LIVERPOOL
BANKS ar BANKERS
Thu Large Paper Issue is
limited to One Hundred
Copies, of which this one
is No
A LIVERPOOL BANKER, i8th Century.
LIVERPOOL
BANKS y BANKERS
1760-1837
A HISTORY OF THE CIRCUMSTANCES WHICH
GAVE RISE TO THE INDUSTRY, AND OF THE
MEN WHO FOUNDED AND DEVELOPED IT
BY
JOHN HUGHES
ILLUSTRATED WITH 26 PORTRAITS AND VIEWS
" Std widttieet ita Aumanum itifftniui* ttt, faeiita putarr
<pu jam fo«ta : Htc d» taltbrit coyttorv, utnviatit ttr»ta
Unit*.
" It it tnu tk*v optntd Uu gaUt and t*o<U tk* tray, (A«l
tftnt bt/ort ut ; tntt at g*ddit. Ml eommamdtrt."
But JOIM>», "
LIVERPOOL
HENRY YOUNG W SONS
LONDON
SIMPKIN, MARSHALL, HAMILTON, KENT A CO., Ln».
1906
PREFACE
IN compiling this work my aim has been to give,
briefly but clearly, a connected account of the
origin and progress of all the private banks of
Liverpool, to show who and what were the several
partners, and to give short accounts of their
family relations. It is an attempt to place
on record succinct biographical notices, not to be
found in such completeness elsewhere, of Liverpool
bankers. The materials have been garnered, after
long and patient quest, from numerous sources.
The most .fertile source has been the newspapers
of the period, of which in all about one hundred
years have been studied. And to the advertise-
ments in no small measure am I indebted for facts
which have illumined the gloom in which the
history of Liverpool banking rested. But the
very spirit of the times precluded the newspapers
from being other than exceedingly cautious in
TI PREFACE
their accounts of men and events. The severity
of the laws of libel induced extreme reticence.
Hence much of real interest in the history of the
banks has been for ever sealed from us.
During the middle of the eighteenth century,
when the commerce of Liverpool was rapidly
expanding, it is somewhat surprising to find no
established banks. Yet at that period there was
a similar state of affairs throughout England.
Mr. Hylton Price states that in 1750 there were
not more than twelve banks established out of
London. Yet, and especially in a busy com-
mercial town like Liverpool, banking business
had to be done, bills had to be negotiated,
some one had to perform the function of a
banker though not specifically known by the
name. Hence arose a class of man, trader or
merchant, who acted as bankers to the community,
still retaining a separate business. The date 1760
is not an exact, but a convenient, date to indicate
the period of the rise of bankers. From the very
nature of the process of evolution no precise date
can be assigned. This is a point I wish to make
PREFACE „,
clear: that in the case of all the early bankers
there was no definite period at which it can be
said that banking commenced. No bank came
into existence as such all at once. In all the
cases of the earliest banks there was gradual
growth, side by side with the merchant's or
trader's business, until ultimately one or the other
became dominant. If the banking side became
stronger, the bank made its public appearance.
This being so, we need not look for palatial
buildings, nor for costly interiors, in the early
banks. Rather let us look for the merchant's
counting-house or the tradesman's back parlour,
with limited accessories — in the extreme case
a plain deal table. It is on record that
Mr. Lewis Loyd, who established the famous
bank of Jones, Loyd & Co. of Lothbury,
E.G., ever kept in his bedroom the small
table on which his first banking transactions
were done in his shop at Manchester.
But it is evident that force of character and
special aptitudes were the prime factors in deter-
mining the success or otherwise of the venture.
Tiii PREFACE
The seed laid in good ground produced mighty
trees, whilst that which fell in stony ground
sprang up rapidly, and as rapidly withered
away.
As this work is entirely a personal effort, one
which has its sole basis in my own research, it
doubtless follows that there are errors of omis-
sion and commission. I am in sincere hopes that
the latter are but few and inconsiderable, and
trust that my business training has succeeded in
ensuring the desirable accuracy of dates. As
to errors of omission, I have done what I
could to avoid these. But there must be
in possession of local families much interest-
ing material bearing on the private side of
banking in the early periods, and I would
take it as a courteous act if any reader, having
knowledge of such, would kindly communicate
with me.
For the rest, I desire to return my heartfelt
thanks for the willing assistance given me through
many years by Mr. Peter Cowell and his assistants,
Messrs. Henry E. Curran, Charles Robertson,
PREFACF ix
George M. Parry, and F. J. Waters, of the
William Brown Street Library. In recent years
Mr. George T. Shaw, Master and Librarian of
the Athenaeum, has been unfailingly helpful. To
John Nay lor, Esq., I am indebted for his critical
supervision of the chapter on Leyland and
Bullins. Messrs. Henry Young & Sons and
myself are grateful for the ready assistance
afforded in obtaining portraits and views by
Mrs Henry Bright ; Mrs. Heywood Bright ;
Mrs. G. W. Moss; John Naylor, Esq.; Alfred
Holt, Esq.; C. E. Hope, Esq.; Arthur Hey-
wood, Esq. ; J. Hope Simpson, Esq., and J. C.
M. Jacobs, Esq., of the Bank of Liverpool, and
the Directorate of the said bank ; the Direc-
torate of the London City and Midland Bank ;
the Committee of the Athenaeum; A. W.
Stanyforth, Esq. ; Edward P. Thompson, Esq. ;
Henry Yates Thompson, Esq. ; R. Stewart-
Brown, Esq.; and Mr. G. F. Graham.
In the majority of instances the portraits
and views have never before been reproduced,
and, being authentic illustrations of people and
x PREFACE
places of great importance in the history of
Liverpool, they possess an interest and value
which it is difficult to overestimate.
To my sense of local patriotism is due the
present volume, which it is hoped may help
to an understanding of one of the forces which
have contributed to the building up of my native
city of Liverpool.
To my own case apply the words of Izaak
Walton : " And however it appeals to him, yet
I am sure I have found a high content in the
search and conference of what is here offered to
the Reader's view and censure ; I wish him as
much in the perusal of it."
JOHN HUGHES.
180 KENSINGTON,
LIVERPOOL, November 1905.
CONTENTS
PACK
PREFACE . . T-X
CHAPTER I
BRIEF VIEW OF LIVERPOOL AND ITS COMMERCE . . i
CHAPTER II
GENERAL VIEW OF FINANCIAL HISTORY FROM 1760,
WITH SPECIAL REFERENCE TO LIVERPOOL . . 13
CHAPTER III
BANKERS AND BANKING ...... 36
CHAPTER IV
JOHN WVKE .... -49
CHAPTER V
WILLIAM CLARKE & SONS — LKYLAND, CLARICES, AMD
ROSCOE — ROSCOE, CLARKE, WARDELL, & Co.—
LOWRY, ROSCOE, & WARDELL — FLETCHER, ROBERTS,
ROSCOE, & Co. 56
xii CONTENTS
CHAPTER VI
PAGE
CHARLES CALDWELL & Co. . 84
CHAPTER VII
ARTHUR HEYWOOD, SONS, & Co. — SAMUEL THOMPSON —
HUGH JONES — SAMUEL HENRY THOMPSON . . 91
CHAPTER VIII
WILLIAM GREGSON, SONS, PARKE, & MORLAND — WILLIAM
GREGSON, SONS, PARKES,& CLAY — GREGSONS & CLAY 107
CHAPTER IX
THOMAS, SAMUEL, AND JOSEPH CRANE . . .124
CHAPTER X
STANIFORTH, INGRAM, BOLD, & DALTERA . . 127
. CHAPTER XI
THE LIVERPOOL CORPORATION ISSUE OF NOTES . .144
CHAPTER XII
SIR MICHAEL CROMIE, BART., POWNOLL, & HARTMAN 159
CONTENTS »Ui
CHAPTER XIII
MM
RICHARD HASLY . .... 165
CHAPTER XIV
LlYLAND & BULUNJ . ... 169
CHAPTER XV
JOHN ASPINALL & SON — JAMES ASPMALL & SON —
CENTRAL BANK 183
CHAPTER XVI
Moss, DALES, & Rooms — Moss, DALE, ROGERS, & Moss
— Moss, ROGERS, & Moss . . . . .189
CHAPTER XVII
JOSEPH HADWEN ....... aoi
CHAPTER XVIII
SAMUEL HOPE & Co. — LIVERPOOL BOROUGH BANK . 205
CHAPTER XIX
EVANS, CHIGWM, & HALL . „ . . 215
xi» CONTENTS
CHAPTER XX
FACE
JOHN THRELFALL . . 217
CHAPTER XXI
ROBERT FAIR WEATHER . . . • f ' • .220
CHAPTER XXII
MERSEY BANK ........ 223
INDEX 233
LIST OF PLATES
A LIVERPOOL BANKER — EIGHTEENTH CENTURY . Frontispiece
Portrait of—
WILLIAM ROSCOE .... To fact page 60
ARTHUR HEYWOOD .... ,,94
HUGH JONES ..... ,,98
SAMUEL HENRY THOMPSON . . „ 100
JOHN PEMBERTON HBYWOOD . . ,,102
THOMAS STANIFORTH .... „ 1 28
THOMAS LEYLAND .... ,,169
CHRISTOPHER BULLIN .... „ 1 74
JOHN NAYLOR ..... „ 180
JOHN Moss ..... „ 190
THOMAS EDWARDS Moss . . . ,,198
GILBERT WINTER Moss ... „ 200
SAMUFL HOPE ..... ,, 205
GEORGE HOLT 208
jm LIST OF PLATES
I'ievo of- —
LIVERPOOL EXCHANGE, 1820 . . To face page 46
JOHM WYKE'S HOUSE, 1765 . „ 50
CLARKES & ROSCOE'S BANK, 1792 . „ 58
HEYWOOD'S BANK, 1787 ... ,,96
LEYLAND & BULLINS' BANK, 1807 . „ 172
Moss's BANK, 1811-1864 . * ,, 194
Facnnule of- —
HEYWOOD'S BILL .... „ 36
LIVERPOOL CORPORATION FIVE-POUND
NOTE ,,158
CROMIE'S TEN-GUINEA NOTE . . „ 160
CROMIE'S ONE-GUINEA NOTE 162
CHAPTER I
BRIEF VIEW OF LIVERPOOL AND ITS COMMERCE.
The reference* to bankers in historic* of Liverpool — Shipi and com-
merce of eighteenth century— Shipping trade*, foreign and home
— East India Company — Road* and itage-coache* — CaoaU —
Street* — Lighting — Water — Numeration of hoo*ea — Curiou*
trade*.
WHEN Samuel Derrick, Master of the Ceremonies
at Bath, visited Liverpool in 1760, he found that
he had " nowhere met with any account of the
very opulent town," and lest his friend the Earl
of Cork should be equally in ignorance, he pro-
ceeded forthwith to remedy the defect.
So the author, surveying the now numerous
records of the annals of his native town, finds
that no connected account of the early Banks
of Liverpool has yet appeared. The earliest his-
torian, Enfield (1773), docs not mention them,
nor does Wallace (1795) norTroughton (1810);
Smithers (1830) has but scanty reference to
them, and Baines (1852), Brooke (1853), and
even Picton (1873) have very sparse accounts.
Yet few will gainsay that there is an exceed-
ingly close connection between the growth of
2 LIVERPOOL BANKS & BANKERS CHAP.
commerce and the growth of one of its chief
instruments.
The first Liverpool Directory was published in
1766, and therein no banker is mentioned. In
the Directory of 1774 we find in the body of
the work "William Clarke, banker and linen
draper, 34, Castle Street," and in the appendix
"C. Caldwell & Co., banker's office, 37, Paradise
Street."
When Samuel Derrick wrote there was a vast
difference between the Liverpool he described
and the Liverpool of to-day. Could the inhabit-
ants of that date revisit the glimpses of the
moon, their astonishment would be great at the
wondrous developments in the size, population,
and trade of the good town of Liverpool. For
they were then proud, and justly proud, of the
increasing wealth and importance of their town,
brought about by the enterprise of its merchants
and seamen. Consider that steam-power was
not, that the leviathans of modern commerce
were beyond the dreams of the most sanguine,
yet that long voyages were conducted in what
we should now deem the veriest cockle-shells of
boats. The average tonnage in 1773 was but
no tons, and thirty years later the average had
risen only to 240. Yet these comparatively tiny
barks were employed on round voyages of six
to twelve months' duration. Moreover, onwards
i COMMERCH: OF LIVERPOOL 3
from 1776, when war was declared with America,
followed in 1778 by war with France, in 1780
with Spain and Holland, they had to contend
with the* dangers of ships of war and privateers
in addition to the ordinary perils of the sea.
Pluck, perseverance, fertility of resource, and
thorough practical seamanship were essential to
the business, and with the aid of these, the com-
mercial status of Liverpool was attained and
sustained. The principal trades of Liverpool
were the African and West Indian, but large
supplementary business was done with the Baltic,
salt principally being exported, and a progressive
trade was carried on with America. This was
of course impeded by the unhappy war with the
Colonies, but after the recognition of the inde-
pendence of the United States it soon recovered.
The trade with Ireland was also very large, and
considerable business was done in the Mediter-
ranean Sea. As yet the monopoly which the
East India Company possessed in the trade with
the East Indies and China had not been abro-
gated. A public meeting on the subject was
held in Liverpool in 1792, and as a result Dr.
James Currie drew up a petition to Government
praying that the monopoly should cease. The
memorable commercial distress of the following
year retarded the advance of the movement, and
not till 1813 was there a partial refexation of
4 LIVERPOOL BANKS & BANKERS CHAF.
the monopoly. This was followed by additional
relief in 1834, but not till 1849 was there a com-
plete sweeping away of the uncontrolled sway
of John Company. When William Roscoe was
Member of Parliament for Liverpool he, on 23rd
February 1807, spoke in the House of Commons
on the Abolition of Slavery Bill, and whilst sup-
porting the Bill remarked on the wider spheres of
commerce which would compensate England for
the loss of the nefarious traffic, and incidentally
protested against the monopoly of the East India
Company. " Let there," said he, amidst applause
from all sides of the House — " let there be no
monopoly but the monopoly of the country at
large."
Prior to 1760 there was no coach-road nearer
to Liverpool than Warrington. In that year,
however, a road was made practicable for coaches,
and thus Liverpool was connected with the other
towns of the kingdom. Before this all travel-
ling had to be done on horseback, and such
luggage and merchandise as was sent by land
was transported on pack-horses, and for many
years later, until 1785, pack-horses were em-
ployed to carry His Majesty's mails. When
this coach-road to Warrington was constructed,
stage-coaches began to run between Liverpool
and London (May 1760), and Liverpool and
Manchester (September 1760). The house of
i COACHING AND CANALS 5
call in Liverpool for the former was the '* Golden
Talbot " in Water Street. The Bank of Liverpool
now occupies its site. It was then kept by Mrs.
Rathbone. The Manchester coach put up at the
" Golden Fleece," on the north side of Dale Street.
It was then kept by Thomas Banner, the ancestor
of Mr. J. S. Harmood Banner.1
The growth of traffic thereafter rapidly in-
creased, and the coaching business to and from
Liverpool attained large proportions. But from
the Manchester district the greater part of the
goods came round by canals, which were com-
menced in 1720, and gradually became numerous
and important. The first real canal in England
(i.e. a cutting of the water-way through solid
earth) was the Sankey Canal, commenced in
I755>* which joins the Mersey at Fiddler's
Ferry. Before this, so-called canals were only
improvements of the natural water-way.
From 1760 to the close of the eighteenth
century the town was of very small extent.
Castle Street was one of the principal streets,
then as now, but it was not more than eighteen
feet wide. In this street, and Redcross Street,
1 Mr. Thomas Banner died at Richmond (Liverpool) on 6th July
1807, aged {5, " revered by hit family and respected by all who knew
him."
' Thii canal wa» completed 9th January 175!. It wa» projected
aad executed by Henry Berry, who died at hit house in Duke Street,
Liverpool, on joth July if 12, aged 92.
6 LIVERPOOL BANKS & BANKERS CHAP.
were the fashionable shops. All the streets were
exceedingly narrow ; in addition, they were dirty
and ill-paved, and all the principal streets had to
undergo the costly and troublesome process of
widening. Castle Street was widened in 1786-7,
and Dale Street in 1807-8. The latter street
was the main entrance into Liverpool, and in
it, with the increase of coaching, all the various
industries dependent thereon waxed and flourished.
Hotels, inns, eating-houses, saddlers, blacksmiths,
&c., were numerous. Vast stables, some of them
capable of putting up 100 horses, were attached
to the hotels and coaching establishments.
Lord Street was a very narrow street, and was
shut out from its present opening. The houses
of Castle Street ran along to Cable Street, and
entrance to Lord Street was to be had only by
way of Castle Ditch, one end of which opened
into Harrington Street, the other into Cable
Street. In 1826 Lord Street was widened to the
extent of four times its original size,1 and the
present noble entrance was provided by the
construction of the Crescent.
Pool Lane (now South Castle Street) is a very
1 It is noteworthy that on the occasion of the laying of the first line
of improvement on nth July 1826 the tenant of the then No. 80,
Mr. John Orrell, a saddler, sufficiently recognised the real import of
the coming change by providing a cold repast and cold punch for
about 100 perions, in order that the function should be properly
celebrated.
r STREETS OF LIVERPOOL 7
ancient street. As the name indicates, it led to
the cradle of Liverpool's commercial greatness,
the Pool of Liverpool, which was, under the
Act 8 Anne, c. 12, converted into the first dock
in England. In 1 8 1 1 the Dock Trust obtained
powers to close the Old Dock, and to erect a
custom-house and other buildings on the site.
But this was not put into effect for several years,
and not till September 1826 was a start made
by clearing the dock of all shipping. The other
streets converging on this centre of commerce,
Duke Street and Hanover Street, were important
streets. In them, many of the men whose enter-
prise gave Liverpool the opportunity of becoming
what it is resided ; for these streets were high-
class residential streets, the merchant himself
being in possession, whilst his counting-house
and warehouses were at the back of the dwelling-
house.
Church Street, from 1760 to practically the
close of the century, was entirely a residential
street. Bold Street was commenced to be laid
out in 1786, and was also a residential street.
Ranelagh Street, Brownlow Hill, and Mount Plea-
sant had a few houses in them. Park Lane was
in existence, and in Great George Street building
was commenced in 1785. But all the land lying
between Church Street and Berry Street, and
between Duke Street and Park Lane, was not
8 LIVERPOOL BANKS & BANKERS CHAP.
built on till later. The population of Toxteth
Park was but scant and scattered, and taking the
town in another direction we find so late as 1 807
" Bevington Lodge for sale, one mile from Liver-
pool Exchange, with an extensive garden of fruit-
trees, faces Everton Hill, and the back overlooks
the Mersey." Much later, in 1 839, Everton itself
is described as the " rural retreat of commercial
opulence."
Till towards the close of the eighteenth century
the district north of Tithebarn Street was open
country. Near the foot of the present Richmond
Row the stream from the Moss Lake entered
through the present Downe Street, and clustered
on either side of the stream were the kennels of
the Liverpool Hound Hunt, a pack of harriers
to which the Corporation was a subscriber. But
Liverpool was behind other large towns in much
regarding its streets. As before stated, they were
narrow, dirty, and ill-paved. Moreover, they
had no side-walks, or parapets as they were, and
are, locally called. So late as 1799 we ^ave sucn
a picture as this: "The spirited and laudable
example set the town by the owners and occupiers
of houses and shops in Lord Street in flagging
the footwalks opposite their premises will, we hope,
be speedily followed. ... It is an improvement
accomplished in every other principal city and town
in the kingdom." Even when this was done
i LIGHTING AND WATER SUPPLY 9
the inhabitants were not too careful to keep them
clean. In 1802 about seventy of the principal
inhabitants of Castle Street, Lord Street, Church
Street, and Pool Lane were fined 5$. each by
the Mayor for not sweeping and cleansing the
parapet walks before their houses, shops, &c.
The town was lighted by oil-lamps, and as this
was done by contract, it was not too well done,
and many were the collisions between the authori-
ties and the contractors on this score. Not till
1819 was Castle Street lighted with gas.
Water was obtained from wells, the sandstone
formation yielding a very fair supply. Those
inhabitants who had not these conveniences were
supplied from huge barrels mounted on wheels,
drawn by a horse, at so much per bucket, or
hessian, or " heshin," as it was locally called. In
the drawing by Herdman, depicting the burning
of the Town Hall in 1795, two of these tanks arc
shown with their accompanying hessians. The
price in 1765 was four pails full for a penny.
In their Improvement Act of 1786 the Corpora-
tion took power to supply the inhabitants with
water from the wells. But nothing was done
in the matter until a company obtained powers,
under the Act 39 Gco. III. c. 36, to revive the
powers which Sir Cleave Moore had obtained in
8 Anne, c. 25, "to bring water into Liverpool
from the Rootle springs." Then the Corporation
•lo LIVERPOOL BANKS & BANKERS CHAP.
formed a company of their own, the subscription
for which was immediately taken up, and made
over to it the powers acquired in 1786. Both
companies then set to work, and supplied the
town through wooden pipes, afterwards replaced
by iron. Some of these wooden pipes are
occasionally met with in digging foundations.
The numeration of the houses was very un-
satisfactory, and occasioned much tribulation
to good John Gore in the compilation of his
directories. There is a certain grim humour on
the title-page of the directories of 1796 and
1 800 : " With the Numbers as they are (or ought
lo be] affixed to their houses."
The system employed was that the numeration
commenced on the left side of a street and con-
tinued consecutively to the bottom, and then
turned up on the other side. Thus in a finished
street the first number and the last number
would face each other. Take a familiar street,
Dale Street. In 1818 George Forwood had an
office at 2 Dale Street, and immediately opposite
was the bank of Messrs. Moss, Dale, Rogers,
and Moss, No. 179. Until matters were settled
there was sometimes a doubt as to which end
of a street the numeration commenced. For
instance, in the case of Castle Street, in 1793,
the advertisements in the papers reverse the
order in which the directory places them. The
i CURIOUS TRADES , ,
latter commenced at the Dale Street end, the
former at that of James Street. This consecutive
method of numeration was in use till 1838-9.
The directory for 1839 employs for the first time
the alternate mode of numeration. In this con-
nection it is worthy of note that in many of the
old-established streets of London the old method
is still used. The Strand is a familiar example.
With reference to the description of the in-
habitants, as given in the directory and elsewhere,
we find several curiosities. Anybody above " the
rank of a shopkeeper" (to misquote W. S. Gilbert)
is styled a merchant ; and be it noted that the
place where the latter did his business was a
" counting - house," while a mere broker or
attorney employed an "office" for his work.
A note on the gradual putting forward of the
dining hour will be found in a subsequent
chapter.
We have some quaint trades mentioned in our
old Liverpool, of which " leather breeches maker,"
for example, has gone with the post-boy and the
changed mode of travelling.
With increased knowledge and application of
science the " dealer in leeches " and " bleeder
with leeches " have gone as distinctive trades.
I regret the disappearance of the " stocking
grafter," illustrating so well the story of the old
lady who boasted she had worn one pair of
12 LIVERPOOL BANKS & BANKERS CH. i
stockings for thirty years, renewing the foot or
leg portion as required. The "money scrivener"
has disappeared in name only, but the "corn
meter " has gone for ever. Changed conditions
of shipping have submerged the " broker for the
flats," but, had he a monopoly, what a business
he would enjoy to-day on the Liverpool Cotton,
Corn, and Stock Exchanges.
CHAPTER II
GENERAL VIEW OF FINANCIAL HISTORY FROM
I76O, WITH SPECIAL REFERENCE TO LIVER-
POOL.
Riie of manufacturing proceises — French Revolution of 1793 — Bank
Restriction Act — Increase of country banks— National Debt —
Profits of Bank of England and Bank of Ireland — Contois— Com-
mercial distress — Peace of 1814 and 1815, and consequent effect
on prices — First issue of sovereigns and half-sovereigns — Partial
resumption of cash payments — Scaling down of interest on loans
— Large issue of paper money — Speculations of 1(14 and 1(15,
and consequent grave crisis — Great stoppage of banks — Establish-
ment of branches of Bank of England — Commencement of joint-
stock banks — Stamp duties — Liverpool joint-stock banks —
Gradual supersession of private banks.
THE latter part of the eighteenth century and
the commencement of the nineteenth mark the
period when manufactures and commerce parted
from the old and embarked into the new methods,
which have resulted in the enormous expansion
of modern times. It was an inventive age, and
the year 1767, when Hargrcaves invented the
spinning-jenny, was the starting-point of suc-
cessive additions to the mechanical substitutes
for the slow processes of hand labour. This im-
provement was followed in 1769 by Arkwright
i4 LIVERPOOL BANKS & BANKERS CHAP.
taking out his first patent for spinning with
rollers. In 1774 the Rev. Dr. Cartwright
patented his invention of the power-loom, and
in 1776 the mule was invented by Samuel
Crompton. Then followed the application of
steam-power. Watt in 1782 made himself illus-
trious by the patent of the perfected steam-
engine. Many improvements followed, until
Robert Fulton in America had the satisfaction
of seeing his paddle -steamers on the Hudson
from 1 806 onwards. The first steamboat on the
Mersey arrived in May 1815, having been built
to ply between Liverpool and Runcorn.
Liverpool was the chief port for the output
of the improved processes, and greatly benefited
thereby. But the progress was impeded by the
various wars from 1776 onwards. When peace
seemed established, and commerce was rapidly in-
creasing, came the war of the French Revolution.
On the declaration of war in 1793 there was
a panic throughout the country. Hundreds of
commercial houses became bankrupt, and about,
seventy country bankers stopped payment : one-'
third of the number then existing. In Liverpool,
Charles Caldwell & Co. became bankrupt, and
Gregson & Co. had to have their affairs looked
into, but survived the ordeal. In this con-
nection Dr. James Currie writes under date
1 6th March 1793: "The first merchant in
ii DANK RESTRICTION ACT i;
•
Liverpool has failed, and many others must
follow. Private credit is entirely at a stand."
In this extremity the Corporation of Liverpool,
on behalf of the town, sought aid from the Bank
of England, but were refused it. They then
obtained a special Act of Parliament enabling
them to issue promissory notes against produce.
This had the effect of relieving the distress.
A detailed account of this unique transaction
appears in a subsequent chapter. The Govern-
ment introduced a special Bill for temporary
advances on the credit of the country, having the
same intentions, and under the Act 332 persons
made application for advances to the amount of
,£3,855, 624. Of these 238 were granted to the
extent of ,£2,202,200.
Gold, which was so much required for the pur-
poses of war, became scarce, and the drain on the
Bank became so excessive that by 25th February
1 797 the stock of gold was only £ i ,2 70,000. Then
came the Bank Restriction Act. It was originally
stated that the restriction was to last for fifty-two
days only, but, with brief intervals, it lasted till
1825. When the payment of cash for notes was
not compulsory came the great increase in the
number of private bankers, all paper issuing. They
increased in eight years from 230 to 517, and the
increase went on until, in the year 1814, there
were no less than 940. The panic of 1815-16
16 LIVERPOOL BANKS & BANKERS CHAP.
wiped out so many that at the end of the latter
year there were only 752, and further depletions,
culminating in the dib&cle of 1825, reduced the
number to 552. Thus in eleven years about 400
so-called banks became bankrupt.
In the meantime the requirements of the
Government were such that the National Debt
went up by leaps and bounds. Each successive
year saw a fresh loan, until from ^260,000,000
in 1793, the National Debt reached the colossal
figure of ^"895,000,000 in 1816. In the words
of a sprightly writer : " During the war of the
French Revolution . . . the Bank of England,
unrestrained by a liability to pay in specie, diffused
its notes with a prodigal hand ; and every man
who could get a bill accepted could get it cashed.
. . . The Minister had hundreds of millions to
borrow in loans, and tens of millions to raise in
revenue ; and loans could not be raised and taxes
paid unless trade was lively and the circulation
full and free ; and accordingly, when the Prime
Minister winked his eye, the Bank governor
nodded his head, and bank-notes were dealt out
like cards at a gambling table ; every man who
could give an IOU to the marker being at
perfect liberty to play the game he pleased, and
take his chance of ruin in the general sport."
Hence of Pitt it was said, Auream invcnit,
chartaceam rclinquct.
n FLUCTUATIONS IN CONSOLS 17
Through the inflation of their respective issues
the Bank of England in nineteen years made a
profit of ,£29,2 80,636 on a capital of £ 1 1 ,642,00x5,
and the Bank of Ireland a profit of £\ 1,361,650
on a capital of £ 3, 000,000.
In such a state of affairs it was only too prob-
able that there must be violent fluctuations in
the price of commodities. Consols in 1797 fell
as low as 47 £, and in 1798 to 47!, the highest
point reached in the latter year being 58.
In this connection Dr. James Currie writes,
under date February 22, 1797: "Orders have
been sent up to London to sell (Funds) without
restriction to a great amount. . . . Inconsequence
of this a principal banker told me that money had
flowed back on him so much that he was abso-
lutely at a loss what to do with it ; as he, for his
own part, would not purchase another sixpence in
the Funds, and could not lend it out on com-
mercial adventure in the present state of things.
Thus large sums are beginning to rest in the
bankers' hands without the power of converting
them to account."
But very shortly there was the swing of the
pendulum in the opposite direction. Liverpool
was hardly pressed in 1799, and an Act had to
be passed, " an Act for enabling His Majesty to
direct the issue of Exchequer Bills to a limited
amount, and in the manner therein mentioned,
i8 LIVERPOOL BANKS & BANKERS CHAP.
for the relief of the merchants of Liverpool and
Lancaster." Commissioners were appointed, and
an office opened in Water Street for the purpose.
Banking matters in Liverpool appeared to go
on smoothly. Certainly an ephemeral bank, Sir
Michael Cromie, Pownoll, & Hartman, dis-
appeared in 1 80 1, but nothing of moment
occurred till 1807. That year witnessed the
accession to the list of bankers of Moss & Co.
and Joseph Hadwen. Thomas Leyland also
separated himself from Clarke & Roscoe, and
commenced the firm of Leyland & Bullin.
Gregson & Co. and Richard Hanly both sus-
pended payment. But the close of 1809 and
the whole of 1810 witnessed great commercial
distress. There was so great a fall in prices and
destruction of private credit as was then without
precedent. It is said that half the traders in the
kingdom became bankrupt, and it is certain that
Liverpool had its share.
When on Friday, 2oth July 1810, the settling
day for Consols on the London Stock Exchange,
it was found there was no one to receive the
Stocks bought, there was an alarming shock to
mercantile confidence. The Government loan
for that year, £14,000,000, had been taken by
two firms, Baring & Co. and Goldschmidt &
Co. The Stocks suddenly fell to a discount.
Panic ensued, and the discount was as much as
ii SPECULATIONS WITH S. AMERICA 19
6 per cent. Sir F. Baring had died, and Gold-
schmidt took his losses so much to heart that
he shot himself.
The loss of confidence and consequent panic
arose out of the speculative dealings with the
American possessions of Spain and Portugal,
which in 1808 had been thrown open to direct
trade with England. Vast amounts of English
manufactures had been sent abroad in 1808
and 1809, and caused an inflation of prices
in England. After a while it was seen there
was no return for the vast exports. And small
wonder, in many cases. Goods, sent specu-
latively to places where there were few or no
warehouses, had to lie on the beach ; and discri-
mination was not shown, for stoves and hearth-
rugs were sent to Buenos Aires ! Then came
the fall in prices, and panic took possession of
the whole trading community, and extensive em-
barrassments resulted.
Billinge's Liverpool Advertiser for I3th August
1810 has an admirable leaderette :—
" It is lamentable to observe the wantonness with
which men speak of the credit of the most eminent
houses, in consequence of the recent distresses in the
commercial world. Talk of gossiping at the tea-table !
The tongues of antiquated maidens are not more loose,
nor their insinuations more scandalous, than those of
some gossiping men ; and when it is considered that
20 LIVERPOOL BANKS & BANKERS CHAP.
credit is to a merchant what chastity is to a woman, this
licentious practice of whispering away reputation cannot
be too severely condemned."
Early in 1 8 1 1 the Government found it neces-
sary to introduce a " Commercial Credit " Bill, to
enable traders to obtain means to finance their
holdings of produce. The second reading of the
Bill took place on i6th March, and on the pre-
vious day a meeting of the principal merchants,
brokers, and traders was convened at the Liver-
pool Town Hall to take into consideration the
expediency of an application to Government for
a participation in the loan of Exchequer Bills
" now about to be issued for the relief of com-
merce." The resolution declared that this town,
from the peculiar nature, extent, and importance
of its commerce, was in a situation to require,
and was entitled to expect, a participation in the
public aid now about to be offered to the trading
part of the nation ; and that it was highly ex-
pedient that a respectful application to that effect
should be made to Government without delay.
The third reading of the Bill was carried by
41 to 4, and on 8th April an office was opened
in the Exchange for the Commissioners for the
issue of Exchequer Bills.
The question of the monopoly of the East
India Company as to the trade with India and
ii FALL OF PRICES IN 1814-15 »'
China was constantly occupying the minds of
every business community in England, and Liver-
pool naturally wished to share in that Eastern
trade. On lyth March 1812 a meeting of
merchants, &c., took place in the Town Hall to
take into consideration the propriety of petition-
ing Parliament for the wished-for participation.
When partial relief came in 1813, Mr. John
Gladstone was one of the first to avail himself of
the opportunities offered.
In 1813 John and James Aspinall relinquished
their tea, &c., business and became bankers solely,
under the title of John Aspinall & Son.
Though matters on the surface seemed fairly
prosperous, yet there was a deep internal unrest.
The gulf between the nominal and the actual
value of Bank of England paper was yearly
widening (see Chap. III.), and thus prices were
become more and more inflated.
The advent of peace in 1814, and the subse-
quent entire cessation of war in 1815, pricked the
bubble. Prices then tumbled on ail sides. Dur-
ing the war, every manufacture was stimulated.
Copper, tin, lead, and iron were all required, and
were extensively mined for. As a consequence,
coals were in demand. There was need for large
quantities of farm produce. Thus enclosures of
common lands were made on a vast scale. From
1795 to '815 no less than 1798 Enclosure Bills
22 LIVERPOOL BANKS &• BANKERS CHAP.
passed the House of Commons, and from 1790
to 1820 no less than 3,965,270 acres passed from
communal to private hands. Those who would
refrain from stealing the goose from the common
did not scruple to steal the common from the
goose. With the cessation of war came glutted
markets ; for demand stopped, whilst production
went on. Shipping correspondingly suffered.
For commerce the result was naturally disastrous,
and a great wave of ruin swept over the country.
It was felt till well on in 1 8 1 6, and during the two
years 1815 and 1816, 240 banking firms either
partially suspended business or became bankrupt.
Locally, the banking firms of Roscoe, Clarke,
& Roscoe, and John Aspinall & Son, were in-
volved. The former held out hopes of a surplus,
and was put in train for liquidation, but the
latter entirely succumbed. In September 1816
a town's meeting was summoned by the Mayor,
to take into consideration the distresses of the
country and the best means to be adopted for
remedying the same. The condition of the
country was indeed grievous, so much so that
the intended resumption of cash payments was
entirely prevented. It was then intended to call
in all ,£1 and £2 notes.
The following year saw the change in the
coinage. The Gazette for 8th July 1817 con-
tains the particulars of the new sovereigns and
it CRISIS OF 1819 )3
half -sovereigns which were to supplant the
existing gold coinage. Vast amounts of gold
were coined, but the failure of the harvest in
1818 necessitated its exportation in payment for
imported corn. The total amount so expended
was j£y, 000,000. In 1818 there was a further
addition to the silver coinage of ^3,000,000,
principally in crowns.
The year 1819 was also exceedingly bad for
the commerce of the country. A correspondent
in Gore's Advertiser in April gives a very gloomy
picture of Liverpool : " Commerce was never in
such a state as at present, property of every kind
depreciating daily. Holders of colonial produce
generally, and of cotton especially, are particularly
hard hit. The recent failures will produce most
disastrous results, not only directly, but indirectly,
by the destruction of confidence." He therefore
appeals to the merchants of Liverpool to apply
at once for a grant of Exchequer Bills from
Government.
But Government could do nothing. They
were at their wits' end for money. The Bank
of England had contracted its issues, a panic
ensued, and a rush for gold was made of such
severity that on 5th April 1819 Parliament
hurried through a Bill restricting the Bank of
England from paying their notes in cash. Want
and discontent pervaded the kingdom. Allusion
24 LIVERPOOL BANKS & BANKERS CHAP.
only is necessary in these pages to the " Battle
of Pcterloo" on i6th July in this year. The
year 1822 was next fixed for the resumption
of cash payments, and the Bank of England
advertised that they would remit any amount of
gold coin of the realm in sums not less than
^3000 on application to the chief cashier
prior to ist February, extended afterwards to
ist March, and again to ist April. But the
depression in the country was so great that
the scheme had further to be postponed, and
an Act of Parliament was passed authorising
the issue of country bankers' small notes until
5th January 1833, the year of the expiry of
the Bank of England's charter.
In the following year, 1823, rates of interest
began to droop, and in 1824 Government scaled
down its Four per Cents, to 3^ per cent.
In Liverpool the banks gave notice that on and
after ist January 1824 it was their intention to
calculate interest and discount approved bills at
the reduced rate of 4 per cent. There would
naturally be a corresponding reduction in the
interest allowed on deposits. The Bank of
Scotland, whose rate of interest on deposits was
4 per cent, in 1822, reduced it in 1823 to 3 per
cent., and in 1824 to 2 per cent.
Having no longer the fear of extinction before
their eyes, the country bankers, who had largely
ii LOANS TO SOUTH AMERICA 35
restricted their issues, now expanded them to the
fullest extent, and the Bank of England issued
its notes against its large stock of gold. Lord
Liverpool stated in the House that the amount
of country bankers* notes stamped in 1821, 1822,
and 1823 had been on an average a little above
four millions. In 1824 it reached six millions,
and in 1825 exceeded eight millions. The low-
ness of interest obtainable, and the plethora of
circulation, fostered speculation, and speculation
became rampant both in foreign and home
concerns.
In 1823 had begun a series of loans to foreign
nations, principally to the newly recognised South
American Republics and Brazil, and in the three
years 1823-4-5 no less than £56, 000,000 was
advanced in twenty-six loans.
Bullion was exported : —
1822
1823
1824
1825
Gold .
Silver . . . @ 55. = £10,066,5 52, 55. od.
Merchandise, too, of every description was
sent out in vast quantities. Every project that
Goto.
SILVER.
DM,
ozs.
284,252
. 14,545,821
296,373
1 1,568,258
','34,343
8,585,731
'.273,323
5,566,399
2,988,291
4O,266,2O9
&» 17*- &
= £11,616,981, 55. 3d.
a6 LIVERPOOL BANKS &• BANKERS CHAP.
could enter into the mind of man became an
object of joint-stock enterprise, and every de-
scription of person in the realm, who could
find the wherewithal, joined in one enterprise
or another.
