fact that a United States Senator was to be chosen
44 The Life, Public Services, and
by tlie legislature then to be elected, to fill tlie place of
Shields, who had voted with Douglas in favor of the Ne-
braska Bill.
Mr. Lincoln took a prominent part in this campaign.
He met Judge Douglas before the people on two occa-
sions, the onlj ones when the Judge would consent to
such a meeting. The first time was at the State Fair at
Springfield, on October 4th. This was afterwards con
sidered to have been the greatest event of the whole can
vass. Mr. Lincoln opened the discussion ; and in his
clear and eloquent, yet homely way, exposed the tergiver-
sations of which his opponent had been guilty, and the
fallacy of his pretexts for his present course,
Mr. Douglas had always claimed to have voted for the
repeal of the Missouri Compromise because he sustained
the "great principle" of popular sovereignty, and de-
sired that the inhabitants of Kansas and Nebraska should
govern themselves, as they were well able to do. The
fallacy of drawing from these premises the conclusion
that they therefore should have the right to establish
slavery there, was most clearly and conclusively exposed
by Mr. Lincoln, so that no one could thereafter be misled
by it, unless he was a willing dupe of pro-slavery
sophistry.
"My distinguished friend," said he, "says it is an
insult to the emigrants of Kansas and Nebraska to sup-
pose that they are not able to govern themselves. We
must not slur over an argument of this kind because it
happens to tickle the ear. It must be met and answered ;
I admit that the emigrant to Kansas and Nebraska is
competent to govern himself, hut I deny his right to
govern any other person without that person] s consent]*
The two opponents met again at Peoria. We believe
it is universally admitted that on both of these occasions
Mr. Lincoln had decidedly the advantage. The result of
the election was the defeat of the Democrats, and the
election of anti-Nebraska men to the legislature, to secure
the election of a United States Senator who would be true
to freedom, if they could be brought to unite upon a can-
State Papers of Abraham Lincoln. 45
didate. Mr. Lincoln was naturally tlie candidate of
those who were of Whig antecedents. Judge Trumbull
was as naturally the candidate of some who had really
cf^me ^ut from the Democratic party — though they still
called themselves Free Democrats.
There was danger, of course, in such a posture of
aflPairs, and Mr. Lincoln, in that spirit of patriotism which
he has always shown, by his own personal exertions
secured the votes of his friends for Judge Trumbull, who
was accordingly chosen Senator. The charge was after-
wards made by the enemies of both, that there had been
in this matter a breach of faith on the part of Judge
Trumbull, and that Mr. Lincoln had the right to feel, and
did feel, aggrieved at the result. Mr. Lincoln himself,
however, expressly denied, in his speech at Charleston,
September 18, 1858, that there had been any such breach
of faith.
46 The Life, Public SEmacES, and
CHAPTER II.
THE LINCOLN-DOUGLAS DEBATE.
Pbesidential Campaign of 1856. — Douglas at Speingfield m 1857.—
Lincoln's Reply. — The Great Debate. — Eloquent Defence of THf
DOOTEINES OF THE REPUBLICAN PaETY. — ReSULT OF THE CONTEST.
The pressure of the slavery contest at last fully organ
ized the Republican party, which held its first convention
for the nomination of President and Vice-President at
Philadelphia, on June 17, 1856. John C. Fremont was
nominated for President, and William Ij. Dayton foi
"Vice-President. Mr. Lincoln's name was prominent be-
fore the conv^^iion for the latter office, and on the infor-
mal ballot he stood next to Mr. Dayton, receiving 110
votes. Mr. Lincoln' s name headed the Republican elec-
toral ticket in Illinois, and he took an active part in the
canvass, but the Democrats carried the State, though
only by a plurality vote.
Meanwhile, Senator Douglas embraced every oppor-
tunity to keep himself and his doctrines before the
people, but whichever waj he turned, he found his
vigilant antagonist constantly in his front. For twenty
years the two had been so invariably opposed to each
other in politics, that whenever Mr. Douglas made a
speech, the people instinctively anticipated a reply from
Mr. Lincoln ; and there was a special Providence in thus
opposing to the wily, deceptive sophistries of the former
the clear, incisive common sense of the latter, which the
multitude could not avoid comprehending. Early in
June, 1857, Senator Douglas made his famous speech in
Springfield, which was universally accepted as a declara-
tion that he meant to sustain all the acts of the Lecomp-
ton Convention, ev pro-slavery constitution
{State Papers of Abraham Lincoln. 47
should be formed, the responsibility for the adoption of
which he meant to fasten upon the Republican party,
since it was anticipated that the members of that organ-
ization in the Territory would refrain from voting. He
further indorsed the Dred Scott decision in this same
speech, and, in discussing the Utah rebellion, proposed to
end the difficulty by anniilling the act establishing the
Territory. Mr. Lincoln promptly took issue with him
apon all these points, in a speech also delivered at
Springiield, twr weeks later. He declared himself in
favor of "coercing" the people of Utah into obedience,
and while he "did not admit or deny that the Judge's
method of coercing them might not be as good as any,"
he showed how Mr. Douglas abandoned his principles,
and ' ' his much-vaunted doctrine of self-government for
the Territories," by suggesting such a plan. He then
defended the course of action which the Republicans in
Kansas had adopted, and ridicaled mercilessly the myth-
ical "Free State Democrats," o/ whom so much had been
said. Next he discussed the Dred Scott decision, and
showed that, in denouncing it, he had not gone so far as
Mr. Douglas himself had done in applauding General
Jackson for disregarding the decision of the same tribunal
upon the constitutionality of the National Bank. Quoting
fi'om the Dred Scott decision some expressions in wliich
Chief- Justice Taney intimated that the public estimate of
the black man was more favorable then than it was in the
days of the revolution, Mr. Lincoln replied to the impli-
cation in the following forcible manner : —
: This assumption is a mistake. In some trifling particulars the condi-
ion of that race has been ameliorated; but, as a ■whole, in this country,
one change between then and now is decidedly the other way ; and their
ultimate destiny has never appeared so hopeless as in the last three or
four years. In two of the five States — New Jersey and North Caroliua —
that theix gave the free negro the right of votiiig, the right has since been
taken away ; and in the third — New York — it has been greatly abridged,
while it has not been extended, so far as I know, to a single additional
State, though the number of the States has more than doubled. In those
days, as I understand, masters could, at their own pleasure, emancipate
^eir slaves ; bat, since then, such legal restraixitd have been made upoii
48 The Liee, Public Sekvices, and
emancipation as to amount almost to prohibition. In those days, legis-
latures held the tmquestioned power to abolish slavery in their respective
States; but now it is becoming quite fashionable for State constitutions
to withhold that power from the legislatures. In those days, by com-
mon consent, the spread of the black man's bondage to the new countries
was prohibited; but now, Congress decides that it will not continue the
prohibition, and the Supreme Court decides that it could not, if it would.
In those days, our Declaration of Independence was held sacred by all,
and thought to include all; but now, to aid in making the bondage of the
negro universal and eternal, it is assailed, sneered at, construed, hawked
at, and torn, till, if its framers could rise from their graves, they could
not at all recognize it. All the powers of earth see a rapidly combining
against him. Mammon is after him; ambition follows, philosophy fol-
lows, and the theology of the day is fast joining the cry. They have him
in his prison-house, they have searched his person, and left no prying
instrument with him. One after another they have closed the heavy
iron doors upon him; and now they have him, as it were, bolted in with
a lock of a hundred keys, which can never be unlocked without the con-
currence of every key; the keys in the hands of a hundred different men,
and they scattered to a hmadred different and distant places; and they
stand musing as to what invention, in all the dominions of mind and
matter, can be produced to make the impossibility of his escape more
complete than it is.
It is grossly incorrect to say or assume that the public estimate of
the negro is more favorable now than it was at the origin of the Gov-
ernment.
No one would have been more surprised than Mr. Lin-
coln himself, could the fact have been revealed to him,
when uttering these words, that through him as an hum-
ble instrument in the hands of Providence, and in the
brief space of eight years, a vast change would be brought
about in the status of that class, whose sufferings and
wrongs he thus eloquently depicted.
In this same speech Mr. Lincoln turned from the course
of his argument for a moment, to demolish, in his charac-
teristic manner, the absurd charge which his opponent
had demeaned himself by repeating, that, in laboring to
secure the negro his rights, the Eepublicans desired to
place him on a complete political and social equality with
themselves. He said :
There is a natural disgust, in the minds of nearly all white people, to
the idea of an indiscrjuninate amalgamation of the white and black races,
State Papers of Abraham Lincoln. 49
wid Titdge Douglas eTidently is basing his chief hope upon the chances of
his bting able to appropriate the benefit of this disgust to himself. If he
can, by much drumming and repeating, fasten the odium of that idea
upon his adversaries, he thinks he can struggle through the storm. He
therefore clings to this hope, as a drowning man to the last plank. Ho
makes an occasion for lugging it in from the opposition to the Dred Scott
decision. He finds the Republicans insisting that the Declaration of
Inpependence includes all men, black as well as white, and forthwith he
boldly denies that it includes negroes at all, and proceeds to argue gravtjly
that all who contend that it does, do so only because they want to vote,
eat and sleep, and marry with negroes ! He will have it that they cannot
be consistent else. Now, I protest against the counterfeit logic wliich
concludes that, because I do not want a black woman for a slave, I must
necessarily want her for a wife. I need not have her for either. I can
just leave her alone. In some respects, she certainly is not my equal ;
but in her natural right to eat the bread she earns with her own hands,
without asking leave of any one else, she is my equal, and the equal of
all others.
We have tlius presented the leading points in these
two speeches, because the discussion was the prelude to
the famous Senatorial contest of 1858, which gave Mr.
Lincoln a national reputation, not only as an able debater
and eloquent orator, but as a sagacious and wise politi-
cian— wise enough to stand inflexibly by principles of
the soundness of which he was himself satisfied, even
against the judgment of earnest friends.
On the 4th of March, 1857, Mr. Buchanan had taken
nis seat in the Presidential chair. The struggle between
freedom and slavery for the possession of Kansas was at
its height. A few days after his inauguration, the Su-
preme Court rendered the Dred Scott decision, which was
thought by the friends of slavery to insure their victory,
by its holding the Missouri Compromise to be unconstitu-
tional, because the Constitution itself carried slavery all
over the Territories of the United States. In spite of this
decision, the friends of freedom in Kansas maintained
their ground. The slaveholders, however, pushed for
ward their schemes, and in November, 1857, their Con-
stitutional Convention, held at Lecompton, adopted the
Lecompton Constitution. The trick by wliich they sub-
mitted to the popular vote only a schedule on the slavery
50 The Life, Public Sehvices, and
question, instead of the wliole Constitution, compelling
every voter, however he might vote upon this schedule,
to vote for their Constitution, which fixed slavery upon
the State just as surely, whether the schedule was adopted
or not, will be well remembered, as well as the feeling
wliich so unjust a device excited throughout the North.
Judge Douglas had sustained the Dred Scott decision, but
he could not sustain this attempt to force upon the people
of Kansas a Constitution against their will. He took
ground openly and boldly against it — denouncing it in
the Senate and elsewhere as an outrage upon the people
of Kansas, and a violation of every just Democratic prin-
ciple. He declared that he did not care whether the
people voted the Slavery clause " up or down," but he
thought they ought to have the chance to vote for or
against the Constitution itself.
The Administration had made the measure their own,
and this oppooidon of Douglas at once excited against
him the active hostility of the slaveholders and tlieii
friends, with whom he had hitherto acted in concert.
The bill was finally passed through Congress on April
30th, 1858, under what is known as the English Bill,
whereby the Constitution was to be submitted to the
votes of the people of Kansas, with the ofier of heavy
bribes to them, in the way of donations of land, etc , if
tiiey would accept it ; and the people, in spite of the
bribes, voted it down by an immense majority.
Judge Douglas' s term was on the eve of expiring, and
]ic came home to Hlinois after the adjournment cf Con-
gress, to attend in person to the political campaign, upon
the result o^ which was to depend his re-election to the
Senate.
His course on the Lecompton bill had made an opeu
breach between him and the Administration, and he had
rendered such good service to the Republicans, in theii
battle with that monstrous infamy, that there were not
wanting many among them who were inclined to think it
would be wise not to oppose his re-election.
But the Republicans of Hlinois thought otherwiSGi
State Papers of Abraham Lincoln. bl
Tiiey knew that lie was not in any sense a Repiil)lican.
They knew tliat on the cardinal principle of the Repub-
lican party, opposition to the spread of Slavery into the
Territories, he was not with them ; for he had declared
in the most positive way that he "did not care whether
Slavery was voted down or up." And they therefoie
determined, in opposition to the views of some influential
Republicans, at home as well as in other States, to fight
the battle through against him, with all the energy that
they could bring to the work. And to this end, on the
1 7th of June, 1858, at their State Convention at Spring-
field, they nominated Mr. Lincoln as their candidate for
the Senate of the United States.
The circumstances we have briefly sketched invested
the campaign about to open with national imxportance.
The people of the whole Union saw that the struggle then
initiated in Illinois must ultimately extend to ctlier States,
and they knew that they would soon be compelled them-
selves to pass upon the questions there to be decided.
None doubted that the principle of ' ' Popular Sovereignty- '
would be thoroughly examined, for the reputation of the
two combatants as men of extraordinary ability was es-
tablished. It was the universal expectation that each
aspirant for senatorial honors would display peculiar
caution in opening the struggle, in order to prevent the
other from gaining any undue advantage ; but Mr. Lin
coin scorned every appearance of subterfuge or evasion.
His opinions had become sharply defined and clearl}
crystallized during the contests through which he ha(?i
passed in the years preceding, and in his speech to the I
Convention which nominated him, signifying his accept-
ance of the honor conferred upon him, he expressed him-
self so unreservedly and frankly that even his supporters
were for the moment startled.
In a speech delivered at Chicago, July 9,— the first
after Mr. Lincoln's nomination, — Senator Douglas alUided
to this address as having been "well prepared and care-
fully written." In reply, Mr. Lincoln said, " G-entlemen.
Juda:e "Douglas informed you that this speech of mm*'
62 The Lipe, Public Services, and
was probably carefully prepared. I admit that it was.
I am not a master of language. I have not a fine educa-
tion ; I am not capable of entering into a disquisition
upon dialectics, as I believe you call it." In the address
thus alluded to, Mr. Lincoln struck the key-note of the
campaign. Its exposition of his political creed, and his
statement of the important points at issue, is so succinct
and complete that we reproduce it here. It is as fol-
lows : —
Mr. Pkesident, and Gentlemen of the Convention: — ^f we could
tirst know where we are, and whither we are tending, we could better
judge what to do, and how to do it. We are now far into the fifth year
since a policy was initiated with the avowed object, and confident prom-
ise, of putting an end to slavery agitation. Under the operation of that
policy that agitation has not only not ceased, but has constantly augment-
ed. In my opinion, it will not cease fintil a crisis shall have been reached
and passed. "A house divided against itself cannot stand." I believe
this Government cannot endure permanently half slave and half free. I do
not expect the Union to be dissolved, I do not expect the house to fall,
but I do expect it will cease to be divided. It will become all one thing,
or all the other. Either the opponents of slavery will arrest the furthel
81)read of it, and place it where the public mind shall rest in the belief
that it is in the course of ultimate extinction ; or its advocates will push
it forward till it shall become alike lawful in all the States, old as well as
new. North as well as South.
Hpve we no tendency to the latter condition?
L<it any one who doubts carefully contemplate that now almost com
plete legal combinat'on — piece of machinery, so to speak — compounded
of the Nebraska doctrine and the Dred Scott decision. Let him consider
r.z\ only what work the machinery is adapted to do, and how w^ell adapt-
ed ; but also let him study the history of its construction, and trace, if he
can, or rather fail, if he can, to trace, the evidences of design and concert
of action among its chief architects from the beginning.
The new year of 1854 found slavery excluded frrcQ more than half the
States by State Constitutions, and from most of the national territory by
Congressional prohibition. Four days later commenced the struggle
which ended in repealing that Congressional prohibition. This opened
all the national territory to slavery, and was the first point gained.
But so far Congress only had acted ; and an indorsement by the people,
real or apparent, was indispensable, to save the point already gained and
give chance for more.
This necessity had not been overlooked, but had been provided for, as
well as might be, in the notable argument of " squatter aovereigntyj'*
State Papers of Abraham Lincoln. 53
©vltiorwise called "sacred right of self-government;" which lattor phrase,
th'jagh expressive of the only rightful basis of any government, was so
pel -^rted in this attempted use of it as to amount to just this : That if
any one man choose to enslave another^ no third man shall be allowed to
objfeot. That arg\iment was incorporated into the Nebraska bill itself, m
the language which follows: "It being the true intent and meaning of
this {*ct not to legislate slavery into any Territory or State, nor to exclude
it therefrom; but to leave the people thereof perfectly free to form and
regulavo their domestic institutions in their own way, subject only to the
Oonstit««cion of the United States." Then opened the roar of loose decla-
mation la favor of "squatter sovereignty," and "sacred right of self-gov-
ernment." "But," said opposition members, "let us amend the bill so
as to exp. izSij declare that the people of the Territory may exclude
slavery." "Not we," said the friends of the measure; and down they
voted the amendment.
While the Nebraska bill was passing through Congress, a law-case, in-
volving the question of a negro's freedom, by reason of his owner having
voluntarily taken him first into a free State and then into a Territory cov-
ered by the Congressional prohibition, and held him as a slave for a long
time in each, was passing through the United States Circuit Court for the
District of Missouri ; and both Nebraska bill and lawsuit were brought
to a decision in the same month of May, 1854. The negro's name was
"Dred Scott," which name now designates the decision finally made in
the case. Before the then next presidential election, the law-case came
to, and was argued in, the Supreme Court of the United States ; but the
decision of it was deferred until after the election. Still, before the elec-
tion. Senator Trumbull, on the floor of the Senate, requested the leading
advocate of the Nebraska bill to state his opinion whether the people of a
Territory can constitutionally exclude slavery from their limits ; and the
latter answers ; "That is a question for the Supreme Court."
The election came. Mr. Buchanan was elected, and the indorsement,
such as it was, secured. That was the second point gained. The in-
dorsement, however, fell short of a clear popular majority by nearly
four hi udred thousand votes, and so, perhaps, was not overwhelmingly
reliable and satisfactory. The outgoing president, in his last annaa)
message, as impressively as possible echoed back upon the people the
weight and authority of the indorsement. The Supreme Court met again ;
did not announce their decision, but ordered a re-argument. The presi-
dential inauguration came, and still no decision of the court ; but the
incoming President, in his inaugural address, fervently exhorted the
people to abide by the forthcoming decision, whfiever it might be.
Then, in a few days, came the decision.
Tlie reputed author of the Nebraska bill finds an early occasion to make
a speech at this capital, indorsing the Dred Scott decision, and -"ebemently
denouncing all opposition to it. The new president, too, seizes the earh
54 The Life, Public Services, an*;
tccasion of tlie Silliinar letter to indorse and strongly construe that
decision, and to express bis astonishment that any different view had
ever been entertained.
At length a squabble springs up between the President and the author
of the Nebraska bill, on the mere question of fact^ whether the Lecomp-
ton Constitution was or was not, in any just sense, made by the people
of Kansas ; and in that quarrel the latter declares that all he wants is a
fair vote for the people, and that he cares not whether slavery be voted
ioinn or voted up. I do not understand his declaration that he cares not
whether slavery be voted down or voted up, to be intended by him other
than as an apt definition of the policy he would iinpress upon the public
ramd — the principle for which he declares he has suffered so much, and
is ready to suffer tu the end. And well may he cling to that principle. If
he has any parental feeling, well may he cling to it. That principle is the
only shred left of his original Nebraska doctrine. Under the Dred Scott
decision " squatter sovereignty" squatted out of existence, tumbled down,
like temporary scaffolding — like the mould at the foundry served through
one blast and fell back into loose sand — helped to carry an election, and
then was kicked to the winds. His late joint struggle with the Republi-
cans, against the Lecompton Constitution, involves nothing of the origi-
nal Nebraska doctrine. That struggle was made on a point — the right of
a people to make tlieir own constitution — upon which he and the Repub-
licans 1 ave never differed.
The several points of the Dred Scott decision, in connection with Sena-
tor Douglas's " care not" policy, constitute the piece of machinery, in its
present state of advancement. This was the third point gained. Tlie
working points of that machinery are : —
First. That no negro slave, imported as such from Africa, and no
descendant of such slave, can ever be a citizen of any State, in the sense of
that term as used in the Constitution of the United States. This point is
made in order to deprive the negro, in every possible event, of the benefit
of that provision of the United States Constitution, which declares that
"•The citizens of each State shall be entitled to all privileges and immuni-
ties o: citizens in the several States."
Secondly. That, " subject to the Constitution of the United States,"
neither Congress nor a Territorial Legislature can exclude slavery from
a'^y United States territory. This point is made in order that individual
.nen may fill up the Territories with slaves without danger of losing them
as property, and thus to enhance the chances of permanency to the insti
tution through all the future.
Thirdly. That whether the holding a negro in actual slavery in a free
State makes him free, as against the holder, the United States courts will
not decide, but will leave to be decided by the courts of any slave State
the negro may be forced into by the master. This point is made, not to
De pressed immediately \ but, if acquiesced in for awhile, and apparently
State Papers or Abraham Lincoln. 55
)f horsed by the people at an election, then to sustain the logical concln-
eion that what Dred Scott's master might lawfully do with Dred Scott,
m the free State of Illinois, every other master may lawfully do with
any othei one, or one thousand slaves, in Elinois, or in any other free
State.
Auxiliary to all this, and working hand in hand with it, the Nebraska
loctrine, or what is left of it, is to educate and mould public opinion, at
icast Northern public opinion, not to care whether slavery is voted down
or voted up. This shows exactly where we now are ; and partially, also,
whitl er we are tending.
It win throw additional light on the latter, to go back, and run the
mind over the string of historical facts already stated. Several things
will now appear less dark and mysterious than they did when they were
transpiring. The people were to be left "perfectly free," "subject only
to the Constitution." "What the Constitution had to do with it, outsiders
could not then see. Plainly enough now, it was an exactly fitted niche
for the Dred Scott decision to afterward come in, and declare the perfect
freedom of the people to be just no freedom at all. TVhy was the amend-
ment, expressly declaring the right of the people, voted down? Plainly
enough now : the adoption of it would have spoiled the niche for the
Dred Scott decision. Why was the court decision held up ? Why even
a Senator's individual opinion withheld till after the presidential election?
Plainly enough now: the speaking out then would have damaged the
perfectly free argument upon which the election was to be carried. Why
the outgoing President's felicitation on the indorsement? Why the delay
of a re-argument ? Why the incoming President's advance exhortation in
favor of the decision ? These things look like the cautious patting and
petting of a spirited horse preparatory to mounting him, when it is
dreaded that he may give the rider a fall. And why the hasty after-
hidorsement of the decision by the President and others ?
We cannot absolutely know that all these exact adaptations are the
result of preconcert. But when we see a lot of framed timbers, different
porti(«s of which we know have been gotten out at different times and
places and oj different workmen — Stephen, Franklin, Roger, and James,
for instance — and when we see these timbers joined together, and see
they exactly make the frame of a house or a mill, all the tenons and
mortices exactly fitting, and all the lengths and proportions of the differ •
ent pieces exactly adapted to their respective places, and not a piece too
many or too few — not omitting even scaffolding — or, if a single piece be
lacking, we see the place in the frame exactly fitted and prepared yet to
r.'-'ing such piece in — in such a case, we find it impossible not to believe
that Stephen and Franklin and Roger and James all understood one
another from the beginning, and all worked upon a common plan or
draft drawn up before the first blow was struck.
Tt should not be overlooked that, by the Nebraska bill, th« people of a
56 The Life, Public Services, and
State^ a8 well as Territory, were to be left "perfectly free," "subject
only to the Constitution." "^hy mention a State ? They were legislating
for Territories, and not for or about States. Certainly, the people of a
State are and ought to be subject to the Constitution of the UniW
States ; but w^hy is mention of this lugged into this merely territorial
law? Why are the people of a Territory and the people of a State
therein lumped together, and their relation to the Constitution therein
treated as being precisely the same? While the opinion of the court, by
OLief'Justice Taney, in the Dred Scott case, and the separate opinions of
all the concurring Judges, expressly declare that the Constitution of the
United States neither permits Congress nor a territorial legislature to
exclude slavery from any United States Territory, they all omit to declare
whether or not the same Constitution permits a State, or tht people of a
State, to exclude it. Possibly^ this is a mere omission ; but who can be
quite sure, if McLean or Curtis had sought to get into tiie opinion a
declaration of unlimited power in the people of a State to exclude slaver/
from their limits, just as Chase and Mace sought to get such declara-
tion, in behalf of the people of a Territory, into the ISTebraska bill; — x
ask, who can be quite sure that it would not have been voted down in
the one case, as it had been in the other? The nearest approach to the
point of declaring the power of a State over slavery, is made by Judge
Nelson. He approaches it more than once, using the precise idea, and
almost the language, too, of the Nebraska act. On one occasion, hia
exact language is, " except in cases where the power is restrained by the
Constitution of the United States, the law of the State is supreme over
the subject of slavery within its jurisdiction." In what cases the power
of the States is so restrained by the United States Constitution, is left an
open question, precisely as the same question, as to the restraint on the
power of the Territories, was left open in the Nebraska act. Put this
and that together, and we have another nice little niche, which we miiy,
are Icng, see filled with another Supreme Court decision, declaring that
the Constitution of the United States does not permit a State to exclude
slavery from its limits. And this may especially be expected, if the doc-
trine of "care not whether slavery be voted down or voted up," shall
gain upon the public mind sufficiently to give promise that such a decision
can be maintained when made.
Sach a decision is all that slavery now lacks of being alike lawful in
ail the States. Welcome or unw^elcome, such decision is probably
coming, and will soon ba upon us, unless the power of the present politi-
cal dynasty shall be met and overthrown. We shall lie down pleasantly
dreaming that the people of Missouri are on the verge of making their
State free, and we shall awake to the reality instead, that the Supreme
Court has made Illinois a slave State. To meet and overthrow the power
of that dynasty, is the work now before all those who would prevent
that consummation. That is what we have to do. How can we best do it I
State Papers of Abraham Lincoln. 57
There are tliose who denounce us openly to their own frlend8, and yet
wkisper us softly, that Senator Douglas is the aptest instrument there is
with which to effect that object. They wish us to infer all, from the
fact that he now has a little quarrel witli the present head of the dynasty;
and that he has regularly voted with us on a single point, upon which he
tmd we have never differed. The}' remind us that he is a great man, and
that the largest of us are very small ones. Let this be granted. But "a
living dog is better than a dead lion." Judge Douglas, if not a dead lion,
for this work, is at least a caged and toothless one. How can he oppose
the advances of slavery? He don't care any thing about it. His avowed
mission is impressing the " public heart" to care nothing about it. A
leading Douglas democratic newspiiper tLinks Douglas's superior talent
will be needed to resist the revival of the African slave-trade. Does
Douglas believe an effort to revive that trade is approaching? He
has not said so. Does he really think so ? But if it is, how can he resist
it ? For years he has labored to prove it a sacred right of white men to
take negro slaves into the new Territories. Can he possibly show that it
is less a sacred right to buy them where they can be bought cheapest?
And unquestionably- they can be bought cheaper in Africa than in Vir-
ginia. He has done all in his power to reduce the whole question of
slavery to one of a mere right of property ; and as such, how can he op-
pose the foreign slave-trade — how can he refuse that trade in that " prop-
erty" shall be " perfectly free" — unless he does it as a protection to the
home production ? And as the home producers w ill probably not ask the
protection, he will be wholly without a ground of opposition.
Senator Dcfuglas holds, we know, that a man may rightfully be wiser
to-day than he was yesterday — that he may rightfully change when he
finds himself wrong. But can we, for that reason, run ahead, and infer
that he will make any particular change, of which he himself has given
no intimation? Can we safely base our action upon any such vague in-
ference ? Now, as ever, I wish not to misrepresent Judge Douglas's
position, questioL his motives, or do aught that can be personally offen-
Bive to him. Whenever, if ever, he and we can come together on princi
pie, so that our cause may have assistance from his great ability, T hope
to have interposed no adventitious obstacle. But, clearly, he is not now
with us — he does not pretend to be — he does not j^romise ever to be.
Our cause, then, must be intrusted to, and conducted by, its own
ur doubted friends — those whose hands are free, whose hearts are in the
work — who do care for the result. Two years ago, the Republicans of
the nation mustered over thirteen hundred thousand strong. "We did
this under the single impulse of resistance to a common danger, with
every external circumstance against us. Of strange, discordant, and
even hostile elements, we gathered from the four winds, and formed and
fought the battle through, under the constant hot fire of a disciplined,
proud, and pampered enemy. Did we brave all then, to falter now f—
58 The Life, Public Services; anl
now, when that same enemy ys wavering, dissevered, and beliigeicut
Tlie result is not doubtful. We shall not fail — if we stand firm, we shaU
not fail. Wise counsels may accelerate, or mistakes delay it; but, soonw
or later, the victory is sure to come.
The first paragraph of this speech has become famous
in our political history, and the whole address, with its
bold utterance of truths which many, even of Mr. Lin-
coln's supporters, did not at that time care to face, was a
fitting prelude to the great contest which was to follow.
Although, as its author admitted, it had been carefully
prepared, he had not consulted with any of his friends
regarding it, and none of them, even those with whom he
was the most intimate, knew of the positions which he
intended to take, until they heard them enunciated from
the platform in Springfield, on that memorable June 17.
Three weeks later (July 9), Senator Douglas arrived in
Chicago, where his friends welcomed him with the most
ostentatious demonstrations. On the same day he made
a speech, reviewing Mr. Lincoln' s address to the Spring-
field Convention. He spoke of Mr. Lincoln as "a kind,
amiable, and intelligent gentleman, a good citizen and an
honorable opponent," and then proceeded to reply to
the speech in question, assuming a tone of superiority
almost amounting to superciliousness. He was especially
severe upon the introductory passage of Mr. Lincoln's
address, in which he asserted his belief that the Govern-
ment could not endure half slave anc half free. Mr.
Lincoln was himself present during the delivery of
Senator Douglas's speech, and on the next evening took
occasion to reply to it before an immense assemblage,
specially convened for that purpose. After a few intro-
ductory remarks, Mr. Lincoln thus alluded to the famous
phrase which had become the watch-word of the P^^roo-
cratic party for the campaign : —
Popular sovereignty! everlasting popular sovereignty! Let us for a
moment inquire into this vast matter of popular sovereignty. What is
popular sovereignty? We rocollect that at an early period in the history
of this struggle, there was another name for the same thing- — Squatter
State Papers of Abraham Lincoln. 59
Sovereignty. It was not exactly Popular Sovereignty, but Squatter
Sovereignty. What do tliose terms mean ? What do those terms mean
when used now ? And vast credit is taken by our friend, the Judge, in
regard to his support of it, when he declares the last years of his life have
been, and all the future years of his life shall be, devoted to this matter
of popular sovereignty. What is it ? Why, it is the sovereignty of the
people ! What was Squatter Sovereignty ? I suppose, if it had any sig
niticance at all, it was the right of the people to govern themselves, to be
govereign in their own affairs, while they were squatted down in a
country not their own — while they had squatted on a Territory that did
not belong to them, in the sense that a State belongs to the people who
inhabit it — when it belonged to the nation — such right to govern them-
selves was called " Squatter Sovereignty."
Now I wish you to mark. What has become of that Squatter Sover-
eignty ? What has become of it ? Can you get anybody to tell you now
that the people of a Territory have any authority to govern themselves,
in regard to this mooted question of slavery, before they form a State
Constitution? No such thing at all, although there is a general running
fire, and although there has been a hurrah made in every speech on that
side, assuming that policy had given the people of a Territory the right
to govern themselves upon this question ; yet the point is dodged. To-
day it has been decided — no more than a year ago it was decided by the
Supreme Court of the United States, and is insisted upon to-day, that the
people of a Territory have no right to exclude slavery from a Territory,
that if any one man chooses to take slaves into a Territory, all the rest
of the people have nc right to keep them out. This being so, and this
decision being made one of the points that the Judge approved, and one
in the approval of which he says he means to keep me down — put me
down I should not say, for I have never been up. He says he is in favor
of it, and sticks to it, and expects to win his battle on that decision,
which says that there is no such thing as Squatter Sovereignty ; but that
any one man may take slaves into a Territory, and all the other men iij
the Territory may be opposed to it, and yet by reason of the Constitutioc
they cannot prohibit it. When that is so, how much is left of this vaet
matter of Squatter Sovereignty, I should like to know?
The Lecompton Constitution and its fate were next dis-
cussed, and then Mr. Lincoln proceeded to reply to the
inferences which his opponent had so characteristically
but unwarrantably drawn from the introductory para-
graph of his Springfield speech. He said :
Ih this paragraph which I have quoted in your hearing, and to which I
ask tie attention of all, Judge D^ufjlas thinks he discovers great political
60 The Life, Public Services, and
heresy. I want your attention particularly to what he has irferred from
it. He says I am in favor of making all the States of tliis Union uniform
in all their internal regulations ; that in all their domestic concerns I am
in favor of making them entirely uniform. He draws this inference from
the language I have quoted to you. He says that I am in favor of making
war by the Korth upon the South for the extinction of slavery ; that I am
also in favor of inviting (as he expresses it) the South to a war upon the
Forth, for the purpose of nationalizing slavery. ISTow, it is singular enough
if you will carefully read that passage over, that I did not say that I was i
favor of any thing in it. I only said what I expected would take place. I
made a prediction only — it may have been a foolish one, perhaps. I did
not even say that I desired that slavery should be put in course of ulti-
mate extinction. I do say so now, however, so there need be no longer
any ditSculty about that. It may be written down in the great speech.
Gentlemen, Judge Douglas informed you that this speech of mine was
probably carefully prepared. I admit that it was. I am not master of
language ; I have not a fine education ; I am not capable of entering into
a disquisition upon dialectics, as I believe you call it ; but I do j^ t believe
tlie language I employed bears any such construction as Jaage Douglas
puts upon it. But I don't care about a quibble in regard to words. I
know what I meant, and I will not leave this crowd in doubt, if lean
explain it to them, what I really meant in the use of that paragraph.
I am not, in the first place, unaware that this Government has endured
eighty-two years half slave and half free. I know that. I am tolerably
well acquainted with the history of the country, and I know that it has
endured eighty-two years, half slave and half free. I believe — and that ia
what I meant to allude to there — I believe it has endured, because during
all that time, until the introduction of the Nebraska bill, the public mind
did rest all the time in the belief that slavery was in course of ultimate
extinction. That was what gave us the rest that we had through that
period of eighty-two years ; at least, so I believe. I have always hated
slavery, I think, as much as any Abolitionist — I have been an Old Line
Whig — I have always hated it, but I hare always been quiet about it un-
til this new era of the introduction of the Nebraska bill began. I always
believed that everybody was against it, and that it was in course of ulti-
mate extinction. [Pointing to Mr. Browning, who stood near by.]
Browning thought so; the great mass of the nation have rested in the
belief that slavery was in course of ultimate extinction. They bad
reason so to believe.
The adt^ption of the Constitution and its attendant history led the
people to believe so ; and that such was the belief of the framers of the
Constitution itself, why did those old men, about the time of the adoption
of the Constitution, decree that slavery should not go into the new Terri-
tory, where it had not already gone? Why declare that within twenty
fears the African Slave Trade, by which slaves are supplied, might be cut
State Papers of Abraham Lincoln. 61
jff by Congress ? "Whj were all these acts ? I might enumerate mora
of these acts — but enough. What were they but a clear indication that
the framers of the Constitution intended and expected the ultimate ex-
cmction of that institution ? And now, when I say, as I said in my speech
that Judge Douglas has quoted from, when I say that I think the oppo-
nents of slavery will resist the farther spread of it, and place it where the
public mind shall rest with the belief that it is in course of ultimate ex-
tinction, I only mean to say, that they will place it where the founders
of this Government originally placed it.
I have said a hundred times, and I have now no inclination to take it
back, that I believe there is no right, and ought to be no inclination in
the people of the free States to enter into the slave States, and interfere
with the question of slavery at all. I have sJd that always; Judge
Douglas has heard me say it — if not quite a hundred times, at least aa
good as a hundred times; and when it is said that I am in favor of
interfering with slavery where it exists, I know it is unwarranted by
anything I have ever intended^ and, as T believe, by any thing I have ever
said. If, by any means, I have ever used language which could fairly be
so construed (as, however, I believe I never have), I now correct it.
So much, then, for the inference that Judge Douglas draws, that I am
m favor of setting the sections at war with one another. I know that
I never meant any such thing, and I believe that no fair mind can infer
any such thing from any thing I have ever said.
'fnese speeches in Chicago and those that had preceded
them made it evident that the struggle was to take the
shape of a personal contest between the two men, and in
every respect, — physically, mentally, and politically, —
they were thoroughly antagonistic to each other. Each,
moreover, recognized the other as the embodiment oi
principles to which he was in deadly hostility. Judge
Douglas was the champion of all sympathizers with
slavery at the North — of those who openly advocated it,
and still more of those Avho took the more plausible and
dangerous part of not caring whether it ' ' was v oted down
or up." Mr. Lincoln's soul was on fire with love for
freedom and for humanity, and with reverence for the
Fathers of the country, and for the principles of freedom
for all, under the light of which they marched. He felt
that the contest was no mere local one ; that it was com-
paratively of little consequence which man 'succeeded ki
62 The Life, Public Services, am)
the figlit, but that it was all-important that the banner o!
freedom should be borne with no faltering step, but ''full
high advanced." And thus through the whole campaign
he sought with all his power to press home tc the hearts
of the people the principles, the example, and the teach
ings of the men of the Revolution.
At the time of the delivery of the speeches in Chicago,
to which we have already alluded, there was no under-
standing regarding j oint discussions. One week later, h ow-
ever, both spoke in Springfield on the same day, but be-
fore different audi ^nces ; and one week later, Mr. Lincoln
addressed a letter to Douglas, challenging him to a series
of debates during the campaign.
The challenge was accepted, and arrangements were at
once made for the meetings. The terms proposed by Mr.
Douglas — whether intentionally or unintentionally does
not appear — were such as to give him the decided advan-
tage of having four opening and closing speecL^es to Mr,
Lincoln' s three ; but Mr. Lincoln, while noticing the in-
equality, did not hesitate to accept them.
The seven joint debates were held as follows : — at Ot-
tawa, on August 21st; at Freeport, on August 27th; at
Jonesboro, on September 15th ; at Charleston, on Septem-
ber 18th ; at Galesburg, on October 7th ; at Quincy, on Oc-
tober 13th ; at Alton, on October 15th. These seven tour-
naments raised the greatest excitement throughout the
State. They were held in all quarters of the State, from
Freeport in the north to Jonesboro in the extreme south.
Everywhere the difierent parties turned out to do honoi
to their champions. Processions and cavalcadeci. baiiu.-, .-
music and cannon-firing, made every day a day of excite-
ment. But far greater was the excitement of siu'li orator
ical contests between two such skilled debaters, before
mixed audiences of friends and foes, to rejoice over ;ivery
keen thrust at the adversary, to be cast down by eacli
failure to parry the thrust so aimed. It is impossible to
present here any thing more than the barest sketch of
fch^^ae great efforts of Mr. I-incoln. They are, and always
State Papers of Abuaham Lincolji. 65
will be, to those who are interested in the history of the
slavery contest, most valuable and important documents.
In the first of these joint debates, which took place at
Ottawa, Mr. Douglas again rung the changes upon the
introductory passage of Mr. Lincoln' s Springfield speech,
*' a house divided against itself," etc. Mr. Lincoln reitera-
ted his assertion, and defended it in effect, as he did
in his speech at Chicago. Then he took up the charge
which he had previously made, of the existence of a con
spiracy to extend slavery over the Northern States, and
pressed it home, citing as proof a speech which Mr.
Douglas himself had made on the Lecompton bill, in
which he had substantially made the same charge against
Buchanan and others He then showed again, that
all that was necessary for the accomplishment of the
scheme was a decision of the Supreme Court that no
State could exclude slavery, as the court had already de-
cided that no Territory could exclude it, and the acquies-
cence of the people in such a decision ; and he told his
liearers that Donglas was doing all in his power to bring
about sT'.ch acquiescence in advance, by declaring that
the true position was, not to care whether slavery " was
voted down or up," and by announcing himself in favor
of the 1/ red Scott decision, not because it was right, but
because a decision of the court is to him a "Thus saith
the Lord," and thus committing himself to the next de-
cision just as firmly as to this. He clo^sed his speech with
the following eloquent words : —
Henry Clay, my Lean-ideal of a statesman, the man for whom I fonght
all my humble life — Henry Clay once said of a class of men who would
repress all tendencies to liberty and ultimate emancipation, that they
nmst, if they would do this, go back to the era of our independence, and
muzzle tie cannon which thunders it3 anuual joyous return ; they must
blow out the moral lights around us ; they must penetrate the humar
loul, &nd eradicate there the love of liberty , and then, and not till ther
?ould they perpetuate slavery in this country I To my thinking, Judgt
Dougiss is, by his example and vast influence, doing that very thing ir.
this fi' -^imunity, when he says that the negro has nothing in the Declara-
tion *f Indepondence. Henry Clay plainly understood the contrary
6'i The Life, Public Services, and
Judge Douglas is going back to the era of our Revolution, and, to the ex-
tent of his ability, muzzling the cannon which thunders its annual joyoua
return. When he invites any people, willing to have slavery, to establish
it, he is blowing out the moral lights around us. "When he says, he " cares
not whether slavery is voted down or voted up," — that it is a sacred
fight of self-government, — he is, in my judgment, penetrating the humaii
soul, and eradicating the light of reason and the love of liberty in this
American people. And now I will only say, that when, by all these.
QQeans and appliances. Judge Douglas shall succeed in bringing public sen-
timent to an exact accordance with his own views — when these vast as-
semblages shall echo back all these sentiments — when they shall come to
•epeat his views and to avow his principles, and to say all that he says on
^hese mighty questions — then it needs only the formality of the second
Dred Scott decision, which he indorses in advance, to make slavery alike
lawful in all the States — old as ■srell as new, North as well as South.
The debate at Freeport — tlie second of tlie series — took
place August 27, and was marked by Mr. Lincobi answer^
ing a series of seven questions proposed by his opponent.
We give the interrogatories and the replies^ as follows :
Question 1. I desire to know whether Lincoln to-day stands, as he did
in 1854, in favor of the unconditional repeal of the i ugitive Slave law ?
Answci. I do not now, nor ever did, stand in favor of the uncondi-
tional repeal of the Fugitive Slave law.
Q. 2. I desire him to answer whether he stands pledged to-day, as ha
did in 1854, against the admission of any more slave States into the Union,
even if the people want tbem ?
A. I do not now, or ever did, stand pledged against the admission of
any more slave Statas into the Union.
Q. 3. I want to know whether he stands pledged against the admis-
sion of a new State into the Union with such a Constitution as the people
of that State may see fit to make ?
A. I do not stand pledged against the admission of a new State into
the Union, with such a Constitution as the people of that State may see
fit to make.
Q. 4. I want to know whether he stands to-day pledged to the aboli-
tion of slavery in the District of Columbia ?
A. I do not stand to-day pledged to the abolition of slavery in tho
District of Columbia.
Q. 5. I desire him to answer whether he stands pledged to the pro-
hibition of the slave-trade between the different States ?
A. I do not stand pledged to the prohibition of the slave-trade bo
tween the different States.
Q. 6. I desire to know whether he stands pledged to prohibit slaver/
State Papers of Abraham Lincoln. 65
In all the Territories of the United States, North as well as South of tha
Missouri Compromise line ?
A. I am impliedly, if not expressly, pledged to a belief in the r-ight
and duty of Congress to prohibit slavery in all the United States Terri-
tories.
Q. 7. I desire him to answer whether he is opposed to the acquisition
of any new territory unless slavery is first prohibited therein ?
A. I am not generally opposed to honest acquisition of territory; and
fl any given case, I would or would not oppose such acquisition, accord-
ingly as I might think such acquisition would or would not aggravate the
slavery question among ourselves.
Before answeiing these questions, Mr. Lincoln notified
Mr. Douglas tliat he should insist upon the right to pro-
pound an equal number to liim, if he desired to do so,
and before closing submitted these four interrogatories :
Question 1. If the people of Kansas shall, by means entirely unob ■
jectionable in all other respects, adopt a State Constitution, and ask
admission into the Union under it, he/ore they have the requisite number
of inhabitants according to the English bill — some ninety-three thousand
— will you vote to admit them?
Q. 2. Can the people of a United States Territory, in any lawful way,
against the wish of any citizen of the United States, exclude slavery from
its limits prior to the formation of a State Constitution ?
Q. 3. If the Supreme Court of the United States shall decide that
States cannot exclude slavery from their limits, are you in favor of ac-
quiescing in, adopting, and following such decision as a rule o^ political
action ?
Q, 4. Are you in favor of acquiring additional territory, in disregard
of be-w sooh acquisition may affect the nation on the slavery question?
To these questions he received, as he undoubtedly ex-
pected, only evasive replies. He also, in the course of
the debate, pressed home upon his opponent a charge of
quoting resolutions as having been adopted at a Repub-
lican State Convention which were never so adopted, and
again called Douglas's attention to the conspiracy to
nationalize slavery, and showed that his pretended desire
to leave the people of a Territory free to establish slavery
or exclude it, was really only a desire to alluw them to
establish it, as was shown by his voting against Mr
6G The Life, Public Services, and
Chase's ameiidment to tlie Nelbraska "bill, wMch gave
the leave to exclude it.
In the third debate, which took place at Jonesboro, Mr.
Lincoln showed that Douglas and his friends were trying
to change the position of the country on the slavery
question from what it was when the Constitution waa
.adopted, and that the disturbance of the country had
arisen from this pernicious effort. He then cited from
Democratic speeches and platforms of fonutr days to
prove that they occupied then the very opposite ground
on the question from that which was taken at the time he
was speaking. He also brought out in strong relief the
evasive character of Douglas's answers to the questions
which he had proposed, especially the subterfuge of "un-
friendly legislation," which he had set forth as the means
by which the people of a Territory could exclude slavery
from its limits in spite of the Dred Scott decision.
It is a noteworthv fact that when Mr. Lincoln was pre*
paring these questions for Douglas, ne was urged by some
of his friends not to corner hun on this last point, because
ne would surely stand by his doctrine of Squatter Sov-
ereignty in defiance of the Dred Scott decision, "and
that," said they, "will make him Senator." "That may
be," said Mr. Lincoln, with a twinkle in his eye, " ]>ut if
he takes that shoot he never can be President."
Mr. Lincoln' s sagacity did not fail him here. This posi-
tion which Douglas took of "unfriendly legislation,"
was a stumbling-block which he was never able to get
Dver ; and if the contest between them had brought out
no other good result, the compelling Douglas to take this
ground was a most important point gained.
: In the fourth joint debate at Charleston, Mr. Lincoln
brought forward and spoke at length upon the evidence
of a charge previously made by Judge Trumbull against
Douglas, of being himself reponsible for a clause in the
Kansas bill which would have deprived the people of
Plansas of the right to vote upon their own Constitution.
He stated this point as follows :
State Papers of Abraham Lincoln. 67
Tie bill that went into his (Mr. Douglas's) hands had the provision in it
for t submission of the Constitution to the people ; and I say its language
amounts to an express provision for a submission, and that he took the
provision out. He says it was known that the bill was silent in this
particular; but I say, Judge Douglas, it teas not silent when you got it.
It was vocal with the declaration, when you got it, for a submission of
tbe Constitution to the people. And now, my direct question to Judge
Douglas is, to answer why, if he deemed the bill silent on this point, h«
found it necessary to strike out those particular harmless words. K £«
Uad found the bill silent and without this provision, he might say what
•le does now. If he supposes it was implied that the Constitution would
yQ submitted to a vote of the people, how could these two lines so en-
cumber the statute as to make it necessary to strike them out ? How
^ould he infer that a submission was Hill implied, after its express provi-
*ion had been stricken from the bill \ I find the bill vocal with the pro-
vision, w hile he silenced it. He took it out, and although he took out
th||B other provision preventing a submission to a vote of the people, I ask,
w% did you first put it in ? I ask him whether he took the original
provision out, which Trumbull alleges was in the bill ? If he admits that he
did take it out, / ash him tchat he did it for .' It looks to us as if he had
altered the bill. If it looks differently to him — if he has a different reason
for his action from the one we assign him — he can tell it. I insist upon
Knowing why he made the .Dill silent upon that point, when it was vocal
before he put his hands upfra it.
Mr. Douglas, it is needless to say, could not parry this
home thrust. In his efforts to do so (for Mr. Lincoln gave
him several opportunities subsequently to explain his
position), he invariably lost his temper.
In view of the discussions now in progress in many
parts of the country, the following passage from Mr. Lin-
coln's final rejoinder to Mr. Douglas, in this debate at
Charleston, possesses peculiar interest.
Judge Douglas haa said to you that he has not been able to get from
me an answer to the question whether I am in favor of negro citizenship.
So far as I know, the Judge never asked me the question before. H«
shall have no occasion to ever ask it again, for I teU him very franklj
that I am not in favor of negro citizenship. This furnishes me an occa-
sion for saying a few words upon the subject, I mentioned in a certain
ipeech of mine which has been printed, that the Supreme Court had
decided that a negro could not possibly be made a citizen; and with-
out saying what was my ground of complaint in regard to that, oi
whether I had any ground of complaint, Judge Douglas has from ihst
68 The Life, Public Services, and
thiiig manufactured nearly every thing that he ever says about my dispo-
sition to produce an equality between the negroes and the white people.
If any one will read my speech, he will find I mentioned that as one of
the ])oints decided in the course of the Supreme Court opinions, but I did
not state what objection I had to it. But Judge Dons:las tells the people
what my objection was, when I did not tell them myself. Now my opinion
IS that the different States have the power to make a nf'trro a nitizon nnder
the Constitution of the United States, if they choose. The Dred Scott
decision decides that they have not that power. If the State of IllinoLs
had that power I should be opposed to the exercise of it. That is all I
have to say about it.
In (3ie fifth joint debate, that at Galesburg, Mr. Lincoln
defended the Republican party from the charge of being
sectional, and in the course of his speech he thus pointedly
sketched the diiference between the supporters of Mr.
Douglas and their opponents, as regarded the manner in
which they respectively looked upon the free and slave
States :—
The Judge tells, in proceeding, that he is opposed to making any odious
distinctions between free and slave States. I am altogether unaware that
the Eepublicans are in favor of making any odious distinctions between
the free and slave States. But there still is a difference, I think, between
Judge Douglas and the Republicans in this. I suppose that the real dif-
ference between Judge Douglas and his frienda, and the Republicans on
the contrary, is, that the Judge is not in favor of making any difference
between slavery and libertv — that he is in favor of eradicatmg. of pressing
out of view, the questions of preference in this country for free or slave
institutions ; and consequently every sentiment he utters discards the idea
that there is any wrong in slavery. Every thing that emanates from him
or his coadjutors in their course of poMcy, carefully excludes the thought
that there is any thing wrong in slavery. All their arguments, if you
will consider them, will be seen to exclude the thought that there is any
thing whatever wrong in slavery. If you will take the Judge's speeches,
and select the short and pointed sentences expressed by him — as hi»
declaration that he "don't care whether slavery is voted up or down" — •
you will see at once that this is perfectly logical, if you do not admit that
slavery is wrong. If you do admit that it is wrong, Judge Douglas cannot
logically say he don't care whether a wrong is voted up or voted dov/n.
Judge Douglas declares that if any community want slavery they have a
right to have it. He can say that logically, if he says that there is no
wrong in slavery ; but if you admit that there is a wrong in it, he cannot
logically fjiay that anybody has a right to do wrong. He insists that,
upon the score of equality, the owners of slaves and the owners of property
State Papers of Abraham Llncoln. 69
— of horses and every other sort of property — should be alike, and hold
them alike in a new Territory. That is perfectly logical, if the two
Bpecies of property are alike, and are equally founded in right. But if you
admit that o:ie ui' them iss wrong, you cannot institute any equality be-
tween right and wrong. And from this difference of sentiment — the belief
on the part of one that the institution is wrong, and a policy springing
from that belief which looks to the arrest of the enlargement of that
wrong; and tins other sentiment, that it is no wrong, and a policy sprung
from that sentiment which will tolerate no idea of preventing that wrong
from growing larger, and looks to there never being an end of it through
&I1 the existence of things — arises the real difference between Judge
Douglas and his friends on the one hand, and the Kepublicans on the
other. Now, I confess myself as belonging to that class in the country
who oonLenij)late slavery as a moral, social, and political evil, having due
regard for its actual existence amongst us, and the difficulties of getting
rid of it in any satisfactory yvaj, and to all the Constitutional obligations
which have been thrown about it ; but, nevertheless, desire a policy that
looks to the prevention of it as a wrong, and looks hopefully to the time
when, as a wrong, it may come to an end.
Mr. Lincoln also, after again calling attention to tlie
fraudulent resolutions, and giving strong proof that Doug-
las liimself was a party to the imposition, showed that he
had failed to answer his question about the acceptance
of the new Dred Scott decision, which, he said, was ''just
as sure to be made as to-morrow is to come, if the Demo-
cratic party shall be sustained ' ' in the elections. He then
discussed the policy of acquiring more territory, ind the
importance of deciding upon any such acquisition, by the
effect which it would have upon the Slavery question
i among ourselves.
i In the next debate, at Quincy, besides making some
personal points as to the mode in which Douglas had con •
d acted the previous discussions, he stated clearly and
briefly what were the principles of the Republican party,
what they proposed to do, and what they did not propose
to do.
This exposition is at once so lucid and succinct that
we give the passage at length. Mr. Lincoln alluded to the
assertion made by Judge Douglas at Galesburg, that he
(Mr. Lincoln) desired to avoid the responsibility attach
70 The Life, Public Services, and
ing to the *^ enormity'* of the principles he advocated, and
said that he would heartily state those principles, as well
as it was in his power to do, ''in all their enormity,'*
which he did as follows :
We have in this nation this element of domeBtic slavery. It is a matter
at absolute certainty that it is a disturbing element. It is the opinion of
ell the great men who have expressed an opinion upon it, that it is a dan
gerous element. We keep up a controversy in regard to it. That contro-
rersy necessarily springs from difference of opinion, and if we can leam
exactly — can reduce to the lowest elements — what that difference of opinion
is, we perhaps shall be better prepared for discussing the different systems
of policy that we would propose in regard to that disturbing element.
I suggest that the difference of opinion, reduced to its lowest terms, is no
other than the difference between the men who think slavery a wrong
and those who do not think it wrong. The Republican party think it
a wrong — we think it is a moral, a social, and a political wrong. We
think it is a wrong not confining itself merely to the persons or the states
where it exists, but that it is a wrong in its tendency, to say the least, that
extends itself to the existence of the whole nation. Because we think it
wrong, we propose a course of policy that shall deal with it as a wrong.
We deal with it as with any other wrong, in so far as we can prevent its
growing any larger, and so deal with it that in the run of time there may
be some promise of an end to it. We have a due regard to the actual
presence of it amongst ns, and the difficulties of getting rid of it in any
satisfactory way, and all the Constitutional obligations thrown about it
I suppose that in reference both to its actual existence in the nAtion, and
to our Constitutional obligations, we have no right at all to disturb it in
the States where it exists, and we profess that we have no more inclina-
tion to disturb it than we have the right to do it. We go farther than
that ; we don't propose to disturb it where, in one instance, we think the
Constitution would permit us. We think the Constitution would permit
OS to disturb it in the District of Columbia. StiU we do not propose to
io that, unless it should be in terms which I don't suppose the nation is
v^ery likely soon to agree to — the terms of making the emancipation
gradual, and compensating the unwilling owners. Where we suppose we
Lave the Constitutional right, we restrain ourselves in reference to the
actual existence of the institution and the difficulties thrown about iU
We also oppose it as an evil, so far as ii seeks to spread itself. We insist
on the policy that sliall restrict it to its present limits. We don't suppose
that in doing this we violate any thing due to the actual presence of the
institution, or an/ thing due to the Constitutional guaranties thrown
around it.
We oppose the Dred Scott decision in a certain way, upon which I
State Papers of Abraham Lincoln. 71
ought perhaps to addroes you a few words. We do not propose that
when Dred Scott haa been decided to be a slave by the court, we, as a
mob, will decide him to be free. We do not propose that, when any
other one, or one thousand, shall be decided by that court to be slaves,
we will in any violent way disturb the rights of property thus settled ;
but we nevertheless do oppose that decision as a political rule, wliic^i
shall be binding on the voter to vote for nobody who thinks it wrong,
which shall be binding on the members of Congress or the President to
favor no measure that does not actually concur with the principles of that
decision. We do not propose to be bound by it as a political rule in that
way, because we think it lays the foundation not merely of enlarging
and spreading out what we consider an evil, but it lays the foundation for
spreading that evil into the States themselves. We propose so resisting
it as to have it reversed if we can, and a new judicial rule established
upon this subject.
I will add this, that if there be any man who does not believe that
slavery is wrong in the three aspects which I have mentioned, or in any
one of them, that man is misplaced, and ought to leave us. While, on the
other hand, if there be any man in the Republican party who is impa-
tient over the necessity springing from its actual presence, and is impa-
tient of the Constitutional guaranties thrown around it, and would act ifi
disregard of these, he too is misplaced, standing with us. He will find hii
place somewhere else ; for we have a due regard, so far as we are capable
of understanding them, for all these things. This, gentlemen, as well ai
I can give it, is a plain statement of our principles in all their enormity.
Mr. Douglas replied to Mr. Lincoln in a manner wMch
proved that lie felt the arguments which his antagonist
had advanced to be actually unanswerable, and in open
ing his rejoinder Mr. Lincoln used this language : —
I wish to return to Judge Douglas my profound thanks for his public
annunciation here to-day, to be put on record, that his system of policy
in regard to the institution of slavery contemplates that it shall last for-
ever. We are getting a little nearer the true issue of this controversy, and
I am profoundly grateful for this one sentence. Judge Douglas asks you,
*' Why cannot the institution of slavery, or rather, why cannot the nation,
part slave and part free, continue as our fathers made it forever?''^ In the
first p^ace, I insist that our fathers did not make this nation half slave
and half free, or part slave and part free. I insist that they found the in-
stitution of slavery existing here. They did not make it so, but they left
it so, because they knew of no way to get rid of it at that time. When
Judge Douglas undertakes to say that, as a matter of choice, the fathers
•f the Government made this nation part slave and part free, he assume*
nJiat is historically a falsehood. More than that : when the fathers
T2 The Lite, PubLxO feEiwiCES, and
of the Government cut off the source of slavery by the abolition of
the slave-trade, and adopted a system of reatricting it from the new
Territories where it had not existed, I maintain that they placed it
where they understood, and all sensible men understood, it was in the
course of ultimate extinction ; and when Judge Douglas asks me why it
cannot continue as our fathers made it, I ask him why he and his friends
could not let it remain as our fathers made it ?
It is precisely all I ask of him in relation to the institution of slavery.,
that it shall be placed upon the basis that our fathers placed it upon. Mi .
Brooks, of South Carolina, once said, and truly said, that when this Gov-
ernment was established, no one expected the institution of slavery to
last until this day ; and that the men who formed this Government were
wiser and better than the men of these days ; but the men of these days
had experience which the fathers had not, and that experience had taught
them the invention of the cotton-gin, and this had made the perpetuation
of the institution of slavery a necessity in this country. Judge Douglas
could not let it stand upon the basis on which our fathers placed it, but
removed it, and put it upon the cotton-gin hasis. It is a question, there-
fore, for him and his friends to answer — why they could not let it remain
where the fathers of the Government originally placed it.
The seventh and last joint debate took place at Alton,
October 15. According t© the schedule previously agreed
upon, Mr. Douglas had the opening speech. Mr. Lincoln,
in his rejoinder, made a thorough and exhaustive review
of the slavery question in its relations to the Democratic
party. He showed that the doctrines of that party, with
reference to this question, were not those held at the time
of the Revolution ; traced the development of the agita-
tion which had resulted from the eiforts of the Democracy
to put slavery upon a different footing, and sketched the
dangers and difficulties in which this attempt had in-
volved the country. He thus expressed his opinion of
the way in which this agitation might be terminated : —
I have intimated that 1 tnought the agitatioo would not cease until a
crisis should have been reached and passed. I have stated in what way I
thought it would be reached and passed. I have said that it might go
one way or the other. We might, by arresting the further spread of it,
and placing it where tha fathers originally placed it, put it where ohe pub-
lic mind should rest in the belief that it was in the course of ultimate ex-
tinction. Thus the agitation may cease. It may bo pushed forward until
it shall become alike lawful in all the States, old as well as new, North as
well as South. I have said, and I repeat, my wish is that the further
State Papers op Abraham Lincoln. 73
spread of it may be arrested, and that it may be placed where the public
mind shall rest in the belief that it is in the course of ultimate extinction.
I have expressed that as my wish. I entertain the opinion, upon evidence
Bufficient to my mind, that the fathers of this Government placed that in-
stitution where the public mind did rest in the belief that it was in the
course of ultimate extinction. Let me ask why they made provision that
tiie source of slavery — the African slave-trade — should be cut off at the
end of twenty years ? "Why did they make provision tliat in all the new
territory we owned at that time, slavery should be forever inhibited?
Why stop its spread in one direction and cut off its source in another, iJ
tliey did not look to its being placed in the course of ultimate extinction !
Mr. Liucoln then demonstrated that the whole contro-
versy turned upon the vital question whether slavery
was wrong or not, and proved that the sentiment of the
Democratic party, as it then existed, was that it was not
wrong, and that Douglas and those who sympathized
with him did not desire or ever expect to see the country
freed from this gigantic evil. Upon this point he said :
The sentiment that contemplates the institution of slavery in this coun-
try as a wrong is the sentiment of the Republican party. It is the senti-
ment around which all their actions — all their arguments circle — from
which all their propositions radiate. They look upon it as being a moral,
social, and political wrong ; and while they contemplate it as such, they
nevertheless have due regard for its actual existence among us, and the
difiiculMes of getting rid of it in any satisfactory way, and to all the con-
stitutional obligations thrown about it. Yet, having a due regard foi
these, they desire a policy in regard to it that looks to its not creating
any more danger. They insist that it should, as far as may be, be treated
as a wrong, and one of the metnods of treating it as a wrong is to make
provision that it shall grow no larger. They also desire a policy that
looks to a peaceful end of slavery at some time, as being wrong. These
are the views they entertain in regard to it, as I understand them ; and all
their sentiments — all their arguments and propositions are brought within
this range. I have said, and I repeat it here, that if there be a man amongst
as who does not thmk that the institution of slavery is wrong, in any one
of the aspects of which I have spoken, he is misplaced, and ought not to be
with us. And if there be a man amongst us who is so impatient of it as a
wrong as to disregard its actual presence among us, and iho, difficulty of
getting rid of it suddenly in a satisfactory way, and to disregard the con-
Btitutioual obligations thrown about it, that man is misplaced, if he is on
our platform. We disclaim sympathy with him in practical action. He
\fl not placed properly with na.
74 The Life, Public Services, and
On this subject of treating it as a wrong, and limiting its spread, let
me say a word. Has any thing ever threatened the existence of this Union,
save and except this very institution of slavery? What is it that we hold
most dear anaongst us? Our own liberty an'l prosperity. TVliat has evet
threatened our liberty and prosperity, save and except this institution of
slavery ? If this is true, how do you propose to improve the condition of
things by enlarging slavery — by spreading it out and making it bigger
You r»iay have a wen or cancer upon your person and not be able to cu
it out lest you bleed to death ; but surely it is no way to cure it, to en
graft it and spread it over your whole body. That is no proper way or
treating what you regard a wrong. You see this peaceful way of dealing
with it as a wrong — restricting the spread of it, and not allowing it to go
iuto new countries where it has not already existed. That is the peaceful
^ay, the old-fashioned way, the way in which the fathers themselves set
as the example.
On the other hand, I have said there is a sentiment which treats it as
not being wrong. That is the Democratic sentiment of this day. I do
uot mean to say that every man who stands within that range positively
asserts that it is right. That class will include all who positively assert
that it is right, and all who, like Judge Douglas, treat it as indifferent, and
do not say it is either right or wrong. These two classes of men fall
within the general class of those who do not look upon it as a wrong.
And if there be among you anybody who supposes that he, as a Demo-
crat, can consider himself " as much opposed to slavery as anybody," I
would like to reason with him. You never treat it as a wrong. "What
other thing that you consider as a wrong, do you deal with as you deal
with that? Perhaps you say it is wrong, but your leader never does, and
you quarrel with anybody who says it is wrong. Although you pretend
fco say so yourself, you can find no fit place to deal with it as a wrong.
You must not say any thing about it in the free States, because it is not
here. You must not say any thing about it in the slave States, because it
Is there You must not say any thing about it in the pulpit, because that
k religion, and has nothing to do with it. You must not say any thing
about it in politics, because that will disturb the security of " my place."
There is no place to talk about it as being a wrong, although you say
jourself it is a wrong. But, finally, you will screw yourself up to the be-
bef that if the people of the slave States should adopt a system of grad-
oal emancipation on the slavery question, you would be in favor of it.
You would be in favor of it. You say that is getting it in the right place,
and you would be glad to see it succeed. But you are deceivirg yourself.
You all know that Frank Blair and Qratz Brown, down there in St. Louis,
andertook to introduce that system into Missouri. They fought as vali-
antly as they could for the system of gradual Emancipation which you
pretend you would be glad to see succeed. Now I will bring you to the
teet. After a hard fight they were beaten, and when the news came ovei"
State Papers of Abraham Lincoln. 75
here you tLrew up your hats and hurrahed for Democraoy. More thws
that ; talie all the arguments made in favor of the system you have pro-
posed, and it carefully excludes the idea that there is any thing wrong in
the institution of slavery. The arguments to sustain that policy carefully
excluded it. Even here to-day you heard Judge Douglas quarrel with me
because I uttered a wish that it might sometime come to an end. Al-
though Henry Clay could say he wished every slave in the United States
waa in the country of his ancestors, I am denounced by those pretending
to respect Henry Clay for uttering a wish that it might sometime, in some
peaceful way, come to an end. The Democratic policy in regard to that
institution will not tolerate the merest breath, the slightest hint, of the
least degree of wrong about it.
Besides the speeches made in the course of these seven
joint debates, Mr. Lincoln delivered at least fifty other
addresses to the people, in all parts of the State, during
the canvass, everywhere expounding his views and de-
claring his sentiments with the same frankness and man-
liness. The chief interest of the contest, however, cen-
tred in their joint debates, and with every succeed-
ing encounter the feeling in the State, and through-
out the country, became more intense. As the day
for final decision approached, Illinois fairly blazed
with the excitement. ^^Tiile Mr. Douglas fully sus-
tained his previous reputation, and justified the estimate
his friends had placed upon his abilities, he labored un-
der the comparative disadvantage of being much better
known to the country at large than was his antagonist
During his long public career, people had become par-
tially accustomed to his manner of presenting argument!
and enforcing them. The novelty and freshness of Mr.
Lincoln's addresses, on the other hand, the homeliness
and force of his illustrations, their wonderful pertinence,
his exhaustless humor, his confidence in his own re-
sources, engendered by his firm belief in the justice of
the cause he so ably advocated, never once rising, how-
ever, to the point of arrogance or superciliousness, fast-
ened upon him the eyes of the people everywhere, friends
and opponents alike. It was not strange that more than
once, during the course of the unparalleled excitement
76 The Life, Public Sekvices, and
which marked this canvass, Mr. Douglas should have
been thrown off his guard by the singular self-possession
displayed by his antagonist, and by the imperturbable firm-
ness with which he maintained and defended a posi-
tion once assumed. The unassuming confidence which
marked Mr. Lincoln's conduct was early imparted to hia
suppoi ters, and each succeeding encounter added largely
to the number of his friends, until they began to indulge
tlie hope that a triumph might be secured in spite of the
adverse circumstances under which the struggle was com-
menced. And so it would have been, had party lines
been more strictly drawn. But the action of Mr. Doug-
las with reference to the Lecompton Constitution when it
was before the United States Senate, and the bitter hos-
tility of the southern wing of the Democratic party to
wards him, had led very many Republicans, and some of
nigh consideration and influence in other States, to favor
tis return to the Senate. They deemed this due to the
teal and efficiency with which he had resisted the attempt
\o force slavery into Kansas against the will of the peo-
ple, and as important in encouraging other Democratic
leaders to imitate the example of Douglas in throwing off
the yoke of the slaveholding aristocracy. This feeling
proved to be of much weigh ^ against Mr. Lincoln in the
canvass.
In the election which took place on November 2d, the
popular vote stood as follows :
Republican 126,084
Douglas Democrat 121,940
Lecompton Democrat 6,091
Mr. Lincoln, therefore, had the people been permitted
to decide the question directly, would have been returned
to the Senate, since he had a plurality of four thousand
one hundred and fortj^-four votes over Mr. Douglas ; but
the State legislature was the tribunal that was to pass
finally upon it; and there, fortunately for the country,
as the future showed, but unfortunately for Mr Lincoln
^ State Papers of Abraham Lincoln. 77
ftx, „xiat time, the Democrats had secured an advantage, by
means of an unfair districting of the State, which it was
impossible to overcome. Notwithstanding the immense
gains made by the Republicans, their opponents had, in
the upper branch of this body, fourteen members to their
elevren, while in the lower House these two parties stood
forty Democrats to thirty-five Republicans. This state
of afikirs secured Mr. Douglas a re-election, although the
fact that he was fairly beaten on the popular vote, robbed
his triumph of much of its lustre. An overruling Prov
idence, the workings of which can now be cleaily traced,
but which were then inscrutable, by securing this result,
ultimately gave the nation for its chief magistrate the
man best fitted to carry it safely through the most trying
period o^ its history.
78 The Life, Public Services, and
CHAPTER III.
MR. LINCOLN AND THE PRESIDENCY.
Thk Campaign oir 1859 m Omo. — Mr. Lincoln's Speeches at OoLTTMBUt
AND OiNOINNATI. — 11x8 ViSIT TO THB EaST. — In NeW YoRK OiTY. — ThI
GKBAT Speech at Cooper Institute. — Mr. Lincoln Nominated fob
THE PeeSIDENOY. — ElS ELECTION.
Cheerfully resigning himself to the fortunes of politi-
cal warfare, Mr. Lincoln, upon the close of this canvass,
returned to the practice of his profession. But he "was
not long allowed to remain in retirement. In the autumn
of 1859 the Democrats of Ohio nominated Mr. Pugh as
their candidate for governor, and to repay the fidelity
with which he had followed his standard, as well as in
the hope of securing important advantages for the democ-
racy, Mr. Douglas was enlisted in the canvass. The
Republicans at once appealed to Mr. Lincoln to come to
their assistance. He promptly responded to the invita-
tion to meet his eld antagonist, and more than sustained
his great reputation by two speeches, one delivered at
Columbus and the other at Cincinnati. Not fully satis
fied with the position in which the close of the canvass in
Illinois had left his favorite doctrine of Popular Sover-
eignty, Mr. Douglas had secured the insertion in Harper's
Magazine of an elaborate and carefully prepared article
explaining his views at length. Mr. Lincoln's speech at
Columbus was a most masterly review of this paper.
After replying briefly to the identically stale charges
which Mr. Douglas had so often repeated during the can-
vass in Illinois, and which he had reiterated in a speech
delivered at Columbus a few days previously, Mr. Lin-
coln addressed himself to the task he had in hand, as fol-
lows : —
The Republican party, as I understand its principles and policy, believe
that there is great danger of the institution of slayery bemg spread out ^
State Papers of Abraham Lincoln.
and extended, until it \s ultimately made alike lawful in all the State* of
this Union ; bo believing, to prevent that incidents and ultimate conaum
mation, is the original and chief purpose of the Republican organization.
I say " chief purpose" of the Republican organization ; for it is certainly
true that if the National House shall fall into the hands of the Republicans,
they will have to attend to all the other matters of national house-koep*
ing as well as this. The chief and real purpose of the Republican party
is eminently conservative. It proposes nothing save and except to restor*
this Government to its original tone in regard to this element of slavery,
and there to maintain it, looking for no further change in reference to i
than that which the original framers of the Government themselves ex
pected and looked forward to.
The chief danger to this purpose of the Republican party is not just
now the revival of the African slave-trade, or the passage of a Oongres-
Bional slave-code, or the declaring of a second Dred Scott decision, making
slavery lawfal in all the States. These are not pressing us just now.
They are not quite ready yet. The authors of these measures know that
we are too strong for them ; but they will be upon us in due time, and w«
wlQ be grappling with them hand to hand, if they are not now headed oft.
They are not now the chief danger to the purpose of the Republican
organization ; but the most imminent danger that now threatens that pur-
pose is that insidious Douglas Popular Sovereignty. This is the minet
and sapper. While it does not propose to revive the Airican slave-trade,
nor to pass a slave-code, nor to make a second Dred Scott decision, it it
preparing us for the onslaught and charge of these ultimate enemies whea
they shall be ready to come on, and the word of command for them to
advance shall be given. I say this Douglas Popular Sovereignty — fw
there is a broad distinction, as I now understand it, between that article
and a genuine Popular Sovereignty.
I believe there is a genuine popular sovereignty. I think a definition
of genuine popular sovereignty, in the abstract, would be about this:
That each man shall do precisely as he pleases with himself, and with aU
those things which exclusively concern him. Applied to Government,
this principle would be, that a General Government shall do all thoM
things which pei'tain to it, and all the local Governments Shall do pre-
cisely as they please in respect to those matters which exclusively concern
them. I understand that this Government of the United States, under
which we live, is based upon this principle ; and I am misunderstood if
it is supposed that I have any war to make upon that principle.
Now, what is Judge Douglas's Popular Sovereignty ? It is, as a prin-
ciple, no other than that, if one man chooses to make a s;ave of another
man, neither that other man nor anybody else has a right to object.
Applied in Government, as he seeks to apply it, it is this : If, in a new
Territory into which a few people are beginning to enter for the purpose
of making their homes, they choose to either exclude slavery from their
80 The Life, Public Services, and
limits or to establish it there, however one or the other may affect th*
persons to be enslaved, or the infinitely greater number of persons Avho
are afterward to inhabit that Territory, or the other members of the fami-
lies of communities, of which they are but an incipient member, or the
general head of the family of States, as parent of all — however their action
may affect one or the other of these, there is no power or right to inter-
fere. That is Douglas's Popular Sovereignty applied.
He has a good deal of trouble with Popular Sovereignty. His explana
ns explanatory of explanations explained are interminable. The most
lengthy, and, as I suppose, the most maturely considered of his long seriei
of explanations, is his great essay in Harper's Magazine.
This exordium was followed "by a speech which will
rank among the ablest efforts of Mr. Lincoln. In an
argument in which great sarcasm and humor were charac-
teristically intermingled, he thoroughly exposed the
fallacy of the positions taken by Mr. Douglas, and in
conclusion, after again warning his hearers against the
1 osidious dangers of this doctrine of popular sovereignty,
)p,iid : —
Did you ever, five years ago, hear of anybody in the wofld flaying that
t'>e negro had no share In the Declaration of National Independence ; that
it did not mean negroes at all ; and when " all men " were spoken of,
aegroes were not included ?
I am satisfied <5liat five years ago that proposition was not put upon
paper by any living being anywhere. I have been unable at any time
to find a man in an audience who would declare that he had ever known
of anybody saying so five years ago. But last year there was not a
Douglas popular sovereign in Illinois who did not say it. Is there one in
Ohio but declares his firm belief that the Declaration of Independence did
not mean negroes at all ? I do not know how this ie ; I have not been
iiere much ; but I presume you are very much alike everywhere. Then
I suppose that all now express the belief that the Declaration of Inde-
pendence never did mean negroes. I call upon one of them to say that
he said it five years ago.
If you think that now, and did not think it then, tne next tliTng that
strikes me is to remark that there has beeu a change wrought in you, and
a very significant change it is, being no less than changing the negro, in
your estimation, from the rank of a man to that of a brute. They ai«
taking him down, and placing him, when spoken of, among reptiles and
crocodiles, as Judge Douglas himself expresses it.
Is not this change wrought in your minds a very important change ?
Public opinion in this country is every thing. In a nation like ours, this
popular sovereignty and squatter sovereignty have already wrouglit a
State Papers of Abuaham Lincoln. 81
clAiige in tlie public mind i d the extent I have stated. There is no man
in 'his crow«l who can contradict it.
How, if you are opposed to slavery honestly, as much as anybody, i
ask you to note that fact, and the like of which is to follow, to De
plastered on, layer aftsr Iryer, until very so'^n you are prepared to
deal with the negro everywhere as with the brute. If public sen-
timent has not been debauched already to this point, a new turn of
-he screw in that direction is all that is wanting ; and this is con-
ijtantly being done by the teachers of this insidious popular sovereignty.'
You need but one or two turns further until your minds, now ripening
lu-dcr these teachinga, will be ready for all these things, and you will r
ceive and support, oi submit to, the slave-trade, revived with all its
horrors, a slave- code enforced in our Territories, and a new Dred Sc/)tt
decision to bring slavery up into the very heart of the free North. This,
I must say, is but carrying out those words prophetically spoken by Mr.
Clay, many, many years ago — I believe more than thir*-y years, when he
told an aadience that if they would repress all tendencies to liberty and
ultimate emancipation, th jy must go back to the era of our independence,
and muzzle the cannon which thundered its annual joyous return on the
Fourth of July ; they must blow out the moral lights around us ; they
must penetrate the human soul and eradicate the love of liberty ; but until
they did these things, and others eloquently enumerated by him, they
could not repress all tendencies to ultimate emancipation.
I ask attention to the fact that in a pre-eminent degree these popular
sovereigns are at this work ; blowing out the moral lights around us ;
teaching that the negro is no longer a man, but a brute ; that the Declara-
tion has nothing to do with him ; that he ranks with the crocodile and
the reptile ; that man, with body and soul, is a matter of dollars and
cents. I suggest to this portion of the Ohio Republicans, or Democrats,
if there be any present, the serious consideration of this fact, that there ia
now going on among you a steady process of debauching public opinior
on this subject. "With this, my friends, Ibid you adieu.
In his speech at Cincinnati, Mr. Lincoln addressed him
self particularly to the Kentuckians whom he supposed ,
to be among his hearers, and after advising them to nom-
inate Mr. Douglas as their candidate for the Presidenc}?
at the approaching Charleston Convention, showed them
how by so doing they would the most surely protect theii
cherished institution of slavery. In the course of his
argument he expressed this shrewd opinion, whi^^.h may
now be classed as a prophecy : —
Tt ii but my opinion ; I give it to you without a fee. It is my oBinion
6
82 The Life, Public Services, and
that it is for you to take him [Mr. Douglas] or be defeated ; and that i
you do take him, you may be beaten. You will surely be beaten if yoa
do not take him. "We, the Republicans and others forming the opposition
of the country, intend to " stand by our guns," to bo patient and firm, aad
in the long run to beat you, whether you take him or not. We know taat
before we fairly beat you, we have to beat you both together. We know
that you are "all of a feather," and that we have to beat you altogether,
and we expect to do it. We don't intend to be very impatient aboat it.
We mean to be as deliberate and calm about it as it ie possible to be, but
as firm and resolved as it is possible for men to be. When we do as we
say, beat you, you perhaps want to know what we will do with you.
I will tell you, so far as I am authorized to speak for the opposition,
what we mean to do with you. We mean to treat you, as near as we
possibly can, as Washington, Jefferson, and Madison treated you. We
mean to leave you alone, and in no way to interfere with your institution ;
to abide by all and every compromise of the Constitution, and, in a word,
coming back to the original proposition, to treat you, so far as degener-
ated men (if we have degenerated) may, according to the examples ol
those noble fathers — Washington, Jefferson, and Madison. We mean to
remember that you are as good as we ; that there is no difference l»etween
us other than the difference of circumstances. We mean to lecognize and
bear in mind always that you have as good hearts in your bosoms as other
people, or as we claim to have, and treat you accordingly. We mean to
marry your girls when we have a chance — the white ones, I mean, and I
have the honor to inform you that I once did have a chance in that way.
I have told you what we mean to do. I want to know, now, when
that thing takes place, what do you mean to do ? I often hear it inti-
mated that you mean to divide the Union v/henever a Republican, or any
thing like it, is elected President of the United States. [A voice — '' That
is so."] " That is so," one of them says ; I wonder if he is a Kentuckian ?
[A voice — " He is a Douglas man."] Well, then, I want to know what
you are going to do with your half of it ? Are you going to split tho
Ohio down through, and push your half off a piece ? Or are you going to
keep it right alongside of us outrageous fellows ? Or are you going tc
build up a wall some way between jibur country and ours, by which that
movable property of yours can't come over here any more, to the danger
of your losing it ? Do you think you can better yourselves on that sub-
ject, by leaving us here under no obligation whatever to return thos«
specimens of your movable property that come hither? You have di\4ded
the Union because we would not do right with you, as you think, upon
that subject ; when we cease to be under obligations to do any thing for
you, how much better off do you think you will be ? Will you make war
upon us and kill us all? Wby, gentlemen, I think you are as gallant and
as brave men as live ; that you can fight as bravely in a good cause, man
tor man, as any other people Uving; that you have shoTrn yourselve*
State PapepwS of Abraham Lincoln. 83
cftjyable of this upon varionfl occasions ; bat, man for man, you are not
better than we are, and there are not so many of you as there are of us.
You will never make much of a hand at whipping us. If we were fewer
in numbers than you, I think that you could whip us ; if we were equal,
it would likely be a drawn battle ; but, being inferior in numbers, you will
make nothing by attempting to master us.
But perhaps I have addiessed myself as long, or longer, to the Kea-
tuckians than I ought to have done, inasmuch as I have said that what-
ever course you take, we intend in the end to beat you.
The rest of this address was mainly occupied with a
discussion of the policy which the Republican party
should pursue in the Presidential campaign then about to
open. The following passage from this part of the speech
is among the most notable of Mr. Lincoln's many noble
utterances :
In order to beat our opponents, I think we want and must have a
national policy ki regard to the institution of slavery, that acknowledges
and deals with that institution as being wrong. Whoever desires the pre-
vention of the spread of slavery, and the nationalization of that institution,
yields all when he yields to any policy that either recognizes slavery &e
being right, or as being an indifferent thing. Nothing will make you suo
cessful but setting up a policy which shall treat the thing as being wrong <
When I say this, I do not mean to say that this General Government is
charged with the duty of redressing or preventing all the wrongs in tha
world; but do think that it is charged with preventing and redressing
all wrongs which are wrongs to itself. This Government is expressly
charged with the duty of providing for the general welfare. We believe
that the spreading out and perpetuity of the institution of slavery impairs
the general welfare. We believe — nay, we know, that that is the only
thing that has ever threatened the perpetuity of the Union itself. The
•nly thing which has ever menaced the destruction of the government
under which we live, ia this very thing.
To repress this thing, we think, is providing for the general welfare.
Our friends in Kentucky differ from us. We need not make our argu-
ment for them, but we who think it is wrong in all its relations, or in
Bome of them at least, must decide as to our own actions, and our own
course, upon our own judgment.
I say that we must not interfere with the institution of slavery in the
States where it exists, because the Constitution foroiuu it, and the general
welfare does not require us to do so. We must not withhold an eflBcient
Fugitive Slave law, because the Constitution requires us, as I understand
it, not to withhold such a law. But we must prevent the outspreading
ef the institution, because neither the Constitution nor the general wtHar^
84 The Life, Public Services, and
requires ns to extend it. We must prevent the revival of the African slave
trade, and the enacting by Congress of a Territorial slave-code. We must
prevent each of these things being done by either Congresses or courts.
The peo]>Vof these United States are the rightful masters of both Con-
gresses ;uid courts, not to overthrow the Constitution, but to overthrow
the men who pervert the Constitution.
To do these things we must emj)loy instrumentalities. We must hold
GOUT entions ; we must adopt platforms, if we conform to ordinary custona ;
we must nominate candidates, and we must carry elections. In all thes*
things, I think that we ought to keep in view our real purpose, and in
ftone do any thing that stands adverse to our purpose. If we shall adopt
a platform that faiL to recognize or express our purpose, or elect a man
tliat declares himself inimical to our purpose, we not only take nothing
by oar success, but we tacitly admit that we act upon no other principle
than a desire to have " the loaves and fishes," by which, in the end, our
apparent success is really an injury to us.
During the latter part of that year (1859) Mr. Lincoln also
visited Kansas, and was greeted with enthusiastic cordial
ity by the people, whose battles he had fought with such
masterly ability and skill. In February, 1860, in response
to an invitation from the Young Men' s Republican Club,
he came to New York, to deliver an address upon some
topic appropriate to the crisis which it was evident was ap-
proaching. Tuesday evening, February 27th,was the hour,
and Cooper Institute was the place, selected for the first
appearance of the future President before the New York
pubUc ; and a curiosity to see the man who had so ably
combated the "Little Giant" of the West, as well as an
earnest desire to hear an expression of his views upon the
questions which were then so rapidly developing in im-
portance, and beginning to agitate the public mind so
deeply^ filled the large hall named to overflowing, with
an audience which comprised many ladies. William
Cullen Bryant presided, assisted by numerous prominent
politicians. He presented Mr. Lincoln to the audience
with a few appropriate remarks. Mr. Lincoln was quite
warmly received, and delivered an address which at times
excited uncontrollable enthusiasm. It was at once accepted
as one of the most important contributions to the current
political literature of the day, and now stands amonp* the
State Papers of Abraham Ijncoln. 85
enduring monuments to Mr. Lincoln' s memory We ap-
pend it in full :
Mr. President and Fellow-Citizens of New York : — The facts with
«rhich I shall deal this evening are mainly old and familiar ; nor is there
any thing new in the general use I shall make of them. If there shall b«
any novelty, it will be in the mode of presenting the facts, and the infer-
ences and observations following that presentation.
In his speech last autumn, at Columbus, Ohio, as reported in the " New
York Times," Senator Douglas said:
" Our fathers^ when they framed the Oovernment under which we li^e^
tinderstood this question juntas well, and even better than we do now^
I fully indorse this, and I adopt it as a text for this discourse. I so adop«.
It because it furnishes a precise and an agreed starting-point for a discus
sion between Republicans and that wing of the Democracy headed bj
Senato'- Douglas. It simply leaves the inquiry : " Wmi was the under
Htand^ro^ those fathers had of the question mentioTjed .'"
What is the frame of Government under which we live t
The answer must be : " The Constitution of the United States." Tha<
Constitution consists of the original, framed in 1787 (and under which the
present government first went into operation), and twelve subsequently
framed amendments, the first ten of which were framed in 1789.
Who were our fathers that framed the Constitution ? I suppose th«
" thirty-nine " who signed the original instrument may be fairly called
our fathers who framed that part of the present Government. It is almost
exactly true to say they framed it, and it is altogether true to say they ftiir-
ly represented the opinion and sentiment of the whole nation at that time.
Their names, being familiar to nearly all. and accessible to quite all,
Deed not now be repeated.
I take these "thirty-nine," for the present, as being our "fathers whc
framed the Government under which we live."
What is the question which, according to the text, those fathers under
stood "just as well, and even better than we do now ?"
It is this : Does the proper division of local from federal authority, oi
ftLy thing in the Constitution, forbid our Federal Government to control
a* to slavery in our Federal Territories ?
Upon this Senator Douglas holds the aflBrmative, and Republicans tb€
negative. This aflBrmation and denial form an issue, and this issue — thii
question — is precisely what the text declares our fathers understood " bet-
ter than we."
Let us now inquire whether the " thirty-nine," or any of them,
acted upon this question ; and if they did, how they acted upon it — how
they expressed that better understanding?
In 1784, three years before the Constitution —the United States then
owning the Northwestern Territory, and no other— the Congress of the Ooir
86 The Life, Public Services, and
federation had before them the queation of prohibiting sfovory m that Ter-
ritory ; and four of the " thirty -nine," who afterward framed the CoDBti-
tution, were in that Congress and voted on that qnestion. Of these,
Roger Sherman, Thomas Mifflin, aud Ilugh 'v^illiarason voted for the pro-
hibition, thus showing that, in their nnderstanding, no line dividing local
from Federal authority, nor any thing else, properly forbade the Federal
Gcvernment to control as to slavery in Federal territory. The other of
the four — James M'Heury — voted against the prohibition, showing that>
for some cause, he thought it improper to vote for it.
In 1787, still before the Constitution, but while the Convention was is
session framing it, and while the Northwestern Territory stUl was the only
territory owned by the United States, the same question of prohibiting
slavery in the territory again came before the Congress of the Confedera-
tion ; and two more of the " thirty-nine " who afterward signed the Con-
stitution were in that Congress, and voted on the question. They were
"William Blount and "William Few ; and they both voted for the prohibi-
tion— thus showing that, in their understanding, no line dividing local
from Federal authority, nor any thing else, properly forbade the Federal
Government to control as to slavery in Federal territory. This time the
prohibition became a law, being part of what is now weU known as the
Ordinance of '87.
The question of Federal control of slavery in the territories, seems not
to have been directly before the Convention which framed the original
Constitution ; and hence it is not recorded that the "thirty-nine," or any
of them, while engaged on that instrument, expressed any opinion on that
precise question.
In 1789, by the first Congress which sat under the Constitution, an act
was passed to enforce the Ordinance of '87, including the prohibition of
slavery in the Northwestern Territory. The bill for this act was reported
by one of the " thirty-nine," Thomas Fitzsimmons, then a member of the
House of Representatives from Pennsylvania. It went through all it«
stages without a word of opposition, and finally passed both branches with
out ye^'i and nays, which is equivalent to a unanimous passage. In thii
(■ongress there were sixteen of the thirty -nine fathers who framed the
original Constitution. They were John Langdon, Nicholas Oilman, "Wm.
8. Johnson, Roger Sherman, Robert Morris, Thos. Fitzsimmons, William
Few, Abraham Baldwin, Rufus King, "William Patorson, George Clymer,
Richard Bassett, George Road, Pierce Butler, Daniel Carroll, James Madi-
son.
This shows that, in their understanding, no line dividing local from Fed-
eral authority, nor any thing in the Constitution, properly forbade Con-
gress to proJiibit slavery in the Federal territory ; else both their fidelity
to correct princi{)les, and their oath to support the Constitution, would
have constrained them to oppose the prohibition.
Again: George "Washington, another of the "thirty-nine," was th«
State Papers of Abraham Lincoln. 87
President of the United States, and, as such, approved and signed the biU ;
thus completing its validity as a law, and thus showing that, in his under-
Btanding, no line dividing local from Federal authority, nor any thing in
the Constitution, forbade the Federal Government to control as to slavery
in Federal territory.
No great while after the adoption of the original Constitution, North
Oarolina ceded to tl,e Federal Government the country now constituting
the State of Tennessee ; and, a few years later, Georgia ceded that which
aow constitutes the States of Mississippi and Alabama. In both deeds ol
cession it was made a condition by the ceding States that the Federal
Government should n©t prohibit slavery in the ceded country. Besides
this, slavery was then actually in the ceded country. Under these cir-
cumstances, Congress, on taking charge of these countries, did not abso-
lutely prohibit slavery within them. But they did interfere with it — take
control of it — e"\*en there, to a certain extent. In 1798, Congress organ-
ized the Territory of Mississippi. In the act of organization, they prohib-
ited the bringing of slaves into the Territory, from any place without the
United States, by fine, and giving freedom to slaves so brought. This act
passed both branches of Congress without yeas and nays. In that Con-
gress were three of the "thirty-nine" who framed the original Constitu-
tion. They were John Langdon, George Read, and Abraham Baldwin.
They all, probably, voted for it. Certainly they would have placed their
opposition to it upon record, if, in their understanding, any line dividing
local from Federal authority, or any thing in the Constitution, properly for-
bade the Federal Government to control as to slavery in Federal territory.
In 1803, the Federal Government purchased the Louisiana country.
Our former territorial acquisitions came from certain of our own States ;
but this Louisiana country was acquired from a foreign nation. In 1804,
Congress gave a territorial organization to that part of it which now con-
stitutes the State of Louisiana. New Orleans, lying within that part, wai
an old and comparatively large city. There were otlier considerable
towns and settlements, and slavery was extensively and thoroughly inter-
mingled with the people. Congress did not, in the Territorial Act, pro-
Libit slavery; but they did interfere with it — take control of it — in a
Riore marked and extensive way than they did in the case of Mississippi.
The substance of the provision therein made in relation to i^laves was :
First. That no slave should be imported into the territory from Soreign
parts.
Second. That no slave should be carried into it who had been imported
Into the United States since the first day of May, 1798.
Third. That no slave should be carried into it except by the owner,
and for his own use as a settler ; the penalty in all the cases being a fine
upon the violator of the law, and freedom to the slave.
This act also was passed without yeas and nays. In the Congreea
which passed it, there were two of the "thirty-nine." They wer« Abra-
88 The Life, Public Services, and
ham Baldwin md Jonathan Dayton. As stated in the case of Mississippi,
it is prohable they both voted for it. They would not have allowed it to
pass without recording their opposition to it, if, in their understanding,
it violated either the line properly dividing local from Federal authority,
or any provision of the Constitution,
In 1819-20, came and passed the Missouri question. Many votes were
taken, by yeas and nays, in both branches of Congress, upon the various
phases of the general question. Two of the " thirty-nine" — Rufus King
and Charles Pinckney — were members of that Congress. Mr. King
iteadily voted for slavery prohibition and against all compromises, while
^fr. Pinckney as steadily voted against slavery prohibition, and against
all compromises. By this, Mr. King showed that, in his understanding,
QO line dividing local from Federal authority, nor any thing in the Consti-
tution, was violated by Congress prohibiting slavery in Federal territory ;
while Mr. Pinckney, by his vote, showed that, in his understanding, there
jvas some sufficient reason for opposing such prohibition in that case.
The cases I have mentioned are the only acts of the "thirty -nine," or
<»f any of them, upon the direct issue, which I have been able to discover.
