Skip to main content

Full text of "Lives of British Statesmen"

See other formats


This is a digital copy of a book that was preserved for generations on Hbrary shelves before it was carefully scanned by Google as part of a project 

to make the world's books discoverable online. 

It has survived long enough for the copyright to expire and the book to enter the public domain. A public domain book is one that was never subject 

to copyright or whose legal copyright term has expired. Whether a book is in the public domain may vary country to country. Public domain books 

are our gateways to the past, representing a wealth of history, culture and knowledge that's often difficult to discover. 

Marks, notations and other maiginalia present in the original volume will appear in this file - a reminder of this book's long journey from the 

publisher to a library and finally to you. 

Usage guidelines 

Google is proud to partner with libraries to digitize public domain materials and make them widely accessible. Public domain books belong to the 
public and we are merely their custodians. Nevertheless, this work is expensive, so in order to keep providing this resource, we liave taken steps to 
prevent abuse by commercial parties, including placing technical restrictions on automated querying. 
We also ask that you: 

+ Make non-commercial use of the files We designed Google Book Search for use by individuals, and we request that you use these files for 
personal, non-commercial purposes. 

+ Refrain fivm automated querying Do not send automated queries of any sort to Google's system: If you are conducting research on machine 
translation, optical character recognition or other areas where access to a large amount of text is helpful, please contact us. We encourage the 
use of public domain materials for these purposes and may be able to help. 

+ Maintain attributionTht GoogXt "watermark" you see on each file is essential for informing people about this project and helping them find 
additional materials through Google Book Search. Please do not remove it. 

+ Keep it legal Whatever your use, remember that you are responsible for ensuring that what you are doing is legal. Do not assume that just 
because we believe a book is in the public domain for users in the United States, that the work is also in the public domain for users in other 
countries. Whether a book is still in copyright varies from country to country, and we can't offer guidance on whether any specific use of 
any specific book is allowed. Please do not assume that a book's appearance in Google Book Search means it can be used in any manner 
anywhere in the world. Copyright infringement liabili^ can be quite severe. 

About Google Book Search 

Google's mission is to organize the world's information and to make it universally accessible and useful. Google Book Search helps readers 
discover the world's books while helping authors and publishers reach new audiences. You can search through the full text of this book on the web 

at |http : //books . google . com/| 




Fruited by George Ramsay & Co. 











« 4 • M 

• • - 









• • • 

• . • * • 

,- • • • 






PjjtzMTAGX. Education at Cambxidge. Trayek* Dis- 
potitioii. At court. Knighted. Marriage and aucces- 
aion. Domestic avocationi. Justice and Gustos Botu- 
loruni« His di&reace with Buckingham. Member of 
parliament* Historical sketch of the English constitup 
tion to the reign o£ James L Despotic disposition of 
James. Wentworth's conduct in parliament. Again in 
parliament, l6A4h Him conduct. lUness. Rural retire* 
ment. In parliament, June 13, 162^ Discontent of the 
nation. Wentworth in opposition. Courted by Buck* 
ingfaam. Appointed sheriff against his wish. Moderate 
resdutions. Conduct as sheriff. JPhilosophic views. New 
orertures from Buckingham. Wentworth deprived of his 
office of CustoB Itotulorum. Private advances to the king. 
The court demands a general loan. Wentworth dissuaded 
from opposing it. Reasons for liis conduct. Imprisoned. 
Released. In parliament, 1628. Sfpeecb for popular 
rights. Promotes the Petition of RigbU Overtures from 
▼OL. II. b 


the court — accepted by him. Made a peer and President 
of the Council of York. Death of Buckingham. Went- 
worth's conduct as President of the Council of York. His 
promotion to the government of Ireland in 1632. 

Disordered state of Ireland. Wefhtw6rfli's dexterity in rais- 
ing supplies. His principal objects. Instructions for his 
government. His treatment of the privy-council. Efforts 
to procure a parliament for Ireland. Methods to subdue 
opposition. Speech to parliament. Management of the 
Commons in the first session. Of the Lords in the second 
session. His exultation. Application for an earldom. 
Thwarted in his wish to continue the parliament. His 
measures for conformity. Introduction of the English 
laws. Amelioration of the military establishment. Ex- 
pedients for improving the revenue— the customs — sale of 
tobacco — statutes of Wills and Uses^-trade with Spain — 
the linen manufacture — ^the monopoly of salt — ^the disco^ 
very of defective titles. Arbitrary measures. Trial of 
Mountnorris. Death of Clanricarde and others. Went- 
worth's appearance at court. His zealous support * of 
ship-money. New application for an earldom— refused. 
His mortification. Return to Ireland. Subsequent mea- 
sures. Domestic life. Marriages. Recreations. Tem- 
perance. Attention to his private fortune. Integrity. 
Splendour. Bodily infirmities. Vexations. Quarrel with 
Loftus. Consulted on the Spanish war. His reply. 

Affairs of Scotland. Wentworth's conduct to the Scots. 
Sent for by the king. * Arrival in England, November 
1 639. Advises war with the Scbts. And a parliament. 
Created Earl of Strafford^ and Lord Lieutenant. Success 
with Irish parliament. Dangerous illness. In the £ng* 
lish parliament, April l640. Appointed to command the^ 
troops. Adverse a£yrs« Hi^ mistaken views. Difficul- 
ties. Suminonp^A' to parlianbebt^ November 1640. Ixom 


peached of high treason. Articles of ittp^chment. His 

■ • • • 

trial. His defence. Prosecuted by a bill of attainder. 
Bill passed in the -House of Commons. Passed m the 
House of Lords. Strafford's letter to the king. Attain- 
der sanctioned by the king. Strafford's preparations for 
death. Execution, 12th May 1641. Pp. 1—280. 




Birth. Education at Oxford — in the Temple. Marriage. 
Success at the bar. Habits. In parliament, 1640. In 
parliament, November 3, 1640. His patriotic loyalty. 
Sent to the Tower. Introduction to the king. Confi- 
dential employment. Made Chancellor of the Exchequer. 
Favour with the king. Commission at Uxbridge. Situa- 
sion during the war. Of the Prince of Wales's council. 
Employed on his History. Joins the prince at the Hague. 
Hated by the queen. Ambassador to Spain. Reception 
there. Condemns the treaty of the young king with the 
Scots. Harassed by calumnies. Favoured by Charles. 
His extreme poverty. Persevering integrity. Death of 
Cromwell. State of affairs in England. General Monk. 
Restoration of the king. Hyde created Lord Chancellor. 
Principal minister. His public measures ; Act of indem- 
nity and oblivion-— Settlement of the revenue — Exertions 
for the prerogative — Policy towards Scotland — Regula« 
tion of the national judicature — Settlement of religion. 
His disinterestedness. Devotion to the king. Shocked 
by the king's principles. Conduct relative to his daugh- 
ter's marriage— To the marriage of the king — To the 
Duchess of Cleveland — The sale of Dunkirk — The act of 


indulgence to d i w ent e r i-The Dutch w«% 1665. Hif 
extreme unpopulaiitjr. Falb under the king's diq^dea- 
«ure« Obnoxiouf to the parliament Deprived of bis of- 
. fioe> Ipupeeched of high treason. Leaves the kingdom. 
lU treatment in France* Residence at Montpelier. Apos- 
tacy of his daqghter to the Catholic £uth* His desire to 
revisit England* D^th. F^. 28 1-— 41 1 • 