It has been computed by Mr. H. M. Hynd-
man that the Joans to foreign States amounted to
^86,000,000, and that in addition the following
ipint-stock companies were subscribed : —
2O Companies to build railways . £13,500,000
22 Bank and insurance companies . - 36,260,000
1 1 Gas companies .... 8,000,000
17 Foreign mining companies . 18,200,000
8 English and Irish mining com-
panies . . ' . . 10,580,000
9 Companies for construction of
canals, docks, and steamers . 10,580,000
27 Companies for various industrial
businesses .... 12,000,000
£109,120,000
It is worthy of note that one of the projects of
1825 was the Manchester Ship Canal Company,
with a capital of £1,000,000 in 10,000 shares of
£100 each.
Under these influences there was a rise in prices,
which was accentuated by other and even more
pernicious directing powers. " It became " (says
Mr. Tooke) " the business of speculators and
it SPECULATIONS OF 1824-5 *7
brokers to look minutely through the general
prices current, with a view to discover any
article that had not advanced, in order to
make it the subject of anticipated demand. If
a person, not under the influence of the pre-
vailing delusion, inquired for what reason any
particular article had risen, the common answer
was, * Everything else has risen, and therefore this
ought to rise* '
The following is a picture of the mania that
had seized the whole community: — "Persons re-
moved from all business, retired officers, widows
and single women of small fortune, risked their
incomes or their savings in every species of desper-
ate enterprise ; and the competition and scramble
for premiums in concerns which ought never to
have been otherwise than at a discount, were
perfectly astonishing to those who took no part
in these transactions."
By July 1825 the exchanges became unfavour-
able, and the Bank of England by private sales of
Exchequer Bills began to draw in its circulation.
Vast quantities of produce had been imported,
and, with the general lock-up of capital in the
various projects, there were no bills to pay for the
importations. Hence gold had to be exported,
and as the demand became greater the Bank
became stiff about discounting, and further drew
in its issues. The bill discounters followed suit,
28 LIVERPOOL BANKS & BANKERS CHAP.
and the London bankers refused accommodation
to their country correspondents. They in their
turn declined discounts offered by their clients,
and by December the whole of " Great Britain
and Ireland was in one scene of confusion, dismay,
and bankruptcy." The gold in the Bank of Eng-
land had dwindled down until there was only
,£1,261,000. The first great stoppage of banks
was that of Godfrey, Wentworth, & Co., of
London, with their branches at Bradford, Wake-
field, and York. On 5th December Sir Peter
Pole & Co., after a struggle for a week, became
bankrupt. They were agents for about forty
country banks. Then followed during the next
six weeks crash after crash, mercantile and bank-
ing, of the latter alone about seventy.1
There were frequent Cabinet meetings, and the
1 A moving account of the miseries of this period is given in
Harriet Martineau's '-History of England during the Thirty Years'
Peace," book ii. chap. viii. : —
"There are some now of the most comfortable middle-class order
who cannot think of that year without bitter pain. They saw many
parents grow white-haired in a week's time : lovers parted on the eve
of marriage : light-hearted girls sent forth from the shelter of home
to learn to endure the destiny of the governess or the sempstress :
governesses, too old for a new station, going actually into the work-
house : rural gentry quitting their lands; and whole families relin-
quishing every prospect in life and standing as bare as Lear and his
strange comrades on the heath. They saw something even worse than
all thii. They saw the ties of family honour snapped by the strain of
cupidity first, and discontent afterwards, and the members falling off"
from one another as enemies. They saw the hope of the innocent, the
faith of the pious, the charity of the generous, the integrity of the
(rutted, giving way."
ii CRISIS OF 182$ .-,
Mint worked day and night to turn out gold,
which disappeared as fast as it was issued. The
small notes of the Bank, £i and ^"2, were
reissued in the country, and were of help to
allay the panic. Parliament reassembled on 2nd
February 1826, and the question of the banking
of the country was uppermost in every man's
mind.
First and foremost the question of the small
notes was finally settled. Power had been given,
as noted above, to issue till 1833. It was seen
that stringent measures were necessary, so on 22nd
March 1826 an enactment forbade the further
stamping on any notes under ^5, and the date
of the final abolition of all existing small notes
was fixed at 5th April 1829.
Negotiations between the Government and the
Bank of England resulted in the establishment of
branches of the Bank in several provincial towns,
and the granting of the privilege to form banks
consisting of more than six partners. This was
enacted by 7 Geo. IV. cap. 46, "An Act for
the better regulating co-partnership of certain
bankers in England.'* But the powerful and
malign influence of the Bank of England pre-
vented the latter provision from operation except
at a distance of sixty-five miles from London. It
was not till August 1833 that the evilly selfish
policy of the Bank was compulsorily changed, and
30 LIVERPOOL BANKS & BANKERS CHAP.
the benefit of joint-stock banking extended to the
whole of England. Even now it is a blot on the
Free Trade policy of England that the issue of
notes by bankers, other than the Bank of Eng-
land, should be prohibited in the circle of sixty-
five miles radius around London.
But distress was universal, and although
Government felt that this commercial crisis
should work out its own salvation, it was con-
strained by force of circumstances to compel the
unwilling Bank of England to make advances
against produce. The amount was limited to
three millions.
In Liverpool the Commissioners appointed by
the Bank of England to administer the loan, in
sums of not less than ^500 nor more than
.£10,000, were John Ashton Case, Thomas
Fletcher, David Hodgson, and Lister Ellis, with
James Bunnell as Secretary. The committee
rooms were over the Government office at the
top of Water Street. The measures adopted
proved successful, credit was gradually re-estab-
lished, and the hoarded gold was again brought
into circulation.
The establishment of branches of the Bank
of England, and the formation of joint-stock
banks, were not new ideas, but had, since the
crises of 1819 and 1821, been discussed both
publicly and privately, and the present crisis
it JOINT-STOCK BANKS 31
served as an opportunity for bringing them into
being.1
For example, in Liverpool in 1822 the papers
of the day stated that it was the intention of
Government to permit the formation of joint-
stock banks at a distance of not less than sixty-
five miles from London, and that the principal
merchants had had one or two private meetings.
At the meetings the advantages of the Joint-
Stock system were tabulated. The reasons given
will now be read with interest : —
1. Capital, adequate for every contingency.
2. Safe deposit for capital.
3. An office for discount of respectable bills,
free from the dangerous temptations, pre-
sented on the one hand by too great
liberality, and the fatal consequences
resulting, on the other, from a capri-
cious reserve, in mercantile accommoda-
tion.
4. The means of allowing, on shortest notice,
1 In Nevember 1807 the Court of King's Bench granted a rule with
a view of making inquiry into the legality of the formation of joint-
stock companies. In 1 8s* Mr. Joplin, of Newcastle, issued a
pamphlet in which he advocated the deleting of the clause in the Bank
of England's charter which restricted banking co-partnerships of
more than six persons. He communicated with several mercantile
communities with reference to the matter, and in Liverpool some
of the leading merchants memorialised the Ministers. Joplin origi-
nated the National Provincial Bank of England, and founded the
32 LIVERPOOL BANKS & BANKERS CHAP.
the most ample allowances on real secu-
rities ; or on a regulated system of per-
sonal guarantee.
5. A secure basis for the issue (if it should be
thought desirable) of local notes, upon
such principles as will render them ex-
empt from the inconvenience and hazard
of private bankers' notes.
Also in 1817 we find rumours current in
Liverpool as to the establishment of branches
of the Bank of England in various parts of the
country.
The Bank of England opened branches at
Gloucester, Manchester, and Swansea, in the
Border named, in 1826; followed in 1827 by
Birmingham, Liverpool, Bristol, and Leeds, in
1828 by Newcastle, in 1829 by Hull and
Norwich, and in 1834 by Plymouth and Ports-
mouth. A branch was opened at Exeter in
1827, but the business was removed to Ply-
mouth in 1834.
This extended system of business was received
with a considerable amount of opposition. On
the one hand the already established banks
determined to compete for discounts. In 1827,
while the Bank of England was discounting
at 4 per cent., the Liverpool private banks were
quoting 3^ per cent., and the Manchester bankers
ii STAMP DUTIES n
came to a resolution to discount at 3 per cent.
On the other hand, the Bank of England was
strenuously antagonistic to the scheme, but, like
Mercy, it has been found " to bless him that
gives and him that takes."
In objecting to the Bank of England poaching
on their preserves the country bankers had a real
grievance. The Bank of England, in addition
to its other great privileges, had the right of
compounding for its stamp duties, while other
bankers had not.
It came to this, that the stamp duty on a bill
on London at 2 1 days* date cost the Bank of
England only 5d., whilst the cost to the country
banker was 35. 6d., and that the cost of a circula-
tion of ;£ 1 0,000 a year in ^20 bills of exchange
was only ^35 to the Bank of England, whilst it
cost the country banker ^650. This disparity
was too glaring to be passed over, and the Act 9
George IV. cap. 23 placed the country banks on
the same footing as the Bank of England as to
composition for stamp duties, and allowed them
to include in their composition bills up to 21
days' date.
The Bank of England also was opposed to the
granting of charters for the establishment of
joint-stock banks, and had hitherto been success-
ful in prohibiting the issuing of drafts on London
for less than £50, but in 1829 the righteous
34 LIVERPOOL BANKS & BANKERS CHAP.
claims in these respects of the general banking
community were ceded.
The first joint - stock bank to commence
business in Liverpool was the Manchester and
Liverpool District Bank, which took premises at
45 Pool Lane (now South Castle Street) in
November 1829, under the management of
James Baird. The date of the general com-
mencement of the bank is given in the Report
of the Select Committee of the House of
Commons as ist December 1829. On i6th
May 1831 the Bank of Liverpool, the first
joint-stock bank having its head office in
Liverpool, was opened at 34 Brunswick Street,
under the management of Joseph Langton.
The spread of the joint-stock system was
gradual but general. In many cases the existing
private bank was transformed into a joint-stock
bank. But some of the wealthiest and most
firmly founded private banks had an astonishing
vitality, steadily resisting the popular wave.
Of the seven private banks of Liverpool
existing in 1830, two became in the next few
years joint-stock banks, one failed, and another
did not become a joint-stock bank till late in
the forties — Barned's Bank. Of the remaining
three, Moss & Co. was converted in the year
1864 into the North- Western Bank, and the
latter amalgamated with the London City and
THE PASSING OF PRIVATE BANKS 35
Midland Bank Ltd. in 1897; A. Hcywood,
Sons, & Co. was sold to the Bank of Liverpool
in 1883; whilst Leyland & Bullins endured till
1901, when it amalgamated with the North and
South Wales Bank Ltd.
CHAPTER III
BANKERS AND BANKING.
Origin of private bankers — Issue of country notes — Dining hour in
Liverpool — Bank holidays — Currency of bills — Coinage and
currency — Bank of England notes — Depreciation of bank notes —
Fictitious payees — Bankers' commission — Generosity of Liver-
pool bankers — Early nineteenth-century Christian names — Dress
of bankers of eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries.
BEFORE proceeding to a detailed account of the
several banking houses of Liverpool, it will be
well to consider who were bankers, and what
were the conditions of banking.
The banker of this early period was a merchant,
or larger trader, who grafted the business of bank-
ing on to his own affairs. He would have an
account with some London banker for the purpose
of paying his acceptances for the produce in which
he dealt, and for the collection or discounting
of the acceptances he> received. Some of his
neighbours, whose businesses were not so ex-
tensive, found it a convenience to pass their
transactions through the more substantial man,
and it was a convenience to the London banker
also, as it avoided the multiplicity of small
36
i
8
§
»
§
g
is
^ j-l S
-•>
1 *r > ; ^ ,
^, i I
'7(7 x:
CM. 111 ORIGIN OF BANKERS 37
tccounts. Then the savings of the people were
intrusted to the merchant, whose probity and
success had begotten confidence. So the business
grew, and gradually came the development from
trader and banker to banker pure and simple.
The business of discounting acceptances and
promissory notes, the collection of bills and
country notes, the remittance of payments, and
the retirement of acceptances now formed his
daily business. For the purpose of remittance
the banker would either issue his own notes,
or his draft on his London "correspondent,"
as the London agent was then called. For the
purpose of implementing the London account
he would send up notes of various bankers,
acceptances, and occasionally specie. In Liver-
pool bankers did not issue notes, but drafts only,
" at one or two months' date, as has been the
usual and customary practice." And, indeed,
Lancashire generally was averse from the system
of local notes. Far otherwise was it in the
neighbouring Yorkshire and most other parts
of the kingdom. In time of trouble the use of
local notes led to much disaster. After the
passing of the Bank Restriction Act the number
of issuing bankers rapidly increased, and the
notes varied in value from eighteen fence in
Yorkshire and the Isle of Wight to the usual
guinea and £$ notes.
38 LIVERPOOL BANKS & BANKERS CHAP.
In 1 807, apropos of the failure of many banks
in Yorkshire, Bi Hinge in his Liverpool Advertiser
thus delivers himself: —
"We have ever been of opinion (and our opinion is
justified by daily experience) that the circulation of
provincial bankers' paper is highly injurious to the
public interests, because it enables speculative, designing,
and often penny /ess men to create a false capital, and
thereby to enter into schemes which too frequently
involve thousands in ruin ; for, having nothing to lose
themselves, they run, neck or nothing^ into the wildest
and most extravagant adventures, careless of the con-
sequences. To the honour of Lancashire be it known,
not a single note is issued by any banking house in
the county ; and notwithstanding the magnitude of its
manufactures, commerce, and population, nothing is
current but Bank of England paper and sterling specie :
nor is the least inconvenience experienced in consequence
of this wise regulation."
The bulk of the Liverpool bankers arose out
of general merchants, some few from tea-dealers,
and one from linen merchants. In the majority
of cases, after declaring themselves bankers, their
trading business was conducted hand-in-hand with
the banking business ; that is to say, though
mainly bankers, they had subsidiary businesses.
But the more successful bankers gradually freed
themselves from such entanglements, and relied
entirely on banking.
As with the general merchant, so the banker
111 DINING HOUR 39
resided over his business premises. In the case
of several partners, the junior generally occupied
the bank house. The hours of attendance were
at first from 9 to I and 3 to 6. The interval
was the regular dining " hour " of the com-
munity. With reference to this Dr. Curric
writes in 1792 : —
" Sixty years ago people returned from Exchange
about 1 2.30, and generally «at down to Dinner before
than after one. In 1780 the general Hour was
a o'clock — halt-an-Hour after on set Days, or some-
times 3 with the Highest Quality. When the late
Mr. Kennion became Collector of the Customs,1 that
he might enjoy himself the more, the Custom House
Hours underwent an alteration, and instead of 2 Hours
allowed from 12 to 2, the usual time allowed for
Dinner, the House was kept open and Business
transacted until 3 o'clock — when publick Business
closed for the day. This brought the new Hours
of regulation in Business, and those who had Business
to transact now seldom sit down until after 3 o'clock
— the general dining Hour is now got from 3 to 5,
some people go later."
From the minute-book of "The Unanimous
Society " — a Liverpool club who dined regularly
together — we find that in 1769 the hour was 2,
2.30 in 1775, and 3 in 1777.
Agreeably to this we find the bankers con-
« in i7ta.
40 LIVERPOOL BANKS & BANKERS CHAP.
forming to the new state of things,' and in June
1784 they issued the following circular: —
" Messrs. Wm. Clarke & Sons, Arthur Heywood,
Son, & Co., and Charles Caldwell & Co. acquaint their
friends and the public that after the I2th inst. the hours
for transacting public business at their respective banks
will be from nine to three o'clock, and on Thursdays
from nine to one as usual."
The reason for the shorter hours on Thursday
was that that was the blank post-day to London,
and hence the business community took its half-
holiday on that day. By 1790 the mail service
to London had been so accelerated that Friday
had become the short day.
With reference to the closing of the banks
between one and three, it is well to recall
the fact that the employees probably all lived
within easy distance of their work. The
population was small; in 1760 it was only
25,787, and by 1801 it had increased to only
77,708.
Bank holidays as such were not, but the
number of public holidays was large. In process
of time these, through the influence of the
Gradgrinds of commerce, became beautifully less,
until "St. Lubbock smiled, and all the world was
gay." As a matter of interest, a list of the public
holidays in 1 8 1 1 , extracted from Maberly Phillips'
111 PUBLIC HOLIDAYS 4,
" History of Banks in the North of England," is
subjoined : —
Jan. i. New Year's Day. May 29. Restoration of
„ 1 8. Qucen'sBirthday. Charles II.
„ 30. King Charles' June 3. Whit Monday.
Martyrdom. „ 4. Whit Tuesday.
Feb. 27. Ash Wednesday. Oct. 25. King's Accession.
Apr. 12. Good Friday. I Nov. 5. Gunpowder Plot.
„ 15. Easter Monday. Dec. 25. Christmas Day.
„ 1 6. Easter Tuesday. „ 26. St. Stephen's Day.
May 23. Holy Thursday. „ 27. St. John's Day.
With the necessary alteration of date in the
case of the " Movable Feasts," this list will stand
good for the period we are considering, say, 1760
to 1820.
The currency of bills varied greatly. Reference
has been made earlier to the bankers1 inland drafts
at one or two months' date. Owing to the un-
certain length of the sailing-ship voyages, and
the perils of privateers and pirates, the time
required for the realisation of the produce varied
greatly. Hence credit was elastic. Bills at the
following terms were known at this period : 90
days' sight, 3, 6, 9, 12, 13, 14, 16, 18, 24, 30, 36,
and 42 months' date. For the ordinary course
of business these would be drawn against produce.
Hence it is not so surprising, as it would seem
at first blush, that during the parlous times of
4i LIVERPOOL BANKS £3* BANKERS CHAP.
1809-16 frequent sales by public auction are
made of bills, of which the drawer or the
acceptor or the endorser was insolvent. Some-
times both drawer and acceptor, and occasionally
drawer, acceptor, and endorser, were all insolvent.
Yet being based on produce there was a certain
value attaching to this paper, and a shrewd specu-
lator, possessed of some ready money, might well
make a good profit out of the necessities of the
situation. The practice of drawing bills for
sums including halfpence was current. An item
in the parish accounts for 1794 reads, "Estate of
C.Caldwell& Co., returned bills £879, 155. 5jd."
From 1793 to the resumption of cash pay-
ments in 1825-6 the currency of the country
was in an unsatisfactory condition. Large
amounts of coin had from time to time been
issued by the Mint, but the foreign drain for
payment to troops, for subsidies to allies, and for
the purchase of corn, owing to the failure of
harvest, rapidly denuded the country of all full-
weight gold. The coins in use were the guinea,
half, third, and quarter guinea, with silver crown,
half-crown, shilling, and sixpence. Copper half-
pence had been in use from about 1670-80, but
the copper penny first saw light in 1797, the
weight being one ounce. That huge cart-wheel
of a coin, the copper twopence, weighing two
ounces, was put into circulation in that year,
HI CURRENCY
43
and in that year only. On 1st July 1817 the
sovereign and half-sovereign were brought out,
entirely supplanting all other gold coins.
In aid of the currency the Bank of England in
1804 issued a large number of Spanish dollars,
then in their possession, with a small head of
George the Third overstamped on that of Ferdi-
nand of Spain ; whereupon a bitter wit of the
period wrote :
" The Bank to make its Spanish dollars pass
Stamped the head of a fool on the head of an ass."
They were issued at 55. 6d. each, and were in
circulation for many years. The Bank fixed the
date of their redemption at 1st November 1816,
but extended this to February and again to May
1817. After this they agreed to accept all others
tendered at 55. each. The Bank also issued silver
tokens of 35. and is. 6d. each.
Prior to 1759 no Bank of England notes were
issued under /2O. In that year £10 notes were
issued, and were followed in 1793 by £$ notes.
In 1797, when the Bank Restriction Act was
passed, enabling the Bank of England to dispense
with its obligation to pay coin for its notes on
demand, the addition of £ i and £1 notes was
made to the currency.
The inflated issue of non-convertible notes pro-
duced in the first place a large amount of hoard-
44 LIVERPOOL BANKS b* BANKERS CHAP.
ing of gold coin. In many cases it was found,
when wealthy men died, that they had large
stores of hoarded guineas. The next result was
an appreciation of gold and a depreciation of the
paper currency. A Bullion Committee sat in
1810 to consider the question, and in May 1811
Parliament fatuously passed a resolution declaring
a. £l note and one shilling equal to one guinea,
whereas it was notorious that in the outside
market the value of the guinea was 253. It is
well to record here the discount on Bank of
England notes during this period : —
In 1802 from / J to 8J discount.
From 1803-9 £,2 13 2 „
1810 13 9 6 „
1812 20 15 o „
1813 23 o o „
1814 25 o o „
Through the bankruptcies of 1815 and 1816,
brought on by the heavy reduction of inflated
prices, caused by the pernicious system of cur-
rency, the Bank of England note was raised in
value until in October 1 8 1 6 the discount was
only £it 8s. 6d. per cent. But this was attained
at the sole expense of the public.
Banking law was naturally in a very immature
stage. Many and costly have been the decisions,
and innumerable the enactments, by which the
111 BANKERS' COMMISSION 4$
law, broadening " slowly down from precedent to
precedent/' has established banking usages. An
account of these is not within the scope of this
book. But an instance or two arising out of
early transactions will not be out of place. In
1788 Livesey, Hargreave, Anstie, Smith, & Hill
failed. They were merchants in the Manchester
business in a very large way, so large, in fact, that
public meetings of merchants took place in
Manchester and Liverpool for the purpose of
maintaining the credit of certain of their paper,
lest public credit might unduly suffer. Although
men of large estates, they had traded beyond their
means, and to supplement the latter had estab-
lished " drawing posts," and thereby had put a
deal of fictitious paper into circulation. One of
the points that had to be decided was the status
of these bills drawn in favour of fictitious payees
and negotiated through third persons.
Further the Usury Acts were in force, and the
same bankruptcy gave rise to the question whether
the bankers' charge of \ per cent, commission for
discounting bills, in addition to the current rate
of interest, did not bring the charge under the
Usury Acts. This was decided by Lord Kenyon
and a jury in the negative.
From the detailed accounts of the various
bankers it will be seen that a considerable propor-
tion of them interested themselves in the affairs
46 LIVERPOOL BANKS & BANKERS CHAP.
of the town. The rise of the joint-stock banks
withdrew this class of man from the public ser-
vice. On the Reformed Town Council of 1835
only one banker, Samuel Hope, was elected.
During the recurring public distresses which
arose during the Napoleonic wars the old bankers
were regularly generous. They recognised their
public position, and gave accordingly ; to the chari-
ties of the town they were liberal, and took pro-
minent part in the government of their activities.
The various news-rooms had their strong
support, as had also the New Exchange buildings.
The Liverpool Gas Company had for some years
bankers as its directors. But in one case they
failed, and failed unanimously, to look broadly
into the future. When, in 1827, a motion was
brought forward to enable the Town Council to
erect a public building on the site of the Old
Infirmary Gardens, in the minority of seven were
found all the bankers, Henry Moss, Samuel
Thompson, and Richard Leyland. Had their
views prevailed, we should have had no St.
George's Hall.
It is noticeable that from the latter part of the
eighteenth and the commencement of the nine-
teenth century begins locally the custom of using
surnames, generally the maiden name of the
mother, as part of the fore-names given to the
offspring. Before this time the ordinary simple
I
3
in BANKERS' DRi:SS 47
'* Christian " names were used. Taking only
those who have been, or are, connected with
banking, we find numerous examples.
John Gladstone on 29th April 1 800 married
Miss Robertson. One of his sons was Robertson
Gladstone.
Samuel Sandbach on ifth September 1802
married Miss Eliza Robertson, daughter of Rev.
Dr. Robertson of Kiltcarn. To-day we have
Gilbert Robertson Sandbach.
On 24th March 1806 Hugh Jones married
Elizabeth Heywood. There exists a large family
of Heywood Joneses.
On 9th October 1806 James Wood married
Miss Marke ; hence J. Marke Wood.
On ist September 1820 George Holt married
Emma Burning. One of Liverpool's latest
honorary freemen is Robert Durning Holt.
The dress of the banker of the period, which
was equally that of the merchant and others of
the upper and middle classes, was vastly different
from the dress of to-day. Brooke (" Ancient
Liverpool," p. 257) gives a full account of this : —
" They then commonly wore coats cut much in the
form of court dress-coats, often with stand-up collars,
and usually with gilt, silvered, twisted, or basket buttons ;
waistcoats of very great length, of the kind called flap
waistcoats, the flaps being large, and containing pockets
with a small cover or flap over each pocket, and often
48 LIVERPOOL BANKS far BANKERS CH. m
with ornamented basket buttons ; short breeches, with
buckles of gold, silver, or false stones, at the knees, and
large buckles of gold or silver, or gilt or plated to
resemble those metals, in their shoes. The coat, waist-
coat, and breeches were often all of one colour, fre-
quently of a light or snuffcolour. Ruffles at the wrist, and
white stocks for the throat were almost invariably worn.
Cocked hats were commonly used ; the kind of cocked
hat then in fashion came to a point or peak in front, and
the raised part of the back was higher than the sides.
. . . The young men, and some of the middle-aged
men, wore their hair dressed with curls on each side of
the face, called cannon curls, and with queues behind,
and occasionally thick short queues called clubs. Wigs
of various descriptions, such as tie wigs, cauliflower
wigs, brown bob wigs, and bush wigs, with hair
powder, were also commonly worn by middle-aged and
elderly persons. . . . The stockings worn by them were
generally of silk, sometimes plain, and at other times
ribbed or striped, and in the morning occasionally of
cotton or woollen yarns.
Canes and walking-sticks were very generally used,
with large heads of gold, and sometimes of silver, amber,
and ebony.
Boots were rarely used, except the kind called top-
boots, which were commonly worn by equestrians.
CHAPTER IV
JOHN WYKE.
Vixerunt forfet ante "Arthur Hcyiuooda"
John VVyke— Watch-tool industry— Wyke'i Court— Academy of Paint-
ing and Sculpture — Dispensary — " The Octagonians."
OF the doubtless numerous merchants who per-
formed the office of bankers to the rising com-
mercial community of Liverpool there is little
record left. There were in the early days no
newspaper and no directory. Hence since they
lacked those who could preserve their fame, their
names have perished. But by good chance one
name has been preserved, and this by the accident
of his public notice announcing his withdrawal
from the banking business. " Mr. John Wyke of
Liverpool having declined the banking business,
all persons having any bills drawn on him are
desired to apply to John Menzies in Williamson
Square, who is appointed to settle the same, and
all persons indebted to the said John Wyke for
bills drawn by him, or on notes, bonds, &c., are
desired immediately to pay the same to the said
49
50 LIVERPOOL BANKS & BANKERS CHAP.
John Menzies. lyth September 1773." This is
the sole record we possess of a banker anterior
to the establishment of those firms whose names
are recorded in the directories.
In their several histories, Brooke, Stonehouse,
and Picton all speak well of John Wyke, but
the author is grateful that they have left to
him the pleasure of making this addition to
our knowledge of him.
Now what manner of man was John Wyke
that pleasure should be found in this discovery ?
Picton shall answer : " A man probably little
known beyond his immediate sphere, but who
within that sphere fulfilled all the duties of a
good citizen, and exercised a beneficial influence
in his day and generation."
Born in Prescot, a few miles from Liverpool,
in 1720, he was brought up in the great industry
of the place, the manufacture of watch tools and
movements. He acquired celebrity in his busi-
ness, and in 1758 opened premises in King Street,
Liverpool, being the first to introduce watch-
making to that town. He had before leaving
Prescot bought land, and had a house in Dale
Street, Liverpool, immediately opposite the end
of Crosshall Street, and in 1764-5 the property
was rebuilt. Here he constructed Wyke's Court,
which was laid out for his residence, coach-house,
stables, garden, manufactory, warehouse, and
8
§
£
§
8
3
A,
i* LIVERPOOL ACADEMY 51
various other buildings, ail disposed about a large
rectangular courtyard. The house lay to the
north, next the garden, which stretched towards
Tithcbarn Street. The entrance to the whole
was on the south-west side, under an archway
from Dale Street. Here John Wyke conducted
his business as a watch and clock and watch-tool
manufacturer. Here also would be conducted
his banking business.
When the Royal Academy was established in
1768 some of the Liverpool artists and amateurs
met together, and in the following year formed
a society upon similar lines. Among these ap-
pears the name of John Wyke. The society was
not very successful, but it paved the way for the
various exhibitions which have fostered the art
feeling in Liverpool, and which have their cul-
mination in the Walker Art Gallery. The
rooms taken by the society were in [North]
John Street, in a house which was then the home
of the Liverpool Library, now located at the
Lyceum, Bold Street.
In 1778 John Wyke was prominent amongst
the gentlemen who established the first dispen-
sary in Liverpool. This was also in [North] John
Street, at the northern corner of Princes Street,
the site of the new buildings of the Royal Insur-
ance Company. In the report of the first year
of the dispensary John Wyke's name appears as
52 LIVERPOOL BANKS fef BANKERS CHAP.
auditor, and for many years he took an active
interest in the affairs of this valuable charity. It
is stated by Stonehouse (" Streets of Liverpool ")
that the origin of the dispensary was due td John
Wyke.1
That magnificent charity, the Blue Coat School,
also found a friend in him, and in his will, while
remembering his native town of Prescot, he bene-
fited the Blue Coat Hospital, the Infirmary and
Dispensary of Liverpool.
The watchmaking business was conducted by
John Wyke alone until about 1774, when he
took Thomas Green (probably his brother-in-
law) into partnership. This continued till his
death, loth September 1787, he being then
sixty-seven years of age. He was buried at
Prescot. The funeral procession from Liverpool
was preceded as far as the foot of Low Hill by
the boys of the Blue Coat School singing a
funeral anthem, and on its entrance into Prescot
the children of the school there met, and preceded
it to the church, singing on the way. He was
buried in an altar tomb he had erected to the
memory of his parents, whose ancestors had
resided in that parish for nearly three centuries,
1 In 17X1 the dispensary was removed to a specially erected building
in Church Street, adjoining the Athenxum. The number of persons
benefited from 1778 to 1809 was 362,541, being at the average of
about 12,000 a year. In 1829 the establishment was removed to the
new dispensary in Vauxhall Road, called the North Dispensary.
iv JOHN WYKK 5}
and his epitaph was written by his friend William
Roscoe.
He had married twice. His first wife, Ann, is
advertised thus on yth August 1760: " Whereas
Ann, my wife, eloped from me on 27th day of
April last without my knowledge,'* &c. On
1 8th August 1768 John Wyke married his
second wife, Miss Jane Green. The entry in
the Liverpool Chronicle is noteworthy : ** Mr.
Wyke, famous for instruments in the watch
way, to Miss Green." She was appointed
executrix under his will, dated 9th April 1783,
which was drawn up by William Roscoe. Pre-
sumably she was considerably younger than her
late husband, for, continuing her residence in
Wyke's Court till 1790, she on 29th July of
that year married Joseph Jewett of Kingston-
upon-Hull.
His partner, Thomas Green, continued the
business till at least 1811. By 1796, however,
some of the buildings within the court were
converted into tenement houses, and quite a little
colony of watchmaking artisans were collected
there.
In the sixth volume of the " Proceedings of the
Historic Society of Lancashire and Cheshire'* there
is an etching of John Wyke's house as it appeared
in 1819. This was immediately anterior to the
acquisition of the premises by the Gas Company,
54 LIVERPOOL BANKS &* BANKERS CHAP.
who here erected gasworks. The site of John
Wyke's property is now covered by the Central
Police Offices, the Stipendiary Magistrate's Court,
and the Fire Brigade Central Offices.
About 1763 certain seceders from the dissent-
ing (or practically Unitarian) congregations of
Key Street and Benn's Gardens built a chapel in
the open district between Dale Street and White-
chapel, which, when built on later, became known
as The Temple. This chapel was called "The
Octagon," from the shape of the building, which
had been designed by a watchmaker named Joseph
Finney. John Wyke, originally of the faith of
the Church of England, was induced by his friend
Bentley, well known later on as the friend and
partner of Josiah Wedgwood, to join this con-
gregation. The reason for the secession was that
the members desired a liturgical service. But
the chapel did not continue long in the new faith,
as the final sermon was preached in 1776, and
the building, of which the interior effect is de-
scribed as " light, cheerful, and agreeable," was
bought by a minister of the Church of England,
and under the title of St. Catherine's Church was
administered in that faith until 1820, when it
was taken down. Wyke on the break-up of
the congregation in 1776 reverted to his old
faith.
On 8th January 1852 a paper on the " Dis-
ir "THE OCTAGONIANS" 5$
continued Churches of Liverpool'* was read
before the Historic Society of Lancashire and
Cheshire, and the book of liturgy used by the
Octagon congregation, which was then shown in
illustration, bore on its title-page the name of
John Wyke.
CHAPTER V
WILLIAM CLARKE AND SONS.
Wm. Clarke & Sons — Transition from linen draper to merchant, then
to banker — Partners — Liverpool Literary Coterie — Inquiry into
finances of the firm — Accession of Wm. Roscoe — Particulars of his
life — Chat Moss — Lorenzo de Medici — Joined by Thos. Leyland
— Election of Wm. Roscoe at M.P. for Liverpool — Secession of
Thomas Leyland — Subsidiary businesses — Suspension of the firm —
Bankruptcy — Sale of books, pictures, &c., of Wm. Roscoe and
John Clarke — Sales of landed property — Death of Wm. Roscoe
— Roscoe, Clarke, Wardell & Co. — Lowry, Roscoe & Wardell —
Fletcher, Roberts, Roscoe & Co. — Account of Thomas Fletcher —
Bankruptcy of Fletcher, Roberts, Roscoe & Co. — Annulment of
the bankruptcy of Roscoe, Clarke & Roscoe.
THE origin of this bank was in the linen trade.
At the date of the earliest Liverpool directory,
1766, William Clarke was a linen draper, residing
over his business premises on the east side of Derby
Square. It was at the junction of Castle Street
and the north side of Harrington Street. In
1769 he is described as "merchant and linen
draper," and by 1774 he appears as "banker and
linen draper," and has thus the honour of being
the first banker of Liverpool recorded as such in
the local directory. The transition from trades-
man to merchant, and then the further progres-
56
CM. f WILLIAM CLARKE & SONS 57
sion to banker, is typical of the bankers of this
period. In the directory of 1777 appeared for
the first time u William Clarke & Sons, Bankers,"
the linen business being still in the name of
William Clarke alone. The sons were William,
then aged 24, and John, aged 21. In July 1781
Mrs. Clarke died, and the idea of discontinuing
the linen business then seemed to arise. The
parting of the ways was shown by the adver-
tisement of 2Oth September 1781 of the sale
of the entire stock of William Clarke's linen,
drapery, and millinery articles. Thenceforward
the Clarkes were bankers, the business being con-
ducted in Harrington Street, just round the
corner from the old linen warehouse. William
Clarke about this time purchased a considerable
quantity of land in Everton, then an unspoiled
suburb, and built before 1790 a large mansion
for himself. He also built a villa on Hillside,
Evcrton, for his mother, and a further house for
his son William on the east side of Everton
Terrace. He also, on 9th October 1783, took
unto himself a second wife, Mrs. Ellen Shaw.
The other son, John Clarke, by 1790 was living
at Birch fie Id, Folly Lane (now Islington). A
year or two earlier he had joined on to his part-
nership in the bank a coal business, the offices
of which were at Canal Basin. He, in conjunc-
tion with William Roscoe, Charles Porter, and
58 LIVERPOOL BANKS & BANKERS CHAP.
Wm. German, had acquired and opened out in
1789 a colliery at Orrell. Clarke dealt ex-
clusively in Orrell and cannel coal. At this
period William Roscoe lived in Folly Lane, in a
house a little south of Mansfield Street. He
and William Clarke, junior, were intimate friends,
and formed the leaders of the small band of
young men who studied classic authors in the
early morning hours before business. They too,
with Dr. Currie and Dr. Shepherd, formed "The
Liverpool Literary Coterie," whose hospitality,
as an unlicked cub of sixteen, De Quincey en-
joyed, and on whose memory he, after years
of debauchery had dulled his moral feelings,
scattered the venom of ingratitude. When he
wrote, three of the four whom he maligned were
dead. Ingratum si dixeris, omnia dixisti.
William Clarke, junior, was delicate, and had
to pass the winter of 1789 in Italy. He chose
Florence as his place of abode, and as at this time
Roscoe had resolved on writing the life of Lorenzo
de Medici, the occasion was seized for searching in
the Laurentian and Ricardi libraries for original
and interesting matter. The result was beyond
all expectation, and among other valuable dis-
coveries were the poems of Lorenzo, which had
escaped the notice of all previous biographers.
On 2nd July 1790 William Clarke lost his
second wife. The firm continued to progress,
CLARKES & ROSCOZ'S BANK, 1792
Corner of Dale Street and Castle Street
1 1 1 1
i i iiLi
v WILLIAM CLARKE (5* SONS $9
and although doubtless distressed by the panic
of 1793, they suffered no serious misfortune.
They by 1792 had acquired more central premises
at the corner of Castle Street and Dale Street, the
front door of the bank facing the Town Hall.
William Clarke, junior, then took up his resi-
dence in the bank house.
On 5th February 1797 William Clarke died,
aged 73, and the business was continued by the
two sons.
On 1 6th June in the following year William
Clarke, junior, married, at Kendal, Miss Ann
Pedder of that town, and in April 1799 he was
blessed with a son.
In looking into matters, after the death of
William Clarke, the business of the house was
found to be involved. The London correspon-
dents were Esdaile & Co., and Sir Benjamin
Hammett, one of the partners of that firm,
came down to Liverpool to investigate. Esdailes
held about £200,000 of Clarke & Sons' paper.
William Roscoe was called in in his professional
capacity as attorney, and Sir Benjamin Hammett
was so struck by the ability he displayed in
arranging the affairs of the firm that he proposed
that he should become a partner with the Clarkes.
Roscoe repeatedly refused, and was only won
over to consent upon Hammett threatening to
put the matter into bankruptcy. Roscoe had,
60 LIVERPOOL BANKS £5* BANKERS CHAP.
by his examination of the affairs, satisfied him-
self that in ordinary times there were sufficient
assets to cover all liabilities. Thus the great
William Roscoe entered the noble army of
bankers.
It is needless here to enter otherwise than
briefly into the particulars of Roscoe's early life,
as fuller information is readily accessible.
Born on the 8th March 1753, the only son of
William and Elizabeth Roscoe, at the " Old
Bowling-Green House," Martindale's Hill (now
Mount Pleasant), then kept by his parents,
William Roscoe had few advantages in early life.