To enumerate the persons who thus acted, as being four in 1784, two
In 1787, seventeen in 1789, three in 1798, two in 1804, and two in 1819-
80 — there would be thirty of them. But this would be counting John
Langdon, Roger Sherman, William Few, Rufus King, and George Read,
each twice, and Abraham Baldwin, three times. The true number of
those of the "thirty-nine" whom I have shown to have acted upon the
question which, by the text, they understood better than we, is twenty-
three, leaving sixteen not shown to have acted upon it in any way.
Here, then, we have twenty-three out of our thirty-nine fathers " who
framed the Government under which we live," who have, upon their
official responsibility and their corporal oaths, acted upon the very ques-
tion which the text affirms they " understood just as well, and even bet-
ter than we do now;" and twenty -one of them — a clear majority of the
whole "thirty-nine" — so acting upon it as to make them guilty of grosa
political impropriety and wilful perjury, if, in their understanding, any
proper division between local and Federal authority, or any thing in the
Constitution they had made themselves, and sworn to support, forbade
the Federal Government to control as to slavery in the Federal territories.
Thus the twenty-one acted ; and, as actions speak louder than words, so
actions, under such responsibility, speak still louder.
Two of the twenty-three voted against Congressional prohibition of
slavery in the Federal territories, in the instances in wliich they acted
upon the question. But for what reasons they so voted is not known.
They may have done so because they thought a proper division of local
from Federal authority, or some provision or principle of the Constitution,
stood in the way ; or they may, without any such question, have vote<l
ftg&ingt the prohibition on what appeared to thera to be sufficient groonda
State Papers of Abraham Lincoln. 89
of expediency. No one who has sworn to support the Constitution, can
conscientiously vote for what he understands to be an unconstitutional
measure, however expedient he may think it; but one may and ought to
vote against a measure which he deems constitutional, if, at the same time,
he deems it inexpedient. It therefore would be unsafe to set down even
the two who voted against the prohibition, as having done so because, in
their understanding, any proper division of local from Federal authority,
or any thing in the Constitution, forbade the Federal Government to oois
trol as to slavery in Federal territory.
The remaining sixteen of the " thirty -nine," so far as I have discovered,
have left no record of their understanding upon the direct question of
Federal control on slavery in the Federal territories. But there is much
reason to believe that their understanding upon that question would not
have appeared different from that of their twenty-three compeers, had it
been manifested at all.
For the purpose of adhering rigidly to the text, I have purposely omit-
ted whatever understanding may have been manifested by any person,
however distinguished, other than the thirty-nine fathers who framed the
original Constitution ; and, for the same reason, I have also omitted what
ever understanding may have been manifested by any of the " thirty
nine " even, on any other phase of the general question of slavery. If w«
should look into their acts and declarations on those other phases, as th«
foreign slave-trade, and the morality and policy of slavery generally, it
would appear to us that on the direct question of Federal control of sla-
very in Federal territories, the sixteen, if they had acted at all, would
probably have acted just as the twenty-three did. Among that sixteen
were several of the most noted anti-slavery men of those times — as Dr.
Franklin, Alexander Hamilton, and Gouverneur Morris — while there was
not one now known to have been otherwise, unless it may be John Rut-
ledge, of South Carolina.
The sum of the whole is, that of our thirty-nine fathers who framed
the original Constitution, twenty-one — a clear majority of the whole—
certainly understood that no proper division of local from Federal aa-
thority, nor any part of the Constitution, forbade the Federal Govern- 1
ment to control slavery in the Federal territories ; whilst all the rest prob I
ably had the same understanding. Such, unquestionably, was the under-
standing of our fathers who framed the original Constitution ; and the
text affirms that they understood the question " better than we."
But, so far, I have been considering the understanding of the question
manifested by the framers of the original Constitution. In and by the
original instrument, a mode was provided for amending it ; and, as I have
already stated, the present frame of "the Government under which we
live " consists of that original, and twelve amendatory articles framed
and adopted since. Those who now insist that Federal control cf slavery
in Federal territories violates the Constitution, point us to the provision/
90 The Life, Public Services, and
which they suppose it thus violates ; and, as I understand, they all in
cpon provisions in these amendatory articles, and not in the original in-
strument. The Supreme Court, in the Dred Scott case, plant themselves
T'pon the fifth amendment, which provides that no person shall be de-
prived of "life, liberty, or property without due process of law;" while
Senator Douglas and his peculiar adherents plant themselves upon the
tenth amendment, providing that "the powers not deleg;.ted to the
United States by the Constitution," • are reserved to the S^^tes respect-
ively, or to the people."
Now, it so happens that these amendments were framod by the first
Congress which sat under the Constitution — the identical Congress which
passed the act already mentioned, enforcing the prohibition of slavery in
tbe Northwestern Territory. Not only was it the same Congress, but
tl'ey were the identical same individual men who, at the same session,
aL.ll at the same time within the aession, had under consideration, and in
progress toward maturity, these Constitutional amendments, and this act
prohibiting slavery in all the territory the nation then owned. The Con-
stitutional amendments were introduced before, and passed after the act
enforcing the Ordinance of '87 ; so that, during the whole pendency of
the act to enforce the Ordinance, the Constitutional amendments were
also pending.
The seventy-six members of that Congress, including sixteen of the
framers of the original Constitution, as before stated, were pre-eminently
our fathers who framed that part of " the Government under which we
rive," which is now claimed as forbidding the Federal Government to
oontrol slavery in the Federal territories.
Is it not a little presumptuous in any one at this day to affirm that the
two things which that Congress deliberately framed, and carried to ma-
turity at the same time, are absolutely inconsistent with each other?
And dyes not such affirmation become impudently absurd when coupled \
with the other affirmation from the same mouth, that those who did the
two things alleged to be inconsistent, understood whether they reaUy
were inconsistent better than we — better than he who affirms that they
are inconsistent ?
It is surely safe to assume that the thirty-nine framers of the original
Constitution, and the seventy-six members of the Congress which framed
the amendments thereto, taken together, do certainly include those who
may be fairly called " our fathers who framed the Government undei
which we hve." And, so assuming, I defy any man to show that any one
of them ever, in his whole life, declared that, in his understanding, any
proper division of local from Federal authority, or any part of the Con-
stitution, forbade the Federal Government to control as to slavery in the
Federal territories. I go a step further. I defy any one to show that any
living man in the whole world ever did, prior to the beginning of the
present century ^^d I might almost say prior to the beginning of th«
State Papers of Abraham Lincoln. 91
last half of the present century), declare that, in his understanding, any
proper division of local from Federal authority, or any part of the Consti-
tution, forbade the Federal Government to control as to slavery in the
Federal territories. To those who now so declare, I give not only " our
fathers who framed the Government under which we Uve," but with them
all othf^r living men within the century in which it was framed, among
whom to search, and they shall not bo able to find the evidence of a single
man agreeing with them.
Now, and here, let me guard a little against being misunderstood,
do not mean to say we are bound to follow implicitly in whatever out
fathers did. To do so, would be to discard all the lights of current ex-
perience— to reject all progress — aU improvement. What I do say is, that
if we would supplant the opinions and policy of our fathers in any case,
we should do so upon evidence so conclusive, and argument so clear, that
even their great authority, fairly considered and weighed, cannot stand ;
and most surely not in a case whereof we ourselves declare they under-
stood the question better than we.
If any man at this day sincerely believes that proper division of local
from Federal authority, or any part of the Constitution, forbids the Federal
Government to control as to slavery in the Federal territories, he is right
to say so, and to enforce his position by all truthful evidence and fkir
argument which he can. But he has no right to mislead others, who
have less access to history, and less leisure to study it, into the false belief
that " our fathers, who framed the Government under which we live,"
were of the same opinion — thus substituting falsehood and deception for
truthful evidence and fair argument. If any man at this day sincerely
believes " our fathers, who framed the Government under which we live,"
ased and applied principles, in other cases, which ought to have led them
to understand that a proper division of local from Federal authority, or
some part of the Constitution, forbids the Federal Government to control
as to slavery in the Federal territories, he is right to say so. Bit he
should, at the same time, brave the responsibility of declaring that, m bis
opinion, he understands their principles better than they did themselves ;
and especially should he not shirk that responsibility by asserting that they
"understood the question just as well, and even better than we do new."
But enough 1 Let all who helieve that " our fathers^ who framed the
Government under which we live, understood this question juntas well, and
even better than we do now,''^ speak as they s^yohe, and act as they acted
upon it. 7%i8 is all Repullicans ash — all Bepuhlican^ desire — in relati^on
to slavery. As those fathers marked it, so let it be again marked, as an
evil not to be extended, but to be tolerated and protected only because of, and
to far as, its actual presence among us makes that toleration and protection
a necessity. Let all the guaranties those fathers gave it be not grudgingly,
hut fully and fairly maintained. For this Republicans contend, and wiik
this, so far as I know or believe, they wiU be content
92 The Life, Public Services, and
And now, if they would listen — as I suppose they will not— I would
address a few words to the Southern people.
I would say to them : — You consider yourselves a reasonable and a just
people ; and I consider that in the general qualities of reason and justice
you are not inferior to any other people. Still, when you speak of U6
Republicans, you do so only to denounce us as reptiles, or, at the best, aa
no better than outlaws. You will grant a hearing to pirates or murderers,
but nothing like it to " Black Republicans." In all your contentions with
one another, each of you deems an unconditional condemnation of "Black
RepublicantMn " as the first thing to be attended to. Indeed, such con-
demnation of us seems to be an indispensable prerequisite — license, so to
speak — among you, to be admitted or permitted to speak at all. Now,
can you, or not, be prevailed upon to pause, and to consider whether thia
is quite just to us, or even to yourselves ? Bring forward your charges and
specifications, and then be patieut long enough to hear us deny or
justify.
You say we are sectional. We deny it. That makes an issue ; and the
burden of proof is upon you. You produce your proof; and what is it?
Why, that our party has no existence in your seetion — gets no votes in
your section. The fact is substantially true ; but does it prove the issue ?
If it does, then in case we should, without change of principle, begin to
get votes in your section, we should thereby cease to be sectional. You
cannot escape this conclusion ; and yet, are you willing to abide by it ?
If you are, you will probably soon find that we have ceased to be sectional,
for we shall get votes in your section this very year. You will then begin
to discover, as the truth plainly is, that your proof does not touch the
issue. The fact that we get no votes in your section, is a fact of your
making, and not of ours. And if there be fault in that fact, that fault ia
primarily yours, and remains so until you show that we repel you by some
wrong principle or practice. If we do repel you by any wrong principle
or practice, the fault is ours ; but this brings you to where you ought to
ha 76 started — to a discussion of the right or wrong of our principle. If
our principle, put in practice, would wrong your section for the bene-
fit of ours, or for any other object, then our principle, and we with it,
arc sectional, and are justly opposed and denounced as such. Meet us,
then, on the question of whether our principle, put in practice, would
wrong your section; and so meet us as if it were possible that something
may be said on our side. Do you accept the challenge ? No ! Then you
really believe that the principle which "our fathers who framed the Gov-
ernment under which we live" thought so clearly right as to adopt it,
and indorse it again and again, upon their oflicial oatha, is in fact so
clearly wrong as to demand your condemnation without a moment's con-
sideration.
Some of you delight to flaunt in our faces the warning against sectional
parties given by Washington in his Farewell Address. Less than eighl
State Papers of Abraham Lincoln. 93
years before Washington gave that warning, he had, as President of tho
United States, approved and signed an act of Congress enforcing the pro-
hibition of slavery in the Northwestern Territory, which act embodied
the policy of the Government upon that subject up to, and at, the very
moment he penned that warning ; and about one year after he penned it,
Le wrote La Fayette that ne considered that prohibition a wise measure,
expressing in the same connection his hope that we should at some time
tave a confederacy of free States.
Bearing this in mind, and seeing that sectionalism has since arisen upoa
this same subject, is that Avarning a weapon in your hands against us, or
in our hands against you ? Could Washington himself speak, would he
cast the blame of that sectionalism upon us, who sustain his policy, o*
upon you, who repudiate it? We respect that warning of Washington, and
we commend it to you, together with his example pointing to the right
application of it.
But you say you are conservative — eminently conservative — while we
ai'e revolutionary, destructive, or something of the sort. What is con-
servatism ? Is it not adherence to the old and tried, against a new and
untried ? We stick to, contend for, the identical old policy on the point
in controversy which was adopted by " our fathers who framed the Gov-
ernment under which we live;" while you with one accord reject, and
scout, and spit upon that old policy, and insist upon substituting something
new. True, you disagree among yourselves as to what that substitute
shall be. You are divided on new propositions and plans, but you are
unanimous in rejecting and denouncing the old policy of the fathers.
Some of you are for reviving the foreign slave-trade ; some for a Con-
gressional Slave-Code for the Territories; some for Congress forbidding
the Territories to prohibit Slavery within their limits ; some for maintain-
ing Slavery in the Territories through the judiciary; some for the "gur-
reat pur-rinciple " that " if one man would enslave another, no third man
should object," fantastically called "Popular Sovereignty ;" but never a
man among you in favor of Federal prohibition of slavery in Federal terri-
tories, according to the practice of " our fathers who framed the Govern-
ment under which we live." Not one of all your various plans can show a
precedent or an advocate in the century within which our Governmeni
originated. Consider, then, whether your claim of conservatism for your-
selves, and your charge of destructiveness against us, are based on the
most clear and stable foundations.
Again : you say we have inn-le the slavery question more [-rominent th^i
it formerly was. We deny it. We admit that it is more prominent, but
we deny that we made it so. It was not we, but you, who discarded the
old policy of the fathers. We resisted, and still resist your innovation;
and thence comes the greater prominence of the question. Would you
have that question reduced to its former proportions? Go back to that
eld policy. What has been will be again, under the same conditions. 1/
04 The Life, Public Services, and
fon would have the peace of the old times, readopt the precepts ac4 policy
»f the old tiine3.
You charge that we stir up insurrections among your slaves. "We deny
't; and what is your proof? Harper's Ferry 1 John Brown I! Juhn
Brown was no Republican; and you have failed to implicate a single lie-
publican in his Harper's Ferry enterprise. If any member of our party is
guilty in that matter, you know it or you do not know it. If you do knc w
It, you are inexcusable for not designating the man and proving the fact.
If you do not know it, you are inexcusable for asserting it, and especially
for persisting in the assertion after you have tried and failed to make the
proof. You need not be told tliat persisting iu a charge which one does
Dot know to be true is simply malicious slander.
Some of you admit that no Republican designedly aided or encouraged
the Harper's Ferry aifair; but still insist that our doctrines and declara-
tions necessarily lead to such results. We do not believe it. "We know
we hold to no doctrine, and make no declaration, which were not held to
and made by " our fathers who framed the Government under which we
live." You never dealt fairly by us in relation to this affair. When it
occurred, some important State elections were near at hand, and you were
in evident glee with the belief that, by charging the blame upon us, you
could get an advantage of us in those elections. The elections came, and
four expectations were not quite fulfilled. Every Republican man knew
fchat, as to himself at least, your charge was a slander, and he wai not
much inclined by it to cast his vote in your favor. Republican doctrines
and declarations are accompanied with a continued protest against any
interference whatever with your slaves, or with you about your slaves.
Surely, this does not encourage them to revolt. True, we do, in common
with "our fathers, who framed the Government under which we live,"
declare our belief that slavery is wrong ; but the slaves do not hear us
declare even this. For any thing we say or do, the slaves would scarcely
know there is a Republican party. I believe they would not, in fact,
generally know it but for your misrepresentations of us in their hearing.
In your political contests among yourselves, each faction «harges the
other with sympathy with Black Republicanism ; and then, to give point
to the charge, defines Black Republicaniam to simply be insurrection,
blood, and thunder among the slaves.
Slave insurrections are no more common now than they were be
fore the Republican party was organized. ^VTiat induced the Southamp
ton insurrection, twenty-eight years ago, in which, at least, three times aa
many lives were lost as at Harper's Ferry? You can scarcely stretch
your very elastic fancy to the conclusion that Southampton was " got up
by Black Republicanism." In the present state of things in the United
States, I do not think a general or even a very extensive slave insurreo-
tioD is possible. The indispensable concert of action cannot be attained.
The slaves have no means oi rapid communication ; nor can incendiary
State Papers of Abraham Llnooln. 95
freemen, black or white, supply it. The explosive materials are eyery-
where in parcels ; but there neither ai-e, nor can be supplied, the indis-
pensable conEecting-tralna.
Much is said by Southern people about the affection of slaves for their
masters and mistresses ; and a part of it, at least, is true. A plot for an
uprising could scarcely be devised and communicated to twenty individ-
aals before some one of them, to save the life of a favorite master or mis-
tress, would divulge it. This is the rule ; and the slave revolution in
Hayti was not an exception to it, but a case occurring under peculiar cir-
cumstances. The gunpowder plot of British history, though not connect-
ed with shives, was more in point. In that case, only about twenty were
admitted to the secret ; and yet one of them, in his anxiety to save a
friend, betrayed the plot to that friend, and, by consequence, averted the
calamity. Occasional poisonings from the kitchen, and open or stealthy
assassinations in the field, and local revolts, extending to a score or so,
will continue to occur as the natural results of slavery ; but no general
insurrection of slaves, as I think, can happen in this country for a long
time. Whoever much fears or much hopes for such an event will be alik«
disappointed.
in the language of Mr. Jefferson, uttered many years ago, •' It is still in
car power to direct the process of emancipation and deportation peace
ably, and in such slow degrees, as that the evil will wear off insensibly;
and their places be, pari passu, filled up by free white laborers. If, on
tne contrary, it is left to force itself on, human nature must shudder at
the prospect held up."
Mr. Jefferson did not mean to oay, nor do I, that the power of emanci-
pation is in the Federal Government. He spoke of Virginia; and, as to
the power of emancipation, I speak of the slaveholding States only. The
Federal Government, however, as we insist, has the power of restraining
the extension of the institution — the power to insure that a slave insur-
rection shall never occur on any American soil which is now free from
slavery.
John Brown's effort was peculiar. It was not a slave insurrection. It
was an attempt by white men to get up a revolt among slaves, in which
the slaves refused to participate. In fact, it was so absurd that the slaves,
with all their ignorance, saw plainly enough it could not succeed. That
affair, in its philosophy, corresponds with the many attempts related in
history at the assassination of kings and emperors. An enthusiast broods
over the oppression of a people tiU he fancies himself commissioned by
Heaven to liberate them. He ventures the attempt, which ends in little
else than his own execution. Orsini's attempt on Louis Xapoleon and
John Brown's attempt at Harper's Ferry were, in their philosophy, pre-
cisely the same. The eagerness to cast blame on old England in the one
case, and on New England in the other, does not disprove the sapienea*
of the two things.
96 The Life, Public Seevice^, and
And how much would it avail you, if you could, by the use of John
Brown, Helper's Book, and the like, break up the Republican organiza-
tion ? Human action can be modified to some extent, but human nature
cannot be changed. There is a judgment and a feeling against slayery in
this nation, which cast at least a million and a half of votes. You cannot
destroy that judgment and feeling — that sentiment — by breaking up the
political organization which rallies around it. You can scarcely scatter
and disperse an army which has been formed into order in the face of
your heaviest fire ; but if you could, how much would you gain by forcin
ths sentiment which created it out of the peaceful channel of the ballci-
box, into some other channel ? What would that other channel probably
b«? "Would the number of John Browns be lessened or enlarged by th«
operation ?
-But you will break up the Union rather than submit to a denial of yonr
Constitutional rights.
That has a somewhat reckless sound ; but it would be palliated, if r.o4
fully justified, were we proposing, by the mere force of numbers, to d^
prive you of some right plainly written down in the Constitution. But
we are proposing no such thing.
When you make these declarations, you have a specific and well-under-
ito#d allusion to an assumed Constitutional right of yours to take 8lav€«
nto the Federal Territories, and to hold them there as property. But LO
Buch right is specifically written in the Constitution. That instrument ii
literally silent about any such right. We, on the contrary, deny that
Buch a right has any existence in the Constitution, even by implication.
Your purpose, then, plainly stated, is, that you will destroy the Gov-
ernment unless you be allowed to construe and enforce the Constitution
83 you please on all points in dispute between you and us. You will rule
or ruin, in all events.
This, plainly stated, is your language. Perhaps you will say the &u-
^rome Court has decided the disputed Constitutional question in your
favor. Not quite so. But, waiving the lawyer's distinction between dic-
tum and decision, the Court have decided the question for you in a sdrt
of way. The Court have substantially said, it is your Constitutional righ*
to take slaves into the Federal Territories, and to hold them there as
Droperty. When I say the decision was made in a sort of way, I mean it
was made in a divided Court, by a bare majority of the judges, and they
not quite agreeing with one another in the reasors? for making it; that it
is so made as that its avowed supporters disagree with one another about
its meaning, and that it was mainly based upon a mistaken statement of
fact — the statement in the opinion that "the right of property in a slave
is distinctly and expressly afiBrmed in the Constitution."
An inspection of the Constitution will show that the right of property
In a slave is not ^^ distinctly and expressly affirmed " in it. Bear in mind,
the judges do not pledge their judicial opinion that such right is implied
State Papers of Abraham LmcoLH. 97
ly atormed in the Constitution ; but they pledge their veracitj that it ii
^•distinctly and expressly'''' affirmed there — "distinctly," that ia, not
miiigled with any thing else — "expressly," that is, in words meaning just
that, without the aid of any inference, and susceptible of no other meaning.
Il they had only pledged their judicial opinion that such right ii
affi/med in the instrument by implication, it would be open to others to
■how that neither the word "slave" nor "slavery" is to be found in the
Cc>nstitution, nor the word "property" even, in any connection with Ian
guage alluding to the things slave or slavery, and that wherever in that
inutruinent the slave is alluded to, he is called a " person;" — and wlier-
ever his master's legal right in relation to him is alluded to, it is spoken
of as " service or labor which may be due," — as a debt payable in service
or labor. Also, it would be open to show, by contemporaneous history,
that this mode of alluding to slaves and slavery, instead of speaking of
them, was employed on purpose to exclude from the Constitution the
idea that there could be property in man.
To show all this, is easy and certain.
When this obvious mistake of the judges shall be brought to their no-
tice, is it not reasonable to expect that they will withdraw the mistaken
statement, and reconsider the conclusion based upon it ?
And then it is to be remembered that " our fathers, who framed tly»
Government under which we live" — the men •who made the ConstitntiOK
— decided this same Constitutional question in our favor, long ago —
decided it without division among themselves, when making the decisioa ;
without division among themselves about the meaning of it after it waa
made, and, so far as any evidence is left, without basing il upon any mis-
taken statement of facts.
Under all these circumstances, do you really feel yourselves justified to
bleak up this Government, unless such a court decision as yours is shall
be at once submitted to as a conclusive and final rule of political action ?
But you will not abide the election of a Republican president! In that
supposed event, you say, you will destroy the Union ; and then, you oay
the great crime of having destroyed it will be \ipon us 1 That is cool. A
highwayman holds a pistol to my ear, and mutters through his teeth
" Stand and deliver, or I shaD kill you, and then you will be a murderer "
To be sure, what the robber demanded of me — my money — was r f
own ; and I had a clear right to keep it ; but it was no more my o n
than my vote is ray own ; and the threat of death to me, to extort ly
money, and the threat of destruction to the Union, to extort my ^ ie,
can scarcely be distinguished in principle.
A few words now to Republicans. It is exceediiigly desirable tJuit -til
parts of this great Confederacy shall he at peace, and in harmony ons
Viith another. Let us Bepuhlicansdo our part to have it so. Even thougTi
nuch provoJced, let us do nothing through passion and ill temper. £ken
*>hou4jh the southern people will not so much at listen to us, let us calanli^
f
98 The Life, Public ServiceSj an©
Bcnsid^r their demands, and yield to them if^ in our deliberate view ofovf
duty, tee possibly can. Judging by all they say and do, and by the sub-
ject and nature of their controversy with us, let us determine, if we oai>>
what will satisfy them.
Will they be satisfied if the Territories be unconditionally surrendered
to them? We know they will not. In all their present complaintu
against us, the Territories are scarcely mentioned. Invasions and insar-
rections are the rage now. Will it satisfy them if, in the future, we hav«
nothing to do with invasions and insurrections? We know it will not.
We so know, because we know we never had any thing to do with in-
vasions and insurrections ; and yet this total abstaining does not exempt
ns fi'ora the charge and the denunciation.
The question recurs, what will satisfy them ? Simply this : We must
not only let them alone, but we must, somehow, convince them that we
do let them alone. This, we know by experience, is no easy task. We
have been so trying to convince them from the very beginning of our or-
ganization, but with no success. In all our platforms and speeches we
have constantly protested our purpose to let them alone ; but this has had
no tendency to convince them. Alike unavailing to convince them is the
fact that they have never detected i man of us in any attempt to disturb
them.
These natural and apparently adequate means all failing, what will con
vince them ? This, and this only : cease to call slavery wrong, and join
them in calling it right. And this must be done thoroughly — done in
acts as well as in words. Silence will not be tolerated — we must place
ourselves avowedly with them. Senator Douglas's ncAV sedition law must
be enacted and enforced, suppressing all declarations that slavery \a
wrong, whether made in politics, in presses, in pulpits, or in private.
We must arrest and return their fugitive slaves with greedy pleasura.
We mu'jt pull down our Free State constitutions. The whole atmosphere
must be disinfected from all taint of opposition to slavery, before they
will cease to believe that all their troubles proceed from us.
I am quite aware thoy do not state their case precisely in this way.
Most of them would probably say to us, " T/et us alone, do nothing to us,
my what you please about slavery." But we do let them alone —
e never disturbed them — so that, after all, it is what we say which
iissatisfif^ them. They wiU continue to accuse us of doing, until we
oease saying.
I am also aware they have not as yet, in terms, demanded the over
throw of our Free State Constitutions. Yet those Constitutions declara
the wrong of slavery, with more solemn emphasis than do all other
•ayings against it; and when all these other sayings shall have been
iilenced, the overthrow of these Constitutions will be demanded, and
nothing be left to resist the demand. It is nothing to the contrary, that
they do not demand the whole of this just now. Demanding what the;
State Papers of Abraham Lincoln. 99
do, aad for the reason they do, they can volnntarilj stop nowhere short
of this consummation. Holding, as they do, that slavery is morally
right, and socially elevating, they cannot cease to demand a full national
recognition of it, as a legal right and a social blessing.
Nor can we justifiably withhold this on any ground save our conviction
that slavery is wrong. If slavery is right, all words, acts, laws, and con-
stitutions against it are themselves wrong, and should be silenced and
Bwept away. If it is right, we cannot justly object to its nationality — its
universality ; if it is wrong, they cannot justly insist upon its extension —
its enlargement. All they ask we could readily grant, if we thought
slavery right ; all we ask they could as readily grant, if they thought it
wrong. Their thinking it right, and oar thinking it wrong, is the precise
fact upon which depends the whole controversy. Thinking it right, as
they do, they are wot to blame for desiring its full recognition, as being
right ; but, thinking it wrong, as we do, can we yield to them ? Can we
cast our votes with their view, and against our own ? In view of our
moral, social, and political responsibilities, can we do this?
Wrong as we think slavery is, we can yet afford to let it alone where it
is, because that much is duo to the necessity arising from its actual pres-
ence in the nation ; but can we, while our votes wiU prevent it, allow it
to spread into the National Territories, and to overrun us here ia these
Free States ? If our sense of duty for?,iids this, then let us stand by our
duty, fearlessly and effectively. Let us be diverted by none of those so-
phistical contrivances wherewith we are so industriously plied and bela-
bored— contrivances such as groping for some middle ground between the
right and the wrong, vain as the search for a man who should be neither
a living man nor a dead man — such as a policy of " don't care" on a
question about which all true men do care — such as Union appeals be-
seeching true Union men to yield to Disunionists, reversing the divine
rule, and calling, not the sinners, but the righteous to repentance — such
as invocations to Washington, imploring men to unsay what Washington
said, and undo what Washington did.
Neither let us be slandered from our duty by false accusations againat
ns, nor frightened from it by menaces of destruction to the Government
nor of dungeons to ourselves. Let its havb faith that Eight makss
Might, and in that faith let us, to the enDj daee to do otje duty ab
WK undebstand it.
The pre-eminent ability displayed in this address, com-
pelled the people of the Middle and Eastern States to
acknowledge that Mr. Lincoln was not only one of the
foremost men of the West, "but of the whole country, and
this estimate was confirmed by the speeches which he
subsequently delivered in Connecticut, Rhode Island, and
100 The Life, Pl bug Services, and
New Hampsliire. Indeed, it is no exaggeration to state
tiiat tlie joint effect of these efforts — more particularly hia
speech at Cooper Institute — and of his debates with Mr.
Douglas, was to make Mr. Lincoln decidedly the second
choice of the great body of the Republicans of New
York, as the candidate of the Republican party for the
campaign of 1860.
Some incidents of this visit to New York, illustrate the
simplicity and earnestness of the character of our late
President so forcibly, that they are well deserving being
placed on record. A prominent member of the Young
Men's Republican' Association, who was thrown much
in Mr. Lincoln's company during his brief stay, writes :
During the day, before the delivery of the address, a friend of Mr.
Lincoln called at the Astor House, where he was staying, and suggested that
the orator should be taken up Broadway and shown the city, of which he
knew but little, stating, I think, that he had been here but once before. We
accompanied him to several large establishments, with all of which he
seemed much amused.
At one place he met an Illinois acquaintance of former years, to whom
he said, in his dry, good-natured way : " Well, B., how have you fared
since you left Illinois?" To which B. replied, " I have made one hundred
thousand dollars and lost it all; how is it with you, Mr. Lincoln ?" " Oh,
very well," said Mr. Lincoln ; "I have the cottage at Springfield and about
$3,000 in money. If they make me Vice-President with Seward, as some
say they will, I hope I shall be able to increase it to $20,000, and that is
as much as any man ought to want."
We visited a photographic establishment upon the corner of Broadway
and Bleecker street, where he sat for his picture, the first taken in New
York. At the gallery he met and was introduced to George Bancroft,
and had a brief conversation with that gentleman, who welcomed him to
New York. The contrast in the appearance of the men wa*: most striking
— the one courtly and precise in his every word and gesture, with the air
of a trans- Atlantic statesman ; the other bluff and awkward, his every
utterance an apology for his ignorance of metropolitan manners and cus-
toms. " I am on my way to Massachusetts," said he to Mr. Banca-oft,
*' where I have a son at school, who, if report be true, already knows
much more than his father."
A teacher at the Five Points House of Industry tells
this touching incident, which doubtless transpired during
the same visit :
State Papers of Abhaham Lincoln. 101
Onf Sunday School in the Five Points was assembled, one Sabbath
morning, when I noticed a tall, remarkablo looking man enter the room
and take a seat among us. He listened with fixed attention to our exer-
cises, and his countenance expressed such genuine interest that I ap-
proaclied, him and suggested that he might be willing to say something to
the children. He accepted the invitation with evident pleasure ; and,
coming forward, began a simple address, which at once fascinated every
little hearer and hushed the room into silence. His language was stri
kingly beautiful, and his tones musical with intensest feeling. The little
faces around him would droop into sad conviction as he uttered sentences
of warning, and would brighten into sunshine as he spoke cheerful worda
of promise. Once or twice he attempted to close his remarks but tho
imperative shout of '* Go on!" "Oh, do go on!" would compel him to
resume. As I lucked upon the gaunt and sinewy frame of the stranger,
and marked his powerful head and determined features, now touched into
softness by the impressions of the moment, I felt an irrepressible curiosity
to learn something more about him, and when he was quietly leaving the
room I begged to know his name. He courteously replied, *' It is Abraham
Lincoln, from Hlinois."
The following letter, written during this same period,
in reply to an invitation to attend a festival in honor of
the anniversary of Jefferson's birthday, given by the
Republicans of Boston, is thoroughly characteristic of
Mr. Lincoln in the quaint humor of its illustration :
BPRtNGFTKLD, Illwois, April 6, 1859.
Gentlmten : — Your kind note inviting me to attend a festival in Boston
on the 13th instant, in honor of the birthday of Thomas Jefferson, wai
duly received. My engagements are such that I cannot attend. ....
The Democracy of to-day hold the liberty of one man to be absolutely
nothing, when in conflict with another man's right of property. Repub-
licans, on the contrary, are both for the man and the dollar^ but, in case
of conflict, the man tejore the dollar.
I remember being once much amused at seeing two partially intoxi-
cated men engaged in a fight with their great-coats on, which fight, after
a long and rather harmless contest, ended in each having fought himself
out of his own coat, and into that of the other. If the two leading par-
ties of this day are really identical with the two in the days of Jeffersou
and Adams, they have performed the same feat as the two drunken men.
But, soberly, it is now no child's play to save the principles of Jeffer-
BvG from total overthrow in this nation. . . . This is a world of
\ f ompensations ; and he who would be no slave, must consent to hwte no
s'ave. Those who deny freedom to others, deserve it not for themselves ;
ard- under fe ^ ast God, cannot long retain it.
102 The Life, Public Services, and
All horiwr to Jefferson ; to a man who, in the concrete p^essur** of a
etraggle for national independence by a single people, had tne coolness,
forecast, and capacity to introduce into a merely revolutionary doca-
ment an abstract truth, applicable to all men and all times, and so tc
embalm it there, that to-day and in all coming days it shaD he a rebuke
and a stumbling-block to the harbingers of reappearing tyranny and
oppression.
Your obedient servant,
A. Lincoln.
Messrs. 11. L. Pierce, and others, etc.
But we turn from this episode to resume the formal
record of Mr. Lincoln' s political career.
The Republican National Convention of 1860 met on the
16th of May, at Chicago, in an immense building which
the peoj)le of that city had put up for the purpose, called
the Wigwam. There were four hundred and sixty -five
delegates. The city was filled with earnest men, who
had come there to press the claims of their favorite can-
didates, and the halls and corridors of all the hotels
swarmed and buzzed with an eager crowd, in and out of
which darted or pushed or wormed their way the various
leaders of party politics. Mr. Chase, Mr. Bates, and Mr.
Cameron were spoken of and pressed somewhat as candi-
dates, but from the first it was evident that the contest
lay between Mr. Seward and Mr. Lincoln.
Judge W ilmot, of Pennsylvania, was chosen temporary
Chairman of the Convention, and in the afternoon of the
first day a permanent organization was efiected, by the
choice of George Ashmun, of Massachusetts, as presi-
dent, with twenty- seven vice-presidents and twenty -five
secretaries. On Thursday, the 17th, the Committee on
Resolutions reported the platform, which was enthusiasti-
cally adopted. A motion was made to proceed to the
nomination at once, ^nd if that had been done the result
of the Convention nii^ht have proved very difierent, as
at that time it was thought that Mr. Seward's chances
were the best. But an aajournment was taken till the
morning, and during the ni^>t the combinations were
made which resulted in the noiiii:iation of Mr. Lincoln.
The excitement of the Convention ai^J of the audience on
State Papers of Abraham Lincoln. 103
the morning of Friday was intense. The Illinoisans had
turned out in great numbers, zealous for Lincoln ; and
though the other States, near and far, had sent many men
who were equally zealous for Mr. Seward, it was quite
clear that Mr. Lincoln's supporters were in the majority
in the audience. The first ballot gave Mr. Seward one
hundred and seventy-three and a half votes to one hun-
dred and two for Mr. Lincoln, the rest being scattered.
On the second ballot the first indication of the result was
felt, when the chainnan of the Vermont delegation, which
had been divided on the previous ballot, announced,
when the name of that State was called, that ''Vermont
casts her ten votes for the young giant of the West,
Abraham Lincoln." On the second ballot, Mr. Seward
had one hundred and eighty-four and a half to one hun
dred and eighty-one for Mr. Lincoln, and on the third bal
lot Mr, Lincoln received two hundred and thirty votes, be-
ing within one and a half of a majority. The vote was not
announced, but so many everywhere had kept the count
that it was known throughout the Convention at once.
Mr. Carter, of Ohio, rose and announced a change in the
vote of the Ohio delegation of four votes in favor of Mr.
Lincoln, and the Convention at once burst into a state
of the wildest excitement. The cheers of the audience
within were answered by those of a yet larger crowd
without, to whom the result was announced. Cannon
roared, and bands played, and banners waved, and the
excited Republicans of Chicago cheered themselves
hoarse, while on the wings of electricity sped all over
the country the news of Mr. Lincoln' s nomination, to be
greeted everywhere with similar demonstrations. It was
long before the Convention could calm itself enough to
j»roceed to business. When it did, other States changed
their votes in favor of the successful nominee, until it
was announced, as the result of the third ballot, that
Abraham Lincoln, of Illinois, had received three hun-
dred and fifty -four votes, and was nominated by the Re-
publican party for the office of President of the United
States. The nomination was then, on the motion of Mr.
104 The LirE, Public Sek vices, and
Evarts, of New York, made unanimous, and the Conven-
tion adjourned till tlie afternoon, when they completed
their work by nominating Hannibal Hamlin for Yice-
President.
Mr. Lincoln was at Springfield at the time. He had
been in the telegraph-office during the casting of the first
and second ballots, but then left, and went over to the
office of the State Journal, where he was sitting convers-
ing with friends while the third ballot was being taken.
In a few moments came across the wires the announce-
ment of the result. The Superintendent of the Telegraph
Company, who was present, wrote on a scrap of paper,
"Mr. Lincoln: You are nominated on the third ballot,"
and a boy ran with the message to Mr. Lincoln. He
lookod at it in silence amid the shouts of those around
him; then rising and putting it in his pocket, he said
quietly, "There's a little wcman down at our house
would like to hear this — I'll go down and tell her."
Next day there arrived at Springfield the committee
appointed by the Convention to inform Mr. Lincoln
officially of his nomination. They waited upon him at
his residence, and Mr. Ashmi^n, President of the Conven
tion, addressing Mr. Lincoln, ?aid :
I have, sir, the honor, in behalf of the gentlemen who are present —
a Committee appointed by the Republican Convention recently assembled
at Chicago — to discbarge a must pleasant duty. We have come, sir,
under a vote of instructions to that Committer, to notify you that ^on
have been selected by the Convention of the Republicans at Chicago for
Presidsiit of the United States. They instruct na, sir, to notify you of
that selection, and that Committee deem it not only respectful to yourself,
but appropriate to the important matter which they have in hand, that
they should come in person, and present to you the authentic evidence of
the action of that Convention ; and, sir, without any phrase which shall
either be considered personally plauditory to yourself, or which shall hav<)
any reference to the principles involved in the questions which are oon- ''l
nected with your nomination, I desire to present to you the letter which i
has been prepared, and which informs you of your nominatn^n. and with I
it the platform resolutions and sentiments which the Convention adopted.
Sir at your convenience we shall be glad to recwve from you such a re^
eponse as it may be your pleasure to give us>
1
State Papers of Abraham Lincoln. 105
Mr. Lincoln listened to tliis address v, itli a degree of
grave dignity tliat almost wore the appearance of sadness,
and after a brief pause, in wliicli he seemed to be ponder-
ing the momentous responsibilities of his position, he
replied : —
Mr. Chaieman and Gentlemen of the Committee : — I tender to you,
and tlirough you to the Republican National Convention, and all the people
represented in it, my profoundest thanks for the high honor done me,
which you now formally announce. Deeply, and even painfully sensible
of the great responsibility which is inseparable from this high honor — a
responsibility which I could almost wish had fallen upon some one of the
far more eminent men and experienced statesmen whose distinguished
names were before the Convention — I shall, by your leave, consider more
fully the resolutions of the Convention, denominated the platform, and,
without any unnecessary or unreasonable delay, respond to you, Mr.
Chairman, in writing, not doubting that the platform will be found satis-
factory, and the nomination gratefully accepted.
And now I will not longer defer the pleasure of taking you, and each of
you, by the hand.
Tall Judge Kelly, of Pennsylvania, who was one of the
committee, and who is himself a great many feet high, had
meanwhile been eying Mr. Lincoln's lofty form with a
mixture of admiration, and possibly jealousy ; this had
not escaped Mr. Lincoln, and as he shook hands with the
judge he inquired, " What is your height !"
" Six feet three. What is yours, Mr. Lincoln ?"
^' Six feet four."
'' Then," said the judge, " Pennsylvania bows to Uli
nois. My dear man, for years my heart has been aching
for a President that I could look up to, and I've found him
at last in the land where we thought there were none but
little giants."
Mr. Lincoln' s formal reply to the official announcement
of his nomination was as follows : —
Spbinsheld, Illinois, May 28, 1860.
Sib : — I accept the nomination tendered me by the Convention over
which you presided, of which I am formally apprised in a letter of your-
self and others acting as a Committee (if the Convention for that pur-
pose. The declaration of principles and sentiir^nts which accompanies
your letter meets my approval, and it shall be my care not to violate it,
106 The Life, Public Services, and
or disregard it in any part. Imploring the assistance of Divine Provi*
dence, and with due regard to the views and feelings of all who were
represented in the Convention, to the rights of all the States and Territories
and people of the nation, to the inviolability of the Constitution, and the
perpetual union, harmony, and prosperity of all, I am most happy to co-
operate for the practical success of the principles declared by the Con-
vention. Your obliged friend and fellow-citizen,
Abraham LmooLN.
Hon. George Ashmttn,
President of the Republican Convention
Mr. Lincoln' s nomination proved universally acceptable
to the Republican party. Its members recognized in him
a man of firm principles, of ardent love for freedom, of
strict integrity and truth, and they went into the political
contest with a zeal and enthusiasm which was the guaran-
tee of victory ; while the doubt and uncertainty, the
divided counsels and wavering purposes of their oppo-
nents were the sure precursors of defeat.
His nomination was the signal to the leaders of the
slaveholders' party for pressing upon the Democratic Con-
vention their most ultra views, that by the division of the
Democratic forces the victory of Mr. Lincoln might be
assured, and the pretext afi'orded them for carrying into
execution the plot against the liberties of the country
which they had been for so many years maturing. That
they would dare to carry their threat of rebellion into exe-
cution, was not believed at the North. If it had bsei;,
while it might have frightened away some votes from Mr.
Lincoln, it would have brought him substantial accs-
Bions from the ranks of those who, though following tho
Democratic banner, had not learned to disregard the good
old doctrine that the majority must rule, and who would
have rushed to its rescue, if they had believed that it was
really threatened. The vote which he received on Novem-
ber 6, 1860, was that of a solid phalanx of earnest men,
who had resolved that freedom should henceforth be
national, and that slavery should remain as the framers of
thft n^Tistitution intended that it should remain
State Papers of Abraham Lincoln. 107
CHAPTER IV.
PROM THE ELECTION, NOV. 6, I8G0, TO THE INAUGHRATION,
MARCH 4, 1861. \
The Presidential Election. — Secession of SouTn Caeollna. — Foema.
TION OF THE ReBEL CoNFEDEEAOY. TflE OBJECTS OF SECESSION. Sb-
CESSION Movements in Washington. — Debates in Congress. — Tna
OeITTENDEN EeSOLUTIONS. — CONCILIATOET AOTION OF CoNGEESS. ThB
Peace Confeeence. — Action of Oongeess. — The Secession Move-
ment Unchecked.
Abraham Li:n^coln was elected to be President of the
United States on the sixth day of November, 1860. The
preliminary canvass had not been marked by any very
extraordinary features. Party lines were a good deal
broken up, and four presidential candidates were in
the field ; but this departure from the ordinary course of
party contests had occurred more than once in the pre-
vious political history of the country. Mr. Lincoln was
put in nomination by the Rej)ublican party, and repre-
sented in his life and opinions the precise aim and object
for which that party had been formed. He was a native
of a slaveholding State ; and while he had been opposed
to slavery, he had regarded it as a local institution, the
creature of local laws, with which the National Govern-
ment of the United States had nothing whatever to do.
But, in common with all observant public men, he had
watched with distrust and apprehension the advance of
slavery, as an element of political power, towards ascend-
ency in the (rovernment of the nation, and had cordially
co-operated with those who thought it absolutely neces-
sary for the future well-being of the country that this
advance should be checked. He had, therefore, op-
posed very strenuously the extension of slavery into the
Territories, and had asserted the right and the duty of
Congress t^ exclude it by positive lesrialation there*
from.
108 The Life, Public Services, and
The Cliicago Convention, wliich nominated Mr. ^jin^
coin, adopted a platform of wliich this was the cardinal
feature ; but it also took good care to repel the imputa-
tion of its political opponents, and to remove the appre-
hensions of the South, that the party proposed to interfere
with slavery in the States whose laws gave it support
and protection. It expressly disavowed all authority
and all wish for such interference, and declared its pur-
pose to protect the Southern States in the free enjoyment
of all tlieir constitutional rights. The Democratic Con-
vention, originally assembled at Charleston, was disposed
to make Mr. Douglas its candidate in opposition to Mr.
Lincoln ; but this purpose was thwarted by leading pol-
iticians of the sldveholding States, who procured the
nomination of Mr. Breckinridge, with full knowledge of
the fact that this would divide the Democratic party, and
in all probability secure the election of Mr. Lincoln. Mr.
Breckinridge represented the pro-slavery element of the
Democratic party, and asserted the duty of the National
Government, by a positive exercise of its legislative and
executive jjower, to protect slavery in the Territories
against any legislation either of Co^igress or of the people
of the Territories themselves, which should seek to impair
in any degree the right, alleged to be recognized in the
Constitution, of property in slaves. Mr. Douglas sup-
ported the theory that the people of the Territories,
acting tnrough their territorial legislature, had the same
right to decide this question for themselves as they had
to decide any other ; and he represented this principle in '
opposition to Mr. Lincoln on the one hand, and Mr.
Breckinridge on the other, in the presidential canvas?.
John Bell, of Tennessee, was also made a candidate by
the action mainly of men who were dissatisfied with all
the existing political parties, and who were alarmed at
State Papers of Abraham Lincoln. 109
laws" as their platform, — one apon wliicli they could
easily have rallied all the people of all sections of the
country, but for the fact, which they seemed to overlook,
that the widest possible differences of opinion prevailed
among the people as to its meaning.
All sections of the country took part in the election.
I'he Southern States were quite as active and quite a
zealous as the Northern in carrying on the canvass
Public meetings were held, the newspaper press, South
as well as North, discussed the issues involved with
energy and vigor, and every thing on the surface indi-
cated the usual termination of the contest, the triumph of
one party and the peaceful acquiescence of all others.
The result, however, showed that this was a mistake.
The active and controlling politicians of the Southern
States had gone into the canvass with the distinct and
well-formed purpo^ of acquiescing in the result only in
the event of its g' 7ing them the victory. The election
took place on the 6th of November. Mr. Lincoln re-
ceived the electoral votes of all the Free States except
New Jersey, which was divided, giving him four votes
and Mr. Douglas three Mr. Breckinridge received the
electoral votes of all the Slave States except Kentucky,
Tennessee, and Virginia, which voted for Bell, and Mis-
souri, which voted for Douglas, as did three electors from
New Jersey also. Of the popular vote, Lincoln received
1,857,610; Douglas, 1,365,976 ; Breckinridge, 847,953 ;
and Bell, 590,631. In the Electoral College, Lincoln
received 180 votes, Douglas 12, Breckinridge 72, and
BeU 39.
As soon as the result of the election was known,
v^arious movements in the Southern States indicated their
purpose of resistance ; and it soon became evident that
this purpose had been long cherished, and that members
of the Government under the presidency of Mr. Buchanan
had officially given it their sanction and aid On the
29th of October, General Scott sent to the President and
John B. Floyd, his Secretary of War, a letter expressing
apprehensions lest the Southern people should seize soma
110 The Life, Public Services, and
of the Federal forts in the Southern States, and advising
that they should be immediately garrisoned by way of
precaution. The Secretary of War, according to state-
ments subsequently made by one of liis eulogists in
Virginia, ^'thwarted, objected, resisted, and forbade'-
the adoption of those measures, which, according to the
same authority, if carried into execution, would hav
defeated the conspiracy, and rendered impossible th
formation of a Southern Confederacy. An ojficial report
from the Ordnance Department, dated January 16, 1861,
also shows that during the year 1860, and previous to
the presidential election, one hundred and fifteen thou-
sand muskets had been removed from Northern armories
and sent to Southern arsenals by a single order of the
Secretary of War, issued on the 30th of December, 1859.
On the 20th of November, the Attorney General, Hon.
John S. Black, in reply to inquiries of the President,
gave him the ofiicial opinion that Congress had no right
to carry on war against any State, either to prevent a
threatened violation of the Constitution or to enforce an
acknowledgment that the Government of the United States
is supreme : and it soon became evident that the Presi-
dent adopted this theory as the basis and guide of his
executive action.
South Carolina took the lead in the secession movement.
Her legislature assembled on the 4th of November, 1860,
and, after casting the electoral vote of the State for John
C. Breckinridge to be President of the United States,
passed an act the next day calling a State Convention, to
meet at Columbia on the 17th of December. On the 10th,
P. W. Pickens was elected Governor, and, in his inaugu-
ral, declared the determination of the State to secede, on
the ground that, ' ' in the recent election for President and
Vice-President, the North had carried the election upon
principles that make it no longer safe for us to rely upon
the powers of the Federal Government or the guarantees
of the Federal compact. This," he added, "is the great
overt act of the people of the Northern States, who pro-
pose to inaugurate a chief magistrate not to preside ovei
State Papers of Abraham Lincoln. Ill
the common interests or destinies of all States alike, but
upon issues of malignant hostility and uncompromising
war to be waged upon the rights, the interests, and the
peace of half of the States of this Union." The Conven-
tion met on the 17th of December, and adjourned the next
day to Charleston, on account of the prevalence of small-
pox at Columbia. On the 20th an ordinance was passed
unanimously repealing the ordinance adopted May 23,
1788, whereby the Constitution of the United States was
ratified, and "dissolving the Union now subsisting be-
tween South Carolina and other States under the name of
the United States of America ;' ' and on the 24th the Gov-
ernor issued his proclamation, declaring the State of
South Carolina to be a "separate, sovereign, free, and
independent State."
This was the first act of secession passed by any State.
The debates in the State Convention show clearly enough
that it was not taken under the impulse of resentment for
any sharp and remediless wrong, nor in apprehension that
any such wrong would be inflicted ; but in pursuance of
a settled and long-cherished purpose. In that debate Mr.
Parker said that the movement was ' ^ no spasmodic effort
— it had been gradually culminating for a long series of
years." Mr. Inglis indorsed this remark, and added,
" Most of us have had this matter under consideration for
the last twenty years." Mr. L. M. Keitt said, "I have
been engaged in this movement ever since I entered polite
leal life." And Mr. Rhett, who had been for many years
in the public service, declared that "the secession of
South Carolina was not the event of a day. It is not,"
said he, "any thing produced by Mr. Lincoln's election,
or by the non- execution of the fugitive slave law. It
is a matter which has been gathering head for thirty years.
The election of Lincoln and Hamlin was the last straw on
the back of the camel. But it was not the only one. The
back was nearly broken before." So far as South Caro-
lina was concerned, there can be no doubt that her action
was decided by men who had been plotting disunion for
thirty years, not on account of any wrongs her people had
112 The Life, Public Services, and
sustained at the hands of the Federal Government, but
from motives of personal and sectional ambition, and for
the purpose of establishing a government which should be
permanently and completely in the interest of slavery.
But the disclosures which have since been made, imper-
fect comparatively as they are, prove clearly that the
wliole secession movement was in the hands of a few
•/onspirators, who had their head-quarters at the national
i.'.apital, and were themselves closely connected with the
(rovernment of the United States. A secret meeting of
these men was held at Washington on the night of the
5th of January, 1861, at which the Senators from Georgia,
Alabama, Louisiana, Arkansas, Texas, Mississippi, and
Florida were present. They decided, by resolutions, that
each of the Southern States should secede from the Union
as soon as possible ; that a convention of seceding States
should be held at Montgomery, Alabama, not later than
the 15th of February ; and that the Senators and Members
of Congress from the Southern States ought to remain in
their seats as long as possible, in order to defeat measures
that might be proposed at Washington hostile to the seces-
sion movement. Davis of Mississippi, Slidell of Louis-
iana, and Mallory of Florida, were appointed a com-
mittee to carry these decisions into effect ; and, in pursuance
of them, Mississippi passed an ordinance of secession
January 9th ; Alabama and Florida, January 11th ; Louis-
iana, January 26th, and Texas, February 5th. All these
acts, as well as all which followed, were simply the execu-
tion of the behests of this secret conclave of conspirators
who had resolved upon secession. In all the conventions
of the seceding States, delegates were appointed to meet
at Montgomery. In not one of them was the question of
secession submitted to a vote of the people ; although in
8ome of them the legislatures had expressly forbidden
them to pass any ordinance of secession without making
its validity depend on its ratification by the popular vote.
The Convention met at Montgomery on the 4th of Febru-
ary, and adopted a provisional constitution, to continue
in operation for one year. Under this constitution Jeffer
State Papers of Abraham Lincoln. 115
son Davis was elected President of the new Confederacy,
and Alex. H. Stephens, of Georgia, Vice-President. Both
were inaugurated on the 18th. In an address delivered on
his arrival at Montgomery, Mr. Davis declared that *'the
time for compromise has now passed, and the South is
determined to maintain her position, and make all who
oppose her smell Southern powder and feel Southerp
steel,, if coercion is persisted in." He felt sure of the
result ; it might be they would ' ' have to encounter incon-
veniences at the beginning," but he had no doubts of the
final issue. The first part of his anticipation has been
fully realized ; the end has hardly proved to be as peace-
ful and satisfactory as he predicted.
The policy of the new Confederacy towards the United
States was soon officially made known. The government
decided to maintain the status quo until the expiration of
Mr. Buchanan's term, feeling assured that, with his de-
clared belief that it would be unconstitutional to coerce a
State, they need apprehend from his administration no
active hostility to their designs. They had some hope
that, by the 4th of March, their new Confederacy would
be so far advanced that the new Administration might
waive its purpose of coercion ; and they deemed it wise
not to do any thing which should rashly forfeit the favor
and support of "that very large portion of the North
whose moral sense was on their side." Nevertheless^ they
entered upon prompt and active preparations for war.
Contracts were made in various parts of the South for the
manufacture of powder, shell, cannon-balls, and other
munitions of war. Recruiting was set on foot in several
of the States. A plan was adopted for the organization
of a regular army of the Confederacy, and on the 6th of
March Congress passed an act authorizing a military force
of one hundred thousand men.
Thus was opened a new chapter in the history of Amer*
ica. Thus were taken the first steps towards overthrow-
ing the Government and Constitution of the United States,
and establishing a new nation, with a new Constitution,
resting upon new principles, and aining at new resulta.
114 The Life, Public Services, ajnd
The Constitution of the United States was ordained **iB
order to form a more ]Derfect Union, establish justice, in-
sure domestic tranquillity, provide for the common defence,
promote the general welfare, and secure the blessings of
Liberty to ourselves and our posterity." We have the
clear and explicit testimony of A. H. Stephens, the Vice-
President of the rebel Confederacy, echoing and reaffirm
ing that of the whole civilized world to the fact, tha
these high and noble objects — the noblest and the grandest
at which human institutions can aim — have been more
nearly attained in the practical working of the Govern-
ment of the United States than anywhere else on the face
of the earth. " I look upon this country, with our insti-
tutions," said Mr. Stephens before the legislature of
Georgia, on the 14th of November, 1860, after the result
of the presidential election was known, " as the Eden of
the world, the paradise of the universe. It may be that
out of it we may become greater and more prosperous,
but I am candid and sincere in telling you that I fear, if
we rashly evince passion, and without sufficient cause
shall take that step, that instead of becoming greater, oi
more peaceful, prosperous, and happy — instead of becom
ing gods we will become demons, and at no distant day
commence cutting each other's throats." Mr. Stephens
on that occasion went on, in a strain of high patriotism
and common sense, to speak of the proposed secession of
the State of Georgia, in language which will forever stand
as a judicial condemnation of the action of the rebel States.
' ' The first question that presents itself, ' ' said Mr. Stephens,
^' is, shall the people of the South secede from the Unioij
in consequence of the election of Mr. Lincoln to the Presi
dency of the United States ? My countrymen, I tell you
candidly, frankly, and earnestly, that I do not think that
tiiey ought. In my judgment the election of no man, con-
stitutionally chosen to that high office, is sufficient cause
for any State to separate from the Union. It ought to
stand by and aid still in maiataining the Constitution of
the country. To make a ])oint of resistance to the gov-
ernment, to withdraw from it because a man has been
State Papers of Abraham Lincoln. 115
constitutionally elected, puts us in the wrong. * * We
went into tlie election with this people. The result was
different from what we wished ; but the election has been
constitutionally held. Were we to make a point of resist-
ance to the Government, and go out of the Union on this
account, the record would be made up hereafter against
as.' I
After the new confederacy had been organized, and Mr.
Stephens had been elected its Vice-President, he made an
elaborate speech to the citizens of Savannah, in which he
endeavored to vindicate this attempt to establish a new
government in place of the government of the United
States, and to set forth the new principles upon which it
was to rest, and which were to justify the movement in
the eyes of the world and of impartial posterity. That
exposition is too important to be omitted here. It is the
most authoritative and explicit statement of the character
and objects of the new government which has ever been
made. Mr. Stephens said : —
" The new constitution has put at rest forever all agitating questions
relating to our peculiar institutions — African slavery, as it exists among
ug — the proper status of the negro in our form of civilization. This was
the immediate cause of the late rupture and present revolution. Jeffer-
son, in his forecast, had anticipated this, as the ' rock upon which the old
Union would split.' He was right. What was conjecture with him, is
now a realized fact. But whether he fully comprehended the great
truth upon which that rock stood and stands, may be doubted. The
prevailing ideas entertained by him, and most of the leading statesmen at
the time of the formation of the old Constitution, were, that the enslave-
ment of the African was in violation of the laws of nature ; that it was
wrong in principle, socially, morally, and politically. It was an evil they
knew not well how to deal with ; but the general opinion of the men of
that day was, that, somehow or other, in the order of Providence, the
institution would be evanescent and pass away. This idea, though not
incorporated in the Constitution, was the prevailing idea at the time.
The Constitution, it is true, secured every essential guarantee to the insti
tution while it should last, and hence no argument can be justly used
against the constitutional guarantees thus secured, because of the com-
mon sentiment of the day. Those ideas, however, were fundamentally
wrong. They rested upon the assumption of the equality of races. This
was an error. It was a sandy foundation, and the idea of a government
116 The Life, Public Services, and
built upon it was wrong — when the ' storm came and the wind tlew, it
fell.'
"Our new government is founded upon exactly the opposite ideas; its
foundations are laid, its corner-stone rests, upon the great truth that tte
negro is not equal to the white man ; that slavery, subordination to tlie
superior race, is his natural and normal condition. This, our new govern-
ment, is the first in the history of the world, based upon this great physi-
cal, philosophical, and moral truth. This truth has been slow in the pi i-
cess of its development, like all other truths in the various departments
of science. It is even so amongst us. Many who hear me, perhaps, can
recollect well that this truth was not generally admitted even within their
day. The errors of the past generation still clung to many as late as
twenty years ago. Those at the North who still cling to these errors
with a zeal above knowledge, we justly denominate fanatics. All fanat-
icism springs from an aberration of the mind; from a defect in reasoning.
It is a species of insanity. One of the most striking characteristics of
insanity, in many instances, is forming correct conclusions from fancied
or erroneous premises ; so with the anti-slavery fanatics ; their conclusions
are right if their premises are. They assume that the negro is equal, and
hence conclude that he is entitled to equal privileges and rights with the
white man. If their premises were correct, their conclusions would be
logical and just; but their premises being wrong, their whole argument
fails. I recollect once of having heard a gentleman from one of the
Northern States, of great power and ability, announce in the House of
Representatives, with imposing effect, that we of the South would be com-
pelled, ultimately, to yield upon this subject of slavery; that it was as
impossible to war successfully against a principle in politics, as it was in
physics or raeciianics; that the principle would ultimately prevail; that
we, in maintaining slavery as it exists with us, were warring against a
principle — a principle founded in nature, the principle of the equality of
man. The reply 1 made to him was, that upon his own grounds we
should succeed, and that he and his associates in their crusade against
our institutions would ultimately fail. The truth announced, that it was
as impossible to war successfully against a principle in politics as it was
in physics or mechanics, I admitted, but told him that it was he and
those acting with him who were warring against a principle. Tbey
were attempting to make things equal which the Creator had made
unequal.
"In the conflict thus far, success has been on our side, complete
throughout the length and breadth of the Confederate States. It is upon
this, as I have stated, our social fabric is firmly planted , and I cannot
pei'mit myself to doubt the ultimate success of a full recognition of this
principle throughout the civilized and enlightened v/orld."
We have thus traced the course of events in the South-
ern StateB during tlie tt^-.^ ^^ouths that succeeded the
State Papers of Abraham Lincoln. 11''
election of President Lincoln. Let us now see what took
place in Washington during the same time. Congress met
on the 3d of December, and the Message of President
Buchanan was at once sent in. That document ascribed
the discontent of the Southern States to the alleged fact
that the violent agitation in the North against slavery had
created disaffection among the slaves, and created appre-
hensions of servile insurrection. The President vindicated
the hostile action of the South, assuming that it was
prompted by these apprehensions ; but went on to show
that there was no right on the part of any State to secede
from the Xlninu. while at the same time he contended that
the General b-uvernment had no right to make war on any
State for the purpose of preventing it from seceding, and
closed this portion of his Message by recommending an
amendment of the Constitution which should explicitly
recognize the right of property in slaves, and provide for
the protection of that right in all the Territories of the
United States. The belief that the people of South Caro-
lina would make an attempt to seize one or more of the
forts in the harbor of Charleston, created considerable
unefl siness at Washington ; and on the 9th of December
the representatives from that State wrote to the President
expressing their "strong convictions" that no such at-
tempt would be made previous to the action of the State
Convention, ^'promded that no re-enforcements should
be sent into those forts, and their relative military status
ehall remain as at present." On the 10th of December
liowell Cobb resigned his office as Secretary of the Treas-
ury, and on the 14th General Cass resigned as Secretary
of State. The latter resigned because the President
i'*:fased to re-enforce the forts in the harbor of Charleston.
On the 20th the State of South Carolina passed the ordi-
nance of secession, and on the 26th Major Anderson trans-
ferred his garrison from Fort Moultrie to Fort Sumter.
On the 29th John B. Floyd resigned his office as Secretary
of War, alleging that the action of Major Anderson was
in violation of pledges given by the Government that the
military status of the forts at Charleston should remain
118 The Life, Public Services, and
unclianged, and that the President had declined to allow
him to issue an order, for which he had applied on the
27th, to withdraw the garrison from the harbor of Charles-
ton. On the 29t]i of December, Mf?ssrs. Barnwell, Adams,
and Orr arrived at Washington, as commissioners from
the State of South Carolina, and at once opened a corre-
spondence with President Buchanan, asking for the deliv-
ery of the forts and other government property at Charles-
ton to the authorities of South Carolina. The President
replied on the 30th, reviewing the whole question — stating
that in removing from Fort Moultrie, Major Anderson
acted solely on his own responsibility, and that his first
impulse on hearing of it was to order him to return, but
that the occupation of the fort by South Carolina Lnd the
seizure of the arsenal at Charleston had rendered this
impossible. The commissioners replied on the 1st of
January, 1861, insisting that the President had pledged
himself to maintain the status of affairs in Charleston
harbor previous to the removal of Major Anderson from
Fort Moultrie, and calling on him to redeem this pledge.
This communication the President returned.
On the 8th of January, the President sent a message to
Congress, calling their attention to the condition of public
afiairs, declaring that while he had no right to make ag-
gressive war upon any State, it was his right and his
duty to "use military force defensively against those who
resist the Federal officers in the execution of their legal
functions, and against those who assail the property of
the Federal Government ;' — but throwing the whole re-
sponsibility of meeting the extraordinary emergencies of
the occasion upon Congress. On the same day, Jacob
Thompson, of Mississippi, resigned his office as Secretary
of the Interior, because the Stiir of the West had been
sent on the 5th, by order of the Government, with sup-
plies for Fort Sumter, in violation, as he alleged, of the
decision of the cabinet. On the 10th, P. F. Thomas, of
Maryland, who had replaced HoweU Cobb as Secretary
of the Treasury, resigned, and was succeeded by General
John A. Dix, of New York.
State Papers ot Abkaham Lincoln. 119
The debates and the action of Congress throughout the
session related mainly to the questions at issue between
the two sections. The discussion opened on the 3d of
December, as soon as the President's Message had been
read. The Southern Senators generally treated the elec-
tion of the previous November as having been a virtual
decision against the equality and rights of the slavehold
ing States. The Kepublican members disavowed this con-
struction, and proclaimed their willingness to adopt any
just and proper measures which would quiet the appre-
hensions of the South, while they insisted that the
authority of the Constitution should be maintained, and
the constitutional election of a President should be re-
spected. At the opening of the session, Mr. Powell, of
Kentucky, in the Senate, moved the reference of that
portion of the President' s Message which related to the
sectional difficulties of the country, to a select committee
of thirteen. This resolution being adopted, Mr. Critten
den immediately afterwards introduced a series of joint
resolutions, embodying what came to be known after-
wards as the Critivenden Compromise — proposing to sub-
mit to the acdo(! kA' the people of the several States the
following ameij^-lments to the Constitution : —
1. Prohibiting siavtry- iu all the territory of the United States north of
^•6° 30', and protecting it as property in all territory south of that line ;
and admitting into the Onion, with or without slavery, as its Constitution
might provide, any Stats rhat might be formed out of such territory,
whenever its popaiaiion should be sufficient to entitle it to a oember of
Congress.
2. Prohibiting Congress from abolishing slavery in places under iti
exclusive jarisdicti on v^ithin Slave States.
3. Prohibiting Cong: ess from abolishing slavery within the District of
Columbia, so long as slavery should exist in Virginia or Maryland; or
without the consent of the inhabitants, or without just compensatioii to
the owners.
4. Prohibiting Congress from hindering the transportation of slaves
from one State to another, or to a Territory in which slavery is allowed-
5. Providing that where a fugitive slave is lost to his owner by violent
resistance to the execution of the process of the law for his recovery, the
xmited States shall pay to said ow ner his full value, and may recover the
ga»A frcixa the county in which such rescue occurred
120 The Life, Pullic Servicfs. and
6. These provisions were declared to be unchangeable by any future
amendment of the Constitution, as were also the existing articles relating
to the representation of slaves and the surre^'^'r of ^rgitives.
Besides these proposed amendments of tlie Oonstitatioii,
Mr Crittenden's resolutions embod^.ed c?:.'lain declara-
tions m affirmance of the constitutior.al.oy and binding
force of the fugitive slave law — recoinineiiuii:^ the repeal
by the States of all bills, the effect of wluoli ivas to
hinder the execution of that law, pr:>pG3iri:{ to amend it
by equalizing its fees, and urging the effif -knai ♦*xe(^ution
of the law for the suppression of the Afn^^ii. dsiVf»-trade.
These resolutions were referred to the Comfluittee of
Thirteen, ordered on Mr. Powell' s motion, snd composed
of the following senators : —
Messrs. Powell, Hunter, Crittenden, Seward, Toombs, Douglas, Oolla-
mer, Davis, Wade, Bigler, Rice, Doolittle, and Grimes.
On the 31st of December, this ccci:rilt. e reported that
they " had not been able to agree npcn any general plan
of adjustment." The whole STibjset was nevertheless
discussed over and over again during vie residue cf the
session ; but no final action was taken nr+il the very day
of its close. On the 21st of January, iaicobrs. Yulee and
Mallory, of Florida, resigned their eeitts in the Senate,
because their State had passed an crlinance of secession ;
and on the 28th, Mr. Iverson, of Georcria, followed their
example. Messrs. Clay and Fitspatrick, of Alabama,
and Mr. Davis, of Mississippi, followed Dext, and, on the
4^h of February, Messrs. Slidell and 2>n>'6znin, of Louis-
iana, also took their leave.
In the House of Representatives the debates took the
same general direction as in the Senate. Oa the first day
of the session a resolution was adopted, \>v a vote of one
hundred and forty-five to thirty-eight, -.c refer so much
of the President' s Message as related tc ^;iie perilous con-
dition of the country, to a committee of one from each
State. This committee was appointed as follows, :• -
State Papers of Abraham Lincoln.
121
Corwin of Ohio.
Millson of Virginia.
Adams of Massachusetts.
Winslow of North Carolina.
Humphrey of New York.
Boyce of South Carolina.
Campbell of Pennuylvania.
Love of Georgia.
Ferry of Connecticut.
Davis of Maryland.
Robinson of Khode Island.
Whitely of Delaware.
Tappan of New Hampshire.
Stratton of New Jersey.
Bristow of Kentucky.
Morrill of Vermont.
Nelson of Tennessee.
Dunn of Indiana.
Taylor of Louisiana.
Davis of Mississippi.
Kellogg of Illincis.
Houston of Alabama.
Morse of Maine.
Phelps of Missouri.
Rust of Arkansas.
Howard of Michigan.
Hawkins of Florida.
Hamilton of Texas.
Washburn of Wisconsin.
Curtis of Iowa.
Birch of California.
Windom of Minnesota.
Stark of Oregon.
A great variety of resolutions were offered and referr«^d
to this committee. In a few days tlie committee reported
the following series of resolutions, and recommended
their adoption : —
Resolved hy the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States
of America in Congress assembled^ That all attempts on the parts of the
legislatures of any of the States to obstruct or hinder the recovery and
surrender of fugitives from service or labor, are in derogation of the Con-
stitution of the United States, inconsistent with the comity and good
neighborhood that should prevail among the several States, and danger-
ous to the peace of the Union.
Resolved^ That the several States be respectfully requested to cause
their statutes to be revised, with a view to ascertain if any of them are
in conflict with, or tend to embarrass or hinder the execution of, the laws
of the United States, made in pursuance of the second section of the fourth
article of the Constitution of the United States, for the delivering up of
persons held to labor by the laws of any State and escaping therefrom;
and the Senate and House of Representatives earnestly request that all
enactments having such tendency be forthwith repealed, as required by a
just sense of constitutional obligations, and by a due regard for the peace
of the Republic ; and the President of the United S*-«,tes is requested to
communicate these resolutions to the governors of the several States,
vvith a request that they will lay the same before th<» legislatures there f,
lespectively.
Resolved^ That we recognize slavery as now exiflting in fifteen of the
United States by the usages and laws of those States ; and we recognize
no authority, legally or otherwise, outside of a State where it so exiati^ to
122 The Life, Public Services, and
interfere with slaves or slavery in sucli States, in disregard of the rights
of their owners or the peace of society.
Resolved^ Tliat we recognize the justice and propriety of a faithful
execution of the Constitution, and laws made in pursuance thereof, on the
Bubject of fugitive slaves, or fugitives from service or labor, and discoun-
tenance all mobs or hindrances to the execution of such laws, and that
citizens of each State shall be entitled to all the privileges and immunities
of citizens in the several States.
Resolved^ That we recognize no such conflicting elements in its compo-
sition, or sufficient cause from any source, for a dissolution of this Gov-
ernment; that we were not sent here to destroy, but to sustain and
harmonize the institutions of the country, and to see that equal justice is
done to all parts of the same ; and, finally, to perpetuate its existence on
terms of equality and justice to all the States.
Resolved^ That a faithful observance, on the part of all the States, of
all their constitutional obligations to each other and to the Federal Gov-
ernment, is essential to the peace of the country.
Resolved^ That it is the duty of the Federal Government to enforce the
Federal laws, protect the Federal property, and preserve the Union of
these States.
Resolved^ That each State be requested to revise its statutes, and, if
necessary, so to amend the same as to secure, without legislation by Con-
gress, to citizens of other States travelling therein, the same protection as
citizens of such States enjoy ; and also to protect the citizens of other
States travelling or sojourning therein against popular violence or illegal
summary punishment, without trial in due form of law for imputed
crimes.
Resohed, That each State be also respectfully requested to enact soch
laws as will prevent and punish any attempt whatever in such State to
recognize or set on foot the lawless invasion of any other State O'" Terri-
tory.
Resohed, That the President be requested to transmit copies of the
foregoing resolutions to the Governors of the several States, with a requeet
tliat they be communicated to their respective legislatures.
These resolutions were intended and admirably cal-
culated to calm the apprehensions of the people of the
slaveholding States as to any disposition on the part of
the Federal Gfovernment to interfere with slavery, or
withhold from them any of their constitutional rights ;
and in a House controlled by a large Republican majority,
they were adopted by a vote of ayes one hundred and
thirty- six, noes fifty -three. Not content with this effort
to satisfy all just complaints on the part of the SouthOTn
State Papers of Abraham Lincoln. 123
States, the same committee reported the following resolu-
tion, recommending such an amendment of the Constitu-
tion as should put it forever out of the power of the
government or people of the United States to interfere
with slavery in any of the States : —
Be it resohed Jry the Senate and House of Representatives of the United
States of America in Congress assembled (two-thirds of both Houses con-
curring), That the following article be proposed to the legislatures of
the several States as an amendment to the Constitution of the United
States, which, when ratified by three-fourths of said legislatures, shall
be valid, to all intents and purposes, as a part of the said ConstitutJou,
namely :
Art. 12. No amendment shall be made to the Constitution which will
authorize, or give to Congress the power to abolish or interfere, witJliii
any State, with the domestic institutions thereo]^ including that of per-
sons held to labor or service by the laws of said State.
This resolution was adopted by a vote of one hundrel
and thirty-three to sixty-five — more than two-thirda iji
its favor. This closed the action of the House of Repre-
sentatives at this session on this important subject,
though it had previously adopted, by a unanimous votk*,
the following declaratory resolution : —
Resohed^ That neither the Federal Government nor the people, or the
governments of the non-slaveholding States, have the right to legislate
upon or interfere with slavery in any of the slaveholding States in the
Union.
The action of the Senate was somewhat modified by
the intervening action of a Peace Conference, which
assembled at Washington on the 4th of February, in
pursuance of a recommendation of the State of Virginia,
embodied in resolutions adopted by the General As-
sembly of that State on the 19th of January. It con-
sisted of delegates, one hundred and thirty-three in
number, from twenty-one States — none of those which
had seceded being represented. John Tyler, of Yirginia,
was appointed president, and a committt>e, consisting of
one from each State, was appointed, with authority to
'* report what they may deem right, necessary, and
proper, to restore harmony and preserve the Union."
124 The Life^ Public Services, and
On the IStli of February the committee reported a series
of resolutions, in seven sections, which were discussed
and amended, one by one, until the afternoon of the 26th,
when the vote was taken upon them as amended, in
succession, with the following results : —
Section 1. In all the present territory of the United States, north of
the parallel of thirty-six degrees and thirty minutes of north latitude, in
voluntary servitude, except in punishment of crrrne, is prohibited. In al
the present territory south of that line, the status of persons held to invol-
untary service or labf>r, as it now exists, shall not be changed ; nor shall
any law be passed by Congress or the territorial legislature to hinder or
prevent the taking of such persons from any of the States of this Union to
said territory, nor to impair the rights arising from said relation ; but the
same shall be subject to judicial cognizance in the Federal Courts, accord-
ing to the course of the common law. When any territory north or south
of said line, within such boundary as Congress may prescribe, shall con-
tain a population equal to tliut required for a member of Congress, it
shall, if its form of government be republican, be admitted into the Union
on an equal footing with the original States, with or without involuntary
eervitude, as the constitution of such State may provide.
The vote on the adoption of tho section was as follows : —
Ayes. — Delaware, Kentucky, Maryland, New Jersey, Ohio, Pennsylva
nia, Rhode Island, Tennessee — 8.
Noes. — Connecticut, Illinois, Iowa, Maine, Massachusetts, Missouri, New
York, North Carolina, New Hampshire, Vermont, Virginia — 11.
So its adoption was not agreed to.
A reconsideration of this vote was called for by the delegates from
Illinois, and agreed to, 14 to 5. On the next day the question was again
taken on the adoption of the section, ivith the following result: —
Ayes. — Delaware, Illinois, Kentucky, Maryland, New jersey, Ohio.
Pennsylvania, Rhode Island, Tennessee — 9.
Noes. — Connecticut, Iowa, Maine, Massacb isetts. North Carolina, New
Hampshire, Vermont, Virginia — 8.
Thus the section was adopted.
It was stated by the members from New York, when the State was
called, that one of their number, D. D. Field, was absent, and the del-
egation was divided. Thus New York, Indiana, and Kansas were
divided.
The adoption of the second section was then moored ; it was as fol
owe: —
Section 2. No territory shall be acquired by the United States, except
by discovery, and for naval and commercial stations, dep6ts, and transit
State Papers of Abraham Lincoljs. 125
routes, without a concurrence of the majority of all the Senators fr^m
States which allow involuntary servitude, and a majority of all the Sena-
tors from States which prohibit that relation; nor shall territory be ac-
quired by treaty, unless the votes of a majority of the Senators from each
class of States hereinbefore mentioned be cast as a part of the tv o-thirda
majority necessary to the ratification of such treaty.
The vote on this section was as follows : —
Ayes.— Delaware, Indiana, Kentucky, Maryland, Missouri, New Jersej.
Ohio, Pennsylvania, Rhode Island, Tennessee, Virginia — 11.
Noes. — Connecticut, Illinois, Iowa, Maine, Massachusetts, North Car-
olina, New Hampshire, Vermont — 8.
New York and Kansas were divided.
The adoption of section three of the report with the amendments, was
next moved. The amended section was as follows : —
Section 3. Neither the Constitution nor any amendment thereof shall
be construed to give Congress power to regulate, abolish, or control,
within any State, the relation established or recognized by the laws
thereof touching persons held to labor or involuntary service therein, nor
to interfere with or abolish involuntary service in the District of Colum-
bia without the consent of Maryland and without the consent of the
owners, or making the owners who do not consent just compensation ;
nor the power to interfere with or prohibit representatives and others
from bringing with them to the District of Columbia, retaining, and
taking away, persons so held to labor or service; nor the power to in-
terfere with or abolish involuntary service in places under the exclusive
jurisdiction of the United States, within those States and Territories
where the same is established or recognized ; nor the power to prohibit
the removal or transportation of persons held to labor or involuntarj
service in any State or Territory of the United States to any other State ','••
Territoiy thereof, w^here it is established or recognized by law or usage .
and the right during transportation, by sea or river, of touching at port;,
shores, and landings, and of landing in case distress shall exist; but
uot the right of transit in or through any State or Territory, or of sale oi
traffic, against the law thereof. Nor shall Congress have power *o
authorize any higher rate of taxation on persons held to labor or service
than on land.
The vote on the adoption of the section was as follows: —
Ayes. — Delaware, Illinois, Kentucky, Maryland, Missouri, New Jersey,
North Carolina, Ohio, Pennsylvania, Rhode Island, Tennessee, Vir-
ginia— 12.
Noes. — Connecticut, Indiana, Iowa, Maine, Massachusetts, New Ham}v
sliire, Vermont — 7.
bo the section was adopted. Kansas and New York were divided.
126 The Life, Public Services, and
The adoption of the fourth section of the report, as tunended, was thes
moved; it was as follows : —
Section 4. The third paragraph of the second seotioa of the fourth
article of the Constitution shall not he construed to prevent any of the
States, by appropriate legislation, and through the action of their judicial
and ministerial officers, from enforcing the delivery of fugitives from labor
to the person to whom such service or labor is due.
The vote on the adoption of this section was as follows : —
Ayes. — Connecticut, Delaware, Illinois, Indiana, Kentucky, Maryland,
Missouri, New Jersey, North Carolina, Ohio, Pennsylvania, Rhode Island
Tennessee, Vermont, Virginia — 15.
Noes. — Iowa, Maine, Massachusetts, New Hampshire — i.
Thus the section was adopted. Kansas and New York were iivided.
The adoption of the fifth section of the report, as amended, was thtn
moved; it was as follows: —
Section 5. The foreign slave-trade is hereby forever prohibited, and it
shall be the duty of Congress to pass laws to prevent the importation of
slaves, coolies, or persons held to service or labor, into the United State?
£i,J the Territories from places beyond the limits thereof.
The vote on the adoption of this section resulted as follows : —
Ayes. — Connecticut, Delaware, Illinois, Indiana, Kentucky, Maryland,
Missouri, New Jersey, New York, New Hampshire, Ohio, Pennsylvania,
Rhode Island, Tennessee, Vermont, Kansas — 16.
Noes. — Iowa, Maine, Massachusetts, North Carolina, Virginia — 5.
The section wa3 thus adopted.
A motion was next made to adopt the sixth section, as amended ; it
was as follows : —
Section 6. The first, third, and fifth sections, together with this section
of these amendments, and the third paragraph of the second section of the
first article of the Constitution, and the third paragraph of the second sec-
tion of the fourth article thereof, shall not be amended or abolished with-
out the consent of all the States.
The vote on this section was as follows : —
Ayes. — Delaware, Illinois, Kentucky, Maryland, Missouri, New Jersey,
Ohio, Pennsylvania, Rhode Island, Tennessee, Kansas — 11.
Noes. — Connecticut, Indiana, Iowa, Maine, Massachusetts, North Oaro-
lina, New Hampshire, Vermont, Virginia — 9.
New York was divided. So this section was adopted.
The motion was then made to adopt the seventh and last section, as
amended: it was as follows : —
Section 7. Congress shall provide by law that the United States shall
pay to the owner the full value of his fugitive from labor, in all cases
State Papers of Abraham Lincoln. 127
where the marshal, or other officer whose duty it was to arrest such fagi-
tive, was prevented from doing so by violence or intimidation, from mobf
»r other riotons assemblages, or when, after arrest, such fugiti\ e was res-
cued by like violence or intimidation, and the owner thereby deprived of
the same ; and the acceptance of such payment shall preclude the owner
from further claim to such fugitive. Congress shall provide by law for
-•ecuring to the citizens of each State the privileges and immunities of cit-
■«en8 in the several States.
The vote oe this section was as follows : —
Ayes. — Delaware, Illinois, Indiana, Kentucky, Maryland, New Jersey
<lew Hampshire, Ohio, Pennsylvania, Rhode Island, Tennessee, Kan
Ifts— 12.
Noes. — Connecticut, Iowa, Maine. Missouri, North Carolina, Vermont,
Virginia — 7.
Thus the last section was adopted. New York was dividea.
The adoption of the following resolution was then moved by Mr. Frank-
lin, of Pennsylvania : —
Resolved^ As the sense of this Convention, that the highest political
duty of every citizen of the United States is his allegiance to the Federal
Government created by the Constitution of the United States, and that
no State of this Union has any constitutional right to secede therefrom,
or to absolve the citizens of such State from their allegiance to the Gov-
ernment of the United States.
It was moved to lay the resolution on the table. The vote was aa
fol ows : —
Ayes. — Delaware, Kentucky, Maryland, Missouri, New Jersey, North
Carolina, Ohio, Tennessee, Virginia — 9.
Noes. — Connecticut, Illinois, Indiana, Iowa, Maine, Massachusetts,
New York, New Hampshire, Pennsylvania, Rhode Island, Vermont,
Kansas — 12.
Some amendments were then offered and laid on the table, when it*
Sadefinite postponement was moved and carried by the following vote: —
Ayes. — Delaware, Kentucky, Maryland, Missouri, New Jersey, North
C^arolina, Ohio, Rhode Island, Tennessee, Virginia — 10.
Noes. — Connecticut, Illinois, Indiana, Iowa, Maine, Massachusetta,
Pennsylvania — 7.
New York was divided.
The following preamble was then offered by Mr. Guthrie, and agreed
tor-
TV) the Congress of the United States :
The Convention assembled upon the invitation of the State of Virgima
bo adjust the unhappy differences which now disturb the peace of th«
Union and threaten its continP*«MMi>, make known to the Congress of the
128 The Life, Public Services, and
United States that their body convened in the City of Washington on the
4th instant, and continued in session until the 27th.
There were in the body, when action was taken' upon that which ie
here submitted, one hundred and thirty -three commissioners, represent-
ing the following States: Maine, New Hampshire, Vermont, Massachu-
setts, Ehode Island, Connecticut, New York, New Jerse>, Pennsylvania,
Delaware, Maryland, Virginia, North Carolina, Tennessee, Kentucky j
Missouri, Ohio, Indiana, Illinois, Iowa, Kansas. [
They have approved what is herewith submitted, and respectfu.iy r«. •!
quest that your honorable body will submit it to conventions in tli€
States as an article of amendment to the Constitution of the United
In the Senate, on the 2d day of March, a communica-
tion was received from the President of the Peace Con-
gress, communicating the resolutions thus adopted in that
body. Thpy were at once referred to a committee consist-
ing of Mesjis. Crittenden, Bigler, Tliomson, Seward, and
Trumbull. The next day they were reported to the Sen-
ate for its adoption, Messrs. Seward and Trumbull, the
minority of the Committee, dissenting from the majority,
and proposing the adoption of a resolution caUing on the
legislatures of the States to express their will in regard
to calling a Convention for amending the Constitution.
The question then came up on adopting the resolutions
of the Peace Conference. Mr. Hunter, of Virginia, moved
to substitute the first of Mr. Crittenden's resolutions for
the first of those reported by the committee. Mr. Crit-
tenden opposed it, and urged the adoption of the proposi-
tions of the Peace Conference in preference to his own.
Mr. Mason, of Virginia, opposed the resolutions of the
Peace Conference, on the ground that it would not satisfy
the South. Mr. Baker, of Oregon, advocated it. Mr.
Green, of Missouri, opposed it, as surrendering every
Southern principle, in which he was seconded by Mr.
Lane, of Oregon.
At this stage of the proceedings, Mr. Douglas gave a
new turn to the form of the proceedings of the Senate, hy
moving to take up the resolution adopted by the House
to amend the Constitution so as to prohibit forever any
Interference with slavery in the States. This motion was
State Papers op AbrahaxM Lincoln. 129
carried. Mr. Pngh moved to amend b}^ substituting for
this resolution the resolutions of Mr. Crittenden. This
was rejected — ayes 14, noes 25. Mr. Brigham, of Michi-
gan, next moved to substitute a resolution against any
amendment of the Constitution, and in favor of enforcing
the laws. This was rejected — ayes 13, noes 25. Mr.
Gfrimes, of Iowa, then moved to substitute the resolution
of Messrs. Seward and Trumbull, as the minority of the
Select Committee, calling on the State Legislatures to ex-
press their will in regard to calling a Convention to amend
the Constitution. This was rejected — ayes 14, noes 25.
The propositions of the Peace Conference were then
moved by Mr. Johnson, of Arkansas, and rejected — ayes
3, noes 34. Mr. Crittenden' s resolutions were then taken
up, and lost by the follo'.ving vote : —
Ayes. — Messrs. Bayard, Bright, Bigler, Crittenden, Douglas, Gwin.
Hunter, Jo/inson of Tennessee, Kennedy, Lane, Latham, Mason, Nichol
son, Polk, Pugh, Rice, Sebastian, Thomson, and TTigfall — 19.
Noes. — Messrs. Anthony, Bingham, ChandJer, CLork, Dixon, Doolittl€i^
Durkee, Fessenden, Foote, Foster, Grimes, Harlan, King, Morrill, Sum-
ner, Ten Eyck, Trumbull, Wade, Wilkinson, and "Wilson — 20.
The resolutions were thus lost, in consequence of the
withdrawal of Senators from the disaffected States. The
question was then taken on the House resolution to amend
the Constitution so as to prohibit forever any amendment
of the Constitution interfering with slavery in any State,
and the resolution was adopted by a two-thirds vote —
ayes 24:, nays 12.
This closed the action of Congress upon this importaiil
subject. It was strongly Republican in both branches,
yet it had done every thing consistent with its sense of
justice and fidelity to the Constitution to disarm the ap-
prehensions of the Southern States, and to remove aP
provocation for their resistance to the incoming Adminis-
tration. It had given the strongest possible pledge that
it had no intention of interfering with slavery in any
State, by amending the Constitution so as to make such
interference forever impossible. It created governments
&)T three new Territories, Nevada, Bakotah, and Colora
130 , The Life, Public Services, and
do, and passed no law excluding slavery from any one of
/hem. It had severely censured tlie legislation of some
of the Northern States intended to hinder the recovery of
fugitives from labor ; and in response to its expressed
wishes, Rhode Island repealed its laws of tliat character,
nd Vermont, Maine, Massachusetts, and Wisconsin had
the subject under consideration, and were ready to take
similar action. Yet all this had no effect whatever in
changing or chocking the secession mo^^ei-^ent m tbe
Souths "1 States.
State Papers of Abraham Lincoln. 131
CHAPTER y.
' FROM SPRIITGFIELD TO WASHINGTOTT.
■ p^TSEOH A.T Indianapolis. — Areivaland Speech at Cincinnati. — Speech
AT Columbus. — Speech at Pittsburg. — Arrival and Speech at Clevb-
LANT. ArPIVAL AT BUFFALO. At ROCHESTER AND SYRACUSE. At
Albany. — Speech at Poughkeepsie. — In New York. — Reply to thb
Mayor of New York. — In New Jersey. — Arrival at Philadelphia. —
Speech in Philadelphia. — At Hareisbueg.— Arrival and Reception
at Washington.
From tlie date of his election, Mr. LiNCOLisr maintained
silence on the affairs of the country. The Goyernment
was to remain for three months longer in the hands of Mr.
Buchanan, and the new President did not deem it becom-
ing or proper for him to interfere, in any way, with the
regular discharge of its duties and responsibilities. On
the 11th of February, 1861, he left his home in Spring-
field, Jllinois, accompanied to the railroad depot by a
large concourse of his friends and neighbors, whom he
bade farewell in the following words : —
My Friends : — No one not in my position can appreciate the sadness I
feel at this parting. To this people I owe all that I am. Here I have lived
more than a quarter of a century ; here my children were born, and here
ore of tliem lies buried. I know not how soon I shall see you agai^.. A duty
devolves upon me which is, perhaps, greater than +ha± which has devolved
^iDon any other man since the days of Washington. He never wot^M
have succeeded except for the aid of Divine Providence, upon which he
at all times relied. I fed that I car.not succeed without the same Divine
aid which sustained him, and on the same Almighty Beinf^ I place my re-
liance for support ; and I hope you, my friends, wiU all pray that I may
receive that Divine assistance, withoTi^ which I cannot succeed, but with
which success is certain. Again I hi i you all an affectionate farewell.
As the train passed through the country, the President
was greeted with hearty cheers and good wishes by the
thousands who assembled at the railway stations along
132 The Life, Public Services, and
[he route. Party spirit seemed to have l)een forgotten,
and the cheers were always given for "Lincoln and the
Constitution." At Tolono ke appeared upon the platform,
and in response to the applause which hailed his appear-
ance, he said : —
I am leaving you on an errand of national importance, attended, as you
are aware, with considerable difficulties. Let us believe, as some poet has
expressed H, "Behind the cloud the sun is still shining." I bid you an
affectionate farewell.
At Indianapolis the party was welcomed by a salute of
thirty-four guns, and the President-elect was received by
the Governor of the State in person, and escorted to a
carriage in waiting, which proceeded — followed by a pro-
cession of the members of both houses of the legislature,
the municipal authorities, the military, and firemen — to
the Bates House. Appearing on the balcony of this hotel,
Mr. Lincoln was greeted by the hearty applause of the
large crowd which had assambled in the street, to which
he addressed the following remarks : —
Governor Morton and Fellow-Citizens of the State of Indiana : —
Most heartily do 1 thank you for this magnificent reception, and while
I cannot take to myself any share of the compliment thus paid, more
than that which pertains to a mere instrument, an accidental instrument,
perhaps I should say, of a great cause, I yet must look upon it as a most
magnificent reception, and as such most heartily do thank you for it.
You have been pleased to address yourself to me chiefly in behalf of this
jsjlorious Union in which we live, in all of which you have my hearty
sympathy, and, as far as may be within my power, will have, one atd
inseparably, my hearty consideration. While I do not expect, upon this
occasion, or until I get to Washington, to attempt any lengthy speech, T
will only say to the salvation of the Union there needs but one siiigU
thing — the hearts of a people like yours. [Applause.]
The people, when they rise in mass in behalf of the Union and the
liberties of their country, truly may it be said, "The gates of hell cannot
prevail against them." [Renewed applause.] In all trying positions in
which I shall be placed — and, doubtless, I shall be placed in many such —
my reliance will be placed upon you and the people of the United States;
and I wish you to remember, now and forever, that it is your business,
and not mine ; that if the union of these States, and the liberties of this
people shall be lost, it is but little to any one man of fifty-two years of
age, but a great deal to the thirty millions of people who inhabit theao
State Papers of Abraham Lincoln. 133
United States, and to their posterity in all coming time. It is your busi-
ness to rise up and preserve the Union and liberty for yourselves, and not
for me.
I desire they should be constitutionally performed. I, as already inti-
mated, am but an accidental instrument, temporary, and to serve but for
a limited time ; and I appeal to you again to constantly bear in mind that
with you, and not with politicians, not with Presidents, not with office-
seekers, but with you is the question, Shall the Union and shall the liber-
ties of this country be preserved to the latest generations ? [Cheers.]
In the evening the members of the legislature waited
upon him in a body at his hotel, where one of their num-
ber, on behalf of the whole, and in presence of a very
large assemblage of the citizens of the place, made a brief
address of welcome and congratulation, which Mr. Lincoln
acknowledged in the following terms : —
Fkllow-Citizens of thi State of Indiana: — I am here to thank you
much for this magnificent welcome, and still more for the generous sup
port given by your State to that political cause which I think is he true
and just cause of the whole country and the whole world.
Solomon says there is "a time to keep silence,"' and wIil-ii men wrangle
by the mouth with no certainty that they mean the same thing^ while
using the same wo/d^ it perhaps were as well if they would keep silenco.