> A'WA: 



EAUh OF STIi^rroilD. 

cHneoting the cliaracicr of tliia statesoiao, Uie 
mpltcr has to C'Jicnuntcr difiicuhiL>a sujunidilccl 
defects and ubacurlty of autsLiit rccbrd.s. 
I factions which agilatcil :Iie mniemponirjcs of 
iliird, fur from ceasing wiih the cilstinfr {^cne- 
ITiitioia. divided posterity into his iunnodcratc cLti- 
surcrs, or imfjiialified admirers; and writers, whe- 
ther hostile or friendly, have confouiided his mcriu 
and defects with those of the transactions in nhicK 
lie was engaged. Even in the present day, an uu- 
disguised exposure of his virtues and vices might 
be miioonsirucd by many into a prejudiced pane- 
gyric, or an invidious ccnoure of the man, as well 



as of the cause. But it ought to be recollected 
that errors of judgment are distinct from depravity 
of moral principle ; that the vicious may often, from 
selfish motives, be led to range themselves under 
sanctified banners ; and that the virtuous, misled 
by false views, may temporarily participate in per- 
nicious transactions. And if the partisans of ei- 
ther side are' still too warm to prefer the discovery 
of truth to the assertion of their favourite opinions, 
let them at least be swayed by the consideration^ 
that all characters in real life are mixed ; and that 
transcendant virtues without blemish, or an unva- 
ried series of aggravated vices, are aliko received 
with incredulity. 
Paieiitage. Thomas Wcutworth derived from his birth all 
the advantages which an English commoner can 
enjoy. His father. Sir William, who continued to 
hold tlie manor of Wentworth, the residence of his 
ancestors before the Conquest, enjoyed one of the 
' largest estates in Yorkshire ; and being also con- 
nected, by intermarriages, with some of the most 
considerable fistmilies in the county, possessed very 
extensive influence.^ Thomas, the eldest of 
twelve children, was bom on the ISth of April 
1593, in Chancery Lane, at the house of his mater- 
nal grandfather, a barrister of Lincoln's-Inn. t 

■ i 

* Strafford's Letters and Dispatches^ dedication, 
t Radcliffe's Essay towards the Life of Straffbrd^ puhlished at the 
conclusion of Strafford's Letters and Dispatches^ Folio edit« 1739; 


Being destined to inherit the honours and estate of 
the family, he was early initiated in the accom* 
plishments suitable to his rank ; and completed his 
literary education at St John's College, Cambridge. ^J^^ 
Of the plan or progress of his early studies, no bndg*. 
particulars have been preserved. The writers of 
his memoirs, impressed chiefly by the striking 
transactions in which he was afterwards engaged, 
have too much neglected the circumstances by 
which his character was formed, and his eariy dis* 
position developed. 

His proficiency at the university seems, however, 
to have impressed his friends with a favourable 
opinion of his talents ; * and the strong predilec- 
tion, which he afterwards retained for this seat of 
leartUBg, proves that neither were his studies unac- 
ceptable to him, nor his manners and application 
unapplauded by his teachers. At a future period 
of his life, we find him patronising the cause of his 
university with much earnestness, and receiving 
their acknowledgments of his exertions. Having 
occasion to represent some misconduct of a church 
dignitary who had been educated at Oxford, he 
could not help adding that such a divine was never 
produced at Cambridgct 

From ihe university, Wentworth travelled abroad J^jf*" 

• Straffi>id'B Letters, Vol. I. p. 1. 
t Strafford's Letters, Vol. I. p. 189. 

to o(mipjQte Im eduo^tiw, m^ sp^at ^pw^rdg qf % 
year ia France. Here he b^d m oppprtviqity eC 
witnessing the daugjeroa^ reveal mi^n^ of ^b %i^bltr^r 
ry governmepfc; Heury IV., th^ fe?«k of Fipcefc 
assassinated by a Ainatie ; Sully, th<^ n^Qst virtyoii^ 
of minister^ disgrao^d hy (^e ii^t?igqf[9 of » pouFt; ;i 
^uiother daughter of Medi^i^ at tfee H^ «if the 
French oounciU ; and the i^^am^ds which c^i^U di^^! 
cord had indicted, and pc^itifsal wisdom hegun IQ 
heal, reopened by the follies and crimes pf new 
rulers. During his residence abroad* WevXWQV^h 
had the advantage of being attended by a traveUing 
tutor, distinguished equally for his l^rning and hi^ 
knowledge of the world. It k tp the honour ^f 
bnth, that the friendship wbic^h they contracted 
was warm and permanefiit. So deeply mffi^§»A 
was Wenlworth with the judgment and fidelity of 
his ti^tor, that^ while he cauld retain him in ^ h- 
mily, he uni^orngty cansul^od him in all matters of 
iHiportance ; * and when Mr Greenwood §t length 
retii*€d to the lining, with whkh h» had heein prc^ 
Tided by his pupil, th^ latler CQi3^i(\uied th^e sa^? 
fixpressionji of confidwce and regard^ Mmy yei^rs 
afterwards, we find Wentworth recwmmwdixig to 
his nephews, who were alsA hi3 Ward&i^ the CQUO^els 
q£ Mr Greimwotod, as. ikeix m^^ infftUibk guides ;t 
and from this faithful friend he himself also found 

* Radclifie's Essay. f SUfaffond's l^KldXfi, Vol I. p. 170. 


irhen his own uttetltitm Ib^amo^ ^gi^o^^ iiith thi 
bttsitt^tf tf goirefiiAetiti At thd tohduisibn of it 
very long ItKti^f ii^tiltivf^ t0 sOme dmhisstib c6ticeM)sr, 
bi tfpolc^if to Mr'&^0^w6^ : "^^ I d^^/' iteys 
hi, *< that tb^ iie($fcsjt)r li^ idl^i^ 
lay exdust fi»* ihM utimd^iierljr ti*6y^I{hg of ydu; 
imd tlb^t, out of ^f^ chdi^ity, yotii^ou^d tiw d«Ajr 
yotf f htgl^ to htm ih^i u^« af godd Htc^aii, wotk^td 
flot deny his life to yw/' * 