He left school at the early age of 12, and at 16,
after a short sojourn in John Gore's bookseller's
shop, was apprenticed to Mr. John Eyes, an
attorney. At the conclusion of his articles he
entered into partnership with Samuel Aspinall
(or Aspinwall), and continued in this profession,
first with that gentleman, and afterwards with
him and Joshua Lace, until September 1792,
when the partnership terminated. In 1796
he retired on a well-earned competency. He
married on 22nd February 1781 Jane, the second
daughter of William Griffies, linen draper, of
Castle Street, Liverpool. He resided succes-
sively in School Lane, Rainford Gardens, Toxteth
Park, near the Dingle, until in 1793 ne removed
to Birchfield, Islington, where he had bought
WILLIAM ROSCOE
r WILLIAM ROSCOE 61
some land and erected a house. In 1792 he
associated himself with Thomas Walccficld, a
sugar refiner of Liverpool, in attempts to reclaim
Chat Moss and Trafford Moss. The early ex-
periments seemed to promise so well that they
formed strong reasons for Roscoe resigning his
legal profession. He hoped to turn his bent for
agriculture and horticulture to profitable account,
but it finally entailed on him a heavy lock-up
of capital. His magnum opus, " The Life of
Lorenzo de Medici," appeared in the winter of
1795. ln !799 ne purchased half the estate of
Allerton, including the Hall, from the repre-
sentatives of Mrs. Hard man, and took up his
abode there on i8th March of that year. The
estate thus purchased was about 153 acres.
In the following year, as noted above, he was
induced, through reasons of friendship, to forsake
his retirement and enter into commercial life.
The style of the firm now became " Clarkes and
Roscoe."
In 1802 a very considerable addition to the
strength of the firm was made. They were
joined by Thomas Leyland, a very wealthy
merchant, and hard-headed, keen business man,
and the firm now became " Leyland, Clarkes, and
Roscoe." Full notice of Thomas Leyland will
be found under " Leyland & Bullins."
William Clarke had always been of delicate
62 LIVERPOOL BANKS & BANKERS CHAP.
health, and on 2ist October 1805 he died1 in
his fifty-second year, at the house of Robert Holt
Leigh, Esq., M.P., Duke Street, Westminster.
A close personal friend of William Roscoe from
early youth, they were bound by ties not only of
affection, but of congenial literary tastes. Clarke,
although of a retiring disposition, had genuine
talent and extensive learning. The mansion that
William Clarke the elder had built at Everton,
and which latterly had been tenanted by his son,
now deceased, was sold early in 1806, and became
the property of Nicholas Waterhouse.
In November 1806 a parliamentary election
took place, and the friends of liberty, civil and
religious, nominated William Roscoe as one of
the candidates, and triumphantly placed him at
the head of the poll. The defeated candidate,
General Banastre Tarleton, wrote to the press,
boldly stating, "The wealth of my opponents has
been the cause of my discomfiture, and corruption
the means of their success."
Under date 3ist December 1806 appeared the
following circular : —
"The partnership heretofore carried on in Liverpool
by the undersigned Thomas Leyland, John Clarke, and
William Roscoe, all of that place, bankers, under the
1 His wife survived him till 8th December 1831, when she died at
her residence, Castle End, Gloucester.
T THOMAS LEYLAND 63
firm of Lcyland, Clarke, & Roscoc, is this day, by
mutual consent, dissolved.
(Signed) THOS. LEY LAND.
JOHN CLARKE.
WM. Roscoi."'
The firm in 1 807 appears as " Roscoc, Clarke,
and Roscoc," the latest accession being William
Stanley Roscoe, eldest son of William Roscoc.
He resided with his father at Allerton Hall.
In this year there was another parliamentary
1 The reasons for this withdrawal by Thomas Lcyland are not at all
clear. The Life of William Rotcoe, by hit ton, simply mentions the
matter thus: "Unfortunately, soon after hh election, his partner,
Thomas Leyland, whose name stood at the head of the firm, and
whose wealth contributed to its stability, withdrew suddenly from the
partnership."
Picton ("Memorials of Liverpool," vol. ii. p. 141, ed. 1875)
attributed it to Leyland foreseeing financial disaster to the firm.
This is doubtful. Picton seems to have taken the phrasing from a
character sketch by " An Old Stager," and to have hastily adduced it
as a clue to the present position. But it is quite probable that Leyland
dissociated himself from the firm on account of Roscoe's strong
support of the movement for the abolition of the slave trade, then
agitating the country, and which had a successful outcome in Parlia-
ment early in 1807. Leyland had for years been drawing thousands
and tens of thousands from the "African" trade, and as the love of
money was his dearest love, it is not improbable that the postible
drying-np of one of the great sources of his wealth had something
to do with the dissolution of the partnership. Further, keen and
sagacious though Thomas Leyland was, it would require a greater
foresight than even he had to gauge the storm and stress of the next
ten years, particularly year* of crises like 1808-9-10-13 and 1815 and
1816.
It is also probable that Leyland preferred to fight for his own hand.
He had during his three years' connection with the Clarke* acquired a
knowledge of the mystery of banking, and possibly thought the time
had arrived for him to commence business on his own account.
64 LIVERPOOL BANKS & BANKERS CHAP.
election, and William Roscoe was again nomi-
nated, but retired before the election.
Like most of the bankers of their time, the
Roscoes had subsidiary businesses. It has been
already mentioned that John Clarke had a
separate coal business, concerning himself en-
tirely with Orrell and Wigan coal. The Roscoes
also embarked in the same business, being im-
porters of Bagillt coal, having their office at
Nova Scotia, Liverpool. They also burdened
themselves with interests in a colliery and smelting
works at Bagillt, while William Roscoe continued
to take considerable interest in the Chat Moss
lands.
At the conclusion of the Napoleonic war in
1816 there was a commercial panic, owing to the
great fall in prices which the peace produced.
Their resources being locked up, Roscoe, Clarke,
and Roscoe had the misfortune to be unable to
meet their engagements, and notice to that effect
appeared in the local press on ist February 1816.
On 3rd February there was a meeting of the
creditors of the bank.1
The account of this meeting, given in Gore's
Liverpool Advertiser, has a quaint flavour : —
1 Picton ("Memorials," vol. ii. p. 22, ed. 1875) give* the date of
the suspension as 1818, and he has been followed by some incautious
writer*. The bank by arrangement lingered on till 1810, when the
three partners were formally made bankrupt.
» MliETING OF CREDITORS 6$
UA meeting of the creditors of Messrs. Rotcor,
Clarke, & Roscoc was held at the Great Room of
Lillyman's Hotel on Saturday last, when a statement
of the concerns of the house was produced by Mr.
Roscoc, from which it appeared that the debts of the
bank did not exceed £315,000, for the liquidation of
which, the means that were shown, afforded not only
perfect satisfaction to the creditors, but a gratifying
assurance of a handsome surplus ultimately arising to
the partners of the house. Mr. Roscoe submitted the
statement with great feeling, but in a clear, energetic,
and manly tone. He was received, he was heard, and
he retired, accompanied with the strongest testimony of
attachment and respect ; and though he solicited inquiry
in a very pointed and earnest manner, a single question
was not put to him. When we consider the occasion,
nothing, assuredly, could be more gratifying or honour-
able to all the parties."
The state of affairs was investigated by a com-
mittee of seven, and a report was printed and
laid before the public. It was estimated that,
after the payment of all debts, there would be
an eventual surplus to the partners of ,£61,144.
But alas for such roseate views ! After four
years' struggle to realise the assets, William
Roscoe and his partners had to become bankrupts.
The more easily realisable assets were at once put
on the market for sale. These comprised the
books, pictures, prints, &c., belonging to William
Roscoe, and some valuable pictures belonging to
John Clarke. Roscoe's library realised .£5150,
66 LIVERPOOL BANKS & BANKERS CHAP.
his prints ^1886, and the pictures ^3239.
Among the last named were a portrait of Leo X.,
and a head of Christ by Leonardo da Vinci, both
of which were bought by the eminent agriculturist
Thomas Coke1 of Holkham (whose hospitality
Roscoe had enjoyed in 1814), at a cost of ^500
and 300 guineas respectively. The sale took place
on 29th July 1816 and thirteen following days.2
The several estates belonging to the partners
were also advertised for sale. These were :
Allerton Hall and 153 acres of land, belonging
to William Roscoe ; Orrell House, with gardens,
1 Created Earl of Leicester in 1837.
2 One ventures to reproduce here William Roscoe's sonnet on part-
ing from his library. It was handed about among his friends in
manuscript, and appeared in the Liverpool Advertiser 9th September
1816, and Liverpool Mercury ijth September 1816: —
" As one who destined from his friends to part
Regrets his loss, yet hopes again erewhile
To share their converse and enjoy their smile,
And tempers, as he may, affliction's dart —
Thus, loved associates ! chiefs of elder art !
Teachers of wisdom ! who could once beguile
My tedious hours, and lighten ev'ry toil,
I now resign you ; nor with fainting heart —
For pass a few short years, or days, or hours,
And happier seasons may their dawn unfold,
And all your sacred fellowship restore ;
When freed from earth, unlimited its powers,
Mind shall with mind direct communion hold,
And kindred spirits meet to part no more."
At the tale of books some of Roscoe's friends bought volumes to the
value of .£600 and wished to present them to him, but he gratefully
declined. The books were then given to the Liverpool Athenzum,
where they now form a distinct portion of the library.
T SALE OF PARTNERS' PROPERTIES 67
pinery, and conservatories, with about 52 acres
of land, belonging to John Clarke ; Crook Hall,
near Wigan, and 49 acres of land, the property
of John Clarke; Skipton Pastures, about i6J
acres, on the road from Bolton to Chorlcy;
Dumplington Farm, about 38 acres, 4 miles from
Manchester ; Barton Park Farm, 400 acres, about
7 miles from Manchester ; Barton Grange, and
about 200 acres of moss ground ; sundry tracts of
Chat Moss, about 2000 acres ; smelting works at
Bagillt. There were interests in collieries at Orrell
and Bagillt ; also a small estate belonging to John
Clarke, "The Springs," Orrell, and "The Crooke,"
Sherrington, an estate of 6 acres in Ashton.
John Clarke's pictures were removed from his
house, Orrell Mount, to be sold in Manchester,
9th and loth January iSiy.1
The landed estates did not sell readily ; indeed,
many of them were still in hand when, on
1 8th January 1820, a commission in bankruptcy
was issued against William Roscoe, John Clarke,
and William Stanley Roscoe.
1 In the "Autobiography of Thomas Fletcher " (privately printed),
Fletcher record* how in 1811 he bought Hilton'* picture of "Lear
and hi* Daughter*," at Winttanley'* Room*, Liverpool, at the *ale of
John Clarke'* picture*, for 31 guinea*, it having co*t Clarke I so guinea*.
Hence all Clarke'* picture* could not have been »old at the earlier
date. Little did Fletcher then imagine that he, then senior partner
in Fletcher, Yate* & Co. , would in after year* be a partner in the
firm that tried to re*u*citate Rotcoe & Clarke'* bank, and that at
their downfall thi> picture would in 1833 again figure in the auction
room.
68 LIVERPOOL BANKS fc* BANKERS CHAP.
The smelting works and the coal mines at
Bagillt were yet unsold, and were now dealt with
by the assignees.
The liquidation of the bank did not deter
William Stanley Roscoe from matrimony, for
we find that he, on loth September 1818, at
Audley, co. Stafford, married Hannah Eliza,
eldest daughter of James Caldwell of Linley
Wood, and became resident at Mount Vernon.
William Roscoe had, after leaving Allerton Hall,
gone to live in Rake Lane (now Burning Road),
then for a while resided at 5 St. James's Walk
(now the site of the destined Liverpool Cathedral),
and finally, some time before 1823, took a small
house in Lodge Lane, near the top of Bentley
Road, now numbered 1 80, and known as Roscoe
House. Here he, sustained by an annuity which
his friends in Liverpool had purchased on the
joint lives of himself and wife, together with
£100 per annum pension which he received as
** Royal Associate " of the Royal Society of Liter-
ature, passed the remainder of his years in calm
literary and botanical pursuits. He died on 3Oth
June 1831, in the seventy-ninth year of his age.
John Clarke did not long survive his bankruptcy.
He died suddenly at Crook Hall, near Wigan,
one of his estates, on 9th August 1821, aged 65.
Prior to his death he had, however, the satis-
faction of seeing all liabilities on his personal
r COLLIERY PROPERTIES 69
estate paid in full, with a good surplus for the
joint estate of the proprietors. The Orrell
colliery, in which he and Roscoc were interested,
on later development became a valuable property,
and materially increased the dividends to the
creditors of the bank.
His coal business was for some time carried on
by Benjamin Frankland as agent for John Clarke,
but in 1823 tne style of the firm is Clarke &
Frankland, and as such was in existence for many
years. A small point in the history of the firm,
but one indicative of the character of the
originator, is that during hard winters, when the
cost of bringing coal to Liverpool — viz. by barges
— was considerably increased owing to the frost,
the price of coal was never raised against the small
purchaser. Such a one could buy his coal practi-
cally at the same rates as during those months
when the canals were free from ice. This policy,
a subject for political skits at election time, was
initiated by John Clarke, and continued after his
death by Clarke & Frankland.
The author has not been able to ascertain when
or to whom John Clarke was married. His wife's
Christian name was Alice, and they had numerous
children. A daughter was married 22nd October
1822 to Ambrose Lace.1
1 Ambrose Lace was an attorney, in partnerihip with hit father,
Joihaa Lace. The latter wa« Rotcoc'* partner with Samuel Aipinall
70 LIVERPOOL BANKS fef BANKERS CHAP.
Of the sons, William Dyson Clarke died ist
September 1825, aged 40, and the fourth son,
Charles, died 2nd January 1836.
William Roscoe had a numerous progeny. He
himself was an only son, and his only sister, Mar-
garet, married Daniel Daulby of Rydal Mount,
Westmorland, and died his widow ist May 1827,
aged 72. After him Daulby Street is named.
Of Roscoe's children, the eldest, William Stan-
ley Roscoe, has full separate reference.
Edward, the second son, was an iron merchant,
residing in Toxteth Park. His partnership with
Crawford Logan was dissolved November 1826,
and the firm then became Roscoe & Wain, but
by 1829 the title of his firm was Mather, Roscoe,
and Co. He died at River Bank, Toxteth Park,
on nth July 1834, in his fiftieth year. His
wife Margaret died 28th April 1840, aged 53.
James, the third son, died, aged 41, on 3rd
April 1829.
until the dissolution of partnership in September 1792. Joshua Lace
by 1801 had taken a partner, Thomas Hassall, their business place
being in Union Court. By 1811 this partnership had ceased, Joshua
Lace continuing alone. By 1818 the firm had become Lace, Miller, &
Lace, the new partners being William Spurstow Miller and Ambrose
Lace. By 1831 the firm had divided, Ambrose Lace forming the new
firm of Ambrose Lace & Sons, and Miller taking a partner, Lawrence
Peel, under the style of Miller & Peel. This, many years later, be-
came Mil'er, Peel, & Hughes, the latest accession being John Hughes,
Mayor in 1 881-2. The present head of the firm is William Watson
Rutherford, M.P., Lord Mayor of Liverpool 1902-3, and the style
of the firm has become " Rutherfords. "
T ROSCOE, CLARKE, WARDELL, & CO. 71
Richard became a physician (M.D. Edin. 1 826),
and died on yd October 1864 at Humberton, in
Leicestershire, aged 71.
Henry became a barrister, and married, 29th
October 1831, Maria, second daughter of Thomas
Fletcher (see Fletcher, 'Roscoe, & Co.). He was
appointed Judge of the Liverpool Borough Court,
was the author of several legal works and of the
Life of his father, and died 23rd March 1836,
aged 37. His son is the present Sir Henry
Roscoe, Professor of Chemistry, of Manchester.
Mary Anne, the eldest daughter, married, 23rd
November 1825, Thomas Jevons, iron merchant.
She died I3th November 1845, aged 50 ; and he
died at Pisa, 8th November 1855, aged 64, and
was buried in the Protestant Cemetery at Leg-
horn. Their son, William Stanley Jevons, born
1st September 1835, was drowned while bathing
on 1 3th August 1882. His death was a great
loss to economic science. He published many
valuable scientific works, and had in view a
** Treatise on Economics,'* which he intended as
his magnum of us. But this remained unwritten.
ROSCOE, CLARKE, WARDELL, & Co.
When the former firm had to meet their credi-
tors in 1816 it was judged prudent to endeavour
to conserve the good part of the business. To
this end they took into partnership William
-2 LIVERPOOL BANKS £5* BANKERS CHAP.
Wardell. William Roscoe's note runs : " For the
purpose of separating this from our former con-
cern, and of obtaining additional assistance in our
bank, we are negotiating to take into partnership
a very respectable young man, who was brought
up with us." This new firm lasted till 1820,
when the Roscoes and John Clarke were declared
bankrupt. The firm then became
LOWRY, ROSCOE, & WARDELL.
The new principal of the firm was Thomas
Lowry, who resided and had a brewery in Cunliffe
Street. They removed from the old premises,
No. i Castle Street, to 4 Dale Street, nearly
opposite. Both Lowry and Wardell had official
connection with the Liverpool Gas Light Co. ;
in 1821 Wardell was Chairman and Lowry
Treasurer.1 The Roscoe was William Stanley
Roscoe, William Roscoe having definitely
retired.
On nth September 1826 William Wardell
married, at Grasmere, Elizabeth, daughter of
John Gregory Crump, attorney, Liverpool, and
went to reside in Erskine Street.
By the end of 1827 this partnership termi-
nated, Lowry and Wardell ceasing to be mem-
1 In 1810 the Gas Company wai entirely directed by banker*,
Samuel Hope being Chairman, William Wardell, Deputy-Chairman,
and Thomas Lowry, Treasurer.
* LOWRY, ROSCOE, fc» WARDKLL -,
bers.1 Warded went to Chester and joined
Messrs. Dixons* Bank, the title becoming Dixont
and Warded, and so continued till his death in
1 864.' Thomas Lowry, now resident in Rupert
Lane, contented himself with his brewery.*
Fresh partners and capital had now to be
brought into the business. Roscoc opened ncgo-
* One of the clerks of Lowry, ROTO* ft Wirdcll had a »rilllani
banking career. This was James Litter, ton of the R««. James Litter.
Paitor of Lime Street BaptUt Chapel. He w»« with them from ill j
to 1815. In the latter year he joined Cunllfle, Brook i, ft Co.. of Man-
che*ter, with whom he continued until October 1839. He then
entered the service of the Manchester and Liverpool District Bank,
and in Jane 1(31 the manager at Liverpool, James Balrd, having
resigned, he was appointed manager /r* ttm. This appointment wa«,
later on, confirmed, and he remained with them until 1*35, when, oa
the formation of the Liverpool Union Bank, he was appointed manager
of that bank. He remained so for forty years, becoming, on hia retire-
ment, a director of the bank whose career he had managed from its
commencement, and whose business had become, during that period, a
magnificent monument to his ability.
1 W. Wardell's wife, Elizabeth, died at Chester on ijrd March il 35.
He himself survived till 1410 March 1864. Prom his will, proved at
Chester i8th April 1864, he appear* to have had no SOBS, mention
being made only of a daughter married to Arthur Potts of Hoole Hall,
Chester. The estate was sworn under £80.000. It is to be noted
that one of his executors was the above James Lister, the manager of
the Liverpool Union Bank. Messrs. Dinons' bank was bought by
Parr's Banking Company.
* On 1 3th September 1830 died Ann, wife of Thomas Lowry. in her
fifty-third year. The following year, on March 34th, their two
daughters were married : Elizabeth, the elder, to Thomas Mann, and
Ann, the younger, to James Stringer. By 1 8 31 Thomas Lowry appears
to have given up the brewery, and to have joined hia son.ln-Uw as
merchants, under the style of Lowry, Stringer ft Mann. Bat on 41*1
February 1833 his son Thomas died in his twenty fourth year, and
by 1837 he himself retired from business, leaving the mercantile irm *•
•• Stringer & Mann." They later on e«tabll*hed steam saw. mills in
Seel Street.
74 LIVERPOOL BANKS & BANKERS CHAP.
tiations with John Roberts, a merchant residing
in Rake Lane (now Durning Road), with his
office at 2 Dale Street, and with John Tarleton,
who had been brought up in the bank. Then
Thomas Fletcher, whose partnership in the firm
of Fletcher, Yates, & Co. had just terminated,
approached William Stanley Roscoe, and eventually
a new firm blossomed out under the title of
FLETCHER, ROBERTS, ROSCOE, & Co.
They took offices at 8 High Street, a few
doors away from the old premises in Dale
Street.
Thomas Fletcher at this time was sixty years
old, having been born 22nd June 1767, the eldest
child of John and Hannah Fletcher. The family
were originally yeomen, but both John Fletcher
and his father before him were hatters, largely
in the export trade, in Castle Street, near Swift's
Court. Thomas Fletcher was apprenticed in
his sixteenth year to James France, an extensive
Jamaica merchant. About the time of the expiry
of Fletcher's six years' apprenticeship James France
withdrew from the firm, leaving a large amount
of capital with them, and his nephew, Thomas
Hayhurst, became the head of the firm. Fletcher
became the junior partner, bringing in ^2000,
which was largely made up of monies borrowed
from the family property.
» THOMAS FLETCHER 75
He married at Norwich, on ut October 1795,
Anne, eldest daughter of Dr. En fie Id.1
When James France died, 1795, Thonus Hay-
hurst, in accordance with the terms of the will,
assumed the name of France. He also invested,
under the terms of the will, a considerable
portion of James France's money in real estate,
buying Bostock, in Cheshire, where his descend-
ants reside. In 1801 there was a reconstruction
of the firm, and Joseph Brooks Yates and John
Henry Matthews, both of whom had been for
some time with the firm, were taken into part-
nership. In this new firm Joseph Brooks Yates
obtained a quarter share, although just out of his
apprenticeship. This was due to his father, the
Rev. John Yates,2 who had a secret interest in the
firm. On 8th January 1815 died Thomas France
(formerly Hayhurst), and on the reconstruction
of the firm Thomas Fletcher became senior, the
style now being Fletcher, Yates, & Co. When
the last partnership with Joseph Brooks Yates
terminated, 3ist December 1827, the respective
1 He was the author of the 6rtt history of Liverpool, compiled ttom
the paper* of George Perry, and published at Warring too 177*
* Pastor of the Unitarian Chapel in Pandit* Street, now UM ate* of
the Qoeen't Theatre. He married, la 1779, EUxabtth, ttkt widow ml
Dr. Bostock, daughter of John A.hton and fitter of Nicholas Aahtoa.
He wa» a speculative parson, and it Is said that he obtained UM •MM*?.
which now put hit son at so early aa age in such a promlveai petition,
by a fortunate deal in tobacco. Possibly this occurred in 1776, when
no tobacco entered Liverpool between May and the cad of Decwator.
76 LIVERPOOL BANKS & BANKERS CHAP.
amounts of capital in the firm were : J. B. Yates
three-fifths, and Thomas Fletcher two-fifths.
Yates now required Fletcher to bring more
capital into the concern, well knowing this to
be impossible, and hence Fletcher was practically
pushed from the firm. At this time his holding
in the books was ,£18,000, but by depreciation of
shipping this was reduced to £i 1,000.
During his membership of the above firm he
did good public service. In 1824 he was one of
the six commercial members who, for the first
time, were added to the Dock Board. He
retained his seat six years. The West India
Association was formed in 1799. In 1803
Thomas Fletcher was Vice-Chairman, and in
1806 Chairman of that body.
Now when the negotiations for the new
partnerships in the Roscoe Bank came to a head,
it was found that the supposed capitalist, John
Roberts, was not to be a member of the firm, but
in his stead a brother Richard was put forward.
He introduced ^7500, and Thomas Fletcher a
similar amount. Nothing was expected from
either William Stanley Roscoe or John Tarleton.
Francis Fletcher (son of Thomas), who had been
with Fletcher, Yates, & Co. for ten years, was to
be cashier as assistant to Tarleton at a salary of
^200 a year for seven years, and after that was
to be admitted to a partnership. There was a
v FLETCHER, ROBERTS, ROSCOE, & CO. 77
condition that not more than ,£500 should be
advanced to any one person without the content
of the majority of the partners, and, on the sug-
gestion of Thomas Fletcher, Francis Fletcher was
at once admitted a partner, taking one-fourth of
his father's share. The business they had was
worth ,£3000 a year if properly conducted.
But Roberts' capital turned out to be a de-
lusion. John Roberts had borrowed every shil-
ling of the ^7500 from Williams & Co. of
Chester. It was placed to the credit of Richard
Roberts, but John opened an account at the bank,
and by degrees drew the whole amount out in
way of loan to himself, and so repaid the Chester
Bank their advance. In the words of Thomas
Fletcher, 4< In short, it was what is commonly
known as a * fair take-in.' '
Roberts and Tarleton drew together, the latter
marrying, on the i6th July 1830, Jane Ellen, the
sister of the former. Roscoe had full faith in
Tarleton, the result being that the three sanc-
tioned the loan to John Roberts and other heavy
advances. The bank was soon entangled further
with John Roberts. He had a slate quarry in Wales,
and brought his bills on various agents, employed
to sell the slates, to the bank for discount.
Further, the Robertses and Tarleton negotiated a
partnership for another brother, Robert Roberts,
with Robert Rawlinson, timber merchant, of
78 LIVERPOOL BANKS & BANKERS CHAP.
i Sefton Street, who had an account with the
bank. For this firm also were discounted bills
drawn against sales of timber into the country,
many of which were found to come back.
Matters progressed in this way until, on 23rd
July 1833, Fletcher, Roscoe, & Co. received a
letter from their London agents, Jones, Loyd,
and Co., announcing that they would no longer
accept Fletcher & Co.'s drafts. The next day
the bank stopped payment. They held con-
siderable amounts of Customs and Excise money.
Writs were at once issued, and the officers of
the law laid hands on all property belonging to
the partners, jointly and severally, and satisfied
their demands.
After a delay of some weeks, and an investiga-
tion of affairs, it was resolved to go into bank-
ruptcy, and a fiat was issued on I3th September
1833 against Thomas Fletcher, William Stanley
Roscoe, Richard Roberts, John Tarleton, and
Francis Fletcher, trading under the firm of
Fletcher, Roscoe, Roberts, & Co.
In addition to the Roberts' entanglement the
bank had contracted bad debts to a considerable
amount, but the chief causes of the catastrophe
were the accounts of John Roberts, and Rawlin-
son & Roberts. The total amount of the
liabilities was £30,000, and the concern only
realised 55. in the £.
* BANKRUPTCY OF FLETCHER & CO. 79
When, in July, Jones, Loyd, & Co. stopped
the account, Fletcher, Roscoe, & Co. had with
them a cash advance of £10,000 amply secured
by bills. When all these came to maturity,
Jones, Loyd, & Co. had to refund £5000 to the
receiver of the estate, Harmood Banner. Among
Thomas Fletcher's assets were one-fourth interest
in a mortgage for £5636, 73. lod. on a coffee
plantation called Friendship Hall, Portland,
Jamaica, with seventy slaves thereon, and one-
fourth of a mortgage for £16,000 on the moiety
of a sugar estate, called Fellowship Hall, St.
Mary's, Jamaica, and of the fifty slaves on the
estate.
Thomas Fletcher received his bankruptcy cer-
tificate on 2nd September 1834, Francis Fletcher
on 3rd October 1834, but that of William Stanley
Roscoe was delayed till 8th January 1836.
Thomas Fletcher's friends, both in and out of
the family, rallied round him, and subscribed a
sum of £2000, which was placed in trust. He
retired to a cottage at Gateacre, where he died
in 1850. His wife Anna, born 3rd September
1770, died 5th December 1836, in her sixty-
seventh year.
Their son Francis, born I5th November 1799,
married, 27th October 1831, Marriott, youngest
daughter of John Martineau of Stamford Hill,
London. After the break-up of the bank he
8o LIVERPOOL BANKS £5* BANKERS CHAP.
went to reside with his father-in-law, and later
obtained a place in the Poor Law Commissioner's
office.
Maria, second daughter of Thomas Fletcher,
was married to Henry Roscoe 29th October
1831, and was the mother of the present Sir
Henry Roscoe of Manchester.
The third daughter, Emily, was married to
Charles Booth on 2Oth August 1829; and the
fourth, Caroline, to Charles Crompton on 2Oth
March 1832.
Of the Robertses all trace is lost, but their
brother-in-law, John Tarleton, became the manager
at Cork of the Agricultural and Commercial
Bank of Ireland.
William Stanley Roscoe, during the winding-
up of the bank, published in 1834 a book of
" Poems," and possibly this, his second bank-
ruptcy, had a little to do with the following
sonnet : —
To THE HARVEST MOON
" Again thou reignest in thy golden hall,
Rejoicing in thy sway, fair queen of night !
The ruddy reapers hail thee with delight,
Theirs is the harvest, theirs the joyous call
For tasks well ended ere the season's fall.
Sweet orb, thou smilest from thy starry height,
But whilst on them thy beams are shedding bright,
To me thou com'st o'ershadow'd with a pall :
» ANNULMENT OF BANKRUPTCY Si
To me alone the year hath fruitless flown,
Earth hath fulfill'd her trust through all her land*,
The good man gathereth where he hath town,
And the great master in his vineyard stands }
But I, as if my task were all unknown,
Come to his gates, alas, with empty hands."
He was appointed Sergeant of Mace to the
Liverpool Corporation, a position which, under
the Reformed Municipality, carried a salary of
^35° I*1" annum. He died 3ist October 1843,
aged 6 1. His wife survived him till 1510
February 1854, being then aged 68. Their
son, William Caldwell Roscoe, writer of some
promising verse, was born 2oth September 1 823,
and died 3Oth July 1859.
Whatever dire results to the peace and fortune
of William Roscoe were brought about by his
endeavour to rescue the firm of Clarices from
their embarrassments at the close of the eighteenth
century, their descendants later on were loyal to
him, and, so far as lay in their power, endea-
voured to remove the stigma of bankruptcy from
his honoured name. The Clarkes in the course
of time became possessed of means, of which they
made commendable use in providing a substantial
further dividend (eight had already been paid)
on the liabilities of the old banking firm of
Roscoe, Clarke, & Roscoe. The creditors there-
upon unanimously consented to an annulment of
82 LIVERPOOL BANKS & BANKERS CHAP.
the bankruptcy. When De Quincey in 1837
wrote " Mr. Roscoe is dead, and has found time
to be half forgotten," he did not reckon on the
kindly human feeling, quite unknown to him,
which William Roscoe had inspired in his friends.
The late Joseph Mayer, an artist to the finger-
tips, repeatedly pointed out the value of William
Roscoe's influence, and the citizens of Liverpool
of to-day have recognised this by associating his
name with the Chair of Architecture and Applied
Art founded in 1881 in the Victoria University,
now the University of Liverpool.
Recurring to the annulment of bankruptcy, we
find that on 2nd and 3Oth November and 3rd
December 1843 meetings of the creditors in the
bank were held before Mr. Commissioner Phillips
for the purpose of their voting upon the accept-
ance of a composition offered by the family of
the late John Clarke in order to a final examina-
tion and supersedeas of the bankruptcy. The
creditors at the three meetings unanimously voted
acceptance. The debts proved amounted to
^204,000, and creditors were 578 in number.
The Commissioner, on careful consideration of
all the facts, found that the statutory requisi-
tions, sees. 133 and 134, 6 George IV., and
the order of Lord Eldon of 27th June 1826, had
been strictly complied with. It therefore became
his duty to transmit the proceedings to the Court
t ANNULMENT OF BANKRUPTCY fj
of Review for its sanction. He hoped, however,
it would not be out of place if he expressed the
pleasure with which he performed this duty.
The name of Roscoe was inseparably connected
with that of Liverpool, the scene of his nativity.
Most happy was he therefore that, in strict
accordance with his duty, an act should have
become his, the more gratifying to himself, be-
cause grateful to a town which derived a noble
distinction from this great man's memory.
What gives cause for surprise is that Pic ton,
who surely must have known well how the influ-
ence of William Roscoe extended far beyond his
day and generation, has made no mention of this
graceful and grateful act of expiation.
CHAPTER VI
CHARLES CALDWELL AND CO.
Charles Caldwell & Co. — Partners — War of the French Revolution —
Bankruptcy of the firm — Great fall in Consols and cotton — Thomas
Smyth's sons — Renewal of the commission of bankruptcy in 1832.
THE first mention of this firm is in the appendix
to the directory of 1774. The partners were
Thomas Smyth and Charles Caldwell. Thomas
Smyth was a merchant whose place of business
and residence were in Paradise Street, the bank
being carried on in an adjoining building. At
this date Thomas Smyth had made himself a
name as a successful merchant. This year, and
for many successive years, his name appears as
elected to the Chamber of Commerce. He was
selected as a member of the Common Council of
Liverpool on 3rd April 1782, was elected bailiff
in October of the same year, and became Mayor
in 1789. His country house was Fairview, Tox-
teth Park, beautifully situated on the crest of the
hill, where now runs High Park Street.
Charles Caldwell was a merchant who, accord-
ing to the Poll Book of 1761, lived in Lord
Street, but by 1774 was resident in the pleasant
CM. TI BANKRUPTCY OF CALDWKLL & CO. 85
country district of Bcvington Bush (alas, how
changed!), and by 1781 had removed to St.
James's Street. I believe, but have no direct evi-
dence, that he was a partner in Oldham, Caldwcll,
and Co., whose transactions were principally in
sugar. He figured largely in Liverpool society,
and acted occasionally, in conjunction with our
best local gentry, as steward for the races at
Crosby. The banking Arm came directly into
evidence in this year, 1774, for they were
appointed in the Gazette of 3Oth July one of
the receivcri of light gold, for which proper-
weight coins were issued in return.
Matters appear to have gone smoothly with
the firm, Thomas Smyth being regarded as one
of the principal merchants of the town, until the
outbreak of the war with France in 1793. Their
London agents were Burton, Forbes, & Gregory.
This firm, under the title of Forbes & Gregory,
of Aldermanbury, London, was gazetted on I9th
March, and that of Charles Caldwell & Co. fol-
lowed on 3Oth March. From the Gazette notice
of the latter failure it would appear that the
London agents had more than an agent's interest
in the firm, that, in fact, they were partners.
Business had been booming for some years past
in Liverpool ; shipping and cotton especially had
increased their volume, and with this increase
came steadily rising prices. The outbreak of
86 LIVERPOOL BANKS &* BANKERS CHAP.
war caused a rapid fall. In cotton alone the drop
was from 6d. to yd. per Ib. Consols dropped
to yo£, the highest point of the preceding year
having been 97. The shipping of Liverpool
had increased largely. The average annual
tonnage for the seven years ending 1786 was
151,347; for the next seven years the average
was 260,380 tons. The importation of cotton
was on a rapidly increasing scale. For 1790 the
imports into Liverpool were 9,608,741 pounds;
for 1791, 12,198,805 pounds; and for 1792,
14,064,573 pounds. There was thus a consider-
able accumulation of stocks. Charles Caldwell
and Co. and several of their clients1 held large
quantities of cotton, and hence suffered badly
from the enormous drop in the market value
of the staple. The assignees of Charles Caldwell
and Co. were Richard Walker, John Bolton, and
Thomas Leyland,2 and they set to work at once
1 Among the clients of C. Caldwell & Co. was the firm of Browne,
Brown, & Co., the senior of whom was the father of Felicia Dorothea
Browne, afterwards Mrs. Hemans. Browne & Brown were extensire
holders of cotton, and came to grief. The assets of the firm, and the
furniture and residences of the partners, were sold by auction. At the
very time the Brownes were removing their remaining furniture from
their house in Duke Street the future Mrs. Hemans was born, and
her infelicitous arrival was a source of inconvenience to the incoming
owner, Cornelius Bourne.
* The three assignees were perhaps the wealthiest men in Liver-
pool. For Richard Walker, see under Gregson & Co. ; for John
Bolton, under Staniforth & Co. ; and or Thomas Leyland, under
Leyland & Bull ins.
'TI SALE OF ASSETS 87
to realise the assets. They ordered the public
sale of the stocks of Jamaica sugar, London re-
fined sugar, West India cotton and Pcrnambuco
cotton. They also on nth June sold the furni-
ture, &c, of Thomas Smyth's house, Fairview.
There were prints, a large amount of plate,
and " the finest wines, brandy, and rum, perhaps,
in the country." On the same date were sold
the contents of the Paradise Street premises. On
24th June was sold the furniture of Charles
Caldwell, at his house in St. James's Street.
There was a great deal of litigation about
the estate, including one suit as to whether the
proceeds of the realisation should be banked
with the Bank of England or with a private
bank. But there was no attempt to resume
business.
Charles Caldwell for a while resided in St.
Anne's Street, but some time before 1803 went
to reside at 7 Bold Street, where he died loth
January 1814, aged 75.
Thomas Smyth does not appear to have re-
mained in Liverpool after the ruin of his busi-
ness, although his name appears in the list of
Aldermen up to 1 8 1 1 . He died at The Fence,
Macclcsficld, on I2th July 1824, in the eighty-
seventh year of his age.
His son, William Smyth, born in Liverpool in
1765, went to Eton and Cambridge, where he
88 LIVERPOOL BANKS & BANKERS CHAP.
graduated eighth Wrangler, was elected a Fellow
of his College, Peterhouse, proceeding to M.A.
in 1790. The failure of the bank in 1793
caused him to look out for employment, and
he became tutor to Richard Brinsley Sheridan's
elder son, Thomas. He found the general diffi-
culty of extracting any money from Sheridan,
and he records that on one occasion when taking
his pupil to London, instead of coin for defray-
ing their expenses, they were given orders on
Drury Lane. Later he obtained a tutorship at
Peterhouse, and in 1807 was appointed Regius
Professor of Modern History at Cambridge,
which office he retained till his death. On the
death of his father in 1824 he inherited real
property, and on that account, under the then
rules of the College, his Fellowship was declared
vacant. He died unmarried, 24th June 1849,
at Norwich, and was buried in the Cathedral,
a stained-glass window to his memory being
erected over the grave.
There is now in the hall of Peterhouse a por-r
trait of William Smyth, presented by his brother,
the Rev. Thomas Smyth (1778-1854), Fellow of
Oriel College, Oxford.
The above particulars of the sons are taken
from the " Dictionary of National Biography."
A third brother was Edward, who lived at The
Fence, Macclesfield.
YI "THE FENCE," MACCLESFIELD 89
Mr. Earwaker, " East Cheshire," vol. ii. 454,
London, 1880, says: —
"This township (Hurdsfield) consists almost entirely
of copyhold estates, held under the manor and forest of
Macclesficld. . . . The Fence, an old house in this
township, was in the latter part of the seventeenth
century in possession of a family named Holland, of
whom there is frequent mention in the Macclesficld
and other registers. In 1765 it was the residence of
Harry Langford, and appears at that time, or shortly
afterwards, to have been in the possession of the Smyth
family. In 1804, Thomas Smyth was living there, and
subsequently, I believe, his son, Edward Smyth, Esq.
It was for many years the residence of the late Thomas
B roc klc hurst, Esq., and was purchased by him from
Colonel Smyth in 1869."
During the mayoralty of Thomas Smyth his
daughter was married, 24th May 1790, at Child-
wall, to John Johnson, of London.