The words "coercion" and "iavasion" are much used in these days,
and often with some temper and hot blood. Let us make sure, if we can,
that we do not misunderstand the meaning of those who use them. Let
us get ftxact definitions of these words, not from dictionaries, but from
the men themselves, who certainly depreciate the things they would
represent by the use of words. What, then, is "Coercion?" What is
" Invasion ?" Would the marching of an army into South Carolina, with-
out the consent of her people, and with hostile intent towards them, be
*' invasion?" I certainly think it would; and it would be "coercion"
also if the South Carolinians were forced to submit. But if the United
States should merely hold and retake its own forts and other property^
and collect the duties on foreign importations, or even withhold the mails
from places where they were habitually violated, would any or aU these
things be "invasion" or " c lercion ?" Do our pniessed lovers of the
Union, but who spitefully resolve that they will resist coercion and inva-
sion, understand that such things as these on the part of the United
States would be coercion or invasion of a State ? If so, their idea of
means to preserve the object of their affection would seem exceedingly
thin and airy. K sick, the little pills of the homceopathists would be
much too large for it to swaJl^™"- In their view, the Htuon, as a f^Mly
134 The Life, Puelic Si::i vices, and
relation, would seem to be no regular marriage, but a sort of " free-love"
arrangement, to be maintained only on " passional attraction."
By-the-way, in what consists the special sacredness of a State ? I speak
not of the position assigned to a State in the Union, by the Constitution ;
for that, by the bond, we all recognize. That position, however, a State
cannot carry out of the Union with it. I speak of that assumed primary
right of a State to rule all wliieh is less than itself, and ruin all which ia
larger than itself. If a State and a county, in a given caye, should be
equal in extent of territory, and equal in number of iuhabitants, in what
as a matter of principle, is the State better than the county? Would a
exchange of names be an exchange of rights upon principle? On what
rightful principle may a State, being not more than one-fiftietl part of
the nation, in soil and population, break up the nation and then coerce a
proportionally larger subdivision of itself, in the most arbitrary way?
What mysterious right to play tvraut is conferred on a district of country,
with its people, by merely calling it a State?
Fellow-citizens, I am not asserting any thing ; I am merely asking ques-
tions for you to consider. And now allow me to bid you farewell.
On the morning of tlie 12tli, Mr. Lincoln took his depart-
ure and arrived at Cincinnati at about noon, haying been
greeted along the route by the hearty applause of the
thousands assembled at the successive stations. His
reception at Cincinnati was overwhelming. The streets
were so densely crowded that it was with the utmost diffi-
culty the procession could secure a passage. Mr. Lincoln
was escorted to the Burnett House, which had been hand-
somely decorated in honor of his visit. He was welcomed
by the Mayor of the city in a few remarks, in response to
which he said : —
Mr. Mator and FELLOw-OiTizEifs : — I have spoken but once before this
in Cincinnati. That was a year previous to the late Presidential election.
On that occasion, in a playful manner, but with sincere words, I addressed
much of what I said to the Kentuckians. I gave my opinion that we, as
Republicans, would ultimately beat them, as Democrats, but that they
could postpone that result longer by nominating Senator Douglas for the
Presidency than they could in any other way. They did net, in any true
sense of tte word, nominate Mr. Dor.glas, and the result has come certainly
Bs soon as ever I expected. I also told them how I expected they would
be treated after they should have been beaten ; and I now wish to caU
their attention to what I then said upon that subject. I then said, "When
we do as we say, beat you, you perhaps want to know what we will do
irith you. I will tell you, as far as I am authorized to speak for the oppo-
State Papers of Abraham Lincoln. 135
sition, what we mean to do with you. We mean to treat you, as near aa
we possibly can, as Washington, Jefferson, and Madison treated you. We
mean to leave you alone, and in no way to interfere with your institu-
tions; to abide by all and every compromise of the Constitution; and, m
a word, coming back to the original proposition, to treat you so far as
degenerate men, if we have degenerated, may, according to the example
of those noble fathers, Washington, Jeffkeson, and Madison. We mean
tc remember that you are as good as we ; that there is no difference bo
tween us, other than the difference of circumstances. We mean to reco^
nize and bear in mind always that you have as good hearts in your bosorce
as other people, or as we claim to have, and treat you accordingly.
Fellow-citizens of Kentucky ! friends! brethren, may I call you in my
new position ? I see no occasion, and feel no inclination to retract a word
of this. Kit shall not be made good, be assured the fault shall not be
mine.
In the eyening the German Republican associations called
upon Mr. Lincoln and presented him an address of con-
gratulation, to which he responded, warmly indorsing the
wisdom of the Homestead bill, and speaking of the advan-
tages offered by the soil and institutions of the United
States to foreigners who might wish to make it their home.
He left Cincinnati on the morning of the 13th, accompanied
by a committee of tlie Ohio Legislature, which had come
from the capital to meet him. The party reached Colum-
bus at two o* clock, and the President was escorted to the
hall of tlie Assembly, where he was formally welcomed
by Lieutenant-Governor Kii-k on behalf of the legislature,
which had assembled in joint session, to which he made
the following reply : —
Mb. President and Me. Speaker, and Gentlemen of the Generai.
Assembly : — It is true, as has been said by the President of the Senate,
that very great responsibility rests upon me in the position to which the
votes of the American people have called me. I am deeply sensible of
that weighty responsibility. I cannot but know what you all know, that
without a name, perhaps without a reason why I should have a name^
there Las fallen upon me a task such as did not rest even upon the Father
of his Country ; and so feeling, i cannot but turn and look for the support
without which it will be impossible for me to perform that great task. I
turn, then, and look to the great American people, and to that God who
has never forsaken them.
Allusion has been made to the interest felt in relation to the policy of
the new Administration. In this I have received from some a degree Oi
136 The Life, Public Services, and
credit for having kept silence, and from others some depreciation. I still
think that I was right. In the varying and repeatedly shifting scenes of
the present, and without a precedent which could enahle me to judge by
the past, it has seemed fitting that before speaking upon the difBculties
of the country, I should have gained a view of the whole field so as to be
sure after all — at liberty to modify and change the course of policy as
future events may make a change necessary. I have not maintained
silence from any want of real anxiety. It is a good thing that there is no
more than anxiety, for there is nothing going wrong. It is a consoling
circumstance that when we look out, there is nothing that really hurts any-
body. "We entertain difi'erent views upon political questions, but nobody
is sufiering any thing. This is a most consoling circumstance, and fron"
it we may conclude that all we want is time, patience, and a reliance ot
that God who has never forsaken this people. Fellow-citizens, what I
have said I have said altogether extemporaneously, and will now come to
a close.
Both houses then adjourned. In the evening Mr. Lin-
coln held a levee, which was very largely attended. On
the morning of the 14th, Mr. Lincoln left Columbus. At
Steubenville he had a fonnal though brief reception, being
addressed by Judge Floyd, to whose remarks he made
the following reply : —
I fear that the great confidence placed in my ability is unfounded. In-
deed, I am sure it is. Encompassed by vast difiiculties as I am, nothing
shall be wanting on my part, if sustained by the American people and
God. I believe the devotion to the Constitution is equally great on both
sides of the river. It is only the different understanding of that instm-
ment that causes difficulty. The only dispute on both sides is, " What are
their rights?" If the majority should not rule, who should be the judge f
Where is such a judge to be found ? We should all be bound by ti'.e
majority of the American people — if not, then the minority must control
Would that be right ? Wou'ld it be just or generous? Assuredly not. I
reiterate, that the majority should rule. If I adoj^t a wrong policy, thd
opportunity for condemnation will occur in four years' time. Then I can
be turned out, and a better man with better views put in my place.
The train reached Pittsburg in the evening, and Mr
Lincoln was received with the utmost enthusiasm at the
Monongahela House by a large crowd which had assembled
to greet him. He acknowledged their reception briefly : —
He said he would not give them a speech, as he thought it more rare,
if not more wise} for a public man to abstain from much speaking. He
State Papers of Abraham Lincoln. 137
expressed his gratitude and snrprige at seeing so great a crowc and snch
boundless enthusiasm manifested in the niglit-time, and undei such un-
toward circumstances, to greet so unworthy an individual as himself. This
was undoubtedly attributable to the position which more by accident
than by worth he had attained. He remarked further, that if all those
whole-souled people whom he saw this evening before him, were for the
preservation of the Union, he did not see how it could be in much dan-
ger. He had intended to say a few words to the people of Pittsburg —
tlie greatest manufacturing city of the United States — upon such matters
AS they were interested in ; but as he had adopted the plan of holding his
tongue for the most part during the last canvass, and since his election,
CO thought he had perhaps better now still continue to hold his tongue.
[Cries of " Go on," " go on."J "Well, I am reminded that there is an Alle-
ghany City as well as an Alleghany County, the former the banner town,
and the latter the banner county, perhaps, of the world. I am glad to
see both of them, and the good people of both. That I may not disap-
point these, I will say a few words to you to-morrow as to the peculiar
interests of Alleghany County.
On the morning of the 15th, the Mayor and Common
Council of the City of Pittsburg waited in a body upon
the President-elect. The Mayor made him an address of
formal welcome in presence of a very large number of
citizens who had assembled to witness the ceremony.
After the applause which greeted his appearance had
subsided, Mr. Lincoln made the following remarks : —
I most cordially thank His Honor Mayor Wilson, and the citizens of
Pittsburg generally, for their flattering reception. I am the more grate-
ful becaufe I know that it is not given to me alone, but to the cause I
represent, which clearly proves to me their good- will, and that sincere
feeling is at the bottom of it. And here I may remark, that in every
short address I have made to the people, in every crowd through which
I have passed of late, some allusion has been made to the present dis-
tracted condition of the country. It is natural to expect that I should
say something on this subject; but to touch upon it at all would involve
an elaborate discussion of a great many questions and circumstances,
requiring more time than I can at present command, and would, perhaps,
unnecessarily commit me upon matters which have not yet fully devel-
oped themselves. The condition of the country is an extraordinary one,
and fills the mind of every patriot with anxiety. It is my intention to
give this subject all the consideration I possibly can before specially
deciding in regard to it so that when I do speak it may be as nearly
right as possible. Whep i do speak, I hope I may say nothing in opposi-
tion to the spirit of the Constitution, contrary to the integrity of the
138 The Life, Public Services, and
CTnioD, or which will prove inimical to the liberties of the people, or to
the peace of the whole country. And, furthermore, when the time
arrives for me to speak on this great subject, I hope I may say nothing
to disappoint the people generally throughout the country, especially if
the expectation has been based upon any thing which I may have hereto
fore said. Notwithstanding the troubles across the river — (the speaker
pointing southwardly across the Monongahela, and smiling) — there is n**
crisis but an artificial one. What is there now to warrani the conditio
of affairs presented by our friends over the river ? Take even their ow
x-iew of the questions involved, and there is nothing to justify the cours*
they are pursuing. I repeat, then, there is no crisis, excepting such a
one as may be gotten up at any time by turbulent men, aided by design-
ing politicians. My advice to them, under such circumstances, is to keep
cool. If the great American people only keep their temper on both sides
of the line, the troubles will come to an end, and the question which
now distracts the country will be settled, just as surely as all other diffi-
culties of a like character which have originated in this Government
have been adjusted. Let the people on both sides keep their self-posses-
sion, and just as other clouds have cleared away in due time, so will this
great nation continue to prosper as heretofore. But, fellow-citizens, I
have spoken longer on this subject than I intended at the outset.
It is often said that the Tariff is the specialty of Pennsylvania.
Assuming that direct taxation is not to be adoi)ted, the Tariff question
must be as durable as the Government itself. It is a question of national
housekeeping. It is to the Government what replenishing the meal-tub
is to the family. Every varying circumstance will require frequent
modifications as to the amount needed, and the sources of supply. So
far there is little difference of opinion among the people. It is only
whether, and how far, the duties on imports shall be adjusted to favor
home productions. In the home market that controversy begins. One
party insists that toe much protection oppresses one class for the advan-
tage of another, while the other party argues that with all its incidents,
in the long run, all classes are benefited. In the Chicago Platform there
is a plank upon this subject, which should be a general law to the incom-
ing Administration. We should do neither more nor less than we gave
the people reason to believe we would when they gave us their votes.
That plank is as I now read.
Mr Lincc In's private secretary then read section twelfth of the Chicago
Platform, as follows: —
That while providing revenue for the support of the General Govern-
ment, by duties upon imports, sound policy requires such an adjustment
of these imports as will encourage the develDpmeut of the industrial
interest of the whole country; and we commend that policy of national
exchanges which secures to working-men liberal wages, to agriculture
remunerative prices, to mechanics and manufacturers adequate reward
State Papers of Abraham Lincoln. 139
for tlie!r skill, labor, and enterprise, and to the nation commercial pros-
perity and independence.
Mr, Lincoln resumed : As with all general propositions, doubtless the^-e
will be shades of diflerence in construing this. I have by no means h
thoroughly matured judgment upon this subject, especially as to details;
Bome general ideas are about all. I have long thought to produce any
necessary article at home which can be made of as good quality and v- it:i
as little labor at home as abroad, w^ould be better policy, at least by tha
difference of the carrying from abroad. In such a case, the carrying is
demonstrably a dead loss of labor. For instance, labor being the true
standard of value, is it not plain that if equal labor gets a bar of railroad
iron out of a mine in England, and another out of a mine in Pennsyl-
vania, each can be laid down in a track at home cheaper than they could
exchange countries, at least by the cost of carriage ? If there be a pres-
ent cause why one can be both made and carried cheaper in money
price than the other can be made without carrying, that cause is an
unnatural and injurious one, and ought naturally, if not rapidly, to be
removed. The condition of the treasury at this time would seem to
render an early revision of the Tariff indispensable. The Morrill Tariff
Bill, now pending before Congress, may or may not become a law. 1
am not posted as to its particular provisions, but if they are generally
satisfactory, and the bill shall now pass, there wiU be an end of the mat-
ter for the present. If, however, it shall not pass, I suppose the whole
subject will be one of the most pressing and important for the next Con-
gress. By the Constitution, the Executive may recommend measures
w^hich he may tliink proper, and he may veto those he thinks improper,
and it is supposed that he may add to these certain indirect intluences
to affect the action of Congress. My pohtical education strongly inclines
me against a very free use of any of these means by the Executive to
control the legislation of the country. As a rule, I think it better that
•Jongreas should originate as well as perfect its measures without external
bias. I, therefore, would rather recommend to every gentleman wlio
knoxrs he is to be a member of the next Congress to take an enlarged
'vie'v, and inform himself thoroughly, so as to contribute his part to such
tin adjustment of the tariff as shall produce a sufficient revenue, and in its
other bearings, so far as possible, be just and equal to all sections of the
country, and all classes of the people.
Mr. Lincoln left Pittsburg imme Jiatel j after the delivery
of this speech, being accompanied to the depot by a long
procession of the people of the city. The train reached
Cleveland at half-past four in the afternoon, and the Pres-
ident-elect was received by a long procession, which
caarched, amidst the roar of artillery, through the pri»ci-
140 The Life^ Public Services, and
pal streets to the Weddell House, where Mr. Lincoln, in
reply to an address of welcome from the Mayor, made the
following remarks : —
Mr. Ohaibman and Fellow-Oitizens of Cleveland : — We have been
maroliing about two miles through sdow, rain, and deep mud. The large
numbers that have turned out under these circumstances testify that yoD
are in earnest about something or other. But do I think so meanly of
you as to suppose that that earnestness is about me personally? I would
be doing you injustice to suppose it was. You have assembled to testify
yonr respect to the Union, and the Constitution and the laws. And here
let me state that it is with you, the people, to advance the great cause of
the Union and the Constitution, and not with any one man. It rests with
you aloT.e. This fact is strongly impressed on my mind at present. In a
eommimity like this, whose appearance testifies to their intelligence, I
am convinced that the cause of liberty and the Union can never be in
danger. Frequent allusion is made to the excitement at present existing
in our national politics, and it is as well that I should also allude to it
here. I think that there is no occasion for any excitement. The crisis,
as it is called, is altogether an artificial crisis. In all parts of the nation
there are differences of opinion on politics. There are difi'erences of
opinion even here. You did not all vote for the person who now ad-
dresses you. What is happening now will not hurt those who are
further away from here. Have they not all their rights now as they
ever have had ? Do not they have their fugitive slaves returned now as
ever ? Have they not the same Constitution that they have lived under
for seventy odd years ? Have they not a position as citizens of this com-
mon country, and have we any power to change that position? [Cries
of "No."J What, then, is the matter with them? Why all this excite-
ment? Why all these complaints? As I said before, this crisis is aa
tificial! It has no foundation in fact. It was not " argued up," as ihe
saying is, and cannot therefore be argued down. I^et it alone, and it will
go down of itself. [Laughter.] Mr. Lincoln said that they must
be content with but a few words from him. He was very much
fatigued, and had spoken so much that he was already hoarse. Ho
thanked them for the cordial and magnificent reception they had given
him, Xot less did he thank them for the votes they gave him last fall ;
and quite as much he thanked them for the etficient aid they had given
the cause which he represented — a cause which he would say was a good
one.
He had one more word to say. He was given to understand that this
reception was tendered not only by his own party supporters, but by
men of all parties. This is as it should be. If Judge Douglas had been
elected, and had been here, on his way to Washington, as I am to-nightj
the Republicans should have joined his supporters in welcoming hioi,
State Papers of Abraham Lincoln. 14]
jast as his friends have joined with mine to-night. If all do not join
now to save the good old ship of the Union on this voyage, nobody will
have a chance to pilot her on another voyage. He concluded by thank-
'jQg all present for the devotion thej had shown to the cause of the
tJnion.
Od the morning of the 16th the Presidential party left
Cleveland for Buffalo. At Erie, where they dined, loud
calls were made upon Mr. Lincoln for a speech, in response
to which he made a few remarks, excusing himself for not
expressing his opinions on the exciting questions of the
iay. He trusted that when the time for Speaking should
5ome, he should find it necessary to say nothing not in
accordance with the Constitution, as well as with the
interests of the people of the whole country. At North-
east Station he took occasion to state that during the cam-
paign he had received a letter from a young girl of the
place, in which he was kindly admonished to do certain
things, and among others to let his whiskers grow ; and,
as he had acted upon that piece of advice, he would now
be glad to welcome his fair correspondent, if she was
among the crowd. In response to the call a lassie made
her way through the crowd, was helped on the platform,
and was kissed by the President.
Arriving at Buffalo, Mr. Lincoln had the utmost diffi-
culty to make his way through the dense crowd which
had assembled in anticipation of his arrival. On reaching
the American Hotel, he was welcomed in a brief speech by
Acting-Mayor Bemis, to which he responded as follows :— -
Me. Mayor and Fellow-Citizens of Buffalo and the State of Ne»
^ YoEK : — I am here to thank you briefly for this grand reception given tc
me; not personally, but as the representative of our great and beloved
country. [Cheers.] Your worthy Mayor has been pleased to mention,
in his address to me, the fortunate and agreeable journey which I have
had from home, only it is a rather circuitous route to the Federal Capital.
I am very happy that he was enabled in truth to congratulate myself and
company on that fact. It is true we have had nothing thus far to mai'
the pleasure of the trip. We have not been met alone by those who
assisted m giving the election to me ; I say not alone by them, but by the
whole pvopulation of the country through which we have passed. This i^
&8 it slsould be. Had the election fallen to any other of the distinguished
142 The Life, Public Services, and
candidates instead of myself, under the peculiar circumstances, to say the
least, it would have been proper for all citizens to have greeted him aa
you now greet me. It is an evidence of the devotion of the whole people
to the Constitution, the Union, and the perpetuity of the liberties of this
country. [Cheers.] I am unwilling on any occasion that I should be so
meanly thought of as to have it supposed for a moment that these demon-
strations are tendered to me personally. They are tendered to the country,
to the institutions of the country, and to the perpetuity of the liberties of
tlie country, for which these institutions were made and created.
Your worthy Mayor has thought fit to express the hope that I may be
able to relieve the country from the present, or, I should say, the threat-
ened difficulties. I am sure I bring a heart true to the work. [Tremen-
dous applause.] For the ability to perform it, I must trust in that Supreme
Being who has never forsaken this favored land, through the instrumen-
tality of this great and intelligent people. Without that assistance I shall
surely fail ; with it, I cannot fail. When we speak of threatened difficul-
ties to the country, it is natural that it should be expected that something
should be said by myself with regard to particular measures. Upon more
mature reflection, however — and others will agree with me — that, when
it is considered that these difficulties are without precedent, and never
have been acted upon by any individual situated as I am, it is most pra|)er
I should wait and see the developments, and get all the light possible, so
that when I do speak authoritatively, I may be as near right as possible.
[Cheers.] When I shall speak authoritatively, I hope to say nothing in-
consistent with the Constitution, the Union, the rights of all the States,
of each State, and of each section of the country, and not to disappoint
the reasonable expectations of those who have confided to me their votes.
In this connection allow me to say that you, as a portion of the great
American people, need only to maintain your composure, stand up to
your sober convictions of right, to your obligations to the Constitution,
and act in accordance with those sober convictions, and the clouds which
now arise in the horizon will be dispelled, and we shall have a bright and
glorii'us future; and when this generation has passed away, tens of thou*
Bands will inhabit this country where only thousands inhabit it now. I
do not propose to address you at length ; I have no voice for it. Allow me
fi^&ln. to thank you for this magnificent reception, and bid you farewell.
Mr. Lincoln remained at Buffalo over Sunday, tlie ITth,
and on the morning of tlie 18tli left for Albany. On
reacliing Rocliester, lie was introduced by the Mayor to a
crowd of several thousands, to whom he said : —
I confess myself, after having seen many large audiences since leaving
Lome, overwhelmed with this vast number of faces at this hour of the
morning. I am not vain enough to oelieve that you are here from any
W^ish to see me as an individual, b':t because I am for the time being the
State Papers of Abraham Lincoln. 143
representative of the American people. I could not, if I would, address
/ou at any length. I have not the strength, even if I had the time, for a
speech at each of these many interviews that are afforded me on my way
to Washington. I appear merely to see you, and to let you see me, ard
to bid you farewell. I hope it will be understood that it is from no dis-
ino!ination to oblige anybody that I do not address you at greater length.
At Syracuse, where preparations had been made to give
ihim a formal reception, he made the following remarks
;m reply to an address of welcome from the Mayor : —
Ladies and Gentlemen: I see you have erected a very fine and hand-
some platform here for me, and I presume you expected me to speak from
it. If I should go upon it, you would imagine that I was about to deliver
you a much longer speech than I am. I wish you to understand that I
mean no discourtesy to you by thus declining. I intend discourtesy to no
one. But I wish you to understand that, though I am unwilling to go
upon this platform, you are not at liberty to draw any inferences concern-
ing any other platform with which my name has been or is connected.
[Laughter and applause.] I wish you long life and prosperity individu-
ally, and pray that with the perpetuity of those institutions under which
we have all so long lived and prospered, our happiness may be secured,
our future made brilliant, and the glorious destiny of our country estab-
lished forever. I bid you a kind farewell.
At Utica, where an immense and most enthusiastic
assemblage of people from the surrounding country had
gathered to see him, Mr. Lincoln contented himself by
saying : —
Ladies and Gentlemen : — I have no speech to make to you, and no time
to speak in. I appear before you that I may see you, and that you may
sec me ; and I am willing to admit, that so far as the ladies are concerned,
I have the best of the bargain, though I wish it to be understood that I
dt) not make the same acknowledgment concerning the men. [Laughter
and applause.]
The train reached Albany at half-past two in the after-
noon, where Mr. Lincoln was foiTually received by the
Mayor in a complimentary address, to which he thus
replied : —
Mr. Mayor : — 1 can hardly appropriate to myself the flattering terms in
which you communicate the tender of this reception, as personal to my-
self. I most gratefully accept the hospitalities tendered to me, and will
not detain you or the audience with any extended remarks at this time.
144 The Life, Public Services, and
I presume tliat in the two or three courses through which I shall have to
go, I shall have to repeat somewhat, and I will therefore only repeat to
you my thanks for this kind reception.
A procession was then formed, wMcli escorted Mr. Lin-
coln to the steps of the Capital, where he was welcomed
by the Governor, in presence of an immense mass of the
people, whom he addressed as follows : —
Mr. Govkrnce: — I was pleased to receive an invitation tc visit the
capital of the great Empire State of the nation, on my way to tne Federal
Capital, and I now thank you, Mr. Governor, and the people of this capital,
and the people of the State of New York, for this most hearty and mag-
nificent welcome. If I am not at fault, the great Empire State at this
time contains a greater population than did the United States of America
at the time she achieved her national independence. I am proud to be
invited to pass through your capital and meet them, as I now have the
honor to do.
I am notified by your Governor that this reception is given without
distinction of party. I accept it the more gladly because it is so. Almost
all men in this country, and in any country where freedom of thought
is tolerated, attach themselves to political parties. It is but ordinary
charity to attribute this to the fact that in so attaching himself to the
party which his judgment prefers, the citizen believes he thereby promotes
the best interests of the whole country ; and when an election is passed,
it is altogether befitting a free people that, until the next election, they
should be as one people. The reception you have extended to me to day
is not given to me personally. It should not be so, but as the representa-
tive for the time being of the majority of the nation. If the election had
resulted in the selection of either of the other candidates, the same cor-
diality should have been extended to him as is extended to me this day,
in testimony of the devotion of the whole people to the Constitution and
the wliole Union, and of their desire to perpetuate our institutions, and to
band them down in their perfection to succeeding generations.
I have neither the voice nor the strength to address you at any greater
, length, I beg you will accept my most grateful thanks for this devotion- -
. not to me, but to this great and glorious free country.
Mr. Lincoln was then escorted to the Hall of Assembly,
and was formally received on behalf of the members
of the legislature, to whom he made the following ad-
dress : —
Mb. President and Gentlemen of the Legislature of the State ob
New York ; — It is with feelings of great diffidence, and, I may say, with
feelings of awe, perhaps cjreater than I b^ve recently experienced, that I
State Papers of Abraham Lincoln. 145
meet yoL iiere in this piace. The history of this great State, the renown
of tbose great mec wno have stood here, and spoke here, and been heard
here, all crowd aronnd my fancy, and incline me to shrink from any
attemp. to address you. Yet I have some confidence given me by the
generous manner in which you have invited me, and by the still more
generous manner m which you have received me, to speak further. You
liave invited and received me without distinction of party. I cannct for
6 moment suppose that this has been done in any considerable degree
with reference to ray personal services, but that it is done in so far as I
am regarded at this time as the representative of the majesty of this greai
nation. I doubt not this is the truth, and the whole truth, of the case,
and this is as it should be. It is much more gratifyiag to me that this
reception has been given to me as the representative of a free people,
than it could possibly be if tendered as an evidence of devotion to me, or
to any one man personally. And now I think it were more fitting that
I should close these hasty remarks. It is true that, while I hold myself,
without mock modesty, the humblest of all individuals that have ever
been elevated to the Presidency, I have a more difficult task to perform
than any one of them You have generously tendered me the united
support of the great Empire State. For this, in behalf of the nation — in
belialf of the present and future of the nation — in behalf of civil and
religious liberty for all time to come, most gratefully do I thank you. I
I do not propose to enter into an explanation of any particular line of
policy, as to our present difficulties, to be adopted by the incoming Ad-
ministration. I deem it just to you, to myself, and to all, that I should
see every thing, that I should hear every thing, that I should have every
light that can be brought within my reach, in order that, when I do so
speak, I shall have enjoyed every opportunity to take correct and true
grounds ; and for this reason I don't propose to speak, at this time, of the
policy of the Government. But when the time comes I shall speak, as
well as I am able, for the good of the present and future of this country —
for the good both of the North and the South of this country — for the
good of the one and the other, and of aU sections -^f the country. [Rounds
of applause.] In the mean time, if we have patience, if we restrain our -
selves, if we allow ourselves not to run oflP in a passion, I still have confi-
dence that the Almighty, the Maker of the Universe, will, through the
instrumentality of this great and intelligent people, bring us through this,
as he has through all the other difficulties of our country. Relying on
this, I again thank you for this generous reception. [Applause and
cheers.]
On thw morning of the 19tli Mr. Lincoln went to Troy,
ind, in r^ply to tt.e welcome of the Mayor, said : —
Me. Mayoe and Citizens of Teoy : — I thank you very kindly for thb
f real reception. Since I left my home it has not been my fortune to meet
JO
146 The Life, Public Services, and
an assemblage more numerous and more orderly than this. I am the
more graittied at this mark of your regard, since you assure me it is ten-
dered, not to the individual, but to the high office you have called me to
fill. I have neither strength nor tune to make any extended remarks, anc*
I can only repeat to you my sincere thanks for the kind reception you
have thought proper to extend to me.
On the route to New York, by the Hudson River Rail
road, very large crowds of people had assembled at the'
various stations to welcome him. At Hudson he spoke
as follows : —
Fbllow-Citizens : — I see that you have provided a 'platform, but shall
have to decline standing on it. [Laughter and applause.] The superin-
tendent tells me I have not time during our brief stay to leave the train.
I had to decline standing on some very handsome platforms prepared for
me yesterday. But I say to you, as I said to them, you m ist not on this
account draw the inference that I have any intention to desert any plat
form I have a legitimate right to stand on. I do not appear before you
for the purpose of making a speech, I come only to see you, and to give
you the opportunity to see me ; and I say to you, as I have before said to
crowds where there are so many handsome ladies as there are here, I
think I have decidedly the best of the bargain. I have only, therefore,
to thank you most cordially for this kind reception, and bid you aU fare-
well.
At Poughkeepsie, where great preparations had been
made for his reception, he responded thus to an address
from the Mayor : —
Fellow-Citizens: — It is altogether impossible 1 should make myself
heard by any considerable portion of this vast assemblage ; but, although
I appear before you mainly for the purpose of seeing you, and to let yon
see, rather than hear me, I cannot refi'ain from saying that I am highly;
gratified — as much here, indeed, under the circumstances, as I have been
ary where on my route — to witness this noble demonstration — made, not
in honor of an individual, but of the man who at this time humbly, but
earnestly, represents the majesty of the nation. This reception, like all
others that have been tendered to me, doubtless emanates from all the
political parties, and not from one alone. As such I accept it the more
gratefully, since it indicates an earnest desire on the part of the whole
people, without regard to political differences, to save — not the country,
because the country will save itself — but to save the institutions of the
country — those institutions under which, in the last three-quarters of a
century, we have grown to be a great, an hitelligent, and a happy people
—the greatest, the most intelligent and tljo Tui^jpiest p«»o>^le in the world
State Papers of Abraham Lincoln 147
These noLle manifestations indicate, with unerring certainty, that the
whole people are willing to make common cause for this object; that if,
as it ever must be, some have been successful in the recent election, and
Bome have been beaten — if some are satisfied, and some are dissatisfied,
the defeated party are not in favor of sinking the ship, but are desirous
of running it through the tempest in safety, and willing, if they think th«
people have committed an error in their verdict now, to wait in the hopa
of reversing it, and setting it right next time. I do not say that in tho
recent election the people did the wisest thing that coald have been done;
indeed, I do not think they did ; but I do say, that in accepting the great
trust committed to me, which I do with a determination to endeavor to
prove worthy of it, I must rely upon you, upon the people of the whole
country, for support ; and with their sustaining aid, even I, humble as I
am, cannot fail to carry the ship of State safely through the storm.
I have now only to thank you warmly for your kind attendance, and
bid you all an affectionate farewell.
At Peekskill, in reply to a brief address from Judge
Nelson, lie said : —
Ladies and Gentlemen : — I have but a moment to stand before you, to
listen to and return your kind greeting. I thank you for this reception,
and for the pleasant manner in which it is tendered to me, by our mutuaJ
friend. I will say in a single sentence, in regard to the diflSculties that
lie before me and our beloved country, that if I can only be as generously
and unanimously sustained as the demonstrations I have witnessed indi-
cate I shall be, I shall not fail ; but without your sustaining hands I am
sure that neither I, nor any other man, can hope to surmount these diffi-
culties. I trust that in the course I shall pursue I shall be sustained, not
only by the party that elected me, but by the patriotic people of the wholo
country.
The President-elect reached New York at tliree o'clock,
and was received by an immense demonstration of popn
lar enthusiasm. Plac^^s of business were generally closed,
and the streets were filled with people, eager to catch a
glimpse of his person. On reaching the Astor House, he
was compelled by the importunity of the assembled crowd
to appear on the balcony, from which he said : —
Fellow-Citizens: — I have stepped before you merely in compliance
with what appears to be your wish, and not with the purpose of making
a speech. I do not propose making a speech this afternoon. I could not
be heard by any but a small fraction of you, at best ; but, what is stiU
worse than that, I have nothing just now to say that is worthy of your
hearing. [Applause.] I beg you to believe that I y ~zt now refuse U>
148 The Life, Public Services, and
address yon from any disposition to disoblige you, but to the contrary.
But, at the same time, I beg of you to excuse me for the present.
In the evening, Mr. Lincoln received a large deputation
from the various Republican associations which had
taken an active part in the election canvass, and in reply
to a brief welcome from Mr. E. D. Smith, on their behalf,
he thus addressed them : —
Me. Chairman and Gentlemen: — I am rathei an old n-Sia to avaL
myself of such an excuse as I am now about to do. Yet the truth is s©
distinct, and presses itself so distinctly upon me, that I cannot well avoid
it — and that is, that I did not understand when I was brought into this
room that I was brought here to make a speech. It was not intimated to
me that I was brought into the room where Daniel Webstee and Heney
Clay had made speeches, and where, in my position, I might be expected
to do something like those men, or do something worthy of myself or my
audience. I. therefore, will beg you to make very great allowance for
the circumstances m .%"nich I have been by surprise brought before
you. Now, I have been in the habit of thinking and speaking sometimei
upon political questions that have for some years past agitated the conn
try ; and, if I were disposed to do so, and we could take up some one of
the issues, as the lawyers call them, and I were called upon to make an
argument about it to the best of my ability, I could do so without much
preparation. But that is not what you desire to be done here to-night.
I have been occupying a position since the Presidential election of
silence, of avoiding public sT^eaking, of avoiding public writing. I have
been doing so, because I thcr^ght, upon full consideration, that was the
proper course for me to take. [Great applause.] I am brought before
you now, and required to make a speech, when you all approve more than
any thing else of the fact that I have been keeping sUence. [Great laugh-
ter, cries of "Good," and applause.] And now it seems to me that the
response you give to that remark ought to justify me in closing just here.
[Great laughter.] I have not kept silence since the Presidential election
from any party wantonness, or from any indifference to the anxiety that
pervades the minds of men about the aspect of the political affairs of this
country. I have kept silence for the reason that I supposed it was pecu-
liarly proper that I should do so until the time came when, according to
the custom of the country, I could speak officially.
A vcice — The custom of the country ?
T heard some gentleman say, " According to the custom of the country."
r alluded to th<i custom of the President-elect, at the time of taking the
oath of office. That is what I meant by " the custom of the country."
I do suppose that, while the political drama being enacted in this coun-
try, ac this time, is rapidly shifting its scenes — forbidding an anticipation,
State Papers of Abraham Lincoln. 149
with auy degree of certainty, to-day, what we shall see to-morrow — it
was peculiarly fitting that I should see it all, up to the last minute, before
T shouxii take ground that I might be disposed (by the shifting of the
scenes afterwards) also to shift. [Applause.] I have said, several times,
upon this journey, and I now repeat it to you, that when the time does
come, I shall then take the ground that I think is right — [applause]— the
ground that I think is right — [applause, and cries of " Good, good" — right
for the North, for the South, for the East, for the West, for the whole
country. [Cries of " Good," "Hurrah for Lincoln," and ai)i^laTise.] And
in doing so, I hope to feel no necessity pressing upon me to say any thing
in conflict with the Constitution ; in conflict with the continued union of
these States — [applause] — in conflict with the perpetuation of the liberties
of this people — [applause] — or any thing in conflict with any thing what-
ever that I have ever given you reason to expect from me. [Applause.]
And now, my friends, have I said enough? [Loud cries of "No, no,"
and three cheers for Lincoln.] Now, my friends, there appears to be a
difierence of opinion between you and me, and I really feel called upon
to decide the question myself. [Applause, during which Mr. Lincoln
descended from the table.]
On tlie morning of the 20tli Mr. Lincoln proceeded to
the City Hall, where it had been arranged that he should
have an official reception. He was there addressed by
Mayor Wood in the following terms : —
Mr. Lincoln : — As Mayor of New York, it becomes my duty to extend
to you an official welcome in behalf of the Corporation. In doing so, per-
mit me to say, that this city has never ofi'ered hospitality to a man clothed
with more exalted powers, or resting under graver responsibilities, than
those which circumstances have devolved upon you. Coming into office
with a dismembered Government to reconstruct, and a disconnected asd
hostile people to reconcile, it will require a high patriotism, and an eleva
ted comprehension of the whole country and its varied interests, opinions,
and prejudices, to so conduct public afiairs as to bring it back again to its
former harmonious, consolidated, and prosperous condition. If I refer to
'this topic, sir, it is because New York is deeply interested. The present
political divisions have sorely afflicted her people. All her material inter-
ests are paralyzed. Her commercial greatness is endangered. She is the
child of the American Union. She has grown up under its maternal care,
and been fostered by its paternal bounty, and we fear that if the Uniou
dies, the present supremacy of New York may perish with it. To yom,
therefore, chc»?ii under the forms of the Constitution as the head of the
Confederacy, we look for a restoration of fraternal relations between live
States-— only "-^ bs accomplished by peaceful and conciliatory me^ 8, aided
\j the wisdom of Almighty God.
150 The Life, Public Services, and
To tliis address Mr. Lincoln made tlie following re-
Mb. Mayob : — It is with feelings of deep gratitude that I make my
acknowledgments for the reception thai has been given me in the %feat
commercial City of New York. I cannot but remember that it is done by
the people, who do not, by a large majority, agree with me in political
gentiment. It is the more grateful to me, because in this I see that for
the great principles of our Government the people are pretty nearly or
quite unanimous. In regard to the difficulties that confront us at this
time, and of which you have seen fit to speak so becomingly and so jui^tly,
I can only say that I agree with the sentiments expressed. In my devo-
tion to the Union I hope I am behind no man in the nation. As to my
^risdom in conducting aftairs so as to tend to the preservation of the
Union, I fear too great conlidence may have been placed in me. I am
sare I bring a heart devoted to the work. There is nothing that could
e^'er bring me to consent — willingly to consent — to the destruction of this
L'nion (in which not only the great City of New York, but the whole
ct)untry, hafs acquired its greatness), unless it would be that thing for
which the Union itself was made. I understand that the ship is made for
the carrying and preservation of the cargo ; and so long as the ship ie
safe with the cargo, it shall not be abandoned. This Union shall never
be abandoned, unless the possibility of its existence shall cease to exist,
without the necessity of throwing passengers ard cargo overboard. So
long, then, as it is possible that the prosperity and liberties of this people
can be preserved within this Union, it shall be my purpose at all times to
preserve it. And now, Mr. Mayor, renewing my thanks for this cordial
reception, allow me to come to a close. [Applause.]
On the morning of Thursday, the 21st, Mr. Lincoln left
New York for Philadelphia, and on reaching Jersey City
was met and welcomed, on behalf of the State, by the
Hon. W. L. Dayton, to whose remarks he made this re-
ply :-
Mb. Dayton and Gentlemen of the State of New Jersey : — I shall
only thank you brieiiy for this very kind reception given me, not person-
ally, but as the temporary representative of the majesty of the nation.
[Applause.] To the kindness of your hearts, and of the hearts of your
brethren in your State, I should be very proud to respond, but I shall not
have strength to address you or otlier assemblages at length, even if I had
the time to do so. I appear before you, therefore, for little else than to
greet you, and to briefly say farewell. You have done me the very high
honor to present your reception courtesies to me through your great man
— a man with whom it is an honor to be associated anywhere, ard iL
owning whom no State can be poor. [Applause.] He has said enough,
State Papers oe Abraham Lincoln. 151
and by the saying of it suggested enough, to require a response of an liour
well considered. [Applause.] I could not in an hour make a worthy
response to it. I therefore, ladies and gentlemen of New Jersey, content
myself with saying, most heartily do I indorse all the sentiments he has
expressed. [Applause.] Allow me, most gratefully, to bid you farewell.
[Applause.]
At Newark he was welcomed by tlie Mayor, to whom
he said : —
Mr. Mayor: — I thank you for this reception at the city of Newark.
With regard to the great work of which you speak, I wUl say that I bring
to it a heart filled with love for my country, and an honest desire to do
what is right. I am sure, however, that I have not the ability to do any
thing unaided of God, and that without his support, and that of this free,
happy, prosperous, and intelligent people, no man can succeed in doing
that the importance of which we all comprehend. Again thanking you
for the reception you have given me, I wiU now bid you farewell, and
proceed upon my journey.
At Trenton he was received by a committee of the
legislature, and escorted to both branches, which were
In session. The President of the Senate welcomed him in
a brief address, to which he made the following reply : —
Mr. President and Gentlemen of the Senate of the State of
Rew Jersey : — I am very grateful to you for the honorable reception of
prhich I have been the object. I cannot but remember the place that
New Jersey holds in our early history. In the early Kevolutionary strug-
gle few of the States among the Old Thirteen had more of the battle-fields
of the country within their limits than old New Jersey. May I be par-
doned if, upon this occasion, I mention that away back in my childhood,
tlie earliest days of my being able to read, I got hold of a small book,
such a one as few of the younger members have ever seen, " Weem's Lif^
of Washington^ I remember all the accounts there given of the battle-
fields and struggles for the liberties of the country, and none fixed them-
selves upon my imagination so deeply as the struggle here at Trenton,
New Jersey. The crossing of the river ; the contest with the Hessians ;
the great hardships endured at that time, all fixed themselves on my
memory more than any single Revolutionary event ; and you all know, for
you have all been boys, how these early impressions last longer than any
others. I recollect thinking then, boy even though I was, that there
must have been something more than common that these men struggled
for. I am exceedingly anxious that that thing which they struggled for ;
that something even more than National Independence; that something
that held out a great promise to all the people of the world to aU time to
152 The Life, Public Services, and
come — I am exceedingly anxious that this Union, the Constil ntion, and
the liberties of the people shall be perpetuated in accordance witl: the
original idea for which that struggle was made, and I shall be most happy
indeed if I shall be an humble instrument in the hands of the Almighty,
and of this, his most chosen people, as the chosen instrument — also in the
hands of the Almighty — for perpetuating the object of that great str aggie.
You give me this reception, as I understand, without distinction of party.
I learn that this body is composed of a majority of gentlemen who, in the
exercise of their best judgment in the choice of a Chief "Magistrate, did
eot think I was the man. I understand, nevertheless!, l^nat they came
forward here to greet me as the constitutional President of the United
States — as citizens of the United States to meet the man who, for the
time being, is the representative man of the nation — united by a purpose
to perpetuate the Union and liberties of the people. As such, I accept
this reception more gratefully than I could do did I believe it was ten-
dered to me as an individual.
Mr. Lincoln then passed to the Assembly Chamber,
where, in reply to the Speaker, he said : —
Mr. Speaker and Gentlemen: — I have just enjoyed the honor of a
reception by the other branch of this legislature, and I return to you
and them my thanks for the reception which the people of New Jersey
have given through their chosen representatives to me as the representa-
tive, for the time being, of the majesty of the people of the United States.
I appropriate to myself very little of the demonstrations of respect with
which I have been greeted. I think little should be given to any man,
but that it should be a manifestation of adherence to the Union and the
Constitution. I understand myself to be received here by the representa-
tives of the people of New Jersey, a majority of whom differ in opinion
from those with whom I have acted. This manifestation is, therefore, to
be regarded by me as expressing their devotion to the Union, the Consti-
tution, and the liberties of the people, Tou, Mr. Speaker, have well said
that this is a time when the bravest and wisest look with doubt and awe
upon the aspect presented by our national affairs. Under these circum-
stances, you will readily see why I should not speak in detail of the course
I shall deem it best to pursue. It is proper that I should avail myself of
all the information and all the time at my command, in order that when
the time arrives in which I must speak officially, I shall be able to take the
ground which I deem the best and safest, and from which I may have no
occasior to swerve. I shall endeavor to take the ground I deem most
just to ti^e y:>rth, the East, the West, the South, and the whole country.
I take it, I hope, in good temper, certainly with no malice towards any
section. I shall do all that may be in my power to promote a peaceful
settlement of all our difficulties. The man does not live who is more de-
voted to peace than I am. [Cheers.] None who would do more to pre-
State Papers of Abraham Lincoln. 153
jerve it, but it may be necessary to put the foot down firmly. [Here the
ludience broke out into cheers so loud and long, that for some moments
t was impossible to hear Mr. Lincoln's voice.] And if I do my duty and
lo right, you will sustain me, will you not ? [T^oud cheers, and cries of
' Yes, yes, we will."] Eeceived, as I am, by the members of a legislature,
the majority of whom do not agree with me in political sentiments, I
irust that I may have their assistance in piloting the ship of State
through this voyage, surrounded by perils as it is; for if it should suffer
wreck now, there will be no pilot ever needed for another voyage. Gen-
tlemen, I have already spoken longer than I intended, and must beg leave
to stop here.
The procession then moved to the Trenton House,
where the President-elect made the following speech to
the crowd outside : —
I have been invited by your rf presentatives to the Legislature to visit
this, the capital of your honored State, and in acknowledging their kind
invitation, compelled to respond to the welcome of the presiding officers of
each body, and I suppose they intended I should speak to you through
them, as they are the representatives of all of you ; and if I was to speak
again here, I should only have to repeat, in a great measure, much that I
have said, which would be disgusting to my friends around me who have
met here. I have no speech to make, but merely appear to see you and
let you look at me ; and as to the latter, I think I have greatly the best of
the bargain. [Laughter.] My friends, allow me to bid you farewell.
The party arrived at Philadelphia at 4 o'clock, and the
President-elect, proceeding immediately to the Continen-
tal Hotel, was welcomed in a brief speech from Mayor
Henry, to which he replied as follows : —
Me. Mayor and Fellow-Oitizens of Philadelphia : — I appear before
fou to make no lengthy speech, but to thank you for this reception. The,
reception you have given me to-night is not to me, the man, the Individ [
ual, but to the man who temporarily represents, or should represent, the
majesty of the nation. [Cheers.] It is true, as your worthy Mayor has
said, that there is anxiety amongst the citizens of the United States at this
time. I deem it a happy circumstance that this dissatisfied position of our
fellow-citizens does not point us to any thing in which they are being
injured, or about to *ie injured; for which reason, I have felt all the while
justified in concluding that the crisis, the panic, the anxiety of the coun-
try at thie time, is artificial. If there be those who differ with me upon
this subject, tiiey have not pointed out the substantial difficulty that
exists. I do not mean to say that aL a.tiacial panic may not do consid-
erable harm ; that it has done such I do not deny. The hope that has
154 The Life, Public Services, and
been expressed by your Mayor, that I may be able to restore peace, har-
mony, and prosperity to the country, is most worthy of him ; and happy,
indeed, will I be if I shall be able to verify and fultil that hope. [Tre-
PAcndous cheering.] I promise you, in all sincerity, that I bring to the
work a sincere heart. Whether I will bring a head equal to tljat heart
will be for future times to determine. It were useless for me to speak of
details of plans now; I shall speak officially next Monday week, if evei.
If I should not speak then, it were useless for me to do so now. If I do
si»eak then, it is useless for me to do so now. When I do speak, I shall
take such ground as I deem best calculated to restore peace, harmony,
and prosperity to the country, and tend to the perpetuity of the nation
and the hberty of these States and these people. Your worthy Mayor
Las expressed the wish, in which I join with him, that it were conv^enient
t.«r me to remain in your city long enough to consult your merchants and
ixanufacturers; or, as it were, to listen to those breathings rising within
tie consecrated walls wherein the Constitution of the United States, and,
I will add, the Declaration of Independence, were originally framed and
adopted. [Enthusiastic applause.] I assure you and your Mayor that I
had hoped on this occasion, and upon all occasions during my life, that I
shall do nothing inconsistent with the teachings of these holy and most
Hiicred walls. I never asked any thing that does not breathe from those
walls. All my political warfare has been in favor of the teachings that
rime forth from these sacred walls. May my right hand forget its cun-
ning, and my tongue cleave to the roof of my mouth, if ever I prove false
to those teachings. Fellow-citizens, I have addressed you longer than I
txpected to do, and now allow me to bid you good-night.
On the 21st, Mr. Lincoln visited the old Independence
Hail, from which was originally issued the Declaration
of Independence. He was received in a cordial speech
by Mr. Theodore Cuyler, to which he made the follow-
'ng response : —
Mr. Ctjyler : — I am filled with deep emotion at finding myself standing
here in this place, where were collected together the wisdom, the patriot-
ism, the devotion to principle from which sprang the institutions under
which we live. You have kindly suggested to me that in my hands
is the task of restoring peace to the present distracted condition of the
country. I can say in return, sir, that all the political sentiments
I entertain have been drawn, so far as I have been able to draw them,
from the sentiments which originated in and were given to the world
from this hall- I have never had a feeling, politically, that did not spring
from the sentiments embodied in the Declaration of Independence. I
have often pondered over the dangers wliich were incurred by the men
who assembled here, and framed and adopted ♦hat Declaration of Lade-
State Papers of Abraham Lincoln. 155
j)eii'lenoe. I have pondered over the toils that were endured by the offi-
(fers and soldiers of the army who achieved that independence. I have
often inquired of myself what great principle or idea it was that kept thia
Confederacy so long together. It was not the mere matter of the sep-
aration of the Colonies from the mother-land, hut that sentiment in the
Declaration of Independence which gave liberty, not alone to the people
ol this country, but, I hope, to the world, for all future time. [Great a]>-
plause.] It was that which gave promise that in due time the weigl-.t
would be lifted from the shoulders of all men. This is the sentiment em
Sodied in the Declaration of Independence. Now, my friend(«, can lii&
country be saved upon that basis? If it can, I will consider myself )ne
of the happiest men in the world if I can help to save it. If it cannot fee
saved upon that principle, it will be truly awful. But if this country cau-
act be saved without giving up that princijde, I was about to say I would
rather be assassinated on this spot than surrender it. [Applause.] Now,
in ray view of the present aspect of affairs, there need be no bloodshed
or war. There is no necessity for it. I am not in favor of such a course ,
and I may say in advance that there will be no bloodshed unless it be
forced upon the Government, and then it will be compelled to act in self-
defence. [Applause.]
My friends, this is wholly an unexpected speech, and I did not expect
to be called upon to say a word when I came here. I supposed it was
merely to do something towards raising the flag — I may, therefore, have
said something indiscreet. [Cries of '' No, no."] I have said nothing but
what I am willing to live by, and, if it be the pleasure of Almighty God,
die by.
One ol)ject of 1/ie visit to the Hall was, to have Mr.
Lincoln assist in raising the national flag over the Hall.
Arrangements had been made for the perfonnance of this
ceremony, and Mr. Lincoln was escorted to the platform
prepared for the purpose, and was invited, in a brief ad
dress, to raise the flag. He responded in a patriotic
speech, announcing his cheerful compliance with the re-
quest He alluded to the original flag of thirteen stars,
saying that the number had increased as time rolled on,
and we became a happy, powerful people, each star add-
ing to its prosperity. The future is in the hands of the
people. It was on such an occasion we could reason to-
gether, reaffirm our devotion to the country and the prin
ciples of the Declaration of Independence. Let us make
up our minds, said he, that whenever we do put a new star
upon our banner, it shall be a fixed one, never to be
156 The Life, Public Services, and
dimmf^d by the horrors of war, but brightened by the
contentment and prosperity of peace. Let us go on to
extend the area of our usefulness, and add star upon star,
until their light shall shine over five hundred millions of
free and happy people. He then performed his part in
the c-.^remony, amidst a thundering discharge of artillery.
In the afternoon he left for the West. On reaching
Lancaster he was received with a salute, and replied to
an address of welcome in the following words : —
Ladies and Gentlemen of Old Lancaster : — I appear not to make a
speech. I have not time to make a speech at length, and not strength to
make them on every occasion ; and worse than all, I have none to make.
There is plenty of matter to speak about in these times, but it is well
known that the- more a man speaks the less lie is understood — tlie more
he says one thing, the more his adversai"ies contend he meant something
else. I shall soon have occasion to speak officially, and then I will en-
deavor to put my thoughts just as plain as I can express myself — true to
the Constitution and Union of all the States, and to the perpetual liberty
of all the people. Until I so speak, there is no need to enter upon details.
In conclusion, I greet you most heartily, and bid you an affectionate
farewell.
On reaching Harrisburg, on the 22d, Mr. Lincoln was
escorted to the legislature, and was welcomed by the
presiding officers of the two houses, to whom he replied
as follows : — ^
I appear before you only for a very few, brief remarks, in response to
what has been said to me. I thank you most sincerely for this reception,
and the generous words in which support has been promised me upot
this occasion. I thank your great Commonwealth for the overwhelming
snj/port it recently gave, not me personally, but the cause which I think
a just one, in the late election. [Loud applause.] Allusion has been
made to the fact — the interesting fact, perhaps, we should say — that I for
tlie first time appear at the Capital of the great Commonwealth of Penn-
sylvania upon the birthday of the Fathei of his Country, in connection
with that beloved anniversary connected with the history of this country.
I have already gone through one exceedingly interesting scene this morn-
mg in the ceremonies at Philadelphia, Under the high conduct of gentle-
men there, I was for the first time allowed the privilege of standing in
old Independence Hall [enthusiastic cheering], to have a few worda
addressed to me there, and opening up to me an opportunity of express-
mg, with much regret, that I had not more time time to exnress some
{State Papers of Abhaham Lincoln. 157
thing of my own feelings, excited by the occasion, somewhat to harmonize
and give shape to the feehngs that had been really the feelings of my
whole life. Besides this, our friends there had provided a magnificent
flag of the country. They had arranged it so that I was given the honor
of arising it to the head of fts stai''' [Applause.] And when it went up, I
was pleased that it went to its place by the strength of my own feeble arm,
when, according to the arrangement, the cord was pulled, and it floated
gloriously to the wind, without an accident, in the light, glowing sunshine
ef the morning. I could not help hoping that there was, in the entire suc-
cess of that beautiful ceremony, at least something of an omen of what is to
come. [Loud applause.] How could I help feeling then as I often have felt ?
In the whole of that proceeding I was a very humble instrument. I had
not provided the flag ; I had not made the arrangements for elevating it
to its place ; I had applied but a very small portion of my feeble strength
in raising it. In the whole transaction I was in the hands of the people
who had arranged it, and if I can have the same generous co-operation of
the people of the nation, I think the flag of our country may ,\oi be kept
flaunting gloriously. [Loud, enthusiastic, and continued cheers.] 1 recur
for a moment but to repeat some words u ttered at the hotel, in regard tc
what has been said about the military support which the General Govern
ment IT h.7 expect from the Commonwealth of Pennsylvania in a proper
emerfeTi'*^. To guard against any possible mistake do I recur co this.
It is not with any pleasure that I contemplate the possibility that a neces-
sity may arise in this country for the use of the military arm. [Applause.]
While I am exceedingly gratified to see the manifestation upon yoTir
streets of your military force here, anu exceedingly gratified at your
promises here ^p use that force upon a pro er emergency — while I make
these acknowlb'lirrjK'nts I desire to repeat, in order to preclude any pos-
sible misconstruction, that I do most sincerely hope that we shall have
no use for theiii. /Applause.] That it will never become their duty to
shed blood, and most ess'^ecially never to shed fraternal blood. I promise
that, so l^r as I may have -Is^om to direct, if so painful a result shall '.n
any-wise be brought about, it shall be through no fault of mine. [Cheers, j
Allusion has also been made by one of your honored speakers to soiiio
remarks recently made by myself at Pittsburg, in regard to what is suji
p )sv-d t<' be tlie Cirpecial interest of this great Commonwealth of I*ennsyl
fania. I now wish uiily to say, in regard to that matter, that the few
temarke wl«ich I utltrod <>n that occasion were rather carefully worded.
t took pains that they should I' -n. I have seen no occasion since to add
to them, or subtract from thcui. 1 leave them precisely as they stand
''applause], adding only now, tliat I am pleased to have an expression ftxra
you, gentlem<*n of Pennsylvania, significant that they are satisfactory to
you. And now, gentlemen of the General Assembly of the Common
wealth of Pennsylvania, allow rae to r.iturn jou again my most sincere
thanks.
IjS The Life, Public Services, and
After tlie delivery of this address, Mr. Lincoln devoted
some liours to the reception of visitors, and at six o'clock
retired to his room. The next morning the whole coun-
try was surprised to learn that he had arrived in Wash-
ington— twelve hours sooner than he had originally in-
tended. His sudden departure pi'oved to have been a,
measure of precaution for which events subsequently',
disclosed afforded a full justification. For some time pre
vious to his departure from home, the rumor had been
current that he would never reach the Capital alive. An
attempt was made on the Toledo and Western Railioad,
on the 11th of February, to throw from the track the train
on which he was journeying, and just as he was leaving
Cincinnati a hand grenade was found to have been se-
creted on board the cars. These and other circumstances
led to an organized and thorough investigation, under the
direction of a police detective, carried on with great skill
and perseverance at Baltimore, and which resulted in dis-
closing the fact that a small gang of assassins, under th-e
leadership of an Italian who assumed the name of Orsinl,
had arranged to take his life during his passage through
Baltimore. General Scott and Mr. Seward had both been
apprised of the same fact through another source, and
th^^y had sent Mr. F. W. Seward as a special messenger
to Philadelphia, to meet the President-elect there, pre-
vious to his departure for Harrisburg, and give him
notice of these circumstances. Mr. Lincoln did not
deviate from the programme he had marked out for him-
self, in consequence of these communications ; except
that, under the advice of friends, he deemed it prudent
to anticipate by one train the time he was expected to
arrive in Washington He reached there on the morning
of Saturday, the 23d.
On Wednesday, the 27th, the Mayor and Common
Council of the city waited upon Mr. Lincoln, and ten
dered him a welcome He replied to them as follows : —
Me. Mayor : — I thank you, and through you the municipal authorities
of this city who accompany you, for this welcome And as it- is the first
bTATE Papers of Abraham Li^^coln. 159
time la my life, since the present phase of politics has presented itself in
this country, that I have said any thing publicly within a region of
country where the institution of slavery exists, I will take this occasioa
to say, that I think very much of the ill-feeling that has existed and still
exists between the pco[)le in the sections from which I came and the
people here, is dependent upon a misunderstanding of one another. I
furtrefui e avail myself of this opportunity to assure you, Mr. Mayor, and
all the gentlemen present, that I have not now, and never have had, any
other than as kindly feelings towards you as the people of my owa
section. I have not now, and never have had, any disposition to treat
jou in any respect otherwise than as my own neighbors. I have not
now any purpose to withhold from you any of the benefits of the Consti^
tttion, under any circumstances, that I would not feel myself constrained
to withhold from my own neighbors ; and I hope, in a word, that when
we shall become better acquainted — and I say it with great confidence —
we shall like each other the more. I thank you for the kindness of thie
reception.
On the next evening a serenade was given to Mr.
Lincoln by the members of the Republican Association,
and he then addressed the crowd which the occasion had
brought together as follows : —
Mt FEiEisrD8 : — I suppose that I may take this as a compliment paid Vit
me, and as such please accept my thanks for it. I have reached ihis City
of Washington under circumstances considerably differing from those
under which any other man has ever reached it. I am here for the pur-
pose of taking an official position amongst the people, almost all of whom
were politically opposed to me, and are yet opposed to me, as I suppose.
I propose no lengthy address to you. I only propose to say, as I did
on J esterday, when your worthy Mayor and Board of Aldermen called
upon me, that I thought much of the ill feeling that has existed betwe&i*
f on and the people of your surroundings and that people from among
i^hom I came, has depended, and now depends, upon a misunder-
standing.
1 hope that, if things shall go along as prosperously as I believe we all
desire they may, I may have it in my power to remove something of this
misunderstanding; that I may be enabled to convince you, and thepeoik
of your section of the country, that we regard you as in aU things out
equals, and in all things entitled to the same respect and the same treat
ment that we claim for ourselves ; that we are in no wise disposed, if it
were in our power, to oppress yen, to deprive you of any of your rights
under the Constitution of the United States, or even narrowij to split
hairs with you in regard to these rights, but are determined to give yon,
as far a*! lies in our hands, all your rights under the Constitiitioii — not
iGO The Life, Public Services, and
grudgingly, but fully and fairly. [Applause.] I hope tliat, by thus deaTing
with you, we will become better acquainted, and be better friends.
And now, my friends, with these few remarks, and again reti ruing my
♦■Jianks f^r this compliment, and expressing my desire to hear a AttXf
more of your good music, I bid yon good-night.
This closed Mr. Lincoln' s public speeches dc wn to tfe«
date of his inauguration.
State Papers of Abraham Lincoln. 16]
CHAPTER VI.
PROM THE INAUGURATION TO THE MEETING OF CCNGEKSa,
JULY 4, 1861.
Thb Inatjqueal Address. — Organization of the Govsenment.- Thb
Bombardment of Fort Sumter. — Passage of Troops through Bal-
timore.— Interview with the Mayor i i>a],timore. — The Block-
ade OF Rebel Ports. — The President and the Virginia Commis-
sioners.— Instruction to our IIinisters abroad. — Recognition oi
THB Rebels as Belligerents. — Rights of Neutrals.
On the 4th of March, 1861, Mr. Lincoln took tJie ua
and assumed the duties of the President* al office. He was
quite right in saying, on the eve of his departure from his
home in Springfield, that those duties were greater than
had devolved upon any other mac since the days of
Washington. A conspii^acy which had been on loot for
thirty years had reached its crisis Yet in spite of all
that had been done by the leading spirits in this move-
ment, the people of the slaveholding States were by no
means a unit in its support. Seven of those States — South
Carolina, Georgia, Alabama, Mississippi, Texas, FloricJa,
and Louisiana — had passed secession ordinances, and
united in the establishment of a hostile Confederacy ; but
in nearly all of them a considerable portion of the people
were opposed to the movement, while in all the remaining
elaveholding States a very active canvass was carried on
between the friends and the opponents of secession. In
Maryland, Virginia, Kentucky, and Tennessee especially,
the Government of the United States was vindicated and
its authority sustained by men of pre-eminent ability and
of commanding reputation, and there seemed abundant
reason for hoping that, by the adoption of prudent meas
nres, the slaveholding section might be divided, and the
Border Slav^e States retained in the Union. The authori-
ties of the rebel Confederacy saw the importance of push-
11
162 The Life, Public Services, and
ing the issue to an instant decision. Under their directions
nearly all the forts, arsenals, dock-yards, custom-houses,
&c., belonging to the United States, within the limits of
the seceded States, had been seized, and were held by
representatives of the rebel government. The only forts
in the South which remained in possession of the Union
were Forts Pickens, Taylor, and Jefferson on the Florida
^oast, and Fort Sumter in Charleston Harbor, and prepa-
' rations were far advanced for the reduction and capture
of these. Officers of the army and navy Irom the South
had resigned their commissions and entered the rebel
service. Civil officers representing the United States
within the limits of the Southern States could no
longer discharge their functions, and all the powers of
that Government were practically paralyzed.
It was under these circumstances that Mr. Lincoln
entered upon the duties of his office, and addressed him-
self to the task, first, of withholding the Border States
from joining the Confederacy, as an indispensable pre*
liminary to the great work of quelling the rebellion and
restoring the authority of the Constitution.
The ceremony of inauguration took place as usual in
front of the Capitol, and in presence of an immense mul-
titude of spectators. A large military force was in
attendance, under the immediate command of General
Scott, but nothing occurred to interrupt the harmony
of the occasion. Before taking the oath of office, Mr,
Lincoln delivered the following
INAUGURAL ADDRESS.
Fellow- Citizens of thfi United States : —
In compliance with a custom a3 old as the Government itself, I appear
before you to address you briefly, and to take in your presence the oath
prescribed by the Oonstitii tion of the United States to be taken by the
President "before he enters on the execution of his oflice."
I do not consider it necessary at present for me to discuss thosQ
matterrt of administration about whicn there is no special anxiety <ft
excitem snt.
Apprehension seems to exist, among the people of the Souinern States,
that by the accessicr. s^f a Republican jAdmini strati on their prope<y arid
State Papers of Abraham Lincoln. 163
their peace and personal security are to be endangered. There has never
been any reasonable cause for such apprehension. Indeed, the most
arajjle evidence to the contrary has all the while existed and been open
to their inspection. It is found in nearly all the published speeches of
bim who now addresses you. I do but quote from one of those speeches
*vhen I declare that "I have no purpose, directly or indirectly, to inter-
Lre with the institution of slavery in the States where it exists. I believe
I have no lawful right to do so, and I have no inclination to do so." Those
-A ho nominated and elected me did so with full knowledge that I had made
t! is and many similar declarations, and had never recanted them. And
a: ore than this, they placed in the platform for my acceptance, and as a la »^
\o themselves and to me, the clear and emphatic resolution which I now
vead : —
JResoI/ved, That the maintenance inviolate of the rights of the States,
and especially the right of each State to order and control its own domes-
tic institutions according to its own judgment exclusively, is essential to
the balance of power on which the perfection and endurance of our polit-
ical fabric depend, and we denounce the lawless invasion by armed force
of the soil of ary State or Territory, no matter under what pretext, as
among the gravpst of crimes.
I now reiterate these sentiments ; and, in doing so, I only press upon
the Dublic attention the most conclusive evidence of which the case is sus-
ceptible, that the property, peace, and security of no section are to be in
anywise endpngered by the now incoming Administration. I add, too,
that all the protection which, consistently with the Constitution and the
laws, can be given, will be cheerfully given to all the States, when law-
fully demanded, for whatever cause — as cheerfully to one section as to
another.
There is much controversy about the delivering up of fugitives from
service or labor. The clause I now read is as plainly written in the Con-
stitution as ai\y other of its provisions : —
No person held to service or labor in one State, under the laws thereof,
escaping into another, shall, in consequence of any law or regulation
therein, be discharged from such service or labor, but shall be delivered
np on claim of the party to whom such service or labor may be due.
It is scarcely questioned that this provision was intended by those who
made it for the reclaiming of what we call fugitive slaves; and the inten-
; tion of the lawgiver is the law. All members of Congress swear their
support to tlie whole Constitution — to this provision as much as any other.
To the proposition, then, that slaves, whose cases come within the terms
of this clause, "shall be delivered r.p," their oaths are unanimous. Now,
if they would make the effort in good temper, could they not, with nearly
equal unanimity, frame and pass a law by means of which to keep good
that unanimous oath ?
There is some difference of opinion whether this clause should be en-
forced by National or by State authority ; but surely that difference it
164 The Life, Public Services, and
Qot a very material one. If the slave is to be surrenii^^red, it can be of
but little consequence to him, or to others, by wliich authority it is don^.
And sshould any one, in any case, be content tliat his oath shall go uukept,
Dn A mere unsubstantial controversy as to how it shall be kept?
Again, in any law upon this subject, ought not all the safeguards of lib-
erty known in civilized and humane jurisprudence to be introduced, so
that a free man be not, in any case, surrendered as a slave? And might
it Lot be woll, at the same time, to provide by law for the enforcement
yf that clause in the Constitution which guarantees that "the citizens of
eacli State shall be entitled to all privileges and immunities of citizens in
the several States?"
I take the oflScial oath to-day with no mental reservation, and with jo
purpose to construe the Constitution or laws by any hypercritical rules.
And while I do not choose now to specify particular acts of Congress as
proper to be enforced, I do suggest that it will be much safer for all, both
in official and private stations, to conform to and abide by all those acta
which stand unrepealed, than to violate any of them, trusting to find im-
punity in having them held to be unconstitutional.
It is seventy-two years since the first inauguration of a President under
our National Constitution, During that period, fifteen diflferent and greatly
distinguished citizens have, in succession, administered the Executive
branch of tlie Government. TVey have conducted it through many perils,
and generally with great success. Yet, with all this scox)e for preco-
der t, I now enter upon the same task for the brief constitutional term of
foi r years, under great and peculiar difficulty. A disruption of the Yed-
e'ul Union, heretofore only menaced, is now formidably attempted.
I hold that, in contemplation of universal law, and of the Constitution,
fAe Union of these States is perpetual. Perpetuity is implied, if not ex-
nressed, in the fundamental law of all National Governments. It is safe
%o assert that no government proper ever had a provision in its organic
law for its own termination. Continue to execute all the express provi-
sions of our National Government, and the Union will endure forever — ii
b«ing impossible to destroy it, except by some action not provided for in
the Instrument itself.
Again, if the United States be not a Government proper, but an associ-
ation of States in the nature of contract merely, can it, as a contract, be
peaceably unmade by less than all the parties who made it? One party
to a contract may violate it — break it, so to speak ; but does it not require
all to lawfully rescind it ?
Descending from these general principles, w« find the proposition that,
in legal contemplation, the Union is perpetual, confirmed by the history
of the Union itself. The Union is much older than the Constitution. It
was formed, in fact, by the Articles of Association in 1774. It was ma-
tured and continued by the Declaration of Independence in 1776. It wa»
ftirthor matured, and the faith of all the then Thirteen States expressly
State Papers oe Abraham Lincoln. 1G5
plighted and engaged that it should be perpetual, by the Articlt-.e of Con-
federation in 1778. And, finally, in 1787, one of the declared objects for
ordaining and establishing the Constitution was "to form a more perfect
union."
But if destruction of the Union, by one, or by a part only, of the
States, be lawfully possible, the Union is less perfect than before, the Con-
stitution having lost the vital element of perpetuity.
It follows, from these views, that no State, upon its own mere motion^
can lawfully get out of the Union ; that resolves and ordinances to that
effect are legally void; and that acts of violence within any State or
States, against the authority of the United States, are insurrectionary or
rev olutionary, according to circumstances.
1, therefore, consider that, in view of the Constitution and the laws,
the Union is unbroken, and to the extent of my ability I shall take care, as
the Constitution itself expressly enjoins upon me, that the laws of the
UniofTi be faithfully executed m all the States, Doing this I deem to bo
onlf a simple duty on my part; and I shall perform it, so far as practica-
ble, unless my rightful masters, the American people, shall withhold tho
requisite means, or, in some authoritative manner, direct the contrary. J
trust this will not be regarded as a menace, but only as the declared pur
pose of the Union that it will constitutionally defend and maintain itself.
In doing this there need be no bloodshed or violence ; and there shall
be none, unless it be forced upon the National authority. The power con-
fided to me will be used to hold, occupy, and possess the property and
places belonging to the Government, and to collect the duties and im-
posts ; but beyond what may be but necessary for these objects, there will
be no invasion, no using of force against or among the people anywhere.
Where hostility to the United States, in any interior locality, shall be so
great and universal as to prevent competent resident citizens from hold-
ing the Federal oflBces, there will be no attempt to force obnoxious stran-
gers among the people for that object. While the strict legal right may
exist in the Government to enforce the exercise of these ofiices, the
attempt to do so would be so irritating, and so nearly impracticable withal,
I deem it better to forego, for the time, the uses of such ofiices.
The mails, unless repelled, will continue to be furnished in all parts of
the Union. So far as possible, the people everywhere shall have that sense
of perfect security which is most favorable to calm thought and reflection
The course here indicated will be followed, unless current events and ex-
perience shall show a modification or chanije w be proper, and in every
case and exigency my best discretion will bf« ezercised, according to cir-
cumstances actually existing, and with a Mew and a hope of a peaceful
solution of the National troubles, and the restoration of fraternal sympa-
thies and afiTections.
That there are persons in one section or another who seek to destroy
the Union at all events, and are glad of any pretext to d'- '"^ X will neither
166 iHJi Life, Public JSekvices, and
aflirm nor deny ; but if there be such, I need address no word to theta.
To those, however, who really love the Union, may I not speak ?
Before entering upon so grave a matter as the destruction of our
National fabric, with all its benefits, its memories, and its hopes, would U
not be wise to ascertain precisely why we do it ? Will you hazard so des-
perate a step while there is any possibility that any portion of the ills yon
fly from have no real existence? Will you, while the certain ills you fly
to are greater than all the real ones you fly from — will you risk the com
mission of so fearful a mistake ?
All profess to be content in the Union, if all constitutional rights caft
be maintained. Is it true, then, that any right, plainly written in the
Constitution, has been denied ? I think not. Happily the human mind
is so constituted that no party can reach to the audacity of doing this.
Think, if you can, of a single instance in which a plainly written provisio*
of the Constitution has ever been denied. If, by the mere force of num-
bers, a majority should deprive a minority of any clearly written consti-
tutional right, it might, in a moral point of view, justify revolution —
certainly would if such right were a vital one. But such is not our case.
All the vital rights of minorities and of individuds are so plainly assured
to them by aflBrmations and negations, guarantees and prohibitions in the
Constitution, that controversies never arise concerning them. But no
organic law can ever be framed with a provision specifically applicable to
every question which may occur in practical administration. No fore-
sight can anticipate, nor any document of reasonable length cu:;tain, ex-
press provisions for all possible questions. Shall fugitives from labor be
surrendered by National or by State authority ? The Constitution does
not expressly say. May Congress prohibit slavery in the Territories ? The
Constitution does not expressly say. Must Congress protect slavery in
the Territories ? The Constitution does not expressly say.
From questions of this class spring all our constitutional controversies,
and we divide upon them into majorities and minorities. If the minority
will not acquiesce, the majority must, or the Government must cease.
There is no other alternative; for continuing the Government is acquies-
■jence on one side or the other. If a minority in such case will secede
rather than acquiesce, they make a precedent which, in turn, will divide
and ruin them; for a minority of their own will secede from them when-
ever a majority refuses to be controlled by such minority. For instance,
why may not any portion of a new Confederacy, a year or two hence,
'irbitrarily secede again, precisely as portions of the present Union now
claim to secede from it? All who cherish disunion sentiments are now
being educated to the exact temper of doing this.
Is there such perfect identity of interests among the States to com-
pose a new Union, as to produce harmony only, and prevent renewed
dGcession ?
Plainly, the central idea of secession is the essence of anarchy. A
bTATE i'APERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN. Ibi
ffiajority held in restraint by constitutional checks and limitations, and
always changing easily with deliberate changes of popular opinions and
sentiments, is the only true sovereign of a free people. Whoever rejects
<t. does, of necessity, fly to anarchy or to despotism. Unanimity is im-
possible ; the rule of a minority, as a permanent arrangement, is wholly
inadmissible; so that, rejecting the majority principle, anarchy or despot-
/sm, in some form, is all that is left. ^
I do not forget the position assumed by some, that constitutional ques-
tions are to be decided by the Supreme Court ; nor do I deny that sccb
decisions must be binding, in any case, upon the parties to a suit, as to
the object of that suit, while they are also entitled to very high respect
snd consideration in all parallel cases, by all other departments of the
Government. And while it is obviously possible that such decisions n.ay
be erroneous in any given case, still, the evil effect following it being
limited to that particular case, with the chance that it may be overru'ed,
and never become a precedent for other cases, can better be borne tl an
could the evils of a different practice. At the same time, the can lid
citizen must confess that if the policy of the Government upon vital
questions affecting the whole people, is to be irrevocably fixed by de-
cisions of the Supreme Court, the instant they are made in ordinary
litigation between parties in personal actions, the people will have ceased
to be their own rulers, having to that extent practically resigned their
Government into the hands of that eminent tribunal.
Nor is there in this view any assault upon the Court or the Judges.
It is a duty from which they may not shrink to decide cases properly
brought before them, and it is no fault of theirs if others seek to turn
their decisions to political purposes. One section of our country believes
slavery is right, and ought to be extended, while the other believes it is
wrong, and ought not to be extended. This is the only substantial dis-
pute. The fugitive slave clause of the Constitution, and the law for the
suppression of the foreign slave-trade, are each as well enforced, perhaps,
as any law can ever be in a community where the moral sense of the
people imperfectly supports the law itself. The great body of the people
abide by the dry legal obligation in both cases, and a few break over in
each. This, I think, cannot be perfectly cured : and it would be worse,
in both cases, after the separation of the sections than befcre. Tha
foreign slave-trade, now imperfectly suppressed, would be i itimately
revived, without restriction, in one section; while fugitive slaves, now
only partially surrendered, would not be surrendered at all by the other.
Physically speaking,, we cannot separate. We cannot remove our re«
spective sections from each other, nor build an impassable wall between
them. A husband and wife may be divorced, and go out of the presence
and beyond the reach of each other ; but the different parts of our conn-
ta-y cannot do this. They cannot but remain face to face ; and iater-
oourse, either amicable or hostile, must continue between them. It is
168 The Life, Public Sehvices, and
impossible, then, to make that intercourse more advantageous or more
satisfactory after separation than before. Can aliens make treaties easier
*-han friends can make laws? Can treaties be more faithfully enforced
between aliens than laws can amo7ig friends? Suppose you go to war,
you cannot fight always; and when, after much loss on both sides, and
DC gain on either, you cease fighting, the identical old questions, as to
terms of intercourse, are again upon you.
This country, with its institutions, belongs to the people who inhabit
It. Whenever they shall grow weary of the existing Governinent, they
oan exercise their constitutional right of amending it, or their revolu-
tionary right to dismember or overthrow it. I cannot be ignorant of the
fact that many worthy and patriotic citizens are desirous of having the
National Constitution amended. While I make no recommendation of
amendments, I fully recognize the rightful authority of the people over
the whole subject, to be exercised in either of the modes prescribed in
the instrument itself; and I should, under existing circumstances, favor,
rather than oppose, a fair opportunity being afi'orded the people to act
upon it. I will venture to add, that to me the convention mode seems
preferable, in that it allows amendments to originate with the people
themselves, instead of only permitting them to take or reject proposi-
tions originated by others, not especially chosen for the purpose, and
which might not be precisely such as they would wish to either accept or
refuse. I understand a proposed amendment to the Constitution — which
amendment, however, I have not seen — has passed Congress, to the effect
that the Federal Government shall never interfere with the domestic insti-
tutions of the States, including that of persons held to service. To avoid
misconstruction of what I have said, I depart from my purpose not to
speak of particular amendments, so far as to say that, holding such a pro-
vision now to be implied constitutional law, I have no objections to its
being made express and irrevocable.
The Chief Magistrate derives all his authority from the people, and they
have conferred none upon him to fix terms for the separation of the States.
The people themselves can do this also if they choose ; but the Executive,
as such, has nothing to do with it. His duty is to administer the present
Government as it came to his hands, and to transmit it, unimpaired by
him, to his successor.
Why should there not be a patient confidence in the ultimate justice of
the people? Is there any better or equal hope in the world? In our
present difi'erences, is either party without faith of being in the right '
If the Almighty Ruler of Nations, with his eternal truth and justice, be
on your side of the North, or on yours of the South, that truth and that
justice will surely prevail, by the judgment of this great tribunal of the
American people.
By the frame of the Government under which we live, the same people
bave wisely given their public servants but little power for miachief , and
Stat^ Papers of Abraham Lincoln. 1G9
have, with equal wisdom, provided for the return of that little to their
owD hands at very short intervals. "While the peoj)le retain their virtue
and vigilance, no Administration, by any extreme of wickedness or folly,
can very seriously injure the Government in the short space of four
years.
My countrymen, one and all, think calmly and well upon this whole
subject. Nothing valuable can be lost by taking time. If there be an
object to hurry any of you in hot haste to a step which you would never
take deliberately, that object will be frustrated by taking time; but nc
good object can be frustrated by it. Such of you as are now dissatisfier,,
still have the old Constitution unimpaired, and, on the sensitive poii t,
the laws of your own framing under it ; while the new Administration
will have no immediate power, if it would, to change either. If it were
admitted that you who are dissatisfied hold the right side in the dispute,
there still is no single good reason for precipitate action. Intelligence,
patriotism, Christianity, and a firm reliance on Him who has never yet
forsaken this favored land, are still competent to adjust, in the best way,
all our present difficulty.
In your hands, my dissatisfied fellow-countrymen, and not in mine, k
the momentous issues of civil war. The Government will not assail you.
You can have no conflict without being yourselves the aggressors.
You have no oath registered in heaven to destroy the Government^
while I shall have the most solemn one to "preserve, protect, and de-
fend " it.
I am loth to close. "We are not enemies, but friends. We must not be
enemies. Though passion may have strained, it must not break our bonds
of affection.
The mystic cord of memory, stretching from every battle-field and
patriot grave to every living heart and hearthstone all over this broad
land, will yet swell the chorus of the Union, when again touched, aa
surely they wiU be, by the better angels of our nature.
Tlie declarations of the Inaugural, as a general thing,
gave satisfaction to the loyal people of the whole coun-
try. It was seen, everywhere, that while President Lin-
coln felt constrained, by the most solemn obligations
of daty, to maintain the authority of the Government of
the United States over all the territory within its juris-
diction, whenever that authority should be disputed by
the actual exercise of armed force, he would nevertheless
do nothing whatever to provoke such a demonstration,
and would take ao step which could look J ike violence or
offensive warfare upon the seceded States. In the Border
States its reception was in the main satisfactory. But, as
170 The Life, Public Services, and
a matter of course, in those States, as elsewliere tLrough-
out the South, the secession leaders gave it the most
hostile construction. No effort was spared to inflame the
public mind, by representing the Inaugural as embodying
the purpose of the President to make war upon the
Southern States for theii- attempt to secure a redress of
wrongs.
The President' s first act was to construct his Cabinet,
which was done by the appoin^.ment of William H. Sew-
ard, of New York, Secretary of State ; Salmon P. Chase,
of Ohio, Secretary of the Treasury ; Simon Cameron, of
Pennsylvania, Secretary of War ; Gideon Welles, of Con •
necticut. Secretary of the Navy ; Caleb B. Smith, of In-
diana, Secretary of the Interior ; Montgomery Blair, of
Maryland, Postmaster-General ; and Edward Bates, of
Missouri, Attorney- General. These nominations were all
confirmed by the Senate, and these gentlemen entered
upon the discharge of the duties of their several offices.
On the 12th of March, Messrs. John Forsyth, of Ala-
bama, and Crawford, of Georgia, requested an unofficial
interview with the Secretary of State, which the latter
declined. On the 13th they sent to him a communication,
informing him that they were in Washington as commis-
sioners from a government composed of seyen States
which had withdrawn from the American Union, and that
they desired to enter upon negotiations for the adjustment
of all questions growing out of this separation. Mr. Sew-
ard, by direction of the President, declined to receive
them, because it "could not be admitted that the States
referred to had, in law or fact, withdrawn from the Fed-
eral Union, or that they could do so in any other manner
than with the consent and concert of the people of the
United States, to be given through a National Convention,
to be assembled in conformity with the provisions of the
Constitution of the United States." This communication,
though written on the 15th of March, was withheld, witD
the consent of the Commissioners, until the 8th of April,
when it was delivered. The fact of its receipt, and ita
character, were instantly telegraphed to Charleston, and
State Papers of Abraham Lincoln.
it was made the occasion for precipitating the revolution
by an act which, it was believed, would unite all the
Southern States in support of the Confederacj/ . ^ On the
day of its receipt, the 8th of April, General Beauregard,
at Charleston, telegraphed to L. P. Walker, the rebel
Secretary of War, at Montgomery, that ' ' an authorized
messenger from President Lincoln had just informed Gov
ernor Pickens and himself that provisions would be sent
to Fort Sumter peaceably, or, otherwise, by force." Gen-
eral Beauregard was instructed to demand the surrender
of the fort, which he did on the 11th, and was at once in-
formed by Major Anderson, who was in command, that
his '^ sense of honor and his obligations to his Government
prevented his compliance." On the night of the same day
General Beauregard wrote to Major Anderson, by orders
of his Government, that if he "would state the time at
which he would evacuate Fort Sumter" (as it was known
that it must soon be evacuated for lack of provisions),
* ' and will agree that, in the mean time, you will not use
your guns against us unless ours shall be employed
against Fort Sumter, we will abstain from opening fire
upon you." At half-past two in the morning of the 12th,
Major Anderson replied that he would evacuate the fort
by noon on the 15th, abiding, meantime, by the terms
proposed, unless he should "receive, prior to that, control
ling instructions from his Government, or additional sup
plies." In reply to this note he was notified, at half -past
three, that the rebels would open their batteries upon the
fctft in one hour fi'om that time. This they did, and, after
a bombardment of thirty- three hours, Major Anderson
agreed to evacuate the fort, which he carried into effect
on Sunday morning, the 14th.
The effect of this open act of war was, in some respects,
precisely what had been anticipated by the rebel authori-
ties : in other respects, it was very different. Upon the
Southern States it had the effect of arousing public senti-
ment to the highest pitch of enthusiasm, and of strength-
ening the rebel cause. At the North, it broke down,
for the moment, all party distinctions, and united the
172 The Life, Public Services, and
people in a cordial and hearty support of the Govern-
ment.
The President regarded it as an amied attack upon the
Government of the United States, in support of the com-
bination which had been organized into a Confederacy to
resist and destroy its authority, and he saw, at once, th^t
it could be met and defeated only by the force placed in
Lis hands for the maintenance of that authority, lie
accordingly, on the 15th of April, issued the following
PROCLAMATION.
By the President of the United States.
Whereas^ ilie laws of the United States have been for some time past
and now are opposed, and the execution thereof obstructed, in the States
of South Carolina, Georgia, Alabama, Florida, Mississippi, Louisiana, and
Texas, by combinations too powerful to be suppressed by the ordinary
course of judicial proceedings, or by the powers vested in the marshals
by law : now, therefore, I, Abeaham Lincoln, President of the United
States, in virtue of the power in me vested by the Constitution and the
laws, have thought fit to call forth, and hereby do call forth, the militia
of the several States of the Union, to the aggregate number of seventy-
five thousand, in order to suppress said combinations, and to cause the
laws to be duly executed.
The details for this object will be imix.<}diately communicated to tho
State authorities through the War Department. I appeal to all loyal
citizens to favor, facilitate, and aid this effort to maintain the honor, the
integrity, and existence of our National Union, and the perpetuity of
popular government, and to redress wrongs already long enough endured.
I deem it proper to say that the first service assigned to the forces hereby
called forth will probably be to repossess the forts, places, and property 1
which have been seized from the Union ; and in every event the utmost
care will be observed, consistently with the objects aforesaid, to avoid
any devastation, any destruction of, or interference with, property, or any
disturbance of peaceful citizens of any part of the country; and I hereby
command the persons composing the combinations aforesaid to disperse
and retire peaceably to their respective abodes, within twent^ days from
thi«i date.
Deeming that the present condition of public affairs presents an extra-
ordinary occasion, I do hereby, in virtue of the power in me vested by
the Constitution, convene both houses of Congress. The Senators and
Representatives are, therefore, summoned to assemble at their respective
chambers, at twelve o'clock, noon, on Tlmreday, the fourth, day of July
State Papers of Abraham Lincoln. 173
next, then and there to consider and determine such measures as, in their
wisdom, the public safety and interest may seem to demand.
In witness whereof, I have hereunto set my hand, and caused the seal
of the United States to be affixed.
Done at the City of Washington, this fifteenth day of April, in the
year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and sixty-one, and of tho
independence of the United States the eighty-fifth.
Abraham Lincoln.
By the President.
William H. Skward, Secretary of State.
The issue of this Proclamation created the most intense
enthusiasm throughout the country. Scarcely a voice
was raised in any of the Northern States against this
measure, which was seen to be one of absolute necessity
and of self-defence on the part of the Government.
Every Northern State responded promptly to the Presi-
dent' s demand, and from private persons, as well as by
the legislatures, men, arms, and money were offered, in
unstinted profusion and with the most zealous alacrity,
in support of the Government. Massachusetts was first
in the field ; and on the first day after the issue of the
Proclamation, her Sixth Regiment, completely equipped,
started from Boston for the Natioual Capital. Two more
regiments were also made ready, and took their departure
within forty -eight hours. The Sixth Eegiment, on its
way to Washington, on the 19th, was attacked by a mob
in Baltimore, carrying a secession flag, and several of its
members were killed or severely wounded. This inflamed
to a still higher point the excitement which already per-
vaded the country. The whole Northern section of the
Union felt outraged that troops should be assailed and
murdered on their way to protect the Capital of the Na-
tion. In Maryland, where the Secession party was
strong, there was also great excitement, and the Governor
of the State and the Mayor of Baltimore united in urging
for prudential reasons, that no more troops should be
brought through that city. To their representation the
President made the following roply -. —
174 The Life, Public Services, and
■Washington, April 29, 1861.
Governor Hioks and Mayor Beown :
Gentlemen : — Your letter by Messrs. Bond, Dobbin, and Brune is re
ceived. I tender you both my sincere tbanks for your efforts to keep the
peace in the trying situation in which you are placed.
For the future, troops must be brought here, but I make no point of
bringing them through Baltimore. Without any military knowledge my-
self, of course I must leave details to General Scott. He hastily said thia
snorning in the presence of these gentlemen, " March them around Balti
more, and not through it." I sincerely hope the General, on fuller reflec-
tion, will consider this practical and proper, and that you will not object
to it. By this a collision of the people of Baltimore with the troops will
be avoided, unless they go out of their way to seek it. I hope you will
exert your influence to prevent this.
Now and ever I shall do all in my power for peace consistently with
Uie maintenance of the Government.
Your obedient servant, Abraham Lincoln.
And in further response to the same request from Gov-
ernor Hicks, followed "by a suggestion that the contro-
versy betweeTi ^he North and South might be referred to
Lord Lyons, the British Minister, for arbitration. Presi-
dent Lincoln, through the Secretary of State, made the
following reply : —
Depaktment of Statk, April 22, 1861.
His Excellency Thomas H. HioKS, Governor of Maryland :
Sir : — I have had the honor to receive your communication of this
morning, in which you inform me that you have felt it to be your duty
to advise the President of the United States to order elsewhere the troops
then off Annapolis, and also that no more may be sent through Maryland ;
and that you have further suggested that Lord Lyons be requested to act
as mediator between the contending parties in our country, to prevent
the effusion of blood.
The President directs me to acknowledge the receipt of that communi-
cation, and to assure you that he has weighed the counsels if contains
with the respect which he habitually cherishes for the Chief Magistrates
of the several States, and especially for yourself. He regrets, as deeply
as any magistrate or citizen of this country can, that demonstrations
against the safety of the United States, with very extensive preparations
for the effusion .of blood, have made it his duty to call out the forces to
which you allude.
The force now sought to be brought through Maryland is intended for
nothing but the defence of the Capital. The President has necessarily
confided the choice of the National highway which that force bhali take
State Papers of Abraham Lincoln 175
in coming to this city to the Lieutenant- General commanding the Army
of the United States, who, like his only predecessor, is not less distin-
guished for his humanity than for his loyalty, patriotism, and distin-
guished public service.
The President instructs me to add, that the National highway thus
selected by the Lieutenant- General has been chosen by him upon consul-
tation with prominent magistrates and citizens of Marylar i as the one
which, while a route is absolutely necessary, is farthest removed from the
populous cities of the State, and with the expectation that it would there-
fore be the least objectionable one.
I'he President cannot but remember that there has been a time in the
history of our country when a general of the American Union, with forces
designed for the defence of its Capital, was not unwelcome anywhere in
the State of Maryland, and certainly not at Annapolis, then, as now, the
capital of that patriotic State, and then, also, one of the capitals of the
Dnion.
If eighty years could have obliterated all the other noble sentiments of
that age in Maryland, the President would be hopeful, nevertheless, that
th«re is one that would forever remain there and everywhere. That sen-
timent is, that no domestic contention whatever that may arise among the
I»artie3 of tMs Republic ought in any case to be referred to any foreign
arbitrament, least of all to the arbitrament of a European monarchy.
I have the honor to be, with distinguished consideration, your Excel-
lency's obedient servant, William H. Seward.
At the President' s request, the Mayor of Baltimore, and
a number of leading influential citizens of Maryland,
waited upon him at Washington, and had an open con-
ference upon the condition of affairs in that State. The
Mayor subsequently made the following report of the in-
terview : —
The President, upon his part, recognized the good faith of the city and
State authorities, and insisted upon his own. He admitted the excite<!
state of feeling in Baltimore, and his desire and duty to avoid the fatai
cf asequences of a collision with the people. He urged, on the other
baud, the absolube, irresistible necessity of having a transit through the
State for such troops as might be necessary for the protection of the
Federal Capital. The protection of Washington^ he asseverated with great
earnestness, was the sole object of concentrating troops thtre ; and he
protested that none of the troops brought through Maryland were in-
tended for any purposes hostile to the State, or aggreesiue as against tlit
Southern States. Being now unable to bring them up the Potomac it
security, the Government must either bring them through Maryland oj
abandon the Capital.
176 The Life, Public Services, and /
He called on General Scott for his opinion, which the General gave at
leigth, to the effect that troops might be brought through Marylaad,
without going through Baltimore, by either carrying them from Perrys-
rille to Annapolis, and thence by rail to Washington, or by bringing them
to the Relay House on the ^Northern Central Railroad, and marching them
to the Relay House on the "Washington Railroad, and thence by rail to
the Capital. If the people would permit them to go by either of those
routes uninterruptedly, the necessity of their passing through Baltimore
^ould be avoided. If the people would not permit them a transit thus
remote from the city, they must select their own best route, and, if need
be, tight their way through Baltimore — a result which the General ear-
nestly deprecated.
The President expressed his hearty concurrence in the desire to avoid
a collision, and said that no more troops should be ordered through Balti-
more, if they were permitted to go uninterruptedly by either of the other
routes suggested. In this disposition the Secretary of War expressed his
participation.
Mayor Brown assured the President that the city authorities would use
all lawful means to prevent their citizens from leaving Baltimore to attack
the troops in passing at a distance ; but he urged, at the same time, the
impossibility of their being able to promise any thing more than their
best efforts in that direction. The excitement was great, he told the
President ; the people of all classes were fully aroused, and it was impos-
sible for any one to answer for the consequences of the presence of North-
ern troops anywhere within our borders. He reminded the President,
also, that the jurisdiction of the city authorities was confined to their own
population, and that he could give no promises for tlae people elsewhere,
because he would be unable to keep thera if given. The President frankly
acknowledged this difficulty, and said that the Government would only
ask the city authorities to use their best efforts with respect to thos«
under their jurisdiction.
The interview terminated with the distinct assurance, on the part of
the President, that no more troops would be sent through Baltimore un-
less obstructed in their transit in other directions, and with the under-
standing that the city authorities should do their best to restrain their
own people.
In accordance with tins understanding, troops were for-
warded to WasMngton by way of Annapolis, until peace
and order were restored in Baltimore, wlien the regular
use of the highway through that city was resumed, and
has been continued without interruption to the present
time.