The eneirgy of thiiB ^xpr^^stoii coi^^s^hdlsd H) Di^ofhioi 
the warmth of Wentworth'ft feeliflfs. Th6 chtifS^. 
ttristto ibrdour of }m aStotidhi^ l^afr to b6 early 
rofiiafki^d ; tfhd he pi'ot^d ti6 less deeided in thfe 
jtroN^ention 6f hk mmiii^. Hahitoated to tho 
itfdblgenKei ^ « ^^titifbt fbrtuhe", dtid tinacciM- 
tomed to oppi^itfoii/ hi^ t^ ^hotef^ ih the extreme, 
md the sliddtftt' violi^nci^ Of hiti ^e^ntbient Wa)^ dpt 

to triimiKyrt him beyond all boutldj of diseittion. 
Yet this fault was in A gi^ftat meagre iM;6iied for by 
tho mdolMl^s dnd ifandou^ with which it wa^ ac- 
kno\^Iedg@dv Wh^ii his fiends, who perceived 
how d^tritneftt^l it lliil^t pfm td hi§ futiire Mh 
iatey adfi^onished hiift of it, th^h- retfititisti^d^ 
w^re alw^s ti&:€n 'm good pitt. Hd ^hd^vour^d 
to wateh more diligently hi^ i^Htiity, tod feh his 
attachment Increase towards those who advised him 

* Strafford's Letters^ Vol. I. p. 488« 


with sinoerity and freedom. Sir George Radcliffe, 
the most intimate of his friends, informs us, that 
he never gained mone on his tnist and affection 
than when he told him of his weaknesses. ^ 
At Court On his return from abroad, Wentworth appear- 
Knighted. ed at court, and was knighted by King James. In 
the reign of Henry VIIL, and still more of Eliza- 
bethf this distinction would have been a proof of 
merit, or of some claim to the favour of the sove- 
reign ; but their less wise, and more needy succes- 
sor, employed his power of dispensing honours as a 
means of pecuniary supply. 
Marriage About this time Wentworth married Margaret 

and flic- J 

ceMion. Clifford, the eldest daughter of the Earl of Cum- 
1614. berland ; and in the following year he succeeded, 
by the death of his father, to a baronetcy, and an 
estate of six thousand pounds a-year : a splendid 
fortune at the commencement of the seventeenth 
century, even when encumbered with provisions for 
seven brothers and four sisters, t 
Domestic His time was now occupied with the pleasures 
and cares which attend a country gentleman of dis- 
tinction ; and was successively devoted to the du- 
ties of hospitality, the improvement of his estate, 
the guardianship of the younger branches of his fa^ 
mily, his favourite diversion of hawking, his books, 

• RadclifFc's Essay. t Strafford's Letters, Vol. I. p, 484;. 


and his correspondents. * The death of his bro- isi4. 
ther-in-law, Sir George Savile, who left him guar- 
dian to his two sons, brought a large increase to 
his avocations^ and drew jforth some amiable traits 
of his character. Actuated by the remembrance 
of his friendship with their father, he watched over 
their education and their fortunes, with a degi:ee of 
solicitude rarely produced by the ties either of 
kindred or humanity. So zealously did he prose- 
cute a law-suit in which their estates had become 
involved, that during the long period of eight years 
which it continued, he made . thirty joumies to 
London on this account, and neglected not to at- 
tend the courts every term in which it came to be 
heard, t 

But Wentworth was not destined to pass his life Jiucice and 
in the* obscure though honourable employments of toiomm. 
a country gentleman. He seems to have quicUy 
attracted the notice of his county and of govern* 
ment ; for he had not above a year enjoyed his in- 
heritance, when he was sworn into the commission 
of peace, and nominated by Sir John Sayile to suc- 
ceed him as Gustos Rutolorum, or Keeper of the 161& 
Archives, for the West Riding of Yorkshire, an 
office bestowed only on gentlemen of the first con- 

• Strafford's Letters, Vol. 1. p. 2, 3, 4u Raddiffe's Essay, 
t Radcllffe. 


& SABL. M SfniAFFOlU)* 

sidei^ation^^ The rdagn^un^ of Simle^ flIdiOugb 
^parently roluntary^ (lEoeeeded from qiutireli witfc 
kiiB neighbours, the result of hb restlett diftpOftU 
tion 1 1 this had oaased hini to bd deiuioncod to^ gd^ 
tomment as a disivrber of bis conirtjr ^ :( and k 
nas the iDOderataaa df the Lord ChftoeelikMV EUeisl* 
xtieror frlnefa perniitted him to stve a^ypearMicei Iff 
his lesignation. 
His^difflr. Savile, however, was not of » temper to ns^ 
race with i^sEi Itatiquit, 8dd the successor, vrhooi he had 
^«n* teiuctdntljT nominated, soon became €h6 otgdcl i^i 
kis decided enmity. Having iMnd meaM to k-' 
tcfrest in his favour William Duke (A Budtiiigharm,^ 
who at thiat period gotemed the codtioita of Kittg 
James, he meditated a restoration to his fortner of^ 
fioe; At bis instadee the dnke wrot^ to Went- 
ilForth, informing him that the king, having'again 
taken i^r John Sarile into his f^roiiry bad resolved 
to employ htm in his^ service ; and reqnestii^ tba<; 
he> would freely return the office of Keeper of the 
Arebir^fif to th^ mafn who had voluntarily consign* 
ed it M \m haffidsr Wentwovtb, instead of com^ 
plyingf^ exj^ed the misrep^resentattons of bis aiit#- 
gonistr ahtmed that his resignation had been wmn^ 
from^ hia» by neeessfty^ «nd indicated his intenlidfi 
of coming to London to make good his assertion. 

* Straflfbrd's Letters, Vol. I. p. 3. t Ibid. p. 2. 

X See his letter, ibid. 


Tli^ dttfee, though Cffteh tegtcMti^ of glvitig oft 
fence m the pursuit of hiii purposes, did not jodg^ 
this n sufficient occasion to risk the diiiplessure of 
the Yorkshire gentletuen. He ropHed itlth much 
seemmg cordiality, assuritig If enttvorth tH*t Ink 
former letter proceeded entirely fhhii i!iisinforttiii«- 
tiou, and th^t the khig had consented to dispense 

ivith his service, only from the idea that he himsdf 
desh^ an opportunity to resign. • Hiis ittcidefit 
IS remarkable, as having laid the first foundidtiotl 
of that anhuosity with.Buckinghatot vvfiich lod thti^ 
tray to many questionaWe circumstances in the doft* 
duct of Wentworth. The duke f^s not of h Ah^ 
position to forget even the ^(lighteirt. opposition to 
his s^ i and Wenttrorth itds not a man to be in^ 
jtired with impunity. 