There was at this period great laxity in ad-
ministering bankrupt estates. The evil was real,
and at length reached such a pitch that an Act,
6th of George IV., entitled " An Act to amend
the law relating to Bankruptcy," was passed, with
the intent of expediting the closing of long-open
accounts, and the consequent distributing of divi-
dends to much-enduring creditors. Under this
Act there was a notice of renewed commission of
bankruptcy, dated ist December 1832, "against
90 LIVERPOOL BANKS & BANKERS CH. vi
Charles Caldwell and Thomas Smyth, both of
Liverpool, and John Forbes and Daniel Gregory,
of London (carrying on business at Liverpool
under the name, style, or firm of Charles Cald-
well & Co.) " — poor men, all of them long since
dead — and the commissioners were to meet to
audit the accounts, and to declare a dividend. A
later notice kindly stated that it was necessary to
produce the bills, Probates of Wills, and Letters
of Administration. Be it noted that this was
only forty years after the original default.1
1 There was even a lengthier interval in recent years between the
default and a dividend. On 251)1 June 1903 there was a sitting at
the County Court, Manchester, to declare a dividend on the estate of
Daintry, Ryle, & Co., bankers, who became bankrupt yth July 1841
— an interval of sixty-two years. Ryle was rather of John C. Ryle,
first Bishop of Liverpool.
CHAPTER VII
ARTHUR HEVWOOD, SONS, AND CO.
Arthur Heywood, Soot, & Co. — Origin of the Hey woodi— Transition
from merchant* to banker* — Open a breach at Manchetter, bat
soon close it — Widening of Cattle Street, and rebuilding of bank
premitcs — Samuel Thompton — Building of Brunswick Street
premises — Hngh Jones — Transfer of Corporation account i to
Hey wood's Bank — Samuel Henry Thompson — His tons, Rev.
S. A. Thompson- Yates and Henry Yates Thompson — Sale of the
business to the Bank of Liverpool — Pedigree of the Hey woods.
THIS celebrated banking house had a much
longer lease of life than any other similar firm
in Liverpool. Launched as a separate concern
in 1773, it endured as a private bank until 1883,
when it was purchased by the Bank of Liverpool.
A compact account of the family origin is
given by Picton (" Memorials of Liverpool/'
vol. ii. 17, ed. 1875): —
"The Hey woods come of a sturdy Nonconformist
stock. The Rev. Oliver Hey wood of Halifax, m divine
somewhat celebrated in his day, and his brother,
Nathaniel, Vicar of Ormskirk,1 were both ejected from
1 In 1859 John Penberton Heywood placed a new east window in
the chancel of Ormskirk Church in memory of his ancestor, Nathaniel
Heywood.
9«
92 LIVERPOOL BANKS & BANKERS CHAP.
their livings by the Act of Uniformity in 1 662. Nathaniel
had two sons, one bearing his own name, and the other
named Richard. Richard emigrated to Drogheda, and
carried on business as a merchant there. Having no
children, he invited his nephew, Benjamin, son of
Nathaniel, then about twelve years old, to reside with
him as his adopted son. Accordingly he went, and, after
being initiated by him into the art and mystery of the
merchant's craft, in due time succeeded to a thriving
business. He married Anne Graham, the daughter of
General Arthur Graham of Armagh, and niece to the
then Mayor of Drogheda, through whom he inherited
landed estates in Ireland, still in possession of the family.
He died in 1725, in the thirty-eighth year of his age,
leaving a large fortune to his family. The widow proved
herself a very Cornelia to his children, refusing all offers
of marriage, and devoting herself entirely to their wel-
fare. The two sons were named Arthur and Benjamin.
Arthur came to Liverpool in 1731, and served an
apprenticeship of five years to John Hardman of Allerton
Hall, elected M.P. for the borough in 1754. Benjamin
came ten years later, in 1741, and was bound apprentice
to James Crosby (Mayor in 1753)."
Arthur Heywood at first had his business
premises and residence in Lord Street, and is
described of that address in an advertisement
in Williamson's Advertiser for 1758. The Poll
Book of 1761 also gives him as of Lord Street.
But the earliest directory, 1766, contains the
entry : " Arthur and Benjamin Heywood, mer-
chants, Hanover Street." They had built them
™ EXCHANGE OF LIGHT GOLD
houses side by side (Nos. 58 and 59) in 1774,
on the east side of Hanover Street, between Seel
Street and Gradwell Street, and immediately
behind their property was a tennis court. The
bank, as such, is not mentioned in the directory
of 1774, but doubtless various traders and private
persons had, as was. the custom in those days,
entrusted their accumulations to the responsible
merchants, and the time was now ripe for the
emergence of the bank from the double part of
merchant and financial agent. This change was
brought prominently before the public by the
appointment, in a supplement dated 1st July
1774 to the Royal Proclamation of 24th June
1774, of A. and B. Heywood as the persons in
Liverpool authorised to receive the light gold
then in circulation, and to exchange for it gold
of full weight. It is a matter to be noted that
the various proclamations, which named repre-
sentative firms in all parts of the kingdom, in no
case describe them as bankers. That distinctive
appellation is reserved for the Bank of England.
Needless to say, this singling out of Messrs.
Heywood perturbed others in the town, who
rightly considered that they had some claim to
be considered. Hence C. Caldwell & Co., who
appear as bankers in the appendix of the local
directory of 1774, intimate that they are also
appointed, as notified in the Gazelle of joth July,
94 LIVERPOOL BANKS & BANKERS CHAP.
receivers of the gold coin. Similarly, Samuel
Warren, goldsmith, 1 1 Castle Street, intimates
that he also has been appointed a receiver. It is
interesting to observe that Heywoods, although
they are not in any official list of bankers, yet
date their public circular from " Bank, Liver-
pool," giving no other address, although the
place is given in the body of the notice : —
"BANK, LIVERPOOL, iith July 1774.
" His Majesty having been pleased to appoint US for
this place to receive the diminished Gold Coin of the
Realm, and to exchange the same, agreeable to His
Royal Proclamation of I5th June last . . . We do
hereby give notice that attendance will be given for that
Purpose at our Office, No. 59 Hanover Street, from and
after the I5th July to the 3ist August next (inclusive)
between the Hours of Ten O'clock in the Morning and
One in the Afternoon, and betwixt Four and Six in the
Afternoon every Wednesday and Saturday, for People
from the Country, and Towns People possessed of small
Sums, and every Monday, Tuesday, and Friday for the
other Inhabitants.
"ARTHUR HEYWOOD, SON, & Co."
Having thus introduced Arthur Heywood on
his public career, it is desirable that we should
hark back to consider him in his private capacity.
We also notice the parting of the brothers, both
of them quitting the career of merchants for that
of bankers.
ARTHUR HErWOOD
»n A. HEYWOOD, SON, b» CO. 9f
In 1739, being then twenty-two yean of age,
Arthur Heywood married Elizabeth, daughter of
Samuel Ogden of Mossley Hill, Liverpool, and
Penelope, his wife, daughter and co-heiress of
John Pemberton, a burgess of Chester, who had
amassed a large fortune as a Liverpool merchant.
John Pemberton had also a daughter Bridget, who
married Richard Milncs of Wakcfield. They had
several children, one being named Hannah.1
Elizabeth Heywood died 8th February 1748,
leaving a daughter as the issue of the marriage.
On 26th April 1750 Arthur Heywood married
the above-mentioned Hannah Milncs.*
In 1751 Benjamin Heywood married Phoebe,
the sister of Arthur's first wife.
The two brothers were successful in business.
They had their experience of the African trade,
dabbled a little in privateering, having their
Letters of Marque ; were recognised as repre-
sentative merchants, and as such were elected to
the Chamber of Commerce.
The change from merchant to banker in the
case of Arthur Heywood took place in 1773, he
1 From another child of Richard and Bridget Milaw
grandson, Richard Monckcon Milne*, Lord Hoaghton.
* An adrertiteroent of slth May 1756 indicates part of (he property
which Richard Milne* came into by marriage with John Pembertoa**
daughter : " To be Lett a new Large House aad WarehoM* !•
Fenwick Street, near Dry Bridge, belonging to Mr. R. Mil*** of
Wakefield. Enquire of Mr. Arthur Heywood." Either (hit. or
property contiguous to it, became in 179! the site of Heywood'* Bas>a.
96 LIVERPOOL BANKS & BANKERS CHAP.
being then fifty-five years of age. When a second
notice relative to the " diminished gold " appeared
on nth April 1776, it was stated that operations
were conducted " at the Bank in Castle Street" also
at Arthur Heywood's office in Hanover Street.
A curious feature of this second notice is that
Heywoods were not content to exchange the
gold merely at those addresses, but certain speci-
fied dates were given on which they would visit
Prescot, Warrington, and Ormskirk for the con-
venience of the country districts.
When the bank was established in Castle
Street, then a narrow street only 1 8 feet wide,
Richard, the eldest son of Arthur, took up his
residence on the bank premises, as was the usual
custom. On 25th May 1781 he married Mary,
the daughter of William Earle of Redcross Street.
In 1784 Arthur Heywood, Sons, & Co. opened
a branch at Manchester under the management
of Richard Ogden. The latter not proving a
success, in 1786 Arthur Heywood took over the
management, but after six months' experience of
it closed the branch.
Benjamin Heywood had two sons, Benjamin
Arthur and Nathaniel, residing with him in
Hanover Street. Benjamin Arthur was in busi-
ness in Chorley Street, Liverpool, under the title
of Parke & Heywood, also in Lancaster as Parke,
Heywood, & Conway. The latter firm was
a
S
I
§
is
vii SAMUEL THOMPSON 97
dissolved in May 1785. They dealt in African
goods, ivory, &c., and had privateers, but their
staple trade was linen. The senior was Thomas
Parkc (see Gregson & Co.).
In 1788 Benjamin Arthur and Nathaniel,
being then aged thirty-three and twenty-eight
years respectively, proceeded to Manchester, and,
with their father as senior, on a6th May com-
menced business as bankers. They founded a
great business.
Some time before 1785 Richard Heywood had
acquired, and was resident at, Lark Hill, Weft
Derby, still in possession of descendants of the
Heywoods, and his place in the bank house was
taken by Arthur Heywood, junior.
In 1786 the west side of Castle Street was
taken down, and the street carried back to its
present alignment, Brunswick Street being opened
at the same time. This necessitated the entire
rebuilding of the bank premises.
When the mighty financial crash came in 1793
Heywoods' stood firm, and supported the measures
taken for the maintenance of credit.
Shortly afterwards there was an accession to the
firm of a new member, Samuel Thompson. He had
been in their employ for some time. In the direc-
tory for 1 796 he appears in the appendix under the
head of " Heywood & Thompson, merchants,"
but not till 1800 is he mentioned as banker.
y8 LIVERPOOL BANKS & BANKERS CHAP.
On nth February 1795 died Arthur Hey-
wood, the founder of the firm, being then in his
seventy-ninth year, and on loth August of the
same year his brother, and long time partner,
Benjamin, died at Manchester, aged 72. l
In 1798 the Heywoods began the construction
of the building — which is still associated with
their name — the bank premises in Brunswick
Street, with dwelling-house attached, having
entrance from Fenwick Street.
The date of removal from Castle Street to
Brunswick Street is approximately given in the
following advertisement of January 1799 : —
" To be sold all those buildings on the west side of
Higher Castle Street, now used in part as a bank by
Messrs. Heywood & Co., and in part as a dwelling-house
with coach-house behind. Possession may be had in
May 1800, or sooner if the new bank, building by
Messrs. Heywoods in Brunswick Street, shall be ready
for occupation." 2
On 3rd May 1800 Richard Heywood died,
aged 49, at his seat at Lark Hill, " a gentleman
universally respected for his integrity, benevolence,
i Arthur Heywood's widow, Hannah, survived him till 8th
September 1806, dying at her then residence, 4 Great George Street,
at the age of 83. Benjamin's widow, Phoebe, removed to 16 Knight
Street, where she died Z5th May 1810, aged 84.
i 2 The building in Castle Street was taken down in 1864 to make
way for the new building of the Mercantile and Exchange Bank,
whirh had a short and inglorious career. It is now occupied by the
Scottish Widows Insurance Company.
HUGH JONES
vii HUGH JONES 99
and goodness of heart." He had no children/ and
the headship of the bank devolved on his younger
brother Arthur (II).
The partner, Samuel Thompson, had in 1800
his residence at 48 School Lane, but on 131)1
August 1 80 1 he married Miss Hughes, the
daughter of John Hughes, Esq., of Chester,
and took a house in the more fashionable quar-
ter of Slater Street, where he resided till about
1806-7, when he removed to Rodney Street.
The fourth son of Arthur (I) was John
Pemberton Heywood, a barrister, who resided
at Wakcficld. Two of his sons, Richard (11)
and John Pemberton (II), became members of
the banking firm.
The second son of Arthur (I) was Benjamin
(III), who resided at Stanley Hall, Wakcficld.
He had married Elizabeth, the widow of William
Serjeantson. Their eldest daughter, Elizabeth,
married on 24th March 1806, at St. Thomas's
Church, Liverpool, Hugh Jones.
Hugh Jones was the youngest son of Thomas
Jones (1740-99) of The Court, Wrexham, son
of John Jones, who had married Maria Mar-
garetta, daughter and co-heir of Sir Thomas
Longueville, Bart. Thomas Jones was formerly
Lieutenant in the iO4th foot, and subsequently
> Hit widow, Mary, died nth December ilji. In her
year, at her HOUM in St. Michael'*, Tottnh Park.
ioo LIVERPOOL BANKS & BANKERS CHAP.
Captain of Militia, both of Denbighshire and
Merionethshire. He had married, first, Jane
Jones; secondly, Ann Lloyd, and Hugh Jones
was an offspring of the second marriage. The
latter was born 2Oth September 1777. His
eldest brother, Thomas Longueville Jones, took
by Royal Licence the name of Longueville in
lieu of that of Jones, and was the progenitor
of the family of Longuevilles of Oswestry. On
his marriage, Hugh Jones became a partner in
Heywoods' Bank, and took up his residence at
8 Great George Square, but by 1813 he had
taken a house, No. 61, in the chosen retreat
of the affluent and dignified, Rodney Street.
On 24th September 1822 died at his seat,
Stanley Hall, Wakefield, Benjamin Hey wood,
aged 70. He was succeeded at Stanley Hall
by his son Arthur (III), who married, ist
June 1825, Mary Duroure. He died s.p. in
1831.
On 1 6th December 1833 died in his thirty-
second year another member of the firm, Richard
(II), son of John Pemberton Heywood of Wake-
field.
The year 1835 marks the transference of the
entire Corporation accounts to Heywoods' Bank,
thus adding further prestige to the firm. Fuller
note of the matter is given under Leyland and
Bullins. The following year saw many events
SAMUEL HENRY THOMPSON
TII SAMUEL HENRY THOMPSON 101
which had influence on the proprietorship of the
bank.
On the 9th January, at his house in Aber-
cromby Square, died Samuel Thompson,1 in his
sixty-ninth year. He was succeeded in the
bank by his son, Samuel Henry Thompson, who
married, 24th January 1837, Elizabeth, eldest
daughter of Joseph Brooks Yates of West Dingle.
On 28th January 1836, at St. George's Church,
Liverpool, was married Robertson Gladstone,
second son of John Gladstone* of Liverpool,
and Fasque, Kincardineshire, to Mary Ellen,
third daughter of Hugh Jones, a partner in
Hcywoods*. In the fulness of time their son,
Robertson Gladstone, obtained a partnership in
the bank.
1 In addition to hii partnership in the bank, Samuel Thompson
had a tubiidiary business at insurance broker, jointly with William
Thompson, junior, Jame* Thompson, junior, and John Gunning.
This partnership was, however, dissolved ji*t December lSt4, and
Samuel Thompson in 18x5 opemd an insurance office on his own
account at to Exchange Alley. On 1st November iSt6 he was elected
a member of the Corporation, and became Bailiff for llaS. His eldest
daughter was married at St. Michael's Churrh, Liverpool, on 6th
August 18x9 to Owen Wynne of Sligo, eldest son of William Wynne,
Esq., of Dublin ; and hit second son, Arthur, was married at the
Parish Church, Prendergast, on loth September 18)6, to France*
Catherine, eldest daughter of James Bcllairs, E*q., of The Moaat,
Haverfordwest.
* It is worthy of note that in Billinge's Lrnrfml A+»ntu<T for 1800
appears a single-line entry, " 29th April, John Gladstone, E*q., to
Miss Robertson." Two of the sons of that marrUg* were the above
Robertson Gladstone, and William Ewart Gladstone, of world-wide
fame.
102 LIVERPOOL BANKS & BANKERS CHAP.
On 2 ist April was married at St. George's
Church, Liverpool, John Pemberton Hey wood,
third son of the late John Pemberton Heywood
of Wakefield, to Anna Maria, second daughter
of the above Hugh Jones. This marriage be-
tween close relatives certainly consolidated the
several interests in the bank.
On 1 3th September of the same year died
Arthur Heywood (II), in the eighty-third year of
his age.1
On nth October was married at Ambleside
Richard Heywood, eldest son of Hugh Jones, to
Margaret, only daughter of John Harrison, Esq.,
of Ambleside. He appears to have been given a
partnership in the bank a little earlier than this.
Taking leave of the bank in 1837, we find the
existing partners are Hugh Jones, his son Richard
Heywood Jones, John Pemberton Heywood, and
Samuel Henry Thompson.
After the death of Arthur Heywood, Hugh
Jones succeeded him in the occupancy of Lark
Hill, West Derby, where Arthur Heywood Jones
1 There is no mention of his marriage in any official account, but in
"The Creevey Papers," under date 23rd November 1833, Thomas
Creevey writes that Arthur Heywood had married what is known in
current slang as " a woman of no importance." He mentions a kind-
ness done by Arthur Heywood to a son of the Earl of Sefton, who
had committed a similar imprudence, and adds, as to Arthur Hey-
wood's wife, "As she was a remarkably good kind of woman, he may
think that Berkeley's tit may be the same " (vol. ii. p. z€8, edition
1904).
JOHN PEMBERTON HETIVOOD
m THE THOMPSONS' GIFT! toj
still resides. He died, lyth June 1842, at Con-
naught Place West, Hyde Park, in his sixty-sixth
year.1
John Pemberton Heywood resided at the bank
house in Fcnwick Street, but a little later than
this period had his country residence at Norris
Green, West Derby. He died s.p. in 1877.
Samuel Henry Thompson3 resided with hi*
father in Abercromby Square, but on his marriage
he removed to Dingle Cottage, Toxteth, near the
home of his wife's relatives. In 1847 he pur-
chased Thingwall Hall, near Liverpool, with
about 300 acres of park land. He died December
1892, aged 85.
The banking business was sold in 1883 to the
1 In a notice of hit death in the Ln>erp**l Mtmry occur* the follow-
ing:— " It would be difficult to name a tingle benevolent institution
which has not experienced hit generosity, and will not iulfrr by hi*
death." He left .£500 to the Liverpool Infirmary, and ^500 to the
DUpensarie*.
1 No account of this bank would be complete without grateful
reference to the benefaction* which the city of Liverpool ha* received
from this gentleman'* tons, Rev. Samuel Ashton Thorn p*on-Yate*
and Henry Yate* Thompson. To the former, who died November
1903, Liverpool Univenity it indebted for it* magnificently equipped
medical laboratories. To the latter, whom Liverpool delighted to
honour in October 1901 by conferring on him the honorary freedom
of the city, Liverpool owe* it* splendid palm-hou*e» in Sefton and
Stanley Parks, with adequate furniture. In another direction he is
remarkable as having been the proprietor of the P*U MM (*«•**/,
during which period James Greenwood and John Morley were MX-
cessive editor*. He waa also the purchaser of the magnificent Ash-
burnham collection of manutcripts, and the library of Newnham
College owes much to his generality.
io4 LIVERPOOL BANKS & BANKERS CHAP.
ru
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PEDIGREE OF IIEYWOODS
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106 LIVERPOOL BANKS & BANKERS CH. vn
Bank of Liverpool for .£400,000, and is known
now as the Heywoods' branch of the Bank of
Liverpool.
For convenience of reference, outline pedigrees
are given on pages 104-105.
CHAPTER VIII
WM. CREGSON, SONS, PARKE, AND NORLAND.
Tumi i ion from merchant* to banker*- Partner*— WM of I he frMwh
Revolution — Inspection of bank'* aflalr*— Wa». OrvfMM. tom».
Parke*. ft Clay— DiMolution of Utt-aamed ttm— GtvfwMM M*
Clay— Satpentioo of the bank— Corporation reward* a*4 pwaUfe-
menti — Claim* paid in full.
THE earliest records of this house commence
during the period of the Seven Years' War with
France. Privateering was practised by both
nations, and Liverpool contributed its quota of
armed merchantmen. Among others we find,
in 1756, Messrs. Gregson & Bridge trading with
the West Indies in an armed vessel, and in the
following year despatching a frigate of eighteen
guns. The senior of the above firm of mer-
chants, and of the subsequent banking firm, was
William Gregson, son of John Gregson. The
latter died list July 1758, in the eighty-third
year of his age, and at that time William Gregson,
in his fortieth year, was already an eminent mer-
chant. Like other merchants of the period, he
did not confine his activities to one line of
business. In addition to his mercantile (which
io8 LIVERPOOL BANKS b* BANKERS CHAP.
included the African or slave trade), shipowning,
and privateering pursuits, Mr. Gregson had a
rope-walk, and was an insurance broker, or under-
writer, as we should at present term it. The
style of the mercantile firm was Gregson and
Bridge, subsequently Gregson, Bridge, & Holme.
There were two insurance-broking firms with
which he was identified — Gregson, Case, & Co.,
and Gregson, Bridge, & Co. Both these latter
firms appear to have dissolved partnership in
1778-9. One circular is as follows: —
" 1st January 1779.
"The partnership carried on between the subscribers,
as insurance brokers, under the style or firm of Gregson,
Bridge, & Co., is this day dissolved by mutual consent.
Persons owing money are requested to pay their debts to
Thomas Morland, their clerk, at the office near the
Exchange.
WM. GREGSON.
JAMES BRIDGE.1
THOS. EARLE.
THOS. BiRCH.3
1 James Bridge was Bailiff in 1765. He died 151!! December 1791.
His widow, Mary, survived him till 2nd July 1835, being then aged 91.
2 The above Thomas Earle was probably Thomas Earle, afterwards
of Spekelands, born 1754, who married his cousin Maria, daughter of
Thomas Earle of Leghorn, 2oth April 1786, and died gth July 1812.
Through them the Earle family is continued to the present day.
3 Thomas Birch was Bailiff in 1771, and Mayor in 1777. He was
son of Caleb Birch of Whitehaven ; he married Eleanor, daughter
of Bernard Bushby, and died in 1782. His son Joseph was partner
i.ii WILLIAM GREGSON ic9
We learn from a further circular in 1782 that
the firm of Gregson, Case, & Co. was dissolved
about the same time as Gregson, Bridge, & Co.
This dissolution arose from the bankruptcy of
Thomas Case, who was also a partner in the
bankrupt firm of Clayton, Case, & Co.
William Gregson took an active interest in
the general affairs of Liverpool, was elected 2nd
April 1760 a member of the exceedingly " close'*
Common Council, progressed to Bailiff in the
same year, and became Mayor in 1762 (not 1769
as given by Picton). On I7th July 1769 he was
sworn Justice of the Peace for the county of
Lancaster. In 1761 William Gregson was resi-
dent in James Street, but he was one of the
earliest merchants to reside in the outskirts of the
town. So early as 1769 we find him occupying
a house on the east side of the lane leading from
Newsham House to Breck Lane. This house
was afterwards tenanted by Christopher Rawdon,
who in later years was the first Chairman of
Directors of the Liverpool Commercial Bank.
But in 1786 William Gregson bought and rebuilt
with hit father as Liverpool merchants. Born ijth June 1755, he
married 6th March 1786 Elizabeth Mary, third daughter of Ben-
jamin Hcywood, was for some time M.P. for Not:ingham, was created
a baronet joth September llji, and died aind August 1833. Hi*
son, Sir Thomas Bernard Birch, Bart., born ilth March 1791, was
M.P. for Liverpool 1847-51. Joseph Birch bought the estate of Red
Hazlrs, Prescot, from th« Case family, for whom see under Moss
and Co.
no LIVERPOOL BANKS b* BANKERS CHAP.
the house at the corner of Folly Lane (now
Brunswick Road) and Everton Road. This
house had been formerly tenanted by Dr. Fabius,
and subsequently by the father of Joseph John-
son, partner with John Gore in Gore's Advertiser.
In front of the grounds was a public well, and
the site is now approximately indicated by the
hostelry known as " Gregson's Well."
Just when the banking firm, as such, crystal-
lised out from the mixture with other businesses
is not clear. The earliest mention of it in the
Liverpool directories is in the year 1790, when
it is given, "William Gregson, Sons, Parke, and
Morland, bankers, 15-16 Paradise Street," near
the lower end of College Lane. They do not
appear in the joint circular of the bankers in June
1784 (see Chapter III.), but the newspapers of
1788 and 1789 make references which indicate
the existence of the bank as a separate institution.
Hence it is considered that it emerged about the
time William Gregson entered his new house, say
1785-6.
The sons in the bank were John and James.
An elder brother, William, was appointed, 2nd
August 1780, Town Clerk of Liverpool, on the
death of Francis Gildart, but died in February
of the following year on his passage to Lisbon,
whither he was proceeding for the benefit of his
health.
nn THOMAS PARKE , ,,
The youngest brother, Richard, died 3rd Feb-
ruary 1786.
William Gregson also had a daughter, who was
married 3ist December 1783 to George Case.1
At the time of the public appearance of the
bank, John Gregson was an Alderman of Liver-
pool, having been elected Bailiff in 1777, and
Mayor in 1784. He resided in Duke Street, at
the corner of Suffolk Street, and married, loth
May 1786, Miss Clay, daughter of the late
Richard Clay.
His brother James, following the usual custom
of the times, resided over the bank, first in
Paradise Street, and then in Lord Street. When,
on 1 5th October 1799, he married Miss Rigg, he
quitted these bachelor rooms, and took up his
residence at I Duke Street.
Thomas Parke, another of the partners, was a
descendant of a family long resident in Liverpool.
His grandfather was a successful captain in the
West India trade. He had two sons, Thomas,
who was in business in Liverpool as an iron-
monger and anchorsmith, and John, who was a
merchant in Abchurch Lane, London. Whether
these two brothers had ventures in common is
i George Ca«e was ton of John Ca«e of Prescot. He became a suc-
ccuful Liverpool merchant, and was Mayor in 1781. When John
Gregson died in 1807, George Gate tucceeded him a> Receiver-General
of Taxes for the County of Lancaster. He died ind November 1836,
agrd 88, at his residence, Walton Priory.
M2 LIVERPOOL BANKS & BANKERS CHAP.
not known, but they both figured in the same
Gazette^ 22nd November 1758. Their mother
Dorothy, then a widow, was so affected by these
misfortunes that she immediately took to her
bed, and died broken-hearted early in December.
She lived in the present Derby Square, and her
household goods were sold by auction in January
1759-
It will give some indication of the wide-
spread interest taken in privateering when it
is remarked that the managers of and principal
shareholders in a (then) large vessel of 250
tons, 1 6 carriage guns, 20 swivels, and 154 men,
were Thomas Parke, ironmonger, and Stanhope
Mason, draper.
Thomas Parke, subsequently banker, was son
of this Thomas Parke, and appears in our earliest
directory, 1766, as Thomas Parke & Co., linen mer-
chants, Covent Garden. By 1769 they had removed
to Old Church Yard, and later on their business
was transferred to Chorley Street. He, in common
with the other Liverpool merchants, at first lived
over his business premises, but by 1784 he had
a house in the fashionable Duke Street. He had
by the regular process of evolution risen from
trader to shipowner and privateer owner. Mat-
ters prospered, and about 1781 he had bought
and occupied Highfield House, West Derby.
This spacious mansion was formerly the residence
wu THOMAS JOHN I'AKKl MJ
of the Dowager- Duchess of Atholl,1 ami had
about 34 acres of grounds attached. He, in
the course of time, acquired additional lands,
so that when the property was offered for sale
in 1828, after the death of his widow, the sur-
rounding estate amounted to 1 20 acres. It was
lavishly kept up, and extensive hot-houses were
erected.
Though a wealthy man, Thomas Parke took
no active interest in municipal affairs.
He and his wife Anne, daughter of William
Preston, had several children.
The eldest son was Thomas John Parke, equally
well known in his day as Thomas Parke, jun.
He entered the banking firm, and will occupy
our attention hereafter. He married, 22nd
October 1804, the daughter of John Colquitt,
Town Clerk of Liverpool.
The second son was Preston Fryers Parke,
afterwards Major of ist Regiment of Duke of
• Th. l.U of MM bad b«n toU by th« jrd D«k, of AlhaU to
1765. bat IM aad hi* dnceadaau retained the rigbt of appotottof tW
BUbop tad away of the eWqty. HM rwloVac* M HJfairid pro****
ma txcrlUnt ihiof for the Utvrpool ekrgy, wrtral ot vbooi rrerivW
the bUbopric. Of OM pmnmlo* iaiitbtn (•• U»irptii ") talk •
capital Moty. Re*. Claodiv* Crifaa wmt mdmtnttt ol St. AJIM'», a»d
bdaf to a rrry ancMtala Mat* of bemlih, wbra Dr. Hii>« dM to
I7S4 be wu appolaud bl.bop by in* DK!MM of AlHoU, wbo tataftn
that UM SM wooU •gain btcoaM vacmat by ta« Haw W» «oa, wbo VM
thra a minor, woo Id be raady to uke po«*naioa; b«t eoXrary •»
r«p«ctaiioa, ht litcd to pono»» the Mtbaprk iwraiy-i»« year* TW
•aa of tb« Dacbctt died to UM latarlax
M
1 14 LIVERPOOL BANKS & BANKERS CHAP.
Lancaster's Own Militia. He died j./>., 2nd
February 1832, at Ceynsham Bank, Cheltenham.
Two other sons were John and Ralph, who
both died s.p.
The youngest son was James, first of the
Middle Temple, barrister-at-law, next Baron
Parke, and subsequently Lord Wensleydale.
Born 22nd March 1782, he married, 8th April
1817, Cecilia Arabella Frances Barlow, youngest
daughter of Samuel Barlow of Middlethorp, near
York. Having no surviving male successor, Sir
James Parke was deemed by Lord Palmerston in
1856 a proper person on whom to confer a
life peerage. But the House of Lords would
have none of it, and the outcome was that the
usual patent had to be substituted for the pro-
posed one. His title was Baron Wensleydale of
Walton, in the county of Lancaster. His eldest
daughter, Cecilia Anne, married, 2ist September
1841, Sir Matthew White Ridley, 4th Baronet,
and her son was the first Viscount Ridley, who
died 28th November 1904. She died 2Oth
April 1845. Lord Wensleydale died 25th Feb-
ruary 1868, in the eighty-sixth year of his age.1
1 Two brief notices of Baron Parke by a good judge may be given :
" Baron Parke was a great lawyer, and educated for the law, when the
cultivation of advocacy and great knowledge of the law were essential
to success."
" Baron Parke was one of the shrewdest of men, as any one would
discover who attempted to deceive him." — " Reminiscences of Sir
Henry Hawkins," 1904.
rm THOMAS MO R LAND it;
During his lifetime his fondness of legal subtleties
gained for him a suggested epitaph :
Hie jacct Jacobus Parke,
Qui leges Anglix in absurdum rcduxit.
Thomas Parkc had also three daughters. The
eldest, Hannah, was unmarried, and died 25th
March 1827.
The second, Alice, was married, ist August
1791, at Walton, Liverpool, to Sitwcll Sitwcll,
son of Francis Sitwell of Renishaw, Derbyshire.
They had two daughters and a son. The latter,
George, was born 2Oth April 1797, and his
mother died the following month. Sitwcll
Sitwell was created a baronet on 3rd October
1808.
The third, Ann, was married, 2jrd September
1805, to John Groome Smythe of Worsficld,
Shropshire, and died his widow, 4th November
1852.
The remaining partner in the firm was Thomas
Morland. He had been in the employ of
William Gregson for many years, and had acted
as liquidator of the various firms in which
William Gregson had been interested, and
which in process of time had been dissolved.
He in 1781 was resident in Hanover Street,
married on 26th July 1789 Alice, daughter
of Robert Williamson, and by 1790 resided
n6 LIVERPOOL BANKS & BANKERS CHAP.
in Seel Street. He came from a Knutsford
family.
William Gregson, alike from his business con-
nections as from his municipal position, had great
influence in the town, and it is not surprising
to find that the Corporation accounts, yearly
rapidly increasing in value, were kept with
Gregson & Co.
The firm commenced its business in Paradise
Street, but soon it gravitated nearer to the centre
of commerce, the Exchange.
Early in 1792 it occupied premises at No. 13
Lord Street. It will be convenient here to call
to remembrance that Lord Street was not the
broad spacious street we now have. On the con-
trary, it was a narrow, confined street. Castle
Street then ran in an unbroken line across the
present splendid mouth of Lord Street right to"
Cable Street, and the entrances from Castle Street
were through Castle Ditch, on the north side
from Harrington Street, on the south from Cable
Street.
Here Gregson & Co. were when the panic of
1793 took possession of England. They suffered,
and on April 15, 1793, they issued the following
notice : " The creditors of William Gregson,
Sons, Parke, & Morland are requested to meet at
the bank on Wednesday next, at ten o'clock, to
receive the report of Messrs. Walker, Case, and
TOT RECONSTRUCTION OF THE FIRM 117
Ley land,1 who have undertaken to inspect their
affairs, and to adopt such measures as shall be
sufficiently expedient for the general interest of
every person concerned."
Gregsons survived this ordeal, but reconstructed
the firm. Their circular, dated 25th November
I793> is as follows: "The banking business
heretofore carried on by Messrs. William Greg-
son, Sons, Parke, & Morland will in future be
transacted under the firm of William Gregson,
Sons, Parkes, & Clay." *
Thomas Morland left the firm, and we find
him in 1796 living at 3 Slater Street, described
as ** gentleman." In the directory for 1 800 no
entry is made of the name.8
i They were three of the principal merchants of the town. Richard
Walker was the ton of Richard Walker, merchant, who in November
1759 had married the sister of Richard Watt, merchant in Kingston,
Jamaica. The latter amassed a large fortune, came home on nth
August 1781, died in 1796, aged 71, leaving half a million sterling
between his two nephews, Richard Watt and Richard Walker. The
latter married on nth December 1787 the eldest daughter of Edward
Wilton, but she died ^yd October 1788, in her twenty-first year.
He then married on ist June 1790 the daughter of William James. He
died 1801.
For George Case, see ante, p. 1 1 1 ; and for Thomas Leyland, see
Leyland and Bullins, p. 169.
* Richard Brooke (" Ancient Liverpool," p. 254) puts the date of
this change at 1795 or 1796 ; but evidently he was not aware of this
circular.
* In the directory of 1803 there is a Thomas Morland, coast waiter,
Rodney Street. About 1811 he removed to Brownlow Street, where
he died, 2nd February 1819, aged 65. Whether or not these two are
identical, I have been unable to ascertain. The ages would appear to
be about the same in both cases, and both came from Knuuford.
„
8 LIVERPOOL BANKS & BANKERS CHAP.
The new partners were Thomas John Parke
and Henry Clay. The first was the son of
Thomas Parke, and had been with the bank for
some years. Both he and Henry Clay had been
appointed members of the Town Council on yth
November 1792. He graduated to bailiff in
1794. At this time he was joint-tenant with
James Gregson of the bank house in Lord
Street, but on his marriage, 2Oth October
1 804, to the daughter of John Colquitt, the
Town Clerk, he took a house in Ranelagh
Place.
Henry Clay was the son of Richard Clay, who
died 28th October 1774. The latter was an
eminent tobacco manufacturer, residing in Church
Street, with his warehouses and manufactory in
School Lane. The title of his firm was Clay &
Midgley. When in 1774 his son succeeded him,
the title of the firm became Clay, Holding, &
Parry, and so continued till 1790, when the style
became Clay, Parry, & Midgley. Henry Clay
continued to live with his widowed mother 1 at
23 Church Street, till on his marriage, 25th
April 1791, with Miss Frances Wilson, he re-
moved to 62 Duke Street.
As stated above, he was appointed to the Town
Council 7th November 1792. He became bailiff
in 1793, the year in which he joined the bank.
1 Mrs. Clay died 4th September 1794.
TIII SECESSION OF THE PARKES 119
His sister had married his partner, John Gregson,
in 1786. The firm thus reconstituted pro-
gressed favourably, and by 1796 John Gregson
had obtained the office, with large emoluments,
of Receiver-General of the Land Tax for the
county of Lancaster, and had removed his abode
to 6 Slater Street. But the senior, William
Gregson, died on the 28th December 1800, aged
81, being then father of the Corporation of
Liverpool. John Gregson thereupon removed
to the mansion at Everton, and here in 1 803 he
entertained Prince William of Gloucester.
In 1805 Henry Clay became Mayor. But
trouble was in store for the bank. On 25th
November 1805 the following circular was
issued : —
" The co-partnership carried on by us under the name
of Gregsons, Parkes, & Clay, as bankers, is this day dis-
solved by mutual consent.
(Signed) JNO. GREGSON.
JAS. GREGSON.
THOS. PARKE.
THOS. J. PARKE.
HENRY CLAY."
The business was continued by John Gregson,
James Gregson, and Henry Clay.
Some undisclosed scandalous conduct in the
bank's affairs on the part of Thomas J. Parke was
the reason for the dissolution. But there can
120 LIVERPOOL BANKS £5? BANKERS CHAP.
be no doubt that the defection of the Parkes
caused a considerable weakening of the bank's
capital.
The new partnership continued business till
2 ist April 1807, when John Gregson committed
suicide by hanging himself at his house in Ever-
ton, being then aged 52.
The bank then ceased business, and its affairs
dragged on for a great number of years. Smithers
("Liverpool," p. 167. Liverpool, 1825) says
that upon the final adjustment of the concerns,
recently made, the full amount of all the debts
were paid.
In January 1808 the freehold and other pro-
perties belonging to the bank were offered for
sale. Among them was a moiety of the " Golden
Lion Inn," Dale Street, which in 1837-8 became
the site of the building of the Liverpool Royal
Bank.
Early in April 1807 the Corporation of Liver-
pool voted Henry Clay a piece of plate valued at
i oo guineas, as a testimony of the Corporation to
the respectful attention shown to H.R.H. the
Prince of Wales on his visit to Liverpool.
He had recently taken a country house in
Lodge Lane, and at this he lived in retirement
for some years.
But the Corporation of Liverpool, whatever its
faults, did not forget its friends. On I7th June
viii REWARDS AND PUNISHMENTS 121
1 8 1 1 James Gildart, Receiver of the Dock
Duties, died suddenly^ and the very next day the
Corporation appointed Henry Clay to the vacant
office. Later on he resided at 15 Wavertree
Road, where he died suddenly on 28th May 1828.
He is described by "The Old Stager" as a
" frank, jovial, light-hearted fellow."