On the 19th of April the President issued the following
proclamation, blockadin^r the ports of the seceded States ;■—
State Papers oi* Abkauam Lincox!:; 177
A PROCLAMATION,
By the President of the Unitted States,
Whereas, An insurrection against the Go\'ernment of the Unitcjd States
has broken out in the States of South Carolina, Georgia, Alabama, Flor-
ida, Mssissippi, Louisiana, and Texas, and the laws of the United States
for the collection of the revenue cannot be efficiently executed therein
conformable to that provision of the Constitution which required duties
to be uniform throughout the United States : —
And whereas, A combination of persons, engaged in such insurrection,
have threatened to grant pretended letters of marque, to authorize the
oearers thereof to commit assaults on the lives, vessels, and property of
the good citizens of the country, lawfully engaged in commerce on the
high seas, and in waters of the United States : —
And whereas, An Executive Proclamation has been already issued, re-
^^airing the persons engaged in these disorderly proceedings to desist
therefrom, calling out a militia force for the purpose of repressing the
same, and convening Congress in extraordinary session to i'xeliberate and
determine thereon : —
Now, therefore, I, Abraham Lincoln, President of the tJnited oi&tes,
with a view to the same purposes before mentioned, and to the protec-
tion of the public peace, and the lives and property of quiet and orderly
citizens pursuing their lawful occupations, until Congress shall have
assembled and deliberated on the said unlawful proceedings, or until the
same shall have ceased, have further deemed it advisable to set on foot a
blockade of the ports within the States aforesaid, in pursuance of the
laws of the United States and of the laws of nations in such cases pro-
vided. For this purpose a competent force will be posted, so as to pre-
sent entrance and exit of vessels from the ports aforesaid. If, therefore,
with a view to violate such blockade, a vessel shall approach, or shall
attempt to leave any of the said ports, she will be duly warned by the
commander of one of the blockading vessels, who will indorse on her
register the fact and date of such warning; and if the same vessel shall
again attempt to enter or leave the blockaded port, she will be captured
and sent to the nearest convenient port, for such proceedings against hei
and her cargo as prize as may be deemed advisable.
And I hereby proclaim and declare, that if any person, under the pio-
tended authority ©f such States, or under any other pretence, shall molest
a vessel of tlie United States, or the persons or cargo on board of her,
Euch persons will be held amenable to the laws of the United States for
the prevention and punishment of piracy.
By the President. Abbaham Ij^'^^ ^'^
William H. Sewakd, Secretary of State.
WABHIKfiTON, April Vj, 1S61.
12
178 The Life, Public Services, Am) j
These were the initial steps b}^ "vyhich the Govemmeii
sought to repel the attempt of the rebel Confederacy to
overthrow its autliority by force of arms. Its action vaa
at that time wholly defensive. The declarations of rebel
officials, as well as the language of the Southern press,
indicated very clearly their intention to push the war
b<-^gun at Sumtei" into the North. Jefferson Davis had
himself declared, more than a month previous, that when-
ever the war should open, the North and not the South
should be the field of battle. At a popular demonstration
held at Montgomery, Ala., on hearing that fire had been
opened upon Sumter, L. P. Walker, the rebel Secretary
of A¥ar, had said, that while "no man could tell where
the war would end, he would prophesy that the flag
which now flaunts the breeze here, would float oyer tln^
dome of the old Capitol at Washington before the first of
May," and that it "might float eventually over Faneul
Hall itself." Tlie rebel Government had gone forward
with great vigor to prepare the means for making good
these predictions. Volunteers were summoned to the
field. Besides garrisoning the fortresses in their posses-
sion along the Southern coast, a force of nearly twenty
thousand men was pushed rapidly forward to Virginia.
A loan of eight millions of dollars was raised, and Davis
issued a proclamation offering letters of marque to all per-
sons who might desire to aid the rebel Government and
enrich themselves by depredations upon the rich and ex-
tended commerce of the United States. The South thus
plunged openly and boldly into a war of aggression ; and
the President, in strict conformity with the declaration of his
Inaugural, put the Government upon the defensive, and
limited the military operations of the moment to the pro-
tection of the Capital.
The effect of these preliminary movements upon the
Border Slave States was very decided. The assault upon
Sumter greatly excited the public mind throughout those
States. In Vii-ginia it was made to inure to the benefit of the
rebels. The State Convention, which had been in session
since the 13th of February, was composed of a hundred
State Papers of Abraham Lincoln. 179
a'jLu fifty-two delegates, a large majority of whom were
Union men. The Inaugural of President Lincoln had
created a good deal of excitement among the members,
and a very animated contest had followed as to its proper
meaning. The secessionists insisted that it announced a
policy of coercion towards the South, and had seized th'i
occasion to urge the immediate passage of an ordinance d
secession. This gave rise to a stormy debate, in which
the friends of the Union maintained their ascendency.
The news of the attack upon Sumter created a whirlwind
of excitement, which checked somewhat the Union move-
ment ; and, on the 13th of April, Messrs. Preston, Stuart,
and Randolph, who had been sent to Washington to as-
certain the President's intentions towards the South, sent
in their report, which was received just after Governor
Pickens, of South Carolina, had announced the attack
upon Sumter, and had demanded to know what Virginia
intended to do in the war they had just commenced, and
in which they were determined to triumph or perish
The Commissioners reported that the President had madf
the following reply to their inquiries : —
To Hon. Messrs. Peeston, Stuart and Randolph :
Gentlemen : — As a committee of the Virginia Convention, now in set •
sion, you present me a preamble and resolution in these words : —
WTiereas, In the opini'Xi of this Convention, the uncertainty which pre-
vails in the public mind as to the policy which the Federal Executive in-
tends to pursue towards the seceded States, is extremely injurious to the
industrial and commercial interests of the country, tends to keep up an
excitement which is unfavorable to the adjustment of the pending diffi
culties, and threatens a disturbance of the public peace : — Therefore, j
Resolved^ That a committee of three delegates be appointed to wait oi (
the President of the United States, present to him this preamble, and re-
spectfully ask him to communicate to this Convention the policy which
the Federal Executive intends to pursue in regard to the Confederate
States.
In answer I Lave to say, that having, at the beginning of my official
term, expressed my intended policy as plainly as I was able, it is with
deep regret and mortification I now learn there is great and injurious un-
certainty in the public mind as to what that policy is, and what course I
intend to pursue. Not having as yet seen occasion to change, it is now
my purpose to pursue the course marked out in the Inaugural Address.
V commend a careful consideration of the whole doc»meiit as the t>: '*. ex-
180 The Life, Public Services, and
pression I can give to my purposes. As I then and therein said, I no^
repeat, '' The power confided in me will be used to hold, occupy, and pos-
sess property and places belonging to the Government, and to collect the
duties and imposts ; but beyond what is necessary for these objects tier©
will be no invasion, no using of force against or among the people any-
where." By the words " property and places belonging to the Govern-
ment," I chiefly allude to the military posts and property which were in
possession of the Government when it came into my hands. But if, as
now appears to be true, in pursuit of a purpose to drive the United States
authority fi'om these places, an unprovoked assault has been made upon
Fort Sumter, I shall hold myself at liberty to repossess it, if I can, like
places which had been seized before the Government was devolved upoi
me ; and in any event I shall, to the best of my ability, repel force by
force. In case it proves true that Fort Sumter has been assaulted, as is
reported, I shall, perhaps, cause the United States mails to be withdrawn
from all the States which claim to have seceded, believing that the com-
mencement of actual war against the Government justifies and possl ,Iy
demands it. I scarcely need to say that I consider the military posts and
property situated within the States which claim to have seceded, as yet
belonging to the Government of the United States as much as they did
before the supposed secession. Whatever else I may do for the purpose,
I shall not attempt to collect the duties and imposts by any armed inva-
sion of any part of the country ; not meaning by this, however, that I
may not land a force deemed necessary to relieve a fort upon the border
of the country. From the fact that I have quoted a part of the Inaugural
Address, it must not be inferred that I repudiate any other part, the
whole of which I reaflirm, except so far as what I now say of the mails
ijiay be regarded as a modification.
Abeaham Lincoln.
On the 17tli, two days after this report was presenxed,
and immediately after receiving the President's procla-
mation calling for troops, the Convention passed an ordi
nance of secession by a vote of eighty-eight to fifty-five ;
and Virginia, being thus the most advanced member of the
rebel Confederacy, became the battle-field of all the earlier
contests which ensued, and on the 21st of May the capital
of the rebel Government was transferred to Richmond.
Very strenuous efforts were made by the rebel author!
ties to secure the adhesion of Maryland, Kentucky, Ten-
nessee, and Missouri to the Confederacy ; but the wis9
forbearance of the President in his earlier measures had
checked these endeavors, and held all those States but
/
State Papers of Abraham Lincoln. 181
TetiJir^ee^ aloof from active participation in the secession
movement.
The months of May and June were devoted to the most
active and vigorous preparations on both sides for the
contest which was seen to be inevitable. Over a hundred
thousand troops had been raised and organized in the
rebel States, and the great mass of them had been pushed
forward towards the Northern border. On the 20th of
April, the Government of the United States seized all the
dispatches which had accumulated in the telegraph offices
during the preceding year, for the purpose of detecting
movements in aid of the rebel conspiracy. On the 27th
of April the blockade of rebel ports was extended by
proclamation to the ports of North Carolina and Virginia.
On the 3d of May the President issued a proclamation
calling into the service of the United States forty-twc
thousand and thirty-four volunteers for three years, ana
ordeipng an addition of twenty -two thousand one hundred
and fourteen officers and meu to the regular army, and
eighteen thousand seamen to the navy. And on the 16th,
by another proclamation, he directed the commander of
the United States forces in Florida to "permit no person
to exercise any office or authority upon the islands of
Ke^ West. Tortugas, and Santa Rosa, which may be in-
consistent with the laws and Constitution of the United
States ; authorizing him, at the same time, if he shall find
it necessary, to suspend the writ of habeas corpus, and to
remove from the vicinity of the United States fortresses
all dangerous and suspected persons."
One of the first duties of the new Administration was
to define the position to be taken by the Government of
the United States towards foreign nations in view of the
rebellion. While it is impossible to enter here upon this
very wide branch of the general subject at any consid-
erable length, this history would be incomplete if it did
not state, in official language, the attitude which the Presi-
dent decided to assume. That is very distinctly set forth
in the letter of instructions prepared by the Secretary of
State for Mr. Adams, on the eve of his departure foi
182 The Life, Public Services, and
the court of St. James, and dated April 10, in the
following tei-ms : — /
Before considering the arguments you are to use, it is important to in-
dicate those which you are not to employ in executing that mission ; —
First, The President has noticed, as the whole American people have,
with much emotion, the expressions of good-will and friendship towardi
the United States, and of concern for their present embarrassments, whicli
have been made on apt occasions, by her Majesty and her ministers. You
wUl make due acknowledgment for these manifestations, but at the same
time you will not rely on any mere sympatliies or national kindness. Yoq
will make no admissions of weakness in our Constitution, or of apprehen-
sion on the part of the Government. You will rather prove, as you easily
can, by comparing the history of our country with that of other States,
that its Constitution and Government are really the strongest and surest
which have ever been erected for the safety of any people. You will in no
case listen to any suggestions of compromise by this Government, under
foreign auspices, with its discontented citizens. If, as the President does
not at all apprehend, you shall unhappily find her Majesty's Government
tolerating the application of the so-called seceding States, or wavering
about it, you will not leave them to suppose for a moment that they can
grant that application and remain the friends oS the United States. Yea
may even assure them promptly, in that case, that if they determine to rec-
ognize, they may at the same time prepare to enter into alliance with the
enemies of this Republic. You alone will represent your country at Lon-
don, and you will represent the whole of it there. When you are asked
to divide that duty with others, diplomatic relations between the Govern-
ment of Great Britain and this Government will be suspended, and will
remain so until it shall be seen which of the two is most strongly in-
trenched in the confidence of their respective nations and of mankind.
You will not be allowed, however, even if you were disposed, as the
President is sure you will not be, to rest your opposition to the applica-
tion of the Confederate States on the ground of any favor this Admin's-
tration, or the party which chiefly called it into existence, proposes to
show to Great Britain, or claims that Great Britain ought to show them.
Yon will not consent to draw into debate before the British Government
any opposing moral principles which may be supposed to lie at the
foundation of the controversy between those States and the Federal
Union.
You will indulge in no expressions of harshness or disrespect, or even
impatience, concerning the seceding States, their agents, or their people.
But you will, on the contrary, all the while remember that those States
are now, as they always heretofore have been, and, notwithstanding their
temporary self-delusion, they must always continue to be, equal and
honored members of this Federal Union, and that their citizens through-
9ut all political misunderstandings and alienations still are and alwayi
State Papep.s of Abraham Lincoln. 183
mast be our kindred and countrjmen. In short, all your arguments must
belong to one of three classes, namely : First. Arguments drawn from
the principles of public law and natural justice, whicn regulate the inter-
course of equal States. Secondly. Arguments which concern equally the
honor, welfare, and happiness of the discontented States, and the honor,
welfare, and happiness of the whole Union. Thirdly. Arguments which
tre equally conservative of the rights and interests, and even sentiments
of the United States, and just in their bearing upon the rights, interests,
and sentiments of Great Britain and all other nations.
Just previous to the arrival of Mr. Adams at his post,
the British Government determined, acting in concert
with that of France, to recognize the rebels as a bellige-
rent power. Against this recognition our Government
directed Mr. Adams to make a decided and energetic pro-
test. On the fifteenth of June the British and French
Ministers at Washington requested an interview with the
Secretary of State for the purpose of reading to him cer-
tain instructions they had received on this subject from
their respective governments. Mr. Seward declined to
hear them officially untO he knew the nature of the docu-
ment, which was accordingly left with him for perusal,
and he afterwards declined altogether to hear it read, oi
receive official notice of it. In a letter to Mr. Adams, on
the 19th, he thus states its character and contents : —
That paper purports to contain a decision at which the British Govern-
ment has arrived, to the effect that this country is divided into two
belligerent parties, of which the Government represents one, and that
Great Britain assumes the attitude of a neutral between thern.
This Government could not, consistently with a just regard for the 8a\-
ereignty of the United States, permit itself to debate these novel and
extraordinary positions with the Government of her Britannic Majesty ;
much less can we consent that that Government shall announce to us a
Jeeision derogating from that sovereignty, at which it has arrived with-
out previously conferring with us upon the question. The United States
are still solely and exclusively sovereign within the territories they have
lawfully acquired and long possessed, as they have always been. They
aie at peace with all the world, as, with unimportant exceptions, they have
al ways been. They are living under the obligations of the law of nations,
and of treaties with Great Britain^ just the same now as heretofore ; they
are, of course, the friend of Great Britain, and they insist that Great Britain
shall remain their friend now, just as she has hitherto been. Great Britain,
by \ h'tue of these relations, is a stranger to parties and sections in *''^ig
184 The Life, Public Services, and
country, whether they are loyal to the United States or not, and Great
!5ritain can neither rightfully qualify the sovereignty of the United States,
Dor concede, nor recognize any rights or interests or power of any party?
State, or section, in contravention to the unhroken sovereignty of the Fed-
eral Union. What is now seen in this country is the occurrence, hy no
moans peculiar, but frequent in all countries — more frequent even in Great
Britain than here — of an armed insurrection engaged in attempting to
overthrow the regularly constituted and established Government. Theri
is, of course, the employment of force by the Government to suppress
the insurrection, as every other government necessarily employs force in
such cases. But these incidents by no means constitute a state of war
impairing the sovereignty of the Government, creating belligerent sec-
tions, and entitling foreign States to intervene, or to act as neutrals
between them, or in any other way to cast off their lawful obligations tc
the nation thus for the moment disturbed. Any other principle than
this would be to resolve government everywhere into a thing of accident
and caprice, and ultimately all human society into a state of perpetual
war.
We do not go into any argument of fact or of law in support of the
positions we have thus assumed. They are simply the suggestions of the
instinct of self-defence, the primary law of human action — not more the
law of individual than of National life.
Similar views were presented for the consideration of
the French Emperor, and, indeed, of all the foreign g ^v-
ernments with which we held diplomatic intercourse. 1 he
action of the seceding States was treated as relbell? )n,
purely domestic in its character, upon the nature or
merits of which it would be unbecoming in us to h ^ld
any discussion with any foreign Power. The Presidf nt
pressed upon all those governments the duty of acceptin*^
this view of the question, and of abstaining, consequently
from every act which could be construed into any recog-
nition of the rebel Confederacy, or which could embar-
rass the Government of the United States in its endeav-
ors to re-establish its rightful authority. Especial pains
were taken, by the most emphatic declarations, to leave
no doubt in the mind of any foreign statesman as to the
purpose of the people of the United States to accomplish
that result. "You cannot be too decided or explicit,"
was the uniform language of the Secretary, "in making
known to the Government that there is not now, nor has
State Papers of Abkaham Lincoln. 185
there "Dt:8n, nor will there be, any the least idea existing
in this Government of suffeiing a dissolution of this
Union to take place in any way whatever. ' ' Efforts were
also made by our Government to define, with the preci-
sion which the novel features of the case required, the
law of nations in regard to neutral rights, and also to
secure a general concurrence of the maritime powers in
the principles of the Paris Convention of 1859 : the latter
object was, however, thwarted by the demand made by
both Fiance and England, that they should not be re-
quired to abide by these principles in their application to
the internal conflict which was going on in the United
States. This demand the President pronounced inadnais
18G The Life, Public Services, and
CHAPTER Vn.
THE EXTRA SESSION OP CONGRESS, AND THE MILITARY EVENTS
OP THE SUMMER OF 1861.
First Annual Message. — Action of Oongeess. — Slavket and Oon-
FieoATioN. — The Defeat at Bull Run. — Treatment of the Slavebt
Question. — General Fremont and the President. — The Trent
Affair.
In pursuance of the President's proclamation of the
15th of April, Congress met in extra session on the 4th
of July, 1861. The Republicans had control of both
houses, counting thirty-one votes out of forty-eight in
the Senate, and one hundred and six out of one hundred
and seventy-eight in the House ; there being, moreover,
five in the Senate and twenty-eight in the Honse who,
without belonging to the Republican party, supported
the Administration in its eflbrts to preserve the Union.
Hon. G. A. Grow was elected Speaker of the House ;
and, on the 5th, the President communicated to Congreagf
his first Annual Messasie, as follows : —
"c
Felloio- Citizens of the Senate and House of Representatives : —
Having been convened on an extraordinary occasion, as authorized by
the Constitution, your attention is not called to any ordinary subject of
legislation.
At the beginning of the present Presidential term, four months ago, the
functions of the Federal Government were found to be generally suspend-
ed within the several States of South Carolina, Georgia, Alabama, Missis-
sippi, Louisiana, and Florida, excepting only those of the Post-Office
Department.
Within these States all the forts, arsenals, dock-yards, custom-houses,
and the like, including the iiovable and stationary property in and about
them, had been seized, and were held in open hostility to this Govern-
ment, excepting only Forts Pickens, Taylor, and Jefferson, on and neai
the Florida coast, and Fort Sumter, in Charleston Harbor, South Carolina.
The forts thus seized had been put in improved condition^ new ones had
State Papers of Abraham Lincoln. 187
been built, and armed forces had been organized and were organizing, all
avowedly with the same hostile purpose.
The forts remaining in the possession of the Federal Government in
and near these States were either besieged or menaced by warlike prepa-
rations, and es[)ecially Fort Sumter was nearly surrounded by well-
protected hostile batteries, with guns equal in quality to the best of ita
own, and outnumbering the latter as perhaps ten to one. A dispropor-
tionate share of the Federal muskets and rifles had somehow found their
way into these States, and had been seized to be used against the Govern-
ment- Accumulations of the public revenue, lying within them, had
been seized for the same object. The Navy was scattered in distant seas,
leaving but a very small part of it within the immediate reach of the
Government. Officers of the Federal Army and Navy had resigned in
gr«at numbers ; and of those resigning, a large proportion had taken up
arms against the Government. Simultaneously, and in connection with
all this, the purpose to sever the Federal Union was openly avowed. In
accordance with this purpose, an ordinance had been adopted in each of
these States, declaring the States, respectively, to be separated from the
National Union. A formula for instituting a combined government of
these States had been promulgated ; and this illegal organization, in the
character of the Confederate States, was already invoking recognition, aid,
Sind intervention from foreign Powers.
Finding this condition of things, and believing it to be an imperative
duty upon the incoming Executive to prevent, if possible, the consumma-
tion of such attempt to destroy the Federal Union, a choice of means
to that end became indispensable. This choice was made, and was de-
clared in the Inaugural Address. The policy chosen looked to the exhaus-
tion of all peaceful measures before a resort to any stronger ones. It
sought only to hold the public places and property not already wrested
from the Government, and to collect the revenue, relying for the rest on
time, discussion, and the ballot-box. It promised a continuance of th«
mails, at Government expense, to the very people who were resisting the
Goveriament ; and it gave repeated pledges against any disturbance to
any of the people, or any of their rights. Of all that which a President
might constitutionally and justifiably do in such a case, every thing was
forborne, without which it was believed possible to keep the Government
on foot.
On the 5th of March (the present incumbent's first full day in office),
tt letter of Major Anderson, commanding at Fort Sumter, written on the
28th of February, and received at the War Department on the 4th of
March, was by that Department placed in his hands. This letter ex-
pressed the professional opinion of the writer, that reinforcements could
not be thrown into that fort within the time for his relief, rendered ne-
cessary by the limited supply of provisions, and with a view of holding
possession of the same, with a force of less than twenty thousand good
188 The Life, Public Services, and
and well-disoiplined men. This opinion was concurred in by all the
(officers of his command, and their memoranda on the subject were made
enclosures of Major Anderson's letter. The whole was immediately laid
before Lieutenant-Gen eral Scott, who at once concurred with Major
Anderson in opinion. On reflection, however, he took full time, con-
6'i!ting with other officers, both of the army and the navy ; and at the
eiid of four days came reV.ictantly, but decidedly, to the same conclusion
as before. He also stated at the same time that no such sufficient fore
A'as then at the control of the Government, or could be raised an
j brought to the ground within the time when the provisions in the for
' would be exhausted. In a purely military point of view, this reduced
the duty of the Administration in the case to the mere matter of getting
the garrison safely out of the fort.
It was believed, however, that to so abandon that position, under the
circumstances, would be utterly ruinous ; that the necessity under which
it was to be done would not be fully understood ; that by many it would
be construed as a part of a voluntary policy ; that at home it would dis-
courage the friends of the Union, embolden its adversaries, and go far to
insure to the latter a recognition abroad ; that, in fact, it would be our
National destruction consummated. This could not be allowed. Star-
vation was not yet upon the garrison and ere it would be reached Fort
Pickens might be re-enforced. This w >nld be a clear indication of policy,
and would better enable the cour^ry to accept the evacuation of Fort
Sumter as a military necessity. An order was at once directed to be sent
for the landing of the troops from the steamship Brooklyn into Fort
Pickens. This order could not go by land, but must take the longer and
slower route by sea. The first return news from the order was received
just one week before the fall of Fort Sumter. The news itself was, that
the officer commanding the Sabine, to which vessel the troops had been
transferred from the Brooklyn, acting upon some quasi armistice of the
late Administration (and of the existence of which the present Adminis-
tration, up to *hi: time the order was dispatched, had only too vague and
uncertain rumors to fix attention), had refused to land the troops. To
now re-enforce Fort Pickens before a crisis would be reached at Fort
Sumter, was impossible — rendered so by the near exhaustion of provisions
in the latter-named fort. In precaution against such a conjuncture, the
Government had a few days before commenced preparing an expedition,
as well adapted as might be, to relieve Fort Sumter, which expedition
was intended to be ultimately used or not, according to circumstances.
Tli? strongest anticipated case for using it was now presented, and it was
resolved to send it forward. As had been intended in this contingency,
it was also resolved to notify the Governor of South Carolina that ha
might expect an attemj)t would be made to provision the fort ; and that,
if the attempt should not be resisted, there wotild be no effort to throw
in men, arms, or ammunition, without further notice, <» in case of aa
State Papers of Abraham Lincoln. iS9
attack upon the fort. This notice was accordingly given; whereupon
the fort was attacked and bombarded to its fall, without even awaiting
the arrival of the provisioning expedition.
It is thus seen that the assault upon and reduction of Fort Sumter was
in no sense a matter of self-defence upon the part of the assailants. They
well knew that the garrison in the fort could by no possibility commit
aggression upon them. They knew — they were expressly notified — that
the giving of bread to the few brave and hungry men of the garrison
vas all which would on that occasion be attempted, unless themselves,
by resisting so much, should provoke more. They knew that this Gov-
ernment desired to keep the garrison in the fort, not to assail them, but
ti maintain visible possession, and thus to preserve the Union from
actual and immediate dissolution — trusting, as hereinbefore stated, to
time, discussion, and the ballot-box for final adjustment; and they as-
sailed and reduced the fort for precisely the reverse object — to drive out
the visible authority of the Federal Union, and thus force it to immediate
dissolution. That this was their object the Executive well understood;
and having said to them in the Inaugural Address, " You can have ao
conflict without being yourselves the aggressors," he took pains not
only to keep this declaration good, but also to keep the case so free from
the power of ingenious sophistry that the world should not be able to
misunderstand it. By the afiTair at Fort Sumter, with its surrounding
circumstances, that point was reached. Then and thereby the assailants
of the Government began the conflict of arms, without a gun in sight,
or in expectancy to return their fire, save only the few in the fort, sent
to that harbor years before for their own protection, and still ready to
give that protection in whatever was lawful. In this act, discarding all
else, they have forced upon the country the distinct issue, " immediate
dissolution or blood."
And this issue embraces more than the fate of these United States. It
presents to the whole family of man the question, whether a constitu-
tional republic or democracy — a government of the people by the same
people- -can or cannot maintain its territorial integrity against its own
domestic foes. It presents the question, whether discontented indi^id
uals, too few in numbers to control administration, according to organic
law, in any case, can always, upon the pretences made in this case, or on
any other pretences, or arbitrarily, without any pretence, break up their
Government, and thus practically put an end to free government upon
the earth. It forces us to ask, "Is there, in all republics, this inherent
and fatal weakness?" "Must a government, of necessity, be too strong
for the liberties of its own people, or too weak to maintain its own exist-
ence?"
So viewing the issue, no choice was left but to call out the war powef
of the Government ; and so to resist force employed for its destractioZi,
by force for its preservation.
Tlie call was made, and the response of the country was most gratify-
ing— surpassing in unanimity and spirit the most sanguine expectation
Yet none of the States commonly called Slave States, except Delaware
gave a regiment through regular State organization. A few regiments
have been organized within some others of those States by individual
CLterprise, and received into the Government service. Of course tlie
seceded States, so called (and to which Texas had been joined about th.p
time of the inauguration), gave no troops to the cause of the Unioi
The Border States, so called, were not uniform in their action, some of then?
being almost for the Union, while in others — as Virginia, North Carolina,
Tennessee, and Arkansas — the Union sentiment was nearly repressed and
silenced. The course taken in Virginia was the most remarkable — per-
haps the most important. A convention, elected by the people of that
State to consider this very question of disrupting the Federal Unioh,
was in session at the Capital of Virginia when Fort Sumter fell. To this
body the people had chosen a large majority of professed Union men.
Almost immediately after the fall of Sumter many members of that
majority went over to the original disunion minority, and with them
adopted an ordinance for withdrawing the State from the Union. Whether
this change was wrought by their great approval of the assault upon
Sumter, or their great resentment at the Government's resistance to that
assault, is not definitely known. Although they submitted the ordinani^e
for ratification to a vote of the people, to be taken on a day then some
what more than a month distant, the Convention and the Legislature
(which was also in session at the same time and place), with leading
men of the State not members of either, immediately commenced acting
as if the State were already out of the Union. They pushed military
preparations vigorously forward all over the State. They seized the
United States armory at Harper's Ferry, and the navy -yard at Gosport,
near Norfolk. They received — perhaps invited — into their State large
bodies of troops, with their warlike appointments, from the so-called
seceded States. They formally entered into a treaty of temporary alii
ance and co-operation with the so-called "Confederate States," and seiil
members to their Congress at Montgomery; and, finally, they permitted
fclie insurrectionary Government to be transferred to their capital at Rich
mond.
The people of Virginia have thus allowed this giant insurrection to
make its nest within her borders; and this Government has no choice
left but to deal with it where it finds it. And it has the less regret, as
the loyal citizens have in due form claimed its protection. Those loyal
citizens this Government is bound to recognize and protect as being
Virginia.
In the Border States, so-called — in fact, the Middle States — there are
those who favor a policy which they call " armed neutrality" — that is
an arming of those States to prevent the Union forces passing one waj,
Stati: pAri::iis of Abkaiiam Lincoln. 191
or the disunion the other, over their soil. This would he disunion com-
plett d. Figuratively speaking, it would be the huilding of an impassable
wall along the line of separation — and yet not quite an impassable one,
for, under the guise of neutrality, it would tie the hands of Union men^
and freely pass supplies from among them to the insurrectionists, which
it could not do as an open enemy. At a stroke it would take all the
trouble off the hands of secession, except only what proceeds from the
external blockad'3. It would do for the disunionists that which of all
things they most desire — feed them well, and give them disunion without
a struggle of their own. It recognizes no fidelity to the Constitution,
no obligation to maintain the Union; and while very many who have
favored it are doubtless loyal citizens, it is, nevertheless, very injuriou
in effect.
Recurring to the action of the Government, it may be stated that at
first a call was made for seventy-five thousand militia; and rapidly fol-
lowing this, a proclamation was issued for closing the ports of the insur-
rectionary districts by proceedings in the nature of a blockade. So far
all was believed to be strictly legal. At this point the insurrectionists
announced their purpose to enter upon the practice of privateering.
Other calls were made for volunteers to serve for three years, imless
sooner discharged, and also for large additions to the regular army and
navy. These measures, whether strictly legal or not, were ventured upon
under what appeared to be a popular demand and a public necessity;
trusting then, as now, that Congress would readily ratify them. It is
believed that nothing has been done beyond the constitutional compe-
tency of Congress.
Soon after the first call for militia, it was considered a duty to authorize
the Commanding- General, in proper cases, according to his discretion,
to suspend the privilege of the writ of habeas corpus^ or, in other words,
to arrest and detain, without resort to the ordinary processes and forms
of law, such individuals as he might deem dangerous to the public safety.
This authority has purposely been exercised but very sparingly. Never-
tLoless, the legality and propriety of what has been done under it are
questioned, and the attention of the country has been called to the
{u-oposition, that one who has sworn to "take care that the laws be
faithfully executed," should not himself violate them. Of course, some
consideration was given to the question of power and propriety before
this matter was acted upon. The whole of the laws which were required
to be faithfully executed were being resisted, and failing of execution in
DBarlv one-third of the States. Must they be allowed to finally fail of
execution, even had it been perfectly clear that by the use of the meana
necessary to their execution some single law, made in such extreme
tenderness of the citizen's liberty that practically it relieves more of the
guilty than of the innocent, should to a very limited extent be violated ?
To state the question more directly : Are all the laws but o*?^ *o go unex
192 The Life, Pubjuic Services, and
ecuted, and tlie Government itself go to pieces, lest that one be violatud ?
Even in such a case, would not the official oath he broken if the Gov-
ernment should be overthrown, when it was believed that disregarding
the single law would tend to preserve it? But it was not ]>elieved that
this question was presented. It was not believed that any law was
violated. The provision of the Constitution that " the privilege of the
writ of habeas corpus shall not be suspended unless when, m cases of [
rebellion or invasion, the public safety may require it," is equivalent to[
a provision — is a provision — that such privilege may be suspended when,'
in case of rebellion or invasion, the public safety does require it. It waa
decided that we have a case of rebellion, and that the public safety does
require the qualified suspension of the privilege of the writ which was
authorized to be made. Now, it is insisted that Congress, and not the
Executive, is vested with this power. But the Constitution itself is silent
a« to which or who is to exercise the power ; and as the provision was
plainly made for a dangerous emergency, it cannot be believed the
framers of the instrument intended that in every case the danger should
iiin its course until Congress could be called together, the very assembling
of which might be prevented, as was intended in this case, by the re
bellion.
Eo more extended argument is now oflfered, as an opinion, at some
length, will probably be presented by the Attorney-General. Whether
there shall be any legislation on the subject, and, if any, what, is sub-
mitted entirely to the better judgment of Congress.
The forbearance of this Government had been so extraordinary, and so
long continued, as to lead some foreign nations to shape their action
as if they s':!pposed the early destruction of our National Union was
probable, While this, on discovery, gave the Executive some concern,
he is now happy to say that the sovereignty and rights of the United
States are now everywhere practically respected by foreign powers ; and
a general sympathy with the country is manifested throughout the
world.
The reports of the Secretaries of the Treasury, War, and the Navy,
wtll give the information in detail deemed necrnsary and convenient for
your deliberation and action; while the Executive and all the Depart-
ments will stand ready to supply omissions, or to comnmnicate new facts
considered important for you to know.
It is now recommended that you give the legal means for making this
contest a short and decisive one; that you p'ac^ at the control of the
Government, for the work, at least f.nir hundred thousand men and
$400,000,000. That number of men is ibout one-tenth of those of proper
ages within the regions where, apparently, all are willing to engage, and
the sum is less than a twenty-third part of tlie money value owned by
tlie men who seem ready to devote the whole. A debt of $600,000,000
»ow, is a loss sum per head than was the debt of our Revolution wheB
State Papers of Abraham Lincoln. 193
we camo out of that struggle ; and the 'noney vahie in the couutry now
bears even a greater proportion to what it was then, than does the popu-
lation. Surely each man has as strong a motive now to preserve oar
liberties, as each had then to establish them.
A right result, at this time, will be worth more to the world than ten
times the men and ten times the money. The evidence reaching us i'v m
the country leaves no doubt that the material for the work is abunda :ts
a/>d that it needs only the hand of legislation to give it legal s!vnctiv.>r
and the hand of the Executive to give it practical shape and efficient y
One of the greatest perplexities of the Government is to avoid receiving
troops faster than it can provide for them. In a word, the people will
save their Government, if the Government itself will do its part only
indifferently well.
It might seem, at first thought, to be of little difference whether the
present movement at the South be called "secession" cr "rebellion."
The movers, however, will understand the difference. At the beginning,
they knew they could never raise their treason to any respectable
magnitude by any name which implies violation of law. They knew
their people possessed as much c? moral sense, as much of devotion to
law and order, and as much pnde in, and reverence for the history and
Government of their common country, as any other civilized and patri-
otic people. They knew they could make no advancement directly in the
teeth of these strong and noble sentiments. Accordingly, they com-
menced by an insidious debauching of the public mind. They invented
an ingenious sophism, which, if conceded, was followed by perfectly
logical steps, through all the incidents, to the complete destruction of
the Union. The sophism itself is, that any State of the Union may,
consistently -i^fth the National Constitution, and therefore lawfully and
peacefully, withdraw from the Union without the consent of the Union,
or of any other State. The little disguise that the supposed right is to
be exercised only for just cause, themselves to be the sole judges of its
iustice, is too thin to merit any notice.
"With rebellion thus sugar-coated they have been drugging the publio
mind of their section for more than thirty years, and until at length they
have brought many good men to a willingness to take up arms against
the Government the day after some asseo'blage of men have enacted the
farcical pretence of taking their State out of the Union, who could have
b€en brought to no such thing the day before.
This sophism derives much, perhaps the whole, of ita currency trorn
the assumption that there is some omnipotent and sacred supremacy
pertaining to a State — to each State of our Federal Union. Our States
have neither more nor less power than that reserved to them in the
Union by the Constitution — no one of them ever having been a State out
•f the Union. The original ones passed into the Union even before they
Mtftt off their British colonial dependence ; and the new ones each c&m«
13
104 The Life, Public Services, and
into the Union directly from a condition of dependence, excepting Teiaa.
And even Texas, in its temporary independence, was never designated a
State. The new ones only took the designation of States on coming intc
the Union, while that name was first adopted by the old ones in and ly
tne Declaration of Independence. Therein the "United Colonies" were
declared to be "free and independent States;" but, even tlien, the ob-
ject plainly was not to declare their independence of one another, or of
ihe Union, but directly the contrary; as their mutual pledge and ta&ii
.satual action before, at the time, and afterwards, abundantly show. Thfc
fixpress plighting of faith by each and all of the original thirteen iL th^
Articles of Confederation, two years later, that the Union shall be per
petual, is most conclusive. Having never been States, either in substance
or in name, outside of the Union, whence this magical omnipotence ol
''State Rights," asserting a claim of power to lawfully destroy the Union
itself? Much is said about the "sovereignty" of the States; but the
word even is not in the National Constitution ; nor, as is believed, in any
©f the State constitutions. What is " sovereignty " in the political sense
of the term? Would it be far wrong to define it "a political community
without a political superior?" Tested by this, no one of our States, ex-
cept Texas, ever was a sovereignty. And even Texas gave up the char-
acter on coming into the Union ; by which act she acknowledged the
Constitution of the United States, and the laws and treaties of the United
Statt* *nade in pursuance of the Constitution, to be for her the supremo
law of the land. The States have their status in the Union, and they
have no other legal status. If they break from this, they can only do so
against la^ and by revolution. The Union, and not themselves sepa-
rately, p?0-!=i«d their independence and their liberty. By conquest oi
purchase t'in^ Union gave each of them whatever of independence or
liberty it has. The Union is older than any of the States, and, in fact, it
created them as States. Originally some dependent colonies made the
Union, and, in turn, the Union threw off" their old dependence for them,
and made them States, such as they are. Not one of them ever had a
State constitution independent of the Union. Of course, it is not for-
gotten that all the new States framed their constitutions before they ^n'
t©?8^. the Union ; nevertheless dependent upon, and preparatory to, com-
ing into the Union.
Unquestionably the States have the powers and rights reserved to thera
'; <x and by the National Constitution ; but among these, surely, are not
included all conceivable powers, however mischievo'^s or destructive;
b'ut, at most, such only as were known in the world, at *.he time, as gov-
ernmental powers; and, certainly, a power to destroy the Government
it«elf had never been known as a governmental — as a merely administra-
tire power. This relative mstter of National power and S^ate Righta,
as a principle, ia no other than the principle of generality ami locality.
Whatever cfnicerDB ine whole shouI« be confided to the whole -to the
State PAPEr.s of Abraham Lincoln. 195
General Government ; while whatever concerns only the State should be
left exclusively to the State. This is all there is of original principle
about it. Whether the National Constitution, in defining boundaries be-
tween the two has applied the principle with exact accuracy, is not to b<5
questioned. We are all bound by that defining, without question.
What is now combated, is the position that secession is consistent with
the Constitution — is lawful and peaceful. It is not contended that there
is any express law for it; and nothing shorjd ever be implied as law which
leads to unjust or absurd consequences. The Nation purchased with money
the countries out of which several of these States were formed; is it just
Jhat tney shall go off without leave and without refunding ? The Xatiou
paid very large sums (in the aggregate, I believe, nearly a hundred mil-
lioBs) to relieve Florida of the aboriginal tribes; is it just that she shall
now be off without consent, or without making any return? The Nation
is now in debt for money applied to the benefit of these so-called seceding
States in common with the rest ; is it just either that creditors shall go
unpaid, or the remaining States pay the whole ? A part of the present
National debt was contracted to pay the old debts of Texas ; is it just that
she shall leave and pay no part of this herself?
Again, if one State may secede, so may another ; and when all shall
have seceded, none is left to pay the debts. Is this quite just to creditJors?
Did we notify them of this sage view of ours when we borrowed their
money ? If we now recognize this doctrine by allowing the seceders to
go in peace, it is difficult to see what we can do if others choose to go, or
to extort terms upon which they will promise to remain.
The seceders insist that our Constitution admits of secession. They have
assumed to make a national constitution of their own, in which, of neces-
sity, they have either discarded or retained the right of secession, as they
insist it exists in ours. If they have discarded it, they thereby admit
that, on principle, it ought not to be in ours. If they have retained it,
by their own construction of ours, they show that to be consistent they
must secede from one another whenever they shaU find it the easiest way
of settling their debts, or effecting any other selfish or unjust object. Tho
principle itself is one of disintegration, and upon which no Governmeui
3an possibly endure.
If all the States save one should assert the power to drive that one out
of the Union, it is presumed the whole class of seceder politicians would
at once deny the power, and denounce the act as the greatest outrag*
upon State rights. But suppose that precisely the same act, instead ol
being called " driving the one out," should be called " the seceding of the
others from that one," it would be exactly what the seceders claim to do ;
unless, indeed, they make the point that the one, because it is a minority,
may rightfully do what the others, because they are a majority, may not
rightfully do. These politicians are subtile and profound on the rights of
minorities. They are not partial to that ^jower which made the Oonstitu
tion, and speaks from the preamble, caUing itself " We, the People."
19G The Life, Public Services, and
It may well be questioned whether there is to-day a majority of the
legally qualified voters of any State, except, perhaps. South Carolina, iu
favor of disunion. There is much reason to believe that the Union men
are the majority in many, if not in every other one, of the so-called sece-
ded States. The contrary has not been demonstrated in any one of them.
It is ventured to affirm this even of Virginia and Tennessee ; for the resuH
of an election held in military camps, where the bayonets are all on on»
side of the question voted upon, can scarcely be considered as demonstra-
ting popular sentiment. At such an election, all that large class who ar«
at once for the Union and against coercion would be coerced to vote again^
the Union.
It may be affirmed, without extravagance, that the free institutions we
enjoy have developed the powers and improved the condition of our whole
people beyond any example in the world. Of this we now have a stri-
king and an impressive illustration. So large an army as the Governmeul
has now on foot was never before known without a soldier in it but who
had taken his place there of his own free choice. But more than this :
there are many single regiments whose members, one and another, possess
full practical knowledge of all the arts, sciences, professions, and what-
ever else, whether useful or elegant, is known in the world ; and there ia
scarcely one from which there could not be selected a President, a Cabi-
net, a Congress, and perhaps a court, abundantly competent to administer
the Government itself. Nor do I say this is not true also in the army of
our late friends, now adversaries in this contest; but if it is, so much
better the reason why the Government which has conferred such benefits
on both them and us should not be broken up. Whoever, in any section,
proposes to abandon such a Government, would do well to consider iu
deference to what principle it is that he does it ; what better he is likely to
get in its stead ; whether the substitute will give, or be intended to give,
so much of good to the people? There are some foreshadowings on thii
subject. Our adversaries have adopted some declarations of independence,
iu which, unlike the good old one, penned by Jefferson, they omit th«
words, " all men are created equal." Why ? They have adopted a tem-
porary national constitution, in the preamble of which, unlike our good
old one, signed by Washington, they omit " We, the People," and sub
fetitute, " We, the deputies of the sovereign and independent States.'
Wh J t Why this deliberate pressing out of view the rights of men and
the authority of the people ?
This is essentially a people's contest. On the side of the Union it is a
struggle for maintaining in the world that form and substance of Govern-
ment whose leading object is to elevate the condition of men ; to lift arti-
ficial weights from all shoulders ; to clear the paths of laudable pursuit*
for all ; to afford all an unfettered start and a fair chance in the race of
life. Yielding to partial and temporary departures, from necessity, this i(f
the leading object of the Government for whose f xistence we contend.
State Papers of Abraham Lincoln. 197
I am most happy to believe that the plain people understand and appre-
riate this. It is worthy of note, that while in this the Government's hour
of trial, large numbers of those in the army and navy who have been
favored with the offices have resigned and proved false to the hand which
had pampered them, not one common soldier or common sailor is known
to have deserted his flag.
Great honor is due to those officers who remained true, despite the ex-
ample of their treacherous associates ; but the greatest honor, and mos*
important fact of all, is the unanimous firmness of the common soldiers
and common sailors. To the last man, so far as known, they have suc-
cessfully resisted the traitorous efforts of those whose commands but an
hour before they obeyed as absolute law. This is the patriotic instinct of
plain people. They understand, without an argument, that the destroy-
ing the Government which was made by Washington means no good to
them.
Our popular Government has often been called an experiment. Two
points in it our people have already settled — the successful establishing
and the successful administe: ing of it. One still remains — its successful
maintenance against a formidable internal attempt to overthrow it. It is
now for them to demonstrate to the world that those who can fairly carry
an election can also suppress a rebellion ; that ballots are the rightful and
peaceful successors of bullets ; and that when ballots have fairly and con-
stitutionally decided, there can be no successful appeal back to bullets •
that there can be no successful apped, except to ballots ihemselves, at
succeeding elections. Such will be a great lesson of peace ; teaching men
that what they cannot take by an election, neither can they take by a
war ; teaching all the folly of bemsr the beginners of a war.
Lest there be some uneasiness in the minds of candid men as to what
is to be the course of the Government towards the Southern States after
the rebellion shall have been suppressed, the Executive deems it proper
to say, it will be his purpose then, as ever, to be guiued by the Constitu-
tion and the laws ; and that he probably will have no different under'
standing of the powers and duties of the Federal Government relatively
to the rights of the States and the people under the Constitution than that
expressed in the Inaugural Address.
He desires to preserve the Government, that it may be administered foi
a? , as it was administered by the men who made it. Loyal citizens every-
where have the right to claim this of their Government, and the Govern-
ment has no right to v/ithhold or neglect it. It is not perceived that iu
giving it there is any coercion, any ccnq'jest, or any subjugation, in any
just sense of those terms.
The Constitution provides, and all the Spates have accepted the provl-
lion, that " the United States shall guarantee to every State in this Union
a republican form of Government." But if a State may lawfik^^y go out
of the Union, having done so, it may also discard the republican form of
198 The Lifj-:, Public Szuvices, and
Q-overnment ; so that to prevent its going ont is an indispensable meaua
to the end of maintaining the guarantee mentioned; and when an end if
lawful and obligatorj, the indispensable means to it are also lawful and
obligatory.
It was with the deepest regret that the Executive found the duty of em-
ploying the war power in defence of the Government forced upon him.
He could but perform this duty or surrender the existence of the Govern-
ment. No compromise by public servants could in this case bo a cure •
not that compromises are not often proper, but tliat no popuiar Govern
ment can long survive a marked precedent that those who carry an elec-
tion can only save the Government from immediate destruction by giving
up the main point upon which the people gave the election. The people
themselves, and not their servants, can safely reverse their own deliberate
decisions.
As a private citizen the Executive could not have consented that these
institutions shall perish ; much less could he, in betrayal of so vast and so
sacred a trust as these free people have confided to him. He felt that he
had no moral right to shrink, or even to count the chances of his own life,
in what might follow. In full view of his greax responsibility he has so
far done what he has deemed his duty. Yon will now, according to your
own judgment, perform yours. He sincerely hopes that your views and
your action may so accord with his as to assure all faithful citizens who
have been disturbed in their rights of a certain and speedy restoration to
them, under the Constitution and the laws.
And having thus chosen our course, without guile and with pure pur-
pose, let us renew our trust in God, and go forward without fear and with
manly hearts.
Abeaham Lincoln.
July 4, 1861.
Congress imitated the President in confining its attention
exclusiyely to the rebellion and the means for its suppres-
sion. Tiie zealous and enthusiastic loyalty of the people
met a prompt response from their representatives. The
Judiciary Committee in the House was instructed on the 8th
to prepare a bill to confiscate the property of rebels against
the Government ; and on the 9th, a resolution was adopted
(ayes ninety-eight, noes fifty-five), declaring it to be
'*no part of the duty of the soldiers of the United States
to capture and return fugitive slaves." A bill was
promptly introduced to declare valid all the acts of the
President for the suppression of the rebellion previous
to the meeting of Congress, and it brought on a general
discussion of the principles involved and the interests
State Papers of Abraham Lincoln. 199
concerned in the contest. There were a few in both
Houses, with John C. Breckinridge, of Kentucky, at their
head, who still insisted that any resort by the Govern-
ment to the use of the war power against the rebels was
unconstitutional, and could only end in the destructiou
of the Union ; but the general sentiment of both Houses
fully sustained the President in the steps he had taken.
The subject of slavery was introduced into the discussion
commenced by Senator Powell, of Kentucky, who pro-
posed on the 18th to amend the Army Bill by adding a
section that no part of the amiy should be employed '* in
subjecting or holding as a conquered province any sov-
ereign State now or lately one of the United States, or
in abolishing or interfering with African slavery in any of
the States." The debate which ensued elicited the senti
ments of members on this subject. Mr. Sherman, of Ohio,
concurred in the sentiment that the war was " not to be
waged for the purpose of subjugating any State or freeing
any slave, or to interfere with the social or domestic insti-
tutions of any State or any people ; it was to preserve
this Union, to maintain the Constitution as it is in all its
clauses, in all its guarantees, without change or limita-
tion." Mr. Dixon, of C(Jtinecticut, assented to this, but
also declared that if the South should protract the war,
and "it should turn out that either this Government or
slavery must be destroyed, then the people of the North
—the Conservative people of the North — would say,
rather than let the Government perish, let slavery perish."
Mr. Lane, of Kansas, did not believe that slavery could
survive in any State the march of the Union armies.
These seemed to be the sentiments of both branches of
Congress. The amendment was rejected, and bills were
passed ratifying the acts of the President, authorizing
him to accept the services of half a million of volunteers,
and placing five hundred millions of dollars at the dispo-
sal of the Government for the prosecution of the war.
On the 15th of July, Mr. McClernand, a democrat from
Illinois, offered a resolution pledging the House to vote
any amount of money and any number of men necessary
200 I'uE Life, Public Services, and
to suppress the rebeUion, and restore the authority of the
Govemment, which was adopted, with but five opposing
votes ; and on the 22d of July, Mr. Crittenden, of Ken-
tucky, offered the following resolution, defining the objects
of the war : —
Eesohed by the House of Representatives of the Congress of the United
States^ That the present deplorable civil war lias been forced upon the
country by the disunionists of the Southern States, now in arms against
the Constitutional Government, and in arms around the Capital ; that in
this national emergency, Congress, banishing all feelings of mere passioD
or resentment, will recollect only its duty to the whole country ; that this
war is not waged on their part in any spirit of oppression, or for any pur-
pose of conquest or subjugation, or purpose of overthrowing or interfering
with the rights or established institutions of those States, but to defend
and maintain the supremacy of the Constitution, and to preserve the
Union with all the dignity, equality, and rights of the several States un-
impaired; and that as soon as these objects are accomplished the war
ought to cease.
This resolution was adopted, with but two dissenting
votes. It was accepted by the whole country as defining
the objects and limiting the continuance of the war, and
was regarded with special favor by the loyal citizens of
the Border States, whose sensitiveness on the subject of
slavery had been skilfully and zealously played upon by
the agents and allies of the rebel confederacy. The war
was universally represented by these men as waged for
the destruction of slavery, and as aiming, not at the pres-
ervation of the Union, but the emancipation of the slaves ;
and there was great danger that these appeals to the pride,
the interest, and the prejudices of the Border Slave States
might bring them to join their fortunes to those of the
rebellion. The passage of this resolution, with so great a
degree of unanimity, had a very soothing effect upon the
apprehensions of these States, and contributed largely to
strengthen the Government in its contest with the rebellion.
The sentiments of Congress on this matter, as well as on
the general subject of the war, were still further developed
hi the debates which followed the introduction to the House
of a biU passed by the Senate to "confiscate property
used for insurrectionary purposes." It was referred to
State Papers of Abraham Lixcoln. 201
the Judiciary Committee, and reported back witli an amend-
ment, providing that whenever any slave should be
required or permitted by his master to take up arms, or
be employed in any fort, dock-yard, or in any military
service in aid of the rebellion, he should become entitled
to his freedom. Mr. Wicldiffe and Mr. Burnett, of Ken-
tacky, at once contested the passage of the bill, on the
ground that the Govermnent had no right to interfere in
any way with the relation existing between a master and
:iis slave ; and they were answered by the Northern mem-
bers with the argument that the Government certainly
had a right to confiscate property of any kind employed
in the rebellion, and that there was no more reason for
protecting slavery against the consequences of exercising
this right, than for shielding any other interest that might
be thus involved. The advocates of the bill denied that
it was the intention of the law to emancipate the slaves,
or that it would bear any such construction in the courts
of justice. They repudiated the idea that men in arms
against the Union and Constitution could claim the pro
tection of the Constitution, and thus dei'ive from that
instrument increased ability to secure its destruction ; but
they based their proposed confiscation of slave property
solely on the ground that it was a necessary means to the
prosecution of the war, and rot in any sense the object
for which the war was waged After a protracted debate,
ihat section of the bill which related to this subject wag
passed — ayes sixty, noes forty-eight — in the following
form • —
Thafj whenever, hereafter, during the present insurrection against tha
Government of the United States, any person claimed to be held to labor
j or service under the laws of any State, shall be required or permitted by
the person to whom such labor or service is claimed to be due, or by the
lawful agent of such person, to take up arms against the Uni<:ed States^
or shall be required or permitted by the person to whom such service oi
labor is claimed to be due, or his lawful agent, to work or to be employed
iu or upon any fort, navy-yard, dock, armory, ship, or intrenchment, or
iu any military or naval service whatever, against the Government and
lawful authority of the United States, then, and in every such case, th«
person to whom such service is claifned to be due, shall forfeit his cliuia
i!02 The Life. Pcblic Services, and
to sucli labor, any law of the State, or of the United States, to the con.
trary notwithstanding ; and whenever thereafter the person claiming such
labor or service shall seek to enforce his claim, it sliall be a full and suffix
oient answer to such claim that the person whose service or labor is
claimed, had been employed in hostile service against the Government of
the United States contrary to the provisions of this act.
Congress closed its extra session on the 6tli of August
It had taken the most vigorous and effective measures fo
the suppression of the rebellion, having clothed the Pres
ident with even greater power than he had asked for in
the prosecution of the war, and avoided with just fidelty
all points which could divide and weaken the loyal sen-
timent of the country. The people responded with hearty
applause to the patriotic action of their representatives.
The universal temper of the country was one of buoyancy
and hope. Throughout the early part of the summer the
rebels had been steadily pushing troops through Virginia
to the borders of the Potomac, menacing the National Cap
ital with capture, until in the latter part of June they had
an army of not far from thirty -five thousand men, holding
a strong position along the Bull Run Creek — its left posted
at Winchester, and its right resting at Manassas. It was
determined to attack this force and drive it from the vicin-
ity of Washington, and the general belief of the country
was that this would substantially end the war. The
National army, numbering about thirty thousand men,
moved from the Potomac, on the 16th of July, under
General McDowell, and the main attack was made on the
21st. It resulted in the defeat, with a loss of four hundred
and eighty killed and one thousand wounded, of our
forces, and their falling back, in the utmost disorder and
confusion, upon Washington. Our army was completely
routed, and if the rebel forces had known the extent of
their success, and had been in condition to avail them
selves of it with vigor and energy, the Capital would
easily have fallen into their hands.
The result of tbis battle took the whole country by sur-
prise. The most sangidne expectations of a prompt and
decisive victory had been universally entertained ; and
State Papers of Abraham Lincoln. 203
liitf actual issue first revealed to the people tlie prospect
of a long and bloody war. But the public heart was not
in the least discouraged. On the contrary, the effect was
to rouse still higher the courage and determination of the
people. No one dreamed for an instant of submission.
The most vigorous efforts were made to reorganize the
army, to increase its numbers by volunteering, and to
establish a footing for National troops at various points
along the rebel coast. On the 2Sth of August Fort Hat-
teras was surrendered to the National forces, and on the
Blst of October Port Royal, on the coast of South Caro-
lina, fell into possession of the United States. On the 3d
of December Ship Island, lying between Mobile and New
Orleans, was occupied. Preparations were also made for
an expedition against New Orleans, and by a series of
combined movements the rebel forces were driven out of
Western Virginia, Kentucky, and Missouri — States in
which the population had from the beginning of the con-
test been divided in sentiment and action.
On the 31st of October General Scott, finding himself
unable, in consequence of illness and advancing age, to
take the field or discharge the duties imposed by the
enlarging contest, resigned his position as commander of
the ^T-my, in the following letter to the Secretary of War : —
Hkad-Quarters of the Aemt, )
WASinNGTON, October 31, 18^. J
Ihe Hon. S. Cameron, Secretary of War : —
Sie: — For more tlian three years I have been unable, from a hurt, u
mount a horse, or to walk more than a few paces at a time, and thai with
mach pain. Other and new infirmities — dropsy and vertigo — admonish
ine that repose of mind and body, with the appliances of surgery and
medicine, are necessary to add a little more to a life already protracted
mnch beyond the usual span of man.
It is under such circumstances — made doubly painful by the unnatural
and unjust rebellion now raging in the Southern States of our (so late) pros
perous and happy Union — that I am compelled to request that my name
may be placed on the list of army officers retired from active service.
As this request is founded on an absolute right, granted by a recent act
of Congress, I am entirely at liberty to say it is with deep regret that I
withdraw myself, in these momentous times, from the orders of a Presi-
dent who has treated me with distinguished kindness and courtesy, whom
201 The Life, Public Services^ and
[ know, upon much personal intercourse, to be patriotic, without sectionaj
oartialities or prejudices ; to be highly conscientious in the perforiuaue«
of every duty, and of unrivalled activity and perseverance.
And to you, Mr. Secretary, whom I now officially address for the last
time, I beg to acknowledge my many obligations, for the uniform high
consideration I have received at your hands; and have the honor to
-emain, sir, with high respect, your obedient servant,
WlNFIELD SOOTT.
President Lincoln waited upon General Scott at his
residence, accompanied by Ms Cabinet, and made personal
expression to Mm of the deep regret wMch he, in common
with the whole country, felt in parting with a public ser-
vant so venerable in years and so illustrious for the
services he had rendered. He also issued the following
order : —
On the first day of November, 1861, upcn hij owii application to the
President of the United States, Brevet Lieutenant-General Winfield Scott
is ordered to be placed, and hereby is placed, upon the list of retired
officers of the army of the United States, without reduction of his current
pay, subsistence, or allowances.
The American jteople will hear with sadness and deep emotion that
General Scott has withdrawn from the active control of the army, while
the President and unanimous Cabinet express their own and the Nation's
sympathy in his personal affliction, and their profound sense of the im-
portant public services rendered by Mm to his country during his long
and brilliant career, among which will ever be gratefully distinguished hii
faithful devotion to the Constitution, the Union, and the Flag, when
assailed by parricidal rebellion Abraham Lincoln.
The command of the aimy then devolved by appoint
jient upon Major- General McClellan, who had been re
called from Western Virginia after the battle of Bull Ran,
and had devoted himself to the task of recruiting the
anny in front of Washington, and preparing it for the
defence of the Capital, and for a fresh advance upon the
forces of the rebellion.
It cannot have escaped attention that thus far, in its
policy concerning the war, the Government had been very
greatly influenced by a desire to prevent the Border Slave
States from joining the rebel confederacy. Their accession
would have added immensely to the forces of the rebel-
lion, and would have increased very greatly ^"he labor and
State Papers of Abraham Lincoln. 2i/o
difficulty of its suppression. The Administration and
Congress had, therefore, avoided, so far as possible, any
measures in regard to slavery which could needlessly ex
cite the hostile prejudices of the people of the Border
States. The Confiscation Act affected only those slaves
who should be ' ' required or permitted' ' by their masters
to render service to the rebel cause. It did not in any
respect change the condition of any others. The Presi-
dent, in the Executive Department, acted upon the same
principle. The question first arose in Virginia, simulta-
neously at Fortress Monroe, and in the western part of
the State. On the 26th of May, General McClellan issued
an address to the people of the district under his com-
mand, in which he said to them, "Understand one thing
clearly: not only will we abstain from all interference
with your slaves, but we will, on the contrary, with an
iron hand crush any attempt at insurrection on their part."
On the 27th of May, General Butler, in command at
Fortress Monroe, wrote to the Secretary of War that he
was greatly embarrassed by the number of slaves that
were coming in from the surrounding country and seeking
protection within the lines of his camp. He had deter-
mined to regard them as contraband of war, and to em-
ploy their labor at a fair compensation, against which
should be charged the expense of their support — thb
relative value to be adjusted afterwards. The Secretary
of W ar, in a letter dated May 30th, expressed the approval
by the Government of the course adopted by Genera]
Butler, and directed him, on the one hand, to ' ' permit
nc interference by the persons under his command with
the relations of persons held to service under the laws of
any State," and on the other, to "refrain from surren-
dering to alleged masters any such persons who might
come within his lines."
On the 8th of August, after the passage of the Confisca-
tion Act by Congress, the Secretary of War again wrote
to General Butler, setting forth somewhat more fully the
views of the President and the Administration upon this
subject, as follows : —
206 The Life, Public Services, and
It is the desire of the President that all existing rights in all the Statu
he fully respected and maintained. The war now prosecuted on the part
of the Federal Government is a war for the Union, and for the preserva-
tion of all constitutional rights of States and the citizens of the States iu
the Union. Hence no question can arise as to fugitives from service within
the States and Territories in which the authority of the Union is fully
acknowledged. The ordinary forms of judicial proceeding, which must
be respected by military and civil authorities alike, will suffice for the
enforcement of all legal claims. But in States wholly or partially under
" tisurrectionary control, where the laws of the United States are so far
opposed and resisted that they cannot be effectually enforced, it is obvi-
ous that rights dependent on the execution of those laws must temporarily
fail ; and it is equally obvious that rights dependent on the laws of the
States within which military operations are conducted must be necessarily
subordinated to the military exigencies created by the insurrection, if not
wholly forfeited by the treasonable conduct of parties claiming them. To
this general rule rights to services can form no exception.
The act of Congress approved August 6th, 1861, declares that if per-
sons held to service shall be employed iu hostility to the United States,
the right to their services shall be forfeited, and such persons shall be
discharged therefrom. It follows of necessity that no claim can be recog-
nized by the military authorities of the Union to the services of such per-
sons when fugitives.
A more difficult question is presented in respect to persons escaping
from the service of loyal masters. It is quite apparent that the laws of
the State, under which only the services of such fugitives can be claimed,
must needs be wholly, or almost wholly suspended, as to remedies, by the
insurrection and the military measures necessitated by it; and it is equally
apparent that the substitution of military for judicial measures, for ti:e
enforcement of such claims, must be attended by great inconveniences,
embtrrassments, and injuries.
Under these circumstances, it seems quite clear that the substantia^
rights of loyal masters will be best protected by receiving such fugitives,
as well as fugitives from disloyal masters, into the services of the United
States, and employing them under such organizations and in such occupa-
^ons as circumstances may suggest or require. Of course a record should
be kept, showing the name and description of the fugitives, the name and
the character, as loyal or disloyal, of the master, and such facts as may
be necessary to a correct understanding of the circumstances of each case,
after tranquillity shall have been restored Upon the return of peace,
Congress will doubtless properly provide for all the persons thus received
into the serrice of the Union, and for just compensation to lojai masters.
In this way only, it would seem, can the duty and safety of the Govern
ment, and the just rights of all, be fully reconciled and harmonized.
You will therefore consider yourself as instructed to govern your future
H<jtioii,iii rti8D«ct to fugitives from service, by the principles herein stated.
State Papers jf Abraham Lincoln. 207
and A'ill report from time to time, and at least twice in each month, your
action in the premises to this Department. You will, however, neither
authorize nor permit any interference, by the troops under your command,
with, the servants of peaceful citizens, in house or field, nor will you, in
any way, encourage such servants to leave the lawful service of their
masters ; nor will you, except in cases where the public safety may seem
to require it, prevent the voluntary return of anj fugitive to the service
from which b<* may nave escaped.
The same policy was adopted in every part of the conn
tr^. All interference with the internal institutions of
any State was expressly forbidden ; but the Government
would avail itself of the services of a portion of the
slaves, taking care fully to provide for compensation to
loyal masters. On the 16th of August, Hon. C. B. Smith,
Secretary of the Interior, in a speech made at Providence,
Rhode Island, took occasion to declare the policy of tho
Administration upon this subject. Its theory, said he, is,
that ' ' the States are sovereign within their spheres ; the
Government of the United States has no more right to
interfere with the institution of slavery in South Carolina
than it has tc interfere with the peculiar institution of
Rhode Island, whose benefits I have enjoyed."
On the 31st of August, General Fremont, commanding
the Western Department, which embraced Missouri and a
part of Kentucky, issued an order "extending and de-
claring established martial law throughout the State of
Missouri," and declaring that "the property, real and
personal, of all persons in the State of Missouri, wha
shall take up arms against the United States, or who shall
be directly proven to have taken an active part with their
enemies in the field, is declared to be confiscated to the
public use, and their slaves, if any they have, are hereby
declared free men." The President regarded this order
as transcending the authority vested in him by the Act of
Congress, and wrote to General Fremont, calling his at-
tention to this point, and requesting him to modify Ms
]jroclamation so as to make it conform to the law. Gen-
eral Fremont, desiring to throw off from himself the
responsibility of changing his action, desired an ex-
208 The Life, Public Services, and
plicit order — whereupon tlie President tlms addressed
him: —
Washington, D. C, September \L, 1861.
Major-General John 0. Fremont : —
Sir : — Yours of the 8th, in answer to mine of the 2d instant, was just
received. Assured that you upon the ground could better judge of the
necessities of your position than I could at this distance, on seeing your
proclamation of August 30, I perceived no general objection to it; the
particular clause, however, in relation to the confiscation of property and
the liberation of slaves, appeared to me to be objectionable in its non-
conformity to the Act of Congress, passed the 6th of last xVugust, upoa
the same subjects, and hence I wrote you expressing my wish that that
clause should be modified accordingly. Your answer, just received, ex-
presses the preference on your part that I should make an open order for
the modification, which I very cheerfully do. It is therefore ordered that
the said clause of said proclamation be so modified, held, and construed,
as to conform with, and not to transcend, the provisions on the same sub-
ject contained in the act of Congress entitled "An Act to confiscate prop-
erty used for insurrectionary purposes," approved August 6, 1861, and
the said act be published at length with this order.
Your obedient servant, A. Lincoln.
These views of the Government were still farther en-
forced in a letter from the Secretary of War to General T.
W. Sherman, who commanded the expedition to Port
Royal, and in orders issued by General Dix in Virginia,
on the 17th of November, and by General Halleck, who
succeeded General Fremont in the Western Department,
prohibiting fugitive slaves from being received within
the lines of the army. During all this time strenuous
efforts were made in various quarters to induce the Presi-
dent to depart from this policy, and not only to proclaim
a general emancipation of all the slaves, but to put arms
in their hands, and employ them in the field against the
rebels. But they were ineffectual. The President ad-
hered firmly and steadily to the policy wliich the then
existing circumstances of the country, in his judgment,
rendered wise and necessary ; and he was sustained in
this action by the public sentiment of the loyal States,
and by the great body of the people in the Slave States
along the border. The course which he pursued at that
time contributed largely, beyond doubt, to strengthen
Htate Papers of Abraham Lincoln. 209
the cause of the Union in those Border States, and espe-
cially to withdraw Tennessee from her hastily formed
connection with the rebel Confederacy.
In the early part of November an incident occurred
which threatened for a time to involve the country in
open war with England. On the 7th of that month the
British mail steamer Trent left Havana for St. Thomas,
having on board Messrs. J. M. Mason and John Sljdell,
on theu' way as commissioners from the Confederate
States to England and France. On the 8th the Trent was
hailed from the United States frigate San Jacinto^ Captain
Wilkes, and brought- to by a shot across her bows. Two
officers and about twenty armed men from the latter then
went on board the Trent^ searched her, and took from
her by force, and against the protest of the British offi-
cers, the two rebel commissioners, with Messrs. Eustis
and McFarland, their Secretaries, who were brought to
the United States and lodged in Fort Warren, the T^ent
being released and proceeding on her way. The most
intense excitement pervaded the country when news of
this affair was received. The feeling was one of admira-
tion at the boldness of Captain Wilkes, and of exultation
at the capture of the rebel emissaries. In England the
most intense and passionate resentment took possession
of the public mind. The demand for instant redress was
universal, and, in obedience to it, the Government at
once ordered troops to Canada and the outfit of vessels
of war.
Our Government met the matter with prompt and self-
possessed decision. On the 30th of November Mr. Sew
ard wrote to Mr. Adams a general statement of the facts
of the case, accompanied by the assurance that ' ' in the
capture of Messrs. Mason and Slidell Captain Wilkes had
acted without any instructions from the Government,"
and that our Government was prepared to discuss the
matter in a perfectly fair and friendly spirit as soon as
the ground taken by the British Government should be
made known. Earl Kussell, under the same date, wrote
to Lord Lyons, rehearsing the facts of the case, and say
210 The Life, Public Services, a^t)
/
ing that the British Government was ** willing to belieTV,/
that the naval officer who committed the aggression wai
not acting in compliance with any authority from his
Gfovernment," because the Government of the United
States "must he fully aware that the British Government
could not allow such an affront to the national honor to.
pass without frll reparation." Earl Russell trusted
thei-efore, that v hen the matter should be brought under
its notice the Vnited States Government would, "of ita
own accord, offer to the British Government such redress
as alone could satisfy the British nation, namely, the lib-
eration of the four gentlemen and their delivery to the
British minister, that they may again be placed under
British protection, and a suitable apology for the aggres-
sion which has been committed." In a subsequent note
Lord Lyons was instructed to wait seven days after its
delivery for a reply to this demand, and in case no an-
swer, or any other answer than a compliance with its
terms, should be given by the expiration of t]i?.t time, he
was to leave Washingtc^n with the archives of the lega-
tion, and repair immediately to London.
On the 26th of December the Secretary of State, by di-
rection of the President, sent a reply to this dispatch, in
which the whole question was discussed at length, and
with conspicuous ability. The Government decided that
the detention of the vessel, and the removal from her of
the emissaries of the rebel confederacy, was justifiable by
the laws of war and the practice and precedents of the
British Government ; but that in assuming to decide udo?» :
the liability of these persons to capture for himself, '
stead of sending them before a legal tribunal where a
regular trial could be had. Captain A¥ilkes had departed
from the rule of international law uniformly asserted by
the American Government, and forming part of its most
cherished policy. The Government decided, therefore,
that the four persons in question would be "cheerfully
liberated." This decision, sustained by the reasoning
advanced in its support, commanded the immediate and
universal acquiescence of the American people ; while i»
State Papers of Abrahaj^i Lincoln.
England it was received with hearty applause "by the
friends of this country, especially as it silenced ihe clam-
ors and disappointed the hostile hopes of its enemies.
The French Government had joined that of England in
its representations upon this subject, and the decision of
our Government was received there with equal satisfac-
tion. The effect of the incident, under the just and judi-
cious course adopted by the Administration, was emi
pently favorable to the United States — increasing the
general respect for its adherence to sound principles of
public law, and silencing effectually the slander that its
Government was too weak to disappoint or thwart a pop-
ular clamor. One of the immediate fruits of the discus-
sion was the prompt rejection of all demands for recog
nizing the independence of the Confederate Btates.
212 The Life, Public Services, and
CHAPTER yill.
THE EEQULAR SESSION OF CONGRESS, DECEMBER, 186L— THB
MESSAGE.— DEBATES, ETC.
Meetin& of Congeess. — Peesident's Message. — Disposition of i:&s
GEES8. — SlAVEEY IN TeEEITOEIES AND DiSTEIOT OF COLUMBIA. — PRO-
POSED Aid to Emancipation by Slave States. — The Debate in
Congress. — The Peesident and Geneeal Huntee. — The Boeder
State Repeesentatives. — The Boedee State Reply. — The Finances.
— The Confiscation Bill. — The Peesident's Action and Opinions. —
The Peesident's Message. — Message in Regaed to Mb. Oameeon. —
The Peesident and nis Cabinet. — Close of the Session of Con-
geess— The Peesident's Lettee to Me. Geeeley. — The Peesident
AND THE Chicago Convention. — Peoolamation of Emancipation.
Congress met in regular session (the second of the
Thirty- seventh Congress) on the 2d of December, 1861.
On tlie next day the President sent in his Annual Message,
as follows : —
Fellow-Citizens of the Senate and Housk o / Repeesentatives :
In the midst of unprecedented political troubles, we have cause of great
gratitude to God for unusual good health and most abundant harvests.
You Avill not be surprised to learn that, in the peculiar exigencies of the
times, our intercourse with foreign nations has been attended with profound
solicitude, chiefly turning upon our own domestic affairs.
A disloyal portion of the American people have, during the whole year,
tKen engaged in an attempt to divide and destroy the Fnion. A natioi!
whi;i endures factious domestic division is exposed to disrespect abroad,
and one party, if not both, is sure, sooner or later, to invoke foreign inter-
vention.
Nations thus tempted to interfere are not always able to resist the
counsels of seeming expediency and ungenerous ambition, although
measures adopted under such influences seldon fail to be unfortunate and
injurious to those adopting them.
The disloyal citizens of the United States who have offered the ruin of
our country, in return for the aid and comfort which they have invoked
abroad, have received less patronage and encouragement than they prob-
ably expected. If it were just to suppose, as the insurgents have seemed
State Papers of Abraham Lincoln. 213
to assnme, that foreign nations, in this case, discarding all moral, social,
and treaty obligations!,, would act solely and selfishly for the most speedy
restoration of commerce, including especially the acquisition of cotton,
those nations appear, as yet, not to have seen their way to their object
more directly, or clearly, through the destruction, than through the pres-
ervation, of the Union. If we could dare to believe that foreign nations
are actuated by no higher principle than this, I am quite sure a sound ar-
gument could be made to show them that they can reach their aim mor«
readily and easily by aiding to crush this rebellion, than by giving en
eouragement to it.
The principal lever relied on by the insurgents for exciting foreign
nations to hostility against us, as already intimated, is the embarrassment
of commerce. Those nations, however, not improbably, saw from the
first, that it was the Union which made, as well our foreign as our do-
mestic commerce. They can scarcely have failed to perceive that the effort
for disunion produced the existing diflSculty ; and that one strong nation
promises mol-"^ durable peace, and a more extensive, valuable, and reliable
commerce, than can the same nation broken into hostile fragments.
It is not my purpose to review our discussions with foreign states ;
because whatever might be their wishes or dispositions, the integrity of
our country and the stability of our Government mainly depend, not upon
them, but on the loyalty, virtue, patriotism, and intelligence of the Amer-
ican people. The correspondence itself, with the usual reservations, is
herewith submitted.
I venture to hope it will appear that we have practised prudence and
liberality towards foreign powers, averting causes of irritation ; and with
firmness maintaining our own rights and honor.
Since, however, it is apparent that here, as in every other state, foreign
dangers necessarily attend domestic difiiculties, I recommend that adequate
and ample measures be adopted for maintaining the public defences on
every side. While, under this general recommendation, provision for defend-
ing our sea-coast line readily occurs to the mind, I also, in the same con-
nection, ask the attention of Congress to our great lakes and rivers. It is
leiieved that some fortifications and depots of arms and munitions, with
harbor and navigation improvements, all at well-selected points upon
these, would be of great importance to the national defence and preserva-
tion. I ask attention to the views of the Secretary of War, expressed in
his report, upon the same general subject.
I deem it of importance that the loyal regions of East Tennessee and
Western North Carolina should be connected with Kentucky and other
faithful parts of the Union by railroad. I therefore recommend, as a
military measure, that Congress provide for the construction of such road
as speedily as possible.
Kentucky will no doubt co-operate, and through her Legislature make
th« most judicious selection of a line. The northern terminus must
214 Thl Life, Public Services, and
connect with some existing railroad, and whether the route shall be froia
Lexington or Nicholasville to the Cumberland Gap, or from Lebanon to
the Tennesee line, in the direction of Knoxville, or on some still different
line, can easily be determined. Kentucky and the General Government
co-operating, the work can be completed in a very short time, and when
done it will be not only of vast present usefulness, but also a valuable
permanent improvement worth its cost in all the future.
Some treaties, designed chiefly for the interests of commerce, and having
no grave political importance, have been negotiated, and will be submitted
to the Senate for their consideration. Although we have failed to induce
Borae of the commercial Powers to adopt a desirable melioration of the rigor
of maritime war, we have removed all obstructions from the way of this
humane reform, except such as are merely of temporary and accidental
occurrence.
I invite your attention to the correspondence between her Britannic
Majesty's Minister, accredited to this Government, and the Secretary oi~
State, relative to the detention of the British ship Perthshire in June last
by the United States steamer Massachusetts^ for a supposed breach of the
blockade. As this detention was occasioned by an obvious misapprehen-
sion of the facts, and as justice requires that we should commit no belliger-
ent act not founded in strict right as sanctioned by public law, I recom-
mend that an appropriation be made to satisfy the reasonable demand of
the owners of the vessel for her detention.
I repeat the recommerdation of my predecessor in his annual message to
Congress in December last in regard to the disposition of the surplus
which will probably remain after satisfying the claims of American citizens
against China, pursuant to the awards of the commissioners under the act
of the 3d of March, 1859.
If, however, it should not be deemed advisable to carry that recom-
mendation into effect, I would suggest that authority be given for invest-
ing the principal over the proceeds of the surplus referred to in good se-
curities, with a view to the satisfaction of such otjher just claim of our
citizens against China as are not unlikely to arise hereafter in the course
©f our extensive trade with that empire.
By the act of the 5th of August last. Congress authorized the President
to instruct the commanders of suitable vessels to defend themselves against
and to capture pirates. This authority has been exercised in a single in-
stance only.
For the more effectual protection of our extensive and valuable com-
merce in the Eastern seas especially, it seems to me that it would also be
advisable to authorize the commanders of sailing-vessels to recapture any
prizes which pirates may make of the United States vessels and their car-
goes, and the Consular Courts established by law in Eastern countries to
adjudicate the cases in the event that this should not be objected to by
Uie local anthorities.
State Papers of Abraham Lincoln. 215
If any good reason exists why we shonld persevere longer in with
folding our recognition of the independence and sovereignty of Hayti
A ad Liberia, I am unable to discern it. Unwilling, however, to inaugurate
» novel policy in regard to them without the approbation of Congress, I
sibmit to your consideration the expediency of an appropriation for
1 maintaining a Charge d'' Affaires near each of those nevs-- states. It does
not admit of doubt that important commercial advantages might be secured
by favorable treaties with them.
The operations of the Treasury during the period which has elapsed
4ince your adjournment have been conducted with signal success. The
Patriotism of the people has placed at the disposal of the Govei nment the
large means demanded by the public exigencies. Much of the national
loan has been taken by citizens of the industrial classes, whose confidence
in their country's faith, and zeal for their country's deliverance from its
present peril, have induced them to contribute to the support of the
Government the whole of their limited acquisitions. This fact imposes
peculiar obligations to economy in disbursement and energy in action.
Tiie revenue from all sources, including loans for the financial year ending
on the 30th of June, 1861, was $86,835,900 27; and the expenditures for
the same period, including pajrments on account of the public debt, were
$84,578,034 47; leaving a balance in the treasury, on the 1st of July, of
$2,257,065 80 for the first quarter of the financial year ending on Sep-
tember 30, 1861. The receipts from all sources, including the balance of
July 1, were $102,532,509 27, and the expenses $98,239,733 09; leaving
% balance, on the 1st of October, 1861. of $4,292,776 18.
Estimates for the remaining three-quarters of the year and for the
fijiancial year of 1863, together with his views of the ways and means for
meeting the demands contemplated by them, will be submitted to Congress
by the Secretary of the Treasury. It is gratifying to know that the
exf enses made necessary by the rebellion are not beyond the resources of
the loyal people, and to believe that the same patriotism which has thus
far sustained the Government will continue to sustain it till peace and
ur-ioc shall again bless the land. I respectfully refer to the report of the
Secretar}' of War for information respecting the numerical strength of the
vmy, and for recommendations having in view an increase of its efficiency,
and the well-being of the various branches of the service intrusted t;» his
care. It is gratifying to know that the patriotism of the people has proved
equal to the occasion, and that the number of troops tendered greatly
exceed the force which Congress authorized me to call into the field. I
refer with pleasure to those portions of his report which make allusion to
the creditable degree of discipline already attained by our troops, and to
the excellent sanitary condition of the entire army. The recommendation
of the Secretary for an organization of the militia upon a uniform basis is
a «nbject of vital importance to the future safety of the country, and is
»5unimended to the serious attention of Congress. The large addition to
216 The Life, Public Services, and
the regular army, in connection with the defection that has so considera-
bly diminished the number of its officers, gives peculiar importance to hii
recommendation for increasing the corps of cadets to the greatest capacity
of the Military Academy.
By mere omission, I presume, Congress has failed to provide chaplains
for the hospitals occupied by the volunteers. This subject was brought to
my notice, and I was induced to draw up the form of a letter, one ^opy
of which, properly addressed, has been delivered to each of the persona,
and at the dates respectively named and stated in a schedule, containing,
also, the form of the letter marked A, and herewith transmitted. Thea©
gentlemen, I understand, entered upon the duties designated at the times
respectively stated in the schedule, and have labored faithfully therein
ever since. I therefore recommend that they be compensated at the same
rate as chaplains in the army. I further suggest that general provision be
made for chaplains to serve at hospitals, as well as with regiments.
The report of the Secretary of the Navy presents, in detail, the opera
tions of that branch of the service, the activity and energy which have
characterized its administration, and the results of measures to increase
its efficiency and power. Such have been the additions, by construction
and purchase, that it may almost be said a navy has been created and
brought into service since our difficulties commenced.
Besides blockading our extensive coast, squadrons larger than ever
before assembled under our flag have been put afloat, and performed deeds
which have increased our naval renown.
I would invite special attention to the recommendation of the Secretary
for a more perfect organization of the navy, by introducing additional
grades in the service.
The present organization is defective and unsatisfactory, and the sug-
gestions submitted by the department will, it is believed, if adopted, ob-
7jate the difficulties alluded to, promote harmony, and increase the effi-
ciency of the navy.
There are three vacancies on the bench of the Supreme Court — two by
the decease of Justices Daniel and McLean, and one by the resignation of
Justice Campbell. I have so far forborne making nominations to fill these
vacancies for reasons which I will now state. Two of the outgoing judges
resided within the States now overrun by revolt ; so that if successors
were appointed in the same localities, they could not now serve upon their
circuits ; and many of the most competent men there probably would not
take the personal hazard of accepting to serve, even here, upon the su-
preme bench. I have been unwilling to throw all the appointments
northward, thus disabling myself from doing justice to the South on the
return of peace; although I may remark, that to transfer to the N firth
one which has heretofore been in the South, would not, with reference to
territory and population, be unjust.
Du^'ing the long and brilliant judicial career of Judge McLean, his uff-
State Papers of Abraham Liiscoln. 217
cnit grew into an empire — altogetlier too large for anv one judge to give
the courts therein more than a nominal attendance — rising in population
from one million four hundred and seventy thousand and eighteen, in 1830,
to six million one hundred and fifty-one thousand four hundred and five,
in 1860.
Besides this, the country generally has outgrown our present judicial
systena. If uniformity was at all intended, the system requires that all
the States shall be accommodated with Circuit Courts, attended by SU'
preme judges, while, in fact, Wisconsin, Minnesota, Iowa, Kansas, Florida,
Texas, California, and Oregon, have never had any such courts. Nor can
this well be remedied without a change of the system ; becauee the add-
ing of judges to the Supreme Court, enough for the accommodation of all
parts of the country with Circuit Courts, would create a court altogether
too numerous for a judicial body of any sort. And the evil, if it be one,
win increase as new States come into the Union. Circuit Courts are use-
ful, or they are not useful. If useful, no State should be denied them ; if
not useful, no State should have them. Let tnem be provided for all, or
abolished as to all.
Three modifications occur to me, either of which, I think, would be an
improvement upon our present system. Let the Supreme Court be of
convenient number in every event. Then, first, let the whole country be
divided into circuits of convenient size, the supreme judges to serve in a
number of them corresponding to their own number, and independent
circuit judges be provided for all the rest. Or, secondly, let the supreme
judges be relieved from circuit duties, and circuit judges provided for all
the circuits. Or, thirdly, dispense with circuit courts altogether, leaving
the judicial functions wholly to the district courts and an independent
Supreme Court.
I respectfully recommend to the consideration of Congress the present
condition of the statute laws, with the hope that Congress will be able
to find an easy remedy for many of the inconveniences and evils which
constantly embarrass those engaged in the practical administration of
them. Since the organization of the Government, Congress has enacted
some fire thousand acts and joint resolutions, which fill more than eisj
thousand closely-printed pages, and are scattered through many volumes |
Many of these acts have been drawn in haste and without sufficient cau-
tico, 80 that their provisions are often obscure in themselves, or in con-
flict with each other, or at least so doubtful as to render it very difficult
for even the best-informed persons to ascertain precisely what the statute
law really is.
It seems to me very important that the statute laws should be made as
plain and intelligible as possible, and be reduced to as small a compass as
may consist with the fulness and precision of the will of the legislature
and the perspicuity of its language. This, well done, would, I think,
greatly facilitate the labors of those whose duty it is to assist in the ad*
218 The Life, Public Services, and
ministration of the laws, and would be a lasting benefit to tbe people, by
placing before them, in a more accessible and intelligible form, the laws
which so deeply concern their interests and their duties.
I am informed hj some whose opinions I respect, that all the acts 0/
Congress now in force, and of a permanent and general nature, might be
revised and rewritten, so as to be embraced in one volume (or, at most,
two volumes) of ordinary and convenient size. And 1 respectfully recom-
mend to Congress to consider of the subject, and, if my suggestion be ap
pre ved, to devise such plan as to their wisdom shall seem most proper foi
ibe attainment of the end proposed.
One of the unavoidable consequences of the present insurrection is the
entire suppression, in many places, of all the ordinary means of admin-
!;/tering civil justice by the officers, and in the forms of existing law. This
\i the case, in whole or in part, in all the insurgent States ; and as our
armies advance upon and take possession of parts of those States, the
f Tactical evil becomes more apparent. There are no courts nor officers to
v'hom the citizens of other States may apply for the enforcement of their
l;?wful claims against citizens of the insurgent States ; and there is a vast
amount of debt constituting such claims. Some have estimated it as high
as two hundred million dollars, due, in large part, from insurgents in open
rebellion to loyal citizens who are, even now, making great sacrifices in
the discharge of their patriotic duty to support the Government.
Under these circumstances, I have been urgently solicited to establish,
Dy military power, courts to administer summary justice in such cases. I
have thus far declined to do it, not because I had any doubt that the end
proposed — the collection of the debts — was just and right in itself, but
because I have been unwilling to go beyond the pressure of necessity in
the unusual exercise of power. But the powers of Congress, I suppose,
are equal to the anomalous occasion, and therefore I refer the whole mat-
ter to Congress, with the hope that a plan may be devised for the admin-
istrptioxi of justice in all such parts of the insurgent States and Territories
as mf ; \>e ander the control of this Government, whether by a voluntary
return vo allegiance and order, or by the power of our arms ; this, hew-
erer, net to be a permanent institution, but a temporary substitute, and
to cease as soon as the ordinary courts can be re-established in peace.
It is important that some more convenient means should be provided,
if possible, for the adjustment of claims against the Government, espe-
cially in view of their increased number by reason of the war. It is aa
much the duty of Government to render prompt justice against itself, in
favor of citizens, as it is to administer the same between private indi-
viduals. The investigation and adjudication of claims, in their nature,
belong to the judicial department ; besides, it is apparent that the atten-
tion of Congress wiU be more than usually engaged, for some time to
come, with great national questions. It was intended, by the organiza-
tion of the Court of Claims, mainly to remove this branch of buaine**
State Papers of Abraham Lincoln. 219
from the halls of Congress ; but while the court has proved to be an ef-
fective and valuable means of investigation, it in great degree fails to effect
the object of its creation, for want of power to make its judgments final.
Fully aware of the delicacy, not to say the danger, of the subject, I com-
mend to your careful consideration whether this power of making judg-
ments final may not properly be given to the court, reserving the right
of appeal on questions of law to the Supreme Court, with such other
provisions as experience may have shown to be necessary.
1 ask attention to the report of the Postmaster-General, tne followia
being a summary statement of the condition of tlie department :
The revenue from all sources during the fiscal year ending June 30,
1861, including the annual permanent appropriation of seven hundred
thousand dollars for the transportation of "free mail matter," was nine
million forty-nine thousand two hundred and ninety -six dollars and forty
cents, being about two per cent, less than the revenue for 1860.
The expenditures were thirteen million six hundred and six thousand
seven hundred and fifty-nine dollars and eleven cents, showing a decrease
of more than eight per cent, as compared with those of the previous year,
and leaving an excess of expenditure over the revenue for the last fiscal
year of four million five hundred and fifty-seven thousand four hundred
and sixty-two dollars and seventy-one cents.
The gross revenue for the year ending June 30, 1863, is estimated at an
increase of four per cent, on that of 1861, making eight million six hun-
dred and eighty-three thousand dollars, to which should be added the
earnings of the department in carrying free matter, viz., seven hundred
thousand dollars, making nine million three hundred and eighty-three
thousand dollars.
The total expenditures for 1863 are estimated at twelve million five
hundred and twenty-eight thousand dollars, leaving an estimated defi-
ciency of three million one hundred and forty-five thousand dollars to be
supplied from the Treasury, in addition to the permanent appropriation.
The present insurrection shows, I think, that the extension of this dis-
trict across the Potomac River, at the time of establishing the Capital
here, was eminently wise, and consequently that the relinquishment of
that portion of it which lies within the State of Virginia was unwise and
dangerous. I submit for your consideration the expediency of regaining
tiat part of the district, and the restoration of the original boundaries
thereof, through negotiations with the State of Virginia.
The report of the Secretary of tlie Interior, with the accompanying
documents, exhibits the condition of the several branches of the public
business pertaining to that department. The depressing influences of the
insurrection have been especially felt in the operations of the Patent and
General Land Offices. The cash receipts from the sales of public land?
during the past year have exceeded the expenses of our land system only
about two hundred thousand dollars. The sales have been entirely sos-
220 The Life, Public Services, and
pended Id the Southern States, while the interruptions to the husiness of
tlie country, and the diversion of large numbers of men from labor to
military service, have obstructed settlements in the new States and Terri-
tories of the Northwest.
The receipts of the Patent Office have declined in nine months about
one hundred thousand dollars, rendering a large reduction of the force
employed necessary to make it self-sustaining.
The demands upon the Pension Office will be largely increased by the
Insurrection. Numerous applications for pensions, based upon the casual-
ties of the existing war, have mready been made. There is reason to
believe that many who are now upon the pension rolls, and in receipt of
the bounty of the Government, are in the ranks of the insurgent army, or
giving them aid and comfoi't. The Secretary of the Interior has directed
a suspension of the payment of the pensions of such persons upon proof
of their disloyalty. I recommend that Congress authorize that officer to
cause tt'J» names of such persons to be stricken from the pension rolls.
The relations of the Government with the Indian tribes have been
greatly disturbed by the insurrection, especially in the southern superin-
tendency and in that of New Mexico. The Indian country south of Kansas
is in the possession of insurgents from Texas and Arkansas. The agents
of the United States appointed since the 4th of March for this superin
tendency have been unable to reach their posts, while the most of tho8«
who were in office before that time have espoused the insurrectionary
cause, and assume to exercise the powers of agents by virtue of commis-
sions from the insurrectionists. It has been stated in the public press that
a portion of those Indians have been organized as a military force, and
are attached to the army of the insurgents. Although the Government
has no official information upon this subject, letters have been written to
the Commissioner of Indian Affairs by several prominent chiefs, giving
assurance of their loyalty to the United States, and expressing a wish for
the presence of Federal troops to protect them. It is believed that upon
the repossession of the country by the Federal forces, the Indians will
readily cease all hostile demonstrations, and resume their former relation!
to the Government.
Agriculture, confessedly the largest interest of the nation, has not a
department, nor a bureau, but a clerkship only, assigned to it in the Got-
ernment. While it is fortunate that this great interest is so independent
in its nature as to not have demanded and extorted more from the Gov-
ernment, I respectfully ask Congress to consider whether something more
cannot be given voluntarily with general advantage.
Annual reports exhibiting the condition of our agriculture, commerce,
and manufactures, would present a fund of information of great practical
value to the country. "WTiile I make no suggesiion as to details, I ven-
ture, the opinion that an agricultural and statistical bureau might profit-
ably be ovganized.
SiATi: Papeks of Abraham LiNCOLfi. 221
^he execution of the laws for the sappression of the African slave -trad«
has been confided to the Department of the Interior. It is a subject of grat-
ulation that the efforts which have been made for the suppression of this
Inhuman traffic have been recently attended with unusual success. Five
vessels being fitted out for the slave-trade have been seized and con-
demned. Two mates of vessels engaged in the trade, and one person in
equipping a vessel as a slaver, have been convicted and subjected to the
peralty of fine and imprisonraeut, and one captain, taken with a cargo of
Africans on board his vessel, has been convicted of the highest grade of
offence under our laws, the punishment of which is death.
The Territories of Colorado, Dakotah, and Nevada, created bv the lant
Congress, have been organized, and civil administration has been inau
gurated therein under auspices especially gratifying, when it is considerevi
that the leaven of treason was found existing in some of these new coun
tries when the Federal officers arrived there.
The abundant natural resources of these Territories, with the security
and protection afforded by organized government, will doubtless invite to
them a large immigration when peace shall restore the business of the
country to its accustomed channels. I submit the resolutions of the Legis-
lature of Colorado, which evidence the patriotic spirit of the people of
the Territory. So far the authority of the United States has been upheld in
all the Territories, as it is hoped it will be in the future. I commend their
interests and defence to the enlightened and generous care of Congress.
I recommend to the favorable consideration of Congress the interests
of the District of Columbia. The insurrection has been the cause of
much suffering and sacrifice to its inhabitants, and as they have no rep-
resentative in Congress, that body should not overlook their just claims
<3pon the Government.
At your late session a joint resolution r, j,9 adopted authorizing the
President to take measures for facilitating a proper representation of the
industrial interests of the United States at the exhibition of the industry
of all nations to be holden at London in the year 1862. I regret to say
I have been unable to give personal attention to this subject — a subject at
ODce so interesting in itself, and so extensively and intimately connected
with the material prosperity of the world. Through the Secretaries of
State and of the Interior a plan or system has been devised and partly
matured, and which will be laid before you.