An opportutrfty soon occurred of retaliating the Member of 


ifl offices of Savile. A parliament hating been 
wmmotred to meet m l6fll, Wentworth had tfo 
wett improved his conucctions and popuhrity, as to 
give him a confident hope of being returned for his 
county. The contests which, during the reign of 
James, had taken place bettteen the king tttid the 
commonsf, and the power which that bouse w« 
found to possess of controlling the metetfres of tht 
crown, had now rendered a seat for a county d 
lending object of ambition. Gentlemen of the firiik 

* See boUi kOM ia itttffoidi'i Letter^, ^dt t p. 4. 


rank and fortune sought* in this station, an oppor* 
tunity of signalizing their talents and influence, or 
of resisting the dreaded encroachments of the 
court. In the prosecution of this first object of 
his ambition, Wentworth gave indications of that 
vigour and address, by which he was afterwards 
distinguished. In some of his letters which still 
remain, we find him dexterously stimulating the 
exertions of his friends, or diverting the endeavours 
of his opponents. That his hopes might not be 
disappointed by vain professions, he procured the 
petty officers of the several hundreds to draw out 
lists of such voters as positively engaged to appear 
at York, on the day of election, in support of his 
interests. ^ The other candidates for the county 
were Sir John Savile, and Calvert, Secretary of 
State ; and Wentworth now revenged his quarrel 
on the former, by espousing the interests of the lat- 
ter. Having secured his own return, he zealously 
laboured to engage the freeholders in an opposition 
to the old disturber of their county } and, still ap-* 
prehensive of Calvert's failure, from the extensive 
influence of Savile, his ardour for the attainment 
of his object seems to have rendered him little scru- 
pulous about the means. In a letter to the secre- 
tary, ** I have heard,'' says he, ** that when Sir 
Francis Darcy opposed Sir Thomas Lake in a mat- 

* StnJford'B Letters^ Vol. I. p. 8^ 9, 10, 11. 


ter of like nature, the lords of the council writ to 
Sir Francis to desist. I know my lord chancellor 
is much your friend in this business : a word to 
him, and such a letter would make an end of all." * 
Wentworth appeared in the House of Commons 
at a period when an unusual combination of cir*^ 
cumstances drew forth a display of intrepidity and 
eloquence. Our political constitution, having met 
with unexpected accidents which shocked and dis- 
composed its component parts, exhibited efiPects, 
that seemed altogether surprising, when their 
causes were not understood. Yet the order in 
which the successive incidents arose was natural, 
and the consequences scarcely avoidable. A short 
exposition of this remarkable progress will nojst 
perhaps, be devoid of interest, and is essentially ne- 
cessary to a proper comprehension of Wentworth's 
principles and conduct. 


The introduction, or rather the completion of Historical 
the feudal system, in the reign of William L, gave ^le English 
a considerable addition to the royal authority. 
The proprietors of land were now made to acknow- 
ledge a dependence on their monarch ; were bound 
to administer specific aids to his revenue ; and in 
their tenures, acknowledged an obligation to follow 
his standard. Yet, unless ^thin the limits of his 


* StraiR)rcl'8 Letters^ Vol. I. p. 10. 


<t¥n deM^M^ij Il« found his pdwtf oifeuWtenlbdil 

bf fttf ddinit^ boutidariei. TIm hitotii, Wh« ¥k 

thestf d6y« foftiied thd |iilrlidn!»nt» l'eK<iquiih«d M 

the klflg th« ^ight «f dMidriilgl #ftf afiid dttaeludifif 

pMee^ bufe TiUitttd ftitUljr j^Hvil^gtit whteh ntfdd«d 

th«ih Ml iiettte j^tttoii bf thig ^dvdH)iri6At< Tlley 

fbhtad the kit resofC lii judicial af^Al^i flfld (iOi- 

sMMd Ml itid)^»MM« Volee Itt bit Idws ^fl^iil^ 

thi ntAkii iO) htgi. WitHoue ihtit Mfftteiil, dti* 

M3t fMf^otld tk itidil Mipiitated Iff ihn f(Mdal W^ 

nntei eoiild hH i«^ed on the tubjbcis; Mid by 

theii* d^^isioil iUone eoulcl oaf b{ fbeii» peefi M 

Aipifiitd of his ptopHrif, bis tlbeflf, Oi* his li(^. 

With a precatitiofi tnor« fo be ddnAif'^d thdh ^1C« 

pieief ed in a iiide i^e« they |ire6ui^ed the iigiitt(iii-6 

of the etPfetelga to WHtteit deddtiatiorlf of £h^8« fiyi<'- 

vif^ges ; and, by stich ibari^f if, triAiMlf ted td iheif 

posterity a knowledge and vMiitiaide tof rij^hts, 

which oral tradition would soon have involved in 

doubt ilnd p§f^]eiatj<, Of the Ot6ttt Chai-t6f, so 

called fi'oftf its taofS tdtapUtb ihd iccvit&te tiiiUiciti-; 

ratioti of hation&I {iHvilegc^s, set anxious Wei^ the 

Mmn 16 diffuse the Mthority, tbat fhey e'dtrsed tt 

copy df it td b^ deposited in dVery diotJ^s^ Ihfotij^ll^ 

out th« kiltgdoM, ^nd dhe to be ttahsmitt^d to b^ 

Idttd, foi' tH b«b«flt df thai rtkreM (IMiquest. 

When the nifteitMmiiei df the peopte,) ^ coflM 

sequence of great improvements in the state of the 
middle ranks^ afterwards became » eomponent part 

ef the Buiiiuii^nt, they ihar^ in %h^ pQWftrf mi 
privileges previously attached to ih^ ho^ijt 9bt4ia-' 
ing som« peculiftrly to tb^m^lv^s, mi ^eqjoyiiig; 
otb^s in eommon with the gr^$t b^ronp, Tho 
last resort in judicial prof^edings rem^i^^d ^i^glu-r 
uvely fvith the lords ; thei first a^ptiun for granting 
oontribu^os was apprc^riated by the ppmrnPii^ I 
while the di^f^ussiop (ind 9mQt\m of idl geaen^ 
Imra became equ^y ^d privilege ^f bothi 

But these rights were pot preaenred wd traPSr 
mitted to posterity, without inc^si^ut preiJ^utiopi 
mA repeaited struggles. The suhi^ets were iut^ 
tested in preserving uudiJ«iai§h^ the power of the 
Porliaipent ; the king was ppompted to gp^tify his 
ambition by the extepsiou of his authority. Ad^ 
iwiced, by the instituti(m of feudal teuuress fropi 
the leader of independent qhiefs, to be the aover 
jpeigia of ^ great kiugdeui^ he stiU found an uneasy 
leslxaiat in the andleut privileges of hi^ barcmt 
To iacreaae his revenuef to revenge his quarr^^ 
to femffie some obnoxious opponent, he was ocoa- 
sioMlly tempted ta transgress the IwUs which long 
usage Of expreas ohartera bad prescribed* and to 
aaake illegal inroads on tibe persow a»d propc^ 
9i hia subgeots. 