But if the Corporation could thus reward one
of its members, it could also punish others.
Under date 5th December 1813 the Council
minutes run :—
** The opinions of Mr. Holroyd and Mr. Scarlett,
relative to the power of this Council to remove Mr.
Thomas John Parke, one of the members, for his gross
misconduct when a partner in the late banking house of
Messrs. Gregson & Co., and for his continued neglect of
attendance at the Council of this Borough, having been
read,
" Resolved and ordered, that the regular summons re-
quiring the attendance of Mr. Parke at the next Council
be served upon him and repeated, as recommended in the
Opinions, with a view to the expulsion of Mr. Parke as
one of the members of the Council."
"1814, April 6//r. — Resolved that the resignation of
Mr. Thomas John Parke as one of the members of the
Council signified in his letter to the Mayor — now read —
be and the same is hereby accepted."
It is curious to note that although Mr. T. J.
Parke is thus stated in the Council minutes to
have been allowed to resign, yet at the Com-
122 LIVERPOOL BANKS b* BANKERS CHAP.
mission held in 1833 to inquire into the Liver-
pool Corporation, Mr. John Foster, the then
Town Clerk, stated that the Corporation possessed
power to expel its members, which they had exer-
cised in two instances, Mr. Thomas John Parke
and Mr. Weston.
After a while Mr. T. J. Parke retired to
France, becoming one of the large army of
refugees, who, leaving their country for their
country's good, yet drew considerable sums
from their estates, without contributing to the
heavy taxation of the period. He died at
his residence, Beau Sejour, near Tours, on 5th
September 1823.
His father, Thomas Parke, continued his resi-
dence at Highfield, " a fine, glorious, jovial old
man," in the words of " The Old Stager," until
his death, 3<Dth November 1819, aged 90. His
wife, Anne, survived him till i6th December
1827, being then in her eighty-eighth year.
The remaining partner, James Gregson, con-
tinued his independent business, and by 1 8 1 1 had
removed from Great George Street to 46 Rodney
Street, then having an insurance office at the
north side of the Town Hall. Both the private
and business addresses indicate a certain amount
of well-being, but later traces of him are not
available.
His character is preserved by " The Old
nn JAMES GREGSON 123
Stager/' whose thumb-nail sketches are all of
men he had met. " We had also our circle of
wits. . . . Jim Gregson, who lived in Rodney
Street, a man of racy humour, with a fund of
originality about him which revelled in the utter-
ance of good things."
CHAPTER IX
THOMAS, SAMUEL, AND JOSEPH CRANE.
THIS was by no means an important firm, and
had, as a bank, but a short existence. The first
of the family who honoured Liverpool with his
presence was Samuel, who having had some
London experience in book-selling, commenced
business on 24th November 1775 at 43 Water
Street, opposite the Talbot Hotel, as a bookseller
and stationer. Early in July 1777 he was married
at St. Anne's Church to Miss Glass. His brothers,
Thomas and Joseph, were grocers in Chester,
having a dwelling-house and land at Boughton,
where they carried on the manufacture of stone
and Prussian blue. The three joined hands, and
on 1 6th November 1786 the following circular
appeared : " Thomas, Samuel, and Joseph Crane
respectfully inform the public that they have
opened a bank, the corner of Dale Street, near
the Exchange, where business in that line will
be regularly transacted on liberal terms." This
house was numbered 174 Dale Street. In
CM.W THOS., SAMUEL, fc» JOSEPH CRANE 12$
October 1787 they had a fire on their premises,
which did but little damage. As illustrative of
the time is added the newspaper remark : " They
were insured — a pleasing precaution.*' In De-
cember of the same year Joseph Crane removed
his bookselling and stationery business (which
included patent medicines, &c.) to the corner of
Mathew Street and John Street. On loth June
1788 a commission in bankruptcy was issued
against them, and by December of that year a
dividend of 6s. 8d. in the £ had been paid on
debts " to which there was no objection." Those
debts to which there was objection included bills
issued by them " payable to fictitious payees," so
that the class of business done by Cranes may
readily be inferred.
It appears that the house in John Street was
their property, and this, with a house on the
west side of Hope Street, with garden attached,
were sold by auction. The Chester properties
too came under the hammer.
Other dividends were paid in 1792, 1794, and
1796.
Castle Street was widened in 1786, and in
that and the following year the west side was
rebuilt. In February 1789 Samuel Crane notifies
the public " that he has removed to the new
side of Castle Street, four doors from the
corner of Brunswick Street, nearer the Ex-
ia6 LIVERPOOL BANKS b* BANKERS CH. ix
change." This was numbered 58 in 1790. By
the directory of 1796 the business appears as
Crane & Jones, and this firm published The
Liverpool Guide. By 1800 the name of Crane
had disappeared.
CHAPTER X
STANIFORTH, INGRAM, BOLD, AND DALTERA.
Staniforth, Ingram, Bold, & Daltera — The partners, and their con-
nections— Ingram, Kennett & Ingram of Wakefield— Dissolution
of partnership.
THE banking firm under the above style had not
a long career, but the several partners were fully
typical of their time. Full of energy and re-
source, they engaged in multifarious businesses,
and enjoyed considerable reputation in their day
and generation.
They commenced business as bankers at the
latter end of 1791, and closed on the ist January
1795. The banking house was in Pool Lane
(now South Castle Street), at the corner of
Litherland Alley, immediately opposite King
Street. The partners were Thomas Staniforth,
Francis Ingram, Jonas Bold, and Joseph Daltera.
THOMAS STANIFORTH was an eminent mer-
chant, principally engaged in the Greenland
fisheries. This business was commenced in
Liverpool in 1750 by Charles Goore, Bailiff in
1747, Mayor in 1754-5 and 1767, who died
128 LIVERPOOL BANKS & BANKERS CHAP.
1 3th March 1783, aged 81. His wife Margery,
daughter of Henry Halsall of Everton, died
1 2th August 1776, aged 70. About 1764 (?)
Thomas Staniforth appears to have married their
daughter Elizabeth, and on Charles Goore's re-
tirement from business some time prior to 1774
(his son Henry having died 7th August 1771,
aged 35), Thomas Staniforth joined the business
of himself and his father-in-law, Goore had
also a ropery extending from Ranelagh Street to
the south end of Renshaw Street, and to this
Thomas Staniforth also succeeded. When Rane-
lagh Street was built up and Lawton Street
formed, the offices of and entrance to the rope-
walks were in the latter street. A large business
was done in supplying cordage, &c., to the rapidly
increasing number of mercantile and privateer
vessels.
The products of the Greenland fisheries were
seal skins, seal oil, whalebone and whale oil,
Staniforth's warehouse for the whalebone being
at the top of Hanover Street.
Thomas Staniforth is given in our earliest
directories as residing in Union Street, but by 1777
he had built and occupied a large mansion in
Ranelagh Street. This eventually became the
famous Lynn's "Waterloo Hotel," and its site
is now occupied by the Central Station. He was
also a partner in a wine, rum, and brandy firm,
THOMAS STANIFORTH
x THOMAS STANIFORTH 129
but this was dissolved ist July 1776, the business
being continued by his partners, Richard Machell
and Thomas Burton. Like the vast majority of
the merchants of Liverpool, he had shares in
slavers, and on the formation of the African
Association in July 1777 he was appointed a
member of the first committee. As early as 1774
he was elected to the Chamber of Commerce, and
continued his services for many years.
He took an active part in municipal govern-
ment, having been appointed to the Town Coun-
cil in 1781, in which year he also became Bailiff.
He was elected Mayor in 1797, after an extremely
severe contest. He was a man of enlightened
views, and was in 1789, on the founding of the
Liverpool Marine Society for the benefit of
masters of vessels, their widows and children,
appointed first President. He was interested in
music, and was at one time President of the
Music Hall, the forerunner of our present Phil-
harmonic Society. He died i5th December
1803, in his sixty-ninth year, his wife surviving
him till 29th January 1822, being then aged
84. They had a daughter, who died I3th Feb-
ruary 1791, aged 26.
The son, Samuel Staniforth, who succeeded to
the business and residence, was a notable char-
acter. He is frequently referred to in the
election squibs as "Surly" or " Sulky Sam,"
130 LIVERPOOL BANKS & BANKERS CHAP.
which his temperament justified, and he had the
reputation of being the ugliest man in Liverpool.
He was Bailiff in 1804, and Mayor in 1812, but
later in life he did not prosper in business, and
obtained the post of Distributor of Stamps. He
died 5th April 1851, aged 82, his wife Mary,
who was connected with the Littledales, having
predeceased him on 24th August 1846, being
then aged 73. When in business he had as a
partner in the rope-making concern William
Laird, but the partnership was dissolved 3ist
December I82I.1
Samuel's son was Thomas, who entered the
Church, and was in 1832 inducted to the rectory
of Bolton-in-Bowland, on the presentation of
John Bolton of Storrs, Windermere.2
1 William Laird then went to Birkenhead, and joined Daniel Horton
as boiler-makers. This partnership was dissolved 4th October 1818,
William Laird continuing.
2 John Bolton was the retired wealthy West Indian merchant and
active Liverpool politician, whose house in Duke Street witnessed
many notable election events. He was a vigorous supporter of
Canning, and from the balcony of his house Canning made his last
public speech in Liverpool. On the resumption of the war with
France in 1803 Bolton raised and equipped at his sole expense a
regiment of 800 men. This, the ist Battalion of the Liverpool
Volunteers, he commanded, and he is therefore constantly referred to
as Colonel Bolton. He had willed his country seat, Storrs, Winder-
mere, with 3000 acres of land surrounding it, to Harold Little-dale, but,
in consequence of the latter having lost ^3000 in helping a Scotch-
man to work a kelp invention in the Western Isles, he altered his will
and devised the estate to the Staniforth family, the Rev. Thomas
Staniforth succeeding, with a proviso that failing male heirs it should
revert to Harold Littledale. The Rev. Thomas Staniforth died in
* FRANCIS INGRAM 131
FRANCIS INGRAM, the second partner, was an
excellent sample of the old Liverpool merchant,
shrewd, capable, courageous. The business in
Liverpool was commenced by his brother
William, who had his office and residence at
the house in Pool Lane, where the bank we
are now considering subsequently made its home.
They were sons of William Ingram of Oulton,
near Wakefield, and of Sarah, daughter of Eliza-
beth Bradley. The latter was daughter of John
Bever, through whom the Ingrams inherited a
considerable amount of property in Wakefield,
including that even now remarkable timbered
house known as the '*Six Chimneys," in Kirk-
gate. William Ingram died 2yth June 1753, at
the early age of 49, and his widow, Sarah, survived
him till 8th December 1780, being then aged 75.
William the younger was early to the fore in
business, and in respect in the town.
When Thurot was ravaging the British coasts,
the Liverpool Corporation and the inhabitants
1886, and under the proviso the estate pasted to Harold Littledale'i
only daughter, Sarah Annabella, who had married, 151*1 August 1874,
Sir Thomas Fletcher Boughey, Bart., of Aqualate, co. Stafford.
The Rev. Thomas Staniforth rowed in the first race between Oxford
and Cambridge, and dined with the crewi on the fiftieth anniversary
of that race. Samuel Staniforth had an only daughter, Sarah, who
Carried, jist May iSxS, Frederick Greenwood of SwarclifTe Hall,
vorks. They had a son, John, whose third son, Edwin Wilfred, suc-
ceeded to the Rev. Thomas Staniforth's property, and on ;th December
1887 assumed by Royal Licence the name and arms of Stan) forth. He
is of Kirk Hammerton Hall, Yorks.
132 LIVERPOOL BANKS & BANKERS CHAP.
successfully raised four companies of volunteers
for the defence of the town. Each company
was accoutred at its own expense. One of the
companies was captained by William Ingram,
and made a brave show on review in 1760 "in
scarlet coats and breeches, lapelled and faced with
green, green waistcoats, gold-laced hats, and
queue wigs." He was then but twenty-four
years of age. He was a good sportsman, had
his game-cock matches, and raced his horses
against rivals for 100 guineas a side.
When Sir William Meredith contested Liver-
pool in 1761, one of his principal supporters,
and host during the election, was William
Ingram. On the declaration of the poll, Sir
William was chaired from the Exchange to the
house in Pool Lane.
About 1767 William Ingram retired to Oulton,
near Wakefield, and died I4th October 1770,
aged 34. He by will, dated 3ist January 1763,
devised his estate to his mother Sarah.
His brother John had died November 1758,
aged 2 1 . He had properties in Kirkgate, Wake-
field, contiguous to the " Six Chimneys," which
had been surrendered to him in 1750 by John
Bever, and in 1766 his property was conveyed
to his " only surviving brother and next heir,
Francis." This does not agree with the fact
that William was then living.
z PRIVATEERING 133
Sarah Ingram, by will dated 2yth March
1776, appointed her estate to her son Francis,
who thus practically came into all the family
property.
He succeeded to his brother's business and
premises in Liverpool about 1767. The business
was that of a general merchant. Needless to
say that it included the " African " or slave trade.
We find him in 1772 dealing in ivory, teeth, and
hardwoods, and he became a member of the first
African Committee in 1777.
Francis Ingram & Co. also were interested in
privateers during the War of Independence and
the subsequent war with France. Fortunately
some records of this house survive, and some
of the letters of instruction given by them
to Captain Haslam of the Enterprise privateer
are given in extemo in Corner Williams* "The
Liverpool Privateers." They show great ad-
ministrative ability, and are happy examples of
the care, forethought, and capacity displayed by
a Liverpool merchant of this date. Partners in
their enterprise were Thomas and William Earle
and Thomas Leyland. Francis Ingram had also
a share in a ropery business, under the title of
Ingram, Brown, & Co., but this was dissolved in
March 1778, and the business continued by
Thomas Brown. Towards 1789 he advertised
his house for sale, as he was preparing to quit
134 LIVERPOOL BANKS & BANKERS CHAP.
Liverpool for Wakefield, to which he was drawn
by so many family ties. It did not find a pur-
chaser, and he appears as occupier in the directory
of 1790, possibly continuing in possession until
it was taken over by the bank in 1791.
In Wakefield he started a banking firm, Ingram,
Kennett, & Ingram, his partners being his son,
Abraham Richard Ingram, and Benjamin Kennett.
He also opened a similar business at Halifax, his
partners being his three sons, William, Henry,
and Abraham Richard, and one Robert Witham.
Precisely when these businesses were started is
not known, but we find that, on 7th November
1792, a marriage took place at Eccles between
Benjamin Kennett of Wakefield, banker, and Miss
Cath. Steer of the same place.
Some of Francis Ingram's businesses in Liver-
pool were continued. He had acquired the
works on Copperas Hill for the manufacture
of copperas, and under the style of Ingram and
Spranger the manufacture was there continued
until June 1 807, when the works were transferred
to Litherland.1
Other interests were continued under the title
of Ingrams, Rigby, & Co., which firm had offices
1 Picton (" Memorials of Liverpool," vol. ii. 202, ed. 1875) says the
copperas works on Copperas Hill were discontinued before 1796.
This is incorrect: they were discontinued in the name of the former
proprietor, Richard Hughes. In the map of 1796, as Picton notes,
the works are still shown.
x FAILURE OF BANK AT WAKEFIELD 135
first in Lower Castle Street, and later in Hey-
wood's Yard, Gradwell Street. The partnership
was continued until 3ist October 1803, the
public notice of dissolution being issued so late
as 8th April 1805. The then partners were
Francis Ingram of Wakefield, banker, William
Ingram of Halifax, banker, James Rigby of West
Derby Breck, merchant, and Richard Butler of
9 Kent Square, merchant.
In the directory for 1 807 the style of the firm
is given as Ingrams & Butler, merchants, 19 Parr
Street. Hence it would appear that the dissolu-
tion of partnership was only as regards James
Rigby. The firm is given as shipowners in the
list of Bidston signals for 1808.
In 1807 the bank at Wakefield became in-
volved, the then partners being Francis Ingram,
Benjamin Kennett Dawson, and Abraham Richard
Ingram. They executed a deed, 9th July 1807,
to certain trustees, making the real and personal
property of each of the partners liable for the
debts due by the bank. Further, on I9th and
2Oth October 1 809 other deeds were executed by
Francis Ingram, making over his estates in Wake-
field to the same trustees, subject to a debt due
by the bank to their London agents, Messrs.
Williams & Co. For the security of that debt
Francis Ingram had deposited with Messrs.
Williams & Co. the title-deeds of the estate.
136 LIVERPOOL BANKS fer BANKERS CHAP.
The co-partnership at Halifax was found indebted
to the co-partnership at Wakefield, and the pro-
perty was conveyed so that the proceeds of sale
should be applied in discharge of the debt of
the Halifax house to the Wakefield one. It
is satisfactory to note that at the finish all the
debts of the bank were paid in full.
Francis Ingram continued to reside in St.
John's Place, Wakefield, where he died, 28th
August 1815, aged 76. His wife, Christian,
survived him till iyth February 1816, being
then aged 74.
They were both buried beneath the chancel of
All Saints, the parish church of Wakefield, now
the Cathedral Church. Here also were buried
the parents of Francis, William, and Sarah, with
their other children, William, John, and Eliza.
Also Catherine, Ann, Sarah, Mary, and Henry,
children of Francis and Christian Ingram ;
Henry was the youngest son, and died I3th
March 1850, aged 69.
Also Frances, who died I5th September 1831,
aged 65, the wife of John, the son of Francis,
also their children, Thomas, Frederick, and
Caroline.
The stones which recorded the above were
covered over when the chancel was paved with
tiles, but brasses were placed on the spots cor-
responding to the burying-places.
* FRANCIS INGRAM 137
In 1866, by the will of Abraham Richard
Ingram, a monument to the memory of his
parents was raised in the church by the filling
•of the east window with new tracery and painted
glass at a cost of £800. On a brass below the
window is the following inscription : —
"In mcmoriam Francisci et Christianz Ingram
Parent urn hanc fencstram vitream ex testamento
Abrahx Ricardi filii corum heredcs rcficicndum et
pictura ornandum curaverunt a.d. mdccclxvi."
It is not found that Francis Ingram's eldest
son, John, was ever identified with any of the
businesses. He married, iith February 1794,
at Wycliffe, Yorks, Frances, only daughter and
heiress of William Gream of Heath, near Halifax.
In 1833 he erected a brass at the west end of the
south aisle of Wakefield Church to the memory
of his parents, Francis and Christian, his daughter
Caroline, and his wife Frances. His son, Hugh
Francis, placed a memorial brass at the west end
of the north aisle to his father and sister. After
stating that John died 3Oth January 1841, and
giving like particulars of the sister, it says : —
"Deo scilicet animas reddiderunt. Romae
Urbis intra muros sepulchrum habcnt."
From the fact that in all these inscriptions no
mention is made of Francis's son William, one
of his former partners at Halifax, the author
138 LIVERPOOL BANKS fef BANKERS CHAP.
is inclined to connect with this family the
following, who carried on business as coal
merchants in Oldhall Street, and were interred
in St. Philip's, Hardman Street, Liverpool : —
William Ingram, d. 16 Oct. 1824, aged 56.
Jane, wife of do., d. 29 Nov. 1819, aged 46.
Francis Ingram, d. 16 Jan. 1825, aged 50.
Both the names and the ages point to this
inclusion.
The third partner, JONAS BOLD, was a member
of a very old Liverpool family. He commenced
business on his own account early, having acquired
in 1768 "The Old Sugar Mold Works," near the
Folly (now Islington), formerly carried on in the
name of Charles Wood & Co. He was then in
his twenty-third year. " At the works were
made sugar moulds and drips, chimney moulds,
large jars for water, black mugs of sizes, crucibles
and melting pots for silversmiths, founders," &c.
But, of course, he must needs go in for the
African trade. In 1777 he was one of the
African merchants who formed a committee to
regulate this business. His firm during the wars
with America, France, Spain, and Holland de-
spatched their privateers, in common with the
majority of Liverpool merchants. In the early
part of his career he lived at 64 Strand Street.
Not far off, at 14 Redcross Street, near the
x JONAS BOLD 139
corner of Strand Street, lived Isaac Oldham,
sugar merchant. The writer is unable to trace
any relationship between the two, but on the
death of the latter on i4th July 1782, aged 76,
Jonas Bold succeeded to the mansion and the
business. Bold's third son was born in 1785, and
was christened Isaac Oldham. Redcross Street
at this time was a very fashionable street. Here
Jonas Bold lived in luxury for many years. He
was chosen by the Common Council to be one
of their body, became Bailiff in 1796, and Mayor
in 1802, after a contest. He belonged to the
Conservative party, yet in 1790, when a memorial
was addressed to the Mayor and Bailiffs, signify-
ing strong dissent from the manner of selecting
members for the Council, and objecting to some
members who had been chosen, we find his name
as one of the signatories. The matter complained
of was not remedied until after the Parliamentary
Enquiry into the Corporation in 1833.
In 1797, when news reached Liverpool of the
invasion of England at Fishguard by the French,
the usual active spirit was displayed. One
thousand volunteers were immediately enrolled,
and were divided into eight companies. Of one
of these Jonas Bold was captain. His house was
on the south side of Redcross Street, below Sea
Brow, and he transferred all the sugar business
of Isaac Oldham to his own premises in Strand
1 40 LIVERPOOL BANKS &" BANKERS CHAP.
Street, from which he constructed a counting-
house and sugar warehouses, jointly known as
Bold's Court.
Sometime prior to 1807 he acquired a house
in Burlington Street, Bath, where he died, 2Oth
October 1822, aged 77.
His eldest son, Arthur, became Vicar of Stoke
Pogis, Bucks, and died there, 2ist January 1831.
The second son, Peter, died in Jersey, 5th August
1832. The third son, Isaac Oldham, married,
1 8th June 1816, Elizabeth, daughter of the late
John Gregson of Everton (see Gregson & Co.).
He was a merchant, entered the Town Council,
and became Bailiff in 1827, at the same time as
Samuel Thompson, one of the partners in Hey-
wood's Bank. He died 5th December 1853,
aged 68, and his wife Elizabeth died 26th May
1857, aged 61.
Bold Street is named after Jonas Bold, who in
1786 had a lease of the land granted him by the
Corporation. He forthwith proceeded to lay out
the street. He also owned land at the top of
the street, extending over the site of St. Luke's
Church. He also owned by 1790 several acres
of land in Everton, near St. Domingo Mere.
The remaining partner was JOSEPH DALTERA,
also a merchant. One of his early advertisements
has caused certain ill-informed people to imagine
that the sale of human beings was the regular
i JOSEPH DALTERA i4i
custom in Liverpool. This, of course, was not
the case. The fact that practically the whole of
the sales took place far beyond the ken of the
man in the street was one of the main causes of
the apathetic attitude of the bulk of the people
towards the viciousness of the slave trade. Had
the horrors of the traffic been before their eyes,
there is no doubt but that the iniquity would have
been swept away long before the time when, by
the persistent efforts of noble philanthropists, this
was accomplished. The instances of actual sale
might be counted on the fingers of one hand,
though it is notorious that a black attendant,
regarded certainly as a chattel, was the frequent
apanage of a fashionable establishment.
The advertisement, appearing under date iyth
June 1757, is as follows :—
"To be sold 10 pipes of raisin wine, a parcel of
bottled cyder, and a negro boy, apply to Joseph Daltera,
merchant, in Union Street, who sells at his warehouse
near the Salt House, Dock Gates, fine, second, and coarse
flour."
He prospered for a while in business, and in
1774 we find him elected to the Chamber of
Commerce. But in 1778 he was declared bank-
rupt, his partners being John Dobson and John
Walker, deceased. He appears to have soon
rehabilitated himself, for in 1780 he was again
i42 LIVERPOOL BANKS & BANKERS CHAP.
elected to the Chamber of Commerce. His life,
after his becoming a partner in the bank, was
but short. He had, after one or two changes of
address, settled down in the fashionable Hanover
Street sometime prior to 1774, and here he re-
sided till his death, 2nd October 1793.
His wife Jane survived him thirty-three years,
dying at her house in Rodney Street, loth January
1826, in the ninetieth year of her age.
They had a son Joseph, though no one ever
called him by that name : to every one he was
" Joe." Nominally he was an attorney and
notary, but his real life was that of a diner out.
In demand as a wit and raconteur ^ he wasted his
undoubted talents in one long round of dining
and dissipation. " The Old Stager " has many
amusing pages of his sayings and doings.
As before stated, the bank existed but a few
years. It is not mentioned in Gore's " Directory,"
because there was no issue of that valuable volume
between 1790 and 1796. But in the brief period
of its existence it had experience of one of the
stormiest times that ever the banking and com-
merce of England were subjected to. The strain
caused by the declaration of war with France in
1793 was well-nigh intolerable, and in Liverpool
led to a remarkable and bold experiment, detailed
in a separate chapter, to counteract the universal
distrust.
x DISSOLUTION OF PARTNERSHIP 143
The circular notifying the dissolution is as
follows : —
"The partnership in the banking house at Liverpool,
carried on under the firm of Staniforth, Ingram, Bold,
and Daltcra, was dissolved by mutual consent on
1st January 1795. Witness our hands:
THOMAS STANIFORTH.
FRANCIS INGRAM.
JONAS BOLD.
JAMES DALTERA.
Exor. of late Jos. DALTERA.
LtVEBPOOL, Afrit 14, 1795."
Fancy a modern bank giving notice of a dis-
solution of partnership four months after the
event !
CHAPTER XI
THE LIVERPOOL CORPORATION ISSUE
OF NOTES.
The panic of 1793 — Special meeting and resolutions of Town Council
— Appointment of joint-committee of Common Councilmen and
merchants — Report — Meetings of merchants and resolutions —
Application for assistance to Bank of England — Refusal of ap-
plication— Application to Parliament by petition for leave to
bring in a Bill authorising the issue of negotiable notes — State-
ment of Corporation property — Bill passed — Issue of notes —
Early retirement of notes — All loans paid off.
WHEN the panic that set in, on the declara-
tion of war by France in 1793, ruined many
merchants of the highest status, overthrew
Charles Caldwell & Co., and menaced the other
bankers and merchants in the town, it was felt
that a united effort was needed to cope with the
situation. The then Mayor, Clayton Tarleton,
on the 2Oth March 1793 held a meeting of the
principal merchants of Liverpool in the Ex-
change. Sundry resolutions were passed, and
in compliance with one of them the Mayor
called a special meeting of the Council, which
was held the same day. The report of this
M4
CH. xi FAILURES OF 1793 145
meeting, taken from the Corporation Records,
is as follows: —
•' 1793, Man A SO.
" Cmmm TAUJTON,
"The Mayor having reported to this Council that
the late extensive failures, particularly of some great
commercial and banking houses in London, were almost
immediately followed with the failure of a very old and
principal banking house in Liverpool ; that the latter
failure had now caused such an alarm in this town and its
neighbourhood, that not only the other banking houses
were greatly distressed, but there was an apprehension
of a general calamity to the merchants, traders, and
inhabitants of this place, and to the County of Lancaster
at large, from the shock to public confidence and from
the want of immediate pecuniary resource. That under
this impression he had this day held a meeting of some
of the principal merchants in the Exchange, at which
several resolutions were entered into, and they had
unanimously subscribed the following paper, earnestly
requesting him to convene the Common Council to
consider whether it might not be proper to offer the
Corporate Seal to the Bank of England for a loan of
money to assist the credit of this place by an application
under the direction of a Committee, composed of an
equal number of Members of the Common Council and
of respectable Merchants out of the Council, or to con-
sider whether it was possible for the Common Council,
by taking measures in their Corporate capacity, to avert
the common ruin that seemed to threaten the commerce
of the town.
"It is, therefore, now unanimously resolved by the
146 LIVERPOOL BANKS & BANKERS our.
Council that the very unprecedented and truly alarming
state of the public credit of this country, and of this
town in particular, does, in the opinion of this Council,
well justify the Meeting of the Merchants held here this
day and the requisition made for the convening of this
Special Council.
" That the representations now made of the distresses
of all commercial persons in this town do well deserve
the very serious attention of this Council, so as to induce
them to consider whether any, and what, effectual relief
can be afforded in their Corporate capacity. That they,
therefore, do now nominate the following six members,
viz. the Mayor, Mr. Alderman Earle, Mr. Alderman
William Crosbie, junior, Mr. Alderman Case, Mr.
Brooks, and Mr. Statham, a Committee to confer with
the same number of gentlemen appointed by the
Merchants at large at their meeting held this day in
the Exchange ; that such Committee be requested to
prepare themselves with a report of what they may
consider proper to be done ; the same to be made at
a further Special Council which the Mayor is now
instructed to call to be held to-morrow evening at six
o'clock."
The members appointed at the meeting of
merchants to the joint-committee were Messrs.
John Brown, Edward Falkner, Richard Walker,
Thomas Hayhurst, Thomas Leyland, and Jacob
Nelson.
The committee met and prepared a report,
which was presented to the Council at their
n PRESSING NEEDS OP MERCHANTS 147
special meeting on list March. The report
reads : —
"That they had found, after an interview with the
four existing banking houses in the town, that the sum
of a hundred thousand pounds was wanted, and would be
sufficient to answer the present exigencies ; . . . that it
was expedient for the preservation of public credit that
some speedy method should be adopted of raising the
money ; . . . that the most desirable mode would be by
an application from the Corporation to the Directors of
the Bank of England through the medium of Mr. Pitt,
the Chancellor of the Exchequer, and of the Lords of
the Treasury ; . . . that such loan when obtained should
be advanced, under the direction of the Committee
through the local bankers, on satisfactory securities,
within the space of fifteen months, beyond which period
it was their opinion no further advances would be
required."
Public notice was given by the meeting of
the merchants on 2Oth March in the following
terms : —
" We whose names are hereunto subscribed do mutually
pledge ourselves to each other, and the public, that we
are ready and willing to receive in payment the bills of
the several Banking Houses in this town of WILLIAM
CLARKE & SONS, ARTHUR HEYWOOD, SONS, & Co.,
WILLIAM GREGSON, SONS, PARKE, & MORLAND, and
STANIFORTH, INGRAM, BOLD, & DALTERA, at ONI or
148 LIVERPOOL BANKS & BANKERS CHAP.
Two months' date, as hath been the usual and cus-
tomary practice."
Signed by 223 merchants and firms.
On 25th March a further advertisement
appeared : —
"At a GENERAL MEETING of the Merchants and
Traders in this town, held in the Exchange on Wednes-
the 20th inst., and at a SPECIAL COUNCIL held in the
evening of the same day, to consider of the most prob-
able means for restoring the public confidence in the
present Stagnation of Credit, the following gentlemen
were appointed a joint COMMITTEE to deliberate upon
the most speedy and effectual means of accomplishing so
desirable an object, viz. : —
Committee of Merchants. Committee of Council.
John Brown, Clayton Tarleton (Mayor),
Edward Falkner, Alderman Earle,
Richard Walker, Alderman Wm. Crosbie,
7 '
Thomas Hayhurst, Jun.,
Thomas Leyland, Alderman Case,
Jacob Nelson, Joseph Brooks,
Richard Statham,
which Committee, having sat the two following days are
happy in finding that the result of their deliberations
appears to have met with general approbation, and the
more so as they entertain the pleasing hope of the good
consequences being soon experienced : from those motives
they are induced to submit the following resolution to
the consideration of the public : —
n APPLICATION TO BANK OF ENGLAND 149
" Reiofoed unanimomfyj That this Committee having the
interest and welfare of the town of Liverpool very much
at heart, and taking into consideration the difficulties
that may arise in providing for the bills which may be
returned in the present critical state of credit, DO MOST
EARNESTLY RECOMMEND to the holders of such bills, as
one very important means of obtaining the above laud-
able purpose, to make the payments as easy to the parties
who may be called upon as shall be consistent with
prudence to themselves : And, as in many cases,
Ferbtarance may be a wise measure for the interest of
the public in general, and of the bill holders in par-
ticular, this Committee recommend as much indulgence
as the exigency of the times and their own discretion
will admit, and as may be most prudent and eligible, in
every point of view.
"JOHN BROWN, Chairman.1*
The Town Council confirmed the report of
the ioint-committee, and appointed a deputa-
tion to proceed to London to wait on the
Chancellor of the Exchequer and the Bank of
England. The application was not successful.
While negotiations were proceeding, a letter
signed " A Tradesman " appeared in William-
son's Advertiser of 8th April recommending the
pledging of the Corporation credit for three
months by the issuing of notes to the amount
of £100,000, £200,000, or £300,000, and
referring to the Corporation of Dublin, who,
it is alleged, borrow everything they want on
150 LIVERPOOL BANKS £3* BANKERS CHAP.
Debentures. This was to be in lieu of the
Corporation " treating with the Bank of Eng-
land for the present loan."
A special Council meeting was called for
April 15.
" It having been reported by the Mayor that the
negotiations with the Bank of England for the loan of
£ 1 00,000 on the Bond of this Corporation not having
been successful, he and the other delegates from the very
urgent necessity of removing with the greatest expedition
possible the present stagnation of credit in Liverpool,
thought it their duty to apply, and accordingly have
applied, to Parliament by petition in the names of the
Mayor and others of the Common Council then in
London on behalf of themselves and the rest of the
Council, for leave to bring in a Bill for the purpose of
empowering the Corporation to issue negotiable notes to
a certain amount and for a given period, on the credit of
the Estate of the said Corporation.
" This Council do fully in all respects ratify and con-
firm every step which has been taken, and hereby fully
empower the delegates to take every measure which
shall seem to them expedient and necessary in order to
carry into effect the said petition."
The latter was as follows : —
" That the trade and commerce of the town have of
late years greatly increased, and were continuing to do
so till the stagnation of credit which has lately taken
place both here and in other parts of the kingdom
xi PETITION TO PARLIAMENT 151
checked the same, and occasioned serious alarms of
further inconvenience.
" That in the event of such a want of credit being
even for a short duration, your petitioners have great
reason to apprehend the town of Liverpool will be greatly
injured thereby, and that the manufacturers and traders
throughout the County of Lancaster will feel the effects
of it to a very great extent, by which the interest of the
public and of individuals will be materially affected and
the Estate of the Corporation of Liverpool will be much
lessened in its value.
" That this alarming evil may, your petitioners humbly
conceive, be remedied by authority being given to the
Corporation to issue negotiable notes for different sums
of money, in the whole considerably below the value of
their estates after making allowance for their present
debts, the notes to be payable with lawful interest
thereon or otherwise at a time to be limited ; provision
being made that the estate of the said Corporation shall
be subjected to the discharge of the said notes at the
period at which they shall become payable.
"With this view your petitioners are desirous of
laying before the House a precise statement of their
property and of the engagements to which it is liable
in order to enable the House to judge of the grounds of
this application."
The statement of their property is as follows.
It is to be noted that it is dated 2ist March
1793, and was doubtless primarily prepared to
exhibit to the Chancellor of the Exchequer and
the Bank of England.
152 LIVERPOOL BANKS & BANKERS CHAP.
GENERAL ACCOUNT AND VALUATION OF THE ESTATE
AND REVENUE BELONGING TO THE CORPORATION
OF LIVERPOOL, TAKEN THE 2IST OF MARCH IJ93-
Income for 1792.
£ s. d.
Fines received for renewal of leases . 2270 14 4
Ground rent received for 1792 . . 1027 I 10
Rent for buildings in possession, let to
tenants at will . . . . 5166 17 6
Rents for land in possession, let to tenants
at will . . . . . 1349 i o
Amount of town's duties . . . 12, 1 80 7 o
Graving docks ..... 1701 16 5
Anchorage . . . . . . 211153
'Small tolls called ingates and outgates . 321 9 7
Weighing machine . . . . 143 4 o
Rent of seats in St. George's Church . 268 1 1 o
Arrears of interest from parish of Liver-
pool . .- . : ; . . . 360 o o
25,000 17 ii
Interest and Annuities paid in 1792.
Annual interest upon the bond debts, £ s. d.
principally 4^ per cent. . . 15,835 14 3
Annuities upon bond . . . .'" 2109 12 10
Balance in favour of the Corporation1 . 7055 10 10
25,000 17 ii
1 In the statement given by Aikin, "Thirty Miles Around
Manchester," p. 378 (London, 1795), of the Corporation Finances,
there is an error of j£iooo in the Revenue Statement. This has been
copied into Brooke's "Ancient Liverpool," p. 408 (Liverpool, 1853).
xi CORPORATION ESTATE 153
Value of the above articles, adding that
of the land not built on, and the / s. d.
strand of the river . . . 1,044,776 o o
Valuation of the debt , .. ^ . 367,816 12 o
Balance in favour of the Corporation 676,959 8 o
Exclusive of a balance due from the
trustees of the docks, and of the
reversionary interest of certain lots
of ground laid out for building,
both together estimated at . . 60,000 o o
Exclusive also of public buildings,
and ground appropriated to public
purposes, valued at , • . 85,000 o o
Net value of Corporation property .821,959 8 o
The Bill so promoted passed its first reading
on 2nd May, the second reading on 3rd May by
a majority of I9,1 and passed into Committee,
finally passing loth May, and is known as 33
George III. cap. 31. This Act enabled the
Corporation of Liverpool to issue for two
years, against the deposit of approved securi-
ties, promissory notes for £5 and £10, not
bearing interest, and of £50 and £100, bear-
ing interest, the total amount not to exceed
£300,000.
1 In the minority voted John Tarleton of Liverpool, then member
for Seaford, in SUMCX. In 1796 he contested Liverpool, and this vote
was then brought up against him.
iS4 LIVERPOOL BANKS fc* BANKERS CHAP.
The Corporation then issued the following : —
"CORPORATION LOAN OFFICE.
*'To the Merchants and Inhabitants of Liverpool.
"GENTLEMEN, — The Committee for carrying into
effect the Act lately passed for issuing negotiable notes
by the Corporation, on laying before you the rules
and regulations by which the plan will be conducted
and the terms on which loans will be granted by the
Common Council, beg leave to observe that they have
framed both with a view to give every accommodation
to the public, consistent with due safety to the Cor-
poration Estate. This was indispensably their duty, and
they flatter themselves their endeavours to unite those
objects will be found effectual, and be viewed and
received with candour.
"The business of a Loan Office on the principles
intended by the Act is without a parallel ; and there
being no institution from which the Committee could
derive information to aid their deliberations, they do
not suppose that the rules and regulations now laid
before you are the best possible ; a little experience
may point out their defects, and those defects will be
remedied and removed as they are discovered. The
mode of obtaining a loan will be found unembarrassed,
easy, and expeditious ; the terms are as moderate as the
expenses which will unavoidably attend the institution
would permit, and fixed on that sure basis which will
protect the Corporation Estate from injury.
" It now rests with you to second the endeavours or
the Corporation. The inconveniences resulting from a
convulsion before unknown in the Commercial history of
it LOANS BY CORPORATION 155
this country, all have been exposed to, all have in a
greater or less degree experienced : the remedy in a
considerable degree is now within your power, and that
is by receiving the notes to be issued in discharge of all
your simple contract debts.