Under and by virtue of the act of Congress entitled " An act to con-
fiscate property used for insurrectionary purposes, " approved August 6,
1861, the legal cla ras of certain persons to the labor and service of cer-
tain other persons have become forfeited; and numbers of the latter, thus
liberated, are already dependent on the United States, and must be pro-
vided for in some way. Besides this, it is not impossible that some of the
States will pass similar eiinctments for their own benefit respectively,
and by operation of which persons of the same class will be thrown upon
222 The Life, Public Services, and
them for disposal. In such case, I recommend that Congress provide for
accepting such persons from such States, according to some mode of val-
uation, in lieu, pro tanto, of direct taxes, or upon some other plan to be
agreed on with such States respectively ; that such persons, on such ac-
ceptance by the General Government, be at once deemed free ; and that,
in any event, steps be taken for colonizing both classes (or the 3ne first
mentioned, if the other shall not be brought into existence) at some place (
or places in a climate congenial to them. It might be well to consider [
too, whether the free colored people already in the United States could!
not, so far as individuals may desire, be included in such colonization.
To carry out the plan of colonization may involve the acquiring of ter-
itory, and also the appropriation of money beyond that to be expended
in the territorial acquisition. Having practised the acquisition of ter-
ritory for nearly sixty years, the question of constitutional power to do
so is no longer an open one with us. The power was questioned at first
by Mr. Jefferson, who, however, in the purchase of Louisiana, yielded his
scruples on the plea of great expediency. If it be said that the only
legitimate object of acquiring territory is to furnish liomes for white men,
this measure effects that object; for the emigration of colored men leaves
additional room for white men remaining or coming here. Mr. Jefferson,
however, placed the importance of procuring Louisiana more on political
and commercial grounds than on providing room for population.
On this whole proposition, including the appropriation of money with
the acquisition of territory, does not the expediency amount to absolute
necessity — tliat, without which the Government itself cannot be perpet
uated ?
The war continues. In considei'ing the policy to be adopted for sup-
pressing the insurrection, I have been anxious and careful that, the inev-
itable conflict for this purpose shall not degenerate into a violent and
-emorseless revolutionary struggle.
In the exercise of my best discretion, I have adhered to the blockade of
the ports held by the insurgents, instead of putting in force by proclama
fcion the law of Congress enacted at the late session for closing those ports.
So, also, obeying the dictates of prudence, as well as the obligatit ns
of law, instead of transcending I have adhered to the act of Congress to
confiscate property used for insurrectionary purposes. If a new law
opon the same subject shall be proposed, its propriety will be duly con-
eidered. The Union must be preserved; and hence all indispensftoI«
means must be employed. We should not be in haste to determine that
radical and extreme measures, which may reach the loyal as well as the
disloyal, are indispensable.
The inaugural address at the beginning of the Administration, ap.d
the message to Congress at the late special session, were both mainly
devoted to the domestic controversy out of which the insurrection and
consequent war have sprung Nothing n^^.^ '"^xxra to add or subtract
,State Papers of Abraham Lincoln. 223
io 01 ffom the principles or general purposes stated and expressed in those
documents.
The 'Est ray of hope for preserving the Union peaceably expired at
the ap^ault L^^ion Fort Sumter; and a general review of what has oc-
•jurrel since may not be unprofitable. What was painfully uncertain
ther. is much betier defined and more distinct now ; and the progress of
events is plamiy in the right direction. The insurgents confidently
"jlaimed a strong support from north of Mason and Dixon's line ; and thf*
fiends of the Union were not free from apprehension on the point.
This, however, was soon settled definitely, and on the right side. South
^ the line, noble little Delaware led off right from the first. Maryland
*as m^de to seem against the Union. Our soldiers were assaulted,
flridgea were burned, and railroads torn up within her limits; and we
frere «any days, at one time, without the ability to bring a single regi-
ment over her soil to the Capital. Now her bridges and railroads aro
repy-red and open to the Government ; she already gives seven regimentg
to 'ne cause of the Union, and none to the enemy ; and her people, at »
r€/{ular election, have sustained the Union by a larger majority and a
la-rger aggregate vote than they ever before gave to any candidate or
a \j question. Kentucky, too, for some time in doubt, is now decidedly,
a. id, I think, unchangeably ranged on the side of the Union. Missouri
iw comparatively quiet, and, I believe, cannot again be overrun by the
i/isurrectionists. These three States of Maryland, Kentucky, and Mis-
pouri, neither of which would promise a single soldier at first, have now
an aggregate of not less than forty thousand in the field for the Union ;
while of their citizens, certainly not more than a third of that number,
aud they of doubtful whereabouts and doubtful existence, are in arms
against it. After a somewhat bloody struggle of months, winter closei*
on the Union people of Western Virginia, leaving them masters of their
own country.
An insurgent force of about fifteen hundred, for months dominating
tb© narrow peninsular region constituting the counties of Accomac anu
Northampton, and kn >wn as Eastern Shore of Virginia, together with
sooie contiguous parts of Maryland, have laid down their arms ; and the
people there have renewed their allegiance to, and accepted the protec-
tion of, the old flag. This leaves no armed insurrectionist north of the
Potomac, or east of the Chesapeake.
Also we hav-e obtained a footing at each of the isolated points on the
southern coast of Hatteras, Port Royal, Tybee Island, near Savannah,
and Ship Island; and we likewise have some general accounts of popular
movements in behalf of the Union in North Carolina and Tennessee.
These things demonstrate that the cause of the Union is advancing
iteadily and certainly southward.
Since your last adjournment Lieutenant- General Scott has retired froia
the head of the army. During his long life the nation has not been un
224 The Life, Public JSEHvicEiSj A^iD
iniQ(itiil of his merit ; yet, on calling to mind how faithfully, ably, an4
brilliantly he has served the country, from a time far back in our history^
when few of the now living had been born, and thenceforward contin-
ually, I cannot but think we are still his debtors. I submit, therefore, for
your con«iideration what further mark of recognition is due to him, and
to ourselves as a grateful people.
With the retirement of General Scott came the execitive duty of ap-
pointing in his stead a general-in-chief of the army. It is a fortunat
circumstance that n-either in council nor country was there, so far as
know, any difference of opinion as to the proper person to :>e selected
The retiring chief rcjpeatedly expressed his judgment in favor 'JL General
McClellan for the position; and in this the nation seemed to give a
unanimous concurrence. The designation of General McClellan is, there-
fore, in considerable degree, the selection of the country as well as of
the Executive; and hence there is better reason to hope there will be
given him the confidence and cordial support thus, by fair implication^
promised, and without which he cannot, with so full efficiency, serve the
".ouutry.
It has been said that one bad general is better than two good ones ;
and the saying is true, if taken to mean no more than that an army is
better directed by a single mind, though inferior, than by two superiox
ones at variance and cross-purposes with each other.
And the same is true in all joint operations wherein those engaged can
have none but a common end in view, and can differ only as to the choice
of means. In a storm at sea, no one on board can wish the ship to sink ;
and yet not unfrequently all go down together, because too many will
direct, and no single mind can be allowed to control.
It continues to develop that the insurrection is largely, if not exclu-
sively, a war upon the first princip^ of popular government — the rights
of the people. Conclusive evidence of this is found in the most grave and
maturely-considered public documents, as well as in the genera tone ot
'.he insurgents. In those documents we find the abridgment of the exist-
tug right of sufi'rage, and the denial to the people of all right to parlici-
j\.i^ lu t]ie selection of public officers, except the legislative, boldly
advocated, with labored arguments to prove that large control of the
people in government is the source of all political evil. Monarchy itself
is somoSimes hinted at as a possible refuge from the power of the people.
In my present position, I could scarely be justified were I to omit rais-
ing a warning voice against this approach of return'ng despotism.
It is not needed, nor fitting here, that a general arguruent should be
made in favor of popular institutions ; but there is owq point, with its
connections, not so hackneyed as most others, to which I ask a brief at-
tention. It is the effort ro place capital on an equal footi'ig with, if nc
above, labor, in the structure of government. It is assumed that labor it
onVy in connection with capital ; that nobody labors unless som*>
State Papers of Abraham Lincoln. 225
oody else, owning capital, semehow by tlie use of it induces him to labor.
This assumed, it is next considered whether it is best that capitfd shaL
hire laborers, and thus induce them to work by their own consent, or buy
thejn, and drive them to it without their consent. Having proceeded so
far, it is naturally concluded that all laborers are either hired laborers, or
what we call slaves. And further, it is as3u?r»ed that whoever is once a
hired laborer is fixed in that condition for life.
Now, there is no such relation between capital and labor as assumed ;
aor is there any such thing as a free man being fixed for hfe in the con-
dition of a hired laborer. Both these assumptions are false, and all in-
ferences from them are groundless.
Labor is prior to and independent of capital. Capital is only the fvm
of labor, and could never have existed if labor had not first existed.
Labor is the superior of capital, and deserves much the higher considera-
tion. Capital has its rights, which are as worthy of protection as any
other rights. Nor is it denied that there is, and probably always will be,
a relation between labor and capital, producing mutual benefits. The
error is in assuming that the whole labor of community exists within that
relation. A few men own capital, and those few avoid labor themselves,
and, with their capital, hire or buy another few to labor for them. A
large majonty belong to neither class — neither work for others, nor have
others working for them. In most of the Southern States, a majority of
the whole people of all colors are neither slaves nor masters; while in
the Northern, a large majority are neither hirers nor hired. Men, with
their families — wives, sons, and daughters — work for themselves on their
farms, in their housea, and in their shops, taking the whole product to
themselves, and asking no favors of capital on the one hand, nor of hired
laborers or slaves on the other. It is not forgotten that a considerable
number of persons mingle their own labor with capital — that is, they
labor with their own hands, and also buy or hire others to labor for them ;
but this is only a mixed, and not a distinct class. No principle stated la
iisturbed by the existence of this mixed class.
Again: as has already been said, there is not of necessity any such
thing as the free hired laborer being fixed to that condition for life. Many
independent men everywhere in these States, a fe\7 years back in thei
lives, were hired laborers. The prudent, penniless beginner in the world
labors tor wages a while, saves a surplus with which to buy tools or land
^or himself, then labors on his own account another while, and at length
hires another new beginner to help him. This is the ju^t, and generous,
and prosperous system, which opens the way to all, gives hope to all, and
consequent energy, and progress, and improvement of condition to all.
No men living are more worthy to be trusted than those who toil up from
poverty — none less inclined to take or touch aught which they have not
bonestly earned. Let them beware of surrendering a political power
vhich they already possess, and which, if surrendered, will surely be used
U
226 The Life, Public Services, and
to close tlie door of advancement against such as they, and to fix _ icw di*
abilities and burdens upon them, till all of liberty shall be lost.
Fi-om the first taking of our national census to the last are seventy
years; and we find our population, at the end of the period, eight times
as great as it was at the beginning. The increase of those other things
which men deem desirable has been even greater. "We thus have, at on«
view, what the popular principle, applied to Government through th«
machinery of the States and the Union, has produced in a given time;
•ind also what, if firmly maintained, it promises for the future. There
I ire already among us those who, if the Union be preserved, will live to
'■ see it contain two liiindred and fifty millions. The struggle of to-day ia
Liot altogether for to-day ; it is for a vast future also. With a reliance on
Providence, all the more firm and earnest, let us proceed in the great task
which events have devolved upon us. Abraham Lincoln.
The actual condition of the country and the progress
of tlie vy'ar, at the opening of the session, are very clearly
stated in tliis document ; and the principles upon which
the President had based his conduct of public affairs are
set forth with great distinctness and precision. On the
subject of interfering with slavery, the President had
adhered strictly to the letter and spirit of the act passed
by Congress at its extra session ; but he very distinctly
foresaw that it might become necessary, as a means of
quelling the rebellion and preserving the Union, to resort
to a much more vigorous policy than was contemplated
by that act. While he threw out a timely caution against
andue haste in the adoption of extreme measures, he
promised full and careful consideration of any new law
which Congress might consider it wise and expedient to
pass
It very soon became evident that Congress was dis^
sed to make very considerable advances upon the
legislation of the extra session. The resistance of the
rebels had been more vigorous and effective than was
anticipated, and the defeat at Bull Run had exasperated
as well as aroused the public mind. The forbearance of
the Government in regard to slavery had not only failed
to soften the hostility of the rebels, but had been rep
resented to Europe by the rebel authorities as proving
a determination on the part of the United States to protect
State Papers of Abraham Lincoln. 227
and perpetuate slavery by restoring tlie authority of the
Constitution which guaranteed its safety ; and the acts of
the extra session, especially the Crittenden resolution,
defining and limiting the objects of the war, were quoted
in rebel dispatches to England for that purpose. It was
known, also, that within the lines of the rebel army slaves
were freely employed in the construction of fortifications,
and that they contributed in this and other ways very
hirgely to the strength of the insurrection. The whole
country, under the infiuence of these facts, began to re-
gard slavery as not only the cause of the rebellion, but
as the main strength of its armies and the bond of union
for the rebel forces ; — and Congress, representing and
sharing this feeling, entered promptly and zealously upon
such measures as it would naturally suggest. Resolu-
tions at the very outset of the session were ofiered, call-
ing on the President to emancipate slaves whenever and
wherever such action would tend to weaken the rebel-
lion ; and the general policy of the Government upon this
subject became the theme of protracted and animated
debate. The orders issued by the generals of the army,
especially McClellan, Halleck, and Dix, by which fugi-
tive slaves were prohibited from coming within the army
lines, were severely censured. All the resolutions upon
these topics were, however, referred to appropriate com-
mittees, generally without specific instructions as to the
character of their action upon them.
Early in the session a strong disposition was evinced in
some quarters to censure the Government for its arbitrary
aiTests of persons in the loyal States, suspected of aiding
the rebels, its suppression of disloyal presses, and other
, acts which it had deemed essential to the safety of the
country ; and a sharp debat*^ took place in the Senate
upon a resolution of inquiry and implied censure offered
by Mr. Trumbull, of Illinois. The general feeling, how-
ever, was so decidedly in favor of sustaining the Presi-
dent, that the resolution was referred to the Judiciary
Committee, by a vote of twenty-five to seventeen.
On the 19th of December, in the Senate, a debate on
228 The Life, Public Services, akd
the relation of slavery to the rebellion arose upon a reso-
lution offered by Mr. Willey, of West Virginia, who con-
tested the opinion that slavery was the cause of the war,
and insisted that the rebellion had its origin in the
hostility of the Southern political leaders to the demo-
cratic principle of government ; he believed that when
the great body of the Southern people came to see the
real purpose and aim of the rebellion, they would with-
draw their support, and restore the Union. No action
was taken on the resolution, which merely gave occasion
for debate. A resolution was adopted in the House,
forbidding the employment of the army to return fugitive
slaves to their owners ; and a bill was passed in both
Houses, declaring that hereafter there shall be "neither
sla rery norinvoluntary servitude in any of the Territories
of the United States, now existing, or which may at any
time be formed or acquired by the United States, other-
wise than in the punishment of crimes whereof the party
shall have been duly convicted."
In the Senate, on the 18th of March, a bill was taken
up to abolish slavery in the District of Columbia ; and
an amendment was offered, directing that those thus set
free should be colonized out of the United States. The
policy of colonization was fully discussed in connection
with the general subject, the senators from the Border
States opposing the bill itself, mainly on grounds of
expediency, as calculated to do harm under the existing
circumstances of the country. The bill was passed, with
an amendment approi)riating money to be used by the
President in colonizing such of the emancipated slaves
as might wish to leave the country. It received in the
Senate twenty-nine votes in its favor and fourteen
against it. In the House it passed by a vote of nine-
two to thirty- eight.
President Lincoln sent in the following message, an-
nouncing his approval of the bill : —
Fellow-Citizexs of the Senate and House of Eepresentatives.
The act entitled "An act for the release of certain persons held to
Stat2 Papers of Abraham Llncoln. 229
service or labor in the District of Columbia," has this day been approved
and signed.
I have never doubted the constitutional authority of Congrcts to abol-
ish slavery in this District ; and I have ever desired to see the national
capital freed from the institution in some satisfactory way. Hence there
has never been in my mind any question upon the subject except the one
of expediency, arising in view of all the circumstances. If there be mat-
ters within and about this act which might have taken a course or 8hap€
more satisfactory to my judgment, I do not attempt to specify them. 1
am gratified that the two principles of compensation and colonization are
both recognized and practically applied in the act.
In the matter of compensation, it is provided that claims may be pre-
sented within ninety days from the passage of the act, " but not there-
after ; " and there is no saving for minors, femmes covert^ insane, or absent
persons. I presume this is an omission by mere oversight, and I recom-
mend that it be supplied by an amendatory or supplemental act.
Abeaham Linooln.
AjpHl 16, 1862.
On the 6th of March, the President sent to Congress
the following message on the subject of aiding such
slaveholding States as might take measures to emancipate
their slaves :
Washington, Mar oh 6, 1862.
Fellow-Citizens of the Senate and House of Representatives :
I recommend the adoption of a joint resolution by yonr honorable
body, which shall be, substantially, as follows :
Reached^ That the United States, in order to co-operate with any State
which may adopt gradual abolition of slavery, give to such State pecu-
niary aid, to be used by such State, in its discretion, to compensate it for
the inconvenience, public and private, produced by such change of sys-
tem.
If the proposition contained in the resolution does not meet the ap-
proval of Congress and the country, there is an end of it. But if it does
command such approval, I deem it of importance that the States and
people immediately interested should be at once distinctly notilied of the
fact, so that they may begin to consider whether to accept or reject it.
Tlie Federal Government would find its bighest interest in such a meas-
ure as one of the most important means of self-preservation. The lead-
era of the existing rebellion entertain the hope that this Government will
ultimately be forced to acknowledge the independence of some part of
the disaffected region, and that all the slave States north of such part
will then say, " The Union for which we have struggled being already
gone, we now choose to go with the Southern section." To deprire
230 The Life, Public Services, and
them of this hope substantially ends the rebellion ; and the initiHu.^ ^
emancipation deprives them of it, and of all the States initiatin^j it.
The point is not that all the States t derating slavery would very soon,
if at all, initiate emancipation ; but w] ile the offer is equally made to all,
the more Northern shall, by such in tiation, make it certain to the mora
Southern that in no event will the former ever join the latter in their
proposed Confederacy. I say initiation, because, in my judgment, grad-
ual and not sudden emancipation is better for all.
In the mere financial or pecuniary view, any member of Congress wit
the census or an abstract of the Treasury report before him, can readily
see for himself how very soon the current expenditures of this war v^ oulfi
pui chase, at a fair valuation, all the slaves in any named State.
ISuch a proposition on the part of the General Government sets up no
cJ aim of a right by the Federal authority to interfere with slavery within
State limits — referring as it does the absolute control of the subject, in
each case, to the State and the people immediately interested. It is pro-
posed as a matter of perfectly free choice to them.
In the Annual Message last December, I thought fit to say " the Unioi
must be preserved, and hence all indispensable means must be employed.'
I said this, not hastily, but deliberately. "War has been made, and con
tinues to be an indispensable means to this end. A practical reacknowl
edgment of the national authority would render the war unnecessary,
and it would at once cease. But resistance continues, and the war must
also continue ; and it is impossible to foresee all the incidents \\ iiich may
attend, and all the ruin which may follow it. Such as may seem indis-
pensable, or may obviously promise great efficiency towards ending the
struggle, must and wiU come.
The proposition now made (though an oflfer only), I hope it may be es-
teemed no offence to ask whether the pecuniary consideration tendered
wouid not be of more value to the States and private persons concerned
than would the institution and property in it, in the present aspect of
affairs. "While it is true that the adoption of the proposed resolution
would be merely initiatory, and not within itself a practical measure, it
is recommended in the hope that it would lead to important practical
results.
In ftill, view of my great responsibility to my God and my country, I
earnestly beg the attention of Congress and the people to the subject.
Abraham Lincoln.
This Message indicates very clearly the tendency of the
President's reflections upon the general relations of
slavery to the rebellion. He had most earnestly endeav-
ored to arouse the people of the Southern States to a
contemplation of the fact that, if they persisted in their
effort to overthrow the Government of the United States,
SiATE Papers of Abraham Limooln 231
liie fate of slavery Avould sooner or later inevita] be in-
vuived in the coniiict. The time was steadily a^ proach-
ing when, in consequence of their obstijiate persistence in
the rebellion, this result would follow ; and the President,
with wise forethought, sought anxiously to reconcile the
shock wliich the contest would involve, with the ordf-r of
the country and the permanent prosperity of aU classes of
the people. The general feeling of the country at that
time was in harmony with this endeavor. The people
were still disposed to exhaust every means which justice
would sanction, to withdraw the people of the Southern
States from the disastrous war into which they had been
plunged by their leaders, and they welcomed this sugges-
tion of the President a^ likely to produce that result, if
any effort in that direction could.
In pursuance of the recommendation of the Message,
Mr. K. Conkling, of New York, introduced, in the House
of Kepresentatives, on the 10th of March, the following
resolution : —
Resolved iy the Senate and House of Representatives of the United
States in Congress assembled^ That the United States ongJit to co-operato
with any State which may adopt gradual abolishment of slavery, giving
to such State pecuniary aid, to be used by such State in its discretion, to
compensate for the inconveniences, public and private, produced by such
a change of system.
Tlie debate on this resolution illustrated the fe<ilings of
the country on the subject. It was vehemently opposed
by the sympathizers with secession from both sections, as
an unconstitutional interference with slavery, and hesita-
tingly supported by the anti-slavery men of the North, as
less decided in its hostility than they had a right to ex-
pect The sentiment of the more moderate portion of the
community was expressed by Mr. Fisher, of Delaware,
who regarded it as an olive-branch of peace and harmony
and good faith presented by the North, and as weU calcu-
lated to bring about a peaceful solution and settlement of
the slavery question. It was adopted in the House by a
vote of eighty-nine to tliirty-one. Coming up in the
232 The Life, Pl-duc Services, and
Senate on tlie 24tli of March, it was denounced in strong
terms by Mr. Sanlsbury, of Delaware, and others — Mr.
Davis, of Kentucky, opposing the terms in which it waa
couched, but approving its general tenor. It subse-
quently passed, receiving thirty-two votes in its favor,
and but ten against it. This resolution was approved by
the President on the 10th of April. It was generally re-
garded by the people and by the President himseif as
rather an experiment than as a fixed policy — as intended
to test the temper of the people of the Southern Statesv
and offer them a way of escape from the evils and embar
rassments with which slavery had surrounded them,
rather than set forth a distinct line of conduct which was
to be pressed upon the country at all hazards. This char-
acter, indeed, was stamped upon it by the fact that its
practical execution was made to depend wholly on the
people of the Southern States themselves. It recognized
their complete control over slavery, within their own
limits, and simply tendered them the aid of the General
Government in any steps they might feel inclined to take
to rid themselves of it.
The President was resolved that the experiment should
have a full and a fair trial ; and while he would not, on
the one hand, permit its effect to be impaired by the nat-
ural impatience of those among his friends who were
warmest and most extreme in their hostility to slavery,
he, on the other hand, lost no opportunity to press the
proposition on the favorable consideration of the people
of the Border Slave States.
On the 9tli of May, General Hunter, who commanded
the Departm ent of South Carolina, which included also
the States of Georgia and Florida, issued an order declar-
ing all the slaves within that department to be thence
forth and ^' forever free." This was done, not from any
alleged military necessity growing out of the operations
in his department, but upon a theoretical incompatibility
between slavery and martial law. The President there
apon at once issued the followinsr DrocMmation :-
State Papers of Abraham Lincoln. 233
Whereas^ There appears in the public prints what purports to be a
proclamation of Major-General Hunter, in the words and figures follow-
ing :—
HEAD-QrAKTEKS DkPAKTMENT OF THE 80UTH, )
Hilton Hkad, S. C, May 9, 1862. f
Qm^ral Order, 2fo. 11.
The three States of Georgia, Florida, and South Carolina, comprising
Jie Military Department of the South, having deliberately declared them-
selves no longer under the United States of America, and having takea
ip arms against the United States, it becomes a military necessity to de
jlare them under martial law.
This was accordingly done on the 25th day of April, 1862. Slavery and
martial law in a free country are altogether incompatible. The persona
in these States — Georgia, Florida, and South Carolina — heretofore held
as slaves, are therefore declared forever free.
[Official.]
Signed, David Huntek,
Major-General Commanding.
Ed. W. Smith, Acting Assistant Adj't- General.
And, whereas, the same is producing some excitement and misunder-
standing, therefore I, Abraham Lincoln, President of the United States,
proclaim and declare that the Government of the United States had no
knowledge or belief of an intention on the part of General Hunter to is-
sue such proclamation, nor has it yet any authentic information that the
document is genuine; and, further, that neither General Hunter nor any
other commander or person has been authorized by the Government of
the United States to make proclamation declaring the slaves of any State
free, and that the supposed proclamation now in question, whether genu-
ine or false, is altogether void so far as respects sucb declaration. I fur-
ther make known that, whether it be competent for me, as Commander-
in-Chief of the Army and Navy, to declare the slaves of any State or
States free ; and whether at any time, or in any case, it shall have become
a necessity indispensable to the maintenance of the Government to exer-
cise such supposed power, are questions which, under my responsibility,
I reserve io myself, and which I cannot feel j ustified in leaving to the de-
sidion of ccjimanders in the field.
These are totally different questions from those of police regulations in
ft^-mies 01 in camps.
Ol the sixth day of March last, by a special Message, I recommended
to Congress the adoption of a joint resolution, to be substantially as
follows : —
Besohed, That the United States ought to co-operate with any State
which may adopt a gradual abolishment of slavery, giving to such State
earnest expression to compensate for its inconveniences, public and pri-
7atre, produced by such change of system.
The resolution in the language above quoted was adopted by large ma*
/orities in both branches of Congress, and now stands an authentic, defi'
aite, at^l solemn proposal ^^ ♦Ue Ma+ion to the States and people most io
234 The Life, Public Services, and
kerested in the subject-matter. To the people of these States now, I
mostly appeal. I do not argue — I beseech you to make the argument!
for yourselves. You cannot, if you would, be blind to the signs of the
times.
I beg of you a calm and enlarged consideration of them, ranging, if it
may be, far above partisan and personal politics.
This proposal makes common cause for a common object, casting no
reproaches upon any. It acts not the Pharisee. The change it contem-
plates would come gently as the dews of Heaven, not rending or wreck-
Ing any thing. Will you not embrace it ? So much good has not been
done by one effort in all past time, as in the providence of God it is now
your high pr'. liege to do. May the vast future not have to lament that
you have neglected it.
In witness whereof, I have hereunto set my hand and caused tJce seal
of the United States to be hereunto affixed.
Done at the City of "Washington, this 19th day of May, in the year of
our Lord one thousand eight hundred and sixty-two, and of the inde-
pendence of the United States the eighty-sixth.
(Signed) Abeaham Lincoln.
By the President :
W. H. Seward, Secretary of State.
This proclamation silenced the clamorons denunciation
by which its enemies had assailed the Administration on
the strength of General Hunter' s order, and renewed the
confidence, which for the moment had been somewhat
impaired, in the President's adherence to the principles
of action he had laid down. Nothing practical, however,
was done in any of the Border States indicating any dis-
position to act upon his suggestions and avail themselves
of the aid which Congress had offered. The members of
Congress from those States had taken no steps towards
inducing action in regard to it on the part of their con
stituents. Feeling the deepest interest in the adoption
of some measure which should permanently detach the
Border Slave States from the rebel Confederacy, and
believing that the plan he had recommended would tend
to accomplish that object, President Lincoln sought a
conference with the members of Congress from those
States, and on the 12th of July, when they waited upon
him at the Executive mansion, he addressed them as
foUows *. —
»:5'tate Papers of Abraham Lincoln. 235
Gentlemen: — After the adjournment of Congress, now near, I shaL
lave no opportunity of seeing you for several montlis. Believing that
vou of the Border States hold more power for good than any other equal
number of members, I feel it a duty which I cannot justifiably waive to
make this appeal to you.
I intend no reproach or com]>laint when I assure you that, in my opin-
ion, if you ail had voted for the resolution in the gradual emancipation
Message of last March, the war would now be substantially ended. And
the plan therein proposed is yot one of the most potent and swift means
of ending it. Let the States which are in rebellion see definitely and cer-
tainly that in no event will the States you represent ever join their pro-
posed Confederacy, and they cannot much longer maintain the contest.
But you cannot divest them of their hope to ultimately have you with
them so long as you show a determination to perpetuate the institution
within your own States. Beat them at elections, as you have over-
whelmingly done, and, nothing daunted, they stiU claim you as their own.
You and I know what the lever of their power is. Break that lever
before their faces, and they can shake you no more forever.
Most of you have treated me with kindness and consideration, and I
trust you will not now think I improperly touch what is exclusively your
own, when, for the sake of the whole country, I ask. Can you, for your
States, do better than to take the course I urge ? Discarding punctilio
and maxims adapted to more manageable times, and looking only to the
unprecedentedly stern facts of our case, can you do better in any possible
event ? You prefer that the constitutional relation of the States to the
uation shall be practic^ly restored without disturbance of the institution :
and if this were done, my whole duty, in this respect, under the Consti-
tution and my oath of oflice, would be performed. But it is not done,
and we are trying to accomplish it by war. The incidents of the war
cannot be avoided. If the war continues long, as it must if the object be
not sooner attained, the institution in your States will be extinguished by
mere friction and abrasion — by the mere incidents of the war. It wiJ be
gf-ne, and you will have nothing valuable in lieu of it. Much of its value
is gone already. How much better for you and for your peoj le to take
the step which at once shortens the war, and secures substantial compen-
sation for that which is sure to be wholly lost in any other event 1 How
much better to thus save the money which else we sink forever in the
warl How much better to do it while we can, lest the war ere long
render us pecuniarily unable to do it! How much better for you, as
seller, and the nation, as buyer, to sell out and buy out that without
which the war could never have been, than to sink both the thing to be
eold and the price of it in cutting one another's throats I
I do not speak of emancipation at once, but of a decision at once to
emancipate gradually. Room in South America for colonization can be
obtained cheaply, and in abi-ndance, and when numbers thail be larg«
236 The Life, Public Services, ani>
enough to be company and encouragement for one another, the freed
people will not be so reluctant to go.
I am pressed with a difficulty not yet mentioned — one which tbaeatena
division among thos*^ who, united, are none too strong. An instance of
it is known to you. General Hunter is an honest man. He was, and I
hope still is, my friend. I valued him none the less for his agreeing witt,
me in the general wish that all men everywhere could be free. He pro-;
ca'med all men free within certain ktates, and I repudiated the procla |
mation. He expected more good and less harm from the measure than X
could believe would follow. Yet, in repudiating it, I gave dissatisfaction,
if not offence, to many whose support the country cannot afford to lose.
And this is not the end of it. The pressure in this direction is still upon
me, and is increasing. By conceding what I now ask you can relieve me,
and, much more, can relieve the country in this important point.
Upon these considerations, I have again begged your attention to the
Message of March last. Before leaving the Capital, consider and discuss
it among yourselves. You are patriots and statesmen, and as such I pray
you consider this proposition; and, at the least, commend it to the con-
sideration of your States and people. As you would perpetuate popular
government for the best people in the world, I beseech you that you do
in nowise omit this. Our common country is in great peril, demanding
the loftiest views and boldest action to bring a speedy relief. Once
relieved, its form of government is saved to the world ; its beloved his-
tory and cherished memories are vindicated, and its happy future fully
assured and rendered inconceivably grand. To you, more than to any
others, the privilege is given to assure that happiness and swell that
grandeur, and to link your own names therewith forever.
The members to whom the President thus appealed
were divided in opinion as to the merits of the proposi-
tion which he had laid before them. A majority of them
submitted an elaborate replj, in which they dissented .
from the President's opinion that the adoption of thisj
policy would terminate the war or serve the Union cause. '
They held it to be his duty to avoid all interference,
direct or indirect, with slavery in the Southern States,
and attributed much of the stubborn hostility which the
South had shown in prosecuting the war, to the fact that
Congress had departed in various instances from th«
spirit and objects for which the war ought to be prose-
cuted by the Government. A minority of those mem-
bers, not being able to concur in this reply, submitted
their own, in whirli th<^y thus set forth their view
I
State Papers of Abraham Lincoln. 237
of the motives of the President in the course he had
adopted, and expressed their substantial concurrence in
its Justice and wisdom : —
We believe that the whole power o' the Government, upheld and sus-
tained by all the influences and means of all loyal men in all sections and
of all parties, is essentially necessary to put down the rebellion and preserve
the Union and the Constitution. We understand your appeal to us to
•dVQ been made for the purpose of securing this result. A very large
[portion of the people in the Northern States believe that slavery is the
"lever power of the rebellion." It matters not whether this opinion
is well founded or not. The belief does exist, and we have to deal with
things as they are, and not as we would have them be. In consequence
'.f the existence of this belief, we understand that an immense pressure is
Drought to bear for the purpose of striking down this institution through
the exercise of military authority. The Government cannot maintain
this great struggle if the support and influence of the men who entertain
these opinions be withdrawn. Neither can the Government hope for
ftarly success if the support of that element called " conservative " b«
* ithdrawn.
Such being the condition of things, the President appeals to the Border
State men to step forward and prove their patriotism by making the first
sacrifice. No doubt, like appeals have been made to extreme men in the
North, to meet us half way, in order that the whole moral, political,
pecuniary, and physical force oi the nation may be firmly and earnestly
united in one grand efibrt to save the Union and the Constitution.
Believing that such were the rjiotives that prompted your address, and
such the results to which it looked, we cannot reconcile it to our sense of
duty, in this trying hour, to respond in a spirit of fault-finding or queru-
lousness over the things that are past. We are not disposed to seek for
the cause of present misfortunes in the errors and wrongs of others who
propose to unite with us in a common purpose. But, on the other hand,
we meet your address in the spirit in which it was made, and, as loyal
Ainericans, declare to you and to the world, that there is no sacrifice that
we are not ready to make to save the Government and institutions of our
fathers. That we, few of us though there may be, will permit no men,
i"om the North or from the South, to go further than we in the accom-
plishment of the great work bef(»re ns. That, in order to carry out these
views, we will, so far as may be in our power, ask the people of the Bor-
der States calmly, deliberately, and fairly, to consider your recommenda-
tions. We are the more emboldened to assume this position from the
fact, now become history, that the leaders of the Southern rebellion have
offered to abolish slavery amongst them as a condition to foreign inter-
vention in favor of their independence as a nation.
If tbej can give up .slavery to destroy the Union, ve can surely
238 The Life, Public Services, and
ask onr people to consider the question of emancipaticn to save tlie
Union.
Hon. Horace Maynard, of Tennessee, on the 16tli of
July submitted to the President his views of the ques-
tion, in which he thus set forth his appreciation of the
motives which had induced him to make the proposition
ic question to the Southern States : —
Your whole administration gives the highest assurance that you are
moved, not so much from a desire to see all men everywhere made frea,
as from a desire to preserve free institutions for the benefit of men
already free ; not to make slaves free men, but to prevent free men from
being made slaves ; not to destroy an institution which a portion of us
only consider bad, but to save an institution which we all alike consider
good. I am satisfied that you would not ask from any of your fellow-
citizens a sacrifice not in your judgment imperatively required by the
safety of the country. This is the spirit of your appeal, and I respond to
it in the same spirit.
Determined to leave undone nothing which it was in
his power to do to effect the object he had so much at
heart, the President, on the 12th of July, sent in to Con-
gress a Message transmitting the draft of a bill upon the
subject, as follows : —
Fellow- Citizens of the Senate and Souse of Representatives : —
Herewith is the draft of the bill to compensate any State which may
abolish slavery within its limits, the passage of which, substantially a*
presented, I respectfully and earnestly recommend.
Abeaham Lincoln.
Be it enacted by the Senate and H&use of Representatives of the Umtea
States of America in Congress assemhled: — That whenever the President
of the United States shall be satisfied that any State shall have lawfully
abolished slavery within and throughout such State, either immediately
or gradually, it shall be the duty of the President, assisted by the Secre-
tary of the Treasury, to prepare and deliver to each State an amount of
feis per cent, interest-bearing bonds of the United States, equal to the ag-
gregate value at dollars per head of all the slaves within such State
as reported by the census of 1860; the whole amount for any one State
to be deli^ ered at once, if the abolishment be immediate, or in equal
annual instalments, if it be gradual, interest to begin running on each
bond at the time of delivery, and not before.
And he it further enacted^ That if any State, having so received any
such bonds, shall at any time afterwards by law reintroduce or tolerate
slavery within its limits, contrary to the act of abolishment upon which
»nch bonds shall have been received, said bonds so received by said Slate
State Papers of Abraham Lincoln. 239
shall at once be mili and void, in whosesoever hands they may be, and such
State shall refund to the United States all interest which may have been
paid on such bonds.
The bill was referred to a commitlee, but no action was
taken upon it in Congress, nor did any of the Border
States respond to the President' s invitation. The prop d-
sition, however, served a most excellent purpose in test-
ing the sentiment of both sections of the country, and in
preparing the way for the more vigorous treatment of the
subject of slavery which the blind and stubborn preju-
dices of the slaveholding communities were rapidly ren-
dering inevitable.
Two other subjects of importance engaged the atten-
tion and received the action of Congress during this ses-
sion : the provision of a currency, and the amendment of
the law to confiscate the propert}^ of rebels. A bill au-
thorizing the issue of Treasury notes to the amount of
$150, 000, 000, and making them a legal tender in all lousi-
ness transactions, was reported in the House by the Fi-
nance Committee, of which Hon. E. Gr. Spaulding, of New
York, was Chairman, and taken up for discussion on the
17th of June. It was advocated mainly on the score of
necessity, and was opposed on the ground of its alleged
unconstitutionality. The division of sentiment on the
subject was not a party one, some of the warmest friends
and supporters of the Administration doubting whether
Congress had the power to make any thing but silver and
gold a legal tender in the payment of debts. The same
bill provided for a direct tax, involving stamp duties,
taxes upon incomes, etc., sufficient with the duties upon
imports to raise 8150,000,000 per annum, and also for the
establishment of a system of fre© banking, by which bank-
notes to be circulated as currency might be issued upon
the basis of stocks of the United States deposited as secu-
rity. The bill was discussed at length, ?md was final! v
adopted by a vote of ninety-three to fifty-nine. In the
Senate it encountered a similar opposition, but passed bj
a vote of thirty to seven, a motion to strike out the legal
tender clause having been previously rejected — s<^veu-
240 The Life, Public Services, and
teen voting in favor of striking it out, and twenty two
against it.
Tlie subject of confiscating the property of rebels ex-
cited still deeper interest. A bill for tbat purpose was
taken up in the Senate, on the 25th of February, for dis-
cussion. By one of its sections all the slaves of any per-
son, anywhere in the United States, aiding the rebelliDn,
were declared to be forever free, and subsequent sections
provided for colonizing slaves thus enfranchised. The
bill was advocated on the ground that in no other way
could the property of rebels, in those States where the
judicial authority of the United States had been over-
borne, be reached ; while it was opposed on the ground
that it was unconstitutional, and that it would tend to
render the Southern people still more united and despe-
rate in their rebellion. By the confiscation act of the pre-
vious session, a slave who had been employed in aiding
the rebellion was declared to be free, but the fact that he
had been thus employed must be shown by due judicial
proces?s , by this bill all the slaves of any person who
had been thus engaged were set free without the inter-
vention of any judicial process whatever. This feature
of the bill was warmly opposed by some of the ablest
and most reliable of the supporters of the Administration,
as a departure from all recognized rules of proceeding,
and as a direct interference with slavery in the States,
in violation of the most solemn pledge of the Govern-
ment, the Republican party, and individual supporters
of the Administration. Senator Collamer, of Vermont,
urged this view of the case with great cogency, citing Mr.
Sumner's opinion expressed on the 25th of February,
1861, when, on presenting a memorial to the Senate in
favor of abolishing slavery, he had added: "In ofiering
it, I take this occasion to declare most explicitly that I
do not think that Congress has any right to interfere with
slavery in a State ;" and quoting also Senator Fessenden'a
declaration in the debate on abolishing slavery in the
District of Columbia, when he said: "I have held, and
T hpld to-day, and I say to-day what I have said in my
State Papers of Abraham Lincoln. 241
|»iace before, that tlie Congress of the United States, or
the people of the United States through the Congress,
under the Constitution as it now exists, have no right
whatever to touch by legislation the institution of slavery
in the Slates where it exists by law." Mr. Sherman's
opinicn, expressed in the same debate, that "we ought
religio'isly to adhere to the promises we made to the peo
pie of this country when Mr. Lincoln was elected Presi-
dent— we ought to abstain religiously from all interfer
ence with the domestic institutions of the slave or the
Free States," was also quoted, and Mr. Collamer said he
did not see how it was possible to pass the bill in its
present form without giving the world to understand that
they had violated those pledges, and had interfered with
slavery in the States. Mr. Collamer accordingly offered
an amendment to the bill, obviating the objections he had
urged against it ; and this, with other amendments offered
by other Senators, was referred to a Select Committee,
which subsequently reported a bill designed, as the
Chairman, Mr. Clark, of New Hampshire, explained, to
harmonize the various shades of opinion upon the sub-
ject, and secure the passage of some measure which
should m.eet the expectations of the country and the
emergency of the case. The first section of this bill pro-
vided, that every person who should hereafter commit
the crime of treason against the United States, and be
adjudged guilty thereof, should suffer death, and all his
slaves, if any, be declared and made free ; or he sliould
be imprisoned not less than five years, and fined not less
than $10,000, and all his slaves, if any, be declared and
made free.
The distinctive feature of this section, as distinguished
from the corresponding section of the original bill, con-
sisted in the fact that a trial and conviction were required
before any person guilty of treason could be punished,
either by death, imprisonment, or the forfeiture of his
property. It was opposed, on the one hand, by Mr. Trum-
bull, of Illinois, on the ground that it "made treason
easy" — and on the other, by Mr. Davis, of Kentucky
16
242 The Life, Pl^blic Services, and
because it set slaves free. Mr. Sumner offered a suDsti-
tute to the Tvhole bill, wbicli in Ms judgment did not go
iar enough in giving tlie country the advantage of the '^op-
portunity which God, in His beneficence, had afforded"
it for securing universal emancipation. Mr. Powell, of
Kentucky, moved to strike out the eleventh section,
which authorized the President to "employ as many per
sons of African descent as he might deem necessary and
proper for the suppression of the rebellion, and to organ-
ize and use them in such manner as he might judge best
for the public welfare" — but his motion was rejected by
a vote of eleven to twenty-five. While the bill was thus
denounced by one chiss of Senators as too violent in its
method of dealing with the rebels, it was resisted with
still greater vehemence by aaother class as entirely de-
fective in thai respect. Mr. Sumner was especially
severe in his censure of Senators who proposed, he said,
''when the life of our Republic is struck at, to proceed
as if by an indictment in a criminal court." His remarks
gave rise to considerable personal discussion — which was
interrupted by the receipt of a similar bill which had been
passed by the House of Representatives, and which was
decidedly more in harmony with the extreme views of
Mr. Sumner and his friends, than the Senate bill. It
assumed that the rebels were to be treated like a foreign
enemy, without regard to the limitations and require-
ments of the Constitution, and that Congress, instead of
the President, had the supreme and exclusive control of
the operations of the war. This bill on coming before the
Senate was set aside, and the bill which had been reported
Dy the Senate Committee substituted in its place, by a
vote of twenty- one to seventeen, and the latter was finally
passed; ayes " twenty-eight, noes thirteen. The House
did not concur in this amendment to its own bill ; but on
receiving the report of a Committee of Conference which
made some amendments to the Senate bill, it was passed,
as amended, by both Houses, and sent to the President
for his signature.
The provisions of this bill were as follows :—
State Papers of Abhaham Lincoln. 243
&EOTION 1 enacted that every persoa wlio should after its passage com-
mit the crime of treason against the United States, and he adjudged
guilty thereof, should suffer death, and all his slaves, if any, should be
declared and made free ; or he should be imprisoned for not less than
five years, and fined not less than $10,000, and all his slaves made free.
Section 2 declared that if any person shall hereafter incite, assist, or
engage in any rebellion against the authority of the United States or the
laws thereof, or give aid or comfort thereto, or to any existing rebellitn,
»ud be convicted thereof, he shall be imprisoned for ten years or leaSj
fined not more than $10,000, and all his slaves shall be set free.
Section 3. Every person guilty of these offences shall be forever di»-
qualitied to hold any office under the United States.
Section 4. This act was not to affect the prosecution, conviction, or
punishment of any person guilty of treason before the passage of the act,
unless convicted under it.
Section 5 made it the duty of the President to seize and apply to the
use of the army of the United States all the property of persons who had
served as officers of the rebel army, or had held certain civil offices under
the rebel Government, or in the rebel States, provided they had taken
an oath of allegiance to the rebel authorities, and also of persons who,
having property in any of the loyal States, shall hereafter give aid to the
rebellion.
Section 6 prescribed that if any other persons being engaged in the
rebellion should not, within sixty days after public proclamation duly
made by the President, cease to aid the rebellion, all their property
should be confiscated in the same manner.
Section 7 directed that proceedings in rem should be instituted m the
name of the United States in the court of the district within which such
property might be found, and if said property, whether real or personal,
should be found to belong to any person engaged in rebeliion, it should
be condemned as enemies' property, and become the property of the
United States.
Section 8 gave the several District Courts of the United States auth.^r-
ity and power to make such orders as these proceedings might require, i
Section 9 enacted that all slaves of persons who shall hereafter be en I
gaged in rebellion against the Government of the United States, or who
ahall in any way give aid or comfort thereto, escaping from such persons,
and taking refuge within the lines of the army, and all slaves captured
from such persons or deserted by them and coming under the control of
the Government of the United States, and all slaves of such persons found,
or being within any place occupied by rebel forces, and afterwards occu-
pied by the forces of the United States, shall be deemed captives of war,
and shall be forever free of their servitude, and not again held as slaves.
Section 10 enacted that no slave escaping into another State should
be delivered up, imless the claimant should make oath tliat the owDer or
244 The Life, Public Services, and
master of such slave had never borne arms against the United States, or
given any aid and comfort to the rebellion ; and every person in the mdi-
tary service of the United States was prohibited from deciding ou the
validity of any claim to the services of any escaped slave, on pain of dis-
missal.
Section 1 1 authorized the President to employ as many persons of Af-
rican descent as he might deem necessary and proper for the supprecsioii
of the rebellion, and vo organize and use them as he might deem best fo.
the public welfare.
Section 12 authorized the President to make provision for the coloni-
zation, with their own consent, of persons freed under this act, to some
country beyond the Hmits of the United States, having first obtained the
consent of the Government of said country to their protection aud settle-
ment, with all the privileges of free men.
Section 13 authorized the President at any time hereafter, by procla-
mation, to extend to persons who may have participated in this rebellion,
pardon and amnesty, with su'sh exceptions, and at such time, and on s^^h
conditions as he might deem expedient for the public welfare.
Section 14 gave the courts of the United States authority to institute
such proceedings, and issue such orders as might be necessary to carry
this act into effect.
It soon came to be understood that the President had
0 'ections to certain portions of the bill which would
probably ;f re vent him from signing it. A joint resolu-
tion was at once passed in the House, providing that the
bill should be so construed ''as not to apply to any acts
done prior to its passage ; nor to include any member of
1 State legislature, or judge of any State court who has
not, in accepting or entering upon his office, taken an
oath to support the constitution of the so-called Confed-
erate States of America." When this reached the Senate,
Mr. Clark, of New Hampshire, offered the following, to
be added to the resolution : —
Nor shall any punishment or proceedinj^s under said act be so con-
strued as to work a forfeiture of the real estate of the offender beyond
his matura. life.
This provision encountered a sharp opposition : Mr.
Trumbull, of Hlinois, insisting that the forfeiture of real
estate for life only would amount to nothing, and other
Senators objecting to being inliuenced in their action by
State Papers of Abraham Lincoln.
the supposed opinions of the President. Mr. Clark also
proposed another amendment, authorizing the President,
in granting an amnesty, to restore to the offender any
property which might have been seized and condemned
under this act. The resolutions and amendments were
passed by the Senate, and received the concurrence
of the House- On the 17th of July President Lincoln sent
in the following message, announcing that he had signed
the bill, and specifying his objections to the act in its
original shape : —
Fkllow-Citizens of the Senate and House of Representatives :
Considering the bill for " An Act to suppress insurrection, to punish
treason and rebellion, to seize and confiscate the property of rebels, and
for other purposes," and the joint resolution explanatory of said act as
being substantially one, I have approved and signed both.
Before I was informed of the resolution, I had prepared the draft of a
message, stating objecUons to the bill becoming a law, a copy of which
draft is herewith subciitted. Abeaham Lincoln.
July 12, 1862.
[Copy.]
Fellow-Oitizens of the House of Repeeesentatives :
I herewith return to the honorable body in which it originated, the
bill for an act entitled " An Act to suppress treason and rebellion, to
seize and confiscate the property of rebels, and for other purposes," to-
gether with my objections to its becoming a law.
There is much in the bill to which I perceive no objection. It jS
wholly prospective ; and it touches neither person nor property of any
'oyal citizen, in which particular it is just and proper.
The first and second sections provide for the conviction and punish-
mcnt of persons who shall be guilty of treason, and persons who shall
*' incite, set on foot, assist, or engage in any rebellion or insurrection
against the authority of the United States, or the laws thereof, or shall
give aid or comfort thereto, or shall engage in or give aid and comfort to
any such existing rebellion or insurrection." By fair construction, per-
sons within those sections are not punished without regular trials in duly
constituted courts, under the forms and all the substantial provisions of
law and the Constitution applicable to their several cases. To this I per-
ceive no objection ; especially as such persons would be within the gen-
eral pardoning power, and also the special provision for pardon and am
Bcety contained in this act.
It is also provided that the slaves of persons coivicted under these see-
246 The Life, Public Services, and
tions shall be free. I think there is an unfortunate form of expression,
rather than a substantial objection, in this. It is startling to say that
Congress can free a slave within a State, and yet if it were said the
ownership of a slave had first been transferred to the nation, and Con-
gress had then liberated him, the difficulty would at once vanish. And
this is the real case. The traitor against the General Government for-
feits his slave at least as justly as ho does any other property ; and he
forfeits both to the Government against which he offends. The Govern*
iient, 8' far as there can be ownership, thus owns the forfeited slaves,
and the question for Congress in regard to them is, " Shall they be made
fi'ee or sold to new masters?" I perceive no objection to Congress de-
ciding in advance that they shall be free. To the high honor of Ken-
tucky, as I am informed, she is the owner of some slaves by escheat^ and
has sold none, but liberated all. I hope the same is true of some other
States. Indeed, I do not believe it will be physically possible for the
General Government to return persons so circumstanced to actual slavery.
I believe there would be physical resistance to it, which could neither be
turned aside by argument nor driven away by force. In this view I have
no objection to this feature of the bill. Another matter involved in these
two sections, aiyl running through other parts of the act, will be noticed
hereafter.
I perceive no objections to the third or fourth sections.
So far as I wish to notice the fifth and sixth sections, they may be con-
sidered together. That the enforcement of these sections would do no
injustice to the persons embraced within them, is clear. That those who
make a causeless war should be compelled to pay the cost of it, is too ob-
viously just to be called in question. To give governmental protection
to the property of persons who have abandoned it, and gone on a crusade
to overthrow the same Government, is absurd, if considered in the mere
light of justice. The severest justice may not always be the best policy.
The principle of seizing and appropriating the property of the person em-
braced within these sections is certainly not very objectionable, but a
justly discriminating application of it would be very difficult, and, to a
great extent, impossible. And would it not be wise to place a power of
remission somewhere, so that these persons may know they have some-
thing to lose by persisting, and something to gain by desisting ? I am
not sure whether such power of remission is or is not in section thirteen.
"Without any special act of Congress, I think our military commanders,
when, in military phrase, "they are within the enemy's country," should,
in an orderly manner, seize and use whatever of real or personal prop-
erty may be necessary or convenient for their commands ; at the same
time pre8er\'ing, in some way, the evidence of what they do.
What I have said in regard to slaves, while commenting on the first
and second sections, is applicable to the ninth, with the difference tkat no
provision is made in the whole act for determining wliether a panicuiM
State Papers of Abraham Lincoln.
individual slave does or does not fall within the classes defined in that
section. He is to be free upon certain conditions ; but whether those
conditions do or do not pertain to him, no mode of ascertaining is pro-
vided. This could be easily supplied.
To the tenth section I make no objection. The oath therein required
seems to be proper, and the remainder of the section is substantially iden-
tical with a law already existing.
The eleventh section simply assumes to confer discretionary pcwei
upon the Executive. Without the law, I have no hesitation to go as far
in the direction indicated as I may at any time deem expedient. And I
am ready to say now, I think it is proper for our military commanders
to employ, as laborers, as many persons of African descent as can be
used to advantage.
The twelfth and thirteenth sections are something better than unobjec-
tionable ; and the fourteenth is entirely proper, if all other parts of the
act shall stand.
That to which I chiefly object pervades most part of the act, but more
distinctly appears in the first, second, seventh, and eighth sections. It is
the bum of those provisions which results in the divesting of title forever.
For the causes of treason and ingredients of treason, not amounting to
the full crime, it declares forfeiture extending beyond the lives of the
guilty parties ; whereas the Constitution of the United States declares
that "no attainder of treason shall work corruption of blood or forfeiture
except during the life of the person attainted." True, there is to be no
formal attainder in this case ; still, I think the greater punishment can-
net be constitutionally inflicted, in a different form, for the same offence.
With great respect I am constrained to say I think this feature of the
act is unconstitutional. It would not be difficult to modify it.
I may remark that the provision of the Constitution, put in language
borrowed from Great Britain, applies only in this country, as I under-
stand, to real or landed estate.
Again, this act, in rem, forfeits property for the ingredients of treason
without a conviction of the supposed criminal, or a personal hearing
given him in any proceeding. That we may not touch property lying
within our reach, because we cannot give personal notice to an owner
" who is absent endeavoring to destroy the Government, is certainly satis-
factory. StiU, the owner may not be thus engaged ; and I thiuk a rea-
sonable time should be provided for such parties to appear and have per-
sonal hearings. Similar provisions are not uncommon in connection with
proceedings in rem.
For the reasons stated, I return the bill to the House in which it origi-
nated.
The passage of this bill constitnted a very important
step in the prosecntion of the war for the suppression of
248 The Life, Public Services, and
tlie rebellion. It prescribed definite penalties for tlte
crime of treason, and thus supplied a defect in the laws
as they then existed. It gave the rebels distinctly to un-
derstand that one of these penalties, if they persisted in
their resistance to the authority of the United States,
would be the emancipation of their slaves. And it also
authorized the employment by the President of persons
of African descent, to aid in the suppression of the Rebel
lion in any way which he might deem most conducive to
the public welfare. Yet throughout the biU, it was
clearly made evident that the object and purpose of these
measures was not the abolition of slavery, but the pit-*er-
vation of the Union and the restoration of the authority
of the Constitution.
On the 14th of January Simon Cameron resigned his
position as Secretary of War. On the 30th of April the
House of Representatives passed, by a vote of seventy-
five to forty-five, a resolution, censuring certain official
acts performed by him while acting as Secretary of War ;
whereupon, on the 27th of May, President Lincoln trans-
mitted to the House the following message : —
To the Senate and House of Representatines :
The insurrection which is yet existing in the United States, and aims
at the overthrow of the Federal Constitution and the Union, was clan-
destinely prepared during the winter of 1860 and 1861, and assumed an
open organization in the form of a treasonable provisional government at
Montgomery, Alabama, ol the eighteenth day of February, 1861. On tho
twelfth day of April, 1861, the insurgents committed the flagrant act of
civil war by the bombardment and capture of Fort Sumter, wliich cut
oflf the hope of immediate conciliation. Immediately afterwards all the
roads and avenues to this city were obstructed, and the Capital was put
Into the condition of a siege. The mails in every direction were stopped
and the lines of telegraph cut off by the insurgents, and military and
naval forces which had been called out by the Government for the de-
fence of Washington were prevented from reaching the city by organized
and combined treasonable resistance in the State of Maryland. There
was no adequate and effective organization for the public defence. Con-
gress had indefinitely adjourned. There was no time to convene them
It became necessary for me to choose whether, using only the existing
means, agencies, and processes which Congress had provided, I should let
tbe Government fall into ruin, or whether, availing myself of the broader
State Papers of Abraham Lincoln. 249
powers conferred by the Constitution in cases of insurrection, I would
make an effort to save it, with all its blessings, for the present age and for
posterity. I thereupon summoned my constitutional advisers, the heads
of all the departments, to meet on Sunday, the twentieth day of April,
1861, at the office of the JS^avy Department, aud then and there, with their
onanimcus concurrence, I directed that an armed revenue cutter should
proceed to sea to aflord protection to the commercial marine, especially
to the California treasure-siiips, then on their way to this coast. I also
directed the Commandant of the Navy Yard at Boston to purchase or
charter, and arm, as quickly as possible, five steamships for purposes of
public defence. I directed the Commandant of the Navy Yard at Phila-
delphia tc purchase or charter, and arm, an equal number for the same
purpose. I directed the Commandant at New York to purchase or char-
ter, and arm, an equal number. I directed Commander Gillis to purchase
or charter, and arm and put to sea, two other vessels. Similar directions
■were given to Commodore Du Pont, with a view to the opening of pas-
sages by water to and from the Capital. I directed the several officer.o to
take the advice and obtain the aid and ellicient services in the matter of
his Excellency Edwin D. Morgan, the Governor of New Y'ork; or, in his
absence, George D. Morgan, "Wm. M. Evarts, R. M. Blatchford, and Moses
H. Grinnell, who were, by my directions, especially empowered by the
Secretary of the Navy to act for his department in that crisis, in matters
pertaining to the forwarding of troops and supplies for the public defence.
On the same occasion I directed that Governor Morgan and Alexander
Cummings, of the City of New York, should be autliorized by the Sec-
retary of War, Simon Cameron, to make all necessary arrangements for
the transportation of troops and munitions of war in aid and assist-
ance of the officers of the army of the United States, until communica-
tion by mails and telegraph should be completely re-established between
the cities of Washington and New York. No security was required to
be given by them, and either of them was authorized to act in case of
inability to consult with the other. On the same occasion I authorized
and directed the Secretary of the Treasury to advance, without requir
ing security, two millions of dollars of public money to John A. Dix,
George Opdyke, and Richard M. Blatchford, of New York, to be used
by them in meeting such requisitions as should be directly consequent
apon the military and naval measures for the defence and support of
the Government, requiring them only to act without compensation, and
to report their transactions w^hen duly called upon. The several de-
partments of the Government at that time contained so large a number
of disloyal persons that it would have been impossible to provide safely
through official agents only, for the performance of the duties thus con-
fided to citizens favorably known for their ability, loyalty, and patriot-
iim. The several orders issued upon these occurrences were trans-
mitted by private messengers, who pursued a circuitous way t" hf
250 The Life, Public Services, and
seaboard cities, inland across the States of Pennsylvania and Ohio, and
the northern lakes. I believe that by these and other similar measurea
taken in that crisis, some of which were without any authority of law,
the Government was saved from overthrow. I am not aware that a
dollar of the public funds thus confided, without authority of law, to un-
oflBcial persons, was either lost or wasted, although apprehensions of such
misdirections occurred to me as objections to these extraordinary pro-
ceedings, and were necessarily overruled. I recall these transactions now,
because my attention has been directed to a resolution which was passed
by the House of Representatives on the thirtieth of last month, which ic
in these words: —
Resolved^ That Simon Cameron, late Secretary of War, by intrusting
Alexander Cummings with the control of large sums of the public money,
and authority to purchase military supplies without restriction, without
requiring from him any guarantee for the faithful performance of his
duties, while the services of competent public officers were available, and
by involving the Government in a vast number of contracts with persons
not legitimately engaged in the business pertaining to the subject-matter
of such contracts, especially in the purchase of arms for future deliv-
ery, has adopted a policy highly injurious to the public service, and
deserves the censure of the House.
Congress will see that I should be wanting in candor and in justice if I
should leave the censure expressed in this resolution to rest exclusively or
chiefly upon Mr. Cameron. The same sentiment is unanimously enter-
tained by the heads of the departments, who participated in the proceed-
ings which the House of Representatives has censured. It is due to Mr.
Cameron to °i^, that although he fully approved the proceedings, they
were not moved nor suggested by himself, and that not only the Presi-
dent, but all the other heads of departments, were at least equally respon-
8ibl<» with him for whatever error, \?ron^, or fault was committed in th^
piemises. Abeaham Lincoln.
This letter was m strict conformity with the position
nniformly held "by the President in regard to the respon-
sibility of members of his Cabinet for acts of the Admin-
istration. He always maintained that the proper duty of
each Secretary was, to direct the details of every thing
done within his own department, and to tender such sug
gestions, information, and advice to the President as he
might solicit at his hands. But the duty and responsi-
bility of deciding what line of policy should be pursued,
or what steps should be taken in any specific case, in his
judgment, belonged exclusively to the President; and he
was always willing and ready to assume it. Thigi posi-
State Papeks of Abraham Lincoln. 1^51
Hon has been widely and sharply assailed in various
quarters, as contrary to tlie precedents of our early his-
tory ; but we believe it to be substantially in accordance
with the theory of the Constitution upon this subject.
The progress of our armies in certain portions of the
Southern States had warranted the suspension, at several
ports, of the restrictions placed upon commerce by the
blockade. On the 12th of May the President accordingly
issued a proclamation declaring that the blockade of the
ports of Beaufort, Port Royal, and New Orleans should
so far cease from the 1st of June, that commercial inter-
course from those ports, except as to contraband of war,
might be resumed, subject to the laws of the United
States and the regulations of the Treasury Department.
On the 1st of July he issued another proclamation, in
pursuance of the law of June 7th, designating the States
and parts of States that were then in insurrection, so that
the laws of the United States concerning the collection of
taxes could not be enforced v/ithin their limits, and de-
claring that "the taxes legally chargeable upon real
estate, under the act referred to, lying within the States
or parts of States thus designated, together with a penalty
of fifty per cent, of said taxes, should be a lien upon the
tracts or lots of the same, severally charged, till paid."
On the 20th of October, finding it absolutely necessary
to provide judicial proceedings for the State of Louisiana,
a part of which was in our military possession, the Presi-
dent issued an order establishing a Provisional Court in
the City of New Orleans, of which Charles A. Peabody
was made Judge, with authority to try all causes, civil
and criminax, in law, equity, revenue, and admiralty, and
})articularly to exercise all such power and jurisdiction
as belongs to the Circuit and District Courts of the United
States. His proceedings were to be conformed, as far as
possible, to the course of proceedings and practice usual
in the Courts of the United States of Louisiana, and his
judgment was to be final and conclusive.
Congress adjourned on the 17th of July, having adopted
many measures of marked though minor importance, be
252 The Life, Public Services, and
sides those to whicli we have referred, to aid in the pros-
ecution of tlie war. Several Senators were expelled for
adherence, direct or indirect, to the rebel cause ; meas-
ures were taken to remove from the several departments
of the Government employes more or less openly in sym-
pathy with secession ; Hayti and Liberia were recognized
as independent republics ; a treaty was negotiated an<
ratified with Great Britain which conceded the right
within certain limits, of searching suspected slavers car
rying the American Hag, and the most liberal grants in
men and money were made to the Government for the
prosecution of the war. The President had appointed
military governors for several of the Border States, where
public sentiment was divided, enjoining them to protect
the loyal citizens, and to regard them as alone entitled to
a voice in the direction of civil afiairs.
Public sentiment throughout the loyal States sustained
the action of Congress and the President, as adapted to
the emergency, and well calculated to aid in the suppres-
sion of the rebellion. At the same time it was very evi-
dent that the conviction was rapidly gaining ground that
slavery was the cause of the rebellion ; that the para-
mount object of the conspirators against the Union was
to obtain new guarantees for the institution ; and that it
was this interest alone which gave unity and vigor to tlie
rebel cause. A very active and influential party at the
North had insisted from the outset that the most direct
way of crushing the rebellion was by crushing slavery,
and they had urged upon the President the adoption of a
policy of immediate and unconditional emancipation, as
the only thing necessary to bring into the ranks of the
Union armies hundreds of thousands of enfranchised
slaves, as well as the great mass of the people of the
Northern States who needed this stimulus of an appeal to
their moral sentiment. After the adjournment of Con-
gress these demands became still more clamorous and
importunate. The President was summoned to avail
himself of the opportunity offered by the passage of the
Confiscation Bill, and to decree the instant liberation of
State Papers of Abraham Ll\coln. 253
every slave belonging to a rebel master. These demands
soon assumed, with the more impatient and intemperate
portion of the friends of the Administration, a tone ol
complaint and condemnation, and the President was
charged ^vith gross and culpable remissness in the dis-
charge of duties imposed upon him by the act of Con-
gress. They were embodied with force and effect in a
letter addressed to the President by Hon. Horace Greeley,
and published in the Neio York Tribune of the 19th of
August, to which President Lincoln made the following
reply :—
ExECUTiTE Mansion, Wasuington, Avgicst 22, 1862.
Hon. Horace Greeley :
Dear Sir — I have just read yours of the 19th instant, addressed to my-
self through the N'ew York Tribune.
If there be in it any statements or assumptions of fact which I may
know to be erroneous, I do not now and here controvert them.
If there be any inferences which I may believe to be falsely drawn, I
do not now and here argue against them.
If there be perceptible in it an impatient and dictatorial tone, I waive
it in deference to an old friend whose heart I have al ways supposed to be
right.
As to the policy I "seem to be pursuing," as you say, I have not meant
to leave any one in doubt. I would save the Union. I would save it in
the shortest way under the Constitution.
The sooner the national authority can be restored, the nearer tlie Union
will be — the Union as it was.
If there be those who would not save the Union unless they coulA at
the same time save slavery, I do not agree with them.
If there be those who would not save the Union unless thev conid at
tLe same time destroy slavery, I do not agree with them.
Jify paramount object is to save the Vnion, and not either to save or ti,
destroy slavery.
If I could save the Union without freeing any slave, I would do it— it I
could save it by freeing all the slaves, I would do it — and if I could do it
by freeing some and leaving others alone, I would also do that.
What I do about slavery and the colored race, I do because I believe it
helps to save this Union ; and what I forbear, I forbear because I io not
It^jieve it would help to save the Union.
I shall do less whenever I shaU believe what I am doing hurts the
cause, and I shall do more whenever I believe doing more "srllJ help the
cause.
I shall try to correct errors when shown to be errors, and I p^<»IJ adopt
Bew views so fast as they shall appear to be true viewa
J 54 The Life, Public JSekvices, asj>
I nave here stated ray purpose according to my views of official amy,
and I intend no modification of my oft-expressed personal wish that aJ
men everywhere could be free. Yours,
A. Lincoln.
It was impossible to mistake the President's meaning
after this letter, or to liave any doubt as to tlie policy by
which he expected to re-establish the authority of the
Constitution over the whole territory of the United States
FLis ''paramount object," in every thing he did and in
c3very thing he abstained from doing, was to "save the
Union." He regarded all the power conferred on him by
Congress in regard to slavery, as having been conferred
to aid him in the accomplishment of that object — and he
was resolved to wield those powers so as best, according
to his own judgment, to aid in its attainment. He for
bore, therefore, for a long time, the issue of such a proc-
lamation as he was authorized to make by the sixth sec
tion of the Confiscation Act of Congress — awaiting the
developments of public sentiment on the subject, and
being especially anxious that when it was issued it
lihould receive the moral support of the great body of
the people of the whole country, without regard to party
distinctions. He sought, therefore, with assiduous care,
every opportunity of informing himself as to the diift
of pulblic sentiment on this subject. He received and
conversed freely with all who came to see him and to
urge upon him the adoption of their peculiar views ; and
on the 13th of September gave formal audience to a depu
tation from all the religious denominations of the Citv of
Chicago, whicli had been appointed on the 7th, to wait
upon him. The committee presented a memorial request-
ing him at once to issue a proclamation of universal eman-
cipation, and the chairman followed it by some remarka
in support of this request.
The President listened attentively to the memorial, and
then made to those who had presented it tlie following
reply :—
The subject presented in the memorial is one upon which I liave thought
much fov we^ks past, and 7 may even say for months. I am approached
J
biATL i'AiKiLb uf Abraham Llxcoln. 25»5
;»rith the most opposite opiiiionti and advice, and that by religions men,
who are equally certain that they represent the Divine will. I am snre
that either the one or the otlier class is mistaken in that belief and per-
haps in some respects bot?i. I hope it will not te irreverent for me to
eay tl^at if it is probable tliat God would reveal his will to others, on a
point so connected with my duty, it might be supposed he would reveal
it directly to me; for, unless 1 am more deceived in myself than I oftea
am, it is my earnest desire to know tlie will of Providence in this matter.
And if I can learn what it is I will do it ! These are not, however, the
days of miracles, and I suppose it will be granted that I am not to expect
a direct revelation. I must study the plain physical facts of the case,
ascertain what is possible, and learn what appears to be wise and right.
The subject is difficult, and good men do not agree. For instance, the
other day, four gentlemen of standing and intelligence from New York
called as a delegation on business connected with the war; but before
leaving two of them earnestly besought me to proclaim general emanci-
pation, upon which the other two at once attacked them. You know
also that the last session of Congress had a decided majority of anti-
slavery men, yet they could not unite on this policy. And the same is
true of the religious people. Why, the rebel soldiers are praying with
a great deal more earnestness, I fear, than our own troops, and expect-
ing God to favor their side : for one of our soldiers who had been taken
prisoner told Senator Wilson a few days since that he met nothing so
discouraging as the evident sincerity of those he was among in their
prayers. But we will talk over the merits of the case.
What good would a proclamation of emancipation from me do, espe-
cially as we are now situated? I do not want to issue a document that
the whole world will see must necessarily be inoperative, like the Pope's
bull against the comet ! Would my word free the slaves, when I cannot
even enforce the Constitution in the rebel States? Is there a single
court, or magistrate, or individual that would be influenced by it there ?
A nd what reason is there to think it would have any greater effect upon
^iie slaves than the late law of Congress, which I approved, and which
offers protection and fi*eedom to the slaves of rebel masters who come
within our lines ? Yet I cannot learn that that law has caused a single
slave to come over to us. And suppose they could be induced by a proc-
lation of freedom from me to throw themselves upon us, what should
we do with them? How can we feed and care for such a multitude?
General Butler wrote me a u^w days since that he v.-as issuing more
rations to the slaves who have rushed to him than to all the white
troops under his command. They eat, and that is all ; though it is true
General Butler is feeding the whites also by the thousand ; for it nearly
amounts to a famine there. If, now, the pressure of the war should call
off our forces from New Orleans to defend some other point, what is to
prever.t the masters from reducing the blacks to slavery again ? for I
25G The Life, Public Services, and
am told that whenever the rebels take any black prisoners, free or slave,
they immediately auction them off! They did so with those they took
from a boat that was aground in the Tennessee River a few days ago.
And then I am very ungenerously attacked for it ! For instance, when,
after the late battles at and near BuU Run, an expedition went out from
"Washington under a flag of trace to bury the dead and bring in the
wo'anded, and the rebels seized the blacks who -^ent along to help, an/'i
sent them into slavery, Horace Greeley said in his paper that the Govern- i
ment would probably do nothing about it. "What could I do ? '
Now, then, tell me, if you please, what possible result of good would
follow the is.-;uing of such a proclamation as you desire ? Understand,
I raise no objections against it on legal or constitutional grounds, for, as
commander-in-chief of the army and navy, in time of war I suppose 1
have a right to take any measure which may best subdue the enemy ;
nor do I urge objections of a moral nature, in view of possible conse-
quences of insurrection and massacre at the South. I view this matter
as a practical war measure, to be decided on according to the advantages
or disadvantages it may offer to the suppression of the rebellion.
The Committee replied to these remarks, insisting that
a proclamation of emancipation would secure at once the
sympathy of Europe and the civilized world ; and that
as slavery was clearly the cause and origin of the rebel-
lion, it was simply just, and in accordance with the word
of God, that it should be abolished. To these remarks
the President responded as follows : —
I admit that slavery is at the root of the rebellion, or at least its airu
qud non. The ambition of politicians may have instigated tbem to act,
but they would have been impotent without slavery as their instrument.
[ will also concede that emancipation would help us in Europe, and cc n-
vinc« them that we are incited by something more than ambition. 1
grant, further, that it would help somewhat at the North, thougli not su
mi:ch, I fear, as you and those you represent imagine. Still, some addi-
tional strength would be added in that way to the war, and then, un-
questionably, it would weaken the rebels by drawing off their laborers,
which is of great importance ; but I am not so sure we could do much
with the blacks, if we were to arm them, I fear that in a few weeks
the arms would be in the hands of the rebels; and, indeed, thus far, wf
have not had arms enough to equip our Avhite troops. I will mentio,-
mother thing, though it meet only your scorn and contempt. There ar*-
fifty thousand bayonets in the Union army from the Border Slave States
It would be a serious matter if, in consequence of a proclamation suc^
M you desire, they should go over to the rebels. I do not thloV they aL
State Papers of Abraham Lincoln. 25?
aronld —not so many, indeed, as a year ago, or as six months ag , «iot so
many to day as yesterday. Every day increases their Union feeiing.
They are also getting their pride enlisted, and want to beat the rebels.
L-et me say one thing more : I think you sliould admit that we already
have an important principle to rally and unite the people, in the fact tliat
ccnstitutional government is at stake. This is a fundamental idea gr-ing
dc wn about as deep as any thing.
The Committee replied to tliis in some brief remarks, k
which the President made the following response : —
Do not misunderstand me because I have mentioned these objections.
They indicate the difficulties that have thus far prevented my action in
some such way as you desire. I have not decided against a proclamation
of liberty to the slaves, but hold the matter under advisement. And 1
can assure you that the subject is on my mind, by day and night, more
than any other. Whatever shall appear to be God's will I will do. I
trust that in the freedom with which I have canvassed your views I have
not in any respect injured your fe^Jings.
After free deliberation, and being satisfied that the
public welfare woiild bo promoted by such a step, and
that public sentiment would sustain it, on the 22d of Sep-
tember the Presid'cjnt issued the following preliminary
PPXJOLAMATION OP EMANCIPATION.
I, Abraham Jjncoln, President of the United Stdr.«8 of America, and
Oommander-in Chief of the army and navy thereof, do hereby proclaim
and declare th.at hereafter, as heretofore, the war will be prosecuted for
tlie object of practically restoring the constitutional relation between the
United States and each of the States, and the people thereof, in whic£
States that relation is or may be suspended or disturbed.
That it is my purpose, upon the next meeting of Congress, to again
recommend the adoption of a practical measure tendering pecuniary aid
to the free acceptance or rejection of all slave States, &*j called, the people
whereof may not then be in rebellion against the United States, and
which States may then have voluntarily adopted, or thereafter may vol-
untarily adopt, immediate or gradual abolishment of slavery within their
respective limits ; and that the effort to colonize persons of A Mean
descent, with their consent, upon this continent or elsewhere, with the
previously obtained consent of the governments existing there, will be
continued.
That on the first day of January, in the year of our Lord one thousand
eight hundred and sixty-three, all persons held as slaves within any Stat«,
or desigxkated part of a State, the people whereof shall then be in rebellion
17
258 The Life, Public Services, and
against the United States, shall be then, thenceforward, and fore'vei freo;
and the Executive Government of the United States^ including the mili-
tary and naval authority thereof, will recognize and maintain the freedom
of such persons, and will do no act or acts to repress such persons, or any
of them, in any efforts they may make for their actual freedom.
That the Executive will, on the first day of January aforegaid, by ptoo
lamation, designate the States and parts of States, if any, in which th«
people thereof respectively shall then be in rebellion against the United
States; and the fact that any State, or the people thereof, shall on tliat
day be in good faith represented in the Congress of the United States, by
Biembers chosen thereto at elections wherein a majority of the qualified
oters of such State shall have participated, shall, in the absence of strong
countervailing testimony, be deemed conclusive evidence that such State,
and the people thereof, are not then in rebellion against the United
States.
That attention is hereby called to an act of Congress entitled " An Act
to make an additional Article of War," approved March 13th, 1862, and
which act is in the words and figures following: —
Be it enacted hy the Senate and Hovse of Representatives of the United
States of America in Congress assemdled, That hereafter the following
shall be promulgated as an additional article of war for the government
of the army of the United States, and shall be obeyed and observed ae
such : —
Section 1. — All officers or persons in the military or naval service of
the United States are prohibited fuom employing any of the forces under
theii* respective commands for the purpose of returning fugitives from
service or labor who may have escaped from any persons to whom such
service or labor is claimed to be due ; and any officer who shall be found
guilty by a court-martial of violating this article shall be dismissed from
the service.
Sec. 2. And he it further enacted, That this act shall take effect from
and after its passage.
Also, to the ninth and tenth sections of an act entitled " An Act to
Suppress Insurrection, to Punish Treason and Rebellion, to Seize and
Confiscate Property of Rebels, and for other Purposes," approved Jnlj
16, 1862, and whi^h sections are in the words and figures following; —
Sec. 9. And he it further enacted, That all slaves of persons who shah
^hereafter be engaged in rebellion against the Government of the United
States, or who shall in any way give aid or comfort thereto, escaping from
such persons and taking refuge within the lines of the army; and all
slaves captured from such persons, or deserted by them and coming
under the control of the Government of the United States; and all slavoa
of such persons found on [or] being within any place occupied by rebel
forces and afterwards occupied by forces of the United States, shall be
deemed captives of war, and shall be forever free of their servitude, aiid
ftot again held as slaves.
Seo. 10. And he it further enacted, That no slave escaping into any
State, Territory, or the District of Columbia, from any other State, sht^
State Papers of Abraham Lincoln. 259
be delivered up, or in any way impeded or hindered of his liherty, except
for crime, or some offence against Ihe laws, unless the person clainiinia
said fugitive sliall first make oath that the person to whom th* labor or
service of such fugitive is alleged to be due is his lawful owner, and has
not borne arms against the United States in the present rebellion, nor in
any way given aid and comfort tliereto ; and no person engaged in the
Dniliuiry or naval service of the United States shall, under any pretence
whatever, assume to decide on the validity of the claim of any person to
the service or labor of any other person, or surrender up any such per-
son to the claimant, on jxain of being dismissed from the service.
And I do hereby enjoin upon and order all persons engaged in th«
i.ulitary and naval service of the United States to observe, obey, and en-
k rce, within their respective spheres of service, the act and sections
al we recited.
i\nd the Executive will in due time recommend that all citizens of the
United States who shall have remained loyal thereto throughout the
rebellion, shall (upon the restoration of the constitutional relation be-
tween the United States and their respective States and people, if
that relation shall have been suspended or disturbed) be compensated
for all losses by acts of the United States, including the loss of
slaves.
In witness whereof, I have hereunto set my hand and caused the seal
of tne United States to be affixed.
Done at the City of Washington, this twenty-second day of Sep-
tember, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and
fL. 8.] sixty-two, and of the Independence of the United States the
eighty-seventh.
Ab3Ahah Lincoln.
By the President :
William H. Sewaed, Secretary of State.
The issuing of this proclamation created the deepest
interest, not unmixed with anxiety, in the public mind.
The opponents of the Administration in the loyal States,
as well as the sjTnpathizers with secession everywhere,
insisted that it afforded unmistakable evidence that the
object of the war was, what they had always declared it
to be, the abolition of slavery, and not the restoration of
the Union ; and they put forth the most vigorous efforts
to arouse public sentiment against the Administration on
this ground. They were met, however, by the clear and
explicit declaration of the document itself, in which the
President "proclaimed and declared" that '* hereafter, as
heretofore, the war will be prosecuted for the object of
nractically restoring the constitutional relation between
260 The Life, Public Services, and
the Umted Slates and each of the States and the people
thereof, in which that relation is or may be suspended or
disturbed." This at once made it evident that emancipa-
tion, as provided for in the proclamation, as a war meas-
ure, was subsidiary and subordinate to the paramount
object of the war — the restoration of the Union and the
re-establishment of the authority of the Constitution ; and
in tbis sense it was favorably received by the great body
of the loyal people of the United States.
It only remains to be added, in this connection, that or.
the 1st of January, 1863, the President followed this
measure by issuing the following
PROCLAMATION.
Whereas^ on the 22d day of September, in the year of onr Lord one
thousand eight hundred and sixty-two, a proclamation was issued by the
President of the United States, containing, among other things, the fol
lowing, to wit: —
That on the first day of January, in the year of our Lord one thousand
eight hundred and sixty-three, all persons held as slaves within any
States or designated part of a State, the people whereof shall then be in
rebellion against the United States, shall be then, thenceforward, and
forever free ; and the Executive Government of the United States, in
eluding the military and naval authority thereof, will recognize and
maintain the fi'eedom of such persons, and will do no act or acts to re-
press such persons, or any of them, in any efforts tliey may make for their
actual freedom.
That the Executive will, on the first day of January aforesaid, by proc-
lamation, designate the States and parts of States, if any, in which the
people thereof respectively shall then be in rebellion against the United
States ; and the fact that any State, or the people thereof, shall on that
day be in good faith represented in the Congress of the United States, by
members chosen thereto at elections wherein a majority of the qualified
voters ol such State shall have participated, shall, in the absence 0/
strong countervailing testimony, be deemed conclusive evidence that such
State, and the people thereof, are not then in rebellion against the United
States.
N"ow, therefore, I, Abraham Lincoln, President of the United States,
by virtue of the power in me vested as commander-in-chief of the army
and navy of the United States in time of actual armed rebellion agamst
the authority and Government of the United States, and as a fit and
necessary war measure for suppressing said rebellion, do, on this first day
of January, in the year of our L(>rd one thousand eight hundred and
sixty-three, and in accordance with my purpose so to do, publicly pro-
claimed for the full period of one hundred days from the day first above
dTATE Papers of Abraham Lincoln. 261
ed, order and designate, as the States and parts of States wherein
the people thereof respectively are this day in rebellion against the
United States, the following, to wit :
Arkansas, Texas, Lonisiana (except the parishes of St. Bernard, Plaque-
mines, Jefferson, St. John, St. Charles, St. James, Ascension, Assumption,
Teire Bonne, Lafourche, Ste. Marie, St. Martin, and Orleans, including
the City of New Orleans), Mississippi, Alabama, Florida, Georgia. South
Carolina, North Carolina, and Virginia (except the forty-eiglit counties
designato-i as "West Virginia, and also the counties of Berkeley, Accomae,
Northampton, Elizabeth City, York, Princess Anne, and Norfolk, inclu-
ding the cities of Norfolk and Portsmouth), and which excepted parts are
for the present left procisely as if this proclamation were not issued.
And by virtue of the power and for the purpose aforesaid, I do crder
and declare that all persons held as slaves within said designated States
and parts of States are, and henceforward shall be, free; and that ihe
Executive Government of the United States, including the military and
naval authorities thereof, will recognize and maintain the freedom of said
persons.
And I hereby enjoin upon the people so declared to be free to abstain
from all violence, unless in necessary self-defence ; and I recommend to
them that, in all cased when allowed, they labor faitlifully for reasonable
wages.
And I further declare and make known that such persons, of suitable
condition, will be 3<,ceivod into the arried serdce of tlie United States, to
garrison forts, positions, stations, and other places, and to man vessels of
all sorts in said service.
And upon this act, sincerely believed to be an act of justice, warranted
oy the Constitution upon military necessity, 1 invoke the considerate
judgment of mankind, and the gracious favor of Almighty God.
In testimony whereof, I have hereunto set my name, and caused the
«eal of the United States to be affixed.
Done at the City of Washington, this first day of January, in the yeai
, of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and sixty-three, and of
the independence of the United States the eighty-seventh.
By the President: Abraham Lrsooij^
William II. Sewaed, Secretary af State,
262 The Life, Puulic Services, and
CHAPTER IX.
THE MILITARY ADMINISTRATION OF 1862.— THE PRESIDENT ANP
GENERAL McCLELLAN.
Oenekal MoClhllan succeeds McDowell. — The Peesident's Obder Foa
AN Advance. — The Movement to the Peninsula. — Rebel Evacuation
OF Manassas. — Akeangements for the Peninsular Movement. — Th"8
President's Letter to General McOlellan. — The Eebel Strength
at Yorktotvn. — Tee Battle of TVilltamsburg. — McOlellan's Feab
OF being Overwhelmed. — The President to McOlellan. — Jackson's
Raid in the Shenandoah Valley. — The President to McOlellan. —
Seven Pines and Fair Oaks. — McOlellan's Oomplaints of Mc-
Dowell.— His Oontinued Delays. — Prepares for Defeat. — Oalls
FOE MORE Men. — His Advice to the President. — Preparations to
Concentrate the Army. — General Halleck to McOlellan. — Ap-
pointment of General Pope. — Imperative Orders to McOlellan. —
McOlellan's Failure to aid Pope. — His Excuses for Delay. — Pro-
poses to leave. — Pope unaided. — Excuses foe Franklin's Delay. —
His Excuses proved Groundless. — His alleged Lack of Supplies. —
A.DVANCE into MARYLAND.— ThE PeESIDENt's LeTTER TO MoOlELLAN.
— He Protests against Delay. — McOlellan relieved F£0m Qqh-
MAND. — Speech by the President.
The repulse of the national forces at tlie battle of Bull
Run in July, 1861, aroused tlie people of the loyal States
to a sense of the magnitude of the contest which had been
forced upon them. It stimulated to intoxication the pride
and ambition of the rebels, and gave infinite encourage
ment to their efforts to raise fresh troops, and increase the
military resources of their Confederation. Nor did the
reverse the national cause had sustained for an instant
damp the ardor or check the determination of the Govern-
ment and people of the loyal States. General McDowell,
the able and accomplished officer who commanded the
army of the United States in that engagement, conducted
the operations of the day with signal ability ; and his
defeat was due, as subsequent disclosures have clearly
shown, far more to accidents for which others were re-
i
State Papers of Abraham Lincoln. 263
sponsible, than to any lack of skill in planning the hat-
tie, or of courage and generalship on the field. But it
was the first considerable engagement of the war, and its
losa was a serious and startling disappointment to the
sangume expectations of the people : it was deemed neces-
sary the.T<?fore, to place a new commander at the head of
the army In front of Washington. General McClellan^
who had been charged, at the outset of the war, with
operations in the Department of the Ohio, and who had
achieved marked success in clearing Western Virginia of
the rebel troops, was summoned to Washington on the
22d of July, and on the 27th assumed command of the
Army of the Potomac. Although then in command only
of a department. General McClellan, with an ambition
and a presumption natural, perhaps, to his age and the
circumstances of his advancement, addresfet;d his atten-
tion to the general conduct of the war in all sections of
the country, and favored the Government and Lieutenant-
General Scott with several elaborate and meritorious let-
ters of advice, as to the method most proper to be pur-
sued for the suppression of the rebellion. He soon, how-
ever, found it necessary to attend to the preparation of
the army under his command for an immediate resumption
of hostilities. Fresh troops in great numbers speedily
poured in from the Northern States, and were organized
and disciplined for prompt and effective service. The
number of troops in and about the Capital when General
McClellan assumed command, was a little over fifty thou-
sand, and the brigade organization of General McDowell
formed the basis for the distribution of these new forces.
By the middle of October this army had been raised to
over one hundred and fifty thousand men, with an artil-
lery force of nearly five hundred pieces — all in a state of
excellent discipline, under skilful officers, and animated
by a zealous and impatient eagerness to renew the contest
for the preservation of the Constitution and Government
of the United States. The President and Secretary of
War had urged the division of the army into corps
iVarmee^ for ^^q pui-pose of more effective service •. but
264 The Life, Pl?blic Services, and
General McClellan had discouraged and tliwarted their
endeavors in this direction, mainly on the ground that
there were not officers enough of tried ability in the army
to be intrusted with such high commands as this division
would create.
On the 22d of October, a portion of our forces which
had been ordered to cross the Potomac above AVashing-
ton, in the direction of Leesburg, were met by a heavy
force of the enemy at Ball' s Bluff, repulsed with severe
loss, and compelled to return. The circumstances of this
disaster excited a great deal of dissatisfaction in the pub-
lic mind, and this was still further aggravated by the fact
that the rebels had obtained, and been allowed to hold,
complete control of the Potomac below Washington, so
as to establish a virtual and effective blockade of the
Capital from that direction. Special efforts were repeat-
edly made by the President and Navy Department to
clear the banks of the river of the rebel forces, known to
be small in number, which held them, but it was found
impossible to induce General McClellan to take i\j\j steps
to aid in the accomplishment of this result. In October
he had promised that on a day named, four thousand
troops should be ready to proceed down the river to co-
operate with the Potomac Hotilla under Captain Craven ;
but at the time appointed the troops did not arrive, and
General McClellan alleged, as a reason for having changed
his mind, that his engineers had informed him that so
large a body of troops could not be landed. The Secre-
tary of the Navy replied thai^ the landing of the troopa
was a matter of which that department assumed the
responsibility ; and it was then agreed that the troopa
dhould be sent down the next night. They were not
sent, however, either then or at any other time, for which
General McClellan assigned as a reason the fear that such
an attempt might bring on a general engagement. Cap-
tain Craven upon this threw up his command, and the
Potomac remained closed to the vessels and transports of
the United States until it was opened in March of the next
yv^ar by the volnntary withdrawal of the rebel forces.
<)AC
State Papers of Abraham Lincoln. 26
On the 1st of November, General McClelJan was ap-
pointed by the President to succeed General Scott in the
command of all the armies of the Union, remaining in
personal command of the Army of the Potomac. Hia
attention was then of necessity turned to the direction of
army movements, and to the conduct of political affairs,
so far as they came under military control, in the more
distant sections of the country. But no movement took
place in the Army of the Potomac.
The season had been unusually favorable for military
operations — the troops were admirably organized and dis
ciplined, and in the highest state of efficiency — in num
bers they were known to be far superior to those of the
rebels opposed to them, who were nevertheless permit-
ted steadily to push their approaches towards Washing-
ton, while, from the highest officer to the humblest pri-
vate, our forces were all animated with an eager desire to
be led against the enemies of their country. As winter
approached without any indications of an intended move-
ment of our armies, the public impatience rose to the
highest point of discontent. The Administration was
everywhere held responsible for these unaccountable de-
lays, and was freely charged by its opponents with a de-
sign to protract the war for selfish political purposes of
its own ; and at the fall election the public dissatisfaction
made itself manifest by adverse votes in every considera-
ble State where elections were held.
I'nable longer to endui'e this state of things. President
Lim^oln put an end to it on the 2Tth of January, 1862, by
issuing the following order : —
ExKounvK Mansion, Washington, January 27, 1862,
Oriei'ed, That the twenty-second day of February, 1862, he the day for
a general movement of the land and naval forces of the Unitr J States
against the insurgent forces. That especially the army at and about For-
tress Monroe, the Army of the Potomac, the Army of Western Virginia,
the army near Mu nfordsville, Kentucky, the arn;^ and flotilla at Cairo,
and a naval force in the Gulf of Mexico, be ready to move on that day.
Tliat all other forces, both land and naval, with their respective com-
manders, obey existing orders for the time, and be ready to obey addi-
titual orders when duly given.
266 The Life, Public Services, and
That the heads of departments, and especially the Sccretaiies of "War
and of the Navy, with all their subordinates, and the General-in-Chief
with all other commanders and subordinates of land and naval forces
will severally be held to their strict and full responsibilities for prorapl
execution of this order. Abraham Linooln.
This order, wliicli applied to all the armies of the Uni-
ted States, was followed four days afterwards by the fol
lowing special order directed to General McClellan :—
ExHomvE Mansion, WAernNGiON, January SI, 1S62.
Ordered^ That all the disposable force of the Army of the Potomaa
after providing safely for the defence of Washington, be formed into an
expedition for the immediate object of seizing and occupying a point
upon the railroad southwest of what is known as Manassas Junction, all
details to be in the discretion of the Commander-in-Chief, and the expe
dition to move before or on the twenty-second day of February next.
Abraham Lincoln.
Tlie object of this order was to engage the rebel army
in front of Washington by a flank attack, and by its de-
feat relieve the Capital, put Richmond at our mercy, and
break the main ??trength of the rebellion by destroying
the principal army arrayed in its support. Instead of
obeying it. General McClellan remonstrated against its
execution, an^ urged the adoption of a different plan of
attack, whic>. was to move upon Richmond by way of
the Chesa])eake Bay, the Rappahannock River, and a
land march across the country from Urbana, leaving the
rebel forces in position at Manassas to be held in check,
if thoy should attempt a forward movement, only by the
troops in the fortifications around Washington. As the
result of several conferences with the President, he ob-
tained permission to state in writing his objections to his
plan — the Preside at meantime sending him the following
tetter of inquiry —
ExECUTivK Mansion, WAsniNGTON, Fehruwry 3, 1862.
My Deak Sir:— fou and I have distinct and different plans for a
movement of the Army of the Potomac : yours to be done by the Chesa-
peake, up the R'i^fpahannock to Urbana, and across land to the terminus
of the railrja' on the York River; mine to move directly to a point on
the railro**^ «^<'.'thwest of Manassas.
State Papers of Abiiaham Likcoln. 267
ii s*m wLil give satisfactory answers to the following questions, I shall
gladly yield my plan to yours : —
1st. Does not your plan involve a greatly larger expenditure »f time
and n.onoy than mine?
2d. "W herein is a victory more certain by your plan than mine ?
3d. Wherein is a victory more valuable by your plan than mine?
4th. In fact, would it not be less valuable in this : that it would break
00 great line of the enemy's communications, while mine would ?
5th. In case of disaster, would not a retreat be more difficult by yooj
plan than mine?
Yours, truly, Abeaham Lincoln.
Major-General McClellan.