0^ l^aie ciecasioni^ the barons ap^ealf^ ^ re- 
dreaa ta the same ^ioleiift vc\ea«0 by which the ii^n- 
lies bad beep inflicted.. With aims wl their hwdSt 
and aD caeort of mililaffy wisaU iu their traiib 


they came to the national councili compelled the 
monarch to renounce such acts for the future, and 
obliged him to give them a written assurance of 
his good faith, either by the grant of a new char<- 
ter, or an explicit confirmation of those already 
obtained. The monarch, indeed, felt little scruple 
in violating promises which had been extorted from 
his apprehensions ; and when the barons were dis- 
persed, and their vassals disbanded, he too often 
renewed those oppressive acts which had roused 
their indignation. On such occasions, the barons 
had no other resource than to betake themselves 
1215. again to arms, and to procure a new confirmation 
of rights, of which they found their courage the 
only efiectual guardian. It was in this miinner 
that the Great Charter was wrested from the fears 
of King John ; he had, however, no sooner rati- 
fied it, than he proceeded to violate its provisions, 
and destroy its promoters ; and its next confirma- 
tion was purchased by a civil war, and even by the 
introduction of a foreign power into the kingdom. 
Such was the apprehension infused into the barons 
by repeated infringements that, in the course of 
a few reigns, they procured from their monarebs 
thirty successive ratifications of the Great Charter. 
During the reigns which immediately succeeded 
the Norman Conquest, the independent patrimony 
of the crown, united to the aids imposed by tl^ 
milit&ry tenures, was sufficient to support the 


peace-establishnient of the monarch, while the mi- 
litary services, by which all the lands in the king- 
dom were held, provided an ample resource for the 
exigencies of war. In this state of things, the so- 
vereign had no temptation, beyond the suggestions 
of unreasonable passions, to encroach on the rights 
of his subjects, nor they any means beyond their 
military force, to secure themselves against his in- 

Only a few reigns, however, had elapsed, before 
the relative condition of the sovereign and the 
subject had undergone a material change. The 
introduction of manufactures and commerce gra- 
dually presented new objects of desire, and led to 
an increased expenditure ; the rapacity of courtiers, 
and the improvident profusion of monarchs, pro- 
duced a rapid dilapidation of the royal demesnes. 
The system of military tenures, then the only re- 
gular resource for warfare, was found to include, 
under a formidable appearance, a great deal of 
weakness and inefficiency. The vassals could not 
be dragged to the standard of their lords, nor the 
lords to the campaigns of their sovereign ; and, at 
length, it became necessary to commute their mili- 
tary services for a very inadequate contribution in 
money. But if the sovereign now felt himself 
straitened even on ordinary occasions, far short did 
all his supplies fall of the resources required by 
the splendid ambition of succeeding monarchs. 

16 9AM W iTAAPFO«09« 

Th(^ w^ng|^lQn of Skptlond and of F^mw^ tka 
magniiiQWt euterpri$^i of Edward L and £dward 
m, dfmfndad.tQo 9j^t(9n3iye prepaxationa to fan 
d#fr^;ed b^ anjr ii'dependent revenw$ appertmnmg 
tp^ the orown, 

In tbeii^ eireumBtances, the only resource of the 
nion^rob wa« to apply to the liber^ity of Parfiar 
imtiU witbout wbQ«e authority be could levy no 
contribution on the subjects ; and that assemblji!* 
having now, in their grants, a forcible argument to 
more the sovereign, employed it to procure those 
oonfirmations of their rights, whidi they had fooTf^ 
^ merly obtained by force of arms. The most spit 
Edward I. pitcd sud aipbitious monarehs, the Edwards, intent 
on the proseoution of their warlike enterprises, 
made Httle scruple of purchasing supplies by the 
concession of statutes for the protection of popular 
rights. And so well did the Fariiaments employ 
their advantage, that, by the conclusion of the 

1377. reign of Edward III* they had ascertained, with 
considerable accuracy, the limits of their own pri^ 
Tileges and the king^s prerogative i and bad passed 
tiiose statutes for the protection of persons and 
property^ which aire stiU appealed to against thu 
cscFoaohments of arbitrary power. 

V But in these rude ages, it was one thing to ohn 

tab a law^ and another to insure its observance* 
J)iiring the uitenral of his neoessitiesi the prinjoe 
was enabled ta vidkte his prfmuses, infidnge die 


statutes, and trespass both on the pei^lai^ and pro^' 
perty of the subjects. Even the members of Pair* ^ 
liament fbund themselves divested of their an^ei^t^ 
security. The nobles, now dissipating their reve*' 
nues on the luxuries of the age, no longer be^et* 
the throne with an array of armed retainers- ;t a^ 
while the monarch was relieved from this doui^ee of 
apprehension, he could, with impuhity,^ ttathple- dii^ 
the privileges of the commons, who iildiyid^EislHy' 
possessed little influence, and, as a bo^, W^re faeld 
in contempt by the hereditary aristocracy. . Sc^ne^ 
times he interrupted their deliberations; some- 
limes he endeavoured to extort their grants hf 
threats, 4nstead of winning them by concessions ^ 
and at other times he took more severe methodic 
with the refractory members, and punished their 
opposition to his will by fines and imprisbnmenr. ^ 
Yet amidst these disorders, it was evident, from* 
the structure of our constitution, that the question 
between the power of the sovereign and the privi- 
leges of Parliament would, at a future period, be 
brought to a final decision, and^he opposition of 
the one, or the encroachments of the otlier, be ef^ 
fectually terminated. When the people, by thii 
progress of wealth and knowledge, should become 
too powerful and too high-s^rited to permit the iU 
legal treatment of their representatives, and wheti 
the monarch, by the progressive increase of ex* 
pence, or by farther dilapidations of the royal de- 



mesnedt should find his revenues inadequate, the 
unport^nt discussion was no longer to be avoided. 
I^ vjTpuld then become indispensable, either that he 
should submit, with good faith, to the limitations 
of hU ppwer ; or that, betaking himself to vio- 
lence, he should break through our ancient c(msti* . 
tution, abolish the privileges of Parliament, and. 
i^end^r himself the undisputed master of the Uvea 
and property of his subjects. 

Toiyards this eventful crisis, affiiu^ continued 
gradually to approach, but in their progress were 
accelerated or retarded by various accidents. Dur- 
ing the sanguinary contests between the houses of 
York and Lancaster, the greatest families among; 
the nobility bad been extirpated, all of them had 
suffered in their influence, and the Commons, be- 
ing brought more nearly to a level with the Peers, 
occupied a more conspicuous station in Parliament. 
But the same causes rendered the monarchs less 
regardful of the privileges of the Commons, which 
formerly they had been willing to extend as a 
counterbalance tq^the powerful barons ; and, at the 
accession of the house of Tudor, the Parliament 
fislt a great diminution of that authority which it 
had enjoyed a century before. Henry VII. held 
ill his. hand .the swo^d of a conqueror ; and while 
frequent insurrections .gave him a plausible pretext 
for vengeance, it was not without imminent hazard 
that any member of Parliament could oppose his 

B4|il' or BTB4FFQIIP. 19 

will. By the resumptioQ of gnuit9> by {qrfeitwes^ 
by arbitrary fines, and aii economy equ4 to bia rar 
pacity, Henry had amassed treasunss b0ypnd any 
monarch of his age ; yet the progressive increase 
of expence was silently producing circumstances 
against which such precautions could not long 
avail ; «nd when his avarice tempted him to mak^ 
demands oa his Commons, th^r resistance showe4 
him that they possessed a powerful check for his 
more indigent successors. 