" That you may inspire each other with confidence in
this respect, it is recommended that you signify your
assent to do so publicly and without reserve. It has
been suggested that this intention will be most easily
collected by signing your acquiescence at Mr. Gore's
shop near the Exchange.
" The notes will be ready to be issued in a few days,
and notice will be given of the day on which the Public
Office will be opened in the Exchange.
"The Committee, and all persons employed under
them, will be bound to observe an unviolable secrecy on
all applications to the Office for Loans or in any other
respect
" By order of the Committee,
**JoHN COLQUITT, Secretary.
" CoftroRATioN LOAN OFFICE,
" LIVERPOOL, »8/A May 1793."
The public notice of the appointment of
Commissioners was as follows: —
"Liverpool, — At a Common Council, held in the
Council Chamber, within the Exchange there, this 5th
day of June 1793, being the first Wednesday in the
month, pursuant to ancient custom.
"In pursuance of an Act of Parliament, made and
passed in the thirty-third year of the reign of his present
156 LIVERPOOL BANKS fe1 BANKERS CHAP.
Majesty, King George the III., entitled ' An Act to
enable the Common Council of the town of Liverpool,
in the County of Lancaster, on behalf and on account of
the Corporation of the said town, to issue negotiable
notes for a limited time and for a limited amount,' the
said Council do now authorise George Case, Thomas
Earle, Henry Blundell1, Joseph Brooks, Thomas Naylor,
and Henry Clay, all of Liverpool aforesaid, merchants,
and Richard Statham of the same place, gentleman,
and each of them severally and respectively, to sign and
subscribe for and on behalf of the said Corporation of
Liverpool, the notes to be issued and paid by the said
Common Council, by virtue and under the powers of
the said Act of Parliament.
" COLQUITT, Town Clerk.
" N.B. — The Corporation Loan Office, in the Ex-
change, is open for the despatch of business, the rules
and regulations of which may be had at the said
office."
Judicious use was made of the powers thus
acquired, and the result was a great success. So
much so was it that the Loan Committee found
themselves in March of the next year in the
happy position of being able to take up notes in
their priority of date before they were due, and
public notice was given to the effect that notes
payable in June would be taken up in April,
and later a second notice stated that the notes
xi LOANS PAID OFF 157
payable in June and July would be paid on
2 ist April.
On 1 2th March 1793 tnc Annual Report of
the Negotiable Note Office was presented, by
which it appeared that the notes issued to 25th
February amounted to ^140,390, and the value
of the securities deposited to ^155,907, i6s. 6d.,
and that the amount of notes then in circulation
was ^35,315. The Committee stated that much
good had been done by the issue, and were of
opinion that the Act should be extended for
another three years. The extension was allowed
for another year only. On 7th September
1796 the Committee presented a report pre-
paratory to the final winding up of the opera-
tions under the Act. The loans were stated
to have all been paid off, and the notes
withdrawn.
The engraved forms of the promissory notes
were as follows : —
No. LIVERPOOL, 179 .
Twelve months after date I promise to pay to
or bearer One Hundred pounds, with interest
for the same after the rate of per cent, by the year.
For the Corporation of Liverpool.
£ One hundred.
Entd.
158 LIVERPOOL BANKS fcf BANKERS CH. xi
No. LIVERPOOL, 179 .
On demand I promise to pay to or
bearer Five Pounds, according to an Act of Parliament
passed in the thirty-third year of the reign of H/s
Majesty King George the Third.
For the Corporation of Liverpool.
.£Five.
Entd.
The notes for ^50 and £10 were respectively
in accordance with the two forms as given above.
s
§
<*
fc
8
I
CHAPTER XII
SIR MICHAEL CROMIE, BART., POWNOLL, AND
HARTMAN.
Sir Michael Cromie, Bart., Powooll, St Hartman— Note-liming
bank — Partner* — Bank dissolved — Bankruptcies of Pownoll
and Hartman.
THIS bank is not mentioned in any history or
directory of Liverpool that the author is acquainted
with, yet its existence is abundantly attested by
the survival of many of the notes issued by it,
and by various legal notices relative to its bank-
ruptcy. It is especially interesting, since it is the
only genuine banking house in Liverpool that
ever issued notes. When it was founded is quite
unknown, but reference seems to be made to it in
the postscript to the second edition of Jasper
Wilson's (i.e. Dr. James Currie) letter to William
Pitt : " A bank is proposed at Glasgow, and one
has been established at Liverpool, for this express
purpose," i.e. the issue of paper currency. But
this is dated 1793, and all the notes of this
firm yet seen are dated 1801. If the reference is
not to this house, then, accepting Dr. Currie's
160 LIVERPOOL BANKS b* BANKERS CHAP.
statement as fact, we have another paper-issuing
house of which no record is obtainable. In the
directory for 1796, neither the banking house
nor any of the partners individually are in any
way referred to. As is most probable, the
partners were non-resident. It is suggested
also that only the later issued notes of the bank
would survive, viz. those in circulation, as the
earlier ones would on suspension of the firm be
carried away or destroyed. But this, of course,
is mere surmise. The banking office was at the
then 25 Lord Street, on the northern side, some-
where about where the present Lord Street
Arcade is. The same premises were occupied in
June 1801 by Felix Yaniewicz,1 showing that by
that date the bank had ceased to be.
1 Felix Yaniewicz, solo violinist, impresario, music and musical
instrument dealer, was a great factor in local musical life. He con-
ducted at the local musical festivals, and there is ample testimony that
he was an excellent violinist. He occupied the premises of the
defunct banking company for some years. By 1811 the firm had
become Yaniewicz & Green. By 1818 he had taken premises on the
south side of Lord Street, then numbered 60, and had as a partner
Willoughy D. Gaspard Weiss. The latter was a flute player. His
son, born znd April 1820, was Willoughby Hunter Weiss, who was
celebrated as a bass singer in oratorio, and who composed about 1854
the extraordinarily popular setting of "The Village Blacksmith."
He died Z4th October 1867. A recent memory of his voice appears in
H. Klein's " Thirty Years of Musical Life in London " (London,
Heinemann, 1903), when he pictures the Principal of Opie House
School, Norwich, describing to his boys (1863-4?) " the remarkable
voice he had heard in the bass solos of the « Messiah,' " the famous
Weiss. The firm continued at 60 Lord Street till 1817, when, on
3ist August, they gave notice that they removed from that address to
s
§
I
8
I
xii SIR MICHAEL CROMIE, BART. 161
The partners were Sir Michael Cromie, Bart.,
Philemon Pownoll, and Isaac Hartman.
Sir Michael Cromie was son of William Cromic,
a merchant in Dublin, and second son of William
Cromie of Cromore, co. Meath. William Cromic
of Dublin married a Miss Fish, and had two
daughters and two sons, Michael, the heir, and
John, in Holy Orders. Michael was for some
time M.P. for Ballyshannon, and was created a
baronet of Ireland on 25th July 1776, being then
described as of Stacumine, Kildare. He married
Gertrude, only surviving daughter and heiress of
Ford Lambert, fifth Earl of Cavan. She died
3rd May 1796, in her 'thirtieth year, leaving one
son, William Lambert Cromie, and a daughter,
who married Witney Melbourne West, Esq.
Philemon Pownoll is described in his bank-
ruptcy notice as of Piccadilly, London, banker,
z Church Street (late Mr. Hadwen's Bank). This was the second time
in the history of the 6nn that they occupied the premises of bankrupt
bankers. Picton (" Memorials of Liverpool,'* vol. ii. p. 158) says
the concern was discontinued about i8z8. This was not so. Felix
Yaniewicz was called to Edinburgh to conduct the Gentlemen's Con-
certs, but his partner, Weiss, continued for many years as sole pro-
prietor of the firm at z Church Street. He appears at the same place
in the directory for 1845. His will was proved at Chester ist July
1853. But an offshoot of the business arose before 1832. This was
their principal assistant, James Smith, who acquired part of the busi-
ness, and opened premises at 67 Lord Street, and in this year of grace
1905 the premises and business of James Smith A; Son are known to
every musical Liverpudlian. Felix Yaniewicz had a son of the same
name, who was a dentist in Bold Street, and who in 1849 was Presi-
dent of the Liverpool Library.
L
162 LIVERPOOL BANKS fcr BANKERS CHAP.
but he is not to be found in any London direc-
tory between 1790 and iSoo.1
He had interests in several Liverpool firms.
A meeting was called for 9th April 1 802 at the
offices of Messrs. Lace & Hassall, Liverpool, of
the "Creditors of the several firms wherein Mr.
Pownoll was lately a partner."
Of Isaac Hartman all that is known is that
he was a merchant, having estates in the West
Indies.
On the affairs of the bank becoming involved
Sir Michael Cromie escaped to France, where he
lived many years. As his son, William Lambert,
succeeded to the baronetcy in 1824, it is reason-
able to suppose that Sir Michael died in that
year.
Sir William had married in 1816 Anne Rachel,
only child of Sir William Hicks, Bart., but died
s.p. in 1841, when the title became extinct. The
entailed estates went to Rev. William Cromie of
Ardmorance, co. Mayo, son of Sir Michael's
brother John, who had married Emily Juliana
Browne, daughter of Lord Kilmaine.
The other partners were not so fortunate. A
1 It is a very uncommon name, and in the endeavours to trace him
correspondence was entered into with A. S. Dyer, Esq., of 98 Con-
stantine Road, Hampstead, N.W., who kindly sent a pedigree of the
Pownoll family, showing Philemon Pownolls from 1608 to 1780, the
last named being Captain Philemon Pownoll, who was slain 151(1
June 1780 aboard the Apollo, which was in pursuit of a French
frigate. But no further progress has been made.
1
o
<*>
I
o
v ; ; x a
I 4^
xi. BANKRUPTCY OF PARTNERS 163
commission of bankruptcy was issued, 9th March
1802, against Philemon Pownoll, but it was not
until 1 2th April 1808 that bankruptcy was
effected in the case of Isaac Hartman, " late of
Liverpool, banker, but now a prisoner in the
King's Bench (late partner with Sir Michael
Cromie, Bart., and Philemon Pownoll)." Affairs
dragged on with the usual slowness. No men-
tion is anywhere made as to the amount of the
liabilities, but sundry dividends were paid on
Philemon Pownoll's estate, the final one being
1 5th January 1813. Hartman, on his bank-
ruptcy, made an offer of 8s. in the ;£, which does
not appear to have been accepted, as in the
following year his creditors again met to con-
sider " the nature of the proposition made by
Isaac Hartman to settle with them." l
The notes issued by this ephemeral bank are
very well executed. On the left, at the top, is a
vignette of the Liverpool Town Hall, on the
right boldly ornate lettering, " Liverpool Bank."
So far as the writer knows they are of two
denominations only, one guinea and ten guineas,
and for each the letterpress is different. In case
of the one guinea it reads, " I promise to pay
1 Living, a* he did, under the privilege* of the rules of the King'i
Bench, the creditor* had no power to compel him to give up hit
property. It retted entirely with the debtor whether he chose to
compromise with hit creditors, or to lire in security on what property
was left to him.
164 LIVERPOOL BANKS & BANKERS CH. xn
the Bearer on demand " ; in that of the ten
guinea, " I promise to pay Mr. or
Bearer on Demand.'* The author has two
specimens of the guinea note, each dated 23rd
February 1801, and the signatories to the notes
must have been kept well employed on that day,
for one is numbered 122, and the other 4226.
Beneath the vignette on the ten-guinea note it
is stated that it was engraved by Yates, Liverpool.
This is Samuel Yates, whose shop in Lord Street
was next door to this bank. The firm later
became the well-known one of Yates & Hess,
stone, seal, and copperplate engravers. Many of
the notes are signed, on behalf of the partners,
by George Browne, who has been surmised to
be identical with the father of Mrs. Hemans.
This appears to be without sufficient foundation.
Rather more probable it is that he was one of the
scions of the house of Kilmaine, into which Sir
Michael Cromie's brother John had married. On
the other hand, we are well assured that the
J. King who signed some of the notes is Joseph
King, bookkeeper and accountant, whose " Interest
Tables " are largely used in the mercantile world
of to-day.
CHAPTER XIII
RICHARD HANLY.
Richard Hanly — " Muck Corporation of Sephton " — " Record* of a
Liverpool Fireside " — Merchant and then banker — Deed of
assignment to creditors.
THE bank which Richard Hanly opened was
situate in Renshaw Street. He himself had been
brought up as a banker's clerk. The first public
appearance he made is recorded in the Minutes
of the " Mock Corporation of Sephton" ("Sefton,"
by CarOe and Gordon, Longmans, 1893), where
under date 3rd July 1791 the entry appears,
p. 337 — "Visitor: Mr. Richard Hanly of Liver-
pool, Banker's Clerk. After dinner Mr. Alder-
man Newsham proposed Mr. Richard Hanly to
become a Member of this ancient Corporation,
which, being seconded by Alderman Banner, he
was admitted accordingly, and drank his ale at
one gallant tip." He was son of Captain Richard
and Jane Hanly. The latter was daughter of
Mr. and Mrs. Thomas Askew of Cartmel. Mrs.
Askew died 6th April 1789. The name of
Captain Richard Hanly's father is unknown :
166 LIVERPOOL BANKS & BANKERS CHAP.
his mother died iyth December 1794, in her
eighty-first year, her husband having predeceased
her. She had also a daughter, who was married,
6th June 1775, to Captain Parry, in the West
Indian trade. In this trade also, a euphemism
for the slave trade, was Captain Richard Hanly.
As early as 1770 we find him recorded as captain
of the Liberty at Barbados, with 447 slaves from
Bonny. He was a very prominent member of
that " Liverpool Fireside " whose records have
been preserved from 1776 to 1781. They fanci-
fully described themselves in their proclamation
as " The President and Members of the Society,
deputed by jEolus to sell winds at the Port of
Liverpool, at their office, Sign of ' The Three
Tuns,' in Strand Street." l
On 25th March 1776 an entry runs, "Captain
1 The author has been enabled by the kindness of Cyril Lockett,
Esq., to inspect this volume. The Society was almost entirely com.
posed of captains of vessels, slavers, and privateers, with a minute lay
element of superior tradesmen in the neighbourhood. Definite sums,
which duly went for refreshment of the members, were fixed for fair
winds. Another source of income was the subscription of each
member of is. 6d. to celebrate his birthday. A list of the birthdays
(the year, however, being omitted) is given of ninety-two members.
Likewise each new suit of clothes, or single garment, had tribute laid
on it.
The hostess of the "Three Tuns," at 31 Strand Street, was Mary
Catherwood. In that very rare volume, "Williamson's Liverpool
Memorandum Book for 1753," occurs, among the list of captains
in the West India trade, the name of Alexander Caterwood as master
of a vessel. It is suggested that the widow of a former skipper would
be likely to obtain the support of his former associates and their
friends.
mi "RECORDS OF LIVERPOOL FIRESIDE" 167
Richard Hanly has paid for a fair wind 33. May
he prosper. Sailed this day." It must have
been an amazing sight to see these rough priva-
tcersmcn, decked out in all their finery, meeting
it their "Club" at the close of each voyage.
Captain Hanly's taste was mild compared with
that of many members. His suits were simple
in colour, " green suit of cloaths," " chocolate
coloured clothes," "blue clothes," "sage green
clothes with white silk." Other gentlemen pre-
sent sported garments of all the colours of the
rainbow, " crimson clothes,*' sky-blue, maroon,
&c. One gentleman had " blue coat, with hell-fire
waistcoat, and thunder and lightning breeches,"
another, " brown coat, with black collar and
yellow buttons, velvet breeches and waistcoat.'*
Captain Hanly's birthday was celebrated each
7th September, but an entry runs under date
I4th September 1779: "The gentlemen present
have this day drank Captain Richard Hanly's
health for his birthday 7th inst., and a speedy
release to him from his present confinement in
France.**
He was not kept long, however, for we find his
reappearance at the club duly noted on ist June
1780. When on shore he lived at 9 Williamson
Square, showing him to be possessed of some of
this world's goods.
When he died has not been traced, but by
168 LIVERPOOL BANKS b1 BANKERS CH. xm
1790 Mrs. Hanly appears as a widow. She died
26th May 1 809. He had three sons: ( i ) Richard,
the subject of this notice; (2) Thomas Askew
Hanly, who became an attorney, with his office
in 1796 at 9 Elbow Lane, and in 1800 at
3 Marshall Street, Lord Street, and living with
his mother in Houghton Street : he disappears
from mention by 1 807 ; (3) Francis, the youngest,
who died loth February 1800 at his brother's
house in Renshaw Street, aged 23.
He had also a daughter, Jane, who married,
7th April 1807, Thomas Payne of Orrell.
Richard Hanly, after the death of his father,
commenced business as a merchant at 28 Renshaw
Street.
He married, 3rd November 1794, a Miss
Stuart. By 1803 he is described as a banker.
But on 8th October 1807 he executed a deed of
assignment in favour of his creditors, and two
years later a first dividend was declared on his
estate. Other dividends were paid, the last noted
being in 1818. He retired to Orrell, where, on
1 4th June 1810, his wife died, aged 40, and here
he himself died, 3rd February 1820.
THOMJS LEY LAND
CHAPTER XIV
LEYLAND AND BULLINS.
Thomas Ley land — Dillon & Ley land — Lottery prize — Christopher
Bullin -Leyland, Clarkes, & Roscoe— Walton Hall— Thomas
Leyland elected Mayor — Slave trade — Leyland & Bullins — John
Naylor— King Street— Death of Thomas Leyland— Will— Char-
acter— Richard Leyland — Corporation bank account — Partners
of Leyland & Bullins — Amalgamation with North and South
Wale* Bank Limited.
THE creator of this noted bank was Thomas
Leyland, born in 1752. His father was Richard
Leyland of Knowsley, of whom nothing is known.
As early as 1774 Thomas Leyland was in busi-
ness with Gerald Dillon as a partner, under the
style of Dillon & Leyland, at the lower end of
Water Street. They were in the Irish trade,
dealing in oats, peas, wheat, oatmeal, bacon, hogs1
lard, &c. They had a moderate but progressive
business, but in 1776 they had a stroke of luck.
They drew a prize of £20,000 in the lottery.
Under date 27th December 1776, Williamson's
Advertiser gives it thus: "No. 52,717 drawn on
Saturday last a prize of £20,006 is the property
of Messrs. Dillon & Leyland, merchants in this
169
170 LIVERPOOL BANKS (jT BANKERS CHAP.
town." l Profiting by his good fortune, Ley land,
on 1 4th May of the following year, married at
St. Thomas's Church, Ellen, daughter of the late
Edward Bridge. He appears to have taken a
house in Houghton Street, then a residential
street.
The following year, 1778, Christopher Bullin,
a Staffordshire ware merchant, at that time resi-
dent in Mathew Street, with his warehouse in
York Street, became bankrupt. He formerly
resided in Duke Street, and afterwards at the
centre of the pottery business, Shaw's Brow (now
William Brown Street). He had married Mar-
garet, Thomas Leyland's sister, and Leyland
appears to have had a great regard for the
members of this family. Bullin appears to have
owned the house in Duke Street, with the ware-
houses extending along York Street to Henry
Street. Whether Leyland, at the enforced sale
in 1778, bought these premises is not known, but
certainly a little later they were* in his hands, and
here he resided for many years.
In 1779 we find Dillon & Leyland taking a
two-sixteenth share in the privateer Enterprise of
F. Ingram & Co. (see Staniforth, Ingram, & Co.),
1 In the MS. "Records of a Liverpool Fireside," 1775-81, this
news was given at the meeting held lyA December 1776, but the
number of the ticket there given is 44,696. Under the date zist
December the same number is given in Gore's " Annals of Liverpool,"
but the names of the fortunate recipients are not specified.
x,v THOMAS LEYLAND 171
and they supplied the beef, pork, &c., for the
cruises.
In 1780 Thomas Ley land was elected to the
Chamber of Commerce, and on 3Oth September
of that year he dissolved partnership with Gerald
Dillon.
The scope of his business, now in Nova Scotia,
Liverpool, increased after this, and by 1788 we
find him a large trader in olive oil from Spain,
Peruvian bark, sherry, Tent & Carlow wines in
butt and hogshead, Ross ox mess beef in tierces,
mess pork in barrels, butter, hides, oats, and
white herrings in barrels. Later on he embarked
largely in the African slave trade, and amassed
huge sums as his profits on this cruel traffic.
When in the midst of his largest enterprises
in this direction, and consequent gains, he, in
1802, entered into partnership with the existing
bank of Clarkes & Roscoe. It was a strange
coalition : the successful slaver and the con-
sistent opponent of slavery ! Be that as it
may, it nevertheless was a powerful help to
Clarkes & Roscoe, help both material and in-
tellectual, for no keener business brain than
Thomas Leyland's was then in Liverpool, and
his wealth was patent.
It has been mentioned before that Leyland
had acquired the property at the corner of Duke
Street and York Street. His counting-house
172 LIVERPOOL BANKS & BANKERS CHAP.
was behind this in Henry Street, and from here
he conducted his large concerns. On 6th Sep-
tember 1802 appeared an advertisement that
Walton Hall, formerly the home of the Ather-
tons, an old Liverpool family who had recently
migrated to Ludlow, " a Residence admirably
suited for a commercial Gentleman of the first
importance," was for sale. Leyland rightly con-
sidered that he filled the requisite condition, and
so promptly bought the estate. Previously to
this he had been co-opted, 5th October 1796,
a member of the Town Council, and the same
year was elected Bailiff". In 1798 he was chosen
as Mayor. At the period when such honours
as the town could offer were at his disposal,
Thomas Leyland was extending vastly his opera-
tion in the African slave trade, and acquired a
spendid income from this source. His partners
in this business were his nephew, Richard Bullin,
and Thomas Molyneux, but in one venture his
partner was William Brown. The well-armed
African traders in many instances carried letters
of marque, and increased their profits by capturing
the ships of national enemies.
In 1802 he entered on the profession of a
banker, becoming senior in the then existing firm
of Clarkes & Roscoe. He quitted them suddenly,
the circular announcing the dissolution being
dated 3ist December 1806, and commenced
1
§
^
§
<
«»
1 J)
1
5
m JOHN NAYLOR 173
business as a banker on loth January 1807 on
his own account in York Street, in a building
separate from, but adjacent to, his office in
Henry Street. The same year he endeavoured
to sell the Duke Street and Henry Street pro-
perty, from which one may hazard the specula-
tion that henceforward Thomas Leyland might
be known as a banker rather than as a merchant.
There was then no sale of the property, nor for
many years after, for in 1815 we find it again
offered for sale. The title of the new firm was
Leyland & Bullin, the partner being his nephew,
Richard.
In 1809 an event took place which had a very
important bearing on the after proprietorship
of the bank. This was the marriage, at Walton,
on 28th September, of Dorothy, daughter of the
late Christopher Bullin and niece of Thomas
Leyland, to John Nay lor of Hartford Hill,
Cheshire, whose uncle, Thomas Nay lor, was
Mayor in 1 796, and during whose year of office
the present supporters to the arms of the city
were granted by George III., and added to the
arms of the town.
About this time his other nephew, Christopher
Bullin, was admitted to partnership, and the title
of the firm now became LEYLAND & BULLINS,
a title borne proudly and unsmirched for ninety-
four years, until, in 1901, under the pressure
174 LIVERPOOL BANKS & BANKERS CHAP.
of modern tendencies, the bank amalgamated with
the North and South Wales Bank Limited.
In 1814 Thomas Leyland was again elected
Mayor. During the hard times of the peace
which followed after the battle of Waterloo,
when the industries which had been necessary
in time of war failed for want of occupation,
when the inflated prices and consequent high
wages ceased, and the working population felt
the revulsion most, there was no more strenuous
supporter of the rights of the people against
the oppression of the middleman than Thomas
Leyland. Whether he remembered his own early
struggles, or whether his sense of justice was
keen, we do not know. But for the engrosser,
the forestaller, the regrater1 he had no mercy.
He, during his mayoralty of the memorable
year 1814-15, made his name a terror to these
evil-doers. Thomas Leyland was accustomed
to visit the markets personally, and brought to
justice those guilty of these offences.
Christopher Bullin does not seem to have
taken any part in the slave ventures or in local
political life. But it was quite different with
his elder brother, Richard. As mentioned above,
1 An engrosser was one who bought large quantities of market
supplies in order to influence the price in the open market; the
forestaller, one who bought provisions before they came to market
in order to raise the price ; the regrater was one who bought and
sold provisions in the same market, thus raising the price.
CHRISTOPHER BULL IN
m LEYLAND & BULL1NS 175
he had shares with his uncle in the slavers, and
with him he had cravings for public life. Hence
we find him co-opted on 4th January 1815 to
the Common Council.
For a great number of years he and Chris-
topher had lived together at a house, then
12 Bold Street, a little above the Lyceum. But
by 1810 Christopher Bullin had removed to
Parliament Street, occupying one of the large
houses opposite St. James* Church. By 1815
Richard had acquired a residence at Fazakerley,
and he is described as of that place in the
nomination for the Council. It is typical of
the intensely local nature of the directories of
the period that they do not register him as
of Fazakerley till 1825.
In 1816 Leyland & Bullins removed to their
new premises in King Street. Their circular,
dated 28th January of that year, is as follows:
" Leyland & Bullins beg leave to inform their
friends that the banking establishment at pre-
sent carried on in York Street will be removed
to their new premises in King Street on
Monday, 5th February." On i8th May of the
same year a presentation of a piece of plate,
value ^500, modelled and ornamented after
the celebrated Roman vase at Warwick Castle,
was made to Thomas Leyland by a number
of Liverpool merchants, William Brown (after-
176 LIVERPOOL BANKS fcf BANKERS CHAP.
wards Sir William Brown, Bart.), as represen-
tative merchant, making the presentation.
When Canning, then member for Liverpool,
returned from fulfilling the post of Ambassador
to Madrid, he was appointed President of the
Board of Control. This necessitated his re-
election for Liverpool. Mr. Ley land was ap-
proached by the Whigs, but declined to stand.
In spite of this he was nominated, and the
election dragged on for four and a half days,
with the result: Canning, 1260; Leyland, 732.
Canning characterised it as " a struggle with
an invisible phantom."
About 1817 Anfield House seems to have
been acquired by Christopher Bullin as a
country residence. This many years later was
the residence of George Arkle, a subsequent
partner in the firm.
In 1820 Thomas Leyland was elected Mayor
for the third time, and in the following year
Richard Bullin was honoured with the mayoralty,
after a four days' contest. He was appointed
J.P. for the county on 2nd February 1824.
On 29th May 1827 Thomas Leyland died,
aged seventy-five years. His will, dated ist
April 1822, and proved at Chester, nth
January 1828, made the following provisions: —
After specific bequests to his widow, Ellen, his
nephews Richard and Christopher Bullin, and
IIY THOMAS LEYLAND 177
others, including some few charitable bequests,
he willed that his property should go to the
lawful male heirs of his nephews Richard and
Christopher, and failing issue to the male heirs
of his niece, Dorothy Naylor, Thomas, John,
and Richard Naytor. The value of the estate
was sworn under £600,000. From the will we
gather that he had bought Fazakerley Hall,
offered for sale at the bankruptcy of Joseph
Hadwen (7.1?.). He also bequeathed £100 to
Professor Smyth of Cambridge, son of Thomas
Smyth (y.v.).
Thomas Leyland was both J.P. and D.L.
for the county of Lancaster. He was, to
quote "The Old Stager," "a man of amazing
shrewdness, sagacity, and prudence. . . . We
will not compare him to the animals which
are said *to see the wind,* but, by some intui-
tion, instinct, or presentiment, call it what you
will, he seemed always to have a warning of
any coming storm in the money market, and
trimmed and steered the ship, and took in sail
accordingly. He was a fine-looking man, with
what some thought a stern and forbidding, but
what we should call a firm and decided, look."
Though possessed of great wealth, it was
currently reported that he was extremely par-
simonious, and the squibs, during the parlia-
mentary elections for which Thomas Leyland
178 LIVERPOOL BANKS & BANKERS CHAP.
was nominated, but for which he declined to
stand, unhesitatingly attribute his reluctance to
sheer stinginess, which grudged the large expenses
then necessary.
But he had no sympathy with hole-and-corner
work with reference to the Corporation finance.
To his credit be it said that during his second
tenure of the office of Mayor in 1815 he pub-
lished for the first time the Corporation accounts,
stating that the Mayor should lay before the bur-
gesses an account of their money transactions.
He also then caused the accounts for the seventeen
years preceding to be published for their perusal.
Contemporaries credit him with a saying, which
the writer's memory tells him, though unable to
give the reference, was used by one greater than he
(? Talleyrand), but which his extensive experience
as thrice Mayor of Liverpool would bring home
to him : " Many of those you invite soon forget
it : those you don't invite, never forget it."
The business was now conducted under the
old style by Richard and Christopher Bullin.
The Gazette of 3Oth June 1827 contains licence
and authority to Richard Bullin, Esq., of War-
breck House, Fazakerley, to assume the name
and bear the arms of Leyland in compliance with
the conditions of the will of his late maternal
uncle, Thomas Leyland, bearing date ist April
1822.
i
S
ro CORPORATION BANKING ACCOUNT 179
Christopher Bullin still abstained from any
public life, but Richard was keenly interested in
local matters. At the contest in 1827 for the
mayoralty between Nicholas Robinson and
Thomas Col ley Porter, when bribery of the most
extensive kind was openly and unblushingly prac-
tised by both sides, it was stated that he sub-
scribed ;£6ooo to Nicholas Robinson's expenses.
In 1835 currency was given to a story in
several of the Liverpool papers, which I repro-
duce in Sir James Picton's words : " The banking
account of the Corporation up to this time had
been kept with the banking house of Messrs.
Leyland & Bullins. At a meeting of the Finance
Committee, held on June I9th, Alderman Ley-
land announced that he would make no further
advances to the Corporation, the account then
standing to their debit in the sum of £12,800.
Some rather high words ensued. Alderman
Sandbach, Conservative though he might be,
was jealous for the honour of the Corporation,
and immediately signed a cheque on his bankers,
Messrs. Hey wood & Co., for the amount. The
day following the account of the Corporation
was transferred from Leylands & Co. to Messrs.
Heywood, where it has ever since remained." !
It is a very pretty story, and gives doubtless
the reason why the Corporation account was
1 '• Memorial* of Liverpool," vol. i. 461, ed. 1875.
i8o LIVERPOOL BANKS & BANKERS CHAP.
closed with Leyland & Bullins, but it does not
quite fit with facts.
The Corporation account was with Gregsons
and Clay till their suspension in 1807. After
that no public mention is made of the account,
that the author is aware of, till the Parliamen-
tary Enquiry into the Corporation was held in
1833. From that report we find that the Cor-
poration had accounts with both A. Heywood,
Sons, & Co. and Leyland & Bullins, and that
the indebtedness was fairly equally distributed.
On 1 8th October 1832 the balance due by the
Corporation to A. Heywood, Sons, & Co. was
£16,573, os. 9d., and at the end of twelve
months it had increased to £29,778, 93. 6d.
For the same dates the balances due to Ley-
land & Bullins were £16,639, i6s., and
£29,898, 1 8s. 6d. Evidently, therefore, the
Corporation had extensive dealings with Hey-
woods' prior to 1835.*
1 There is a curious error in Dairies' "History of Lancashire," vol.
iv. p. 134, London, 1836. The amount of indebtedness to Hey-
woods' is given as £29,898, 195. 6d., and to Leyland's £$9,677, 8s.
But if the column in which these figures appear is added up, there
will be found a trifling difference of £19,898, i8s. nd. As this is,
within a few pence, the indebtedness to Leyland's, it appears probable
that the account from which Baines took his figures originally stood
thus: —
Due to Heywoods" . , . £29,778 9 6
,, Leyland's . . . 29,898 18 6
Together . . £5^677 8 o
and that Baines took the latter two amounts instead of the first two.
JOHN NATLOR
m PARTNERS OF BANK 181
The widow of Thomas Ley-land, Ellen, died
on 1 8th January 1839, and Richard Leyland
then took up his residence at Walton Hall,
where he died unmarried on the ist December
1844. Christopher Bullin retired from the
firm in 1847, and died, also unmarried, at his
residence, Upper Parliament Street, 4th Sep-
tember 1849. He had assumed by Royal
Licence, on 8th May 1845, the name and arms
of Leyland.
The business of the bank was then continued
by the surviving partners, Thomas Ley-land's
grand-nephews, John Naylor and Richard Chris-
topher Naylor. Their mother, Dorothy, died
8th December 1856, aged seventy-five years.
Richard Christopher Naylor retired in 1852,
and John Naylor then took into partnership
George Arkle (who, born 28th October 1814,
had entered the bank as an apprentice, became
managing partner, retired in 1879, a°d died
1 3th December 1885), and in 1867 Benjamin
Arkle, who died 22nd September 1891.
In 1879 John Naylor admitted his three sons,
Christopher John Naylor (who in 1891 succeeded
to the Leyland entailed estates, and took the
name of Leyland in substitution for that of
Naylor), Rowland Edward Leyland Naylor, and
John Naylor, now a director of the North and
South Wales Bank, and also John Willan
1 82 LIVERPOOL BANKS & BANKERS CH. xiv
Heblethwaite (whose ancestor, Captain Heble-
thwaite, finds mention in the " Records of a
Liverpool Fireside"), who like the Arkles had
entered the bank as an apprentice, and who
died in 1900. John Naylor died on the ijth
July 1889, and in 1895 the head office of the
bank was removed to new premises at 36 Castle
Street, and in May 1901, as before stated, the
bank was amalgamated with the North and
South Wales Bank Limited.
CHAPTER XV
JOHN ASPINALL AND SON.
John Aipinall Ac Son — Transition from tea-dealer* to banker* —
Bankruptcy — James Aspinall, banker — James Aipinall & Son —
Central Bank of Liverpool.
THE first mention of this firm in the local
directory is in 1796, when, under the title of
John Aspinall & Sons, Grocers, they had their
shop at 5 Derby Square, with a warehouse at
40 Castle Street. The site of the Derby Square
premises was later on occupied by Thomas
Kaye for the Liverpool Courier printing works,
and is now covered by the head office of the
North and South Wales Bank Limited.
They had in 1793 a shop at the top of Dale
Street, but at the latter end of that year removed
to the corner of Derby Square and Castle Street.
The firm was composed of John Aspinall, the
father, and James and William, the sons. On
6th February 1797 they notified the public that
they " have also opened the Grocery and Tea
Warehouse in Castle Street lately occupied by
Mr. [James] Wright." This was numbered 16
in 1796. It is noteworthy that in several of
184 LIVERPOOL BANKS & BANKERS CHAP.
their public notices they describe their principal
business premises as situate " corner of Market
Place," although the newer name, " Derby
Square/' had been in use for many years. As
was the custom, they lived over their premises
in Castle Street. But on 2nd September 1796
James Aspinall married, at Leyland, Margaret
Broxup of Euxton, near Chorley, and he took
up his abode above the one of their business
premises which was about where Messrs. Nixon
and Thew's premises now stand. To this tea,
&c., business gradually attached itself a banking
business, and the two seem to have prospered,
for in 1802-3 we find that they built " several
spacious and elegant stone dwellings " on the
west side of the north end of Everton Terrace.
In one of these John Aspinall, the senior of the
firm, went to reside.
By 1811 James Aspinall had bought and was
residing at No. 2 8 Clare Street, corner of Isling-
ton, which had some land attached to it. His
mother died at Everton on 2yth May of this
year, aged 7 1 , and his wife did not long survive,
dying 2oth July 1813, in her thirty-ninth year.
On 9th August 1813 the Aspinalls circularised
their friends : —
"John, James, and William Aspinall beg to inform
their friends and the public that a dissolution of partner-
ship has this day taken place in their house, and that the
«* BANKRUPTCY 185
Grocery business will be continued by William Aspinall
only, on his own account, at the established shop in the
Market Place, corner of Derby Square. The banking
business will be continued by John and James Aspinall
only, under the firm of John Aspinall & Son, at their
present situation in Castle Street, corner of Harrington
Street, where all accounts of their late concern will be
received and paid."
James Aspinall did not remain long a widower,
as he on i2th August 1814 married, at Edgehill,
Miss Hardwick of Everton Terrace.
But the conclusion of the Napoleonic wars,
pricking the bubble of credit, brought woe to
many, amongst others to the Aspinalls.
A commission of bankruptcy, dated 27th June
1816, was issued against "John Aspinall and
James Aspinall of Liverpool, bankers." The
Liverpool Mercury thus announced it the follow-
ing day : " Amongst the innumerable melancholy
tokens of the times, we are concerned to state
the stoppage of the bank of Messrs. James (should
be John) Aspinall & Son of this town.'* The
Receiver appointed was Harmood Banner,1 to
whom thus fell his first appointment as liqui-
dator of a bank.
I He hid previously been in partnership with hi» brother-in-law
under the firm of Banner & Billinge, porter dealers, 8 Lower Castle
Street. He married, 151)1 October 1808, at St. George's Church,
Anne, daughter of Thomas Billinge, printer, publisher, and pro-
prietor of the Liverpool AJveriiitr. He commenced business as an
accountant in October 1814.
186 LIVERPOOL BANKS & BANKERS CHAP.
When going into their assets it was found
that their houses in Everton had been conveyed
to their London correspondents, Fry & Chapman,
doubtless as security for advances made. But
James Aspinall had a life interest in two farms
and other lands, with three cottages, at Euxton,
near Chorley, all of which probably came to him
through his first wife. He had also his house
and land in Clare Street. The firm held two
houses in Castle Street, Corporation lease, partly
in use as the bank, and sundry small properties.
The liquidation dragged on for many years,
several small dividends being paid, the first of
2s. 6d. in the £ early in 1817. John Aspinall
died 3rd February 1823, aged 75. In addition
to his two sons he had daughters. The eldest
married, 27th October 1799, Edward Evans;
another, Mary, died unmarried 28th May 1834.
James Aspinall reverted to his old business
as a tea and spice dealer, with the business place
in Castle Street, at the corner of Harrington
Street, and continued to live in Clare Street.
This lasted for some years, until in 1823 he
again blossomed out as a " banker," the banking
office being in Harrington Street. By 1827 he
had removed the bank to Temple Court, whence
in 1828 he respectfully acquainted his friends
that owing to the stoppage of his London cor-
respondents, Messrs. Fry & Chapman, he had
XT CENTRAL BANK OF LIVERPOOL 187
arranged with Messrs. Drewctt & Fowler,
bankers, London, for future business. His own
career, however, shortly received a check, for
in the Gazette for nth June 1832 he is
declared a bankrupt.1 But in June 1833 this
bankruptcy was annulled. Then a circular
from Temple Court, loth July 1833, notifies us
that "James and Broxup Aspinall respectfully
inform their friends that they have commenced
business together, under the firm of James
Aspinall & Son, and that the account is with
Sir James Esdaile & Co., bankers, London."