General McClellan sent to the Secretary of War, un-
der date of February 3d, a very long letter, presenting
strongly the advantage possessed by the rebels in hold-
ing a central defensive position, from which they could
with a small force resist any attack on either flank, con-
centrating their main strength upon the other for a deci-
sive action. The uncertainties of the weather, the neces-
sity of having long lines of communication, and the prob-
able indecisiveness even of a victory, if one should be
gained, were urged against the President's plan. So
strongly was General McClellan in favor of his own plan
of operations, that he said he "should prefer the move
from Fortress Monroe as a base, to an attack upon Ma-
nassas." The President was by no means convinced by
General McClellan' s reasoning ; but in consequence of
his steady resistance and unwillingness to enter upon the
execution of any other plan, he assented to a submission
of the matter to a councU of twelve officers held late in
February, at head-quarters. The result of that council
was, a decision in favor of moving by way of the lower
Chesapeake and the Rappahannock — seven of the Gen-
erals present, viz., Fitz-John Porter, Franldin, VV. P.
Smith, McCall, Blenker, Andrew Porter, and Naglee,
voting in favor of it, as did Keyes also, with the qualifi-
cation that the army should not move until the rebels
were driven from the Potomac, and Generals McDowell,
Sumner, Heintzelman, and Barnard, voting against it.
Li this decision the President acquiesced, and on the
268 The Life, Public Services, and
8tli of March issued two general war orders, tlie first
directing the Major-General commanding the Army of
the Potomac to proceed forth"\\ith to organize that part of
said army destined to enter upon active operations into
four army corps, to be commanded, the first by General
McDowell, the second by General Sumner, the third by
General Heintzelman, and the fourth by General Keyes.
General Banks was assigned to the command of a fifth
corps. It also appointed Genera] Wads worth Military
Governor at Washington, and directed the order to be
' ' executed with such promptness and dispatch as nc t to
delay the commencement of the operations already di-
rected to be undertaken by the Army of the Potomac. '
The second of these orders was as follows : —
ExKctxTivK Mansion, 'Washington, March 8, 1862.
Ordered.^ That no change of the base of operations of the Army of
the Potomac shall he made without leaving in and about Washington
such a force as, in the opinion of the General-in-Chief and the com-
manders of army corps, shall leave said city entirely secure.
That no more than two army corps (about fifty thousand troops) «t
said Army of the Potomac shall be moved en route for a new base of
operations until the navigation of the Potomac, from Washington to the
Chesapeake Bay, shall be freed from the enemy's batteries, and other
obstructions, or until the President shall hereafter give express per-
mission.
That any movement as aforesaid, en route for a new base of operations^
which may be ordered by the General-in-Chief, and which may be in-
♦;ended to move upon the Chesapeake Bay, shall begin to move upon the
y a^ early as the eighteenth March instant, and the General-in-Oh«et
shall be responsible that it moves as early as that day.
Ordered, That the army and navy co-operate in an immediate effort to
capture the enemy's batteries upon the Potoipac between Washington
and the Chesapeake Bay. Ajjba.ham Lincoln.
L TrioMAS, Adjutant- General.
This order was issued on the 8th oi March. On the
9tli, information was received by General McClellan, at
Washington, that the enemy had abandoned his position
in front of that city. He at once crossed the Potomac,
and on the same night issued orders for an immediate ad-
vance of the whole army towards Manassas — not with
State Papfrs of Abraham Lincoln. 269
any rntention, as he lias since explained, of pnrsuing the
rebels, and taking advantage of their retreat, but to "get
rid of superfluous baggage and other impediments which
accumulate so easily around an army encamped for a long
time in one locality"— to give the troops '' some expe-
rience on the march and bivouac preparatory to the cam-
paign," and to afford them also a "good intermediate
step between the quiet and comparative comfort of the
camps around Washington and the vigor of active opera
tions."* These objects, in General McClellan's opinion
were sufficiently accomplished by what the Prince de
•loinville, of his staff, styles a "promenade" of the army
to Manassas, where they learned, from personal inspec-
tion, that thF rebels had actually evacuated that position ;
and on the iStli, orders were issued for a return of the
forces to Alexandria.
On the 11th of March, the President issued another or-
der, stating that " Major- General McClellan having per-
sonally taken the field at the head of the Army of the
Potomac, until otherwise ordered, he is relieved from the
command of the other military dejaartments, retaining
command of the Department of the Potomac." Major-
General Halleck was assigned to the command of the De-
partment of the Mississippi, and the Mountain Depai t
ment was created for Major- General Fremont. All the
commanders of departments were also required to report
directly to tlie Secretary of War.
On the 13th of March, a council of war was held at
head-quarters, then at Fairfax Court-House, by which i*
was decided that, as the enemy had retreated behind the
Rappahannock, operations against Richmond could best
be conducted from Fortress Monroe, provided : —
1st That tlio enemy's vessel, Merrimac, can be neutralized.
2d. That the means of transportation, sufficient for an immediate trans
fer of the force to its new base, can be ready at Washington and Alexan-
dria to move down the Potomac ; and,
3d. That a naval auxiliary force can be had to silence, or aid in sildn
uing, the enemy's batteries on the York River.
♦ See General McClellaKi s Report, dated Aucuft 4, 1863,
270 The Life, Public Services, and
4th. That the force to be left to cover Washington shall be such as to
give an entire feeling of security for its safety from menace.
Note. — That with the forts on the right bank of the Potomac fnlly
garrisoned, and those on tlie left bank occupied, a covering force in front
of the Virginia line of twenty-five thousand men would suffice. (Keyes,
Heintzelman, and McDowell.)
A total of forty thousand men for the defence of the city wonld
suffice (Sumner.)
Upon receiving a report of this decision, the following
communication was at once addressed to the commanding
general : —
War Department, 3farch ^S, 1862.
The President having considered the plan of operations agreed upon
by yourself and the commanders of army corps, makes no objection to
the same, but gives the following directions as to its execution : —
1st. Leave such force at Manassas Junction as shall make it entirely
certain that the enemy shall not repossess himself of that position and
line of communication.
2d. Leave Washington entirely secure.
3d. Move the remainder of the force down the Potomac, choosmg a
new base at Fortress Monroe, or anywhere between here and there ; O!',
at all events, move such remainder of the army at once in pursuit of the
enemy by some route. Edwin M. Stanton,
Secretary of War.
Major-General Geoegk B. MoOlellan.
It will readily be seen, from these successive orders,
that the President, in common with the whole country,
had been greatly pained by the long delay of the Army
of the Potomac to move against the enemy while en-
camped at Manassas, and that this feeling was c onvert«^d
into chagrin and mortification when the rebels were
allowed to withdraw from that position without the
slightest molestation, and without their design being even
suspected until it had been carried into complete and suc-
cessful execution. He was impatiently anxious, there-
fore, that no more time should be lost in delays. In
reply to the Secretary of War, General McClellan, before
embarking for the Peninsula, communicated his intention
of reaching, without loss of time, the field of what he
believed would be a decisive battle, which he expected
MATE Papers of AbkahAxM Lincoliv. 271
to figlit "between West Point and Richmond. On the Slst
of March, the President, out of deference to the importu-
nities of Genpral Fremont and his friends, and from a "be-
lief that this officer could make good use of a larger force
t]ian he then had at his command in the Mountain Depart-
ment, ordered General Blenker's division to leave the
Army of the Potomac and join him ; a decision which he
ann^imced to General McClellan in the following let
t^r:-
ExBOTTTiTB Manbiox, "VTashington, March 31, 18<J2.
My Dea.r Sir: — This morning I felt constrained to order Blenker's
division to Fremont, and I write this to assure you that 1 did so with
great pain, understanding that you would wish it otherwise. K you could
know the full pressure of the case, I am confident that you w^ould jvistify
it, even beyond a mere acknowledgment that the Commander-in-Chief
may order what he pleases.
Yours, very truly, A. Lincoln.
Major-General McClellan.
General Banks, who had at first been ordered by Gen-
eral McClellan to occupy Manassas, and thus cover
Washington, was directed by him, on the 1st of April, to
throw the rebel General Jackson well back from "Win-
chester, and then move on Staunton at a time "nearly
coincident with his own move on Richmond ;" though
General McClellan expressed the fear that General Banks
"could not be ready in time" for that movement. The
four corps of the Army of the Potomac, destined for active
operations by way of the Peninsula, were ordered to em-
bark, and forwarded as rapidly as possible to Fortress
Monroe. On the 1st of April, General McClellan wrote
to the Secretary of war, giving a report of the dispositions
he had made for the defence of Washington ; and on the
2d, General Wadsworth submitted a statement of the forces
under Ms command, which he regarded as entirely inade-
quate to the service required of them. The President re-
ferred the matter to Adjutant- General Thomas and General
E. A Hitchcock, who made a report on the same day, in
which they decided that the force left by General McClel-
lan was not sufficient to make Washington " entirely
272 The Life, Public Services, and
secure," as tlie President had required in his ordei ot
March 13 ; nor was it as large as the council of officers
held at Fairfax Court-House on the same day had ad-
judged to be necessary. In accordance with this decision,
and for the purpose of rendering the Capital safe, the aniiy
corps of General McDowell was detached from General
cClellan's immediate command, and ordered to report
to the Secretary of War.
On reaching Fortress Monroe, General McClellan found
Commodore Goldsborough, who commanded on that
naval station, unwilling to send any considerable portion
of his force up the York River, as he was employed in
watching the Merrimack^ which had closed the Jamea
River against us. He therefore landed at the Fortress,
and commenced his march up the Peninsula, having
reached the Warwick River, in the immediate vicinity of
Yorktown, which had been fortified, and was held by a
rebel force of about eleven thousand men, under General
Magruder— a part of them, however, being across the
river at Gloucester. He here halted to reconnoitre the
position ; and on the 6th wrote to the President that he
had but eighty-five thousand men fit for duty — that the
whole line of the Warwick River was strongly fortified —
that it was pretty certain he was to "have the whole
force of the enemy on his hands, probably not less than
a hundred thousand men, and probably more," and that
he should commence siege operations as soon as he could
get up his train. He entered, accordingly, upon this
work, telegraphing from time to time complaints that he
was not properly supported by the Government, and
asking for re-enforcements.
On the 9th of April, President Lincoln addressed him
the following letter : —
■Washington, April 9, 1862.
My Dear Sih : — Your dispatches, complaining that yon are not prop-
erly sustained, while they do not offend me, do pain me very much,
Blenker's division was withdra^m from you before you left here, and
you know the pressure under which I did it, and, as I thought, acqui-
esced in it — certainly not without reluctance.
After you left, I ascertained that less than twenty thousand unoigaD-
State Papers of Abraham Lincoln. 273
teed men, without a single field battery, were all you designed to be left
for the defence of "Washington and Manassas Junction, and part of this
Bven was to go to General Hooker's old position. General Banks's corps,
once designed for Manassas Junction, was diverted and tied up » n the
line of Winchester and Strasburg, and could not leave it without again
axposing the Upper Potomac and the Baltimore and Ohio Railroad. Thia
presented, or would present, when McDowell and Sumner should be gone
i great temptation to the enemy to turn back from the Eappahannock arc
sack Washington. My implicit order that Washington should, by th
judgment of all the commanders of army corps, be left entirely secure,
had been neglected. It was precisely this that drove me to detain Mo
Dowell.
I do not forget that I was satisfied with your arrangement to leave
Banks at Manassas Junction : but when that arrangement v/as broken
ap, and nothing was substituted for it, of course I was constrained to
substitute something for it myself. And allow me to ask, do you really
think I should permit the line from Richmond, vid Manassas Junction, to
this city, to be entirely open, except what resistance could be presented
by less than twenty thousand unorganized troops ? This is a question
which the country will not allow me to evade.
There is a curious mystery about the number of troops now with you.
When I telegraphed you on the sixth, saying you had over a hundred
thousand with you, I had just obtained from the Secretary of War a state-
ment taken, as he said, from your own returns, making one hundred and
eight thousand then with you and en route to you. You now say yon
will have but eighty -five thousand when all en route to you shall have
reached you. How can the discrepancy of twenty-three thousand be
accounted for?
As to General Wool's command, I nn(? erstand it is doing for you pre-
cisely what a like number of your own w juld have to do if that command
was away.
I suppose the whole force which has gone forward for you is with yoft
uj this time. And if so, I think it is the precise time for you to strike a
blow. By delay, the enemy will relatively gain upon you — that is, he
will gain faster by fortifications and re-enforcements than yon can by re-
enforcements alone. And once more let me tell you, it is indispensable
to you that you strike a blow. I am powerless to help this. You wall
do me the justice to remember I always insisted that going down the bay
in search of a field, instead of fighting at or near Manassas, was only
shifting and not surmounting a difiiculty ; that we would find the same
«?nemy, and the same or equal intrenchments, at either place. The conn-
try will not fail to note, is now noting, that the present hesitation te
move upon an intrenched enemy is but the story of Manassas repeated.
I beg to assure you that I have never written you or spoken to yon in
greater kindness of feeling than now, nor with a fuller purpose to snstaii
18
274 The Life, Public Sekvices, and
yon, so far as, in my most anxious judgment, I consistently can. Bt»
you must act. Yours, very truly,
Absaham Lincoln.
Major-General McClellan.
In this letter the President only echoed the impatience
and eagerness of the whole country. The most careful i
inquiries which General Wool, in command at Fortress j
Monroe, had been able to make, satisfied him that York '
town was not held by any considerable force ; and sub
sequent disclosures have made it quite certain that this
force was so utterly inadequate to the defence of the
position, that a prompt movement upon it would have
caused its immediate surrender, and enabled our army to
advance at once upon Richmond. General McClellan
decided, however, to approach it by a regular siege ; and
it was not until this design had become apparent, that the
rebel Government began to re-enforce Magruder.^ He
* The following extract from the ofl&cial report of Major-General Magruier^
dated May 3d, 18G2, and published by order of the Confederate Congress, is con-
clusive as to the real strength of the force which Qeneral McClellan had in front
of him at Yorktown : —
Headquaetees, Department of the Peninsula, (
Lee's Fabji, May 3, 1S62. J
General S. Coopek, A. and I. G. C. S. A. :
General : — Deeming it of vital imporlance to hold Torktown on York Kiver, and Mulberry
Island on James Eiver, and to keep the enemy in check by an intervening line until the author
Ities might take such steps as should be deemed necessary to meet a serious advance of the ene
my in the Peninsula, I felt compelled to dispose of my forces in such a manner as t*! accomplish
these objects with the least risk possible under the circumstances of great hazard which sur-
rounded the little army 1 commanded.
I had prepared, as my real line of defence, positions in advance at Ilarwood's and Young'*
Mills. Both flanks of this line were defended bv boggy and difficult streams and swamps.
* • In my opinion, this advanced line, with its flank defence*, might have been held
en ty thousand troops. * * * Finding my forces too weak to atttmjyt the de
ofthu line, I was compelled to prepare to receive the enemy on a second line on M'ar
Eiver. This line was incomplete in its preparations. Keeping thtn only small bodies of
troops at Ilarwood's and Young's Mills, and on Ship Point, I distributed my remaining forces
along the Warwick line, embracing a front from Yorktown to Minor's farm of twelve miles, and
from the latter place to Mulberry Islr.nd Point Oiie and a half miles. I was comiiel3ed tc place
In Gloucester Point, Yorktown, and Mulberry Is!:\nd. fixed garrisons, amounting to six thou-
Band men, my whole force being eleven thousand, so that it will be seen that the balance of
th« hne, embracing a length of thirteen milea, was defended by about five tlcousand
After the reconnoisaances in great force from Fortress Monroe and Newport News, the enemy,
OB the 8d of April, advanced and took possession of Harwood's MilL He advanced in two heavy
columus, one along the old York road, and the other aiong the Warwick road, and on the 5th ef
April appeared siomltaneously along the whole part of our line from Minor s farm to Yorktowt.
I hare no accurate data upon which to bnse an *>Tact ptnton^ont of bis force ; br* from varirt'^i
State Papers of Abraham Lincoln. 275
continued his applications to the Government for more
troops, more cannon, more transportation — all which were
sent forward to him as rapidly as possible, being taken
mainly from McDowell's corps. On the 14th of April,
General Fj-anklin, detached from that corps, reported to
General AlcClellan, near Yorktown, but his troops re-
mained on board the transports. A month was spent in
this way, the President urging action in the most earnest
manner, and the commanding general delaying from day
to day his reiterated promises to commence operations
immediately. At last, on the morning of the 4th of May,
it was discovered that the rebels had been busy for a day
or two in evacuating Yorktown, and that the last of their
columns had left that place, all their supply trains hav-
ing been previously removed on the day and night pre-
ceding. General McClellan, in announcing this event to
the Government, added that " no time would be lost" in
the pursuit, and that he should ' ' push the enemy to the
wall." General Stoneman, with a column of cavalry,
was at once sent forward to overtake the retreating
enemy, which he succeeded in doing on the same day,
and was repulsed. On the 5th, the forces ordered for-
ward by General McClellan came up, and found a very
strong rear-guard of the rebels strongly fortified, about
two miles east of Williamsburg, and prepared to dispute
the advance of the pursuing troops. It had been known
sources of information I was satisfied that I had before me the enemy's Army of the Potomac,
nnder the command of General McClellan, with the exception of the two corps (Tarmee of
Banks and McDowell respectively — forming an aggregate number certainly of not less than one
Qundred thousand, since ascertained to have boen one hundred and twenty thousand men.
On every portion of my lines he attacked us with a furious cannonading and musketry, whici
w&s, responded to with effect by our batteries and tx-oops of the line. His skirmishers also were
well thrown forward on this and the succeeding day, and energetically felt our whole line, but
were everywhere repulsed by the steadinesi of our troops. T!ncf, with Jive thousand Tnen,
excliistve of the garrisons, we (stopped and held in check over one htcndred thousand of th6
en&mi/. Every preparation was made in anticipation of another attack by the enemy. Tha
men slept in the trenches and under arms, but, to my utter surprise, he permitted day afttr
day to elapse without an assault.
In a few days the object of his delay was apparent. In every direction in front of our lines.
through the intervening woods and along the open fields, earthworks began to appear.
Through the energetic action of the Government re-enforcements began to pour in, aad eack
btmr th4 army of the Peninsula grew stronger and stronger, unUl anxiety passed from »*|
w^md <u to the rtmiU qf an attack upon us. * * *
J. Baitkhxas MAeBtrsxB, Major-Oiierai,
276 The Life, Public Services, and
from the beginning that a very formidable line of forta
had been erected here, and it ought to have been equally
well known by the commanding general that the retreat-
ing enemy would avail himself of them to dehiy the
pursuit. Greneral McClellan, however, had evidently
anticipated no resistance. He remained at his head-qua*'-
ters, two miles in the rear of Yorktown, until summoned
by special messenger in the afternoon of the 5th, who
announced to him that our troops had encountered the
enemy strongly posted, that a bloody battle was in
progress, and that his presence on the held was impera-
tively required. Replying to the messenger that he had
supposed our troops in front ' ' could attend to that little
matter," General McClellan left his head-quarters at about
half- past two, p. m., and reached the field at five. Gen-
eral Hooker, General Heintzelman, and General Sumner
had been fighting under enormous difficulties, and with
heavy losses, during all the early part of the day ; and
just as the commanding general arrived. General Kearney
had re-enforced General Hooker, and General Hancock
had executed a brilliant flank movement, which turned
the fortunes of the day, and left our forces in possession
of the field.
General McClellan does not seem to have understood
that this affair was simply an attempt of the rebel rear-
guard to cover the retreat of the main force, and that
when it had delayed the pursuit it had accomplished its
whole purpose. He countermanded an order for the
.advance of two divisions, and ordered them back to
Yorktown ; and in a dispatch sent to the War Depart-
ment the same night, he treats the battle as an engage-
ment with the whole rebel army. "I find," he says,
' ' General Joe Johnston in front of me in strong force,
probably greater, a good deal, than my own." He again
complains of the inferiority of his command, says he will
do all he can "with the force at his disposal," and that
he should ' ' rim the rislc of at least holding them in check
here (at Williamsburg) while he resumed the original
plan" "-which was to send Franldin to West Point loy
State Papees of Abraham Lincoln. 277
water. Bat tlie direct pursuit of tlie retreating rebel
army was abandoned — owing, as the General said, to tlie
bad state of the roads, which rendered it impracticable.
Some five days were spent at Williamsburg, which en-
abled the rebels, notwithstanding the "state of the
roads," to withdraw their whole force across the Chick
ahominy, and establish themselves within the fortifica
tions in front of Richmond. On the morning of the 7tli,
General Franklin landed at West Point, but too late to
intercept the main body of the retreating army ; he was
met by a strong rear-guard, with whom he had a sharp
but fruitless engagement.
The York River had been selected as the base of
operations, in preference to the James, because it "was
in a better position to effect a junction with any troops
that might move from Washington on the Fredericksburg
line ;"* and arrangements were made to procure supplies
for the army by that route. On the 9th, Norfolk was
evacuated by the rebels, all the troops withdrawing in
safety to Richmond ; and the city, on the next day, waa
occupied by General Wool. On the 11th, the formidable
steamer Merrimack^ which had held our whole naval force
at Fortress Monroe compiet%*Ij in check, was blown up
by the rebels themselves, and our vessels attempted to
reopen the navigation of the James River, but were
repulsed by a heavy battery at Drury's Bluff, eight
miles below Richmond. After waiting for several days
for the roads to improve, the main body of the army was
put in motion on the road towards Richmond, which was
about forty miles from Williamsburg ; and, on the 16th,
head-quarters were established at White House, at the
point where the Richmond Railroad crosses the Pamun-
key, an affluent of the York River — the main body of the
army lying along the south bank of the Chickaliominy, a
swampy stream, behind which the rebel army had in-
trenched itself for the defence of Richmond.
General McOlellan began again to prepare for fighting
♦ See Greneral McClellan's testimony — Report of Committee on Conduct o^ th«
War, vol i., p. 431
278 The Life, Public Services, and
the "decisive battle" wliicli he had been predicting evei
since the rebels withdrew from Manassas, but which they
had so far succeeded in avoiding. A good deal of his at-
tention, however, was devoted to making out a case of
neglect against the Government. On the 10th of May,
when he had advanced but three miles beyond Williams-
burg, he sent a long dispatch to the War Department,
reiterating his conviction that the rebels were about to
dispute his advance with their whole force, and asking
for "every man" the Government could send him. If
not re-enforced, he said he should probably be "obliged
to fight nearly double his numbers strongly intrenched."
Ten days previously the official returns showed that he
had one hundred and sixty thousand men under his com-
mand. On the 14th, he telegraphed the President, reit-
erating his fears that he was to be met by overwhelming
numbers, saying that he could not bring more than eighty
Thousand men into the field, and again asking for "every
Qian" that the War Department could send him. Even
if more troops should not be needed for military pur-
poses, he thouglit a great display of imposing force in
the capital of the rebel government would have the best
Daoral effect. To these repeated demands the President,
through the Secretary of War, on the 18th of May, made
the following reply : —
■Washington, May 18 — 2 p. m
General: — Your dispatch to the President, asking re-enforcements,
bas been received and carefully considered.
The President is not willing to uncover the Capital entirely ; and it L
believed that even if this were prudent, it would require more time to
effect a junction between your array and that of the Rappahannoct by tho
way of the Potomac and York River, than by a land march. In order,
therefore, to increase the strength of the attack upon Richmond at the
earliest moment, General McDowell has been ordered to march upon that
city by the shortest route. He is ordered, keeping himself always in posi-
tion, to save the Capital from all possible attack, so to operate as to put
his left wing in communication with your right wing, and you are in
structcd to co-operate so as to establish this communication as soon as
possible by extending your right wing to the north of Richmond.
It is believed that this communication can be safely established eithei
uorth or south of tho Pamunkey River,
State Papers of Abraham Lincoln. 279
Id any event, you will be able to prevent tlie main body of the enemy's
forces from leaving Richmond, and falling in overwhelming force upon
General McDowell. He will move with between thirty-five and fortj
thousard men.
A coDy of the instructions to General McDowell are with this. The
specific task assigned to his command has been to provide against any
dangrpir to the capital of the nation.
At your earliest call for re- enforcements, he is sent forward to co oper-
ate in the reduction of Richmond, but charged, in attempting this, not to
uncover the City of Washington, and you will give no order, either before
or after your junction, which can put him out of position to cover this
city. You and ho will communicate with each other by telegraph or
otherwise, as frequently as may be necessary for sufficient co-operation.
When General McDowell is in position on your right, his supplies must
be drawn from West Point, and you will instruct your staff officers to be
prepared to supply him by that route.
The President desires that General McDowell retain the command of
the Department of the Rappahannock, and of the forces with which he
moves forward.
By order of the President. Edwin M. Stanton.
In reply to this, on the 21st of May, General McClellan
repeated his declarations of the overwhelming force of
the rebels, and urged that General McDowell shonld join
him by water instead of by land, going down the Kappa-
hannock and the bay to Fortress Monroe, and then ascend-
ing the York and Pamunkey Rivers. He feared there
was "little hope that he could join him overland in time
for the coming battle. Delays," he says, "on my part
will be dangerous : I fear sickness and demoralization.
This region is unhealthy for Northern men, and unless
kept moving, I fear that our soldiers may become dis-
couraged"— a fear that was partially justified by the ex
perience of the whole month succeeding, during which
he kept them idle. He complained also that McDowell
was not put more completely under his command, and
declared that a movement by land would uncover Wash-
ington quite as completely as one by water. He was
busy at that time in bridging the Chickahominy, and
gave no instructions, as required, for supplying McDow-
ell' s forces on their arrival at West Poiat
280 The Life, Puliic Services, and
To tliese representations lie received fiom the Presi-
dent the following reply : —
Washington May % 1862.
I left General McDo well's camp at dark last evening. Shields's com-
mand is there, but it is so worn that he cannot move before Monday
morning, the 26th. We have so thinned our line to get troops for other
places that it was broken yesterday at Front Royal, with a probable loss
to us of one regiment infantry, two companies cavalry, putting Genera-
Banks in some periL
The enemy's forces, under General Anderson, now opposing General
McDowell's advance, have, as their line of supply and retreat, the road to
Richmond.
If, in conjunction with McDowell's movement against Anderson, you
could send a force from your right to cut off the enemy's supplies from
Richmond, preserve the railroad bridge across the two fords of the Pa-
munkey, and intercept the enemy's retreat, you will prevent the army
nov/ opposed to you from receiving an accession of numbers of nearlv
fifteen thousand men ; and if you succeed in saving the bridges, you will
secure a line of railroad for supplies in addition to the one you now have.
Can you not do this almost as well as not, while you are building the
Chickahominy bridges? McDowell and Shields both say they can, and
positively will move Monday morning. I wish you to move cautiously
and safely.
You will have command of McDowell, after he joins you, precisely as
you indicat<*d in your long dispatch to us of the 21st.
A. LmooLN, President.
Major-General G. B. McOlellan.
General Banks, it will be remembered, had been sent by
(general McClellan, on the 1st of April, to guard the ap-
proaches to Washington by the valley of the Shenandoah,
which were even then menaced by Jackson with a con-
siderable rebel force. A conviction of the entire insuffi-
ciency of the forces left for the protection of the Capital
had led to the retention of McDowell, from whose com-
mand, however, upon General McClellan' s urgent and
impatient applications, General Franklin's division had
been detached. On the 23d, as stated in the above letter
^om the President, there were indications of a purpose
on Jackson' s part to move in force against Banks ; and
this purpose was so clearly developed, and his situation
became so critical, that the President was compelled to
State Papers of Abraham Lincoln. 281
re-enforce liim, a movement vrliich he announced in the
following dispatch to General McClellan : —
May 24, 1862.— (From Washington, 4 p. m.)
In consequence of General Banks's critical position, I have been com
polled to suspend General McDowell's movements to join you. Th*
enemy are making a desperate push upon Harper's Ferry, and we are
trying to throw General Fremont's force, and part of General McDowell's,
in their rear. A. Lincoln, President.
Major-General G. B. MoClellan.
Unable, apparently, or unwilling to concede an^ tning
whatever to emergencies existing elsewhere. General
McClellan remonstrated against the diversion of McDow-
ell, in reply to which he received, on the 26th, the
following more full explanation from the President : —
Washington, May 25, 1862.
Your dispatch received. General Banks was at Strasburg with about
six thousand men, Shields having been taken from him to swell a col-
umn for McDowell to aid you at Richmond, and the rest of his force
scattered at various places. On the 23d, a rebel force, of seven thousand
to ten thousand, fell upon one regiment and two companies guarding
the bridge at Port Royal, destroying it entirely ; croLised the Shenandoah,
and on the 24th, yesterday, pushed on to get north of Banks on the road
to Winchester. General Banks ran a r&o« with them, beating them into
Winchester yesterday evening. This morning a battle ensued between
the two forces, in which General Banks was beaten back into full retreat
towards Martinsburg, and probably is broken up into a total rout. Geary,
on the Manassas Gap Railroad, just now reports that Jackson is now
near Front Royal with ten thousand troops, following up and supporting,
as 1 ii.ierstand, the force now pursuing Banks. Also, that another force
of ten thousand is near Orleans, following on in the same direction.
Stripped bare, as we are here, I will do all we can to prevent them cross- 1
ing the Potomac at Harper's Ferry or above. McDowell has about
twenty thousand of his forces moving back to the vicinity of Port Royal,
and Fremont, who was at Franklin, is moving to Harrisonburg — both these
movements intended to get in the enemy's rear.
One more of McDowell's brigades is ordered through here to Harper'a
Ferry ; the rest of his forces remain for the present at Fredericksburg.
We are sending such regiments and dribs from here and Baltimore as wo
can spare to Harper's Ferry, supplying their places in some sort, calling
in militia from the adjacent States. We also have eighteen cannon on
the road to Harper's Ferry, of which arm there is not a single on« at
that point. This is now our situation.
282 The Life, Public Services, and
If McDowell's force was now beyond our reach, we should be ei.6iroiy
helpless. Apprehensions of something like this, and no unwilliufrness to
sustain you, has always been my reason for withholding McDowell's
forces from you.
Please understand this, and do the best you can with the forces yott
buve. A. Lincoln, President.
Major-General McOlellan.
Jackson continued his triumphant march through the
Shenandoah Valley , and for a time it seemed as if noth-
ing could prevent his crossing the Potomac, and making
his appearance in rear of Washington. The President
promptly announced this state of things to General Mc-
Clellan in the following dispatch : —
Washington, May 25, ISG'2— 2 p. m.
The enemy is moving north in sufficient force to drive General Banka
before him; precisely in what force we cannot tell. He is also thieaten-
iLg Leesburg and Geary on the Manassas Gap Kailroad, from both north
and south; in precisely what force we cannot telh I think the move-
ment is a general and concerted one. Such as would not be if he was
icting upon the purpose of a very desperate defence of Richmond. I
tJiink the time is near when you must either attack Richmond or give
up the job, and come to the defence of "Washington. Let me hear from
vou instantly. A. Lincoln.
To this General McClellan replied that, independently
of the President's letter, "the time was very near when
he should attack Richmond." He knew nothing of
Banks' s position and force, but thought Jackson's move
ment was designed to prevent re- enforcements being sent
Lo him.
On the 26th, the President announced to General Mc-
OJellan the safety of Banks at Williamsport, and then
tarned his attention, with renewed anxiety, to the move-
ment against Kichmond, urging General McClellan, if
possible, to cut the railroad between that city and the
Rappahannock, over which the enemy obtained their
supplies. The General, on the evening of the 26th, in-
formed him that he was "quietly closing in upon the
enemy preparatory to the last struggle" — that he felt
forced to take every possible precaution against disasti^r.
State Papers of Abraham Lincoln. 283
ajui iiiat his "arrangements for the morrow were very
important, and if successful would leave him free to
strike on tne return of the force attacked." The move-
ment here referred to was one against a portion of the
rebel forces ut Hanover Court-House, which threatened
McDowell, and was in a position to re-enforce Jackson.
The expedition vvas under command of General Fitz-Jolin
Porter, and jjrc- ved a success. General McClellan on th»^
2Sth announced it to the Government as a "complete
rout" of the rebels, and as entitling Porter to the highest
honors. In the same dispatch he said he would do his
best to cut off Jackson from returning to Richmond, but
doubted if he could. The great battle was about to be
fought before Richmond, and he adds : " It is the policy
and the duty of the Government to send me by water all
the well-drilled troops available. All unavailable troops
should be collected here." Porter, he said, had cut
all the railroads but the one from Richmond to Fred-
ericksburg, which was the one concerning which the
President had evinced the most anxiety. Another
exjDedition was sent to the South Anna River and
Ashland, which destroyed some bridges without op-
position. This was announced to the Government by
General McClellan as another "complete victory " achiev-
ed by the heroism of Porter — accompanied by the state-
ment that the enemy were even in greatei force than
he had supposed. " I will do," said the dispatch, "all
that quick movements can accomplish, and you must
send me all the troops you can, and leave to me full
latitude as to choice of commanders." In reply, the
President sent him the following : —
Washtngtoit, May 28, 1862.
I am very glad of General F. .J. Porter's victory ; still, if it was a total
rout of the enemy, I am puzzled to know why the Richmond and Fred-
ericksburg Railroad was not seized again, as you say you have all the
railroads but the Richmond and Fredericksburg. I am puzzled to see
how, lacking that, yon can have any, except the scrap from Richmond to
West Point. The scrap of the Virginia Central, from Riclimond to Han-
over Junction, without core, is simply nothing. That the whole of the
•nemy is concentrating on Richmond. T think, cannot be cp-^-Ainly knovrs
284 The Life, Public Services, and
ff^ you or me. Saxton, at ITarpei's Ferry, informs us that large forces,
supposed to be Jackson's and Ewell's, forced his advance from Charles-
town to-day. General King telegraphs us from Fredericksburg that con-
trabands give certain information that fifteen thousand left Hanovei
Jt notion Monday morning to re-enforce Jackson. I am painfully im-
pressed with the importance of the struggle before you, and shall aid yo«
all I can consistently with my view of the due regard to all points.
A. Lincoln.
Major-General MoClellan.
To a dispatch reporting tlie destruction of the South
Anna Railroad bridge, the President replied thus : —
Washington, May 29, 1862.
Your dispatch as to the South Anna and Ashland being seized by
our forces this morning is received. Understanding these points to be
on the Richmond and Fredericksburg Railroad, I heartily congratulate
the country, and thank General McClellan and his army for their seizure.
A. Lincoln.
On the 30th, General McClellan telegraphed to the Sec-
retary of War, complaining that the Goyernment did not
seem to appreciate the magnitude of Porter' s victory, and
saying that his army was now well in hand, and that
" another day will make the probable field of battle pass
able for artillery."
On the 25tli of May, General Keyes with the Fourth
Corps had been ordered across the Chickahominy, and was
followed by the Third, under General Heintzelman — cue
division of the Fourth, under General Casey, being pushed
forward within seven miles of Richmond, to Seven Pines,
which he was ordered to hold at all hazards. On the 28th,
General Keyes was ordered to advance Casey's Division
three-quarters of a mile to Fair Oaks. General Keyes
obeyed the order, but made strong representations to head-
quarters of the extreme danger of pushing these troops so
far in advance without adequate support, and requested
that General Heintzelman might be brought witliin sup-
porting distance, and that a strongf^r force might be crossed
over the Chickahominy to be in readiness for the general
engagement which these advances would be very likely
to bring on. These requests were neglected, and General
State Papers of Abraham Lincoln. 285
Ke^'es wsis regarded and treated as an alarmist. On the
afternoon of the 30tli lie made a personal examination of
his front, and reported that he was menaced by an over-
whelming force of the enemy in front and on both flanks,
and he again urged the necessity for support, to which he
received a very abrupt reply that no more troops would
be crossed over, and that the Third Corps would n^t be ad-
vanced unless he was attacked. At about noon the next
day he was attacked on both flanks and in front. General
Casey's Division driven back with heavy loss, and in spite
of a stubborn and gallant resistance on the part of his
corps. General Keyes was compelled to fall back with
severe losses, some two miles, when the enemy was check-
ed, and night put an end to the engagement. On hearing
the flring at head-quarters, some four miles distant. Gen-
eral McClellan ordered General Sumner to hold his com-
mand in readiness to move. General Sumner not only did
so, but moved them at once to the bridge, and on receiv-
ing authority crossed over, and, by the greatest exertions
over muddy roads, reached the field of battle in time to
aid in checking the rebel advance for the night. Early
tlie next morning the enemy renewed the attack with great
vigor, but the arrival of General Sumner, and the advance
of General Heintzelman' s Corps, enabled our forces, though
still greatly inferior, not only to repel the assault, but to
inflict apon the enemy a signal defeat, riiey were di'iveii
back in the utmost confusion and with terrible losses upon
Richmond, where their arrival created the utmost con-
sternation, as it was taken for granted they would be
immediately followed by our whole army.
General McClellan, who had remained with the main
body of the army on the other side of the Chickahominy
during the whole of the engagements of both days, crossed
the river after the battle was over, and visited the field.
*'The state of the roads," he says, "and the impossibil-
ity of manceavring artillery, prevented pursuit." He re-
turned to head-quarters in the afternoon. On the next
day, June 2d, Geneia.! Heintzelman sent forward a strong
reconnoitring party under General Hooker, which went
280 The Life, Public Services, and
witliin four miles of Kichmond without finding any en*
emy. Upon being informed of this fact, General McClel-
Ian ordered the force to fall back to its old position,
assigning the bad state of the roads as the reason for not
attempting either to march upon Richmond, or even to
hold the ground already gained. In a dispatch to Wash [
ington on the 2d, he states that he " only waits for th*j'.
river to fall to cross with the rest of the ai^my and make
a general attack. The morale of my troops," he adds,
' is now such that I can venture much. I do not fear for
odds against me." It seems to have been his intention
then, to concentrate his forces for an immediate advance
upon the rebel capital, though in his report, written more
than a year afterwards, he says the idea of uniting the
two wings of the army at that time for a vigorous mov<i
upon Richmond was " simply absurd, and was probably
never seriously entertained by any one connected with the
Army of the Potomac."*
The Government at once took measures to strengthen
the army by all the means available. An order was issued,
placing at his command all the disposable forces at Fortress
Monroe, and another ordering McDowell to send McCall' s
division to him by Avater from Fredericksburg. McDowell
or Fremont was expected to fight Jackson at Front Royal,
after which, part of their troops would become available
for the Army of the Potomac. On the 4th, General
McClellan telegraphed that it was raining, that the river
was still high, that he had "to be very cautious," that
he expected another severe battle, and hoped, after our
heavy losses, he "should no k)nger be regarded as an
alarmist." On the 6th, the Secretary of War sent hira
word that troops liad been embarked for him at Baltimore,
to which he replied on the 7th, ^^ I shall he in perfect
7 eadiriess to moDeforioard and take Richmond the moment
McCall reaches here^ and the ground will admit the pas-
sage of artillery. ^^ .On the 10th, General McCall' s forces
began to arrive at White House, and on the same day
See General McClellan's Eeport, August 4, 186t
State Papers of Abraham Lincoln. 287
Gejieral McClellan telegraphed to tlie department that a
rumor had reached him that the rebels had been re-enforced
by Beauregard — tliat he thought a portion of Halleck'a
army from Tennessee should be sent to strengthen him
but that he should " attack with what force he had, as
soon as the weather and ground will permit — but there
will be a delay," he added, ''the extent of whioh no one
5an foresee, for the season is altogether abnormal." The
Secretary of War replied that Halleck would be urged
to comply with his request if he could safely do so — that
neither Beauregard nor his army was in Eichmond, that
McDowell's force would join him as soon as possible, that
Fremont had had an engagement, not wholly successful,
w^ith Jackson, and closing wdth this strong and cordia]
assurance of confidence and support : —
Be assured, General, that there never has been a moment when my d#
«ire has teen otherwise than to aid you with my whole heart, mind, ai d
strength, since the hour we first met ; and whatever others may say tor
their own purposes, you have never had, and never can have, any on©
more truly yoar friend, or more anxious to support you, or more joyfal
than I shall be s.t the success which, I have no doubt, will soon be achieved
by your arms.
On the 14th, General McClellan wrote to the War
Department that the weather was favorable, and that
two daps more would make the ground practicable. He
still urges the propriety of sending him more troops, but
finds a new subject of complaint in a telegram he had
received from McDowell. The latter, on the Sth, had
received the following orders : —
The Secretary of AVar directs that, having first provided adequately for
the defence of the City of Washington and for holding the position at
Fredericksburg, you operate with the residue of your force as speediiy a5
possible in the direction of Richmond to co-operate with Mujor-GeneraJ
McClellan, in accordance with the instructions heretofore given you. Mc-
GalVs Division^ which has been by previous order directed towards Rich
mond by waiter, loill Htill form a part of the Army of the ItappahannocJt,
and will come under your orders when you are in a <"o&i.tion to co-operaU
with General Mc GUllan,
i8S TuE Life, Public Services, and
General McDowell had telegraphed McClellan as fc4
lows on the 10th of June : —
For the tliird time I am ordered to join you, and liope this time to get
through. In view of the remarks made ^ ith reference to rav leaving
you, and not joining you before, by your friends, and of something i
ia^e heard as coming from you on that subject, I wish to say, I go with
the greatest satisfaction, and hope to arrive with my main body in tim
to be of service. McCall goes in advance by water. I will be with yo
:!j ten days with the remainder by Fredericksburg.
And again, June 12th: —
Tlie delay of Major-General Banks to relieve the division of my com-
mand in the valley beyond the time I had calculated on, will prevent my
joining you with the remainder of the troops I am to take below at aa
early a day as T named. My Third Division (McOall's) is now on the way.
Please do me the facor to so 2^^<^<^^ i^ t^'^^ ** ^^y ^<? *^ <^ position to join
the others as they come dow^- from Fredericksburg.
These telegrams, it will be seen, are in accordance with
the orders to McDowell of the 8th, which directed that
McCall's Division should continue to form part of the
Army of the Rappahannock, and required that McDoweU
should operate in the direction of Richmond, to co-oper-
ate with McClellan in accordance with instructions here
to/ore given Mm.
Tliese instructions are those of the 17th and 18th of
May, concerning which McClellan sent to the President
his long telegram of the 21st, in which he says : —
This fact (McDowelFs forces coming within his department), my sni)e-
fior rank, and the express language of the sixty-second article of war,
will place liis command under my orders, unless it is otherwise specially
airected by your Excellency, and I consider that he will be under ray
'command, except that I am not to detach any portion of his forces, or
tive any orders which can put him out of position to cover Washington
To this the President answered : —
You will have command of McDowell after he joins yon, precisely m
ou icdicated in your long dispatch to us of the 21 st.
In regard to this, McClellan, in his report (August 4th,
1863), says ;-
State Papers of Abraham Lincoln. 289
This information, that McDowell's Corps would march from Fiodericks-
burg on the following Monday — the 26th — and that he would be under
my command as indicated in my telegram of the 21st, was cheering news,
and I now felt confident that we would, on his arrival, he sufficiently
strong to overpower the large army confronting us.
Yet in the simple request of McDowell, as to the
posting of his Third (McCall's) Division — made to cany
out the plan — the news of which, McClellan says, was so
cheering, and inspired him with such confidence, Mc-
Clellan sees nothing but personal ambition on McDowell's
part, and protests against that "spirit" in the following
terms : —
That request does not breathe the proper spirit. Whatever troopa
come to me must be disposed of so as to do the most good. I do not feel
that, in such circumstances as those in which I am now placed. Genera)
McDowell should wish the general interests, to be sacrificed for the pur-
pose of increasing his command.
If I cannot fully control all his troops^ I want none of them, 7>ut would
prefer to fight the hattle with what I have, and let others he responsible fo-
tJie results.
The department lines should not be allowed to interfere with me ; L a
General McD., and all other troops sent to me, should be placed complete
«y at my disposal, to do with them as I think best. In no other way cai
fchey be of assistance to me. I therefore request that I may have entire
and full control. The stake at issue is too great to allow personal con
siderations to be entertained : you Icnow that I have none.
It had been suggested, in some of the journals of the
day, that General McDowell might possibly advance
upon Richmond from the north, without waiting for
McClellan : it is scarcely possible, however, that any
suspicion of such a purpose could have had any thing tt,
do with General McClellan' s reiterated and emphatic
desire that McDowell should join him by water, so as to
be in his rear, and not by land, which would bring him
on his front — with his peremptory demand that all Mc-
Dowell's ti'oops should be " completely at his disposal,"
with his indignant protest against McDowell's personal
ambition, or with his conviction of the propriety a ad
necessity of disavowing all personal considerations for
himself. But it is certainly a little singular that a com-
19
290 The Life, Public Services, and
mander, intrusted with an enterprise of siicli transcendeiit
importance to his army and country, who had been so
urgently calling for re-enforcements as absolutely indis-
pensable to success, should have preferred not to receive
them, but to tight the battle with what he had, rather
than have the co-operation of McDowell under the two
conditions fixed by the President, (1) that he should not
. deprive him of his troops, or, (2) post them so as to
prevent their being kept interposed between the enemy
and Washington. Even if he could leave " others to be
responsible for the results, ' ' it is not easy to see how he
could reconcile the possibility of adverse results with his
professedly paramount concern for the welfare of his
country.
On the 20th of June, he telegraphed the President that
troops to the number of probably ten thousand had left
Richmond to re-enforce Jackson ; that his defensive
works on the Chickahominy, made necessary by his
'^inferiority of numbers," would be completed the next
day ; and that he would be glad to learn the "disposi-
tion, as to numbers and position, of the troops not under
Ms command, in Virginia and elsewhere," as also to lay
before his Excellency, "by letter or telegraph, his views
as to the present state of military atfairs throughout t7i«
whole country.'''' To this he received the following
reply :—
■Wabhinoton, Jvnt 21, 1862—6 p. m.
Tk.Tir dispatch of yesterday, ♦wo p. m., was received this morning. Il
It woT^d not divert too much of you: time and attention from the arrftj
finder your immediate command, I would be glad to have your views a»
fo the present state of military affairs throughout the whole country, as
ff^ou say you would he glad to give them. I would rather it should be by
setter than by telegraph, because of the better cliance of secrecy. As to the
numbers and positions of the troops not under your command in Virginia
and elsewhere, even if I could do it with accuracy, which I cannot, I
would rather not transmit, either by telegraph or letter, because of the
chances of its reaching the enemy. I would be very glad to talk witA
you, but you cannot leave your camp, and I cannot well leave here.
A. LiNocLN, President.
M^'or-General Geoege B. MoOlejxan.
State Papers of Abraham Lincoln. 291
Tlie President also stated that the news of Jackson's
having been re-enforced from Richmond was confirmed
by General King at Fredericksburg, and added, "If this
is true, it is as good as a re-enforcement to you of an
equal force." In acknowledging the first dispatch, Gen-
eral McClellan said, he "perceived that it would be
better to defer the communication he desired to make"
, on the condition of the country at large ; he soon, indeed,
had occasion to give all his attention to the army rmder
nis command.
General McClellan had been, for nearly a month, de-
claring his intention to advance upon Richmond imme-
diately. At times, as has been seen from his dispatches,
the movement was fixed for specific days, though in
every instance something occurred, when the decisive
moment anived, to cause a further postponement. On
the 18th, again announcing his intention to advance, he
said that a "general engagement might take place at any
hour, as an advance by us involves a battle more or less
decisive." But in the same dispatch he said, *' After to-
morrow we shall fight the rebel army as soon as Provi-
dence will permit." But in this case, as in every other,
in spite of his good intentions, and the apparent permis-
sion of Providence, General McClellan made no move-
ment in advance, but waited until he was attacked. He
had placed his army astride the Chickahominy — the left
wing being much the strongest and most compact, the
right being comparatively weak and very extended. He
had expended, however, a great deal of labor in bridging
the stream, so that either wing could have been thrown
across with great ease and celerity. Up to the 24th of
, J ane, General McClellan believed Jackson to be in strong
'force at Gordonsville, where he was receiving re-enforce-
luents from Richmond with a view to operations in that
quarter. But on that day he was told by a deserter that
J ackson was planning a movement to attack his right and
r«^ar on the 28th. and this information was confirmed by
advices from the War Department on the 25th. On that
day, being convinced thnt he is to be attacked, and wiU
292 The Life, Public Services, A^'D
tlierefore be compelled to figlit, lie writes to the Depai-t-
oient to throw upon others the responsibility of an antici-
pated defeat. He declares the rebel force to be some two
hundred thousand, regrets his " great inferiority of num-
bers," but protests that he is not responsible for it, as he
has repeatedly and constantly called for re enforcements,
. and declares that if the result of the action is a disaster,
the " responsibility canno^ be thrown on his shoulders,
but must rest where it belongs." He closes by announ-
cing that a reconnoissance which he had ordered had
proved successful, that he should probably be attacked
ihe next day, and that he felt "that there was no use in
Again asking for re-enforcements." To this the President
replied as follows : —
"Washington, June 26, 1862.
Your three dispatches of yesterday in relation, ending with the state
oaent that you completely succeeded in making your point, are very grati
•ying. The later one, suggesting the probahility of your being over
whelmed by two hundred thorsand men, and talking of to whom the re
sponsibility will belong, pains me very much. I give you all I can, and
act on the presumption that you will do the best you can with what you
have ; while you continue, ungenerously, I think, to assume that I could
give you more if I would. I have omitted — I shall omit — no opportunity
to send you re-enforcements whenever I can. A. Lincoln.
General McClellan had foreseen the probability of be-
ing attacked, and had made arrangements for a defeat.
"More than a week previous," he says in his report,
"that is, on the 18th," he had prepared for a retreat to
the James River, and had ordered supplies to that point.
His extreme right was attacked at Mechanicsville on the
afternoon of the 26th, but the enemy were repulsed. The
movement, however, disclosed the purpose of the rebel
army to crush his light wing and cut oiT his communica-
tions, if possible Two plans were open to his adoption :
he might have brought over his left wing, and so strength-
ened his right as to give it a victory, or he might have
withdrawn his right across the Chickahominy — in itself a
strong defensive line — and have pushed his whole for©e into
Richmond, and upon the rear of the attacking force. Con-
State Papers of Abraham Lincoln. 293
ci^iitiation seemed to be absolutely essential to success in
any event. But he did not attempt it. He left the right
^ving to contend next day with thirty thousand men,
without support, against the main body of the rebel
army, and only withdrew it acioss the Chickahominy
after it had been beaten with terrific slaughter on the
27tli, in the battle of Gaines's Mill. On the evening
of tliat day he informed his corps commanders of his
j)urpose to fall back to the James River, and withdrew
the remainder of his right wing across the Chicka-
hominy. On the next day the whole array was put in
motion on the retreat, and General McClellan found time
again to reproach the Government with neglect of his
army. If he had ten thousand fresh men to use at once,
he said, he could take Richmond ; but, as it was, all he
could do would be to cover his retreat. He repeated that
he '^ was not responsible " for the result, and that he must
have instantly very large re-enforcements ; and closed by
saying to the Secretary of War — what we do not believe
any subordinate was ever before permitted to say to his
superior officer without instant dismissal — ■ ' If I save this
army now, I tell you plainly that I oioe no thanks to you
or to any persons in Wasliington : you liaxe done your
best to sacrifice tliis army,''''
To this dispatch the President replied as follows :—
Washingtok, Junt 9t, 1862.
Save your army at all events. Will send re-enforcements as fast as we
can. Of course they cannot reach you to-day, to-morrow, or next day.
I have not said you were ungenerous for saying you needed re-enforce-
merts; I thought you were ungenerous in assuming that I did not send
them as fast as I could. I feel any misfortune to you and your army quite
as keenly as you feel it yourself. If you have had a drawn hattle or a
repulse, it is the price ^e pay for the enemy not being in Washington.
We protected Washinapton, and the enemy concentrated on you. Had we
stripped Waehingtoc^ As would have been upon us before the troops seni
could have got to yo«. Less than a week ago you notified us that re-
enforcements were leaving Richmond to come in front of us. It is the
nature of the case, ard neither you nor the Government is to blame.
A. Lincoln.
Under general orders from General McClellan, he and
294 liiE Life, ruuLic JSekvices, and
his staff proceeding in advance, and leaving word wliere
the corps commanders were to make successive stands to
resist pursuit, but taking no part personally in any one
of the succeeding engagements, the army continued its
inarch towards James River. They first resisted and re-
pulsed the pursuing rebels on the 29th at Savage Station^
in a bloody battle, fought under General Sumner, and OB
the 30th had another severe engagement at Glendale
On the 1st of July, our troo]3s, strongly posted at Mai
vein Hill, were again attacked by the rebels, whom they
repulsed and routed with terrible slaugliter ; and orders
were at once issued for the further retreat of the army to
Harrison's Landing, which General McClellan had per-
sonally examined and selected on the day before. Even
before the battle of Malvern Hill, he had telegraphed to
Washington for ''fresh troops," saying he should fall
back to the river if possible; to which dispatch he
received the following reply : —
Washington, July 1, 19C2— 3.30 p. m.
It is impossible to re-enforce you for your present emerge: '^". If we
bad a million of men we could not get them to you in time. We liave
not the men to send. If you are not strong enough to face the enemy,
you must find a place of security, and wait, rest, and repair. Maintain
your ground if you can, but save the army at all events, even if you fall
back to Fort Monroe. We still have strength enough in the country, and
will bring it out.
A. Lincoln.
Major-General G. B. MoClellan.
On the next day, in reply to a request from General
McClellan for fifty thousand more troops, the President
thus addressed him : —
■Washington, July 2, 1862.
Your dispatch of yesterday induces me to hope that your army is hav-
ing some rest. In this hope, allow me to reason with you for a moment.
When you ask for fifty thousand men to be promptly sent you, you surely
labor under some gross mistake of fact. Recently you sent papers show-
ing your disposal of forces made last spring for the defence of Washington^
and advising a return to that plan. I find it included in and about Wash-
ington seventy -five thousand men. Now, please be assured that I have
not men enough to fiU that very plan by fifteen thousand. All of General
Fremont's in theValley, all of General Banks's, all of General McDowell's
State Papers of Abraham Llncoln. 295
flot with yon, and all in TVasliington t;iken togetlier, do not exceed, if they
reach, sixtj thousand, ^ith General Wool and General Dix added to
those mentioned, I have not, ontside of your army, seventy -five thousand
men east of the mountains. Thus, the idea of sending you fifty thousand,
or any other considerahle force promptly, is simply absurd. If, in your
frequent mention of responsiLIlity, you have the impression that 1 blame
you for not doing more than you can, please be relieved of such impres-
sion. I only beg that, in like manner, you will not ask impossibilitiea
of me. If you think you are not strong enough to take Richmond just
now, I do not ask you to try just now. Save the army, material, and
personnel, and I will strengthen it for the offensive again as fast as I can.
The Governors of eighteen States offer me a new levy of three hundred
thousand, which 'i accept. A. Lincoln.
On tlie next day, the 3d, Gfeneral McClellan again wrote
for one hundred thousand men — "more rather than less,"
in order to enable him to " accomplish the great task of
capturing Richmond, and putting an end to the rebellion ;"
and at the same time he sent his cliief of staff, General
Marcy, to Washington, in order to secure a perfect under-
standing of the state of the army. The General said he
hoped the enemy was as completely worn out as his own
army, though he apprehended a new attack, from which,
however, he trusted the bad condition of the roads might
protect him. On the 4th, he repeated his call for "heavy
re-enforcements," but said he held a very strong position,
from which, with the aid of the gunboats, he could only
be driven by overwhelming numbers. On the same day
he received the following from the President : —
War Depaetment, Washington City, D. C, July 4, 1862
I understand your position as stated in your letter, and by Gener&i
filarcy. To re-enforce you so as to enable you to resume the offensive
within a month, or even six weeks, is impossible. In addition to that
arrived and now arriving from the Potomac (about ten thousand men, I
suppose), and about ten thousand, I hope, you will have from Burnside
very soon, and about five thousand from Hunter a little later, I do not see
how I can send you another man within a month. Under these circum-
stances, the defensive, for the present, must be your only care. Save the
army, first, where you are, if you can; and secondly, by removal, if you must.
You, on the ground, must be the judge as to which you will attempt,
and of the means for effecting it. I but give it as my opinion, that with
the aid of the gunboats and the re-enforcements mentioned above, you
296 The Liii:, Vi:l^LlC 61:11 vici^fi, and
can hold your present position , provided, and so long as you can keep
the James Rivor open below you. If you are not tolerably confident you
can keep the James Paver open, you had better remove as soon as pos-
sible. I do not remember that you have expressed any apprehension as
to the danger of having your comnmnication cut on the '"ver below you,
ye* I do not suppose it can have escaped your attention.
A. Lincoln.
P. S. — If at any time you feel able to take the offensive, you are not
rentrained from doing so. A. L.
At this point, on the 7th of July, General McClellaia
sent the President a letter of advice on the general con-
duct of his Administration. He thought the time had come
*'when the Government should determine upon a civil
and military policy covering the whole ground of our
national trouble," and he proceeded to lay down the basis
of such a policy as ought to be adopted. The war against
the rebellion, he said, ''should not be a war looking to
the subjugation of the people of any State in any event.
I^either confiscation of property, political execution of
persons, territorial organization of States, nor forcible
abolition of slavery, should be contemplated for a mo
ment." He added : —
Military power should not be allowed t(5 interfere with the relations ol
servitude, either by supporting or impairing the authority of the master,
except for repressing disorder, as in other cases. Slaves, contraband, under
the act of Congress, seeking military protection, should receive it. The
rigli^; of the Government to appropriate permanently to its own service
claims to slave labor, should be asserted, and the right of the owner to
conppensatirn therefor should be recognized. This principle might be
extended, upon grounds of military necessity and security, to all the slaves
of a particular State, thus working manumission in such State ; and in
Missouri, perhaps in Western Virginia also, and possibly even in Maryland,
the expediency of such a measure is only a question of time. * * *
Unless the principles governing the future conduct of our struggle shall
be made known and approved, the effort to obtain requisite forces will be
almost hopeless, A declaration of radical views, especially upon slavery,
will rapidly disintegrate our present armies.
He closed this letter by saying that to carry out these
views the President would require a Commander-in-Chief
who possessed his confidence and could execute his orders ;
State Papers of Abraham Lincoln. 297
he did not ask tliat place for liiinself, but would serve ir.
any position that might be assigned him. "I may be,'
he adds, ' on the brink of eternity ; and as I hope foi
forgiveness from my Maker, I have written this letter with
sincerity towards you, and from love for my country."
The President, instead of entering upon a discussion 3t3
to the general policy of his Administration, continued to
urge the General's attention to the state of his own army ;
and in order to inform himself more accurately as to its
actual condition and prospects, visited the camp on the
8th of July, at Harrison' s Landing. The actual strength
of the army seems to have been at that time a matter of
considerable difference of opinion ; and in regard to it, on
returning to Washington, the President tlius addressed
the General : —
EzEP'.iTTE Mansion, Washington, July 13, 1869.
My Deae Sir : — I am told that over one hundred and sixty thousand
men have gone with your army on the Peninsula. When I was with you
the other day, we made out eighty-six thousand remaining, leaving seventy-
three thousand five hnnarod to be accornted for. I believe three thousand
five hundred will cover a)l the killed, v/ounded, and missing, in all your
battles and skirmiphep., leaving fifty thousand who have left otherwise.
Not more than five thousand of these have die<'. leaving forty-five thou-
sand 01 jour army still alive, and not with it. I believe half or two-
thirds of th^m are fit for duty to-day. Have you any more perfect
knowledg'i of this than I have ? If I am right, and you had these men
with you, you could go into Rich^iond in the next three days. How can
they be got to you, and how can they be prevented from getting away in
ftuch numbers for tbe future ? A, Lincoln.
In reply to this letter, the General disclosed the fact that
thirty-eight thousand two hundred and fifty men of his
arm}^ were absent by authority — i. e., on furloughs granted
by permission of the Commanding Genea:'al. The actual
number of troops composing his army on the 20th of July,
according to official returns, was one hundred and fifty
eight thousand three hundred and fourteen, and the aggre-
gate losses in the retreat to the James Kiver was fifteen
thousand two hundred and forty-nine.
During the President's visit to the camp, the future
movements of the army were a subject of anxious delib-
298 The Life, Public Services, and
eration. It was understood that the rebels were gather-
ing large forces for another advance upon Washington,
which was comparatiyely unprotected — and as General
McClellan did not consider himself strong enough to take
the offensive, it was felt to be absolutely necessary to con-
centrate the army, either on the Peninsula or in front of
Washington, for the protection of the Capital. The former
course, after the experience of the past season, was felt
to be exceedingly hazardous, and the corps commanders
of the Army of the Potomac were decidedly in favor of
the latter. General McOellan at once addressed himself
to the task of defeating the project. On the 11th, he tele
graphed to the President that "the army was in fine
spirits, and that he hoped he would soon make him strong
enough to try again." On the 12th, he said he was ''more
and more convinced that the army ought not to be with-
drawn, but promptly re-enforced and thrown again upon
Richmond." He " dreaded the effects of any retreat on
the morale of his men" — though his previous experience
should have obviated any such apprehension in his mind.
**If we have a little more than half a chance," he said,
"we can take Richmond." On the 17th, he urged that
General Burnside's whole command in North Carolina
should be ordered to join him, to enable him to "assume
the offensive as soon as possible." On the 18th, he re-
peated this request ; and on the 2Sth, again urged that he
should be "at once re- enforced by all available troops."
On the 25th, General Halleck had visited the camp, and,
after a careful inspection of the condition of the army,
called an informal council of the officers, a majority of
whom, upon learning the state of affairs, recommended its
withdrawal from the Peninsula. On the 30th, he issued
an order to General McClellan to make arrangements at
once for a prompt removal of all the sick in his army, in
order to enable him to move "in any direction." On the
2d of August, not having received any reply, Genera]
Halleck renewed his order to " remove them as rapidly
as possible ;' ' to which, on the 3d, General McClellan
replied that it was "impossible to decide what cases to
State Papers of Abraham Lincoln. 299
eena off unless he knew what was to be done with the
army ■ ' — and that if he was to be " kept longer in igno-
rance of what was to be effected, he could not be expected
to accomplish the object in view." In reply, General
Halleck informed him that his army was to be " "svith-
drawn from the Peninsula to Aquia Creofe:," but that the
withdrawal should be concealed even from his own offi«
cers. General McClellan, on the 4th, wrote a long protest
against this m^ovement — saying it mattered not what par^
tial reverses might be sustained elsewhere — there was the
"true defence of Washington," and he asked that the
order might be rescinded. To this letter, after again
urging General McClellan on the 4th to hasten the removal
of the sick, which he was "expected to have done Avith-
out waiting to know what were or would be the intentions
of the Government respecting future movements," Gen-
eral Halleck f-a the 6th addressed him as follows : —
Hkad-Qitaetfes oe the Armt, i
Washington, August 6, 1862. )
General : — Your telegram of yesterday was received this morning, and
I imnaediately telegraphed a brief reply, promising to write you more
fully by mail.
You, General, certainly could not have been more pained at receiving
my order than I was at the necessity of issuing it. I was advised by
high officers, in whose judgment I had great confidence, to make the
order immediately on my arrival here, but I determined not to do so
until I could learn your wishes from a personal interview. And even
after that interview I tried every means in my power to avoid withdraw-
ing your army, and delayed my decision as long as I dared to delay it.
I assure you, General, it was not a hasty and inconsiderate act, but
one that caused me more anxious thoughts than any other of my life.
But after full and mature consideration of all the 'pros and cons^ I wa§
reluctantly forced to the conclusion that the order must be issued — there
was to my mind no alternative.
Allow me to allude to a few of the facts in the case.
You and your officers at our interview estimated the enemy's forces in
and around Richmond at two hundred thousand men. Since then, you
and others report that they have received and are receiving large
re-enforcements from the South. General Pope's army, covering Wash-
ington, is only about forty thousand. Your effective force is onlj about
ninety thousand. You are thirty miles from Richmond, and General
Pope eighty or ninety, with the enemy directly 'between you^ ready tofaU
300 The Life, Public Services, and
teith hU 8U]?€rior numbers upon one or the other as he may elect ; neither
can re-enforce the other in case of such an attack.
If General Pope's array be diminished to re-enforce you, Washington,
Maryland, and Pennsylvania would be left uncovered and exposed. If
your force be reduced to strengthen Pope, you would be too weak to
even hold the position you now occupy, should the enemy turn round
and attack you in full force. In other words, the old Army of the/
Potomac is split into two parts, with the entire force of the enemj
directly between them. They cannot be united by land without expo
sing both to destruction, and yet they must be united. To send Pope's
forces by water to the Peninsula is, under present circumstances, a
military impossibility. The only alternative is to send the forces on the
Peninsula to some point by water, say Fredericksburg, where the two
armies can be united.
Let me now allude to some of the objections which you have urged :
you say that the withdrawal from the present position will cause the
certain demoralization of the army, " which is now in excellent discipline
and condition."
I cannot understand why a simple change of position to a new and
by no meai-s distant base will demoralize an army in excellent discipline,
unless the officers themselves assist in that demoralization, which I am
satisfied they wiU not.
Your change of front from your extreme right at Hanover Court-Hoas«
to your present condition was over thirty miles, but I have not heard
that it demoralized your troops, notwithstanding the severe losses they
sustained in effecting it.
A new base on the Rappahannock at Fredericksburg brings yon within
about sixty miles of Richmond, and secures a re-enforcement of forty or
fifty thousand fresh and disciplined troops.
The change with such advantages will, I think, if properly represented
to your army, encourage rather than demoralize your troops. Moreover
you yourself suggested that a junction might be effected at YorktcwB
but that a flank march across the isthmus would be more hazardous thaL
to retire to Fort Monroe. '
You will remember that Yorktown is two or three miles further than
Fredericksburg is. Besides, the latter is between Richmond and Wash-
ington, and covers Washington frr>m any attack of the enemy.
The political effect of the withdrawal may at first be unfavorable ; but
I think t?ie public are beginning to understand its necessity, and that they
will have much more confidence in a united army than in its separated
fragments.
But you will reply, why not re-enforce me here, so that I can strike
Richmond from my present position ? To do this, you said, at our inter-
view, that you required thirty thousand additional troops. I told yon
that it was impossible to give yon so many. You finally thought you
State Papers of Abraham Lincoln. 30]
would have " some chance " of success with twenty thousand. But you
afterwards telegraphed nie that you would require thirty-five thousand,
as the enemy was being largely re-enforced.
If your estimate of the enemy's strength was correct, your requisition
was perfectly reasonable; but it was utterly impossible to fill it until
new troops could be enlisted and organized, which would require several
weeks.
To keep your army in its present position until it could be so re- en
fcrced would almost destroy it in that climate.
The months of August and September are almost fatal to whites who
live on that part of James River; and even after you received the re-en-
forcements asked for, you admitted that you must reduce Fort Darling
m.d the river batteries before you could advance on Richmond.
It is by no means certain that the reduction of these fortifications
would not require considerable time — perhaps as much as those at York
town.
This delay might not only be fatal to the health of your army, but in
the mean time General Pope's forces would be exposed to the heavy
blows of the enemy without the slightest hope of assistance from you.
In regard to the demoralizing effect of a withdrawal from the Penin-
sula to the Rappahannock, I must remark that a Li'-.-^e number of your
highest ofiicers, indeed a majoiity of those whose O'/ 'ons have been re-
ported to me, are decidedly in favor of the movement. Even several of
those who originally advocated the line of the Peninsula now advise its
abandonment.
I have not inquired, and do not wish to know, by whose advice or for
what reasons the Army of the Potomac was separated into two parts,
with the enemy between them. I must take things as I find them.
I find the forces divided, and I wish to unite them. Only one feasible
plan has been presented for doing this. If you, or any one else, had
presented a better plan, I certainly should have adopted it. But all of
your plans require re-enforcements which it is impossible to give you.
It is very easy to asJc for re-enforcements, but it is not so easy to give
<>hem when you have no disposable troops at your command.
I have written very plainly as I understand the case, and I hope yon
will give me credit for having fully considered the matter, although I may
iiave arrived at very different conclusions from your own.
Very respectfully, your obedient servant,
"W. H. Halleok, General-in-Chief.
Major-General G. B. MoClellan, Oommanding, etc.^ Berkeley , Virginia.
The order for tlie removal of the sick was given to
General McClellan on the 2d of August. On the 7th, he
reDorti^d that three thousand seven hundred and fortv
302 The Life, Public Seevices, and
had been sent, and five thousand seven hundred still
remained. On the 9th, General Halleck telegraphed
McClellan that the enemy was massing his forces in front
of General Pope and Burnside to crush them and move
upon Washington, and that re-enforcements must at once
be sent to Aquia Creek ; to which he replied that he
would "move the whole army as soon as the sick were
disposed of." On the 12th, in reply to the most pressmg
orders for immediate dispatch from General Halleck, who
urged that Burnside had moved thirteen thousand troops
in two days to Aquia Creek, General McClellan said if
Washington was in danger, that army could scarcely
arrive in time to save it. On the 14th, he announced
that the movement had commenced ; on the 17th, he said
he "should not feel entirely secure until he had thb
whole army beyond the Chickahominy, but that he
w^ould tlien begin to forward troops by water as fast as
transportation would permit." On the 23d, General
Franklin' s Corps started from Fortress Moni'oe ; General
McClellan followed the next day, and reached Aquia
Creek on the 24th, and Alexandria on the evening of the
26th of August.
On the 27th of June the President had issued an order
consolidating into one army, to be called the Army of
Virginia, the forces under Major- Generals Fremont,
Banks, and McDowelL The command of this ai-my was
assigned to Major- General John Pope ; and the army was
divided into three corps, of which the first was assigned
to Fremont, the second to Banks, and the third to Mc-
Dowell. Upon receiving this order, Major-General Fre-
mont applied to be relieved from the command which it
assigned him, on the ground that by the appointment of
General Pope to the chief command, his (Fremont's)
position was " subordinate and inferior to that heretofore
held by him, and to remain in the subordinate rank now
assigned him would largely reduce his rank and consid-
eration in the service." In compliance with his request,
General Fremont was at once relieved.
On the 27th of August, General McClellan was ordered
State Papers of Abraham Lincoln. 303
by General Halleck to ^Hake entire direction of tlie send-
ing out of the troops froin Alexandria ' ' to re-enforce
Pope, whom the enemy were pressing with a powerful
array, and whose head-quarters were then at Warrenton
Junction, A portion of the Arm}^ of the Potomac which
arrived before General McClellan, had at once gone for-
Tv^ard to the aid of Pope ; of those which arrived after
him, or which were at Alexandria when he arrived, not
one reached the field, or took any part in the battles by
which the army was saved from destruction and the Capi-
tal from capture.
The extent to which General McClellan, who had the
^'entire direction of the sending of these re-enforcements,"
was responsible for this result, is a matter of so much
importance, not only to himself and the Government,
but to the whole country, as to demand a somewhat
detailed examination.
In his report of August 4th, 1863, after giving a
portion only of the correspondence between himself
and the Government on this subject, General McClellan
says : —
It will be seen from what has preceded that I lost no time that could
be avoided in moving the Army of the Potomac from the Peninsula to
the support of the Army of Virginia ; that I spared no effort to hasten
the embarkation of the troops at Fort Monroe, Newport I^ews, and
Yorktown, remaining at Fort Monroe myself until the mass of the army
had sailed; and that after my arrival at Alexandria^ Ileft nothing in my
power undone to forward sup2:)lies and re-enforcements to General Pope.
I sent, with troops that moved, all the cavalry I could get hold of. Even
my personal escort was sent out upon the line of the railway as a g'".ard,
with the provost and camp guards at head-quarters, retaining less than
^ne hundred men, many of whom were orderlies, invalids, members oi
bands, &c. All the head-quarters teams that arrived were sent out with
supplies and ammunition, none being retained even to move the head-
quarters camp. The squadron that habitually served as my personaJ
escort was left at Falmouth with General Burnside, as he was deficient in
cavalry.
Before taking up more important matters, it may be
well to remark, that as General McClellan was in
the City of Alexandiia, and not in any way ex-
304 The Life, Public Services, and
posed to personal danger, it is difficult to appreciate
the merit he seems to make of yielding up his per-
sonal escort, provost and camp guards, and head-quar-
ter baggage -teams, when he had no use for them himself,
and when they were needed for the purpose for which
they are maintained — operating against the enemy, and
that too in a pressing emergency. Eycn as it was, he
seems to have retained nearly a hundred, many of whom
he says were orderlies, &c., &c., around his person. j
Leaving this personal matter, we come to the important
question — Is it true that General McClellan left, as he
avers, nothing undone in his power to forward supplies and
re-enforcements to General Pope' s army ? Did he, on this
momentous occasion, honestly and faithfully do his whole
duty in this respect, without any personal aims, or any
jealousy, and with the single eye to the success of our
arms, and the honor, welfare, and glory of the nation ?
He had been repeatedly urged to hurry forward the
troops from the Peninsula. On the 9 th of August, he was
informed by General Halleck that ' ' the enemy is massing
his forces in front of Generals Pope and Burnside to try
and crush them, and move forward to the Potomac ;" and
was further told, ''Considering the amount of transporta-
tion at your disposal, your del ay is not satisfactory. Ton
must mone with all celerity.''^
Again, on the 10th, General Halleck informed him that
" the enemy is crossing the Rapidan in large force. They
are fighting General Pope to-day. There must he no fui-
(her delay in your movements : that which has already
occurred was entirely unexpected, and must be satisfac-
torily explained. Let not a moment's time be lost, and
telegraph me daily what progress you have made in exe-
cuting the order to transfer your troops." Again, on the
^Ist, he was told, "the forces of Burnside and Pope are
hard pushed, and require aid as rapidly as you can. By
all means see that the troops sent have plenty of ammuni-
tion. We have no time to supply them ; moreover, they
may have to fight as soon as they land."
Whether or not the delays of General McClellan were
i State PArERs of Abraham Lincoln. 305
excusable, those telegrains must have shown Mm, if proof
>v^ere necessary, the emergency in which Pope was placed,
and that the concentration of the two armies was not be-
ing effected in the time expected, and, as a consequence,
that Pope was in a critical position, needing immediate
help to save his army from defeat. It was under these
circumstances that General McClellan left the Peninsula.
When he reached Aquia on the 24th, under most posi
tive and pressing orders from Washington, General Pope,
who had been holding the line of the Rappahannock for
nearly a week against the assaults of Lee' s whole army,
a7id keeping up communication with Fredericksburg, so
as to receive the re-enforcements McClellan had been
ordered to send up from the Peninsula — finding these
re-enforcements not coming by water to join his left as
fast as Lee marched by land around his right, and that
his right, though stretched to Waterloo Bridge, had been
turned and his rear threatened, had been v^ • >liged to throw
back his right, first to Warrenton, and tlien to Gaines-
ville, and his left and centre from Rappahannock and
Sulphur Springs to W^arrenton Junction, Bristol, and
Manassas. General McClellan knew on the 24th, when
at Aquia, of the abandoning of Rappahannock Station,
and of Pope's having broken his communication with
Fredericksburg, and himself reported the facts to General
Halleck.
August 26th, General "Halleck ordered General Mc-
Clellan from Aquia to Alexandria, and told him ''Gen-
eral Franklin's Corps," which had arrived at Alexan-
dria, "will march as soon as it receives transportation."
General Pope had, when his line was stretched from
below Rappahannock Station to beyond Warrenton,
asked that Franklin's Corps might be sent out to take
post on his right at Gainesville, to which there was
transportation by turnpike and railroad, to guard against
what afterwards happened — the movement of the enemy
through that place on his rear. The failure to have that
corps at that place, or in the action at all, was one of the
chief causes of Pope's failure. Why was this 1
20
306 The Life, Public Services, and
Angust 27tli, as already stated, General McClellan waa
directed "to take entire direction of tlie sending out of
the troops from Alexandria." On the same day he was
informed of the position of Pope's head-quarters ; of that
of most of Pope' s forces ; of where Pope wished te
enforcements sent him — Gainesville ; and that Fitz-Jj)hn
Porter, then under Pope, reported a battle imminent. At
10 A.M. on that day, he was told by Halleck, "that
Franklin' s Corps should march in that direction (Manas-
sas) as soon as possible ;" and again at 12 p. m., he was
further told by Halleck that ^^ FranMiiiJ s Corps should
move out hy forced marclies^ carrying three or four days'
provisions^ and to te st^:pplied as far as possible hy
railroad.^ ^
It is well to bear in mind these explicit orders, and the
circumstances under which^ and the object for which
they were given, for General McClellan either seems to
have forgotten them, or to have utterly failed to appre-
ciate their importance. A battle reported by his favorite
general, Fitz-John Porter, as imminent, within cannon
sound of where he was, — the road to the battle-field, a
wide, straight. Macadam turnpike, well-known to both
General McClellan and General Franklin, as each had
been over it more than once, — the whole of the enemy
and army which had been pressing Pope since the 9th,
now concentrating to overwhelm him, — here, one would
think, was every motive for him to do, as he claims to
have done, every thing in his power to send re-enforce-
ments forward, and to send them instantly.
Why was it, then, that, at 7.15 P. M. on the 29th, more
than two days after the order for it to go hj forced
marches to re-enforce an army engaged in battle, Frank-
lin' s Corps, was still at Anandale, about seven miles from
Ah xandria, and Franklin himself in Alexandria? Gen
eral Halleck says it was all contrary to his orders, and
McClellan acknowledges himself "responsible for both
these circumstances."
In the mean time, Pope's forces fought the battles of the
87th, 28th, and 29th, and were now to fio-M that of the
State Papers of Abuaiiam Llncoln. 307
30tli with oat Franklin's help. Why was this? Were
the orders to send Franklin out countermanded ? General
Halleck says they were not. As it is ueyer just to judge
a person by the light obtained after the fact, let us see, so
far as the correspondence enables us, what were the dif-
ferent phases of the case as they presented themselves at
the time. ]
The intimation to McClellan on the 26th, that Franklin
was to go to the front, was followed by the positive or-
ders of the 27th, given at 10 a. m. and 12 m. On that day
General McClellan reports that Generals Franklin, Smith,
and Slocum are all in Washington ; and that he had given
orders to place the corps in readiness to march to the
next in rank. At the same time, he reports heavy firing
at Centreville.
On the 28th, Halleck, learning that McClellan, who it
seems had also gone to Wasliington, had not returned to
Alexandria, sent orders to Franklin direct, to move with
his corps that day (the 28th) towards Manassas Junction.
On the 28th, at 3.30 p. m., Halleck informs McClellan that
" not a moment must be lost in pushing as large a force
as possible towards Manassas, so as to communicate with
Pope before the enemy is re-enforced.' t\Q same
day, at 7.40 p. m., he again tells him : —
There must be do further delay in moving Franklin's Corps towards
Manassas. They must go to-morrow morning, ready or not ready. If we
delay too long to get ready, there will be no necessity to go at all, for
Pojje will either be defeated or victorious without our aid. If there is a
want of wagons, the men must carry provisions with them tUl the wagona j
come to their relief. I
There is no possible room for misunderstanding the in
tention of the General-in-Chief fi'om these orders. He
wished, and ordered, that communication should be at
once re-established with Pope, and Pope re-enforced in
time to be of service.
Why did not McClellan re-establish the communication,
and re-enforce Pope in time to be of service ? Why did
fle halt Franklin' s Corps at Anandale ?
He gives reasons for this ii> his telegram to Halleck of
SOS The Life, Public Services, anp
August 29tb. "By referring to my telegrams," he says,
'' of 10.30 A. M., 12 M., and 1 p. M., together with yoni
leply of 2.48 p. m., you will see why Franklin' s Corps halt-
ed at Anandale." Let us examine these telegrams in
i'onnection with the circumstances then existing. The
tirst is as follows : —
Camp neab Ai.kxandeia, Avgvst 29, 10.30 a. m.
Franklin's Corps are in motion ; started about six a. m. I can give hiia
bnt two squadrons of cavalry. I propose moving General Cox to Upton's
Hill to hold that important point with its works, and to push cavalry
scouts to Vienna via Freeman's Hill and Hunter's Lane. Cox has two
squadrons of cavalry. Please answer at once whether this meets your
approval. I have directed Woodbury, with the Engineer Brigade, to
hold Fort Lyon. Sumner detached last night two regiments to the vicinity
of Forts Ethan Allen and Marcy. Meagher's Brigade is still at Aqnia.
If Sumner moves in support of Franhlin^ it leaves us without any reliable
troops in and near Washington ; yet Franklin is too wealc alone. What
shall be done ? No more cavalry arrived. Have but three squadrons be-
longing to the Army of the Potomac. Franklin has but forty rounds of
ammunition, and no wagons to move more. I do noi think Franklin is
m a condition to accomplish much if he meets strong resistance. I should
not have moved him hut for your j)ressing orders of last night. "What iiave
you from Vienna and Drainsville ?
Geo. B. MoOlellan, Major- General.
Major-General H. W. Halleok, General-in-Chief.
To this HaUeck replies : —
War Dkpartment, Washington, D. C, August 29 1S62.
Upton's Hill arrangement all right. We must send wagons a-nd am-
munition to Franklin as fast as they arrive. Meagher's Brigade ordered
ap yesterday. Fitzhugh Lee was, it is said on good authority, in Alex-
andria on Sunday last for three hours. I hear nothing from Drainsville.
H. W. Halleok, General-in-Chief.
Major-General MoClellan, Alexandria.
To this McClellan sends the second of the dispatches he
refers to, as follows. There are two telegrams of the same
date : —
Head-Qdaktkrs Abmt Potomac, AugvM 29, 18G2, 12 m.
Your telegram received. Do you wish the movement of Franklin a
Corps to continue? He is without reserve ammunition, and without
'transportation. (Jeo. B. MoClej-lan, Major-General.
M^;yur-Ge?.eral H. W. Halleok, Genend-in- Chiqf.
State Papers of Abraham Lincoln. 309
Hbad-Qttabters Akmt Potomac, >
Alexandeia, Virginia, August 29, 1862, 12 m, f
Have ordered most of the 12th Pennsylvania Cavalry to report to Gen^
eral Bernard for scouting duty towards Rockville, Poolesville, &c. If
yon apprehend a raid of cavalry on your side of river, I had better send
a brigade or two of Sumner's to near Tennallytown. Would it meet
your views to post rest of Sumner's Corps between Arlington and Fort
Corcoran, where they can either support Cox, Franklin, Chain Bridge,
and even Tennallytown ?
Franklin has only ten thousand to eleven thousand ready for duty.
How far do you wish the force to advance?
Geo. B. MoClellan, Major- General U. S. Army.
Major-General Halleok, General-in-Chief.
Then follows the telegram of 1 p. m. : —
Head-Qttaetees keae Alexandbia, )
August 29, 1862, 1 p. m. f
I anxiously await reply to my last dispatch in regard to Sumner. "Wis! .
to give order at once. Please authorize me to attach new regiments per-
manently to my old brigades. I can do much good to old and new troops
in that way. I shall endeavor to hold a line in advance of Forts Allen
and Marsh, at least with stroiig advanced guards. I wish to hold the
line through Prospect Hill, Marshall's, Miner's, and Hall's Hills. This
will give us timely warning. Shall I do as seems test to me with all the
troops in this vicinity, including FranJclin, who I really think ought not^
under the present circumstances, to proceed leyond Anandalef
Geo. B. McClella^, Major-General.
General Halleok, General-in-Chief.
It certainly is not easy to discover in these dispatches
any indications of a strong desire to re-enforce the Army
of the Potomac, then fighting a battle in his front and
within his hearing, but under another commander. They
evince no special interest in the result of that battle, or
the fate of that army — the army for which, while under
his command, he had expressed so much affection, and
whose defeat he afterwards declared, when he was again
at its head, would be incomparably more disastrous to the
nation than the capture of Washington itself. We find
in these dispatches, which he cites in his own vindica-
tion, no evidence to sustain the declaration of his report,
3] 0 The Life, Public Services, and
that from the moment of his arrival at Alexandria he
"left nothing in his power undone to forward supplies
and re-enforcements to General Pope." On the contrary,
they seem to show that he had decided to do, what in a
telegram of the same date he had suggested to the Presi-
dent, "leave Pope to get out of his scrape," and devote
himself exclusively to the safety of Washington.'^ He
thinks any disposition of Franklin' s and Sumner' s troops
wise, except sending them forward to re-enforce Pope.
He is anxious to send them to Upton's Hill, to Chain
Bridge, to Tennallytown, to Arlington, and Fort Corco-
ran— anywhere and everywhere except where they were
wanted most, and where alone they could assist in get-
ting Pope "out of his scrape," and in saving the Army
of the Potomac. It was natural and proper that he
should give attention to the defence of Washington, for
he had, as General Helleck says, ''general authority over
all the troops" that were defending it. But his special
duty was ' ' sending out troops from Alexandria to re-en-
force Pope." Why did he give so much attention to the
former, and so little to the latter duty ? Why was it that
from the time of his landing at Alexandria, not another
man of his army joined Pope, or made a diversion in his
favor, till after Pope had fallen back from Manassas and
fought four battles without the aid he had a right to ex-
pect, and which General McClellan was repeatedly and
peremptorily ordered to give ?
Those of McClellan' s forces which had reached Alex-
♦ On the 29th he had telegraphed to the President as follows : —
I am clear that one of two courses should be adopted : First, to concentrate
ail our available forces to open communications with Pope ; second, to leave
Pope to get out of biS scrape, and at once use all our means to make the Capi-
tal perfectly safe. No middle ground will now answer. Toll nv» what you wish
me to do, and I wiU do all in my power to accompUsh it.
To this the President had thus replied : —
Washington, Augtist 29, 1862-4. 10 p jc
Yours of to-day just received. I think your first alternative, to wit, " to
concentrate all our available forces to open communication with Pope," ie the
right one, but I wish not to control. That T now leave to General Halleck, aided
by your counsels. A- Lincoln.
Major-General MoClellan
State Papers of Abraham Lincoln. 311
aiidria before him, or were there before his arrival, Stur-
gis, Kearney, Hooker, and Heiutzelman, had all gone
forward and joined in these battles. Why conld not
Franklin — all of whose movements were controlled by
McClellan — do as much with him as his brother com-
manders had done without him ?
The first thing that McClellan did, on reaching Alex-
andria, in the discharge of his duties to send forward
troops, was to stop those actually going ! In his dispatch
of Augast 27th, nine o'clock p. m., he says to General
Halleck — "I found part of Cox's command under orders
to take the cars : will halt it with Franklin until morn-
ing ! " And Cox never went out, though anxiously ex-
pected and under orders to move. What are the reasons
given by McClellan for not sending, or not permitting
Franklin to go ? On the 27th, at quarter past eleven p. m. ,
immediately after the positive order was issued for Frank
lin to move by forced marches and carry three or four
days' provisions, McClellan says : —
Franklin's artillery has no horses except for four guns without cais-
sons. I can pick up no cavalry. * * I do not see that we have force
enough in hand to form a connection with Pope, whose exact position we
4o not know.
A part of the perplexity he seems to have been in was
removed that day at six o'clock p. m., when he received,
as he says, a copy of a dispatch from Pope to Halleck, in
which Pope says : "All forces now sent forward should
e sent to my right at Gainesville."
The next day, at one o'clock p. m., he telegraphs : —
"I have been doing all possible to hurry artillery and cavalry. The
moment Franklin can be started with a reasonable amount of artillery he
«hall go."
Again, at forty minutes past four of the 28th, he tele-
graphs : —
General Franklin is with me here. I will know in a few moments tbe
condition of artillery and cavalry. We are not yet in a condition to
move ; xnay be by to-morrow morning.
312 The Life, Public Services, and
A few moments later, lie says : —
Your dispatch received. J^Teither Franklin's nor Sumner's Corps ii
now in a condition to move and fight a battle. It would be a sacrifice to
send them out now ! I have sent aids to ascertain the condition of Col-
onel Tj.e. ; bat I still think that a premature movement in small foro«
will accompash nothing but the destruction of the troops sent out.
The small force (?) to which he refers consisted, as here-
tofore stated, of Sumner's Corps of fourteen thousand
and Franklin' s of eleven thousand, a total of twenty-five
thousand — not going to fight a battle by itself, but to re-
enforce an army already engaged, and constituting cer-
tainly a handsome re-enforcement on any field. On the
29th, he says : —
Franklin has but forty rounds of ammunition, and no wagons to move
more. I do not think Franklin is in a condition to accomplish much if
he meets strong resistance. I should not have moved him but for your
pressing orders of last night.
On this same day : —
Do you wish the movement of Franklin's Corps to continue? He ia
without reserve ammunition and without transportation.
It may be remarked here, that Franklin had not yet
gone beyond Anandale — about seven miles — and had, as
yet, neither come upon the enemy, nor joined the army in
front, nor gained any information about either. If, there-
fore, his movement was not to continue, it must be be-
cause it was too hazardous, or because he had no reserve
ammunition or transportation.
So. it seems, it was General McClellan's judgment that
PranRlin cc^ald not be sent, as soon as he landed, to re-
enforce Pope — because, first, he had his artillery only
partially mounted ; second, he had no cavalry ; third, he
had but forty rounds of ammunition, and no transporta-
tion for more. The subsequent difficulties were, that he
had no transportation for his reserve ammunition, and
was too weak alone, and Sumner ought not to be sent to
support him, as it would leave the Capital unj)rotected I
State Papers of AsrahaxM Lincoln. 313
It is fortunate some of McClellan' s Corps preceded liim
from the Peninsula, and arrived and marched before he
came np. For, if not, two of the corps Avho joined Pope
and fought under him would liave been halted for the
reascns that stayed Franklin. Kearney joined without
artillery, and Pope ordered two batteiies to be given
him ; Porter had but forty rounds of ammunition — Heint-
zelman joined without cavalry.
Why, may it be asked, were "neither Sumner's nor
Franklin' s Corps in a condition to move and fight a bat-
tle ?' ' McClellan had been told that in embarking his
troops he must see they were supplied mth ammunition,
"as they might have to fight as soon as they landed. '^
The mxen were not fatigued by hard marches, nor ex-
hausted with fighting and lack of food, as were their
companions in front. What was there to prevent their
going to re-enforce them, but the orders and pretexts for
delay of General McClellan ?
It will have been noticed that lack of transportation
was at the bottom of the alleged difficulties. Transpor-
tation was not requii'ed for supplies, for the men were
ordered to carry their food with them. Is it not strange
that, in view of the emergency of the case, some extraor-
dinary means were not resorted to, to impress horses and
wagons — if none existed in the hands of the Government
— in the cities of Alexandria, Georgetown, and Washing-
ton, where there was an abundance of both ? Such things
have been done even in this war, on much less important
occasions than this one.
But will not this plea seem stranger still when it is
found that there was no need of pressing any private
property into service — that there was plenty of public
transportation on hand? Let the following dispatch
Bhow : —
War Dkpaktment, ■Washington, D. C^ Augutt 30, 1863.
I am by no means satisfied with General Franklin's march of yester-
day, considering the circumstances of the case. He was very wrong in
stopping at Alexandria. Moreover, I learned last night that the Quarter-
master's Department would have given him plenty of transportation if
314 The Life, Public Services, and
he had applied for it any time since his arrival at Alexandria. He knew
the importance of opening communication with General Pope's army,
and should have acted more promptly.
H. W. Halleok, General-in- Chief .
Major-General MoOlellan, Alexandria.
But most strange of all is, that General McClellan knew
of there being public transportation at hand, and yet did
not use it, even when the fate of a campaign depended
upon it, and afterwards assigned the want of it as the
reason for not obeying his orders to send re-enforcements.
He says, in his dispatch of August 30, to G-eneral Pope : —
Tlie quartermasters here (Alexandria) said there was none disposable.
The diflSculty seems to consist in the fact (he adds), that the greater pp^
of the transportation on hand at Alexandria and Washington has beeii
needed for current supplies of the garrisons.
The inference is irresistible that General McClellan,
who had charge of every thing in and around Alexan-
dria and Washington, thought it was better that the
Army of the Potomac, under Pope, should not be re-
enforced, and be defeated, than that the garrisons should
be subjected to the slightest inconvenience !
The answer of General Halleck to the telegrams of Gen-
eral McClellan, in which the latter made so many propo-
sitions about the movements of Sumner's Corps and the
disposition of Cox's force and the other troops for the
lefence of Washington, is as follows : —
War Department, Washington, D, C, Atigiist 29, 1862,
T"our proposed disposition of Sumner's Corps seems to me judicious.
Of course I have no time to examine into details. The present danger
is a raid upon Washington in the night-time. Dispose of all troops as
you deem best. I want Franklin's Corps to go far enough to find out
something about the enemy. Perhaps he may get such information at
Anandale as to prev^ent his going further. Otherwise, he will push on
towards Fairfax. Try to get something from direction of Manassas eithei
by telegrams or through Franklin's scouts. Our people must move ac-
tively and find out where the enemy is. I am tired of guesses.
H. W. Halleck, General-in- Gh^f
M«gor-General McClellan, Alexandria
State Papers of Abraham Lincoln. 315
It is in tills dispatch that General McClellan finds his
authority to halt Franklin at Anandale. Franklin had
been repeatedly ordered to join Pope, "but had been de-
layed by McClellan, who evidently did not intend he
fihould get beyond his control if possible.
In his telegram to Halleck of one o' clock p. m. of the
29th, he asks if he may do as seems to him best with
all the troops in the vicinity of Alexandria, including
Franklin — Franklin being still in the vicinity of Alexan-
dria. Halleck, in giving him authority to dispose of all
troops in his vicinity evidently refers to the disposition
to be made of those for the forts and defences, for he pro-
ceeds to say, I want " Franklin's Corps to go far enough
to find out something about the enemy." Franklin's
Corps did not go out far enough to learn any thing about
the enemy. What he learned he picked up at Anandale
from citizens, and probably from Banks's wagon- train,
which passed him as it came from the front, which it
seems it was able to do with safety at the time McClellan
considered it too hazardous for forty thousand men to
move to the front to join the army.
It is unnecessary to pursue this matter any further, and
show, as might easily be done, how similar delays were
procured with respect to other troops which might have
been sent to re-enforce Pope. It is sufficient to say that
forty thousand men, exclusive of Burnside' s force, were
thus — as it seems to us intentionally — withheld from Pope
at the time he was engaged in holding the army of Lee in
check.
Having thus disposed of the question oire-enforc&nients^
it now remains to say a word about supplies^ which Gen-
eral McClellan says he left nothing undone to forward to
Pope.
When at Fort Monroe he telegraphed (August 21st, 10.