From the treasures amassed by his father, Hen« 
ry VIIL for some time supplied his profusion; 
from the pillage of the moni^teries he derived some 
es^traordinary resources ; and the dread of his disft 
pleasurci or a desire to prcmiote the llefpnnatipnt 
occasionally moved the liberality of the Commops. 
Yet at times they showed the pqwer as well as the 
^irit to resist his demands ; and they eventually 
gained more than they fifuffered frcmi hi^ prepipiti^to 
paasipns. At the commeppement of his reign he 
received (rom them a cQpfirmatioa of his title ; ho 
d^vered up to their vengeance the ministers c^ his 
filther's extortions ; he procured their saiiction tq 
his innovations in reUgion, to his marriages, to Ims 
repeated alterations in the order of successioii, and 
showed, Uiat he accounted their aiithority sufficient 
to ratify a change of my description* At no pet 
riod was the omnipotence of Parliament a more 
established doctrine. It was not enough that More 

<^ofify«9^d^^t$^ow^ito 'tn^^e or^depose a Iting $''fae 
ititnr4efd^ w jjfvpitol ' seMenc^ "because he. wmi^: ' npi 
licki^l^d^e^its^ right to confer a^cypttotbvev ibf 
'eondciebc68 of xneu. ♦ ^ ^ • : r- ' ^ > / . 
- ^ During thte $hort^ wigns' of Edward and' iMerJ^ 
th^ ksde«d£tnoy of thcf ^ParUttpeikt inctieaiied, tes wi^ 
a^ the "diffibulties: ^f * the prince. ' W&ild thct debdft 
contraicted by « Hefiry weife tiot Uqiii&ated Jby Ed^. 
*«^ard, anii were greatly augmentejdbjr Maiy,»tb* 
royal revenue was still farther impoverished "b^ 
aliehations' of ' tKe : ^rown ^lands; The determibed 
*€!8irtance;whfch the i Parliament made *to-tlie' d^- 
tnaiid8> of the bigoted but odioui^ Mai^^^ekaked 
its popularity^ and placed it in a still i»ord ' fa voia'^ 
able condition to avail itself of the distresser df 

the CrOWm ' - •;•!.-...:' • ..• .:i<:.'- ; ^ ». . 

Elizabeth. That conflict between the Crown and the Ccttri- 
mons', ' which how seemed on the^ vei^e^ of €Onk<* 
mendngy Was for a while delayed by the spirit and 
the prudence of Elizabeth. Her eonc^lrrence 
with the imdeviating frugality of Burleigh, enabled 
her to free the crown from its overwhelming en^ 
cumbrances ; and to provide for more than W 
ordinary expences, in her independent resources^ 
As^ she could not endure to have her lof^y pretend 
iions called in question, she never applied to her 

6Qmmons> unless^ in a case of evident necesnty^ 

» ■ . ' • « 

^ ■ ■ - ■ ■ ■ 

* See the Life of More. 

and there were variousr cir-^unijst^nce^ ^vjrjii^h afeuj 
dened them well iuclined !t9 supply nhfrw^ot?; 
Tlie complaiswce due. to \\er sex^ tl^e^.^mhrdtio^ 
excited by her talent^} hes ^pn^jMcqous economy, 
said her . connection with th0. Nearest ipterestSt gf 
the Protestant religion^: ^cca^iom^ly , drew f|:o.m 
them more liberal grapts jChninbad beQn aqcqrd^ 
to any of her predecessqyjfc .Yet even these. ,aA. 
vantages could not prevent them from: Kungljn^ 
a discussion of their grievances with that of her 4er 
nmdsa, or from uniting in their projects the limita- 
tion of her power with the relief of her want?^. At 
times they bur^t ibrtii into those enthusiastic preten- 
sions of liberty) which the progress of knowledge had 
now developed, and entranced, * Elizabeth em- 
ployed all her vigour >and address to repress this 
rising spirit. She answered their high claims by 
assumptions still more lofty; she endeavoured tP 
curb their freedom of speech by high-sounding ip- 
jimctions, and even by imprispning the most. re- 
fractory members : she strove to conceal her ina- 
bility to maintain such violent stretches of iK)wer, 
by receding, as of her own free grace, while it was 
yet time : and, to display the independence of her 
resources, she more than once remitted the sup- 
plies whjch they had grantedt Yet she precipitat- 
cfd the distresses of the crown by a large alienation 

• Sec the speeches of Peter Wentworth in Hume, Chap, xl. 


of the crown lands : and she put a fatal wea|Km 
into the handir of the factiousi by the unexampled 
act of bringing a sovereign to the scaffold. 
Jamct I. In the combination of circumi^tances which at^ 
tended James on his ac6ei^sioni important discus^ 
sions b^twfeeii the sovereigii and the peo|ple wert 
not long to be avoided. While his independent 
re8ource39 from alienations and the increased ex* 
pence of living, were scarcely sufficient for his or* 
ditiary occasions ; his parliament was not likely to 
grant bind further supplies without exacting reci- 
procal concessions. There were many abuser to 
be reformed^ many privileges to be asterted, many 
branches of the prerogative to be defined. The 
Commons now included a large proportion of thb 
wealth and talents of. th6 country : they were toO 
much connected with the peers, by the ties of kind* 
red and condition, to have separate interests ; airf' 
if parliament had shown a disposition to resist the 
encroachments of the most respected of their natite 
novereigns, it was not probable that they would 
^how deference to an untried foreigner. 

In this conjuncture, which took place during the 
youth of Wentworth, two expedients would have 
be0n requisite for the prevention of civil dissensions : 
the limitation of thi royal prerogative by barriem 
so clearly defined, as effectually to guard the sub- 
ject from encroachments } and the separation of 
the king's expenditure firom that of the public. 


Withont the former of these proinsions, it was ini 
vuin to expect that the Commons wdutd p&j Iibei^- 
ally towards a government which filled them with 
apprehension. Withotit the latter^ no conceiteiion 
could purchase Security to the prerogative : every 
grant for national purposes would continue to b6 
regarded as a favour to the monarch, and a grotina 
for demanding a farther limitation of his pfoweh 
But of these expedients, the separatioti of tht^ 
king*}^ expenditure from thitt of the nation, how* 
ever sim^e and obvious it may now appear, A6es 
not deem to have once occurred either to the prince 
or the people. 

The limitation of the prerogative was a doctrine P*"p^ 
to which James could tiot endure to listen. IgJof J«in«fc 
norant of the constitution of Englanid, and in a 
great measure of the feelings of mankind, the ex- 
cess of his natural timidity made hhn regard any 
discussion of his power with horror. Anxious to 
believe what he desired to be true, and misled fiy 
a crowd of flatterers, be had reasoned himself into a 
conviction that his power was derived from some 
high ordinance of the Divinity ; that his subject 
were delivered ovel: to him to Use according to his 
good pleasure ; that t&eir rights were the mere gifts 
of his free grace ; thati by his permission, they 
might lay their grievances at the foot of his throne ; 
but that it was the height of impiety for them to 
resist^ or even to question the acts of one who was 


accountable to God alone. These visionary no- 
tionSy the offipring of a weak judgment and a con« 
aummate vanity, James did not attempt to conceal ;. 
he wfus led, by the same folly which engendered 
tl^em^ .to thrust them forward on all occasions. 
J^ven while he held out his hand for supplies, he 
tQld his parliamenti that, '^ as to dispute what God 
maj/ do is blasphemy, but what God tt;i7&, that 
divines may lawfully and do ordinarily dispute and 
d jscuss } so it is sedition in subjects to dispute what 
a king mat/ do in the height of his power. But 
just kings will ever be willing to declare what 
tliey will do, if they will not incur the curse of 
God. I will not be content,^' he continues, ** that 
my power be disputed upon ; but J shall ever be 
willing to make the reason appear of my doings, 
and rule my actions according to mt/ laws." * 
^ These maxims of arbitrary power were not mere- 
ly the transient ebullitions of a distempered vanity : 
they were occasionally developed in practice, under 
Very offensive circumstances. By a proclamation, 
James interfered with the rights of election, specie 
fied a disqualification which should incapacitate any 
member from holding his seat ; and, placing this 
^dict on a footing with a stsatute, declared every 
offender against it to be punishable with fine and 