The joint-stock mania was very prevalent at
this time. Banks were springing up in every
direction, people were readily subscribing capital,
and every one was to make his or her fortune
in a few years. The Aspinalls thought that
they too would invite the public to share
their good fortune, so the Central Bank of
Liverpool was duly floated on ist August
1836, with a capital of ^50,000 nominal in
£10 shares, with its offices in Temple Court,
and its manager James Aspinall. But even
the credulous public of that date did not quite
swallow the bait. Thus by 4th March 1837 the
amount of the paid-up capital was only £5790.
i On lyth July 1831 there had been a burglary committed on the
Temple Court premises, whereby A<pinall»' lost £800 in cash, and bills
to a Urge amount.
i88 LIVERPOOL BANKS & BANKERS CH. ir
Their former London agents, Esdaile & Co.,
collapsed in 1837, but the Central Bank of
Liverpool appears to have transferred its agency
to Lubbock & Co. ere this. By 1839 the
bank has disappeared from the directory, and
the writer has been unable to trace when or
how it vanished. The name of James Aspinall
is also absent. The name of his son is given,
but by 1841 that too has gone.
CHAPTER XVI
MOSS, DALES, AND ROGERS.
MOM, Dales, & Rogers — Thomas Most — Thorn** and John Moss — John
MOM — Formation of the bank — Partners — MOM, Dale, Rogers,
and Moss— Erection of bank building — Most, Rogers, & Moss —
Liverpool and Manchester Railway — Thomas Edwards-MoM and
Gilbert Winter Moss — North-Western Bank— London City and
Midland Bank Limited.
THE founder of this bank was John Moss,
whose grandfather was John Moss of Hurst
House, and his father Thomas Moss of Whis-
ton, both of which places are situate between
Liverpool and Prescot. The latter came to
Liverpool and was apprenticed to Thomas Case,1
1 Thomas Case was an eminent merchant of Liverpool. He was
son of Thomas Case of Red Hazles, near Prescot, who had married
Margaret, daughter of William Clayton, sometime M.P. for Liverpool.
He was in partnership with his aunt, Sarah Clayton, as coal merchants
under the style of Clayton, Case, & Co. He also, in 1774, was in
partnership with William Gregson as insurance brokers under the
style of Gregson, Case, & Co. The bankruptcy of the coal firm early
in 177! put an end to the insurance partnership. He married,
5th December 1776, Anna, the eldest daughter of the late John Ashton.
His aunt, Sarah Clayton, was a very well-known Liverpool lady, who
gave her name to the square she resided in. A contiguous street
is Cases Street. She died May 1779. Thomas Case, whose name
figures on the first African Committee of 1777, had two sons, both
merchants of Liverpool, Thomas, afterwards Alderman Case, and
John Ashton Case.
190 LIVERPOOL BANKS & BANKERS CHAP.
25th May 1762, and was enrolled as a freeman
in 1770.
He commenced business as a timber merchant,
his first firm being Taylor, Moss, & Co., the
partnership in which was dissolved I5th April
1776, Thomas Moss continuing in the old yards
at the east side of Salthouse Dock and bottom
of Lord Street.
On 9th May 1777 he married at St. Peter's
Church, Liverpool, Jane, only child of Thomas
Arrowsmith, who was descended from the
Cottingham family.1
In 1778 the new partnership he had formed
under the title of Thomas Moss & Co. was
dissolved, and he commenced a fresh partnership
under the title of Moss, Sutton, & Co. But this
was of brief duration, as in the following year
it was dissolved, his partners, James Sutton and
Edward Lowe, continuing the business. In 1780
he had acquired a new timber yard on the east
side of St. George's Dock. In 1778 he had
purchased land on the road from Liverpool to
Low Hill, contiguous to that owned by Richard
Gildart. The streets, Moss Street and Gildart
Street, sufficiently mark the locality. Moss Street
was cut through the land about 1809.
His name appears as the owner of a privateer
1 Thomas Cottingham died at his mansion house at Ness, Cheshire,
on iznd May 1783.
JOHN MOSS
V
xx, JOHN MOSS 191
during the war with America. He also developed
a business as general merchant, first in Paradise
Street, where he also resided, but latterly in
Mancsty Lane. Owing to the erection of the
Gorcc Warehouses and Piazzas in 1793 his timber
yard was removed to the west side of St. George's
Dock.
On 26th April 1796 he married, as second
wife, Miss Griffies, the sister of William Roscoc's
wife.
In 1803 he took into partnership his son John,
the firm then becoming Thomas and John Moss.
After living for some time in Rainford Gardens
he had taken a house in the very fashionable
St. Anne Street, and here he died, 5th February
1805.
John Moss, who now succeeded to the various
businesses, general merchant, shipowner, &c.,
was born in Rainford Gardens, where his father
then resided, on i8th February 1782. On his
attaining his majority he was, as stated above,
taken into partnership with his father, and at the
early age of twenty-three he was principal of
extensive businesses. The timber business, how-
ever, was not included in these. This was taken
over by Thomas Moss's partner therein, Richard
Houghton, who continued the business for
many years, first at the old yard, west side of
St. George's Dock, later in Hurst Street.
i92 LIVERPOOL BANKS & BANKERS CHAP.
In the same year, 1805, John Moss married
on 3rd September, at the Collegiate Church,
Manchester, Hannah Taylor, daughter of the
late Thomas Taylor of Moston.
In 1807 appeared an advertisement in Billinge's
Advertiser which the author has always, rightly or
wrongly, connected with the origin of Moss's
Bank :—
"A gentleman, possessing a large disposable property,
in correspondence with the very first house in London,
would treat with one person, of known property, to
establish a BANK at LIVERPOOL, upon the most solid
and permanent basis, by which the Public will be
guaranteed against any fortuitous event. Letters for
A.B.Ci at the Post Office, Liverpool (post paid), from
Principals, with real signatures, will be attended to, if
connexion is deemed desirable. N.B. — An active part
is absolutely necessary, as that is the only motive for
this advertisement."
Whether the surmise be right or wrong, the
quotation is interesting in itself, as showing
the feeling that properly equipped banks were
essential to the needs of the vastly expanding
commerce of the town.
But we have the fact that John Moss in this
year opened a bank at 4 Exchange Buildings,
under the title of Moss, Dales, & Rogers. It is
not mentioned in the body of the directory for
1807, but has a special entry in the appendix.
ro R. N. (5* G. E. DALE 193
The Dales were Roger Newton Dale, who had
married on 9th March 1802 Margaret, sister of
John Moss, and George Edward Dale, who on
9th October 1804 had married Ellen, another
sister of John Moss. They came from Heaton
Norris, near Stockport. R. N. Dale was a
member of the firm of Davies, Dale, & Co.,1 of
Redcross Street, Liverpool, drysalters, who had
their oil and paint warehouse in Redcross Street,
and their manufactory at 44 Hunter Street.
They were also, during the Napoleonic wars,
privateer owners. R. N. Dale lived at Waver-
tree, and died at his house there, 2 3rd February
1809, aged 33.8
His brother, G. E. Dale, did not long survive
him, as he died at his house in Rodney Street,
9th January 1815.* He left several children.
1 Early in 1808 Davies, Dale, & Co. dissolved partnership. Bu»iness
was carried on at the old premises by James Davies and R. N. Dale
under the style of James Davies & Co., while the other partner,
Joseph Bancroft, entered into partnership with his brother-in-law,
Joseph Dutton, under the style of Dutton & Bancroft.
* His widow went to reside at Cheltenham, hut died at the house of
her brother Henry in Wavertree, 151)1 May 1811.
1 The widow went to Leamington, whence her second daughter,
Ellen, was married, und September 1831, to Rev. Hugh Matthie,
Rector of Worthenbury, Flints, surviving only to i8th July 1836.
The eldest daughter, Sarah Jane, was also married at Leamington on
und August 1833 to T. R. Woodward of Birkenhead. Mrs. Dale
changed her residence to Farndon, Cheshire, where her youngest
daughter, Hannah, died yth February 1836. Mrs. Dale herself died
on i8th September of the same year at the house of her son-in-law,
T. R. Woodward.
N
i94 LIVERPOOL BANKS & BANKERS CHAP.
The only son, Roger Newton Dale, died i8th
September 1828, in the twentieth year of his age.
The other partner was Edward Rogers. He
was, it is believed, the son of Edward Rogers, a
merchant of Liverpool, who also carried on an
insurance and brokerage business, under the title
of Rogers & Ripley. This latter firm was dis-
solved 3 1st December 1785, and Edward Rogers
carried on the business alone at 6 Change Alley.
He married at Whitehaven, 29th December
1778, a Miss Nicholson of that town, but she
did not long survive, dying June 1782.
To Edward Rogers belongs the distinction
of being the originator in 1757 of the proposal
for the formation of the Liverpool Library
(the first circulating library in the kingdom),
happily still flourishing. He died 1795. The
son of Edward Rogers took up his residence
in Everton, where he lived till about 1822,
when he removed to 2 South Hunter Street,
changing to St. Michael's Hill, Toxteth Park,
about 1831, where he continued to reside after
his retirement from the bank a few years
later.
On 5th September 1811 John Moss's younger
brother, Henry, was married at Oldham to
Hannah, second daughter of James Clegg of
Bent, and the same year he was admitted a
partner in the bank, which was now Moss,
•«-
00
7
£
I
I
xvi NEW BANK PREMISES 19$
DALE, ROGERS, & Moss. In the same month
was completed the building facing the Town
Hall, at the end of Dale Street, which was
the home of the bank until the private bank
became a joint-stock concern in 1864, under
the title of the North-Western Bank. The
building was then reconstructed.
The press notice on the present occasion was
as follows : —
|6/A September iSll.
"A small but very fine specimen of Doric archi-
tecture, remarkably well executed in choice freestone,
is now exhibited in the building just erected at the top
of Dale Street, which is said to be intended for the
banking house of Messrs. Moss, Dale, Rogers, & Co.
Such structures as these, in the middle of a great town,
contribute greatly to the credit of, and of course to the
benefit of, the place in which they are erected ; whilst
they reflect honour on the taste and spirit of their
proprietors."
John Moss had lived for some time at Mossley
Hill, but he had now acquired, and was resident
at, the estate of Otterspool. Here in 1812-13
he started an oil mill in partnership with George
Forwood.1 For many years there had been a
1 George Forwood, ton of Lieutenant Forwood, R.N., and Faith,
hit wife, wa* an exceedingly able man. He tried hit hand at various
butinettet, wat agent for naval varnish, general merchant, insurance
agent, and overseer for the poor. He wat father of George Peplow
Forwood and Thomas Brittain Forwood, and grandfather of the late
Sir Arthur B. Forwood, Bart., sometime Secretary to the Admiralty,
and Sir William B. Forwood.
196 LIVERPOOL BANKS & BANKERS CHAP.
mill on the shore. The Otterspool stream
formed an embouchure, which had been im-
proved by embankments. Hence barges had
direct access to the mill. In 1780 the firm
of Tate, Alexander, & Wilson enclosed a part
of the strand of the river Mersey and erected
a snuff mill. This was continued for many
years, and was held under Thomas Tarleton
on lease. In 1 8 1 6 John Moss purchased the
interest of the lord of the manor (John
Blackburn) in the strand in front of his
property, and made further embankments. The
oil mill was burnt down many years ago, but
the embankments on a summer evening, " when
softe is the sonne," make a delightful spot for
rest and contemplation. Here Mersey is nearly
at her widest, and the effect of the broad stretch
of water, with the green and gentle slopes of
Cheshire leading up to the background of the
everlasting hills of Wales, the whole lighted
up by a glorious sunset, is at once charming
and restful.
By the death of George Edward Dale in
1815 the Dales dropped out of the title of
the firm, which now became Moss, ROGERS, and
Moss, and so continued till the thirties.
On 2Oth January 1 8 1 6 John Moss was created
J.P. for the county of Lancaster. In 1822
he commenced, in conjunction with some of
xn THE L. & M. RAILWAY 197
the best known Liverpool men, the great task
of endeavouring to obtain powers for the pro-
jected undertaking, the Liverpool and Man-
chester Railway. Co-operation with Manchester
was sought and obtained, and at the first meeting
of the Joint-Committee, held at George Ashby
Pritt's office, John Moss was elected Chairman.
This office he retained during the following
three years, till, on his own recommendation
in 1824, Mr. Charles Lawrence, then Mayor of
Liverpool, was solicited to join the Committee
and become its Chairman. The history of the
conflict that took place, of the unworthy
opposition of those who should have known
better, and of the interests that had to be
placated (the Bridgwater Trust took as its
bribe shares to the extent of one-fifth of the
undertaking), is out of place here. Suffice it
to say that on the first attempt to obtain
parliamentary sanction the Corporation of
Liverpool, by objecting to the proposed com-
pany taking land for its purposes, effectually
stayed for a while the progress of the under-
taking.1 But in 1825 the Bill was passed
through both Houses, and received the Royal
assent. The first meeting of the proprietors
was held in Liverpool on 29th May 1826,
i Thoma* Creevejr in the •* Creevey Paper*" plume* hiimclf on the
fact that by hi* tactics he obtained thU result. He wa» acting on
behalf of hi* frimd, Lord Sefton.
198 LIVERPOOL BANKS & BANKERS CHAP.
when fifteen directors were elected, three of
whom were nominees of the Bridgwater Trust.
At the first meeting of the directors on the
following day, Charles Lawrence was elected
Chairman, and John Moss Deputy-Chairman of
the Company.
Later on John Moss identified himself with
other railway undertakings, and in 1831 was
Chairman of the Liverpool and Birmingham
Railway.
His brother Henry contented himself with
municipal matters, and was chosen a member
of the Common Council 6th October 1824.
Mercantile matters were not entirely forgotten.
John Moss had some very large sugar plantations
in the neighbourhood of Demerara.
The bank continued to prosper, and obtained
a fair share of public support.
John Moss died 3rd October 1858, and was
buried at St. Anne's, Aigburth. The land on
which the church was built had been given by
him. It was opened in 1837, and was embel-
lished by his further gift of a painted glass
window.
His two sons, Thomas and Gilbert Winter
Moss, who had been for some time associated
with their father, now continued the bank.
Two other sons of John Moss were Rev. John
James Moss, sometime Vicar of Upton, Cheshire,
SIR THOMAS E D WARDS MOSS, BART.
xvi THOMAS EDWARDS-MOSS 199
who died in 1865, holding a living in Somerset-
shire, and James Moss, who founded the extensive
line of steamers known as the Moss Line. The
former was the eldest son of the family.
Thomas Edwards-Moss was the second son.
He was born at Otterspool iyth July 1811.
He was educated at Eton and Oxford. The
first name in the roll of Captains of the Boats
at Eton is that of Thomas Moss, as he then
was. He married in 1847 Amy Charlotte,
daughter and heiress of Richard Edwards of
Roby, whose name, in addition to his own,
he assumed by Royal Licence four years later.
He took a great part in Liverpool parliamentary
elections, being Chairman of the Constitutional
Association. He became J.P. and D.L. for the
county, and in 1868 was created a baronet by
Lord Beaconsfield. He died 26th April 1890.
He left two sons, John Edwards - Moss and
Tom Cottingham Edwards-Moss.1 The former
succeeded to the baronetcy. He was born
I The ichool and college career* of these men exhibit a striking
example of hereditary rowing ability. Sir Thomas Edwards-Moit
was Captain of the Boats in iSz8. His son John was captain in
1869, and Tom in 1873-74. In the University races John rowed for
Oxford in 1870 and 1871, but, as those were Goldie's years, his side
was not successful. Tom rowed for Oxford in 1875-6-7-8, Oxford
winning in 1875 and 1878, losing in 1876, whilst in 1177 occurred
the only dead heat on record. Only a year or two ago Sir John had
the pleasure of seeing his son John elected Captain of the Boats. In
the chapel of Brasenose College there Is a window to the memory of
T. C. Ed wards- Moss.
200 LIVERPOOL BANKS & BANKERS CH. xvi
25th October 1850, and married in 1873
Margaret Everilda, daughter of Colonel John
Ireland Blackburn of Hale Hall.
The other son of John Moss interested in
the bank was Gilbert Winter Moss. He was
not much in evidence as a public character,
but was greatly esteemed for his artistic tastes
and charitable bent. Born 3ist March 1828,
he was created a J.P. for Lancashire in 1850,
and died 6th July 1899.
In April 1864 the private bank was trans-
formed into a joint-stock concern, under the
title of the North - Western Bank, Thomas
Edwards-Moss and Gilbert Winter Moss be-
coming directors. The latter remained a director
until the octopus-like tentacles of the London
and Midland Bank clutched it in October 1897.
Later on the latter bank became the London
City and Midland Bank Limited.
GILBERT WINTER MOSS
CHAPTER XVII
JOSEPH HADWEN.
Joicph Hadwen — Tea-dealer to banker — Trantmiuion of bank-notrt
to London — Bankruptcy — Ciaimt paid in foil.
THE bank in Church Street, which was origi-
nated by Joseph Hadwen, had its origin in
the grocery and tea business. It was situate a
little beyond the present premises of Bunncy's
Limited. At the time when our earliest direc-
tory was published, 1766, Joseph Hadwen, senior,
had his place of business in Church Street, then,
with this exception, a residential street. He is
then described as clockmaker, grocer, and linen
draper. Before 1796 he had retired to St.
Anne Street, leaving the conduct of the busi-
ness in the hands of his son, also Joseph Had-
wen. They were members of the Society of
Friends, who quite generally at this time were
referred to as " the people called Quakers."
Joseph Hadwen, senior, died jist July 1807,
aged nearly 82. His son in the same year
appeared publicly as a banker, the bank being
202 LIVERPOOL BANKS & BANKERS CHAP.
conducted on the first floor, whilst the tea,
&c., business was carried on on the ground floor.
He also ceased to reside over the bank in
Church Street, going to his father's former
house in St. Anne Street. The bank progressed
quietly for many years. In 1810 Joseph Had-
wen took down a windmill which he owned in
Hotham Street, and erected a charity school on
the site.
In 1823 Hadwen had a stroke of ill-luck.
He had on hand £2095 'm °ld £>l Bank of
England notes, and forwarded them by the mail
to be collected. An insight into the times is
given us by the account of the incident. To
avert suspicion as to the nature of the contents
of the parcel the notes were not addressed to
his London agents, Barclay, Bevan, & Co., Lom-
bard Street, but to a druggist in the same
street, to be by him handed to Barclay & Co.
But on its arrival in London the contents were
found to be metamorphosed into a collection
of waste paper of all descriptions.
The direful year of 1825 claimed as one
of its victims Joseph Hadwen. His circular
announcing the fact is noteworthy : —
"It is with much regret that I have to inform
thee, that in consequence of the general pressure of
the times, together with some recent failures, I have
thought it desirable to have the advice of some dis-
ITU BANKRUPTCY 103
interested friends relative to the situation of my
affairs.
"In pursuance of their recommendation I have
concluded upon suspending my payments, a measure
truly distressing to my own feelings, particularly so in
looking to the various embarrassments it may occasion.
"What may remain to me after paying my creditors
in full must depend upon management and circum-
stances unforeseen.
"JOSEPH HADWIN.
" CHVBCII Srmtrr, nt mtmtk, 24/^1 1*26."
The liabilities were estimated at £120,000,
but the assets were in such a liquid condition
that dividends amounting to us. 6d. in the
£ were paid to the creditors before twelve
months were over. A large number of the
members of the Society of Friends banked with
Hadwen, many of those being leather and
hide dealers. The creditors were so pleased
with the favourable aspect of affairs that they
presented the assignees of the estate with a
piece of plate in recognition of their assiduity
in winding up the estate.
Among the properties belonging to Joseph
Hadwen which were brought to the hammer
were Fazakerley Hall, with outbuildings, gar-
den, orchards and lands, amounting to 84
acres, 3 roods, 10 poles, which was bought
by Thomas Leyland ; the bank in Church
204 LIVERPOOL BANKS &• BANKERS CH. xvu
Street, and hir. residence in St. Anne Street.
The creditors were all paid in full.
In December 1826 Joseph Had wen announced
that he had gone into partnership with Eliza-
beth Fielden, under the style of Hadwen and
Fielden, as tea and coffee dealers at the " Three
Canisters" in New Scotland Road, near Great
Nelson Street, N. Since 1 8 1 1 Mary Fielden
had conducted the tea-dealing business in
Church Street beneath the bank. Stonehouse1
says that Hadwen's sisters, " The Misses Had-
wen," conducted the tea business. Possibly
an explanation may be found by assuming that
Elizabeth Fielden was the married name of one
of the Hadwens. The directories give no clue
as to whether she was maid, wife, or widow.
However, the firm of Hadwen & Fielden
was in existence as late as 1845.
1 "Streets of Liverpool," p. 165, ed. 1879.
SJMUKL HOPE
CHAPTER XVIII
SAMUEL HOPE AND CO.
Samuel Hope & Co. — George Holt— Cotton broker* and banker* —
DiMolution of partnership — Edward Barrell— Liverpool Borovgh
Bank — Criiit of 1847 — CriiU of 1157 — Suipeniion of Borough
Bank — Method* of management.
THE founder of this firm was Samuel Hope,
son of William Hope. The latter was a
mercer and draper, living for many years at
I Atherton Street, with his warehouse adjoining
at 14 Pool Lane (now South Castle Street).
This block of property is, I take it, repre-
sented by Plate 20 in vol. ii. of Herd man's
" Pictorial Relics of Ancient Liverpool.*' Here
with him resided his son Samuel, who, after
an apprenticeship with Nicholas Waterhouse,
commenced business in 1803 as a cotton broker
at 2 Water Street, on the south side immedi-
ately below Castle Street.
By 1807 William Hope1 had retired from
business, and had built himself a house at the
corner of Hope Street and Hardman Street.
> He died 2oth March 1*27. agrd 7$.
206 .LIVERPOOL BANKS 55" BANKERS CHAP.
Here Samuel Hope also lived. The house is
now the expensively decorated Philharmonic
Hotel. In the same year, yth October 1807,
he took as apprentice George Holt, aged 17.
The latter, son of Oliver Holt, was born at
Town Mill, Rochdale, on 24th June 1790.
At the conclusion of his apprenticeship in
1812, Samuel Hope took him into partner-
ship. The circular, dated 28th November
1812, is as follows: —
"I have pleasure to apprise you that I have taken
Mr. George Holt into partnership with myself under
the title of 'Samuel Hope & Co.' Having been
invited to this measure by the assistance I have de-
rived from Mr. Holt's ability and application during
the five years he has been acquiring a knowledge of
the business in my office, I am encouraged to hope
that these qualities will powerfully second my own
exertions to merit a continuance of your patronage."
To the business of cotton brokers they added
later on that of bankers.
On 1 7th September 1816 Samuel Hope
married at St. John's, Manchester, Rebecca (or
Rebekah), daughter of Thomas Bateman, Esq.,
then of Higher Ardwick, near Manchester, but
subsequently of Middleton Hall, Youlgreen,
co. Derby.
On ist September 1820 George Holt mar-
ITIII DISSOLUTION OF PARTNERSHIP 107
ried at Edge Hill Church, Emma, the elder
daughter of William and Jane Dunning.1
Samuel Hope had purchased a considerable
amount of property in Everton, and in 1820* he
took down two excellent houses, and built on
their site a stately edifice. Here, in Everton
Terrace, he took up his residence, and lived
there till his death. Sycrs,' speaking of the
proprietor of this "spacious and elegant man-
sion," says, "To the poor and uneducated he
has been, and still continues to be, a fervent,
active, and sincere friend."
On 3<Dth June 1823 the partnership between
Samuel Hope and George Holt was terminated,
the official notice of the dissolution appearing
i William Durning had been a wine and spirit merchant, with
office* at fint in School Lane, later on in Church Street. He had a
partner, Edmund Lewin, who, after William Durning's retirement
from butiness about 1820, carried on the firm under the title of Lewin
and Latscll. Mr. Durning had for many year* resided in Edge Lane,
and had acquired a considerable amount of land in the neighbourhood.
Hence the ancient road called Rake Lane, on which part of this
property abutted, was in later years re-named Durning Road, and
when a continuation road was made through other portions of Mr.
Durning'* land this was named Holt Road. Mr. William Durning's
property went to his two daughter*, one married to George Holt a*
above, the other to J. B. Smith, sometime M.F. for Norwich. Williun
Durning died 4th September 1830, in his eightieth year, his wife Jane
predeceasing him on 27th February 1830, aged 70 years. The date
of the marriage of George Holt is wrongly given a* its* in Goner
Williams' " Liverpool Privateers," p. i j» •-
* Picton gives this date a* 1818, bat I take it that thi« Is a printer's
error.
• " History of Everton," Liverpool, itjc.
208 LIVERPOOL BANKS & BANKERS CHAP.
in the Gazette for 8th May 1824. In view
of the different parts enacted by the partners
in connection with their joint concern as cotton
brokers and bankers, it is curious to note the
allocation of the businesses which now became
divided. Samuel Hope, who had originated the
cotton business, became banker solely, and
George Holt, to whom it is said that the initia-
tion of the banking business was due, became
cotton broker solely.
Here we part with George Holt, who was
eminently successful in business, and who died,
full of honours, on i6th February I86I.1
1 His wife Emma, born zoth February 1802, died yth July 1871.
George Holt was unwearied in his exertions, with heart, brain, and
purse, for the improvement, whether of mind, body, or estate, of his
less fortunate fellow-citizens. At a time when public opinion was,
to say the least, apathetic as to the value of " secondary " education,
he devoted valuable time and energy to its support. His work in
furthering the objects of the Mechanics' Institution, now the Liver-
pool Institute, was incessant, and his purchase of Blackburne House,
for the formation, in connection with the Liverpool Institute, of a
Girls' Public School, proved him to be long in advance of current
ideas. The building and grounds of the latter school, the first of its
kind in England, were, on his decease, presented by his family to the
Directors of the Liverpool Institute as a memorial of George Holt.
In him the charities of the town found an unfailing friend. He also
occupied himself with public affairs, being a member of the Town
Council from 1835 to 1856. As Chairman of the Water Committee he
conducted the difficult task of converting unlearned opposition to the
Rivington Water Scheme into appreciation of its necessity. Thus
was laid the foundation of Liverpool's magnificent water supply. As
a member of the Dock Board, he stoutly maintained the necessity of
treating its aims and objects as a national trust, rather than as of
purely local concern. He was a J. P. both for borough and county.
GEORGE HOLT
GEORGE HOLT 109
He for a while continued his cotton business
next door to his old partner, but later on
removed to i Chapel Street, and finally occupied
pan of his property, India Buildings, Water
Street. These were built in 1833, and at the
time they were erected it was considered that
their projector was erratic. But time proved
the foresight of George Holt, and his example
of erecting large blocks of mercantile offices soon
found numerous imitators.
The bank l still retained the title of Samuel
His tons worthily preserve the tradition* of their father, the
tradition of using their wealth for public wcaL The motto of (be
Liverpool Institute is N»» M£M itlum ii4 Mi ••*£ M*», and to that
motto the Holt family give* living force. In recent year* the gift,
the magnificent gift, to the community of Wavcrtrec Park a* a play-
ground for the children for ever, sufficiently stamps the thoughtfully
generous cast of mind of the Holt family. Later the purchase and
presentation of the block of property known as Sandon Terrace, to
enable the Liverpool Institute to widen its borders, gives evidence
of their strong desire that the vast school, to which their father was
so liberal and devoted, should not lack space for adequate espansion.
Still more recently the opening of the George Holt Physics Labor*,
tory in Liverpool University marked another step in the same direc-
tion. This member of the family, born 9th September il*4, died jrd
April 1896, had previously founded and endowed chairs of physiology
(1891) and pathology (1894), and was in other respects generous to
the University. It was in the fitness of things that the first Lord
Mayor of Liverpool should be Robert Doming Holt, whose m»m»
also is the latest distinguished addition to the distinguished roll of
Liverpool's honorary freemen.
1 Picton (" Memorials of Liverpool,* vol. ii. p. 16, ed. 1175) has
stated that the house of John Tarleton. Mayor of Liverpool 1764,
was on the site of the present Manchester and Liverpool District
Bank. This the author believes to be an error.
The »ite of the District Bank is that of the Borough Bank, which
O
2io LIVERPOOL BANKS b1 BANKERS CHAP.
Hope & Co., the " Co." being Edward Burrell,
who had been with Samuel Hope for some time.
They prospered, and were wealthy men when,
under the influence of the current mania, they
converted the private bank into a joint-stock
company under the title of the Liverpool
Borough Bank, with a capital of £500,000 in
;£io shares. They found excellent support,
32,000 out of the 50,000 shares being appro-
priated before the public issue. The main
points of their circular to their clients are : —
" WATER STREET, LIVERPOOL,
l6th June 1836.
"We have given notice by advertisement, and now
particularly apprise you, of our intention to decline the
succeeded Samuel Hope & Co. in business and building. Now John
Tarleton died in 1773, and was succeeded by his son Thomas. The
position of his house can be shown by comparing the early
directories : —
1774 — Talbot, 7 Water Street. Thomas Tarleton, 10 Water Street.
1781 — Do. 6 do. Do. 9 do.
Thus Tarleton lived below the Talbot Hotel, on the site of which the
Bank of Liverpool now stands.
In 1786, when the west side of Castle Street was thrown back, the
houses at the upper end of Water Street were cut off. Hence in 1790
we find the house of Daniel Dale, The King's Arms, is 5 Water
Street. Now Daniel Dale, when in 1786 opening the King's Arms
Hotel, advertised it as "Late the house of Thomas Tarleton." In
18x9 James Brierley (" Binns Collection," vol. xiii.) sketched the
" Parish Offices, late King's Arms Inn," showing it to be on the east
corner of Fenviict Street. The Talbot is shown next door, higher up
Water Street.
The same error is found in the note to page 280, vol. i. ed. 1875,
itself a correction of a greater error in the first edition.
EDWARD BURRELL an
banking business from and after 1st July next in favour
of the Liverpool Borough Bank, of which our Mr.
Edward Burrcll is appointed Manager, and Mr. Hope
the Chairman of the Board of Directors. The business
will be conducted as heretofore, and on the same
premises. . . . Grateful acknowledgments of confi-
dence . . . during the last thirteen years.
M SAMUEL HOPE & Co,"
But the connection of the original partners
of Samuel Hope & Co. with the newly-formed
joint-stock bank did not last long. On 2jrd
September 1837 Edward Burrell died in London,
aged 44. He had resided in Stafford Street from
about 1820 to 1828, removing thence to Lithcr-
land, and later, before 1832, to Orrcll (if
indeed these two latter abodes be not the same
house), where his home was at the time of his
death.
He was of humble parentage, early lost his
father, and was brought up at the Kendal Blue
Coat School. He had married — when and to
whom the author has failed to find. She was
named Margaret, but they do not appear to have
had any children. His will, proved at Chester
4th November 1 837, left an annuity to his mother,
Susan Troughton, wife of Richard Troughton,
Kendal, weaver, and various benefactions to
public charities, amongst them being a bequest
of 500 guineas to the Kendal Blue Coat School,
212 LIVERPOOL BANKS fcf BANKERS CHAP.
" of which institution he frequently expressed
the most grateful recollection." The value of
the estate was sworn under ^40,000.
On 1 5th October of the same year Samuel
Hope died at the house of his father-in-law,
Thomas Bateman, Middleton Hall, near Bake-
well, in his fifty-seventh year.1 He was a man
of considerable strength of character, and had
pronounced Liberal views. In philanthropic en-
deavours he was ever to the fore, and he was
earnest in his promotion of educational improve-
ment.
When a meeting was called on 8th June 1825
to support the project of Mechanics' Institution
(now the Liverpool Institute) he was one of
the principal speakers. He identified himself
strongly with the anti-slavery movement, and
was an influential speaker at public meetings
in 1829 and 1831 in connection with the agita-
tion for the removal of restrictions on commerce
caused by the exclusive charter of the East
India Company. A sturdy Nonconformist, Mr.
Hope took the chair on two occasions in 1837
when the question of the abolition of church
rates occupied public attention.
It is to be feared that the untimely removal
of the original proprietors of the bank from the
1 His wife, Rebekah, born I2th April 1794, died on 8th October
1838. They had ten children.
FAILURE- OF BOROUGH BANK in
supervision and management was not in favour
of the success of the joint-stock concern. As
was the case with so many others of the banks
started about this time, much imprudent business
was done, and funds were not kept liquid. In
1847 a crisis occurred, due largely to excessive
railway speculations. The locked-up state of
the Borough Bank's assets made it necessary
that the assistance of the Bank of England
should be obtained.
Ten years later came the crisis caused by the
universal distrust in America. It was there
discovered that the railway accounts had been
" cooked," and under the influence of the bad
feeling which this produced an organised *' bear "
movement was made against all undertakings.
One hundred and fifty banks failed in Pennsyl-
vania, Maryland, Virginia, and Rhode Island.
The movement swelled into a panic and re-
acted on England. The nearest ports to America
first felt the shock. On 27th October 1857 the
Borough Bank closed its doors.
On examination of its affairs it was found that
its bad debts were exceedingly large. Some
£600,000 to £700,000, previously taken as good,
were now found to be almost valueless. They
had £3,500,000 bills in London with the en-
dorsement of the bank, and of this amount some
£700,000 to £1,000,000 "had no negotiable
2i4 LIVERPOOL BANKS fef BANKERS CH. xvm
validity at all except that endorsement." The
total loss was estimated at ^940,000, the whole
capital of the bank being thus swept away.
There was no question as to advances having
improperly been made to favoured persons, the
disasters being caused by want of discretion in
the management.
Incidentally the Parliamentary Committee,
appointed to inquire into the causes of the
panic of 1857, revealed the former method of
the management of the bank. There were
twelve directors, who appointed two managing
directors and a chairman. The entire conduct
of the accounts was entrusted to the two
managing directors and the manager, the other
directors not being in touch with the customers
or their accounts.
CHAPTER XIX
EVANS, CHECWIN, AND HALL.
THE above was a firm of booksellers and
stationers who had their place of business in
1816 at 14 Castle Street. Very little informa-
tion is forthcoming concerning them. One of
the peculiarities of the case is that only Evans
and Hall are designated in the directories as
" bankers and booksellers," Chcgwin appearing
as " bookseller and stationer " only.
The partners were Hugh Ellis Evans, Thomas
Chegwin,1 and William Eaton Hall.
Of Hugh Ellis Evans nothing is known except
that he married, I3th July 1813, Miss Frances
Jones, and that he for some time resided at
Brownlow Hill.
William Eaton Hall was the son of Eaton
and Frances Hall. Eaton Hall was an enameller
in Pitt Street, where he died 2 ist December 1 8 1 6,
1 He married, 3rd August iSi6, at St. George's, Everton, Mary,
daughter of Sedman Parker. The last named died 14th September
1817, aged 6s. He had a slight connection with the banking com-
munity, inasmuch as he took over the business of Clarke the grocer.
who issued the Livtrp^l Hjl/ft**y.
2i6 LIVERPOOL BANKS fcr BANKERS CH. xix
aged 67 years. His wife died 4th May 1832,
aged 70 years. William Eaton Hall had been
resident for some years in Russell Street. It
appears that he had been a clerk with Messrs.
A. Heywood, Sons, & Co.
The sole records of their banking are in the
Liverpool directories, which, in successive years'
describe them as " bankers and booksellers."
But the dire year of 1825 came, and the names
of Hugh Ellis Evans and William Eaton Hall
appear no more as bankers.
They both at this time changed their resi-
dences, and both went to reside in Seymour
Street.
The firm of Evans, Chegwin, & Hall as
printers and stationers is given in the directories
up to 1841, but in the year 1845 the title is
Evans & Chegwin.
CHAPTER XX
JOHN THRELFALL.
John Thrclfall— Multiplicity of butine«ic«— Bankrupt— Stolen Bank
of England note — TbreUall'i Brewery Company.
JOHN THRELFALL was originally a grocer in Kent
Square, who by 1816 had gone to reside in
Nelson Street, St. James, and by 1 8 1 8 had ex-
panded into a variety of businesses. He then
resided at 8 Nelson Street, and had a bank,
wholesale grocery warehouse, and liquor vaults
at 8 York Street. A considerable business was
done, but on loth January 1824 a commission in
bankruptcy was issued against him. A list of his
businesses appear, and they are sufficiently varied
— brewer, liquor merchant, grocer, spirit dealer,
bill-broker, banker, &c. One wonders what was
covered by that " &c."
He held a large amount of freehold and lease-
hold property in Liverpool, and an interest in a
steam corn-mill, at that time a great novelty.
He also had a freehold estate of 60 acres,
with farmhouse, buildings, &c., at Whittingham,
between Lancaster and Preston.
2i8 LIVERPOOL BANKS & BANKERS CHAP.
His London correspondents were Williams
and Co., with whom he turned over ,£200,000
per annum, no inconsiderable sum in those
days.
Later on in the year 1824 an action was
brought against him for discounting a Bank of
England note for ^1000 which had been stolen.
Threlfall had discounted it for a Jewish slop-
seller named Isaac Henry, of Pool Lane, keeper
of an American tavern. Scarlett, K.C., led for
the prosecution, and he gave the rough edge of his
tongue to bankers such as Aspinall and Threlfall,
drawing very invidious distinctions between their
businesses and those of Moss, Hey wood, and
Ley land. It appeared that the note was first
offered to Aspinalls' for discount, who said that
they had not so much money in the place. A verdict
of £1000 and 403. costs was entered against John
Threlfall.
His estate realised considerable dividends.
He continued in the liquor line of business,
establishing himself in Crosbie Street, Park Lane,
the site of which is now covered by the London
and North-Western Wapping Goods Station.
He next became a wine merchant in Cornwallis
Street, afterwards at the same place a provision
merchant.
A John Mayor Threlfall, ale and porter
brewer, whom it is presumed was his son, resided
xx THRELFALL'S BREWERY CO. LTD. 119
with him here, and had i brewery at 3 and 4
Crosbie Street aforesaid.
John Threlfall's wife died 1 2th September 1 826,
aged 53. They had a daughter, Alice, who was
married iyth April 1823 to Samuel Antwiss of
Aston, Cheshire.
John Mayor Threlfall about 1832 commenced
his brewing business in Crosbie Street, and until
1847 it continued there, in which year he had
established a supplementary brewery in Trucman
Street. By 1862 he had opened a brewery in
Manchester. He died between then and 1864,
and his executors continued the three breweries.
By 1866 the address of the Manchester brewery
was Cook Street, Salford. It was registered as a
limited liability company on i6th March 1888,
and was thus formed to amalgamate the businesses
of J. M. Threlfall and W. A. Matheson. The
present capital paid up is £1,825,000.
CHAPTER XXI
ROBERT FAIRWEATHER.
THE author is unable to give any account of this
banker. He is in the directory of 1 8 1 8 described
as being a banker residing at 34 Ranelagh Street,
in 1821 as of 60 Ranelagh Street, and in 1823 as
of 2 Cases Street, but in 1825 he is described as
a " gentleman " of 2 Cases Street.
He was the son of Patrick and Ellen Fair-
weather. The former went through the usual
gradations of slaver captain, privateer captain,
privateer owner, finally settling down on shore as
a merchant.
We find that his ship Dalrimple, which had
sailed from Liverpool for Old Calabar on 2Oth
October 1772, was in the following March ashore
on the Isle of May.