52 p. M.):—
1 have amiple supplier of ammunition for infantry and artillery, and
mW. have st ip in time. I can supply any deficiency that may exist in
General Pope''» army.
316 The Life, Public Services, and
August tlie 30th (1.45 p. m.), General Halleck tele-
graphed him : —
Ammunition, and particularly for artillery, mast be immediately Rent
forward to Centreville for General Pope.
To which he replied : —
1 know nothing of the calibres of Pope's artillery. All I can do ie t
direct my ordnance officer to load up all the wagons sent to him.
General McClellan might have very easily found out
those calibres. His ordnance officer knew those of the
coi'ps of his own army, and he was in telegraphic commu-
nication with the ordnance officer in Washington, where a
register is kept of all the batteries in service.
What was his course with respect to supplies of forage
and subsistence, of which Pope' s army was in such ex-
treme need ?
He directed Franklin to say to Pope he would send
him out supplies if he, Pope, would send cavalry to es-
cort them out ! ' ' Such a request ' ' (says Pope, in his
dispatch of 5 a. m., August 30), "when Alexandria is full
of troops, and I fighting the enemy, needs no comment."
The Army of the Potomac, under General Pope, was
defeated and driven back upon Washington. But it had
contested every inch of the ground, and had fought every
battle with a gallantry and tenacious courage that would
have insured a decisive victory if it had been properly
and promptly supported. It was not broken, either in
spirit or in organization ; and it fell back upon the Capital
prepared to renew the struggle for its salvation.
By this time, liowever, General McClellan had become
the recognized head of a political party in the country,
and a military clique in the army ; and it suited the pur-
poses of both to represent the defeat of the Army of the
Potomac as due to the fact that General McClellan was
no longer at its head. The progress of the rebel armj^
moreover, up the Potomac, with the evident intention of
moving upon Baltimore or into Pennsylvania, had created
State Papers of Abraham Lincoln. 317
a state of feeling throughout the country and in Washing-
ton eminently favorable to the designs of General Mc-
Clellan's partisans; and upon the urgent but unjust rep-
resentation of some of his officers that the arm}^ would
not serve under any other commander, General Pope wag
relieved, and General McClellan again placed at the head
of the Army of the Potomac, and on the 4th of September
he commenced the movement into Maryland to repel the
invading rebel forces.
On the 11th, he made urgent application for re-enfon^e-
ments, asking that Colonel Milet. be withdrawn from Har-
per' s Ferr}^, and that one or two of the three army corps
on the Potomac, opposite Washington, be at once sent to
join him. "Even if Washington should be taken," he
said, ' ' while these araiies are confronting each other, this
would not in my judgment bear comparison with the ruin
and disaster that would follow a single defeat of this
army," although, as will be remembered, when that army
was under Pope, and engaged in a battlo which might
destroy it, he had said (Aug. 27), "I think we should ^r^^
provide for the defence of the Capital." General Halleck
replied that "the capture of Washington would throw
them back six months, if not destroy them," and that Miles
could not join him until communications were opened.
On the 14th, the battle of South Mountain took place, the
rebels falling back to the Potomac ; and on the 17th the
battle of Antietam was fought, resulting in the defeat of
the rebel forces, although no pursuit was made, and they
were allowed, during the night and the whole of the next
day, quietly to withdraw then- shattered forces to the
other side of the Potomac. The losses he had sustained
and the disorganization of some of his commands were
assigned by General McClellan as his reason for not renew
ing the attack, although the corps of General Fitz-Jolm
Porter had not been brought into action at all. Orders
were issued, however, for a renewal of the battle on the
19th, but it was then suddenly discovered that the enemy
was on the other side of the Potomac. General McClellan
did not feel authorized on account of the condition of hia
OlO illE L.1FE, rUULlC ►SEIIVICES, AND
army to cross in pursuit, and on the 23d wrote to Wash-
ington, asking for re-enforcements, renewing the applica-
tion on the 27th, and stating his purpose to he to hold the
army wliere it was, and to attack the enemy sJiould Tie
attempt to recross into Maryland. He thought that only
the troops necessary to garrison Washington shouki h«
retained there, and that every thing else available should
be sent to him. If re-enforced and allowed to take hia
own course, he said, he would be responsible for tho
safety of the Capital.
On the 1st of Octob*^', President Lincoln visited the
army and made careful inquiry into its strength and con-
dition. On the 6th, he issued the following- order for on
immediate advance : —
"WASinNGTON, D. C, October 6, 1862.
I am instructed to telegraph to you as follows : The President directs
that you cross the Potomac and give battle to the enemy, or drive hinx
south. Your army must move now, while the roads are good. If you.
cross the river between the enemy and Washington, and cover the lattej*
Dy your operation, you can be re-enforced with thirty thousand men. 1/
you move up the valley of the Shenandoah not more than twelve or fit-
teen thousand can be sent you. The President advises the interior line
Detween Washington and the enemy, but does not order it. He is very
desirous that your army move as soon as possible. You will immediately
report what line you adopt, and when you intend to cross the river : also
to wliat point the re-enforcements are to be sent. It is necessary that
the plan of your operations be positively determined on, before orders
ire given for building bridges and repairing railroads. I am directed to
add, that the Secretary of War and the General-in-Chief fully concur wi-^i
the President in these instructions.
H. W. Halleok, General -in- Chn/.
Major-General MoOlellan.
On receiving this order. General McClellan inquired as
to the character of troops that would be sent him, and as
to tlie number of tents at command of the army. He also
called for very large quantities of shoes, clothing, and
supplies, and said that without these the army could not
move. On the 11th, the rebel General Stuart, with a
force of about twenty five hundred men, made a raid into
Pennsylvania, going completely round our army, and
vState TiPLRs OF Abrah ai Lincoln. Tl^'
thwarting all tLe arrangements hy wliich General Mc-
Clellan had reported that his capt ire was certain. On the
13th, in consequence of his pro lacted delays, the Presi-
tent ad dressed to General McClellan the following letter:
ExEOTmTB Mansion, "Washington, October 1 i c<^.
My Dear Sib : — Yon remember my speaking to you of what I called
four over-cautiousness. Are you not over-cautious when you assume that
you cannot do what the enerny is constantly doing ? Should you n ot
claim to be at least his equal in prowess, and act upon the claim?
As I understand, you telegraphed General Halleck that you cannot sub-
sist your army at Winchester unless the railroad from Harper's Ferry to
that point be put in working order. But the enemy does now subsist his
army at Winchester, at a distance nearly twice as great from railroad
transportation as you would have to do without the railroad last named.
He now wagons from Culpepper Court-House, which is just about twice
as far as you would have to do from Harper's Ferry. He is certainly not
more than half as well provided with wagons as you are. I certainly
should be pleased for you to have the advantage of the railroad from
Harper's Ferry to Winchester ; but it wastes all the remainder of autumn
to give it to you, and, in fact, ignores the question of time, which cannot
and must not be ignored.
Again, one of the standard maxims of war, as you know, is, " to operate
upon the enemy's communications as much as possible, without exposing
your own." You seem to act as if this applies against you, but cannot
apply in jour favor. Change positions with the enemy, and think you
not he would break your communication with Richmond within the next
twenty-four hours? You dread his going into Pennsylvania. But if ho
does so in full force, he gives up his communications to you absolutely,
and you have nothing to do but to follow and ruin him ; if he does so
nith less than full forp«, fall upon and beat what is left behind aL the
easier.
Exclusive of the water line, you are now nearer Richmond tlian the
enemy is, by the route that you can and he mvst take. Why can you not
reach there before him, unless you admit that he is more than yori.r equal
on a march ? His route is the arc of a circle, while yours is the- ihord.
The roads are as good on yours as on his.
You know I desired, but did uot order, you to cross the Potomac below
instead of above the Shenandoah and Blue Ridge. My idea was, that
tbis would at once menace tbe enemy's communications, which I would
seize if he would permit. If he should move northward, I would follow
him closely, holding his communications. If he should prevent our
seizing his communications, and move toward Richmond, I would pres*
closely to him, fight him if a favorable opportunity should present, and at
least try to beat him to Richmor.fl ou the inside track. I say "try" il
320 The Life, Public Services, and
we never try, we shall never succeed. If he make a stand at Winchester,
moving neither north nor south, I would fight him there, on the idea that
if we cannot beat him when he bears the wastage of coming to us, we
never can when we bear the wastage of going to him. This proposition
is a simple trutL, and is too important to be lost sight of for a moment.
In coming to us, he tenders us an advantage which we should not waive.
We should not so operate as to merely drive him away. As we must beat;
him somewhere, or fail finally, we can do it, if at all, easier near to \-i^[
than far away. If we cannot beat the enemy where he now is, we nevfi '
can, he again being within the intrenchments of Richmond. Recurring
to the idea of going to Richmond on the inside track, the facility of suj)
plying from the side away from the enemy is remarkable, as it were, \>[
the different spokes of a wheel, extending from the hub towards the rim,
and this whether you move directly by the chord, or on the inside arc,
hugging the Blue Ridge more closely. The chord-line, as you see, carries
you by Aldie, Haymarket, and Fredericksburg, and you see how turn-
pikes, railroads, and finally the Potomac by Aquia Creek, meet you at
all points from Washington. The same, only the lines lengthened a little,
if you press closer to the Blue Ridge part of the way. The gaps through
the Blue Ridge I understand to be about the following distances from
Ha? per's Ferry, to wit: Vestal's, five miles; Gregory's, thirteen; Snick-
er's, eighteen ; Ashby's, twenty-eight ; Manassas, thirty-eight ; Chester,
forty-five; and Thornton's, fifty-three. I should think it preferable to
take the route nearest the enemy, disablmg him to make an important
move without your knowledge, and compelling Mm to keep his forces
together for dread of you. The gaps w^ould enable jf^n to attack if you
should wish. For a great part of the way yon would be practically
between the enemy and both Washington and Richmond, enabling us to
«pare you the greatest number of troops from here. When, at length,
running to Richmond ahead of him enables him to move this way, if he
does so, turn and attack him in the rear. But I think he should be
engaged long before such point is reached. It is all easy if our troops
!ir.arch as well as the enemy, and it is unmanly to say they cannot do it.
This letter is in no sense an order.
Yours, truly, A. Lincoln.
Major- General McClkllan.
For over a fortniglit longer General McClellan delayed
any attempt to move his army in obedience to the Presi-
dent' s order. He spent this interval in complaints of inad-
equate supplies, and in incessant demands for re-enforce-
ments ; and on the 21st inquired whether it was still the
President' s wish that he should march upon the enemy Sit
once, or await the arrival of fresh horses. He was told in
reply tho^ the order of the 6th was unchanged, and tkal
State Papers of Abraham Lincoln. 321
irliile the President did not expect impossibilities, lie was
" very anxious that all this good weather should not be
wasted in inactivity." General McClellan states in his
report that he inferred, from the tenor of this dispatch,
that it was left to his own judgment whether itwoidd be
safe for the army to advance or not ; and he accordingly
fixed upon the first of November as the earliest date at
which the forward movement could be commenced. Oia
the 2otli he complained to the Department of the ccn
dition of his cavalry, saying that the horses were fatigued
and greatly troubled with sore tongue ; whereupon the
President addressed him the following inquiry : —
War DKPAETiiENT, Washington, October 25, 1862.
I have just read yonr dispatch about sore-tongue and fatigued horses.
Will you pardon me for asking what the horses of your army have done
since the battle of Antietam that fatigues any thing ?
A. LmooLN.
The General replied that they had been engaged in
making reconnoissances, scouting, and picketing ; to which
the President thus rejoined : —
ExBctrnvE Mansion, Washington, October 26, 1862.
Yours in reply to mine about horses received. Of course you know the
facts better than I. Still, two considerations remain : Stuart's cavalry
outmarched ours, having certainly done more marked service on the Pen-
insula and everywhere since. Secondly : will not a movement of our
army be a relief to the cavalry, compelling the enemy to concentrate in-
stead of " foraging " in squads everywhere ? But I am so rejoiced to learn
from your dispatch to General Halleck that you began crossing the rivai
this morning. A. Linooi n.
Tbi General replied in a long dispatch, rehearsing in
detail the labors performed by his cavalry, to which he
thought the President had done injustice. This note eli
ci+^d the following reply : —
ExKotmvB Mansion, Washington, October 26, 1862.
Yours of yesterday received. Most certainly I intend no injustice to
any, and if I have done any I deeply regret it. To be told, after more
ihan five weeks' total inaction of the army, and during which period we
had sent to that army every fresh horse we possibly could, amounting in
fcle vhole to seven thousand nine hundred and eighteen, that the cavalrj
21
322 The Life, Public Services, and
horses vfere too much fatigued to move, presented a very cheerless, almost
hopeless, prospect for the future, and it may have forced something of
impatience into my dispatches. If not recruited and rested then, when
could they ever be ? I suppose the river is rising, and I am glad to believe
you are crossing. A. Lincoln.
The General next started, as a new topic of discussion,
the extent to which the line of the Potomac should be
guarded after he left it, so as to cover Maryland and Penn-
sylvania from further invasions. He thought strong gar-
risons should be left at certain points, complained that his
forces were inadequate, and made some suggestion con-
cerning the position of the rebel army under Bragg, Vv^hich
led General Halleck in reply to remind him that Bragg
was four hundred miles away, while Lee was but twenty.
On the 27th the General telegraphed to the President that
it was necessary to "fill up the old regiments of his com-
mand before taking them again into action," to which the
President thus replied : —
ExKOTTTivK Mansion, Washinqton, October 27, i862
Your dispatch of three p. m. to-day, in regard to filling up old regiment*
with drafted men, is received, and the request therein shall be complied
with as far as practicable. And now I ask a distinct answer to the ques-
tion, "Is it your purpose not to go into action again till the men now being
drafted in the States are incorporated in the old regiments?"
A. LiNOOI-N.
The General, in reply, explained that the language of
the dispatch, which was prepared by one of his aids, had
incorrectly expressed his meaning, and that he should not
postpone the advance until the regiments were filled by
drafted men. The army was gradually crossed over, and
on tlie 5th of November the General announced to the
President that it was all on the Virginia side. This was
just a month after the order to cross had been given — the
enemy meantime having taken possession of all the strong
points, and falling back, at his leisure, towards his base
of operations. These unaccountable delays in the move-
ment of the army created the most intense dissatisfaction
in the public mind, and completely exhausted the patience
of the Government. Accordingly, on the 5th of Novem-
State Papers of Abraham Lincoln. 323
ber, an order was issued relieying General McClellan from
the command of the Army of the Potomac, and directing
General Burnside to take his place.
Thus closed a most remarkable chapter in the history of
the war. For over fifteen months General McClellan had
commanded the Army of the Potomac, the largest and most
powerful army ever marshalled till then upon this con-
liuent — consisting of one hundred and sixty thousand
men, and furnished, in lavish profusion, with every thing
requisite for effective service. Throughout the whole of
this long period that army had been restrained by its com-
mander from attacking the enemy. Except in the single
instance of Antietam, where, moreover, there was no pos
sibility of avoiding an engagement, every battle which it
fought was on the defensive. According to the sworn
testimony of his own commanders. General McClellan
might have overwhelmed the rebel forces arrayed against
him at Manassas, at Yorktown, after Williamsburg, Fair
Oaks, Malvern Hill, and Antietam ; but on every one of
these occasions he carefully forbore to avail himself of the
superiority of his position, and gave the enemy ample
time to prepare for more complete and effective resistance.
It is no part of our present purpose to inquire into the
causes of this most extraordinary conduct on the part of
a commander to whom, more completely than to any other,
W'eare intrusted the destinies of tie Nation during one
of the most critical periods. Whether he acted from
an innate disability, or upon a political theory — whether
he intentionally avoided a decisive engagement in order
to accomplish certain political results which he and his
secret .advisers deemed desirable, or whether he was, by
the native constitutioL of his mind, unable to meet the
gigantic responsibilities of his position when the critical
moment of trial arrived, are points which the public and
posterity will decide from an unbiased study of the evi-
dence which his acts and his words afford. As the record
we have given shows. President Lincoln lost no oppor
tunity of urging upon him more prompt and decisive
action, Avliile in no instance did he withhold from him any
aid which it was in the power of the Government to giye.
Nothing can show more clearly the disposition of the
President to sustain him to the utmost, and to protect him
from the rapidly 'ising tide of public censure and discon-
tent with his ruinous and inexplicable delays, than the
following remarks made by him at a war meeting held at
Washington on the 6th of August, after the retreat to the
James River, and just before the withdrawal of the army
from the Peninsula : —
FEfcLOw-CiTizENs : — I ]/»lieve there is no precedent for my appearing
before you on this occasion, but it is also true that there is no precedent
for your being here yourselves, and I offer, in justification of myself and
of you, that, upon examination, I have found nothing in the Constitution
against it. I, however, have an impression that there are younger gentle-
men who will entertain you better, and better address your understanding
than I will or could, and therefore I propose but to detain you a moment
longer.
I am very littli inclined on any occasion to say anything unless I hope
to produce some good by it. The only thing I think of just now not
likely to be better said by some one else, is a matter in which we hare
heard some other persons blamed for what I did myself. There has been
a very wide-spread attempt to have a quarrel between General McOlellan
and the Secretary of War. Now, I occupy a position that enables me to
observe, that these two gentlemen are not nearly so deep in the quarrel as
some pretending to be their friends. General McOlellan's attitude is such i
i
that, in the very selfishness of his nature, he cannot but wish to be suc-
cessful, and I hope he will — and the Secretary of War is in precisely the
same situation. If the military commanders in the field cannot be success-
ful, not only the Secretary of War, but myself, for the time being the i
master of them both, cannot but be failures. I know General McOlellan ■
wishes to be successful, and I know he does not wisti it any more than the
Secretary of War for him, and both of them together no moic than I wis!
it. Sometimes we have a dispute about how many men General McOlel-
lan has had, and those who would disparage him say that be has had a
very large number, and those who would disparage the Secretary of War
insist that General McOlellan has had a very small number. The basis
for this is, there is aiways a wide difference, and on this occasion, perhaps
a wider one than usual, between the grand total on McOlellan's rolls and
the men actually fit for duty ; and those who would disparage him talk of the
grand total on paper, and those who would disparage the Secretary of War
talk of those at present fit for di ty. General McOlellan has sometimes
asked for things that the Secretary of War did not give him. General
State Papers of Abraham Lincoln. 325
McClellan is not to blame for asking what he wanted and needed, and the
Secretary of "War is not to blame for not giving wlien he had none to give.
And I say here, as far as I know, the Secretary of War has withheld no
one thing at any time in my power to give him. I have no accasation
against him. I believe he is a brave and able man, and I stand here aa
justice requires me to do, to take upon myself what has been charged on
the Secretary of "War, as withholding from him.
I have talked longer than I expected to do, and now I a fail m^fuHf of
my privilege of saying no more.
326 The Life, Public Sehvioes^ and
CHAPTER X.
GENERAL CONDUCT OF THE ADMINISTRATION IN leel
StJOOESSES m THE SoUTHWEST. — ReOOGNIZED ObJECTS OF THE WaE, -
Relations of the "War to Slavery. — Cue Foeeign Relations.—
Proposed Mediation of the French Emperoe. — Reply to thb
Feenoh Peoposal. — Secretary Seward's Dispatoh. — The Presi-
dent's Letter to Fernando Wood, — Observance of the Sabbath.
In every other section of tlie coimtiy, except in East-
ern Virginia, the military operations of the year 1862
were marked "by promptitude and vigor, and attended by
success to the National arms. Early in February, a lodg-
ment had been effected by the expedition under General
Burnside on the coast of North Carolina ; and, on the
19th of January, the victory of Mill Springs had released
Western Kentucky from rebel rule, and opened a path
for the armies of the Union into East Tennessee. The
President' s order of January 27th, for an advance of all
the forces of the Government on the 22d of February, had
been promptly followed by the capture of Forts Henry
and Donelson on the Cumberland and Tennessee Elvers,
which led to the evacuation of Bowling Green, the surren-
der of Nashville, and the fall of Columbus, the rebel strong-
hold on the Mississippi. Fort Pulaski, which guarded the
entrance to Savannah, was taken, after eighteen hours'
bombardment, on the 12th of April, and the whole west
coast of Florida had been occupied by our forces. By
the skilful strategy of General Halleck, commanding the
Western Department, seconded by the vigorous activity
of General Curtis, the rebel commander in Missouri, Gen-
eral Price, had been forced to retreat, leaving the whole
of that State in our hands ; and he was badly beaten in a
subsequent engagement at Sugar Creek in Arkansas. On
the 14th, Island No. 10, commanding the passage of the
State Papers of Abraham Lincoln. 327
Mississippi, was taken by General Pope ; and, ok the
4th of June, Forts Pillow and Randolph, still lower
down, were occupied by our forces. On the 6th, the
city of Memphis was surrendered by the rebels. Soon
after the fall of Nashville, a formidable expedition had
ascended the Tennessee Kiyer, and, being joined by a]]
the available Union forces in that vicinity, the whole^
under command of General Halleck, prepared to give
battle to the rebel army, which, swelled by large re-
enforcements from every quarter, was posted in the vicin-
ity of Corinth, ninety miles east of Memphis, intending
by a sudden attack to break the force of the Union army,
which was sweeping steadily down upon them from the
field of its recent conquests. The rebels opened the
attack with great fury and effect, on the morning of the
6th of April, at Pittsburg Landing, three miles in ad-
vance of Corinth. The fight lasted nearly all day, the
rebels having decidedly the advantage ; but in their final
onset they were driven back, and the next day our army,
strengthened by the opportune arrival of General Buell,
completed what proved to be a signal and most im-
portant victory. When news of it reached Washing
ton, President Lincoln issued the following proclama
tion : —
It has pleased Almighty God to vouchsafe signal victories to the kud
and naval forces engaged in suppressing an internal rebellion, and at the
same time to avert from our country the dangers of foreign intervention
and invasion.
It is therefore recommended to the people of the United States, that at
their next weekly assemblages in their accustomed places of public wor-
hip which shall occur after the notice of this Proclamation shall hav«
been received, they especially acknowledge and render thanks to our
Heavenly Father for these inestimable blessings ; that they then and there
implore spiritual consolation in behalf of all those who have been brought
into affliction by the casualties and calamities of sedition and civil war*
and that they reverently invoke the Divine guidance for our nationaj
counsels, to the end that they may speedily result in the restoration of
peace, harmony, and unity throughout our borders, and hasten the estab-
lishment of fraternal relations among all the countries of the earth.
In witness whereof, I have hereunto set my hand and caused the seai
9f the ULited States to be aflSxed.
328 The Life, I^LiiLic Services, and
Done at the City of Washington, this tenth <lay of Apri', in tht
[l. 8.] year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and sixty-two^
and of the independence of the United States tiie eighty-sixth.
Abeaham Lincoln.
By the President :
Wm. H. Sewaed, Secretary of State.
On the 28th of May the rebels evacuated Corinth, and
were pushed southward by our pursuing forces for some
twenty-five or thirty miles. General Mitchell, by a
daring and most gallant enterprise in the latter part of
April, took possession of Huntsville in Alabama. In
February a formidable naval expedition had been fitted
out under Commodore Farragut for the capture of New
Orleans ; and on the 18th of April the attack commenced
upon Forts Jackson and St. Philip, by which the passage
of the Mississippi below the city is guarded. After six
days' bombardment, the whole fleet passed the forts on
the night of the 23d, under a terrible fire from both ; and
on the 25th the rebel General Lovell, who had command
of the military defences of the city, withdrew, and Com-
modore Farragut took possession of the town, which he
retained until the arrival of General Butler on the 1st of
May, who thereupon entered upon the discharge of his
duties as commander of that Department.
During the summer, a powerful rebel army, undei
General Bragg, invaded Kentucky for the double pur-
pose of obtaining supplies and aflbrding a rallying point
for what they believed to be the secession sentiment of
the State. In the accomplishment of the former object
they were successful, but not in the latter. They lost
more while in the State from desertions than they gained
by recruits ; and after a battle at Perryville, on the 7th
of October, they began their retreat. On the 5th of Oc-
tober a severe battle was fought at Corinth, from which a
powerful rebel army attempted to drive our troops under
General Rosecrans, but they were repulsed with very
heavy losses, and the campaign in Kentucky and Ten-
nessee was virtually at an end. A final effort of the
eD^*r;^ in that region led to a severe engagement at Mur-
bTATE Ir'APERS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN. oJ'-i
freesboro' on the 31st of December, which resulted in
the defeat of the rebel forces, and in relieving Tennessee
from the presence of the rebel armies.
In all the military operations of this year, especial care
had been taken by the generals in command of the several
departments, acting under the general direction of the
Government, to cause it to be distinctly understood that
the object of the war was the preservation of the Union
and the restoration of the authority of the Constitution.
The rebel authorities, both civil and military, lost no
opportunity of exciting the fears and resentments of the
people of the Southern States, by ascribing to the Nation*
al Government designs of the most ruthless and implaca-
ble hostility to their institutions and their persons. It
was strenuously represented that the object of the war
was to rob the Southern people of their rights and their
property, and especially to set free their slaves. The
Government did every thing in its power to allay the
apprehensions and hostilities which these statements were
calculated to produce. General Garfield, while in Ken-
tucky, just before the victory of Mill Springs, issued on
the 16th of January an address to the citizens of that
section of the State, exhorting them to return to their
allegiance to the Federal Government, which had never
made itself injuriously felt by any one among them, and
promising them full protection for their persons and their
property, and fuU reparation for any wrongs they might
have sustained. After the battle of Mill Springs, ^he
Secretary of War, under the direction of the President,
issued an order of thanks to the soldiers engaged in it, in
which he again announced that the "purpose of the war
^ was to attack, pursue, and destroy a rebellious enemy,
and to deliver the country from danger menaced by
traitors." On the 20th of November, 1861, General
Halleck, commanding the Department of the Missouri, on
the eve of the advance Into Tennessee, issued an order
enjoining upon the troops the necessity of discipline and
of order, and calling on them to prove by their acts that
they came ' ' to restore, not to violate the Constitution and
330 The Life, Public Services, and
the laws," and tliat tlie people of tlie South under the
flag of the Union should "enjoy the same protection of
life and property as in fcrmer days." "It does not
belong to the military," said this order, "to decide upon
the relation of master and slave. Such questions must be
settled by the civil courts. Ko fugitive slave will, there-
fore, be admitted within our lines or camps except when
specially ordered by the General commanding."* So
also General Burnside, when about to land on the soil of
N'orth Carolina, issued an order, February 3d, 1802, call-
ing upon the soldiers of his army to remember that they
were there "to support the Constitution and the laws, to
put down rebellion, and to protect the persons and prop-
erty of the loyal and peaceable citizens of the State."
And on the 18th of the same month, after Fort Henry and
Roanoke Island had fallen into our hands. Commodore
Goldsborough and General Burnside issued a joint proc-
lamation, denouncing as false and slanderous the attempt
of the rebel leaders to impose on the credulity of the
Southern people by telling them of "our desire to de-
stroy theii' freedom, demolish their property, and liberate
their slaves," and declaring that the Government asked
only that its authority might be recognized, and that "in
no way or manner did it desire to interfere with their
laws, constitutionally established, their institutions of any
kind whatever, their property of any sort, or their usages
in any respect." And, on the 1st of March, General
Curtis, in Arkansas, had addressed a proclamation to the
* In regard to this order, which was afterwards severely criticised in Congress,
General Halleck wrote the foUowing letter of explanation : —
HEAD-QtJAKTEnS DiPAKTMENT OF TOE MiSSOUBI, )
St. Louis, December 8, 1S61. S
hii Deab Coi.o>'kl : — Tours of the 4th instant is just received. Order No. 3 was, in my mind,
elearly a military necessity. Unauthorized persons, black or white, free or slaves, must be kept
out of our camps, unless we are willing to publish to the enemy every thing we do or intend to
do. It was a militai-y and not a political order.
I am ready to carry out any lawful instructions in regard to fugitive slaves which my supe
riors may give me, and to enforce any law which Congress may pass. But I cannot make law,
Kiid will not violate it. You know my private opinion on the policy of confiscating the slave
property of the rebels inarms. If Congress shall pass it, you may be certain that I shall enforc*
It. Perhaps my policy as to the treatment of rebels and their property is as well set out ia Or
(l«r No. 18, Issued the day your letter was written, as I could now desrribe it
Hon. F. P. Blaie, Washington.
State Papers of Abraham Lincoln. 331
people of that State, denouncing as false and calumnious
tlie statements widely circulated of the designs and sen-
tim.ents of the Union armies, and declaring that they
sought only "to put down rebellion Iby making war
against those in arms, their aiders and abettors" — and
that they came to "vindicate the Constitution, and to
preserve and perpetuate civil and religious liberty under
a Hag that was embalmed in the blood of our Revolution-
ary fathers." In all this the Government adhered, with
just and rigorous fidelity, to the principles it had adopt-
ed for its conduct at the outset of the war ; and in its
anxiety to avoid all cause of complaint and all appear-
ance of justification for those who were in arms against its
authority, it incurred the distrust and even the denuncia-
tion of the more zealous and vehement among its own
friends and supporters in the Northern States.
On the 22d of July, in order to secure unity of action
among the commanders of the several military departments,
upon the general use to be made of rebel property, the
President directed the issue of the following order : —
Wae Depaetmknt, Wasuington, July 22, 1862.
First. ( TderecT tliat military commanders within the States of Virginia,
North Carolina, Georgia, Florida, Alabama, Mississippi, Louisiana, Texas,
and Arkansas, in an orderly manner seize and use any property, real or
personal, which may be necessary or convenient for their several com-
mands, for supplies, or for other military purposes ; and that while prop-
erty may be destroyed for proper military objects, none shall be destroye<l
lit wa»^tonness or malice.
Second. That military and naval commanders shall employ as laborers,
within and from said States, so many persons of African descent as can
be advan^-ageously used for military or naval purposes, giving them reason-
able wages for their labor.
Third. That, as to both property, and persons of African descent,
accounts shall be kept sufficiently accurate and in detail to show quan-
tities and amounts, and from whom both property and such persons shall
have come, as a basis upon which compensation can be made in proper
cases ; and the several departments of this Government shall attend to an<J
perform their appropriate parts towards the execution of these orders.
By order of the President :
Edwin M. Stanton, Secretary of War,
And on the 25th of July he issued the following procla-
332 The Life, Public Services, and
malion, warning the people of the Southern States against
persisting in their rebellion, under the penalties prescribed
by the confiscation act passed by Congress at its preceding
session : —
By order of the President of the United States.
A PEOOLAMATION.
Id pursuance of tlie sixth section of the Act of Congress, entitled " An
Act to supx^ress insurrection, to punish treason and rebellion, to seize and
confiscate the property of rebels, and for other purposes," approved July
17th, 1862, and which Act, and the joint resolution explanatory there:>f,
are herewith published, I, Abraham Lincoln, President of the United
States, do hereby proclaim to and warn all persons within the contem-
plation of said sixth section to cease participating in, aiding, countenan-
cing, or abetting the existing rebellion, or any rebelHon, against the Gov-
ernment of the United States, and to return to their proper allegiance to
the United States, on pain of the forfeiture and seizures as within and
by said sixth section provided.
In testimony wh?i .of, I have hereunto set my hand and caused the seal
of the United States to be affixed.
Done at the City of Washington, this twenty -fifth day of July, in the
. I year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and sixty-two,
' and of the independence of the United States the eighty-seventh.
Abraham LnfcoftN
By the President :
William H. Sewaed, Secretary of State.
Our relations with foreign nations during the year 1862
continued to be in the main satisfactory. The President
lield throughout, in all his intercourse with European
powers, the same firm and decided language in regard to
the rebellion which had characterized the correspondence
of the previous year. OurMinister in London, with vigi
lance and ability, pressed upon the British Government
the duty of preventing the rebel authorities from building
and fitting out vessels of war in English ports to prey
upon the commerce of the United States; but in eveiy
instance these remonstrances were without practical effect.
The Government could never be convinced that the evi-
dence in any specific case was sufficient to warrant its
interference, and thus one vessel after another was allowed
to ^;ave British ports, go to some other equally neutral
State Papers of Abraham Lincoln. 333
locality and take on board munitions of war, and enter
upon its career of piracy in the rebel service. As early
as the 18th of February, 1862, Mr. Adams had called the
attention of Earl Russell to the fact that a steam gunboat,
afterwards called the Oreto, was being built in a Liverpool
ship-yard, under the supervision of well-known agents
>f the rebel Government, and evidently intended for the
rebel service. The Foreign Secretary replied that the
vessel was intended for the use of parties in Palermo,
Sicily, and that there was no reason to suppose she wa^
intended for any service hostile to the United States. Mr.
Adams sent evidence to show that the claim of being
designed for service in Sicily was a mere pretext; but
he failed, by this dispatch, as in a subsequent personal
conference with Earl Russell on the 15th of April, to in-
duce him to take any steps for her detention. She sailed
soon after, and was next heard of at the British " neutral"
port of Nassau, where she was seized by the authorities
at the instance of the American consul, but released by
the same authorities on the arrival of Captain Semmes to
take command of her as a Confederate privateer. In Oc-
tober an intercepted letter was sent to Earl Russell by
Mr. Adams, written by the Secretary of the Navy of the
Confederate Groverument, to a person in England, com-
plaining that he had not followed the Oreto on her de-
parture from England and taken command of her, in ac-
cordance with his original appointment. In June, Mr.
Adams called Earl Russell's attention to another power-
ful war steamer, then in progress of construction in the
shi^ -yard of a member of the House of Commons, evi-
dently intended for the rebel service. This complaint
went through the usual formalities, was referred to the
" Lords Commissioners of her Majesty's Treasury," who
reported in due time that they could discover no evidence
sufficient to warrant the detention of the vessel. Soon
afterwards, however, evidence was produced which was
sufficient to warrant the collector of the port of Liverpool
in ordering her detention ; but before the necessary for-
malities could be gone through with, and through delays
334 The Life, Public Services, and
caused, as Earl Russell afterwards explained, by the
"sudden development of a malady of the Queen's ad-
vocate, totally incapacitating him for the transaction of
business," the vessel, whose managers were duly adver-
tised of every thing that was going on, slipped out of port,
took on board an armament in the Azores, and entered
the rebel service as a privateer. Our Government sub-
sequently notified the British Government that it would
be held responsible for all the damage which this vessel,
known first as "290," and afterwards as the Alabama,
might infiict on American commerce.
Discussions were had upon the refusal of the British
authorities to permit American vessels of war to take in
coal at ^N'assau, upon the systematic attempts of British
merchants to violate our blockade of Southern ports, and
upon the recapture, by the crew, of the Emily St. Pierre,
which had been seized in attempting to run the blockade
at Charleston, and was on her way as a prize to the port
of New York. The British Government vindicated hei
rescue as sanctioned by the principles of international law.
The only incident of special importance which occurred
during the year in our foreign relations, grew out of an
attempt on the part of the Emperor of the French to secure
a joint efi'ort at mediation between the Government of the
United States and the rebel authorities, on the part of
Great Britain and Kussia in connection with his own
Government. Rumors of such an intention on the X)art
of the Emperor led Mr. Dayton to seek an interview with
the Minister for Foreign Afiairs on the 6th of November,
at which indications of such a purpose were apparent.
The attempt failed, as both the other powers consulted
declined to join in any such action. The French Govern-
ment thereupon determined to take action alone, and on
the 9th of January, 1863, the Foreign Secretary wrote to
the French Minister at Washington a dispatch, declaring
the readiness of the French Emperor to do any thing in
his power which might tend towards the termination of
the war, and suggesting that ' ' nothing would hinder the
Government of the United States, without renounclrs.^ the
State Papers of Abraham Lincoln. 335
adyantages wMch it believes it can attain by a continna-
tion of the war, from entering upon informal conferences
^vith tlie Confederates of the South, in case they should
ehow themselves disposed thereto." The specific advan-
tages of such a conference, and the mode in which it was
to be brought about, were thus set forth in this dispatch :—
Representatives or commissioners of the two parties conld assemble a
such point as it should be deemed proper to designate, and which could
for this purpose, be declared neutral. Reciprocal complaints could be
examined into at this meeting. In place of the accusations which North
and South mutually cast upon each other at this time, would be substituted
an argumentative discussion of the interests which divide them. They
would seek out by means of well-ordered and profound deliberations
whether these interests are definitively irreconcilable — whether separation
is an extreme which can no longer be avoided, or whether the memories
of a common existence, whether the ties of any kind which have made of
the North and of the South one sole and whole Federative State, and have
borne them on to so high a degree of prosperity, are not more powerful
than the causes which have placed arms in the hands of the two popula-
tions. A negotiation, the object of which would be thus determinate,
would not involve any of the objections raised against the diplomatic in-
terventions of Europe, and, without giving birth to the same hopes as the
immediate conclusion of an armistice, would exercise a happy influence
on the march of events.
Why, therefore, should not a combination which respects aU the rela-
tions of the United States obtain the approbation of the Federal Govern-
ment ? Persuaded on our part that it is in conformity with their true
interests, we do not hesitate to recommend it to their attention; and, not
having sought in the project of a mediation of the maritime nowers of
Europe any vain display of influence, we would applaud, with entire free-
dom from all susceptibility of self-esteem, the opening of a negotiatioi
which would invite the two populations to discuss, without the co-opera-
tion of Europe, the solution of their differences.
The reply which the President directed to be made to
this proposition embraces so many points of permanent
interest and importance in connection with his Adminis-
tration, that we gi^-^ i+ -"n fall. It was as follows : —
>">" Depabtment op State, Washingtoit, February 6, 1868,
Sir: — The intimation given in your dispatch of January 15th, that 1
might expect a special visit from M. Mercier, has been realized. He called
on the 3d instant, and gave me a copy of a dispatch which he had just then
received from M. Drouyn de I'Huys under the date of the 9th of January,
0^0 IHE LIFE, rUBLlC SERVICES, AND
I have taken the President's instructions, and I now proceed to giv«
/CD his views upon the subject in question.
It has been considered with seriousness, resulting from the reflection
that the people of France are known to be faultless sharers with the
American nation in the misfortunes and calamities of our unhappy civU
war ; nor do we on this, any more than on other occasions, forget the
traditional friendship of the two countries, which we unhesitatingly be-
lieve has inspired the counsels that M. Drouyn de I'Huys has imparted.
He says, "the Federal Government does not despair, we know, of giv-
ing more active impulse to hostilities;" and again he remarks, "the pro-
traction of the struggle, in a word, has not shaken the confidence (of the
Federal Government) in the definite success of its efforts."
These passages seem to me to do unintentional injustice to the language,
whether confidential or public, in which this Government has constantly
spoken on the subject of the war. It certainly has had and avowed only
one purpose— a determination to preserve the integrity of the country.
So far from admitting any laxity of effort, or betraying any despondency,
the Government has, on the contrary, borne itself cheerfully in all vicissi-
tJides, with unwavering confidence in an early and complete triumph of
the national cause. Now, when we are, in a manner, invited by a friendly
power to review the twenty-one months' history of the conflict, we find
no occasion to abnte that confidence. Through such an alternation of
victories and defeats as is the appointed incident of every war, the land
and naval forces of the United States have steadily advanced, reclaiming
from the insurgents the ports, forts, and posts which they had treacher
<Dusly seized before the strife actually began, and even before it was seri-
onsly apprehended. So many of the States and districts which the insur-
gents included in the field of their projected exclusive slaveholding
dominions have already been re-established under the fiag of the Unlcn,
that they now retain only the States of Georgia, Alabama, and Texas'
with half of Virginia, half of North Carolina, two-thirds of South Caro-
lina,^ half of Mississippi, and one-third respectively of Arkansas and
Louisiana. The national forces hold even this sjnall territory in close
blockade and siege.
This Government, if required, does not hesitate to submit its achieve
,,ments to the test of comparison; and it maintains that in no part of th»
i world, and in no times, ancient or modern, has a nation, when rendered
ail unready for combat by the enjoyment of eighty years of almost un-
broken peace, so quickly awakened at the alarm of sedition, put forth
energies so vigorous, and achieved successes so signal and effective aa
those which have marked the progress of this contest on the part of the
dnion.
M. Drouyn de I'Huys, I fear, has taken other light than the correspond-
ence of this Government for his guidance in ascertaining its temper and
firmness. He has probably read of divisions of sentiment among those
who hold themaelves forth as organs of public opinion here, and has e-ivoa
State PArEiis of Abraham Lincoln. 337
to thera an undue importance. It is to Le remembered that this is a nation
of thirty millions, civilly divided into forty-one States and Territories,
whbh cover an expanse hardly less than Europe ; that the people are a
pure democracy, exercising everywhere the utmost freedom of speech and
suflmge ; that a great crisis necessarily produces vehement as xell as pro-
found debate, with sharp collisions of individual, local, and sectional
interests, sentiments, and ambitions; and that this heat of controversy is
increased by the intervention of speculations, interests, prejudices, and
passbns f.om every other part of the civilized world. It is, however,
through such debates that the agreement of the nation upon any subject
is habitually attained, its resolutions formed, and its policy established
While there has been much difference of popular opinion and favoi
concerning the agente who shall carry on the war, the priucip^«3 oa
which it shall be waged, and the means with which it shall be pros-
ecuted, M. Drouyn de I'Huys has only to refer to the statute-book of
Congress and the Executive ordinances to learn that the national ac-
tivity has hitherto been, and yet is, as efficient as that of any other
nation, whatever its form of government, ever was, under circumstances
of equally grave import to its peace, safety, and welfare. Not one voice
has been raised anywhere, out of the immediate field of the insurrection,
in favor of foreign intervention, of mediation, of arbitration, or of com-
promise, with the relinquishment of one acre of the national domain, or
the surrender of even one constitutional franchise. At the same time, it
is manifest to the world that our resources are yet abundant, and our
credit adequate to the existing emergency.
What M. Drouyn de I'Huys suggests is, that this Government shall ap-
point commissioners to meet, on neutral ground, commissioners of the
insurgents. He supposes that in the conferences to be thus held, recipro-
cal complaints could be discussed, and in place of the accusations which
the North and Soutli now mutually cast upon each other, the conferees
woidd be engaged with discussions of the interests which divide them.
He assumes, further, that the commissioners would seek, by means of well-
rdered and profound deliberation, whether these interests are definitively
irreconcilable, whether separation is an extreme that can no longer be
avoided, or whether the memories of a common existence, the ties of ever v
kind which have made the North and the South one whole Federative
State, and have borne them on to so high a degree of prosperity, are not
more powerful than the causes which have placed arms in the hands of the
two populations.
The suggestion is not an extraordinary one, and it may well have Deen
thought by the Emperor of the French, in the earnestness of his benevo-
lent desire for the restoration of peace, a feasible one. But when M.
Drouyn de I'Huys shall come to review it in the light in which it must
necssearily be examined in this country, I think he can hardly fail to per-
ceive that it amounts to nothing less than a proposition that, while this
Government is engaged in suppressing: «i armed insurrection^ with the
338 The Life, Public Services, and
pnrpose of maintaining the constitutional national authority, and preserving
the integrity of the country, it shall enter into diplomatic discussion witi
the insurgents upon the questions whether that authority shall not be re-
nounced, and whether the country shall not be delivered over to disunicn,
U) be quickly fclloT7ed by ever-increasing anarchy.
If it were possible for the Government of the United States to com-
promise the national authority so far as to enter into such debates, it is.
not easy to perceive what good results could be obtained by them. I
The commissioners must agree in recommending either that the Urlon '
shall stand or that it sliall be voluntarily dissolved ; or else they must leave
the vital question unsettled, to abide at last the fortunes of the war. The
Government lias not shut out the knowledge of the present temper, any
more than of the past purposes, of the insurgents. There is not the least
ground to suppose that the controlling actors would be persuaded at this
moment, by any arguments which national commissioners could offer, to
forego the ambition that has impelled them to the disloyal position they
are occupying. Any commissioners who should be appointed by these
actors, or through their dictation or influence, must enter the conference
imbued with the spirit and pledged to the personal fortunes of the insur-
gent chiefs. The loyal people in the insurrectionary States would be un-
heard, and any offer of peace by this Government, on the condition of the
maintenance of the Union, must necessarily be rejected.
On the other hand, as I have already intimated, this Government has
not the least thought of relinquishing the trust which has been confided
to it by the nation under the most solemn of all political sanctions ; and
if it had any such thought, it would still have abundant reason to know
that peace proposed at the cost of dissolution would be immediately, un-
reservedly, and indignantly rejected by the American people. It is a grea*
mistake that European statesmen make, if they suppose this people are
demoralized. "Whatever, in the case of an insurrection, the people of
France, or of Great Britain, or of Switzerland, or of the Netherlands would
do to save their national existence, no matter how the strife might be re-
garded by or might affect foreign nations, just so much, and certainly no
less, the people of the United States will do, if necessary to save for the com-
jaon benefit the region which is bounded by the Pacific and the Atlantic
coasts, and by the shores of the Gulfs of St. Lawrence and Mexico, together
•with the free and common navigation of the Rio Grande, Missouri, Arkan-
sas, Mississippi, Ohio, St. Lawrence, Hudson, Delaware, Potomac, and
other natural highways by which this laud, which tc them is at once a
land of inheritance and a land of promise, is opened and watered. Even
if the agents of the American people now exercising their power should,
through fear or faction, fall below this height of the national virtue, they
would be speedily, yet constitutionally, replaced by others of sterner
•haracter and patriotism.
I must be allowed to say, also, that M. Drouyn de ^'Huys errs in hie
description of the parties to th« Droscnt conflict. "We have here, m th*
State Papers of Abraham Lincoln. 339
political sense, no ISTorth and South, no Northern and Southern States.
We have an insurrectionary party, wliich is located chiefly upon and adja-
cent to the shore of the Gulf of Mexico ; and we have, on the other hand,
« loyal people, who constitute not only Northern States, but also Eastern,
Hiddle, Western, and Southern States.
I have on many occasions heretofore submitted to the French Govern-
ment the President's views of the interests, and the ideas more effectivfl
for the time tlian even interests, which lie at the bottom of the determi'
nation of the American Government and people to maintain the Federal
Union. The President has done the same thing in his Messages and other
pnblic declarations. I refrain, therefore, from reviewing that argument ir
connection with the existing question.
M. Drouyn de I'lluys draws to his aid the conterences which took place
T)etween the Colonies and Great Britain in our Revolutionary War. He
will allow us to assume that action in the crisis of a nation must accord
with its necessities, and therefore can seldom be conformed to precedents.
Great Britain, when entering on the negotiations, had manifestly come to
entertain doubts of her ultimate success ; and it is certain that the council?
of the Colonies could not fail to take new courage, if not to gain other
advantage, when the parent State compromised so far a,a to treat of peace
on the terms of conceding their independence.
It is true, indeed, that peace must come at some time, and that con-
ferences must attend, if they are not allowed to precede tne pacification.
There is, however, a better form for such conferences than the one which
M. Drouyn de THuys suggests. The latter would be palpably in deroga-
tion of the Constitution of the United States, and would carry no weight,
because destitute of the sanctiQn necessary to bind either the disloyal or
the loyal portions of the people. On the other hand, the Congress of the
United States furnishes a constitutional forum for debates between the
alienated parties. Senators and representatives from the loyal portion
of the people are there already, freely empowered to confer ; and seats
E-SO are vacant, and inviting senators and representatives of this discon-
tented party who may be constitutionally sent there from the States in-
volved in the msurrection. Moreover, the conferences which can thus be
held in Congress have this great advantage over any that could be organ-
ised upon the plan of M. Drouyn de rHuys, namely, that the Congress, if
it were thought wise, could call a national convention to adopt its recom-
mendations, and give them all the solemnity and binding force of organic
law. Such conferences between the alienated parties may be said to have
already begun. Maryland, Virginia, Kentucky, Tennessee, and Missouri
— States which are claimed by the insurgents — are already represented in
Congress, and submitting with perfect freedom and in a proper spirit
their advice upon the course best calculated to bring about, in the shortest
time, a firm, lasting, and honorable peace. Representatives have been
sent also from Lonisiana, and others are understood to be coming from
Arkansas.
340 The Life, Public Services, a.:i>
TJiere is a preponderating argument in favor of the Congressional form
of conference over that which is suggested by M, Drouyn de I'lluys,
namely, that while an accession to the latter would bring this Govern-
ment into a concurrence with the insurgents in disregarding and setting
aside an important part of the Constitution of the United States, and so
would be of pernicious example, the Congressional conference, on the
contrary, preserves and gives new strength to that sacred writing which
must continue through future ages the sheet-anchor of the Republic.
You will be at liberty to read this dispatch to M. Drouyn de THuyg,
and to give him a copy if he shall desire it.
To the end that you may be informed of the whole case, I transmit a
oopy of M. Drouyn de I'lluys's dispatch.
I am, sir, your obedient servant,
William H. Sewaed.
The effect of this dispatcn was very marked. It put an
end to all talk of foreign interyention in any form, and
met the cordial and even enthusiastic approbation of the
people throughout the country. Its closing suggestions,
as to the mode in which tlie Southern States could resume
their old relations to the Federal Government, were re-
garded as significant indications of the policy the Ad-
ministration was inclined to pursue whenever the ques-
tion of restoration should become practical : and while
they were somewhat sharply assail f^d in some quarters,
they commande ^ the general assent of the great body of
the people.
The subject of appointing commissioners to confer with
the authorities of the rebel Confederacy had been dis
cussed, before the appearance of this correspondence, in
the Northern States. It had emanated from the party
most openly in hostility to the Administration, and those
men in that party who had been most distinctly opposed
to any measures of coercion, or any resort to force for the
purpose of overcoming the rebellion. It was represented
by these persons that the civil authorities of the Confed-
eracy were restrained from abandoning the contest only
by the refusal or neglect of the Government to give them
an opportunity of doing so without undue humiliation
and dishonor ; and in December, Hon. Fernando Wood,
of New York, wrote to the President, informing him that
\ State Papers of Abraham Lincoln. 34 a
he had reason to "believe the Southern States would " send
representatives to the next Congress, provided a full and
general amnesty should permit them to do so," and ask-
ing the appointment of commissioners to ascertain the
truth of these assurances.
To this request the President made the foil owing re-
ply-—
ExEOUTiTE Mansion, Washihqton, December J8, 1808.
Hon. Fernando "Wood :
My Deab Sir : — Your letter of the 8th, with the accompanying note of
same date, was received yesterday.
The most important paragraph in the letter, as I consider, is ia these
words: "On the 2oth of November last I was advised by an authority
which I deemed likely to be well informed, as well as reliable and truth-
ful, that the Southern States would send representatives to the next Con-
gress, provided that a full and general amnesty should permit them to do
BO. No guarantee or terms were asked for other than the amnesty re-
ferred to."
I strongly suspect your information will prove to be groundless ; never-
theless, I thank you for communicating it to me. Understanding the
phrase in the paragrajjh above quoted — " the Southern States would send
representatives to the next Congress " — to be substantially the same as
that "the people of the Southern States would cease resistance, and would
reinaugurate, submit to, and maintain the national authority within the
limits of such States, under the Constitution of the United States," I say
that in such case the war would cease on the part of the United States;
and that if withiL a reasonable time " a full an(> general amnesty" were
necessary to 8"ach end, it would not be withheld.
I do not think it would be proper nov/ to communicate this, formally
or informally, to the people of the Southern States. My belief is that
they already know it; and when they choose, if ever, they can commu-
nicate with me unequivocally. Nor do I think it proper now to suspend
military operations to try any experiment of negotiation.
1 should nevertheless receive, with great pleasure, the exact informa-
ticn you now have, and also such other as you may in any way obtain.
Such information might be more valuable before the 1st of January than
Rfterwards.
While there is nothing in this letter which I shall dread to see in his-
tory, it is, perhaps, better for the present that its existence should not
become public. I therefore have to request that you will regard it aa
confidential. Your obedient servant,
A. LtNOOLN.
The intimation in this letter that information concerning
342 The Life, Public Services, and
the alleged willingness of the rebels to resume their alle
giance, "might be more valuable before the 1st of Jan-
uary than afterwards," had reference to the Emancipation
Proclamation, which he proposed to issue on that day,
unless the oifer of his preliminary proclamation should
be accepted. That proclamation had been issued on the
22d of September, and the sense of responsibility under
which this step was taken, was clearly indicated in the
following remarks made by the President on the evening
of the 24th of that month, in acknowledging the compli-
ment of a serenade at the Executive Mansion : —
Fellow-Citizens : — I appear before yon to do little more than acknowl-
edge the courtesy you pay me, and to thank you for it. I have not been
distinctly informed why it is that on this occasion you appear to do me
this honor, though I suppose it is because of the proclamation. What I
did, I did after a very full deliberation, and under a very heavy and sol-
emn sense of responsibility. I can only trust in God I have vnade no mis-
take. I shall make no attempt on this occasion to sustain what I have
done or said by any comment. It is now for the country and the world
to pass judgment, and may be take action upon it. I will say no more
upon this subject. In my position I am environed with difficulties. Yet
they are scarcely so great a,s the difficulties of those who, upon the battle-
field, are endeavoring to purchase with their blood and their lives the fu-
ture happiness and prosperity of this country. Let us never forget them.
On the 14th and 17th days of this present month there have been battles
bravely, skilfully, and successfully fought. We do not yet know the par-
ticulars. Let us be sure that, in giving praise to certain individuals, we
do no injustice to others. I only ask you, at the conclusion of these few
remarks, to give three hearty cheers to all good and brave officers and
men who fought those successful battles.
In November the President published the following
order regarding the observance of the day of rest, and
the vice of profanity, in the army and navy : —
Executive Mansion, Washington, November 16, 1862.
The President, commander-in-chief of the army and navy, desires and
enjoins the orderly observance of the Sabbath by the officers and men in
the military and naval service. The importance for man and beast of the
prescribed weekly rest, the sacred rights of Christian soldiers and sailors,
a becoming deference to the best sentiment of a Christian people, and a
due regard for the Divine will, demand that Sunday labor in the army and
navy be reduced to the measure of strict necessity.
f^ State Papers of Abraham Lincoln. 343
Tlie discipline and character of the National forces should not suffer,
ftor the cause they defend be imperilled, by the profanation of the day or
came of the Most High. "At this time of public distress," adopting the
words of Washington in 1776, "men may find enough to do in the service
of God and their country, without abandoning themselves to vice and im-
morality." The first general order issued by the Father of his Country
after the Declaration of Independence, indicates the spirit in which our
institutions were founded, and should ever be defended. " The general
lopes and trusts that every oflBcer and man will endeavor to live and act
V beoomes a Christian soldier defending the dearest rights and liberfcsei
&£ bis oonntxy,''
A, JjXOOlM.
344 The Life. Public Services, and
CHAPTER XI.
THE CONGRESSIONAL SESSION OP 1 862-' 63.— MESSAGE OF THE
PRESIDENT AND GENERAL ACTION OF THE SESSION.
The Peesident's Message. — Aee the IIebel States Aliens? — The Pbo-
VISION FOE A DeAFT. MESSAGE ON THE FINANCES AND CuEEENOY,- -
Admission of Westeen Vieginia. — Close of the Session.
The tliird session of the Thirty- seventh Congress opened
on the 1st day of December, 1862 — the supporters of the
Administration having a Large majority in both branches.
The general condition of the country, and the progress
made in quelling the rebellion, are clearly set forth in the
following Message of President Lincoln, which was sent
in to Congress at the beginning of the session : —
Fellow- Citizens of the Senate and House of Bepresentatives : —
Since your last annual assembling, another year of health and bountiful
harvests has passed, and .vhile it has not pleased the Almighty to bless
us with the return of peace, we can but press on, guided by the best light
He gives us, trusting that, in His own good time and wise way, al! will
be well.
The correspondence, touching foreign affairs, which has taken place
durng the last year, is herewith submitted, in virtual compliance with a
request to that effect made by the House of Representatives near tie close
of the last session of Congress. If the condition of our relations vf ith
other nations is less gratifying than it has usually been at former periods,
it is certinly more satisfactory than a nation so unhappily distracted as
we are might reasonably have apprehended. In the month of June last
there were some grounds to expect that the maritime Powers, which, at
the beginning of our domestic difficulties, so unwisely and unncessarily,
as we think, recognized the insurgents as a belligerent, would soon recede
from that position, which has proved only less injurious to themselves
than to our own country. But the temporary reverses which afterwards
befell the National arras, and which were exaggerated by our own
disloyal citizens abroad, have hitherto delayed that act of simple jus-
tice.
The civil war which has so radically changed for the moment the o-'hto-
patioiifl imd habits ot the American people, has necessarily disturbed the
State Papers of Abraham Lincoln. 345
Booirti condition, and affected very deeply the prosperity of the nation*
with which we have carried on a commerce that has heen steadily in-
creasing throughout a period of half a century. It has, at the same time,
excited political ambitions and apprehensions which have produced a pro-
found agitation throughout the civilized world. In this unusual agitation
we have forborne from taking part in any controversy between foreign
States, and between parties or factions in such States. "We have attempt-
ed no propagandism, and acknowledged no revolution. But we have left
to every nation the exclusive conduct and management of its own affairs.
Our struggle has been, of course, contemplated by foreign nations with
reference less to its own merits than to its supposed and often exaggerated
effects and consequences resulting to those nations themselves. Never-
theless, complaint on the part of this Government, even of it were just,
would c#rtainly be unwise.
The treaty with Great Britain for the suppression of the slave-trade
has been lut into operation with a good prospect of complete success. It
is an occasion of special pleasure to acknowledge that the execution of it
on the part of Her Majesty's Government has been marked with a jealoua
respect for the authority of the United States and the rights of their moi al
and loyal citizens.
The convention with Hanover for the abolition of the stade dues
has been carried into full effect, under the r )t of Congress for that pur-
pose.
A blockade of three thousand miles of sea-coast could not oe establisheo
and vigorously enforced, in a season of great commercial activity like the
present, without committing occasional mistakes, and inflicting uninten-
tional injuries upon foreign nations and their subjects.
A civil war occurring in a country where foreigners reside and carry
on trade under treaty stipulations is necessarily fruitful of complaints of
the violation of neutral rights. All such collisions tend to excite misap-
prehensions, and possibly to produce mutual reclamations between nations
which have a common interest in preserving peace and friendship. In
clear cases of these kinds I have, so far as possible, heard and redres-sed
complaints which have been presented by friendly Powers. There is s'ill
hcwever, a large and an augmenting number of doubtful cases, upo
which the Government is unable to agree with the Governments whose
protection is demanded by the claimants. There are, moreover, many
cases in which the United States, or their citizens, suffer wrongs from the
naval or military authorities of foreign nations, which the Governments
of these States are not at once prepared to redress. I have proposed to
some of the foreign States thus interested mutual conventions to examine
and adjust such complaints. This proposition has been made especially
to Great Britain, to France, to Spain, and to Prussia. In each case ^ , has
been kindly received, but has not yet been formally adopted.
T deem it my duty to recommend an appropriation in behalf of the
wnera of the Norwegian bark Admiral P, Tordenskiold, which vessel
^ill.j
POL {
346 The Life, Public Services, and
was in May, 1861, prevented by the commander of the blockadixg force
^IF Charleston from leaving that port with cargo, notwithstanding a sim-
ilar privilege had, shortly before, been granted to an English vessel. I
have directed the Secretary of State to cause the papers in the case to b«
communicated to the proper committees.
Applications have been made to me by many free Americans of African
descent to favor their emigration, with a \iew to such colonization as was
contemplated in recent acts of Congress. Other parties, at home anr
abroad — some from interested motives, others upon patriotic considera
tions, and still others influenced by philanthropic sentiments — liave sug-
gested similar measures ; while, on the other hand, several of the Span-
ish-American Republics have protested against the sending of such colo-
nies to their respective territories. Under these circumstances, I have
declined to move any such colony to any State without first obtaining the
consent of its Government, with an agreement on its part to receive and
prot*)ct such emigrants in all the rights of freemen ; and I have at the
same time offered to the several States situated within the tropics, or
having colonies there, to negotiate with them, subject to the advice and
consent of the Senate, to favo^ the voluntary emigration of persons of that
class to t-ieir respective territories, upon conditions which shall be equal,
just, anG humane. Liberia and Hayti are, as yet, the only countries to
u-hich colonists of African descent from here could go with certainty of
being received and adopted tio citizens; and I regret to say such persons,
contemplating colonization, do not seem so willing to migrate to lliose
countries as to some others, nor sc willing as I think their intere&t de
mands. I believe, however, opinion among them in this respect is
improving; and that ere long there will be an augmented and considera-
ble migration to both these countries from the United States.
The new commercial treaty between the United States and the Sultan
of Turkey has been carried into execution.
A commercial and consular treaty has been negotiated, subject to the
Senate's consent, with Liberia; and a similar negotiation is now pending
wiLh the Republic of Hayti. A considerable improvement of the national
coiiimerce is expected to result from these measures.
Our relations with Great Britain, France, Spain, Portugal, Russia,
Prussia, Denmark, Sweden, Austria, the Netherlands, Italy, Rome, and
\he other European States remain undisturbed. Very favorable rela-
tions also coutinixe to be maintained with Turkey, Morocco, China, and
Japan.
Duriuj^ the last year there has not only been no change of our previous
relations with the Independent States of our own continent, but more
friendly sentiments than have heretofore existed are believed to be ea
tertained by these neighbors, whose safety and progress are so intimately
connected with our own. This statement especially applies to Mexico,
Kicaragua, Costa Rica, Honduras, Peru, and Chili.
The commission under the convention with the Republic of New Gra-
State Papers of Abraham Lincoln. 347
nada closed its session without having audited and passed upon all th€
claims which were submitted to it. A proposition is pending to revive
the convention, that it be able to do more complete justice. The joint
commission between the United States and the Republic of Costa Rica
has completed its labors and submitted its report.
I have favored the project for connecting the United States with En-
rope by an Atlantic telegraph, and a similar project to extend the tele-
graph from San Francisco to connect by a Pacific telegraph with the line
which is being extended across the Russian Empire.
The Territories of the United States, with unimportant exceptions,
have remained undisturbed by the civil war; and they are exhibiting
such evidence of prosperity as justifies an expectation that some of them
will soon be in a condition to be organized as States, and be constitution-
ally admitted into the Federal Union.
The immense mineral resources of some of those Territories ought to
be developed as rapidly as possible. Every step in that direction would
have a tendency to improve the revenues of the Government and dimin-
ish the burdens of the people. It is worthy of your serious considera-
tion whether some extraordinary measures to promote that end cannot
be adopted. The means which suggests itself as most likely to be efiibc-
tive, is a scientific exploration of the mineral regions in those Territories,
with a view to the publication of its results at home and in foreign coun-
tries— results which cannot fail to be auspicious.
The condition of the finances will claim your most diligent considera-
tion. The vast expenditures incident to the military and naval opera-
tions required for the suppression of the rebellion have been hitherto
met with a promptitude and certainty unusual in similar circumstances ;
and the public credit has been fully maintained. The continuance of the
war, however, and the increased disbursements made necessary by the
augmented forces now in the field ^ demand your best reflections as tc the
besi modes of providing the necessary revenue, without injury to busi-
ness, and with the least possible burdens upon labor.
The suspension of specie payments by the banks, soon after the com-
mencement of your last session, made large issues of United States notes
unavoidable. In no other way could the payment of the troops and the
satisfaction of other just demands, be so economically or so weU provided
for. The judicious legislation of Congress, securing the receivability of
these notes for loans and internal duties, and making them a legal tender
for other debts, has made them a universal currency, and has satisfied,
partially at least, and for the time, the long felt want of a uniform circu-
lating medium, saving thereby to the people immense sums in discounts
and exchanges.
A return to specie payments, however, at the earliest period compati-
ble with due regard to all interests concerned, should ever be kept in
view. Fluctuations in the value of currency are always injurious, and
to reduce these fluctuations to the lowest possible point will iilways be e
0±0 LUL niiH, L'VULiO Oillv/KJJiS, AND
leading purpose in wise legislation. Convertibility, prompt and certaic
convertibility into coin, is generally acknowledged to be the best ard
surest safeguard against them; and it is extremely doubtful whether a
circulation of United States notes, payable in coin, and sufficiently large
for the wants of the people, can be permanently, usefully, and safely
maintained.
Is there, then, any other mode in which the necessary provision for
the public wants can be made, and the great advantages of a safe and
uniform currency secured?
1 know of none which promises so certain results, and is, at the same
time, so unobjectionable as the organization of banking associations, un-
der a general act of Congress, well guarded in its provisions. To such
associations the Government might furnish circulating notes, on the
security of United States bonds deposited in the Treasury. These notes,
prepared under the supervision of proper officers, being uniform in ap-
pearance and security, and convertible always into coin, would at once
protect labor against the evils of a vicious currency, and facihtate com-
merce by cheap and sjife exchanges.
A moderate reservation from the interest on the bonds would compen-
sate the United States for the preparation and distribution of the notes,
and a general supervision of the system, and would lighten the burden
of that part of the public debt employed as securities. The public credit,
moreover, would be greatly improved, and the negotiation of new loans
greatly facilitated by the steady market demand for Government bonds
which the adoption of the proposed system would create.
It is an additional recommendation of the measure, of considerable
weight, in my judgment, that it would reconcile as far as possible all
existing interests, by the opportunity offered to existing institutions to
reorganize under the act, substituting only the secured uniform national
circulation for the local and varisus circulation, secured and unsecured,
now issued by them.
The receipts into the Treasury, from all sources, including loans, and
balance from the preceding year, for the fiscal year ending on the 30th
of June, 1862, were $583,885,247.60, of which sum $49,056,897.62 were
derived from customs; $1,795,331.73 from the direct tax; from public
lands. $152,203.77; from miscellaneous sources, $931,787.64; from loans
in all forms, $529,692,460.50. The remainder, $2,257,065.80, was the
balance from last year.
The disbursements during the same period were for Congressional,
Executive, and Judicial purposes, $5,939,009.29; for foreign intercourse,
$1,339,710.35 ; for miscellaneous expenses, including the mints, loans,
post-office deficiencies, collection of revenue, and other like charges,
$14,129,771.50; for expenses under the Interior Department, $3,102,-
985.52 ; under the War Department, $394,368,407.36 ; under the Navy
Department, $42,674,569.69; for interest on public debt, $13,190,324.45;
and for payment of public debt, including reimbursement of temporary
SiAXi^ Papers oi? Aehaham Lincoln 349
loan, and redemptions, $96,096,022.09 ; making an aggregate of $570,-
841,700,25, and leaving a balance in the Treasn/^- on the 1st day of July,
1862, of $13,043,546.81.
It should be observed that the sum of $96,096,922.09, expended for
reimbursements and redemption of public debt, being included also in
the loans made, may be properly deducted, both from receipts and expen-
ditares, leaving the actual receipts for the year $487,788,324.97, and the
expenditires, $474,744,778.16.
Other information on the subject of the finances will be found in the
report of the Secretary of the Treasury, to whose statements and views
I invite your most candid and considerate attention.
The reports of the Secretaries of War and of the Navy are herewith
transmitted. These reports, though lengthy, are scarcely more than
brief abstracts of the very numerous and extensive transactions and
operations conducted through those Departments. Nor could I give a
summary of thein here, upon any principle which would admit of it?
being muc!i shorter than the reports themselves. I therefore content
myself with laying the reports before you, and asking your attention to
them.
It gives me pleasure to report a decided improvement in the financia.
condition of the Post-Office Department, as compared with several pre-
ceding years. The receipts for vhe fiscal year 1861 amounted to
$8,349,296.40, which embraced the revenue from all the States of the
Union for three-quarters of that year. Notwithstanding the cessation
of revenue from the so-called seceded States during the last fiscal year,
the increase of the correspondence of the loyal States has been suffi*
cient to produce a revenue during the same year of $8,299,820.90,
'Deing only $50,000 less than was derived from all the States of the
Union during the previous year. Ttie expenditures show a still more
favorable result. The amount expended in 1861 was $13,606,759.11.
For the last year the amount has beA<i rtdaced to $11,125,364.13, show-.
,ng a decrease of about $2,481,000 in *»ie expenditures as compared with
-he preceding year, and about $3,750,0«"'O as compared with the fiscal \eat
!36'j. The deficiency in the Departusmi for the previous year was
14.551,966.08. For the last fiscal year -t ^as reduced to $2,112,814.57,
These favorable results are in part owing +0 the cessation ol mail servico
in the insurrectionary States, and in part to ^ cii'efui redew of all expen-
ditures iu that department in the interest c^ ec<»nom>. The efiiciency
of the postal service, it is believed, has also br-^.n mach improred. Tht*
Postmaster-General has also opened a correspo."*dfiuce, througii tne De-
partment of State, with foreign Governments, pro-^ofing a convention a*
postal representatives for the purpose of simplifying +ne rat-^s of foreign,
postage, and to expedite the foreign mails. This proposition, equally in*-
portant to our adopted citizens and to the commercial interests of thld
country, has been favorably entertained and agrees to by all the Qoreru-
t'lPuta i'vov' whom replies have been received.
5uO The Life, Tublic cervices, and
I ask the attention of Congress to the suggestions of the Postmaster-
General in his report respecting the farther legislation required, in hi*
opinion, for the benefit of the postal service.
The Secretary of the Interior reports as follows in regard to the puMia
lands : —
The public lands have ceased to be a source of revenue. From the
1st July, 1861, to the 30th September, 1862, the entire cash receipts from I
the sale of lands were $137,476.26 — a sura much less than the expenses [
of our land system during the same period. The homestead law, whicn '
will take effect on the 1st of January next, offers such inducements t:
settlers that sales for cash cannot be expected, to an extent sufficient to
neet the expense of the General Land Office, and the cost of surveying
and bringing the land into market.
The discrepancy between the sum here stated as arising from the
sales of the public lands, and the sum derived from the same source aa
reported from the Treasury Department, arises, as I understand, from
the fact that the periods of time, though apparently, were not reall>
coincident at the beginning-point — the Treasury report including a con-
siderable sum now which had previoTisly been reported from tlie inte-
rior— sufficiently large to greatly overreach the sum derived from the
three months now reported upon by the Interior, and not by the
Treasury.
The Indian tribes upon our frontiers have, during the past year, mani
fested a spirit of insubordination, and, at several points, have engaged in
open hostilities against the white settlements in their vicinity. The
tribes occupying the Indian country south of Kansas renounced their
allegiance to the United States, and entered into treaties with the insur-
gents. Those who remained loyal to the United States were driven from
the country. The chief of the Cherokees has visited this city for the
purpose of restoring the former relations of the tribe with the Ui.ited
States. Ho alleges that they were constrained, by superior force, to en-
tt^r into treaties with the insurgents, and that the United States neg-
levted to furnish the protection which their treaty stipulations required.
In the month of August last, the Sioux Indians in Minnesota attacked
the settlement in their vicinity with extreme ferocity, killing, indiscrimi-
nately, men, women, and children. This attack was wholly unexpected,
and therefore no means of defence had been provided. It is estimated
that not less than eight hundred persons were killed by the Indians, ar<<l
a large amount of property was destroyed. How this outbreak was in-
duced is not definitely known, and suspicions, which may be unjust, need
not be stated. Information w'as received by the Indian Bureau, from
different sources, about the time hostilities were commenced, that a si
multaneous attack was to be made upon the white settlements by all the
tribes between the Mississippi River and the Rocky Mountains. The
State of Minnesota has suffered great injury from this Indian war. A
large portion of her territory has been depopulated, and s severe loss
State PxVpers of Abraham Lincoln. 351
liae been sustained by the destruction of property. The people of that
State manifest much anxiety for the removal of the tribes beyond the
limits of the State as a guarantee against future hostilities. The Com
missioner of Indian Affairs will furnish full details. I submit for yont
aspecial consideration whether our Indian system shall not be remodelled
Many wise and good men have impressed me with the belief that this can
be profitably done.
X submit a statement of the proceedings of commissioners, which shows
the progress that has been made in the enterprise of constructing the
Pacific Railroad. And this suggests the earliest completion of this road,
and also the favorable action of Congress upon the projects now pending
before them for enlarging the capacities of the great canals in New York
and Illinois, as being of vital and rapidly increasing importance to the
whole nation, and especially to the vast interior region hereinafter to be
noticed at some greater length. I purpose having prepared and laid be-
fore you at an early day some interesting and valuable statistical informa-
tion upon this subject. The military and commercial importance of
enlarging the lUinois and Michigan Canal, and improving the Illinoia
River, is presented in the report of Colonel "Webster to the Secretary of
War, and now transmitted to Congress. I respectfully ask attention to it
To carry out the provisions of the act of Congress of the 15th of Maj
last, I have caused the Department c^f Agriculture of the United States
to be organized.
The Commissioner informs nie that within the period of a few months
this department has established an extensive system of correspondence
and exchanges, both at home and abroad, which promises to effect highly
beneficial results in the development of a correct knowledge of recent
improvements in agriculture, in the introduction of new products, and in
the collection of the agricultural statistics of the different States. Also,
that it wiU soon be prepared to distribute largely seeds, cereals, plants,
and cuttings, and has already published and liberally diffused much valu-
able information in anticipation of a more elaborate report, which will ip
due time be furnished, embracing some valuable tests in chemical science
aow in progress in the laboratory.
The creation of this department was for the more immediate benefit
of a large class of our most valuable fellow-citizens ; and I trust that the
C^eral basis upon which it has been organized will not only meet your
itpprobation, but that it will realize, at no distant day, all the fondest
aiJticipations of its most sanguine friends, and become the fruitful source
©f advantage to all our people.
On the 22d day of September last, a proclamation was issued by the
Executive, a copy of which is herewith submitted.
In accordance with the purpose expressed in the second paragraph of
that paper, I now respectfully call your attention to what may be caUed
"compensated emancipation."
A nation may be said to consist of its territory, its people, and its 'aw8>
i''i2 TliK LiFi:, i'UBLlC SERVICES; .-^biv
Tta territory is the only part which is of certain durability. '• Ont ^ei^er
ation pasfaeth away, and another generation cor^eth, but the earth abidetb
forever." It is of the first importance to duly consider and estimate this
ever-enduring part. That portion of the earth's surface which is owned
and inhabited by the people of the United States is well adapted to the
home of one national family, and it is not well adapted for two or more
Its vast extent, and its variety of climate and productions, are of advan-
tage in this age for one people, whatever they might have been in forme
ages. Steam, telegraphs, and intelligence have brought these to be a
advantageous combination for one united people.
In the Inaugural Address I briefly pointed out the total inadequacy of
disunion as a reiiiedy for the differences between the people of the two
sections. I did so in language which I cannot improve, and which, there-
fore, I beg to repeat : —
" One section ol our country believes slavery is right, and ought to be
extended; while the other believes it is wrong, and ought not to be
extended. This is the only substantial dispute. The fugitive slave clause
of the Constitution, and the law for the suppression of the foreign slave-
trade, are each as well enforced, perhaps, as any law can erer be in a
community where the moral sense of the people imperfectly supports the
law itself. The great body of the people abide by the dry legal obligation
in both cases, and a few break over in each. This, I think, cannot be
cured ; and it would be worse, in both cases, after the separation of the
sections than before. The foreign slave-trade, now imperfectly suppressed,
would be ultimately revived without restriction in one section; while
fugitive slaves, now only partially surrendered, would not be surrendered
at all by the other.
"Physically speaking, we cannot separate. We cannot remove our
respective sections from each other, nor build an impassable wall between
them. A husband and wife may be divorced^ and go out of the presence
and beyond the reach of each other ; but the different parts of our coun-
try cannot do this. They cannot but remain face to face ; and intercourse,
either amicable or hostile, must continue between them. Is it possible,
then, to make that intercourse more advantageous or more satisfactory
tfter separation than before ? Can aliens make treaties easier than fi'iends
can r.iake laws? Can treaties be more faithfully enforced between aliens
than laws can among friends? Suppose you go to war, you cannot fight
always ; and wlien, after much loss on both sides, and no gain on either,
you cease fighting, the identical old questions, as to torins of intercourse,
are again upon you."
There is no line, straight or crooked, suitable for a national boundary,
apou which to divide. Trace through, from east to west, upon the line
between the free and slave country, and we shall find a little more than
one-third of its length are rivers, easy to be crossed, and populated, or
soon to be populated, thickly upon both sides ; while nearly all its re
maining length are merely surveyors' lines, over which people may walk
back and forth without any consciousness of their presence. No part of
this line can be made any more diflicult to pass by writing it down on
paper or paro^iment ae a national boun^'''"'^. The fact of separation, if it
ooioes, A^eQ up, on the part of the seceding section, tne fugitive slave
clause, along with all other constitutional ohligations upon the sectiou
seceded from, while I should expect no treaty stipulation would ever be
made to take its place.
But there is another difficulty. The great interior region, bounded east
bj the Alleghanies, north by the British dominions, west by the Rocky
Mountains, and south by the line along which the culture of corn and
cotton meets, and which includes part of Virginia, part of Tennessee, all
of Kentucky, Ohio, Indiana, Michigan, Wisconsin, Elinois, Misscnri,
Kansas, Iowa, Minnesota, and the Territories of Dakota, Nebraska, and
part of Colorado, already has above ten millions of people, and will have
fifty millions within fiiiy years, if not prevented by any political folly or
mistake. It contains more than one-third of the country owned by the
United Siates— certainly more than one million of square miles. Unco
half as populous as Massachusetts already is. it would have more than
seventy-five millions of people. A glance at the map shows that, terri-
'•-orially speaking, it is the great body of the Republic. The other parts
are but marginal borders to it, the magnificent region sloping west from
the Rocky Mountains to the Pacific being the deepest, and also the richest
in undeveloped resources. In the production of provisions, grains, grasses,
and all which proceed from them, this great intei-ior region is naturally
one of the most important of the world. Ascertain from the stnti^-tics the
small propoi tion of the region which has as yet been brought into f^ulti-
vation, and also the large and rapidly increasing amount of its products,
and we shall be overwhelmed with the magnitude of the prospect yre
sented. And yet this region has no sea-coa&t— touches no ocean hny-
where. As part of one nation, its people now find, and may forever find,
their way to Europe by New York, to South America and Africa by New
Orleans, and to Asia by San Francisco. But separate our common coun-
try into two nations, as designed by the present rebellion, and every man
of this great interior region is thereby cut ofl" from some one or more of
these outlets, not perhaps by a physical barrier, but by embarrassing and
onerous trade regulations.
And this is true, wherever a dividing or boundary line may be fixed
Place it b(3tween the now free and slave country, or place it south (y
Kentucky, or north of Ohio, and still the truth remain* diat none south
of it can trade to any port or place north of it, and none north of it can
trade to any port or place south of it, except upon terms dictated by a
Governraeut foreign to them. These outlets, east, west, and south, Lre
indispensable to the well-being of the people inhabiting and to inhabit
this vast interior region. Which of the three may be the best is no
proper question. All are better than either, and all of right belong
tx> that people and to their successors forever. True to themselves,
they will not ask where a line of separation shall be, but will vow
r&ihej; that there shall be no such line. Nor are the marginal regions
1«S8 interested m these communications to and through them to the great
354 The Life, Public Services^ and
outside world. They too, and each of them, must have acceai to thia
Egypt of the West, without paying toll at the crossing of any national
boundary.
Our national strife springs not from our permanent part ; not from the
land we inhabit; not from our national homestead. There is no possible
severing of this, but would multiply and not mitigate evils among us. In
&ll its adaptations and aptitudes it demands union and abhors separation.
In fact, it would ere long force reunion, however much of blood aucl
treasure the separation might have cost.
Our strife pertains to ourselves — to the passing generations of men;
and it can, witliout convulsion, be hushed forever with the passing of on©
generation.
In this view, I recommend the adoption of the following resolution and
articles amendatory to the Constitution of the United States : —
Hesohed hy the Senate and House of Representatives of the United
States of America in Congress assembled (two-thirds of both Houses con
curring), That the following articles be proposed to the Legislatures (or
Conventions) of the several States as amendments to the Constitution of
the United States, all or any of which articles, when ratified by three-
fourths of the said Legislatures (or Conventions), to be valid as part or
parts of the said Constitution, viz. : —
Ajjtiole. — Every State, wherein slavery now esists, which shall abolisn
the same therein at any time or times before the first day of January, in
the year of our Lord one thousand and nine hundred, shall receive com-
pensation from the United States as follows, to wit :
The President of the United States shall deliver to every such State
bonds of the United States, bearing interest at the rate of per cent.
per annum, to an amount equal to the aggregate sum of for each
slave shown to have been therein by the eighth census of the United
States, said bonds to be delivered to such State by instalments, or in one
parcel, at the completion of the abolishment, accordingly as the same
shall hare been gradual, or at one time, within such State; and interest
shall begin to run upon any such bond only from the proper time of its
delivery as aforesaid. Any State having received bonds as aforesaid, and
afterwards reintroducing or tolerating slavery therein, shall refund to th«
United States the bonds so received, or the value thereof, and all intereet
paid thereon.
Ahtiole. — All slaves who shall have enjoyed actual treedom by tie
;hances of the war, at any time before the end of the rebellion, shall :e
'orever free; but all owners of such, who shall not have been disloyal,
shall be compensated for them at the same rates as is provided for States
adopting abolishment of slavery, but in such way that no slave shall be
twice accounted for.
Article. — Congress may appropriate money, and otherwise provide
for colonizing free colored persons, with their own consent, at any place
or places without the United States.
I beg indulgence to discuss these proposed articles at some lengtii.
Without slavery the rebellion could never have existed ; without slavery
it cou.d not continue.
Among the friends of the UniooL there is great diversity of aeotizne.it
State Papers of Abraham Lincoln. 355
ftnd of policy in regard to slavery and the African race amongst ns.
Bome would perpetuate slavery; some would abolish it suddenly, and
■without compensation ; some would abolish it gradually, and with com-
pensation; some would remove the freed people from ns, and some
would retain them with us: and there are yet other minor diversities.
Because of these diversities we waste much strength among ourselves.
By mutual concession we should harmonize and act together. This
would be compromise ; but it would be compromise among the frienda,
and not with the enemies of the Union. These articles are intended to
embody a plan of such mutual concessions. If the plan shall be adopted,
it is assumed that emancipation will follow in at least several zf ihe
States.
As to the first article, the main points are : first, the emancipation ;
secondly, the length of time for consummating it — thirty-seven years;
and, thirdly, the compensation.
The emancipation will be unsatisfactory to the advocates of perpetual
slavery ; but the length of time should greatly mitigate their dissatisfac-
tion. The time spares both races from the evils of sudden derangement
— in fact, from the necessity of any derangement; while most of those
whose habitual course of thought will be disturbed by the measure will
hav*^ passed away before its consummation. They will never see it.
Another class will hail the prospect of emancipation, but will deprecate
the length .^f time. They will feel that it gives too little to the now liv-
ing slaves. But it really gives them much. It saves them from the vagraot
destitution which must largely attend immediate emancipation in localitie<i
wnere the.r numbers are very great; and it gives the inspiring assuranco
that their posterity shall be free forever. The plan leaves to each State
choosing "'X) act under it, to abolish slavery now, or at the end of the cen-
tury, or tt any intermediate time, or by degrees, extending over the w hole
or any pnrt of the period ; and it obliges no two States to proceed alike.
It also p.ovides for compensation, and generally the mode of makiug it.
This, it vonlA seem, must further mitigate the dissatisfaction of those who
favor pet-petual slavery, and especially of those who are to receive the
compens^,tion. Pou .tless some of those who are to pay and not receive
will object. Yet the measure is both just and economical. In a «ertain
sense the liberation of slaves is the destruction of property — property
icquired by descent or by purchase, the same as any other property. It
. IS no less true for having been often said, that the people of the South are
not more responsible for the original introduction of this property than
are the people of the ^N'orth ; and when it is remembered how unhesitat-
ingly we all use cotton and sugar, and share the profits of dealing in them,
it may not be quite safe to say that the South has been more reopon-
gible than the North for its continuance. K, then, for a common object
this property is to be sacrificed, is it not just that it be done at a common
charge ?
And if with less money, or money more easily paid, we can preservt
356 The Life, Public Services, and
the benefits of the Fnion by this means than we can by the war alone, is
it not also economical to do it? Let ns consider it, then. Let us ascer-
tain the sum we have expended in the war since compensated emancipation
was proposed last March, and consider whether, if that measure had I een
promptly accepted by even some of the slave States, the same sum wfuld
not have done more to close the war than has been otherwise done. If
80, the measure would save money, and, in that view, would be a pru(?ent:
and economical measure. Certainly it is not so easy to pay sometl ng ai
it is pay nothing ; but it is easier to pay a large sum than it is to ray ft
larger one. And it is easier to pay any sum when we are able, than it it
to pay it before we are able. The war requires large sums, and rec^airea
khem at once. The aggregate sum necessary for compensated emantipa-
Uon of course would be large. But it would require no ready cash, nor
the bonds even, any faster than the emancipation progresses. This m".ght
not, and probably would not, close before the end of the thirty -seven
years. At that time we shall probably have a hundred millions of people
to share the burden, instead of thirty-one millions, as now. And not only
80, but the increase of our population may be expected to continue for a
long time after that period as rapidly as before ; because our territory will
not have become full. I do no state this inconsiderately.
At the same ratio of increase which we have maintained, on 211 average
from our first national census, in 1790, until that of 18G0, we "i)ould, in
1 900, have a population ot one hundred and ^hree million two hundred
and eight thousand four hundred and fifteen, ind why may we not con
tinue that ratio — far beyond that period ? Our ctbundant room — our broad
national homestead — ^is our ample resource. "W ere our territory as limited
as are the British Isles, very certainly our population could not expand as
stated. Instead of receiving the foreign born an now, we should be com-
pelled to send part of the native born away. But such is not our condi-
tion. We have two million nine hundred aikJ sixty-three thousand
square miles. Europe has three million and e ght hundred thousand,
with a population averaging seventy-three and one-third persons to the
square mile. Why may not our country at some time average as many ?
Is it less fertile? Has it mere waste surface, by mountains, rivers, lakes,
deserts, or other causes ? Is it inferior to Europe in any natural advan-
tage? If then we are, at some time, to be as populous as Europe, how
Boon? As to when this maybe, we can judge by the past and the present*,
as to when it will be, if ever, depends much on whether we maintain the
Union. Several of our States are already above the average of Euroi)e —
seventy-three and a third to the square mile. Massachusetts one hundred
and fifty-seven ; Rhode Island one hundred and thirty-three ; Connecticut
ninety-nine; Ne^ York and New Jersey, each eighty. Also tvvu otheif
srreat States, Penns^Vania and Ohio, are HOt far below, the former ha\ing
sixty-three and the latter fifty-nine. The States already above the
European average, except New York, have increased in as rapid a ratio,
•iij'^e. n.asaing that p(int, as ever before ; while no one of them is eunal t.<j
State Papers o:^' Abraham Lincoln. 357
some other parte of our country in natural capacity for sustaining a dense
j;opulation.
Taking the nation in the aggregate, and we find its population and ratio
of increase, for the several decennial periods, to be as follows —
1799 3,929,827
1800 5,305,937 35.02 per cent, ratio of increasa.
1810 7,239,814 36.45 " " "
1820 9,638,131 33.13 " " "
1830 12,866,020 B3.49 " " «
1840.. 17.069,453 32.67 " " "
1850 23,191,876 35.87 " " "
1860 31,443,790 35.58 « " «
This shows an average decennial increase of 34.60 per cent, in popuia
tion through the seventy years, from our first to our last census yet takep
It is seen that the ratio of increase, at no one of these two periods, is
ather two per cent, below or two per cent, above the average ; thus show-
ing how inflexible, and consequently how reliable, the law of increase in
our case is. Assuming that it will continue, it gives the following re-
sults : —
1870 42,823,341
1880 56,967,216
1890 76,677,872
1900 103,208,415
1910 138,918,526
1920 186,984,335
1930 251,680,914
These figures show that our country may be as populous as Europe now
IS at some point between 1920 and 1930 — say about 1925 — our territory,
at seventy-three and a third persons to the square mile, being of capacity
to contain two hundred and seventeen million one hundred and eighty-
Eix thousand.
And we will reach this, too, if we do not ourselves relinquish the chaise's^
ty the folly and evils of disunion, or by long and exhausting wars spring-
ing from the only great element of national discord among us. While it
cannot be foreseen exactly how much one huge example of secession,
breeding lesser ones indefinitely, would retard population, civilization, and
prosperity, no one can doubt that the extent of it would be very great and
injurious.
The proposed emancipation would shorten the war, perpetuate peace,
insure this increase of population, and proportionately the wealth of the
country. With these we should pay all the emancipation would cost,
together with our other debt, easier than we should pay our other debt with-
out it. If we had allowed our old national debt to run at six per cent, per
annum, simple interest, from the end of our Revolutionary struggle intil
to-day, without paying anything on either principal or interest, each man
of us would owe less upon that debt now tlxan each man owed upon it
G58 The Life, Public Services, and
-.lien; and this because our increase of men, througli the whole period,
has been greater than six per c-ent. ; has run faster than the interest upon
tlse debt. Thus, time alone relieves a debtor nation, so long as its popu-
lation increases faster than unpaid interest accumulates on its debt.
This fact would be no excuse for delaying payment of what is justly
due ; but it shows the great importance of time in this connection — the
great advantage of a policy by which we shall not have to pay until we
number a hundred millions, what, by a different policy, we would have t9
aow, when we number but thirty-one millions. In a word, io (:*hows tha
a dollar will be much harder to pay for the war than will be a dollar for th
emancipation on the proposed plan. And then the latter will cost no
Mood, no precious life. It will be a saving of both.
As to the second article, I think it would be impracticable to return to
bondage the class of persons therein contemplated. Some of them, doubt-
less, in the property sense, belong to loyal owners ; and hence provision
is made in this article for compensating such.
The third article relates to the future of the freed people. It does not
oblige, but merely authorizes Congress to aid in colonizing such as may
consent. This ought not to be regarded as objectionable on the one hand or
on the other, insomuch as it comes to nothing unless by the mutual con
sent of the people to be deported, and the American voters, through their
representatives in Congress.
I cannot make it better known than it already is, that I strongly favor
colonization. And yet I wish to say there is an objection urged against
free colored persons remaining in the country whit^h is largely imaginary,
if not sometimes malicious.
It is insisted that their presence would injure and displace white labor
and white laborers. If there ever could be a proper time for mere catch
arguments, that time surely is not now. In times like the present men
should utter nothing for which they would not willingly be responsible
through time and in eternity. Is it true, then, that colored people can
displace any more white labor by being free than by remaining slaves?
U they stay in their old places, they jostle no white laborers ; if they leave
Ik ir old places, they leave them open to white laborers. Logically, there
13 neither more nor less of it. Emancipation, even without deportation,
would probably enhance the wages of white labor, and, very surely, would
r.ot reduce them. Thus the customary amount of labor would stiU have
to be performed — the freed people would surely not do more than their
old proportion of it, and very probably for a time would do less, leaving
tin increased part to white laborers, bringing their labor into greater
iemand, and consequently enhancing the wages of it. With deportation,
3ven to a limited extent, enhanced wages to white labor is mathematically
dertain. Labor is like any other commodity in the market — increase the
demand for it and you increase the price of it. Reduce the supply of
black labor, by colonizing the black laborer out of the country, and by
(-recisely so much you Increase the de'*i«"'i ^'^r and wages of white labor
biATE Papers of Abraham Lincoln. d59
But it is dreaded that the freed people will swarm forth and octet the
whole land ! Are they not already in the land ? "Will liberation tnaka
them any more numerous ? Equally distributed among the whites of the
whole country, and there would be bat one colored to seven whites.
Could the one, in any way, greatly disturb the seven ? There are many
communities now having more than one free colored person to seven
whites ; and this, without any apparent consciousness of evil from it.
The District of Columbia and the States of Maryland and Delaware ar«
all in this condition. The District has more than one free colored to six
Whites ; and yet, in its frequent petitions to Congress, I believe it has
never presented the presence of free colored persons as one of its grio\ -
ances. But why should emancipation South send the freed people Norths
People of any color seldom run unless there be something to run from.
Heretofore colored people to some extent have fled i^orth from bondage ;
and now, perhaps, from bondage and destitution. But if gradual eman-
cipation and deportation be adopted, they will have neither to flee from.
Their old masters will give them wages at least until new laborers can be
procured, and the freedmen in turn will gladly give their labor for the
wages till new homes can be found for them in congenial climes and with
people of their own blood and race. This proposition can be trusted on
the mutual interests involved. And in any event, cannot the North de-
cide for itself whether to receive them ?
Again, as practice proves more than theory, in any case, iias there been
any irruption of colored people north wai"d because of the abolishment
cf slavery in this District last spring?
What I have said of the proportion of free colored persons to the
whites in the District is from the census of 1860, having no reference to
persons called contrabands, nor to those made free by the act of Congress
abolishing slavery here.
The plan consisting of these articles is recommended, not but that a
restoration of national authority would be accepted without its adoption.
Nor wlQ the war, nor proceedings under the proclamation of Septem-
ber 22, 1862, be staved because of the recommendation of this plan. Its
timely adoption, I doubt not, would bring restoration, and thereby stay
both.
And, notwithstanding this plan, the recommendation that Congi'tsa
provide by law for compensating any State which may adopt emancipa-
tion before this plan shall have been acted upon, is hereby earnestly re-
newed. Sucli would be only an advanced part of the plan, and the same
arguments apply to both.
This plan is recommended as a means, not in exclusion of, but addi-
tional to, all others for restoring and preserving the national authority
throughout the Union. The subject is presented exclusively in its eco-
nomical aspect. The plan would, I am confident, secure peace more
speedily, and maintain it more permanently, than can be done by force
aione, while all it would cost, considering amounts, and man.ner of pay
l*t^
360 The Life, Pi'iiLic Services, and
ment, and times of payment, would be easier paid than will be the adi
tional cost of the war, if we solely rely upon force. It is much — very
much — that it would cost no blood at all.
The plan is proposed as permanent constitutional law. It cannot be-
come such, without the concurrence of, first, two-thirds of Congress, and
afterwards three-fourths of the States. The requisite three-fourths of the
States will necessarily include seven of the slave States. Their concur-
rence, if obtained, will give assurance of their severally adopting eman'
cipation, at no very distant day, upon the new constitutional terma. This
assurance would end the struggle now, and save the Union forever.