« Hume iVom King James's Works, p. 531. 


imprisonment. * He interfered* alsio" with 1^ &ee^ 
dom of debatte among, the CommimSy 4moived thcfm 
in wrath when they would not acce^ to his inqui- 
sitions, and imprisoned such of: the ibeibbebr ias had 
ventured : to signalize thbm8elvesi> by: opposition; 
Determined rather to . encounter eqrtremities^ ' than^ 
submit: to the limitatipn of h^s authority, he is said 
to have soon formed the resohition of govemiiig, ^f 
posablci without parliaments, t ■' ^ ' 

A ijgid economy, by diminishing thie amount of 
the arbitrary exactions now requisite, might for ^ 
season have lessened the public disconteirt. In avoid- 
ii:^ foreign wars, the great source of expenditure, 
James, indeed, exhibited the utmost caution : but 
so nearly was this caution allied to pusillanimity, 
that he became contemptible abroad, without gain- 
ing, among his subjects, the reputation of prudence. 
Their ridicule was, however, converted into mdig* 
nati<m, when they observed that the respectability 
of the kingdom was neglected, only to procure re- 
sources for the miserable dissipation of a court, t 
His largesses to his semle courtiers and his needy 
favourites were as profuse as if his wealth h^d beeh 
immeasurable. Warrants under the privy seal to 
levy contributions from particular persons, § an at^ 
bitrary increase of the rates of customs fixed by 

• Winwood, Vol. II. p. 18, 19. t Wilson, p. 46. 

X Rushworth, Vol. I. 157. § Ibid. 


kw^ tl» sale of mbnopolies^ excessive finos^ in tlis 
Siat Ghakaber, were ^ inestis which he emrpl^fed 
fo reptenkh his eidiausted exchequer } and the n^ 
tioD beheld the stretches of desfMnistri employed 
for the gratificaUon of the meanest coitttptietu * 

The dpen dppontimi of the sabjects to the- iifih^ 
reigii migh^ for some time, have beeri HprtM&A 
by the Teneration attached to the pe^n of kibgtfi 
Among our countr}rmeii^ this sentimettt had beM| 
greatly exalted hf the tdents, the tigomri the in- 
trepidity of the race of Tudor ; and, in Elizabetlii 
they had admired ft stateliness and edergy^ whtdi 
seenied to exalt her dbove her s^x, and render htir 
the appropriate possessor of the diadem. But the 
figure, the manners, the dispositioil of James wertt 
incompatible vtrith sentiments of reterence^ A 
thin person, of middle stature, swelled out with 
clothes, loosely hung around him, and quilted to 
resist a dagger ; a homely countenaince, tf tongM 
too big for the moiith, and a correspondent ilt^ 
terance, were all calclilated to excite ridiculeit 
Childish and often coarse in his ordinary conversa- 
tion, he never failed to intermingle with his^ tiHist 
dignified public exhibitions some strokes of hW^ 
lesque* While he showed a pitiful jealousy 6f 

* Rush worth, Vol. I. p. 157, Rapin, Vol. 11. p. 185. 

t Ned, VoL II. p. UO. 



men of great parts^ * he chose his ficfourites^foF thcf 
Hiost superficial qualifications, and submitted to 
their influence with almost imj^it deference. The 
diacreetest of his minions, whom he created £ail 
of Montgomery, pretended to no qualification but 
skffl in dogs aind horses ; t and if men were amas- 
ed to see Carre /md Villiers, two ignorant though 
handsome youths, successiyely invested with the 
supareme direction of public aflhirs, they were staB^ 
more scandalized to behold the monarch take the 
birch in his hand and act the pedagogue to his 
young minions. With a boyish familiarity, those 
who approached him were addressed by nicknSmestt 
and if his foreign diplomacy brought him little 
honour, he was at least dexterous in makii^ 
matches among his courtiers. In his conversatibh^ 
the same folly was softened by an appearance of 
innocence. He swore profanety, and often got 
drunk ; and when his senses returned, he would 
weep like a child, and hope that God would not 
impute to him his infirmities. § 

The respect which James lost as a man, he 
mti^t still have retdned as the fountain of honour; 
and, by a judicious distribution of the ens^s of 

* Clarendon, Histof Reb. Vol I. p. 59. f lUd- 

X His son^ the prince, he called Baby Charles ; his prime mini- 
ster, Buckingham, he named Stenny* 
§ Neal, Vol. II. p. 140. 


rfthkyviti^bt have -sdrrouiukd his throne wlthf^Q; 

aUe land ihigh-s^inte^ nobtlitrf;^ jBut ithose; distioc^ 

tieirlSy .so warily » bei^wed by '1^ * sagacioufc i£Uza*-r 

IfetH ^«re laviished, ' by her imprudent saaxauai* 

without measure or discFiminatio]^. A neddy:imdv 

obaeure tminion no sooner caaght his.attentidiv 

tbiUQb Ike ^was; immediately raised^ to thfe bighefit) 

lidnours; and the general contempt^ excited iby. 

this profusion of titles, Wias seen in pasquinades^ 

purpoilting to«be^* aids to short memories in^ resold 

ledting thf^ new qobility.'f But still more degirad^ 

ed .^.honorary distinctions becoine, whea Jane. 

^xed td them ia price, and considered thqip as a 

njeans ot relieving bis necessities. A proportibn^ 

ate price was affixed to each rank; and an order 

pf hereditary knighthood, under th^ denomination 

of baronets, was instituted to tempt the vanity of 

less wealthy purchasers. ^ So low was the sim{^ 

title of knighthood now held in the estimation of 

the court, that all who possessed forty pounds a- 

year were compelled, under a penalty, to receive 

it, or, by payment of the fees, to compound for 

Reclining it. t 

Religious opimons at that period engrossed greats 

• Rapin^ Vol. II. p. 185. The purchase-money of an Earl's 
patent was twenty thousand pounds, of a Viscount's fifteen thou- 
sand, of a Baron's ten thousand ; while a ]3aronetcy could be had 
for one thousand ond ninety-five jwunds. 

t Rapin, Vol. II. p. 185. 