His employers, Bolden & Co., gave him the
command of the Eellona^ 250 tons, 24 guns,
and 140 men, and with her he took several prizes,
one, which he took into Jamaica in 1780, being
worth £4000.
CM. in ROBERT FAIRWEATHER SBI
In 1790 he was master of the ship Mary
Anne.
By 1798-9 he is described as owner of a
privateer and merchant, and resided at I Hood
Street, St. Johns. While he was a captain he
was a member of that "Liverpool Fireside/*
whose minutes have been preserved from 1776 to
1781. From this we find he was born 1 2th July,
though in what year " deponent sayeth not." On
25th January 1 802, " Ellen Fairweather, widow of
the late Captain Patrick Fairweathcr (of i Hood
Street, St. Johns), gives notice that she has re-
moved to i Shaw's Place or Haymarket, where
she has genteel accommodation for board and
lodging." By 1805 she had opened premises
at 45 King Street as a tea-dealer and hosier.
By 1 8 1 1 she had a similar business at 34
Ranelagh Street, and here she was in 1818,
when the name of her son appears at the same
address as " banker." She was still at that
number in 1821, but her son had taken separate
premises at 60 Ranelagh Street. But by 1823
they were both at 2 Cases Street, she as tea-dealer
and hosier, and he as banker. But by 1825 he, as
above stated, is no longer a banker. The crisis
in the ever memorable year of 1 825 doubtless put
an end to his venture, though no trace of his
name has been found among those who went
222 LIVERPOOL BANKS fer BANKERS CH. xxi
down. Ellen Fairweather died on 5th October of
the same year, aged 76 years.
Robert Fairweather after her death resided for a
while at Orrell, and died at his house in Everton
Crescent on 26th February 1828, aged 41 years.
CHAPTER XXII
MERSEY BANK.
Meriey Bank — Fraudulent note-muing bank of London origin —
Attempt to itrangle the fraud at birth— Writ* against Uvtrp^t
Mercury for libel— Bill forgeriet— Bill discounting extraordinary —
Insolvency of the bank — Non-exi»tent partner*.
OF the fraudulent character of this bank there
can be no doubt. It was simply created to foist
worthless paper on the public, and, but for the
vigilance and plucky perseverance of Egerton
Smith, might have succeeded to a greater extent
than it did. In Aris's Birmingham paper of 7th
May 1821 appears a story to the effect that an
engraver had been employed by a firm professing
to trade under the name of the " Mersey Bank "
to prepare notes for £i and £5, and bills for £15.
The plates were completed, and handed to the
employer, who decamped without paying for
them. They purport to be drawn on Messrs.
Willerton, Beaumont, Graham, & Co., Bankers,
Waterloo Place, Pall Mall, London, by Morton,
Hardie, Walker, & Smyth, of the Mersey Bank.
In May 1821 the Morning Chronicle published
224 LIVERPOOL BANKS & BANKERS CHAP.
a notice to the effect that an attempt had
been made to bring off a huge swindle in
Liverpool.
On 1 2th May 1821 D. Andrews was brought
up at the Guildhall charged with extensive fraud.
He intended, in collusion with others, to found a
fraudulent bank under the name of the Mersey
Bank, introducing two or three names of well-
known respectability intermixed with those of
persons whose intention it was to commit one of
the most mischievous and ruinous frauds that was,
perhaps, ever practised. Notes to the nominal
amount of many thousands of pounds were pro-
duced, with the signatures cut off. The parties,
having had some intimation that the fraud was dis-
covered, did this to prevent a charge of forgery.
The prisoner was discharged on account of no evi-
dence being produced that any of these notes had
been put into circulation. The Liverpool Mercury
published all the above, and its then editor and
proprietor, Egerton Smith, was very keen on
obtaining and retailing all information on the
subject, and to the columns of the Mercury I am
indebted for all the facts of this paper. The so-
called bank had opened a place of business in
Church Street, with the name " Mersey Bank "
painted thereon, and they at once issued two
writs on the Liverpool Mercury for publication of
the above facts. Mr. Johnson Gore, of Gore's
»"• BILL FORGERIES ,,$
/fdvertuer, was also served with a writ. The
wording of one of the writs on the Mercury ran
that they " broke into the close of the said bankers
with force of arms, and that they did other
wrongs to the great damage of Daniel Worton,
James Hardic, and Wm. Smyth." The Mercury
treated the matter with great contempt, and said
that if ever they break into a bank, they will do
so into one in which they expect to find some-
thing. The editor could not restrain his char-
acteristic love for puns, and sent the following to
the boy in charge of the bank, to be by him pre-
sented to his masters, if he can find them : —
" Great sirs, it bankers ill befits
Instead of bills to issue writs !
So drop your suit without delay ;
O Mersey Bank ! have mercy, pray ! **
Early in December of the said year Egerton
Smith cautions his readers, while referring to the
Mersey Bank, against bill forgeries of an extensive
description, bearing apparent endorsements of
respectable houses at Manchester, Halifax, and
Huddersficld. The bearing of this observation
was evident later, when John Duckworth in
December 1821 was committed to the Lancaster
Assizes for negotiating a forged bill of exchange.
As the evidence brought out the character and
standing of the Mersey Bank, a precis is given
226 LIVERPOOL BANKS & BANKERS CHAP.
of what was stated at the trial. The prisoner,
John Duckworth, had called on one Jonathan
Ball, tobacconist, Whitechapel, Liverpool, stating
that he was a tobacconist in Chorlton Row,
Manchester, and purchased ^50 worth of tobacco.
He paid for it by a bill of exchange bearing the
endorsement of Shakespeare G. Sikes, banker,
Huddersfield, which, together with the bill,
was found to be a forgery. The prisoner was
apprehended at Coventry. William Hide Sikes
was also committed at the same time for passing
forged bills. A bill for ^125, drawn by Thomas
Hogg & Co. of Holbeck, near Leeds, and
having the endorsement of Rawdon Briggs and
Co., William Bates & Co., and Shakespeare G.
Sikes, was presented at the bank of Messrs.
Lowry, Roscoe, & Wardell of Liverpool for
discount by a Mr. Matthew Samuel Haynes of
15 Blake Street, and who stated he had received
it in a letter from Leeds. Messrs. Lowry
and Co., having found the bill to be a forgery,
sent to Mr. Haynes' lodgings, and were there
referred to the " Mersey Bank," in Church
Street, of which concern Mr. Haynes was found
to be the corresponding clerk. After some
difficulty they succeeded in getting from him
£17, is., which he said was the whole of the money
then in the bank. They were then referred by
Mr. Haynes to a Mr. [John] Richardson of
mi BILL DISCOUNTING 117
14 Upper Ncwington, who wii stated to be the
cashier to the " Mersey Bank," and from him
they received two bills, one of £ 20, and the other
°f £3° (*hich bills Lowry or Co. had previously
paid to Mr. Haynes), and the balance of the
£125 in a draft on London. It appeared from
the testimony of Haynes that the prisoner Sikcs
presented the bill to the Mersey Bank for
discount, and there had it discounted in l**t
notes of their own, with the exception of £30 in
cash. On the day of the discovery of the forgery
Sikes sent a bill to the Mersey Bank to be dis-
counted for £98, 1 6s., drawn by John Milnes,
Huddcrsficld, on William Dickinson, Ironmonger
Lane, London, accepted at Master-man's, and en-
dorsed George Clay and Shakespeare G. Sikes.
Then a mythical person, John Peacock, writ-
ing from 40 Wapping, Liverpool, to the Dublt*
Morning Post, denies the accuracy of the above
account which had appeared in the £JMrpM/
Mercury. He states that the Mercury had
offered £1000 and all expenses to Messrs.
Worton, Hardie, & Co. to compromise the
action of libel which the latter were bringing
against the former. Whereon the Mercury
waxes wroth, denies that they ever offered
looo farthings, much less £1000, to Worton
and Co. ; it inquires who the latter are, states
that it cannot trace them in any way, although
228 LIVERPOOL BANKS & BANKERS CHAP.
the " bank " in Church Street is decorated with
their names, and says that they verily believe
that there are no such persons in existence. It
also wants to know who Mr. Peacock is, and
asks for some reference, banker, merchant, or
tradesman, who can vouch for his respecta-
bility.
Then the Mercury on nth January 1822
became even more outspoken. " The opinion
we formed as to the character and views of the
projectors of the ' Mersey Bank ' has been too
fully confirmed. . . . We do not speak on light
grounds when we pronounce the Mersey Bank
is, what we have all along regarded it to be,
INSOLVENT. There are now in this town, both
in the hands of bankers and other persons,
several of their bills protested for non-payment.
Their small notes for ^5, and even those for £i,
have been dishonoured." There are several com-
munications from correspondents. One presented
two of the notes for .£1 each to Willerton & Co.,
Waterloo Place, and was refused payment. The
reason assigned was that the house at Liverpool
had overdrawn ; but they Willerton's) are in
daily expectation of a remittance. A jocular
correspondent writes that although the house
seemed to be blown upon, yet their paper goes
farther than that of any other Liverpool banker.
The bills of the latter go to London and stop
tin SUSPENSION OP MMRSKY BANK
there, a distance of 200 miles, while those of
the former go to London, and invariably come
hack. Hence the bills of the Mersey Bank go
twice as far as those of any other Liverpool
bank.
On list January 1822 the following circular
was issued : —
"Mtm«T B*m. !.*•»*•*.
" Messrs. Worton, Hardic, It Co. having been under
the necessity (from concurrent circumstance* which
they could not control) to suspend the payment of
their engagements, respectfully announce to the several
holders of their notes and bills that all their notes on
demand will be paid in the months of February and
March — viz. all the £i notes in the last week of
February and the second week of March, and the £$
notes in the last week of March and the second week of
April, during which time an arrangement will be made
for paying all bills after sight or date. Interim they
request, wherever it can be done, the holders of such
bills will return them to the parties to whom they were
issued.**
The Gazette for i8th February contains a
notice of dissolution of partnership of D.
Worton, James Hardie, W. Walker, and William
Smyth of Liverpool, bankers.
The Mercury for ist February 1822 says:
** Mersey Bank. — This respectable body have, for
the present, retired from the fatigues of business,
... as they have declined in favour of J^km Dee
230 LIVERPOOL BANKS & BANKERS CHAP.
and Richard Roe, who have present possession of
the bank in Church Street."
The cashier of the Mersey Bank was called as
a witness in a forgery case in the next April, and
in reply to questions said that of the four partners
of the Mersey Bank, two he had never seen,
Walker and Smyth. Daniel Worton resided at
Little Chelsea, and William Smyth at Pall Mall.
None of them resided in Liverpool.
In May, in a case of insolvent debtors, it was
stated in Court that none of the partners of the
Mersey Bank or Waterloo Bank could be found.
In October one of the notes of the Mersey Bank
on Willerton, Beaumont, & Graham was returned
to Newcastle with answer, " No such firm in
existence."
In November 1822 Thomas Ambrose applied
for his discharge in the Insolvent Debtors Court.
He had been discharged about two and a half
years ago from debts to the amount of £jooo.
Six months after his discharge he took the house
in Waterloo Place, Pall Mall, from where the
Waterloo Bank was carried on. The insolvent
was an anonymous partner in the bank. There
was such a person as Willerton in existence. He
formerly lived at Pontefract, and now resides at
Hull. There was also a person named Beaumont.
He formerly resided at Islington, but his present
residence is unknown. Bills were drawn in the
mi WATERLOO BANK M,
name of D. Miaston, but no person of that name
had to do with the bank. Asked if a bill drawn
in that name was not in his handwriting, insolvent
appealed to the Court that he was not bound to
answer. Discharge refused.
INDEX
ACTS of PAKUAMKNT. 15. ao. tj.
•0. S3. 44. «9
- special, for IJverpool. 9. 15.
»7. ISJ
African Association. 1*9. 133. iji.
189 *.
- trade. 63*.. 133. MI. 171. no
Ambrose. Thomas. 130
Andrew*. D., Mf
Antwiss. Samuel. 119
Arkle. Benjamin. 181
- George, 176. 181
Arrowsmitb. Jane. 190
- Thomas. 190
Ashton. Elizabeth. 7$ *.
- John. 75 *.
- Nicholas. 75 m.
Askew. Thomas. 165
Aspinall. Broxup. 187. 188
— James. 184
- Rev. James ("Old Stager").
63*.. tat. 133. 143. 177
- James ft Broxup. 187
— John, 183
- John, ft Son. at. a*. 183-8
- John, ft Sons, 183-4
— Mary. 186
— Samuel. 60
- William, 184
Atholl. Dowager Duche*s of. 113.
- Duke of. 113*.
BAIRD, James. 34. 7311.
Ball. Jonathan. t»6
Bancroft. Joseph. 193 «.
Bank Wtarw. 14. rt. 18. w. *v
86. tao. laj. 135. tof . it), ap*.
aij M. »i*. 817. a*i. ad
•Hk MMq*. 40, 41
Bank RcatncUon Act. if, a|.
37
Banlwr BaJWh. 84. too. 118. i>».
139- t7«
- Mayor*. 84. 109. llf. taa^
139. 17*. IT*
Bank of Inland. 80
Bank of England. i$ 17. *t v
•7. ao-34. 43-4. M7- »49. lj».
aoa.at3
Bank of Umpool. $. 34. toa
Barclay. Br«u. ft Co,, aw
Bimed"! Bank. 34
Central Bank of Uiayurt.
CMM». Brookes, ft Co.. 73 «.
Ihion* ft Co.. 73
Diaons ft Wanftrl. 73
Drewett ft r owkr. 187
KadaOe ft Co.. $9. •"
Forbes ft Graforr.MS*'
Fry ft Chapaaaa. 186
Godfrey. WeMwonb. ft Co.. af
Jones. Loyd. ft Co.. 7*. 70
Uwrpool Borooch Bank, ao>) • .
aio 14
Lrmpool
109
Lhvpool Royal Bank, tao
Uivrpool Union Bank. 73 •
234
INDEX
Bankers (continued) —
London City and Midland Bank,
34. 200
Lubbock&Co., 188
Manchester and Liverpool Dis-
trict Bank, 34, 73«., 210 ».
Mercantile and Exchange Bank,
08 n.
National Provincial Bank of
England, 31 n.
North and South Wales Bank,
35, 174, 181, 182, 183
North- Western Bank, 34, 195,200
Parr's Bank, 73 n.
Sir Peter Pole & Co. , 28
Williams & Co. , Chester, 77
Williams & Co., London, 135, 218
Bankers —
Commission, 45
Dress of, 47, 48
Early. 36, 37
Hours of business, 39, 40
Liberality of, 46
Banks, joint-stock, 29, 30-4, 187
Banks, paper issuing, 15, 29, 159,
223, 227
Banks, Private, of Liverpool. See
also under separate headings —
Aspinall & Son, John, 183-8
Caldwell, Charles, fir5 Co. , 84-90
Clarke fir" Sons, William, 56-9
Clarkes & Roscoe, 61
Corporation of Liverpool, 144-58
Crane, Thomas, Samuel, and
Joseph, 124-6
Cromie, Sir Michael, Bart.,
Pownoll, &* Hartman, 159-64
Evans, Chegwin, fir* Hall, 215-16
Fairweather, Robert, 220-2
Fletcher, Roberts, Roscoe, &• Co. ,
74-81
Gregson, William, Sons, Parke,
and Mor land, 110-17
Gregson, William, Sons, Parkes,
and Clay, 117-19
H ad-wen, Joseph, 201-4
Banks, Private, of Liverpool (con
tinued) —
Hanly, Richard, 165-8
Heywood, Arthur, Sons, fir* Co.,
91-106
Hope, Samuel, & Co., 205-14
Ley/and fir* Bullins, 169-82
Leyland, Clarkes, fir> Roscoe, 61-3
Lowry, Roscoe, fir" Wardell, 72-4
Mersey Bank, 223-31
Moss, Dales, df Rogers, 192
Moss, Dale, Rogers, & Moss, 195
Moss, Rogers, fif Moss, 196
Roscoe, Clarke, & Roscoe, 63-71
Roscoe, Clarke, Wardell, & Co. ,
71-2
Staniforth, Ingram, Bold, and
Daltera, 127-43
Threlfall, John, 217-19
Wyke, John, 49-55
Banner, Anne, 185 n.
& Billinge, 185 «.
Harmood, 79, 185, 185 n.
J. S. Harmood, 5
Thomas, 5, 5 n.
Barlow, Cecilia A. F., 114
Samuel, 114
Bateman, Rebecca, 206
Thomas, 206, 212
Bellairs, Frances C., 101 «.
James, 101 «.
Berry, Henry, 5 «.
Bever, John, 131-2
Billinge, Anne, 185 «.
Thomas, 185 n.
Billinge's Liverpool Advertiser, 19,
38. I9«
Bills, 17, 20, 32, 33, 41, 42, 148
225-7
Birch, Caleb, io8«.
Eleanor, 108 n.
Sir Joseph, Bart. , 108-9 »•
Thomas, 108, 108-9 «.
Sir Thomas Bernard, Bar .
109 n.
Blackburn, John I., 200
1ND11X
M«
Margaret E.. soo
I. Henry. 136
Boat Race. Oxford ».
131 •.. 199 •.
Md. Anbar. 140
Elisabeth. 140
Isaac O.. 139. MO
Jonas. i«7. 138-40
Peter. MO
BoldenACa.sao
Bolton. John. 86. 130. 130 •.
Booth, Charles, to
Bostock. Elisabeth. 75 •
Boughey. Sarah A.. 131 «.
— Sir Thomas P.. Bart.. 131 *.
Bourne. Cornelius. 86 «.
Bradley. Elisabeth. 131
Prvig*. Edward. 170
E'len. 170
Tames. 107. 107 «.
Mary. 107 m.
Bnerley. James, aio *.
Brooks. Joseph. 146
Brown. John. 146. 148
Thomas. 133
Sir William. Bart.. 171
»7S
Browne. Brown, ft Co. . 86 m.
Emily Juliana, toa
Felicia D.. 86 •.
George (I.). 86 «.
George (II.). 164
Broxup. Margaret. 184
Bulltn. Christopher (I.). 170. 173
Christopher (II.). 173-5. IT*
181
Dorothy. 173
Margaret. 170
Richard. 46. i7*-4. I7t-8t
BunneO. James. 30
Burrell. Edward, aio-is
Margaret, sit
Burton. Thomas. 1*9
Rushby. Bernard. 108 •.
Butler. Richard. 135
c«.
in • . it*
Jote. in •
John Asa*o». *>. iff
109. 189 ay
Iff*,
i ««aa. Karl e*. |6«
•«$
dark**
* Soa*. WUha*. a. f» 9
Joh«.$7.
Ctarkca * ROMM. i«. fti. 171. 171
Clay. Krancn. tii. ul •.
— Heavy. u8-«
Making * POTy. !••
ftaCMfJey. 118
MM*, in
Parry * MidgWy. til
Richard, in. 118
Claytoa. CM*. * Co. . too. 189 •-
Margaret. 189 •.
Sarah. 189*.
Wittaai. 189 •.
Ctagg. rUaaah. 194
- jamea.194
Cnlaage. M. •}, am. 43
Coke, ThoeMS. 66
Culqakt. John. 113. lit
»**
. IS- ••• ••
n. »> st. 44. •». 97. ***. *tJ8»
144 S«. ••$. «J. «$
17. it
134. 134 ••
Corporalkw of U»«pool. 1$. we
A.k»n. !$*•.
E. BaMMs. 180 «
236
INDEX
Corrections (continued) —
Brooke, 117 »., 152 n.
Picton,64 n., 134 »., 207 «., 209-
3io n.
G. Williams, 207 «.
Cottingham, Thomas, 190 n.
Crane, T. S. &J., 124-6
& Jones, 126
Joseph, 124-5
Samuel, 124-5
Thomas, 124
Creevey Papers, 102 n. , 197 «.
Crigan, Rev. Claudius, 113 n.
Cromie, Sir Michael, Bart., Pow-
noll, & Hartman, 17, 159-^4
Anne Rachel, 162
Emily Juliana, 162
Gertrude, 161
Rev. John, 161
Sir Michael, Bart., 161-2
William, Dublin, 161
William, Cromore, 161
Rev. William, 162
SirWilliamLambert, Bart., 161
Crompton, Charles, 80
Crosbie, James, 92
Alderman William, Jun. , 146-8
Crump, Elizabeth, 72
John Gregory, 72
Currency, 42-4
Currie, Dr. James, 3, 14, 17, 58, 159
DAINTRY, Ryle, & Co., 90 «.
Dale, Daniel, 210 n.
Ellen (I.), 193, 193 «.
Ellen (I I.), 193 «.
George Edward, 193, 196
Hannah, 193 n.
Margaret, 193, 193 n.
Roger Newton, 193
Roger (II.), 194
Sarah Jane, 193 «.
Daltera, James, 143
Jane, 142
Joseph, 127, 140-2
Joseph, Jun., 142
Daulby, Daniel, 70
Davies, Dale, & Co., 193, 193 n.
James, & Co., 193 n.
Dawson, Benjamin K., 135
De Quincey, Thomas, 58, 82
Derrick, Samuel, i, 2
Dillon & Leyland, 169
Dining hour of merchants, &c. , 39-
40
Distress, commercial, 14, 18-24,
27-8, 30, 185
Dixons & Co., 73
& Wardell, 73
Dress, bankers' and merchants', 47,
48
captains', 167
Duckworth, John, 225-6
Durning, Emma, 47, 207
Jane, 207
William, 207, 207 n.
Duroure, Mary, 100
Dutton, Joseph, 193 n.
& Bancroft, 193 «.
Dyer, A. S., 162 n.
EARLE, Maria, 108 «.
Mary, 96
Thomas, of Spekelands, 108,
108 «., 133
Thomas, of Leghorn, 108 n.
William, 96, 133, 146, 148
East India Company, 3, 4, 20,
21
Edwards, Amy C. , 199
Richard, 199
Edwards-Moss, Sir John, Bart. See
under Moss
John. See under Moss
Margaret E. See under Moss
Sir Thomas, Bart. See under
Moss
Tom Cottingham. See under
Moss
Ellis, Lister, 30
Enfield, Dr., i, 75, 75 n.
Esdaile& Co., 59, 186
INDI \
M7
Evans. ClMfwia. ft Hall, 115-16
Edward. 186
Hugh Ellis. 115-16
Eyas. John. 60
FAMUI. Dr.. no
of banks. &v Bank
Fairwe*ther. Ellen. no-«
•~—— Patrick) MO- i
Robwt.no-*
Falkner. Edward. 146. 148
Fence. The. U*t<Uf*U. 87 9
Fielden, Bin, huh. ti>j
Finney.JoKph.S4
Flnakfe. Records of Liverpool. 106-
167. 170 ».. i8a. m
Fletcher. Roberts, Roscoe. ft Co..
74-9
Anna. 79
— Caroline, to
Emily. 80
Francis, 76-80
— Hannah. 74
John. 74
Maria, 71. to
Thomas, 50, 74-9
Thomas, Autobiography. 67 «.
Yates. ft Co., 67. 75. 76
Forwood, Sir Arthur a, Bart.,
195 ».
Faith. 195 ».
George. 10, 195. 195 ».
George Peplow. 195 «.
Thomas Brittain. 195 *.
Sir William B.. 195 «.
Foster. John. laa
France. James. 74. 75
James, ft Co.. 74. 7$
Hay burn, ft Co.. 74
Frankland. Benjamin. 69
GAS COMPANY. 46. 53. 54
German. William. 58
Gildart. Francis, ito
James, lai
Bart.. M.
— Mary Una. tot
— — Robsnaoa (I. ). 47. so*. SM
PM.8M
OoU. if, M. ff. « ftj. M
Goorw. ChMtaa. 1*7 •
tat
. it!
Gort. Joba. m.«o. 110
Anhor.9*
Franca*. IJ7
Grmwood. Fradmck. 131 ..
< irtcv» ft Brtdc*. 107. top
- Brtdft ft Holaw. lot
- Caat. ft Co.. tot v- *<9 ••
- Wdham. Sons. Parha.
Moreland. no. 116. 117
- WOltam. Sons.
Clay. 117. 119
— ft Co.. 18. 179
- IJartiMli 1 1
- James, no. ill.
- John (1.). 107
- John (1 1.X no, 119. iso. 140
- Richard, iti
— William. 107. 109-11. 115 16.
119. ito*.
- William. JOB., no
Grimes. Jane, fo
- Miss. 191
- William. 60
HADWIX. Joseph. >•. •*« •- «7T.
901-4
- Joseph. SOB., soi
- ft Fielden. S04
Han. Eaton. 115 16
- Krmnots, sis
- WtUam F-uon. ttf-lt
238
INDEX
Halsall, Henry, 128
Hanly, Francis, 168
Jane, Miss, 168
Jane, Mrs. , 165
Richard, 18, 165-8
Captain Richard, 165-7
Thomas Askew, 168
Hardie, James, 223, 225, 229
Hardman, John, 92
Harrison, John, 102
Margaret, 102
Hartman, Isaac, 161-3
Haslam, Captain, 133
Hayhurst, Thomas, 74, 75, 146,
148
Haynes, Matthew S. , 226-7
Heblethwaite, Captain, 182
John W. , 182
Hemans, Felicia D., 86 n.
Heywood, Arthur, Sons, & Co., 35,
91-106, 179, 180, 216
Arthur, Sons, & Co., Man-
chester, 96
Anna Maria, 102
Anne Graham, 92
Arthur, 92, 94-6, 98
Arthur, 97, 102, 102 n.
Arthur, Wakefield, ico
Benjamin, Drogheda, 92
Benjamin, Liverpool and
Manchester, 92
Benjamin, Wakefield, 99, ico
Benjamin Arthur, Liverpool
and Manchester, 96
— Elizabeth, 95, 99
Elizabeth, Wakefield, 47, 99
Elizabeth Mary, 109 «.
Hannah, 95, 98 n.
John Pemberton, 91 n. , 99,
102, 103
John Pemberton, Wakefield,
99
Mary, 96, 99 ».
— Mary, Wakefield, 100
Nathaniel, 91, 91 ».
Nathaniel, 92
Heywood, Nathaniel, Liverpool and
Manchester, 96
Oliver, 90
Phoebe, 95, 98 «.
Richard, Drogheda, 92
Richard, 96, 97, 98
Richard, 99, 100
& Thompson, 97
Heywood Pedigree, 104-5
Hicks, Anne Rachel, 162
Sir William, Bart. . 162
Hodgson, David, 30
Holidays, Bank and Public, 40-1
Holt, Emma, 47, 207
George, 47, 206-9, 208-9 »•
George, 209 n.
Oliver, 206
Robert Burning, 47, 209 n.
Hope & Co., Samuel, 205-14
Rebecca, 206
Samuel, 205-12
William, 205
Horton, Daniel, 130 n,
Houghton, Richard, 191
Hughes, John, 99
Miss, 99
Richard, 134 n.
Hyndman, H. M. , 26
INGRAM, Abraham R., 134, 137
Ann, 136
Brown & Co. , 133
Caroline, 136-7
Catherine, 136
Christian, 136-7
Eliza, 136
Frances, 136-7
Francis, 127, 131-8
Francis, 138
Francis, & Co., 170
Frederick, 136
Henry, 134, 136
Hugh Francis, 137
Jane, 138
John, 132, 137
Kennett, & Ingram, 134
INDI-X
«S9
Ingrain. Mary. 136
— — Swab. 131-3. Ij6
- Swab, 136
- ft Spranger. 134
— — Thomas. 136
- William, Oulttrn. 131-136
- William, //tf/4/tfjr. 134 -$.
- William. Uwffttt. 131
Ingrains ft Butler. 135
- ft Co.. Halt/**. 134
- Rifby. ft Co.. 134-S
Inns and hotels. 5. ia«. s66*..*to«.
JAMES. William. 117*.
Jevons. Mary A.. 71
- Thomas. 71
- Prof. W. S.. 71
Jewett. Joseph. 53
johiuoa, John. 89
- Joseph, no
Jones. Anna Man*. loa
- Benjamin Heywood. 105
- Elisabeth. 99
- Frances. ai$
- Hugh. 47. 99. too. loi. toa.
103*.
- John. 99
- Loyd. ft Co.. 78. 79
- Margaret. loa
- Mary Ellen, toi
- Richard Heywood. toa
- Thomas. 99
- T. Longueville. 100
Joplin. Thomas. 31 *.
KATK. Thomas. 183
Kennett. Benjamin, 134
King, Joseph. 164
LACK. Ambrose. 69. 69*.
- Joshua, 60. 69 «.
Laird. William. 130. 130*.
Lambert. Ford. Earl of Cawn. 161
- Gertrude. 161
Langlon. Joseph. 34
Lawrence. Charles. 197-4
Uyted ft Btftas. it, ff. af^ti
- ClarWi. ft Roam. «t. 17*
lft»
- Itidwd. 169
— ^ Rtekatd. Sav R. B>Mhi
- TkoaMa. if. 61-3. M. nr.
I3J. «4*. «4«. »J
UMT, !•••. 7J".
I Jlrtiikli. Harold, ijo i«.
54-$
Lhfarpool—
Academy of Arts. s«
Acts of
- Will JIMOrt, rff
\r::» l-i
Bank of. 5. 34. «°*
Banker Baibfla,
- Mayors.
Commerce. *-4. 8$. 86
Corporation. 15. too. tao-c. 144-
158. 179-40
Diaioc boors. 30. 40
Dtspenavy. 51. $a. 103 ».
Fireside Records of. 166-7. 170 •-.
i8a.ns
Gas Company. 46. 53. S4
Halfpenny. 915 •.
Hound Ham. 8
InslitoM. aot-9 »..•««
Library. 194
Ugbtiac.9
IJterary Cotarit. 5*
3*
!$«•
Ottoe. 30.156
Mail Sarvtot. 3
Mara* Sockiy.
2 40
INDEX
Liverpool (continued)—
Memorandum Book, i66w.
Merchants, meetings of, 20, 22
dress of, 47, 48
Mercury, 224, 225, 227-30
Parapet walks, 8, 9
Privateers, 107, 112, 133, 138,
170, 190, 220
Roads and coaches, 4, 5
Trades—
African, 3, 171
American, 3, 213
Baltic, 3
East Indian, 3, 4, 20, 21, 212
Irish, 3, 169
Obsolete, n, 12
West Indian, 3
Town's meetings, 20-2, 31,
144-6
University, 82, 103 «., 209 n.
Volunteers, 130 n., 132, 139
Water pipes, 10
Water-supply, 9, 208 n.
Liverpool and Manchester Railway,
197-8
Livesey & Co. , 45
Lockett, Cyril, i66».
Longueville, T. Longueville, too
Lowry, Ann, 73 n.
Ann, Jun., 73 ».
Elizabeth, 73 n.
Roscoe, & Wardell, 72,
226-7
Stringer, & Mann, 73 n.
Thomas, 72, 73, 73 n.
Thomas, Jun., 73 n.
MACHELL, Richard, 129
Mann, Thomas, 73 n.
Martineau, Harriet, 28 n.
John, 79, 80
Mariott, 79
Mason, Bishop, 113 n.
Stanhope, 112
Matthie, Ellen, 193 n.
Matthie, Hugh, 193 «.
Menzies, John, 49, 50
Merchants, meetings of, 20-2, 31,
144-9
Meredith, Sir William, 132
Mersey Bank, 223-31
Milnes, Hannah, 95
Richard, 95, 95 «.
Richard Monckton, 95 «.
Mock Corporation of Sephton,
165
Molyneux, Thomas, 172
Moore, Sir Cleave, 9
Morland, Alice, 115
Thomas, 108, 115-17, 117 n.
Morton, Hardie, Walker & Smyth,
223-31
Moss, Dales, & Rogers, 18, 192
Dales, Rogers, & Moss, 10, 195
Rogers, & Moss, 196
Amy Charlotte Edwards, 199
Ellen, 193
Gilbert Winter, 198, 200
Hannah, 192
Hannah, 194
Henry, 46, 194
James, 199
Jane, 190
John, Hurst House, 189
John, 189, 191-8
Sir John Edwards, 199, 199 «.
Rev. John James, 198-9
Margaret, 193
Margaret E. Edwards, 200
Sutton, & Co., 190
Thomas, 189-91
Thomas, & Co., 190
Sir Thomas Edwards, 198-9
Thomas & John, 191
Tom Cottingham Edwards,
199, 199 «.
NAYL^R, Christopher John, 181
Dorothy, 173, 181
John, 173
John, 181, 182
John, 181
1NDKX
Nayfar. RkterdGMHpkv. ••«
L.. Hi
>46. 14*
Notes—
Conntry bankers'. 15. 04. •* 37,
Depreciation o(Baak of Bag laad.
•i
rkMMM.M3.M4.M7
Lhwrpool Corporation. 144 5*
OGDKM. Elisabeth. 9$
- Penelope. 9$
- Phoebe. 95
- Richard. 96
- Sejnuel. 95
"Old Sttft-r, Ttw" (Rev. James
Aspinall). 63 «., ill. 1*3. 149.
»77
Old ham. Isaac. 139
Orrrll. John. 6 ».
PANICS, commercial. £«r Com-
mercial panics
Parke. Alice. 115
— Ann. 115
- Anne. 113. iaa
- Cecilia Anne, 114
- Cecilia A. P.. 114
- Dorothy, na
- Hannah. 115
-^^~ ft rieywood. 06
— Hcywood ft Con way . 96
- James, Lord Wenaleydak.
II4-«S. »«4 ••
- John. lit
- John. 114
- Preston Fryers, 113-14
- Ralph. 114
- Thomas, in. tit
- Thomas. 97. tti. 11315. «»
- Thomas, ft Co.. us
- Thomas John. 113. lit. 119.
lai-t
Parker, Sedman. 315 m.
•
J. A.. "History otf
pool.'* i. 63 •.. §3
— Coneruoas of. «« a\. 134 m..
161 •.. toy*.. soo-toM.
OAW. SAM-*
IMi. WJbam. »•
Porter. Charts*, fy
T. C. 179
Potts. Artfcv. 73 •.
^PMMllL PhiiaiBB. SM-J, SM •-
Captain P.. toe •.
Pimtosi. Wmasn. 113
107. in. 133, iji, 170.
Kawbnsoa. Robert. 77
- ft Roberts. 77. 7*
Refafecs • Fraoce. ise, toe
Rastnctioa of CAM payeiMti. 15.
•3.J7
KMMHHJIIII of cash payeMiH. M.
•4
TTIifcuifcni., JnU»Mi y
Ridley. Sir Matthew W.. Ban..
- Vtscooat. 114
Rifby. James, tjj
k.ff . Mis*, tit
Roberts. Jane eiksn 77
- John. 74. 7»-«
- Richard. T«-«
- Robert. 77
Robia«si Nkfcola*. 179
Rofen. Edward. 194
- Edward. 194
- ftUptty. 194
Roscoe. Clark*, ft Roacoe. M. 63.
64. il. M
- Clarke. Wardefl. ft Ca. 7»
Q
242
INDEX
Roscoe. Edward, 70
Henry, 71
Sir Henry, 71, 80
James, 70
Margaret, 70
Margaret, 70
Mary Anne, 71
Richard, 71
William, 4, 53, 57, 59-61. 81-3,
191
William Caldwell, 81
William Stanley, 63, 68, 76-81
Ryle, John C. , 90 n.
SANDBACH, Gilbert R., 47
Samuel, 47
Serjeantson, Elizabeth, 99
William, 99
Shaw, Ellen, 57
Shepherd, Dr. William, 58
Sheridan, Richard B., 88
Thomas, 88
Sitwell, Alice, 115
Francis, 115
Sir George, Bart., 115
Sir Sitwell, Bart., 115
Slaves and slavery, 4, 63 »., 133, 141,
171, 20O, 212
Smith, Egerton, 224-5
J. B., 207 «.
James, 161 ».
James, & Son, 161 «.
Smyth, Edward, 88, 89
Thomas, 84-9
Rev. Thomas, 88
William, 223, 225, 229, 230
Prof. William, 87, 88, 177
Smythe, Ann, 115
John Groome, 115
Sovereigns and half-sovereigns, 22,
23. 43
Speculations, 19, 25-7
Staniforth. Ingram, Bold, & Daltera,
127-43
Samuel, 129-30
Sarah, 131 n.
Staniforth, Thomas, 127 9
Rev. Thomas, 130, 130 «.
131 ».
Stanyforth, E. W., 131 «.
Statham, Richard, 146, 148
Steer, Catharine, 134
Stonehouse, James, 204
Stringer, James, 73 n.
Stuart, Miss, 168
Syers, Robert, 207
TARLETOX, Banastre, 62
Clayton, 144, 146
John, 76-8, 80
John, M.P. , 153 n.
Thomas, 196, 210 n.
Taylor, Hannah, 192
Moss, & Co. , 190
Thomas, 192
Thompson, Arthur, 101 n.
Elizabeth, 101
Frances C. , 101 n.
Henry Yates, 103 n.
James, Jun. , 101 «.
Samuel, 97, 99, 100, 140
Samuel Henry, 101, 103
William, Jun., 101 n.
Yates, Rev. S. A. , 103 ».
Threlfall, Alice, 219
John, 217-19
John Mayor, 218-19
Threlfall's Brewery Co. Ltd., 219
Tooke, Thomas, 26, 27
Town's meetings, 20-2, 31, 144-6
Troughton, Richard, i
Richard, 211
Susan, 2ii
UNIVERSITY OF LIVERPOOL, 82,
103 n. , 209 n.
Usury Acts, 45
" VILLAGE BLACKSMITH," 160 n.
VOLUNTEERS, 130 «., 132, 139
dress of, 132
INDI X
Walk**, iUcMtd. M. 116. 117 •..
146.14!
— KichanJ. 117 «.
W.. MJ. a*9
Wardeil. WdliM. 7»- 7J. 73 ••
Wam». SMwel. 94
WMMll Nicholas. 6e. 105
Waterloo Dank. an. sjo
Hotel, tat
Wail. Rkbard. 117 •.
WriH, WUloufhby D. O.. too i «.
lEBll^fcllj Httoicr, too «.
Wcmltydak. Lord. 114 13
nm«lii1 epitaph oa. us
West. Witaey M.. 161
\\ iliertoa, Beaunool. GnBMBt •
Co.. 233. n6. tjo
Williams. Gomer . 133. taj m.
WMli I * Co.. CktiUr. 77
William* ft Co.. Lemd**. 135, ai8
Willtanuoo. Alice. 115
Robert. 115
Williamson's AJvtrtiur, 169
Wilson. Edward. 117 m.
Woed.JMM.47
I
| .
- T. B . i9j«.
DMtet. MS. a*7.
WjllH.AM.SJ
- J«».$J
- )oM.40-«
W,k*'« Cowl. SB. si
YA
- R«r. JOM. 7S- 7 $ •
- joMpb Brooka. 7). 7*.
Rev. &. A.
i«o-i •.
- ft Grwn, 160 • .
- A Wem,i6o.
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THE CHESHIRE SHEAF. Being Local Gleanings, Historical and
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