I do not forget the gravity which should characterize a paper addressed
to tke Congress of the nation by the Chief Magistrate of the nation. N or
do I forget that some of you are my seniors; nor that many of you have
' more experience than I in the conduct of public affairs. Yet I trust that,
m view of the great responsibility resting upon me, you will perceive no
want of respect to yourselves in anv undue earnestness I may seem to
display.
Is it doubted, then, that the plan I propose, if adopted, would shorten
the war, and thus lessen its expenditure of money and of blood ? Is it
doubted that it would restore the national authority and national pros-
perity, and perpetuate both indefinitely ? Is it doubted tnat we here—
Congress and Executive — can secure its adoption ? WDl not the good
people respond to a united and earnest appeal from us f Can we, can
they, by any other means, so certainly or so speedily assure these vital
objects? "We can succeed only by concert. It is not " Can any of us ima-
gine better?" but "Can we all do better?" Object whatsoever is possible,
still the question recurs, " Can we do better?" The dogmas of the quiet
past are inadequate to the stormy present. The occasion is piled high
with difficulty, and we must rise with the occasion. As our case is new,
80 we must think anew, and act anew. We must disinthrall ourselves,
and then we shall save our country.
Fellow-citizens, we cannot escape history. We of this Congress and
this Administration will be remembered in spite of ourselves. No per-
sonal significance or insignificance can spare one or another of us. The
fiery trial through which we pass will light us down in honor or disijonor
to tke latest generation. We say that we are for the Union. The world
will not forget that we say this. We know how to save the Union. The
world knows we do know how to save it. We — even we here — hold the
power and bear the responsibility. In givin-j ^'-'^''^'I'^rQ to the slave we as-
sure freedom to the free — honorable alike in what we give and what we
preserve. We shall nobly save or meanly lose the last best hope of earth.
Other means may succeed ; this could not, cannot fail. The way is plain,
peaceful, generous, just — a way which, if followed, the world wdl forevei
applaud, and God must forever bless. Abraham Lincoln.
Dt04mb«r 1. 1868.
State Papers of Abraham Lincoln. 361
At the very outset of tlie session, resolutions were in-
troduced by the opponents of tlie Administration, censur-
ing, in strong terms, its arrest of individuals in the loyaJ
States, suspected of giving, or intending to give, aid and
comfort to the rebellion. These arrests were denounced
as utterly unwarranted by the Constitution and laws of
the United States, and as involving the subversion of the
public liberties. In the Senate, the general subject waa
discussed in a debate, commencing on the 8th of Decem-
ber, the opponents of the Administration setting forth
very fully and very strongly their opinion of the unjusti-
fiable nature of this action, and its friends vindicating it,
as made absolutely necessary by the emergencies of the
case. Every department of tlie Gfovernment, and every
section of the country, were lilled at the outset of the war
with men actively engaged in doing the work of spies
and informers for the rebel authorities ; and it was known
that, in repeated instances, the plans and purposes of the
Government had been betrayed and defeated by these
aiders and abettors of treason. It became absolutely
necessary, not for purposes of punishment, but of preven-
rion, to arrest these men in the injurious and perhaps
fatal action they were preparing to take ; and on this
ground the action of the Government was vindicated and
justafied by the Senate. On the 8th of December, in the
House of Representatives, a bill was introduced, declaring
the suspension of the writ of habeas corpus to have been
required by the public safety ; confirming and declaring
ralid all arrests and imprisonments, by whomsoever
made or caused to be made, under the authority of the
President ; and indemnifying the President, secretaries,
heads of departments, and all persons who have been
concerned in making such arrests, or in doing or advising
any such acts, and making void all prosecutions and pro-
ceedings whatever against them in relation to the matters
in question. It also authorized the President, during the
existence of the war, to declare the suspension of the writ
of habeas corpus, ' ' at such times, and in such places,
and with regard to such persons, as in his judgment the
362 The Life, Public Services, and
public safety may require." This bill was passed, receiv-
ing ninety votes in its favor, and forty-live against it. It
was taken up in the Senate on the 22d of December, and
after a discussion of several days, a new bill was substi-
tuted and passed ; ayes 33, noes 7. This was taken up
in the House on the 18th of February, and the substitute
^ of the Senate was rejected. This led to the appointment
of a committee of conference, which recommended that
the Senate recede from its amendments, and that the bill,
substantially as it came from the House, be passed. This
report was agreed to after long debate, and the bill thus
became a law.
The relations in which the rebel States were placed by
their acts of secession towards the General Government
became a topic of discusion in the House of Representa-
tives, in a debate which arose on the 8th of January, upon
an item in the Appropriation Bill, limiting the amount to
be paid to certain commissioners to the amount that might
be collected from taxes in the insurrectionary States. Mr.
Stevens, of Pennsylvania, pronounced the opinion that
the Constitution did not embrace a State that was in arms
against the Government of the United States. He maintain-
ed that those States held towards us the position of alien
enemies — that every obligation existing between them and
us had been annulled, and that with regard to all the
Southern States in rebellion, the Constitution has no bind-
ing force and no application. This position was very
strongly controverted by men of both parties. Those who
were not in full sympathy with the Administration opposed
it, because it denied to the Southern people the protection
of the Constitution ; while many Republicans regarded it
as a virtual acknowledgment of the validity and actual
force of the ordinances of secession passed by the Rebel
States. Mr. Thomas, of Massachusetts, expressed the
sentiment of the latter class very clearly when he said
that one object of the bill under discussion was to impose
a tax upon States in rebellion — that our only authority
for 90 doing was the Constitution of the United States—
and that we could only do it on the ground that the author-
State Papers of Abraham Lincoln. 363
ity of tlie Government over those States is just as valid
now as it was before the acts of secession were passed,
and that every one of those acts is utterly null and void.
No vote was taken which declared directly the opinion
of the House on the theoretical question thus involved.
The employment of negroes as soldiers was subjected to
a vigorous discussion, started on the 27th of January, by
an amendment offered to a pending bill by Mr, Stevens,
directing the President to raise, arm, and equip as many
volunteers of African descent as he might deem useful,
for such term of service as he might think proper, not
exceeding five years — to be officered by white or black
persons, in the President's discretion — slaves to be accept-
ed as well as freemen. The members from the Bordei
States opposed this proposition with great earnestness, as
certain to do great harm to the Union cause among their con-
stituents, by arousing prejudices which, whether reason-
able or not, were very strong, and against which argument
would be found utterly unavailing. Mr. Crittenden, of
Kentucky, objected to it mainly because it would convert
the war against the rebellion into a servile war, and es-
tablish abolition as the main end for which the war was
carried on. Mr. Sedgwick, of New York, vindicated the
policy suggested, as having been dictated rather by neces-
sity than choice. He pointed out the various steps by
which the President, as the responsible head of the Gov-
ernment, had endeavored to prosecute the war success-
fully without interfering with slavery, and showed also
how the refusal of the Rebel States to return to their
allegiance had compelled him to advance, step by step,
to the more rigorous and effective policy which had now
become inevitable. After considerable further discussion,
the bill, embodying substantially the amendment of Mr.
Stevens, was passed ; ayes 83, noes 54. On reaching the
Senate it was referred to the Committee on Military Affairs,
which, on the 12th of February, reported against its pas-
sage, on the ground that the autherity which it was in-
tended to confer upon the President was already suMcient-
ly granted in the act of the previous session, approved
364 The Life, Public Services, and
July 17, 1862, which authorized the President to employ j
in any military or naval service for which they might be
found competent, persons of African descent.
One of the most important acts of the session was that
which provided for the creation of a national force by
enrolling and drafting the militia of the whole country-
each State being required to contribute its quota in the ;
ratio of its population, and the whole force, when raised,
to be under the control of the President. Some measure
of the kind seemed to have been rendered absolutely ne-
cessary by the revival of party spirit throughout the loyal
States, and by the active and eifective efforts made by
the Democratic iJ^i'fy? emboldened by the results of the
fall elections of 1862, to discourage and prevent volunteer-
ing. So successful had they been in this work, that the
Government seemed likely to fail in its efforts to raise
men for another campaign ; and it was to avert this threat-
ening evil that the bill in question was brought forward
for the action of Congress. It encountered a violent resist-
ance from the opposition party, and especially from those
members whose sympathies with the secessionists were
the most distinctly marked. But after the rejection of
numerous amendments, more or less affecting its character
and force, it was passed in the Senate, and taken up on
the 23d of February in the House, where it encountered
a similar ordeal. It contained various provisions for
exempting from service persons upon whom others wer^
most directly and entirely dependent for support — such a&
the only son of a widow, the only son of aged and infirm
parents who relied upon him for a maintenance, &c. It
allowed drafted persons to procure substitutes ; and, to
cover the cases in which the prices of substitutes might
become exorbitant, it also provided that upon payment
of three hundred dollars the Government itself would
procure a substitute, and release the person drafted from
service. The bill was passed in the House, with some
amendments, by a vote of 115 to 49 ; and the amendments
being concurred in by the Senate, the bill became a law.
One section of this act required the President to issue
State Papers of Abraham Lincoln. 365
a |>Av»cJ^matioii offering an amnesty to deserters, and he
aLCordingly issued it, in the following words : —
A PROCLAMATION.
By the President of the United States of America.
ExKOUTivE Mansion, Washington, March 10, 18S8»
In pursuance of the twenty-sixth section of the act of Congress entitled
' An Act for enrolling and calling out the National Forces, and for other
j^i\r poses," approved on the third of March, in the year one thousand eight
hundred and sixty-three, I, Abraham Lincoln, President, and commander-
di-chief of the army and navy of the United States, do hereby order and
command that all soldiers enlisted or drafted into the service of the United
States, now absent from their regiments without leave, shaU forthwith
return to their respective regiments ; and I do hereby declare and pro-
claim that all soldiers now absent from their respective regiments without
leave, who shaU, on or before the first day of April, 1863, report them-
selves at any rendezvous designated by the General Orders of the War
Department, No 58, hereto annexed, may be restored to their respective
regiments without punishment, except the forfeiture of pay and allow-
ances during their absence; and all who do not return within the time
above specified shall be arrested as deserters, and p;::!ished as the law
provides.
And whereas evil-disposed and disloyal persons, at sundry places, have
enticed and procured soldiers to deser^ and absent themselves from their
regiments, thereby weakening the strc'igth of the armies, and prolonging
the war, giving aid and comfort to thn enemy, and cruelly exposing the
gallant and faithful soldiers remaining in the ranks to increased hardships
and dangers :
I do therefore call upon all patriotic and faithful citizens to oppose and
resist the aforementioned dangerous and treasonable crimes, and aid in
restoring to their regiments all soldiers absent without leave, and assist
in the execution of the act of Congress for " Enrolling and calling out the
National Forces, and for other purposes," and to support the proper
authorities in the prosecution and punishment of offenders against eaid
act, and aid in suppressing the insurrection and the rebellion.
In testimony whereof, I have hereunto set my hand.
Done at the City of Washington, this tenth day of March, in the year
of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and sixty -three, and of
the independence of the United States the eighty-seventh.
Abeaham Lmooiar.
By the President :
Edwin M. Stanton, Secretary of War.
The finances of the country enlisted a good deal of
attention during this session. It was necessary to pro-
0/3
66 The Life, Public Services, and
vide in some way for tlie expenses of the war, and also
for a currency ; and two bills were accordingly introduced
at an early stage of the session relating to these two sub-
jects. The Financial Bill, as finally passed by both
Houses, authorized the Secretary of the Treasury to
borrow and issue bonds for nine hundred millions of
dollars, at not more than six per cent, interest, and
payable at a time not less than ten nor more than forty
years. It also authorized the Secretary to issue treasury
notes to the amount of four hundred millions of dollars,
bearing interest, and also notes not bearing interest to the
amount of one hundred and fifty millions of dollars.
While this bill was pending, a joint resolution was
passed by both Houses, authorizing the issuing of treas-
ury notes to the amount of one hundred millions of
dollars, to meet the immediate wants of the soldiers and
sailors in the service.
The President announced that he had signed this reso
lution, in the following
MESSAGE.
To the Senate and House of Hepresentatives : —
I have signed the joint resolution to provide for the immediate pay-
ment of the army and navy of the United States, passed by the House
of Representatives on the 14th, and by the Senate on the 15th inst.
The joint resolution is a simple authority, amounting, however, under the
existing circumstances, to a direction to the Secretary of the Treasury to
make an additional issue of one hundred millions of dollars in United
States notes, if so much money is needed, for the payment of the army
and navy. My approval is given in order that every possible facility may
be afforded for the prompt discharge of all arrears of pay due to our sol-
diers and our sailors.
While giving this approval, however, I think it my duty to express my
fincere regret that it has been found necessary to authorize so large an
additional issue of United States notes, when this circulation, and that of
the suspended banks together, have become already so redundant as to
increase prices beyond real values, thereby augmenting the cost of living,
to the injury of labor, and the cost of supplies — to the injury of the whole
country. It seems very plain that continued issues of United States notes,
without any check to the issues of suspended banks, and without adequate
provision for the raising of money by loans, and for funding the issues, so
as to keep them within due limits, must soon produce disastrous cons©-
State Papers of Abraham Lincoln. 367
^uences; and this matter appears to me so important that I feel bonnd to
avail myself of this occasion to ask the special attention of Congress to it
That Congress has power to regulate the enrrency of the country can
hardly admit of doubt, and that a judicious measure to prevent the dete-
rioration of this currency, by a reasonable taxation of bank circulation
or otherwise, is needed, seems equally clear. Independently of this gen-
sral consideration, it would be unjust to the people at large to exempt
banks enjoying the special privilege of circulation, from their just propor-
tion of the public burdens.
In order to raise money by way of loans most easily and cheaply, it ia
clearly necessary to give every possible support to the public credit. To
that end, a uniform currency, in which taxes, subscriptions, loans, and all
other ordinary public dues may be paid, is almost if not quite indispensa-
ble. Such a currency can be furnished by banking associations authorized
Qnder a general act of Congress, as suggested in my message at the begin-
ning of the present session. The securing of this circulation by the pledge
of the United States bonds, as herein suggested, would still further facili-
tate loans, by increasing the present and causing a future demand for
such bonds.
In view of the actual financial embarrassments of the Government, and
of the greater embarrassment sure to come if the necessary means of re-
lief be not afforded, I feel that I should not perform my duty by a simple
announcement of my approval of the joint resolution, which proposes
relief only by increasing the circulation, without expressing my earnest
desire that measures, such in substance as that 1 have just referred to, may
receive the early sanction of Congress. By such measures, in my opinion,
will payment be most certainly secured, not only to the army and navy,
but to all honest creditors of the Government, and satisfactory provision
made for future demands on the Treasury.
Abeaham LmooLN".
The second bill — that to provide a national enrrency
secured by a pledge of United States stocks, and to provide
for the circulation and redemption thereof, was passed in
the Senate — ayes twenty-three, noes twenty-one ; and in
the House, ayes seventy- eight, noes sixty-four — under
the twofold conviction that so long as the war continued
the country must have a large supply of paper money,
and that it was also highly desirable that this money
should be national in its character, and rest on the faith
of the Government as its security.
Another act of importance, passed by Congress at this
session, was the admission of West Virginia into the
Union. The Constitution of the United States declare?
368 The Life, Public Services, and
tliat no new State sliall be fonned witliin the jurisdiction
of any State without the consent of the legislature of the
State concerned, as well as of the Congress. The main
question on which the admission of the new State turned,
therefore, was whether that State had been formed with
the consent of the Legislature of Virginia. The facts of
the case were these : In the winter of 1860--61, the Legis-
lature of Virginia, convened in extra session, had called
a convention, to be held on the 14th of February, 1861,
at Richmond, to decide on the question of secession. A
I ote was also to be taken, when the delegates to this con-
vention should be elected, to decide whether an ordinance
of secession, if passed by the convention, should be re-
ferred back to the people ; and this was decided in the
affirmative, by a majority of nearly sixty thousand. The
convention met, and an ordinance of secession was passed,
and referred to the people, at an election to be held on the
fourth Tuesday of May. Without waiting for this vote,
the authorities of the State levied war against the United
States, joined the Rebel Confederacy, and invited the
Confederate armies to occupy portions of their territory.
A convention of nearly five hundred delegates, chosen in
Western Virginia under a popular call, met early in May,
declared the ordinance of secession null and void, and
called another convention of delegates from all the coun-
ties of Virginia, to be held at Wheeling, on the 11th
of June, in case the secession ordinance should be rati-
fied by the popular vote. It was so ratified, and the
convention met. It proceeded on the assumption that
the officers of the old Government of the State had va-
cated their offices by joining the rebellion ; and it ac-
cordingly proceeded to fill them, and to reorganize the
Government of the whole State. On the 20th of August
the convention passed an ordinance to " provide for the
formation of a new State out of a portion of the territory
of this State." Under that ordinance, delegates were
elected to a convention which met at Wheeling, November
26th, and proceeded to draft a Constitution for the State
of West Virginia, as the new State was named, which
State Papers of Abraham Lincoln. 369
was submitted to the people of West Virginia in April,
1862, and by them ratified — eighteen thousand eight
hundred and sixty-two voting in favor of it, and five hun-
ired and fourteen against it. The Legislature of Virginia,
the members of which were elected by authority of the
Wheeling Convention of June 11th, met, in extra session,
called by the Governor appointed by that convention, on
the 6tli of May, 1862, and passed an act giving its consent
to the formation of the new State, and making application
to Congress for its admission into the Union. The ques-
tion to be decided by Congress, therefore, was whether
the legislature which met at Wheeling on the 11th of June
was "the Legislature of Virginia," and thus competent
to give its consent to the formation of a new State within
the State of Virginia. The bill for admitting it, notwith-
standing the opposition of several leading and influential
Republicans, was passed in the House — ayes ninety-six,
noes fifty-five. It passed in the Senate v, ithout debate,
and was approved by the President on the 31st of Decem-
ber, 1862, and on the 20th of April, 1863, the President
issued the following proclamation for the admission of the
new State : —
Whereas^ by the act of Congress approved the Slst day of December last,
the State of West Virginia was declared to be one of the United States of
America, and was admitted into the Union on an equal footing with the
original States in all respects whatever, upon the condition that certain
changes should be duly made in the proposed Constitution for that State.
And lohereas^ proof of a compliance with that condition, as required bj
the second section of the act aforesaid, has been submitted to me :
Now, therefore, be it kno-n n that I, Abraham Lincoln, President of the
Dnited States, do hereby, in pursuance of the act of Congress aforesaid,
declare and proclaim that the said act shall take effect and be in force
from and after sixty days from the date hereof.
In witness whereof, I have hereunto set my hand and caused the seal
f»t the United States to be affixed.
Done at the City of Washington, this twentieth day of April,
in the year of our liOrd one thousand eight hundred and sixty-
[l. 8.] three, and of the independence of the United States tha
eighty-seventh. Abkah>m Lincoln.
By the President •
William H. Sewaed, Secretary of Statt,
24
370 The Llfe, Public Services^ and
A bill was brought forward in the Senate for discussion
on the 29th of January, proposing a grant of money to aid
in the abolition of slavery in the State of Missouri. It
gave rise to a good deal of debate, some Senators doubt-
ing whether Congress had any constitutional right to make
such an appropriation, and a marked difference of opinion,
moreover, growing up as to the propriety of gradual or
immediate emancipation in that State. Mr. Sumner, Mr.
Wilson, and several others, insisted that the aid proposed
should be granted only on condition that emancipation
should be immediate ; while the Senators from Missouri
thought that the State would be much more certain to
provide for getting rid of slavery if the time were ex-
tended to twenty -three years, as the bill proposed, than
if she were required to set free all her slaves at once.
The Senators from the slave States generally opposed the
measure, on the ground that Congress had no authority
under the Constitution to appropriate any portion of the
public money for such a purpose. The bill was finaJiy
passed in the Senate, but it failed to pass the House.
Two members of Congress from the State of Louisiana
were admitted to seats in the House of Representatives
under circumstances which made that action of consider-
able importance. Immediately after the occupation of
New Orleans by the National forces under General But-
ler, the President had appointed General Shepley military
governor of the State of Louisiana. The rebel forces
were driven out from the City of New Orleans, and some
of the adjoining parishes ; and when, during the ensuing
summer, the people were invited to resume their allegiance
to the Government of the United States, over sixty thou-
sand came forward, took the oath of allegiance, and were
admitted to their rights as citizens. On the 3d of Decem-
ber, General Shepley, acting as military governor of the
Stftte, ordered an election for members of Congress in the
two districts into which the City of New Orleans is divi
ded — each district embracing also some of the adjoining
parishes. In one of these districts, B. F. Flanders was
elected, receiving two thousand three hundred and seventy
State Papers op Abraham Lincoln. 371
votes, and all others two liundred and seventy- three ; and
In the other, Michael Hahn was elected, receiving two
thousand seven hundred and ninety-nine votes out of five
thousand one hundred and seventeen, the whole number
cast. A committee of the House, to which the applica-
tion of these gentlemen for admission to their seats had
been referred, reported, on the 9th of Febiniary, in favor
of their claim. It was represented in this report that the
requirements of the Constitution of the State of Louisiana
had in all respects been complied with, the only question
being whether a military governor, appointed by the
President of the United States, could properly and right-
fully perform the functions of tlie civil governor of the
State. The committee held that he could, and cited a de-
cision of the Supreme Court of the United States, not only
recognizing the power of the President to appoint a mili-
tary governor, but also recognizing both his civil and
military functions as of full validity and binding obliga-
tion. On the other hand, it was maintained that repre-
sentatives can be elected to the Federal Legislature
in pursuance of an act of the State Legislature, o" of an
act of the Federal Congress. In this case neither of these
requirements had been fulfilled. The House, however
admitted both these gentlemen to their seats, b i vote of
ninety-two to forty-four.
Before adjourning, Congress passed an act, approved
on the 3d of March, authorizing the President, "in aU
domestic and foreign wars," to issue to private armed
vessels of the United States letters of marque and reprisal
— said authority to terminate at the end of three years i
from the date of the act. Hesolutions were also adopted
in both Houses, protesting against every proposition of
foreign interference, by profiers of mediation or other-
wise, as " unreasonable and inadmissible," and declaring
the "unalterable purpose of the United States to prose-
cute the war until the rebellion shall be overcome."
These resolutions, offered by Mr. Sumner, received in the
Senate thirty-one votes in their favor, while but five
were cast against them, and in the House one hundi-ed
372 The Life, Public Services, and
and three were given for their passage, and twenty- eight
against it.
The session closed on the 4th of March, 1863. Its pro-
ceedings had been marked hy the same thorough and
fixed determination to carry on the war, by the use of
the most vigorous and effective measures for the suppres
sion of the rebellion, and by the same full and prompt
support of the President, which had characterized the
preceding Congress.
While some members of the Administration party,
becoming impatient of the delays which seemed to mark
the progress of the war, were inclined to censure the
caution of the President, and to insist upon bolder and
more sweeping assaults upon the persons and property
of the people of the Rebel States, and especially upon
the institution of slavery — and while, on the other hand,
its more open opponents denounced every thing like
severity, as calculated to exasperate the South and pro-
I'^ng the war, the great body of the members, like the
great body of the people, manifested a steady and firm
reliance on the patriotic purpose and the calm sagacity
evinced by the President in his conduct of public affairfl*
State Papers of Abraham Lincoln. 373
CHAPTEK XII.
ARBITRARY ARRESTS.— THE SUSPENSION OF THE WRIT OF
HABEAS CORPUS.— THE DRAFT.
Arbitkaey Arrests. — First Suspension of the Habeas Corpus. — Aid
AND Comfort to the Rebels. — Executive Order about Arrests.
— Appointment of a Commissioner on Arrests. — Opposition to tub
Government. — The Cask of Vallandigham. — Governor SEYMOtrK
on Vallandigham. — President Lincoln on Arrests. — President
Lincoln on Military Arrests. — The President's Letter to Mr.
Corning. — The President to the Ohio Committee. — The President
on Vallandigham's Case. — The Habeas Corpus Suspended. —
Proclamation Concerning Aliens. — The Draft. — The New York
Riots. — Letter to Governor Seymour. — The Draft REsuMsr and
Completed.
At the very outbreak of the rebellion, the Administra-
tion was compelled to face one of the most formidable
of the many difficulties which have embarrassed its
iction. Long before the issue had been distinctly made
by the rebels in the Southern States, while, under the
protecting toleration of Mr. Buchanan's Administration,
the conspirators were making preparations for armed
resistance to the Goyernment of the United States, evi-
dences were not wanting that they relied upon the active
co-operation of men and parties in the Northern States,
whose political sympathies had always been in harmony
with their principles and their action. As early as in
January, 1861, while the rebels were diligently and
actively collecting arms and other munitions of war, by
purchase in the Northern States, for the contest on which
they had resolved, Fernando Wood, then Mayor of New
York, had apologized to Senator Toombs, of Georgia, for
the seizure by the police of New York of " arms intended
for and consigned to the State of Georgia,'' and had
assured him that ''if he had the power, he should sum-
marily punish the authors of this illegal and unjustifiabU
374 The Life, Public Services, and
seizure of private property." The departments at Wash-
ington, the army and the navy, all places of responsi-
bility and trust under the Government, and all depart-
ments of civil and political activity in the Northern
States, were found to be largely filled by persons in
active sympathy with the secession movement, and ready
at all times to give it all the aid and comfort in their
power. Upon the advent of the new Administration,
and when active measures began to be taken for the sup-
pression of the rebellion, the Government found its plans
betrayed and its movements thwarted at every turn.
Prominent presses and politicians, moreover, throughout
the country, began, by active hostility, to indicate their
sympathy with those who sought, under cover of oppo-
sition to the Administration, to overthrow the Govern-
ment, and it became speedily manifest that there was suf-
ficient of treasonable sentiment throughout the North to
paralyze the authorities in their efforts, aided only by the
ordinary machinery of the law, to crush the secession
movement.
Under these circumstances, it was deemed necessary to
resort to the exercise of the extraordinary powers with
which, in extraordinary emergencies, the Constitution
had clothed the Government. That instrument had pro-
vided that ''the privilege of the writ of habeas corpus
should not be suspended, unless when, in cases of rebel-
lion or invasion, the public safety might reguire it." By
necessary implication, whenever, in such cases either of
rebellion or invasion, the public safety did require it, the
privilege of that writ might be suspended ; and, from
the very necessity of the case, the Government wliich
was charged with the care of the public safety, was em-
powered to judge when the contingency should occur.
The only question that remained was, wJiicJi department
of the Government was to meet this responsibility. If
the act was one of legislation, it could only be performed
by Congress and the President ; if it was in its nature
executive, then it might be performed, the emergency re-
quiring it, by the President alone. The pressing emer-
State Papers of Abraham Lincoln. 375
gency of the case, moreover, went far towards dictating the
decision. Congress had adjourned on the 4th of March,
and oould not be again assembled for some months ;
and infinite and, perhaps fatal mischief might be done
during the interval, if the Northern allies of the rebellion
v^^ere allowed with impunity to prosecute their plans
Under the influence of these considerations, the Presi
dent, in his proclamation of the 3d of May, 1861, direct-
ing the commander of the forces of the United States on
the Florida coast to permit no person to exercise any
authority upon the islands of Key West, the Tortugas,
and Santa Rosa, which might be inconsistent with the
authority of the United States, also authorized him, "if
he should find it necessary, to suspend the writ of liabeas
corpus, and to remove from the vicinity of the United
States fortresses all dangerous or suspected persons."
This was the first act of the Administration in that
direction ; but it was very soon found necessary to resort
to the exercise of the same powers in other sections of the
country. On the 25th of May, John Merryman, a resi-
dent of Hayfield, in Baltimore County, Maryland, known
by the Government to be in communication with the
rebels, and to be giving them aid and comfort, was
arrested and imprisoned in Fort McHenry, then com-
manded by General Cadwallader. On the same day he
forwarded a petition to Roger B. Taney, Chief- Justice of
the United States, reciting the circumstances of his arrest,
and praying for the issue of the writ of habeas corpus.
The writ was forthwith issued, and General Cadwallader
was ordered to bring the body of Merryman before the
,Chief-Justice on the 27th. On that day Colonel Lee pre-
sented a written communication from General Cadwalla-
der, stating that Merryman had been arrested and com-
mitted to his custody by officers acting under the author-
ity of the United States, charged with various acts of
treason : with holding a commission as lieutenant in a
company avowing its purpose of armed hostility against
the Government, and with having made often and unre-
served declarations of his association with this armec
376 The Life, Public Services, and
force, and of his readiness to co-operate with those en-
gaged in the present rebellion against the Goyernmenl
of the United States. The General added, that he was
" duly authorized by the President of the United States
to suspend the writ of habeas corpus for the public
safety ;" and that, while he fully appreciated the deli-
cacy of the trust, he was also instructed *'that, in times
of civil strife, errors, if any, should be on the side of
isafety to the country." The commanding Gfeneral ac-
cordingly declined to obey the writ, whereupon an
attachment was forthwith issued against him for con-
tempt of court, made returnable at noon on the next day.
On that day, the marshal charged with serving the at-
tachment made return that he was not admitted within
the fortress, and had consequently been unable to serve
the writ. The Chief-Justice, thereupon, read an opinion
that the President could not suspend the writ of habeas
corpus^ nor authorize any military officer to do so, and
that a military officer had no right to arrest any person,
not subject to the rules and articles of war, for an offence
against the laws of the United States, except in aid of
the judicial authority, and subject to its control. The
Chief- Justice stated further, that the marshal had the
power to summon out the posse comitatus to enforce the
service of the writ, but as it was apparent that it would
be resisted by a force notoriously superior, the Court
could do nothing further in the premises.
On the 12th of May, another writ was issued by Judge
Griles, of Baltimore, to Major Morris, of the United States
Artillery, at Fort McHenry, who, in a letter dated the
I 4th, refused to obey the writ, because, at the time it was
issued, and for two weeks previous, the City of Balti-
more had been completely under the control of the rebel
authorities. United States soldiers had been murdered in
the streets, the intention to capture that fort had been
openly proclaimed, and the legislature of the State was
at that moment debating the question of making war
upon the Government of the United States. All this, in
his judgment, constituted a case of rebellion, and afford-
State Papers oe Abraham Lincoln.
ed sufficient legal cause for suspending the writ of habeas
corpus. Similar cases arose, and were disposed of in a
similar manner, in other sections of the country.
The Governor of A^irginia liad proposed to Mr. G.
Heincken, of New York, the agent of the New York and
Virginia Steamship Company, payment for two steamers
of that line, the Yorktown and Jamestown, which he had
seized for the rebel service, an acceptance of which proffer,
Mr. Heincken was informed, would be treated as an act
of treason to the Government ; and on his application,
Mr. Seward, the Secretary of State, gave him the follow
ing reasons for this decision : —
An insurrection lip.s broken out in several of the States of this Union^
including Virginia, designed to overthrow tlie Government of the United
States. The executive authorities of that State are parties to that insur-
rection, and so are public enemies. Their action in seizing or buying
vessels to be employed in executing that design, is not merely without
authority of law, but is treason. It is treason for any person to give
aid and comfort to public enemies. To sell vessels to them which it is
their purpose to use as ships of war, is to give them aid and comfort. To
receive money from them in payment for vessels which they have seized
for those purposes, would be to attempt to convert the unlawful seizure
into a sale, and would subject the party so offen/iing to the pains and
penalties of treason, and the Government would cot hesitate to bring the
oflfender to punishment.
These acts and decisions of the Government were vehe-
mently assailed by the party opponents of the Adminis-
tration, and led to the most violent and intemperate
assaults upon the Government in many of the public
prints. Some of these journals were refused the privi-
lege of the public mails, the Government not holding
itself under any obligation to aid in circulating assaults
upon its own authority, and stringent restrictions were
placed upon the transmission of intelligence by telegraph.
On the 5th of July, 1862, Attorney- General Bates trans-
mitted to the President an elaborate opinion, prepared at
his request, upon his power to make arrests of persona
known to have criminal complicity with the insurgents,
or against whom there is probable cause for suspicion
of such criminal complicity, and also upon his right to
378 The Life, Public Services, and
refuse to obey a writ of Jiabeas corpus in case of duch
arrests. The Attorney- General discussed the subject at
considerable length, and reached a conclusion favorable
to the action of the Government. From that time for-
ward the Government exerted, with vigor and energy, all
the power thus placed in its hands to prevent the rebel -
Lion from receiving aid from those in sympatliy with its
objects in the Northern States. A large number of
persons, believed to be in complicity with the insurgents,
were placed in arrest, but were released upon taking an
oath of allegiance to the United States Baltimore con-
tinued for some time to be the head-quarters of conspira-
cies and movements of various kinds in aid of the rebel-
lion, and the arrests were consequently more numerous
there than else when*. Indeed, very strenuous efforts
(vere made throughout the summer to induce some action
on the part of the legislature which wo aid place the State
in alliance with the Rebel Confederacy, and it was confi-
dently believed that an ordinance looking to this end
would be passed at the extra scbsion which was convened
for the 17th of September ; but on the 16th, nine secession
members of the House of Delegates, with the officers of
both houses, were arrested by General McClellan, then
ip command of the army, who expressed his full appro-
bation of the proceedings, and the session was not held.
The President at the time gave the following statement
of his views in regard to these arrests : —
The public safety renders it necessary that the grounds of these arrests
should at present be withheld, but at the proper time they will be made
public. Of one thing the people of Maryland may rest assured, that no
arres!; L'.as been made, or will be made, not based on substantial and un-
mistakable complicity with those in armed rebellion against the Govern-
ment of the United States. In no case has an arrest been made on mere
suspicion, or through personal or partisan animosities ; but in all cases
the Government is in possession of tangible and unmistakable evidence,
which will, when made public, be satisfactory to every loyal citizen.
Arrests continued to be made under authority of the
State Department, not without complaint, certainly, from
large numbers of the people, but with the general acqni-
State Papers of Abraham Lincoln. 379
escence of the whole community, and beyond all question
greatly to the advantage of the Government and the coun-
try. On the 14th of February, 1862, an order was issued
on the subject, which transferred control of the whole
matter to the War Department. The circumstances which
had made these arrests necessary are stated with so much
clearness and force in that order, that we insert it at
length, as follows : —
EXECUTIVE OHDERS IN EELATION TO STATE PE180XER9.
"Wab Dkpaetme>t, Washington, February 14
Tne breaking out of a formidable insurrection, based on a conflict of
political ideas, being an event without precedent in the United States,
was necessarily attended by great confusion and perplexity of the public
mind. Disloyalty, before unsuspected, suddenly became bold, and treason
astonished the world by bringing at once into the field military forces
superior in numbers to the standing army of the United States.
i^^very department of the Government was paralyzed by treason. De-
fection appeared in the Senate, in the House of Representatives, in the
Cabinet, in the Federal Courts ; ministers and consuls returned from
foreign countries to enter the insurrectionary councils, or land or caval
forces ; commanding and other oflBcers of the army and in the navy be-
1 rayed the councils or deserted their posts for commands in the insurgent
forces. Treason was flagrant in the revenue and in the post-oSice service,
as well as in the Territorial governments and in the Indian reserves.
Not OBly governors, judges, legislators, and ministerial officers in the
States, but even whole States, rushed, one after another, with apparent
unanimity, into rebellion. The Capital was besieged, and its connection
with all the States cut off.
Even in the portions of the country which were most loyal, political
combinations and secret societies were formed, furthering the work ol
disunion, while, from motives of disloyalty or cupidity, or from exalted
passions or perverted sympathies, individuals were found furnishirug men,
money, and materials of war and supplies to the insurgents' military and
Raval forces. Armies, ships, fortifications, navy yards, arsenals, military
posts and garrisons, one after another, were betrayed or abandoned to the
insurgents.
Congress had not anticipated and so had not provided for the emergency.
The municipal authorities were powerless and inactive. The judicial ma-
chinery seemetfi as if it had been designed not to sustain the Government,
but to embarrass and betray it.
Foreign intervention, openly invited and industriously instigated by the
abettors of the insurrection, became imminent, and has onlv been pre-
380 The Life, Public Services, and
vented by the practice of strict and impartial justice, with the most perfecl
m(K{eration in our intercourse with nations.
The public mind was alarmed and apprehensive, though fortunately
not distracted or disheartened. It seemed to be doubtful whether the
Federal Government, which one year before had been thought a model
worthy of universal acceptance, had indeed the ability to defend and
maintain itself.
Some reverses, which perhaps were unavoidable, suffered by newly
levied and inefficient forces, discouraged the loyal, and gave new hope
to the insurgents. Voluntary enlistments seemed about to cease, and
desertions commenced. Parties speculated upon the question whether
conscription had not become necessary to fill up the armies of the United
States.
In this emergency the President felt it his duty to employ with energy
tlie extraordinary powers which the Constitution confides to him in cases
of insurrection. He called into the field such military and naval forces,
unauthorized by the existing laws, as seemed necessary. He directed
measures to prevent the use of the post-office for treasonable correspond-
ence. He subjected passengers to and from foreign countries to new
passport regulations, and he instituted a blockade, suspended the writ of
habeas corpus in various places, and caused persons who were represented
to him as being or about to engage in disloyal or treasonable practices >o
be arrested by special civil as well as military agencies, and detained in
military custody, when necessary, to prevent them and deter others fr',m
such practices. Examinations of such cases were instituted, and some of
the persons so arrested have been discharged from time to time, under
circumstances or upon conditions compatible, as was thought, with the
public safety.
Meantime a favorable change of public opinion has occurred. The line
between loyalty and disloyalty is plainly defin'^d ; the whole etructure of
the Government is firm and stable ; apprehensions of public danger and
facilities for treasonable practices have diminished with the passions which
prompted heedless persons to adopt them. The insurrection is believed
to have culminated and to be declining.
The President, in view of these facts, and anxious to favor a return to
tl'.e normal course of the Administration, as far as regard for the public
welfare will allow, directs that all political prisoners or state prisonera
now held in military custody, be released on their subscribing to a parole
engaging them to render no aid or comfort to the enemies in hostilitv to
the United States.
The Secretary of War will, however, at his discretion, except from the
effect of this order any persons detained as spies in the service of the iu-
Burgents, or others whose release at the present moment may be deemed
Incompatible with the public safety.
To all persons who shall be so released, and who shall keep tlieir parole,
State Papers of Abraham Lincoun 381
the President grants an amnesty for any past offences of treason or di8
'oyalty wliich they may have committed.
Extraordinary arrests will hereafter be made under the direction of the
military authorities alone.
By order of the President :
Edwin M. Stanton. Secretary of Way.
On the 27tli of the same month, a commission was ap
pointed by the War Department, consisting of Majoi
Greneral I)ix and Hon. Edwards Pierrepont, of NeAV
York, to examine into the cases of the state prisoners
then remaining in custody, and to determine whether, in
view of the public safety and the existing rebellion, they
should be discharged, or remain in arrest, or be remitted
to the civil tribunals for trial. These gentlemen entered
at once upon the discharge of their duties, and a large
number of prisoners were released from custody on taking
the oath of allegiance. Wherever the public safety
seemed to require it, however, arrests continued to be
made — the President, in every instance, assuming all the
responsibility of these acts, and throwing himself upon
the courts and the judgment of the country for his vindi-
cation. But the President himself had not up to this time
directed any general suspension of the writ of habeas
corpus^ or given any public notice of the rules by which
the Government would be guided in its action upon cases
that might arise. It was left to the Secretary of War to
decide in what instances and for what causes arrests should
be made, and the privilege of the writ should be sus-
pended. In some of the courts into which these cas«s
were brought, the ground was accordingly taken that,
although the President might have authority under the
Constitution, when, in cases of rebellion or invasion, the
public safety should require it, to suspend the writ, he
could not delegate that authoiity to any subordinate. To
meet this view, therefore, the President, on the 24tli of
September, 1862, issued the following
PROCLAMATION.
W/i€^M8, it has been necessary to call into service, not only volunteers,
but also portions of the militia of the States by draft, in order to 8uppr««i
SdZ IRE Life, public dek vices, AKi>
the insurrection existing in the United States, and disloyal persons art
not adequately restrained by the ordinary processes of law from hindering
this measure, and from giving aid and comfort in various ways to the in-
surrection :
ISTow, therefore, be it ordered —
First. That during the existing insurrection, and as a necessary measure
for suppressing the same, all rebels and insurgents, their aiders and abettors
within the United States, and all persons discouraging volunteer enlist
nients, resisting military drafts, or guilty of any disloyal practice afFordi;?|
aid and comfort to the rebels against the authority of the United States^
Ahall be subject to martial law, and liable to trial and punishment hj
courts-martial or military commission.
Second. That the writ of habeas corpus is suspended in respect to all
persons aj'rested, or who are now, or hereafter during the rebellion shall
be, imprisoned in any fort, camp, arsenal, military prison, or other place
of confinement, by any military authority, or by the sentence of any
court-martial or military commission.
In witness whereof, I have hereunto set my hand and seal, and caused
the seal of the United States to be affixed.
Done at the City of "Washington, this twenty-fourth day o/
September, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hun-
[L. s.] dred and sixty-two, and of the independence of the United
States the eighty-seventh,
Abeaham Lincoln.
By the President :
William H. Sewaed, Secretary of State.
This proclamation was accompanied by orders from the
War Department appointing a Provost-Marslial-Geiieral,
whose head-quarters were to be at Washington, with
special provost-marshals, one or more in each Btate,
charged with the duty of arresting deserters and disloyal
persons, and of inquiring into treasonable practices
hroughout the country. They were authorized to cali
upon either the civil or military authority for aid in the
discharge of their duties, and were required to report to
the department at Washington. The creation of this new
department had been made necessary by the increased
activity of the enemies of the Government throughout the
North, and by the degree of success which had attended
their efforts. Prompted partly by merely political and
partisan motives, but in many instances by thorough sym-
pathy with the secession movement, active political lead-
State Papers of Abraham Lincoln. S85
era had set in vigorous motion very extensive macltiXiery
for the advancement of their designs. ' ' Peace-meetings ''
were held in every section of the Northern States, at whicli
the action of the Government was most vehemently as-
sailed, the objects of the war were misrepresented, and its
prosecution denounced, and special efforts made to prevent
enlistments, to promote desertions, and in every way to
cripple the Government in its efforts to subdue the rebel-
lion by foi'ce of anns. The vigorous action of the Gov
ernment, however, in arresting men conspicuous in these
disloyal practices, had created a salutary reaction in the
public mind, and had so far relieved the Administration
from apprehension as to warrant the promulgation of th«
following order : —
Wab Depaktment, Washington, Novtiribe/r 22, ISflS.
Ordered — 1. That aU persons now in military custody, who have beea
arrested for discouraging volunteer enlistments, opposing the draft, or for
otherwise giving aid and comfort to the enemy, in States where the draft
has been made, or the quota of volunteers and militia has ocen furnished,
shall be discharged from further military restraint.
2. The persons who, by the authority of the militariy commander or
governor in rebel States, have been arrested and be.at from such State for
disloyalty or hostility to the Government of tne Linited States, and are
now in military custody, may also be discharged apon giving their parole
10 do no act of hostility against the Government of the United States, nor
render aid to its enemies. But all such persons shall remain subject to
military surveihance and liable to arrest on breach of their parole. Au^'
if any such persons shaU prefer to leave the loyal States on condition of
their not returning again during the war, or until special leave for that
purpose be obtained from the President, then such persons shall, at his
tjption, be released and depart from the United States, or be conveyed
b<?^iyond the military lines of the United States forces.
3. This order shall not operate to discharge any person who has been ik
arms against the Government, or by force and arms has resisted or at-
terripted to resist the draft, nor relieve any person from liability to trial
*nd punishment by civil tribunals, or by court-martial or .military commis-
sion, who may be amenable to such tribunals for offences committed.
By order of the Secretary of War:
E. D. TowNSEND, Assistant Adju<.ant- General.
Daring the succeeding winter, while Congress was in
session, public sentiment wa,s comparatively at i est on this
384 The Life, Public Services, and
subject. Congress had enacted a law, sanctioning ^jia
action of the President in suspending the writ of Tiabeod
corpus^ and clothing him with full authority to check and
punish all attempts to defeat the eiforts of the Government
in the prosecution of the war. After the adjournment,
however, when the political activity of the country was(
transferred from the Capital to the people in their respec [
tive localities, the party agitation was revived, and pul^lic
meetings were again held to denounce the conduct of the
G-overriment, and to protest against the further prosecu
tion of the war. One of the most active of these advo-
cates of peace with the Rebel Confederacy was Hon. C. L.
Yallandigham, a member of Congress from Oliio, wiio had
steadily opposed all measures for the prosecution of the
war throughout the session. After the adjou7'nment he
made a political canvass of his district, and in a speech at
Mount Vernon, on the 1st of May, he denounced the G^v
ernment at Washington as aiming, in the conduct of the
$var, not to restore the Union, but to crush out liberty and
establish a despotism. He declared that the war was
Taged for the freedom of the blacks and the enslaving of
the whites — that the Government could have had peace
long before if it had desired it — that the mediation of
France ought to have been accepted, and that the Govern
ment had deliberately rejected propositions by which the
Southern States could have been brought back to the
Union. He also denounced an order, No. 38, issued by
General Burnside, in command of the department, forbid-
ding certain disloyal practices, and giving notice that p<^r-
sons declaring sjanpathy for the enemy would be arrested
for trial, proclaimed his intention to disobey it, and called
on the people who heard him to resist and defeat its exe-
cution.
For this speech Mr. Yallandigham was arrested, by order
of General Burnside, on the 4th of May, and ordered for
tr'al before a court-martial at Cincinnati. On the 6th, he
applied, through his counsel. Senator Pugh, to the Cii'cuit
Court of the United States for a writ of liabeas corpus.
In reply to this application, a letter was read from Gen-
State Papers of Abraham Lincoln. 3S5
eral Biiruside, setting forth the cons'derations which had
led him to make the arrest, and Yallandigham' s connsel
was then heard in a very long argument on the case.
Judge Stewart pronounced his decision, refusing the writ,
on the ground that the action of General Burnside wag
necessary for the public safety. " The legality of the ar-
rest," said the judge, " depends upon the extent of th^
necessity for making it, and that was to be determined bj
the military commander." And he adds —
Men should know and lay the truth to heart, that there is a course of
conduct not invoMng overt treason, and not therefore subject to punish-
ment ;i.- such, which, nevertheless, implies moral guilt, and a gross offence
against the country. Those who live under the protection and enjoy tno
blessings of our benignant Government, must learn that they cannot slab
its vitals with impunity. If they cherish hatred and hostility to it, and
desire its subversion, let them withdraw from its jurisdiction, and seek the
fellowship and protection of those with whom they are in sympathy Ti
they remain with us, while they are not of us, they must be subject tO
such a course of dealing as the great law of self-preservation prescribes
and will enforce And let tfif)m not complain if the stringent doctrine of
military necessity should find ihem to be the legitimate subjects of its
action. I have no fear that the recognition of this doctrine will lead to
an arbitrary invasion of the personal security, or personal liberty, of the
citizen. It is rare indeed that a charge of disloyalty will be made on
insufficient grounds. But if there should be an occasional mistake, such
an occurrence is not to be put in competition with the preservation of the
nation ; and I confess I am but little moved by the eloquent appeals of
those who, while they indignantly denounce violation of personal liberty,
look with no horror upon a despotism as unmitigated as the world ha>;
ever witnessed.
The military commission, before which Vallandighan:
was ordered for trial, met on the 6th, found him guilty of
the principal offences charged, and sentenced him to be
placed in close confinement in some fortress of the United
States, to be designated by the commanding officer of that
department. Major-General Burnside approved the sen-
tence, and designated Fort Warren, in Boston Harbor, as
the place of confinement. The President modified this
sentence by directing that, instead of being imprisoned,
'landigham should be sent within the rebel lines,
not return to the United States until after thn
386 The Life, Public Services, and
termination of tlie war. This sentence was at once carried
Into execution.
Tlie arrest, trial, and sentence of Mr. Yallandigham
created a good deal of excitement througliont the countr^^.
rhe opponents of tlie Administration treated it as a case
of martyrdom, and held public meetings for the j)urpose
of denouncing the action of the Government as tyiannical
and highly dangerous to the public liberties. One of the
earliest of these demonstrations was held at Albany, N. Y.,
on the 16th of May, at which Hon. Erastus Corning pre-
sided, and to which Governor Seymour addressed a letter,
expressing in the strongest terms his condemnation of the
course pursued by the Government. *'If this proceed-
ing," said he, speaking of the arrest of Yallandigham, ''4s
approved by the Government, and sanctioned by the
people, it is not merely a step towards revolution — it is
revolution. It will not only lead to military despotism —
it establishes military despotism. In this aspect it must
be accepted, or in this aspect rejected. * * * The
people of this country now wait with the deepest anxiety
the decision of the Administration upon these acts. Hav-
ing given it a generous support in the conduct of the war,
we pause to see what kind of a government it is for which
we are asked to pour out our blood and our treasure.
The action of the Administration will determine, in the
minds of more than one-half of the people of the loyal
States, whether this war is waged to put down rebellion
at the South, or destroy free institutions at the North."
The resolutions which were adopted at this meeting
pledged the Democratic party of the State to the preser-
vation of the Union, but condemned in strong terms the
'ivhole system of arbitrary arrests, and the suspension of
the writ of Jidbeas corpus,
A copy of these resolutions was forwarded by the pre-
siding officer to President Lincoln, who sent the follow-
ing letter in reply : —
EXECTTTITK MANSION, "WAfiinNGTON, JTiimA 18, 1861
Hon. Eeabtus Corning and otheks :
Gentlemen: — Your letter of May 19, enclosing the resolutions of a pub
State Papers of Abraham Lincoln. 387
Uc meeting held at Albany, K Y., on the 16th of the same month, was
received several days ago.
The resolutions, as I understand tliera, are resolvable into two proposi-
tions : first, the expression of a purpose to sustain the cause of the Union,
to secure peace through victory, and to support the Administration in
every constitutional and lawful measure to suppress the rebellion; and,
secondly, a declaration of censure upon the Administration for supposed
unconstitutional action, such as the making of military arrests. And from
the two propositions a third is deduced, which is, that the gentlemen
composing the meeting are resolved on doing their part to maintain our
common Government and country, despite the folly or wickedness, as
they may conceive, of any Adminiutration. This position is eminently
patriotic, and as such I thank the meeting and congratulate the nation for
it. My own purpose is the same, so that the meeting and myself have a
common object, and can have no ditference, except in the choice of means
or measures for effecting that object.
And here I ought to close this paper, and would close it, if there were
no apprehension that more injurious consequences than any merely per
sonal to myself might follow the censures sybtematically cast upon me for
doing what, in my view of duty, I could not forbear. The resolutions
promise to support me in every constitutional and lawful measure to sup-
press the rebellion, and I have not knowingly employed, nor shall know-
ingly employ any other. But the meeting, by their resolutions, assert
aad argue tiiat certain military arrests, and proceedings following them,
for which I am ultimately responsible, are unconstitutional. I think they
are not. The resolutions quote from the Constitution the definition of
treason, and also the limiting safeguards and guarantees therein provided
for the citizen on trial for treason, and on his being held to answer for
capital, or otherwise infamous crimes, and, in criminal prosecutions, his
right to a speedy and public trial by an impartial jury. They proceed to
resolve "that these safeguards of the rights of the citizen against tte
pretensions of arbitrary power were intended more especially for his pro-
tection in times of civil commotion."
And, apparently to demonstrate the proposition, the resolutions pro-
ceed : " They were secured substantially to the English people after years
of protracted civil war, and were adopted into our Constitution at the
close of the Revolution." Would not the demonstration have been better
if it could have been truly said that these safeguards had been adopted
and applied during the civil wars and during our Revolution, instead of
after the one and at the close of the other? I, too, am devotedly for them
after civil war, and lefore civil war, and at all times, " except when, in
cases of rebellion or invasion, the public safety may require " their sus-
pension. The resolutions proceed to tell us that these safeguards " have
stood the test of seventy-six years of trial, under our republican system,
nnder circumstances which show that, while they constitute the fonnda-
388 The Life, Public Services, and
tion of all free government, they axe the elements of the enduring Bta>
bility of the Republic.-' No one denies that they have so stood the test
up to the beginning of the present rebellion, if we except a certain occur-
rence at New Orleans ; nor does any on© question that they will stand
the same test much longer after the rebellion closes. But these proviftiong
of the Constitution have no application to the case we have in hand, be-
cause the arrests complained of were not made for treason — that is, not
for the treason defined in the Constitution, and upon conviction of which
the punishment is death — nor yet were they made to hold persona
to answer for any capital or otherwise infamous crimes ; nor were the
proceedings following, in any constitutional or legal sense, " criminal
prosecutions." The arrests were made on totally different grounds, and
the proceedings following accorded with the grounds of the arrest. Let
us consider the real case with which we are dealing, and apply to it the
parts of the Constitution plainly made for such cases.
Prior to my installation here, it had been inculcated that any State had
a lawful right to secede from the National Union, and that it would be
expedient to exercise the right whenever the devotees of the doctrine
should fail to elect a President to their own liking. I was elected con-
trary to their liking, and accordingly, so far as it was legally possible,
they had taken seven States out of the Union, had seized many of the
United States forts, and had fired upon the United States flag, all before
I was inaugurated, and, of course, before I had done any official act what-
ever. The rebellion thus began soon ran into the present civil war;
and, in certain respects, it began on very unequal terms between the par-
ties. The insurgents had been preparing for it more than thirty years,
while the Government had taken no steps to resist them. The former
had carefully considered all the means which could be turned to their
account. It undoubtedly was a well-pondered reliance with them that,
in their own unrestricted efforts to destroy Union, Constitution, and law
altogether, the Government would, in great degree, be restrained by the
same Constitution and law from arresting their progress. Their sympa-
thizers pervaded all departments of the Government, and nearly all com-
munities of the people. From this material, under cover of " liberty of
speech," "liberty of the press," and "habeas corpus," they hoped to
keep on foot among us a most efficient corps of spies, infonners, suppliers,
and aiders and abettors of their cause in a thousand ways. They knew
that in times such as they were inaugurating, by the Constitution itself
the "habeas corpus" might be suspended; but they also knew they had
friends who would make a question as to who was to suspend it : mean-
while, their spies and others might remain at large to help on their caase.
Or if, as has happened, the Executive should suspend the writ, without
ruinous waste of time, instances of arresting innocent persons might occur,
as are always likely to occur in such cases, and then a clamor could b«
raised in regard to this which might be, at least, of some service to th«
li VTE Papers of Abraham Lincoln. 389
insurgent cause. It needed no very keen perception to discover this part
of the enemy's programme, so soon as, by opening hostilities, their ma*
?hinery was put fairly in motion. Yet, thoroughly imbued with a rev-
erence for the guaranteed rights J 'ndividuals, I was slow to adopt the
strong measures which by degrees I have been forced to regard as being
within the exceptions of the Constitution, and as indispensable to the
public safety. Nothing is better known to history than that courts of
justice are utterly incompetent to such cases. Ci\il courts are organized
chiefly for trials of individuals, or, at most, a few individuals acting in
concert, and this in quiet times, and on charges of crimes well define<l in
the law. Even in times of peace, bands of horse-thieves and robbers fre*
quently grow too numerous and powerful for the ordinary courts of jus-
tice. But what comparison, in numbers, have such bands ever borne to
the insurgent sympathizers even in many of the loyal States ? Again, a
jury too frequently has at least one member more ready to hang the
panel than to hang the traitor. And yet, again, he who dissuades sne
man from volunteering, or induces one soldier to desert, weakens the
Union cause as much as he who kills a Union soldier in buttle. Yet this
dissuasion or inducement may be so conducted s/- to be no defined crime
of which any civil court would take cognizance.
Ours is a case of rebellion — so called by the resolution before me — in
fact, a clear, flagrant, and gigantic case of rebellion ; and the provision
ef the Constitution that " the privilege of the writ of habeas corpus shall
not be suspended unless when, in cases of rebellion or invasion, the pub-
lic safety may lequire it," is the provision which specially applies to our
present case. This provision plainly attests the understanding of those
who made the Constitution, that ordinary courts of justice are inadequate
to "cases of lebellion" — attests their purpose that, in such cases, men
may be held in custody whom the courts, acting on ordinary rules, would
discharge. Habeas corpus does not discharge men who are proved to be
guilty of defined crime ; and its suspension is allowed by the Constitu-
tion on purpose that men maybe arrested and held who cannot be proved
to be guilty of defined crime, " when, in cases of rebellion or invasion^
the public safety may require it." This is precisely our present case — a
case of rebellion, wherein the public safety does require the suspension.
Indeed, arrests by process of courts, and arrests in cases of rebellion, do
not proceed altogether upon the same basis. The former is directed at
the small percentage of ordinary and continuous perpetration of crime ;
flv^hile the latter is directed at sudden and extensive uprisings against th«
Government, which at most will succeed or fail in no great length of
time. In the latter case arrests are made, >* ^t so much for what has
been done as for what probably would be dont The latter is more for
the preventive and less for the vindictive than the former. In such casea
the purposes of men are much more easily understood than in cases ol
ordinary '^•'•ime. The rmva. who stands by ana says nothing, whep *4ie
590 The Life, Pl^blio Services, and
peril of his Government is discussed, cannot be misunderstood. If not
hindered, he is sure to help the enemy ; much more, if he talks ambigu-
ously— talks for his country with "buts," and "ifs," and "ands." Of
how little value the constitutional provisions I have quoted will be '•en-
dered, if arrests shall never be made until defined crimes shall have been
committed, may be illustrated by a few notable examples. General John
0. Breckinridge, General Robert E. Eee, General Joseph E. Johnston,
General John B. Magruder, General William B, Preston, General Simo
B. Buckner, and Commodore Franklin Buchanan, now occupying the ver
highest places in the rebel war service, were all within the power of th
Government since the rebellion began, and were nearly as well known to
be traitors then as now. Unquestionably, if we had seized and held
them, the insurgent cause would be much weaker. But no one of them
had then committed any crime defined in the law. Every one of them,
if arrested, would have been discharged on habeas corpus^ were the writ
allowed to operate. In view of these and similar cases, I think the time
not unlikely to come when I shall be blamed for having made too few
arrests rather than too many.
By the third resolution, the meeting indicate their opinion that military
arrests may be constitutional in localities where rebellion actually exists,
but that such arrests are unconstitutional in localities where rebellion oi
msarrection does not actually exist. They insist that such arrests shall
not be made " outside of the lines of necessary military occupation and
ihe scenes of insurrection." Inasmuch, however, as the Constitution itself
inakes no such distinction, I am unable to believe that there is any such
tonstitutional distinction. I concede that the class of arrests complained
>f can be constitutional only when, in cases of rebellion or invasion, the
public safety may require them ; and I insist that in such cases they ?je
constitutional wherever the public safety does require them ; as well in
places to which they may prevent the rebellion extending as in those
where it may be already prevailing ; as weU where they may restrain mis-
chievous interference with the raising and supplying of armies to sup-
press the rebellion, as where the rebellion may actually be ; as well
where they may restrain the enticing men out of the army, as where
they would prevent mutiny in the army; equally constitutional at all
places where they will conduce to the public safety, as against the dan-
gers of rebellion or invasion. Take the particular case mentioned by the
meeting. It is asserted, in substance, that Mr. Vallandigham was, by a
military commander, seized and tried *' for no other reason than words
addressed to a public meeting, in criticism of the course of the Admin-
istration, and in condemnation of the military orders of the general."
Now, if there be no mistake about this ; if this atssertion is the truth and
the whole truth ; if there was no other reason for the arrest, then I con-
cede that the an est was wrong. But the arrest, as I understand, was
made for a verj different reason. Mr. YaPandigham avows his IjostiHty to
State Papers of Abraham Lincoln. 391
the war on the part of the Union ; and his arrest was made because he
was laboring, with some effect, to prevent the raising of troops ; to en-
courage desertions from the army ; and to leave the rebellion without
an adequate military force to suppress it. He was not arrested because
ne was damaging the political prospects of the Administration, or the per-
sonal interests of the commanding general, but because he was damaging
the army, upon the existence and vigor of which the life of the nation
depends. He was warring upon the military, and this gave the military
constitutional jurisdiction to lay hands upon him. If Mr. Vallandigham
was not damaging the military power of the country, then this arresrt
was made on mistake of fact, which I would be glad to correct on rea-
sonable satisfactory evidence.
I understand the meeting, whose resolutions 1 am considering, to be in
favor of suppressing the rebellion by military force — by armies. Long
experience has shown that armies cannot be maintained unless desertions
shall be punished by the severe penalty of death. The case requires, and
the law and the Constitution sanction, this punishment. Must I shoot a
simple-minded soldier boy who deserts, while I must not touch a hair of
a wily agitator who induces him to desert? This is none the less injuri-
ous when effected by getting a father, or brother, or friend, into a public
meeting, and there working upon his feelings till he is persuaded to
write the soldier boy that he is fighting in a bad cause, for a wicked
Administration of a contemptible Government, too weak to arrest and
punish him if he shall desert. I think that in such a case to silence the
agitator and save the boy is not only constitutional, but withal a great
mercy.
If I be wrong on this question of constitutional power, my error liea
in believing that certain proceedings are constitutional when, in cases of
rebellion or invasion, the public safety requires them, which would not
be constitutional when, in the absence of rebellion or invasion, the pub-
lic safety does not require them ; in other words, that the Constitution is
not, in its application, in all respects the same, in cases of rebellion or
invasion involving the public safety, as it is in time of profound peace
and public security. The Constitution itself makes the distinction ; and
I can no more be persuaded that the Government caai constitutionally
take no strong measures in time of rebellion, because it can be shown
that the same could not be lawfully taken in time of peace, *han I can
be persuaded that a particular drug is not good medicine for a sick man,
because it can be shown not to be good food for a well one. Nor am I able
to appreciate the danger apprehended by the meeting that the Amer-
ican people will, by means of military arrests during the rebellion, lose
the right of public discussion, the liberty of speech and the press, the
law of evidence, trial by jury, and habeas corpus^ throughout the indefi-
nite peaceful future, which I trust lies before them, any more than I am
able to believe that a man could contract so strong an appeti'"* for emetica
392 The Life, Public Services, and
during temporary illness as to persist in feeding upon them during the
remainder of his healthful life.
In giving the resolutions that earnest consideration which you request
of me, I cannot overlook the fact that the meeting speak as "Demo-
crats." Nor can I, with full respect for their known intelligence, and
the fairly presumed deliberation with which they prepared their reso-
lutions, be permitted to suppose that this occurred by accident, or in
any way other than that they preferred to designate themselves " Dem-
ocrats" rather than "American citizens." In this time of national
peril, 1 would have preferred to meet you on a level one step higher than
any party platform ; because I am sure that, from such more elevated
position, we could do better battle for the country we all love than we
possibly can from those lower ones where, from the force of habit, the
pr^'udices of the past, and selfish hopes of the future, we are sure to ex-
pend much of our ingenuity and strength in finding fault with and aiming
blows at each other. But, since you have denied me this, I will yet be
thankful, for the country's sake, that not all Democrats have done so.
He on whose discretionary judgment Mr. Vallandigham was arrested and
tried is a Democrat, having no old party affinity with me ; and the judge
who rejected the constitutional view expressed in these resolutions, by
refusing to discharge Mr. Vallandigham on habeas corptis, is a Democrat
of better days than these, having received his judicial mantle at the hands
of President Jackson. And still more, of all those Democrats who are
nobly exposing their lives and shedding their blood on the battle-field, I
have learned that many approve the course taken with Mr. Vallandig-
ham, while I have not heard of a single one condemning it. I cannot
assert that there are none such. And the name of Jackson recalls an
incident of pertinent history : After the battle of New Orleans, and while
the fact that the treaty of peace had been concluded was well known in
the city, but before official knowledge of it had arrived. General Jackson
still maintained martial or military law. Now that it could be said the
war was over, the clamor against martial law, which had existed from
the first, grew more furious. Among other things, a Mr. Louiallier pub-
lished a denunciatory newspaper article. General Jackson arrested him,
A lawyer by the name of Morrel procured the United States Judge Hall
to issue a writ of habeas corpus to relive Mr. I ' jiiallier. General Jack-
son arrested both the lawyer and the judge. A Mr. Hollander ventured
to say of some part of the matter that "it was a dirty trick." General
Jackson arrested him. Wlien the officer undertook to serve the writ of
habeas corpus, General Jackson took it from him, and sent him away
with a copy. Holding the judge in custody a few days, the General
sent him beyond the limits of his encampment, and set him at liberty,
with an order to remain till the ratification of peace should be regularly
announced, or until the British should have left the Southern coast. A
day or two uior© elapsed, the ratification of a treaty of peace w^as regu
State Papers of Abraham Lincoln. 393
larly annonnced, and the judge and others were fully liberated. A few
days more, and the judge called General Jackson into court and ficed him
$1,000 for having arrested him and the others named. The General paid
the fine, and there the matter rested for nearly thirty years, when Con-
gress refunded principal and interest. The late Senator Douglas, then in
the House of Kepresentatives, took a leading part in the debates, in
which the constitutional question was much discussed. I am not pre-
pared to say whom the journals would show to have voted for the measure.
It may be remarked : First, that we had the same Constitution then as
now; secondly, that we then had a case of invasion, and now we have a
case of rebellion ; and, thirdly, that the permanent right of the people to
public discussion, the liberty of speech and of the press, the trial by jury
the law of evidence, and the habeas corpus^ suffered no detriment what-
ever by that conduct of General Jackson, or its subsequent approval by
the American Congress.
And yet, let me say that, in my own discretion, I do not know whether
I would have ordered the arrest of Mr. Vallandigham. While I cannot
shift the responsibility from myself, I hold that, as a general rule, the
commander in the field is the better judge of the necessity in any partic-
ular case. Of course, I must practise a general directory and revisory
power in the matter.
One of the resolutions expresses the opinion of the meeting that arbi-
trary arrests will have the effect to divide and distract those who should
be united in suppressing the rebellion, and I am specifically called on to
discharge Mr. Vallandigham. I regard this as, at least, a fair appeal to
me on the expediency of exercising a constitutional power which I think
exists. In response to such appeal, I have to say, it gave me pain when
I learned that Mr. Vallandigham had been arrested — that is, I was pained
that there should have seemed to be a necessity for arresting him — and
that it wiU afford me great pleasure to discharge him so soon as I can, by
any means, believe the public safety will not suffer by it. I further say
that, as the war progresses, it appears to me, opinion and action, which
were in great confusion at first, take shape and fall into more regular
channels, so that the necessity for strong dealing with them gradually
decreases, I have every reason to desire that it should cease altogether ;
and far from the least is my regard for the opinions and wishes of those
whD, like the meeting at Albany, declare their purpose to sustain the
/' Government in every constitutional and lawful measure to suppress the
rebellion. Still, I must continue to do so much as may seem to be re-
quired by the public safety. A. Lincoln.
Similar meetings were held in New York, Philadelphia,
and other cities and towns of the North, and, on the 11th
of June, a State Convention of the Democratic party was
held at CJolumbus, Ohio, for the nomination of State offi-
394 The Life, Public Services, and
cers. Mr Vallandigham was, at that convention, made
the Democratic candidate for Governor, receiving, on the
first ballot, four hundred and forty-eight votes out of four
hundred and sixty- one, the whole number cast. Senator
Pugh was nominated for Lieutenant-Governor, and reso-
lutions were adopted protesting against President Lin-
coln's emancipation proclamation; condemning martial
law in loyal' States, where war does not exist; denoun-
cing the suspension of the writ of habeas corpus ; protest-
ing very strongly against the banishment of Vallandig
ham, and calling on the President to restore him to his
rights ; declaring that they would hail with delight the
desire of the seceded States to return to their allegiance,
and that they would co-operate with the citizens of those
States in measures for the restoration of peace.
A committee of the convention visited Washington,
and on the 26th of June presented to the President the
resolutions adopted by the convention^ and urged the
immediate recall and restoration of Mr. Vallandigham,
their candidate for Governor. To this. President Lincoln
made the following reply : —
"WASHiNaTON, Jxtm-t 29, 1868.
Gentlemen : — The resolutions of the Ohio Democratic State Conven-
tion, which you present me, together with your introductory and closing
remarks, being in position and argument mainly the same as the resolu-
tions of the Democratic meeting at Albany, New York, I refer you to my
response to the latter as meeting most of the points in the former.
This response you evidently used in preparing your remarks, and I de-
sire no more than that it be used with accuracy. In a single reading of your
remarks, I only discovered one inaccuracy in matter which I suppose you
took from that paper. It is where you say, " The undersigned are unable
to agree with you in the opinion you have expressed that the Constitu-
tion is different in time of insurrection or invasion from what it is in time
of peace and public security."
A recurrence to the paper will show you that I have not expreaeed
the opinion you suppose. I expressed the opinion that the Constitution
is different in its apj)lication in cases of rebellion or invasion, involving
the public safety, from wnat it is in times of profound peace and publio
security ; and this opinion I adhere to, simply because by the Constitu-
tion itself things may be doT>'^ 4i the one case which may not be done in
U)6 other.
State Papers of Abraham Lincoln. 395
I dislike to waste a word on a merely personal point, but I must re-
spectfully assure you that you will find yourselves at fault should you
ever seek for evidence to prove your assumption that I " opposed in
discussions before the people the policy of the Mexican war."
You say: "Expunge from the Constitution this limitation upon the
power of Congress to suspend the writ of habeas corpiLs^ and yet the
other guarantees of personal liberty would remain unchanged." Doubt-
less, if this clause of the Constitution, improperly called, as I thiuk, s
imitation upon the power of Congress, were expunged, the other guai •
aritees would remain the same ; but the question is, not how those guar-
antees would stand with that clause out of the Constitution, but how they
stand with that clause remaining in it, in case of rebellion or invasion,
involving the public safety. If the liberty could be indulged in expun-
ging that clause, letter and spirit, Ireally think the constitutional argu-
ment would be with you.
My general view on this question as stated in the Albany response,
and hence I do not state it now. I only add that, as seems to me, the
benefit of the writ of habeas corpus is the great means through which
the guarantees of personal liberty are conserved and made available in
the last resort; and corroborative of this view is the fact that Mr. Val-
landigham, in the very case in question, under the advice of able law
yers, saw not where else to go but to the habeas corpus. But by the
Constitution the benefit of the writ of habeas eorpuf itself may be sus-
pended, when, in case of rebellion or invasion, the public safety may
require it.
You ask, in substance, whether I really claim that I may override all
the guaranteed rights of individuals, on the plea of conserving the public
safety — when I may choose to say the public safety requires it. This
question, divested of the phraseology calculated to represent mo as
struggling for an arbitrary personal prerogative, is either simply a
question who shall decide, or an aflBrmation that nobody shall decide,
what the public safety does require in cases of rebellion or invasion.
The Constitution contemplates the question as likely to occur for de-
«ision, but it does not expressly declare who is to decide it. By neces-
sary implication, when rebellion or invasion comes, the decision is to be
made from time to time ; and I think the man whom, for the time, the
people have, under the Constitution, made the commander-in-chief of
their army and navy, is the man who holds the power and bears the
responsibility of making it. If he uses the power justly, the same
people will probably justify him; if he abuses it, he is in their hands to
be dealt with by all the modes they have reserved to themselves in the
Constitution.
The earnestness with which you insist that persons can only, in times
of rebellion, be lawfully dealt with in accordance with the rules for
criminal trials and punishmentfi >n times of peace, ind^cds me to add «
396 The Life, Public Services, and
^rord to what I said on that point in the Albany response. You claim
that men raay, if they choose, embarrass those whose duty it is to com-
bat a giant rebellion, and then be dealt with only in turn as if there
were no rebellion. The Constitution itself rejects this view. The mili-
tary arrests and detentions which have been made, including those of
Mr. Vallandigham, which are not different in principle from the other,
aave been iov prevention^ and not for punuhment — as injunctions to stay
injury, as proceedings to keep the peace — and hence, like proceedings in
such cases and for like reasons, they have not been accompanied with
indictments, or trial by juries, nor in a single case by any punishment
whatever beyond what is purely incidental to the prevention. The
mginal sentence of imprisonment in Mr. Vallandigham's case was to
i^revent injury to the military service only, and the modification of it
N&a made as a less disagreeable mode to hiri of securing the same pre-
fention.
I am unable to perceive an insult to Ohio in the case of Mr, Vallan-
digham. Quite surely nothing of tMs sort was or is intended. I was
wholly unaware that Mr. Vallandigham was, at the time of his arrest, a
candidate for the Democratic nomination of Governor, until so informed
by your reading to me the resolutions of the convention. I am grateful
to the State of Ohio for many things, especially for the brave soldiers
and officers she has given in the present national trial to the armies of
the Union.
You claim, as I understand, that according to my own position in the
Albany response, Mr. Vallandigham should be released ; and this be-
cause, as you claim, he has not damaged the military service by discour-
aging enlistments, encouraging desertions, or otherwise; and that if ho
had, he should have been turned over to the civil authorities under the
recent acts of Congress. I certainly do not know that Mr. Vallandigham
lias specifically and by direct language advised against enlistments and
in favor of desertions and resistance to drafting. We all know tha
combinations, armed in some instances, to resist the arrest of deserters,
began several months ago ; that more recently the like has appeared iu
resistance to the enrolment preparatory to a draft; and that quite a
number of assassinations have occurred from the same animus. These
bad to be met by military force, and this again has led to bloodshed an(J
death. And now, under a sense of responsibility more weighty and
enduring than any which is merely ofticial, I solemnly declare my belief
that this hindrance of the military, including mauuiug and murder, is due
to the cause in which Mr. Vallandigham has been engaged, iu a greater
degree than to any other cause ; and it is due to him personally in a
greater degree than to any other man.
These things have been notoriously known to all, and of course known
to Mr. Vallandigham. Perhaps I would not be wrong to say they
cHnginated with his especial friends and adherents. "With perf-*^*' k^owl
State Papers of Abraham Lincoln. 397
edge of them, he has frequently, if not constantly, made speeches ia
Congress and before popular assemblies ; and if it can be shown that,
with these things staring him in the face, he has ever uttered a word of
rebuke or counsel against them, it will be a fact greatly in his favo**
with me, and of which, as yet, I am totally ignorant. When it is known
that the whole burden of his speeches has been to stir up men against the
prosecution of the war, and that in the midst of resistance to it he has
not been know^n in any instance to counsel against such resistance, it ia
Qext to impossible to repel the inference that he has counselled directly
fai favor of it.
With all this before their eyes, the convention you represent have
nominated Mr. Vallandigham for Governor of Ohio, and both they and
you have declared the purpose to sustain the National Union by all con-
etitutional means; but, of course, they and you, in common, reserve to
yourselves to decide what are constitutional means, and, unlike the
Albany meeting, you omit to state or intimate that, in your opinion, an
army is a constitutional means of saving the Union against a rebellion,
or even to intimate that you are conscious of an existing rebellion being
in progress with the avowed object of destroying that very Union. At
the same time, your nominee for Governor, in whose behalf you appeal,
is known to you, and to the world, to declare against the use of an army
to suppress the rebellion. Your own attitude, therefore, encourages
desertion, resistance to the draft, and the like, because it teaches those
who incline to desert and to escape the draft to believe it is your pur-
pose to protect them, and to hope that you will become strong enough to
do so.
After a short personal intercourse with you, gentlemen of the com-
mittee, I cannot say I think you deske this effect to follow your attitude ;
but I assure you that both friends and enemies of the Union look upon it
in this light. It is a substantial hope, and, by consequence, a real
strength to the enemy. If it is a false hope, and one which you would
willingly dispel, I wiU make the way exceedingly easy. I send you
duplicates of this letter, in order that you, or a majority, may, if you
choose, indorse your names upon one of them, and return it thus indorsed
to me, with the understanding that those signing are thereby committed
Ho the following propositions, and to nothing else : —
** 1. That there is now rebellion in the United States, the object and
tendency of which is to destroy the National Union ; and that, in youi
opinion, an army and navy are constitutional means for suppressing that
rebellion.
2. That no one of you will do any thing which, in his own judgment,
wUl tend to hinder the increase, or favor the decrease, or lessen the
etficiency of the army and navy, while engaged in the effort to suppreiia
that rebellion ; and, —
8. That each of you will. '"^ '>'h sphere, do all he can to havt ths
398 The Life, Public Services, and
officers., soldiers, and seamen of the army and navy, while engaged in the
effort to suppress the rehellion, paid, fed, clad, and otherwise well pro-
vided for and supported.
And with the further understanding that upon receiving the lettei
and names thus indorsed, I will cause them to be published, which
publication shall be, within itself, a revocation of the order in relation to
Mr. Vallandigham.
It will not escape observation that I consent to the release of Mr.
Vallandigham upon terms not embracing any pledge from him or from
.)'Jiers as to what he will or will not do. I do this because ho is not
present to speak for himself, or to authorize others to speak for him ;
and hence I shall expect that on returning he would not put himsell
practically in antagonism with the position of his friends. But I do tt
chiefly because I thereby prevail on other influential gentlemen of Ohio
to so define their position as to be of immense value to the army — thus
more than compensating for the consequences of any mistake in allowing
Mr. Vallandigham to return, so that, on the whole, the public safety wiL
not have suffered by it. Still, in regard to Mr. Vallandigham and all
others, I must hereafter, as heretofore, do so much as; the public service
may seem to require.
I have the honor to be respectfully yours, &C.,
A. Lincoln.
The canvass througliout the summer was very animated.
As a matter of course, the opponents of the Administration
in Ohio, as elsewhere throughout the country, made thig
matter of arbitrary arrests a very prominent point of attack.
Special stress was laid upon the fact that, instead of acting
directly and upon his own responsibility in these cases,
the President left them to the discretion of military com-
manders in the several departments. This was held to be
in violation of the law of Congress which authorized the
President to suspend the writ of habeas corpus, but not
to delegate that high prerogative. To meet this objection, .
therefore, and also in order to establish a uniform mode
of action on the subject, the President issued the following
PROCLAMATION.
WTiereas, the Constitution of the United States has ordained that " The
privilege of the writ of habeas corpus shall not be suspended, unless,
when in cases of rebellion or invasion, the public safety may require it ;
and, whereas, a rebellion was existing on the 3d day of March, 1863, which
?ebellioQ is still existing ; and, whereas, by a statute which was approved
State Papers of Abraham Limjoln. 399
oik that day, it was enacted by the Senate and House of Representativei
of the United States, in Congress assembled, that during the present in-
surrection the President of the United States, whenever, in his judgment,
the public safety may require, is authorized to suspend the privilege of the
writ of hjibeas corpus in any case throughout the United States, or any
part thereof; and, whereas, in the judgment of the President the publio
gafety does require that the privilege of the said writ shall now be sus-
pended throughout the United States in cases where, by the authority or
the President of the United States, military, naval, and civil officers of th
United States, or any of them, hold persons under their command or in
their custody, either as prisoners of war, spies, or aiders or abettors of the
enemy, or officers, soldiers, or seamen enrolled, drafted, or mustered, or
enlisted in, or belonging to the land or naval forces of the United States,
or as deserters therefrom, or otherwise amenable to military law, or to
the rules and articles of war, or the rules and regulations prescribed for the
military or naval services by the authority of the President of the United
States, or for resisting the draft, or for any other offence against the military
or naval service: Now, therefore, I, Abraham Lincoln, President of the
United States, do hereby proclaim and make known to all whom it may con-
cern, that the privilege of the writ of habeas corpus is suspended throughout
the United States in the several cases before mentioned, and that this sus-
pension will continue throughout the duration of the said rebellion, or
until this Proclamation shall, by a subsequent one, to be issued by the
President of the United States, be modified and revoked. And I do here-
by require all magistrates, attorneys, and other civil officers within
the United States, and all officers and others in the military and naval
services of the United States, to take distinct notice of this suspension and
give it full effect, and all citizens of the United States to conduct and
govern themselves accordingly, and in conformity with the Constitution
of the United States and the laws of Congress in such cases made and
provided.
In testimony whereof, I have hereunto set my hand and caused the seal
«t the United States to be affixed, this fifteenth day of September, in the
year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and sixty-three, and of the
independence of the United States of America the eighty- eighth.
Abraham Lincoln.
By the President :
, "Wm. H. Sewaed, Secretary of State.
The act passed by Congress " for enrolling and calling
out the national forces," commonly called the Conscrip-
tion Act, provided that all able-bodied male citizens, and
persons of foreign birth who had declared their intention
to become citizens, between the ages of twenty and forty-
five, were liable to be called into service. The strenuous
400 The Life, Public Services, and
efforts maae by the enemies of the Administration to arouse
the hostility of the people against its general policy, had
proved so far successful as greatly to discourage volun-
teer enlistments ; and the Government was thus compelled
to resort to the extraordinary powers conferred upon it
by this act. Questions had been raised as to the liability
of foreigners to be drafted under this law ; and in order
to settle this point, the President, on the 8th of May, issued
the following proclamation.
Washington, May 8, 1868.
By the President of the United States of America.
PROCLAMATION.
Whereas^ the Congress of the United States, at its last session, enacted
a law, entitled " An Act for enrolling and calling out the national forces,
and for other purposes," which was approved on the 3d day of March
last; and
Whereas^ it is recited in the said act that there now exists in the United
States an insurrection and rebellion against the authority thereof, and it
is, under the Constitution of the United States, the duty of the Govern-
ment to suppress i^aoubordination and rebellion, to guarantee to each State
a republican form of government, and to preserve the public tranquillity ;
and
WTiereas, for these high purposes, a military force is indispensable, to
raise and support which all persons ought willingly to contribute ; and
Whereas^ no service can be more praiseworthy and honorable than
that which is rendered for the maintenance of the Constitution and the
Union, and the consequent preservation of free government ; and
WTiereas, for the reasons thus recited it was enacted by the said stat-
ute that all able-bodied male citizens of the United States, and personi
of foreign birth who shall have declared on oath their intentions to become
citizens under and in pursuance of the laws thereof, between the ages of
twenty and forty-five years, with certain exemptions not necessary to be
here mentioned, are declared to constitute the National forces, and shall
be liable to perform military duty in the service of the United States,
when called out by the President for that purpose ; and
WTiereas, it is claimed, on and in behalf of persons of foreign birth, with-
in the ages specified in said act, who have heretofore declared on oath their
intentions to become citizens under and in pursuance to the laws of the
United States, and who have not exercised the right of suflrage, or any
other political franchise under the laws of the United States, or of any of
the States thereof, that they are not absolutely precluded by their afore-
said declaration of intention from renouncing their purpose to become
oitixens; and that, on the contrary, such persons, under treaties and th«
State Papers of Abraham Lincoln. 401
law of nations, retain a right to renounce that purpose, and to forego
the privilege of citizenship and residence within tlie United States, undo)
the obligations imposed by the aforesaid act of Congress :
Now, therefore, to avoid all misapprehensions concerning the liability of
persons concerned to perform the service required by such enactment, and
^) give it full effect, I do hereby order and proclaim that no plea of alien-
ago will be received, or allowed to exempt from the obligations imposed
by the aforesaid act of Congress any person of foreign birth who shall
have declared on oath his intention to become a citizen of the United
States, under the laws thereof, and who shall be found within the United
States at any time during the continuance of the present insurrection and
rebellior., at or after the expiration of the period of sixty-five days from the
date of this proclamation ; nor shall any such plea of alienage be allowed
in favor of any such person who has so, as aforesaid, declared his inten-
tion to become a citizen of the United States, and shall have exercised at
any time the right of suffrage, or any other political franchise within the
United States, under the laws thereof, or under the laws of any of the
several States.
In witness whereof, I have hereunto set my hand, and caused the se^
gf the United States to be affixed.
Done at the City of Washington, this 8th day of May, in the year of oui
r 1 Lord one thousand eight hundred and sixty-three, and of the in
dependence of the Uiiiied States the eighty-seventn.
Abraham Lenooln.
By the President :
William H. Sewaed, Secretary of State.
It was subsequently ordered that the draft should take
place in July, and public proclamation was made of the
number which each State would be required to fui'nish.
Enrolling officers had been appointed for the several dis-
tricts of all the States, and, all the names being placed in
a wheel, the number required were to be publicly drawn,
under such regulations as were considered necessary to
insure equal and exact justice. Very great pains had
been taken by the opponents of the Administration to excite
odium against that clause of the law which fixed the jrice
of exemption from service under the draft at three hundred
dollars. It was represented that this clause was for the
epecial benefit of the rich, who could easUy pay the sum
required ; while poor men who could not pay it would be
compelled, at whatever hardships to themselves and their
families, to ent^r the army The draft was com^-'^U'^^d in
2^
402 The Life, Public Services, and
the City of New York on Saturday, July 11th, aud was
conducted quietly and successfully during that day. On '
Sunday plots were formed and combinations entered into
to resist it ; and no sooner was it resumed on Monday
morning, July 13, than a sudden and formidable attack
was made by an armed mob upon the office in one of the,
districts ; the wheel was destroyed, the lists scattered, and'
the building set on fire. The excitement spread through
the city. Crowds gathered everywhere, with ho apparent
common object ; but during the day the movement seem-
ed to be controlled by leaders in two general directions.
The first was an attack upon the negroes ; the second an
assault upon every one who was supposed to be in any
way concerned in the draft, or prominently identified,
officially or otherwise, with the Administration or the Re-
publican party. Unfortunately, the militia regiments of
the city had been sent to Pennsylvania to withstand the
rebel invasion ; and the only guardians left for the public
peace were the regular police and a few hundred soldiers
who garrisoned the forts. Both behaved with the greatest
vigor and fidelity, but they were too few to protect the
dozen miles between the extremities of the city. The mob,
dispersed in one quarter, would reassemble at another,
and for four days the city seemed given up to their control.
The outrages committed during this time were numerous
and aggravated. Negroes were assaulted, beaten to death,
mutilated, and hung ; building after building was sacked
and burned ; gangs of desperadoes patrolled the streets., •
levying contributions, and ordering places of business to \
be closed. A Colored Orphan Asylum, sheltering some
hundreds of children, was sacked and burned. After
the first day, the riot, which was at first directed against
the draft, took a new turn. Tlie entire mass of scoundrel-
ism in the city seemed to have been let loose for indis-
criminate plunder. Women, half-grown boys, and chil-
dren, were foremost in the work of robbery, and no man
felt safe from attack. The police force did their duty
manfully, aided at first by the few troops at the disposal
of th^ ^uthoriiies, and subsequently l>y the regiments wh9
State Papers of Abraham Lincoln. 403
began to return from Pennsylvania. In the street -fights
which occurred, many of the defenders of law and order
lost their lives, while a far larger number of the rioters
were killed. The bands of rioters were finally dispersed,
and the peg.ce of the city was restored.
During these occurrences the draft was necessarily sus-
pended ; and on the 8d of August, Governor Seymour
addressed a long letter to the President, asking that fur-
ther proceedings under the draft might be postponed until
it should be seen whether the number required from the
State of New York could not be raised by volunteering,
and also until the constitutionality of the law could be
tested in the judicial tribunals of the country. The
Governor pointed out an alleged injustice in the applica-
tion of the law, by which, in four districts of the State of
New York, a fa^ higher quota in proportion to the popu-
lation was required than in the other districts of the State ;
and this was urged as an additional reason for postponing
the further execution of the law.
To this appeal the President, on the 7th of August,
made the following reply : —
ExBOUTiTB Mjjrsioir, WASBiKeToiT, Augvst T, tWH.
JUS JtSxcellency Hoeatio Seymouk,
Governor of New York, Albany, N. Y. :
Your communication of the 3d inst. has bees received and attentively
considered. I cannot consent to suspend the draft in New York, as you
request, because, among other reasons, time is too important. By th«
figures you send, which I presume are correct, the twelve districts repre-
sented fall in two classes of eight and four respectively.
The disparity of the quotas for the draft in these two classes is certainly
very striking, being the difference between an average of 2,200 in one
c^ass, anc 4,864 in the other. Assuming that the districts are equal, one
to another, in entire population, as required by the plan on which they
were made, this disparity is such as to require attention. Much of it,
however, I suppose will be accounted for by the fact that so many more
persons fit for soldiers are in the city than are in the country, who have
too recently arrived from other parts of the United States and from Europe
to be either included in the census of 1860, or to have voted in 1862,
Still, making due allowance for this, I am yet unwilling to stand upon it
AS MM entirely sufBicient explanation of the great disparity. I ^hall direct
404 The Life, Public Services, and
the draft to proceed in all the districts, drawing, however, at first from
each of the four districts — to wit, the Second, Fourth, Sixth, and Eighth —
only, 2,200 being the average quota of the other class. After this drawing,
these four districts, and also the Seventeenth and Twenty-ninth, shall be
carefully re-enrolled; and, if you please, agents of yours may witness
every step of the process. Any deficiency which may appear by the new
enrolment will be supplied by a special draft for that object, allowing due
credit for volunteers who may be obtained from these districts respectively
during the interval ; and at all points, so far as consistent with practi?Al
convenience, due credits shall be given for volunteers, and your Excel-
lency shall be notified of the time fixed for commeDcing a draft in each
district.
I do not object to abide a decision of the United States Supreme Court,
or of the Judges thereof, on the constitutionality of the draft law. In
fact, I should be willing to facilitate the obtaining of it. But I cannot
consent to lose the time while it is being obtained. We are contending
with an enemy who, as I understand, drives every able-bodied man he
can reach into his ranks, very much as a butcher drives bullocks into a
slaughter-pen. No time is wasted, no argument is used. This produces
an army which will soon turn upon our now victorious soldiers already in
the field, if they shall not be sustained by recruits as they should be. It
produces an army with a rapidity not to be matched or. our side, if we first
waste time to re-experiment with the volunteer system, already deemed
by Congress, and palpably, in fact, so far exhausted as to be inadequate ;
and then more time to obtain a Court decision as to whether a law is con-
stitutional which requires a part of those not now in the service to go to
the aid of those who are already in it ; and still more time to determine
with absolute certainty that we get those who are to go in the precisely
legal proportion to those who are not to go. My purpose is to be in my
action just and constitutional, and yet practical, in performing the impor-
tant duty with which I am charged, of maintaining the unity and the fre«
principles of our common country.
Your obedient servant,
A. LiNCOLH.
On the 8th Governor Seymour replied, reasserting the
unfairness and injustice of the enrolments, and expressing
his regret at the President' s refusal to postpone the draft
He also sent a voluminous statement, prepared by Judge-
Advocate Waterbury, designed to sustain the position he
had p'-'^^iously assumed. To this tbp President ^^p '"^
plied :•
State Papers of Abraham Lincoln. 405
EzBOTTTTYB MjjrsioiT, Washihoto.v, AvffVtt 11. 184B,
flla Excellency Hohatio Seymour,
Governor of New York :
Yours of the 8th, with Judge-Advocate General "Waterbury^s report^
was received to-day.
Asking you to remember that I consider time as being very important,
both to the general cause of the country and to the soldiers in the field, 1
beg to remind you that I waited, at your request, from the Ist until the
6th inst., to receive your communication dated the 8d. In view of its
great length, and the known time and apparent care taken in its prepara-
tion, I did not doubt that it contained your fuii case as you desired to
present it. It contained the figures for twelve districts, omitting the
other nineteen, as I suppose, because you found nothing to complain of as
to them. I answered accordingly. In doing so I laid down the principle
to which I purpose adhering, which is to proceed with the draft, at the
same time employing infallible means to avoid any great wrong. With
the communication received to-day you send figures for twenty-eight dis-
tricts, including the twelve sent before, and still omitting three, for which
I suppose the enrolments are not yet received. In looking over the fuller
list of twenty-eight districts, I find that the quotas for sixteen of them are
above 2,000 and below 2,700, while, of the rest, six are above 2,700 and
six are below 2,000. Applying the principle to these new facts, the Fifth
and Seventh Districts must be added to the four in which the quotas have
already been reduced to 2,200 for the first draft; and with these four
others must be added to those to be re-enrolled. The correct case will
then stand : the quotas of the Second, Fourth, Fifth, Sixth, Seventh, and
Eighth Districts fixed at 2,200 for the first draft. The Provost-Marshal
General informs me that the drawing is already completed in the Six
teenth, Seventeenth, Eighteenth, Twenty-second, Twenty-fourth, Twenty-
sixth, Twenty-seventh, Twenty-eighth, Twenty-ninth, and Thirtieth Dis-
tricts. In the others, except the three outstanding, the drawing will be
made upon the quotas as now fixed. After the first draft, the Second,
Fourth, Fifth, Sixth, Seventh, Eighth, Sixteenth, Seventeenth, Twenty-
first, Twenty-fifth, Twenty-ninth, and Thirty- first will be enrolled for the
purpose, and in the manner stated in my letter of the 7th inst. The same
principle will be applied to the now outstanding districts when they shall
come in. No part of my former letter is repudiated by reason of not
being restated in this, or for any other cause.
Your obedient servant,
A. Lincoln.
The draft in New York was resumed on the 19th of An-
as ample preparations had been made for the
of the public peace, it encountered no further
406 The Life, Public Services, and
opposition. In every other part of the country the pro
ceedings were conducted and completed without resist
ance.
Some difficulty was experienced in Chicago, and the
Mayor and Comptroller of that city addressed the Presi-
dent on the subject of alleged frauds in the enrolment,
and received the following dispatch in reply : —
Washinotok, Augu4t 27, 18S8.
F. 0. Shebman, Mayor ; J. S. Hats, Comptroller :
Yonrs of the 24th, in relation to the draft, is received. It seems to me
the Government here will be overwhelmed if it undertakes to conduct
these matters with the authorities of cities and counties. They must be
conducted with the Governors of States, who will, of course, represent
their cities and counties. Meanwhile, you need not be uneasy until yoxj
again hear from here. A. Lincoln.
Subsequently, in reply to further representations on the
subject, the same gentlemen received the following : —
Washingtow, September 7, 1868.
Yonrs of August 29th juat received. I suppose it was intended by Con-
gress that this Government should execute the act in question without
dependence upon any other Government, State, City, or County. It is,
however, within the range of practical convenience to confer with the
Governments of States, while it is quite beyond that range to have f oi '
respondence on tho subject with counties and cities. They are too ru-
merouB. As ins ces, I have corresponded with Governor Seymour, but
not with Mayor L'^dyke; with Governor Curtin. but not with Mayo?
Hoirj. A. JjNooLH.
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