ly the minds of men, and, fn)tn a skilful mandgemBnit 
cf them, James might have derived a viast incrdase^of 
influenee. At his accession, iheiadherehts .€f\ilie 
^taUished forms, and the abettdrs (^ « farther Til- 
foxmirtaan, wei« competitors for the fty6ur ^tWir 
neviT monarch. From, hiis: presbylerisn ediioalicnaj^ 
the /latter expected al: least a ceissaidon of thepep- 
secation ag^nst them-^ and idier former woti^ik^ 
been sufficiently willing to compound foi: tifeir^ap^ 
forehehsions, by this concession. Biit James^^ ^id^ 
out dfiOi to balance these factions^ and without aii^ 
irteady principles in regard to either doctrine or 
&rm(s^. hastened to embrace exclusiyely the pfuty 
^hi^ most willingly received his maxims of abeo- 
liite.^wer. In Scotland, a zealous presbyterian^ 
he had branded the episcopal service 3s ** an .evil 
mass said in English ;" and had told his parliai- 
ment,^' that he minded not to bring in Papistical 
or Ariglicane bishops/' ^ But he had spent only 
a few months in England, when No Bishop^ No 
Kmgi became his current maxim, and to root Mt 
presbyterians and puritans his &rVourite project* t 
The leading bishops had the penetration to disecu 
ver his weak side, and availed themselves of k 
with dexterity. They readily acknowledged what^ 
ever pretensions he chose to arrogate, and were 

* Calderwood, p. 256, 418. 

t Neal, Vol. II. p. 3. Hume, VI. p. 13. 

90 £AKL 6V 8T1UVPORS. 

jfoncard to maintain his divine right, when thef 
found him willing to allow them an equally, sublime 
origin. Nothing could be more gross than the 
flattery of several of these unworthy sons of the 
church. When James gave his sanction to that 
high commission and oath ex officio^ against which 
we have seen Burleigh remonstrating. Archbishop 
Whitgifl cried out in transport, '* Undoubtedly 
your Majesty speaketh by the special assistance of 
God's Spirit V' f When the king had called be- 
fore him some puritan doctors to a public disputa- 
tion, and, to use his own phrase, '* had soundly 
pi^pered them off," Bishop Bancroft, the first; as- 
sertor of the divine right of episcopacy, t fidlibg 
on bis knees, exclaimed, ^^ My heart melteth for 
joyt that Almighty God, of his singular mercy, hat 
given us such a king, as since Christ's time has 
not been." X When James, at his table, proposed 
the question, ^^ Whether he might not take^hia 
subjects' money when he needed it, without all this 
fiHrmality of parliament ?" a complaisant bishop im- 
mediately replied, ^^ God forbid that you should 
not ; you are the breath oi our nostrils."^ § Dr 
Cave], vicar-general to the archbishop, wrote a book,* 
in which he affirmed that the king is not bound by 

* Neal, VoL II. p. 1^. Kenneth p. 665. 

t Neal, Vol. II. p. 83. % Ibid. p. 18. 

{ Hmne, VoL VI. p. 75. from preiiice to Woller^i Works. 


his laws, nor by his coronation oath; that he is 
not obliged to call parliaments to make laws, bat 
uiay dp it without them ; and that it is a great fa- -■ 
VQpr to admit the consent of the subject in giving 
sobsidies. Dr Blackwood, another clei^yman, wrote 
on the same subjects, and foi^ot so far what he 
owed to the respectal^pity of his profession as to at- 
ten^pt to prove *' that the English were all slinres 
from the Norman Conquest/' ♦ 

In opposition tio these doctrines, iiie puritans 
proceeded with a very bad grace to adduce those 
principles of government, which they had disco- 
vered in their free investigation into civil imd re- 
ligions institutions. James, struck with the con- 
trast, chose his party without hesitation. He noir 
affirmed that presbytery, which he associated with 
puritanism, ** agreed as well with monarchy, as 
God and the devil ;"t and having fortified the bi- 
shops with his authority, proceeded to the deatmc- 
tion of this foe both in England and Scotland. Ban- 
croft, created archbishop as a reward of his services, 
having revived those articles of Whitgift, which 
Burleigh had declared to resemble the Roman in^ 
quisition, t deprived by their means many clergy- 
men of their livings. $ To arm himself with stiU 

• Neal, Vol. II. p. 72. 

t Hume^ Vol. VI. p. 14, -from Fuller's Eedesiastieftl Hktorj* 
t See Life of Burleigh. 

§ Neal« Vol. II. p. 38, says three hundred ; Heylyn, Act, Redivir. 
p. Sf 6, makes the numher, in all, only forty-fire. 

8ft*i EARL dF STRAlTOftt).' 

greater terrors, he endeavoured to wrest frotii the • 
coutts of Weatminster-hall some of their undckibt- 
edtright& * The puritans laboured to procure a 
ixiitigation of their sufferings by a petition to the 
throne ; but James showed theih what they had 
tO' 'expect, hy sending their deputies unheard to 

jaiLt • # . * 

There was nothing on which James more vA- 
lued himself than his skill in theological disputa^' 
lion; and it was acknowledged that he widded 
the controversial pen with far more address than 
the imperial sceptre. But while the mutability of 
his Religious tenets exposed his sincerity t6 shspi- 
cion, the severity, and even the cruelty, with 
which he maintained his successive opinions, seem- 
ed ver]F inconsistent ^ith the mild spirit of Christi- 
anity. At first a isealous adherent to Calvinism, 
he persecuted the Arminians both at home and 
abroad : t but finding that the abettors /6f th^lat- 

• Neal, Vol. II. p. 37. f Winwood's Memorials. 

X Vorstius^ a diacipk of Armiriius^ had been chosen to succeed 
him as a professor of divinity at Ley den. James remonstrated witli 
the States against this opep encouragement of one whom he styled 
an arch'heretic, a petti a monster of blasphemies ; and insisted on • 
iheir jmning him in an attempt to " send back to hell these cur*- 
fed Arminian heresies that had newly broke forth." As to the 
burning of this man^ he generously left them to their own Chris- 
tian wisdom; but added > however^ *' that surely never heretic Ifet^ 
ter deserved the flames." He termed Vorstius a wicked atheist ; 
Arminius an enemy to God ; and Bertius^ who had asserted tlmt 

. BJIItL or STftAFroRD. ^Sd 

ter tenets . among his clergy were more friendly to 
his maxims of absolute power, he came over to 
them witli all his zeal, and directed his execrations 
Ugainst the Calvinists. Legate and Wightmaa, 
two persons who held some opinions inclining to 
Arianism, he had the inhumanity to deliver over 
to the flames. * 

But Protestants of every denomination were 
alarmed and irritated,, when they discovered that 
James entertained a decided sympathy with the Ca* 
tholic worship, t That church, against whose tfboi-' 
minatlons he had been taught to exclaim, he found 
to be a more strenuous assertor of despotic power 
than any Protestant community whatever. The 
pomp and splendour of her worship were exactly 
calculated to captivate his mind ; and could he have 
got rid of the uneasy doctrine of the pope's supre- 
macy, he declared himself inclined to show her vo- 
taries every indulgence. In his first speech to par- March la, 
liament, " I acknowledge,** said he, " the church 
of Rome to be our mother church, though defiled 
with some infirmities and corruptions. And as I 


the saints might fall from grace," he declared to be " worthy of 
the fire." The States contented themselves with dismissing Vor- 
stitts; and Brandt^ their historian, very justly holds it forth^ as 
*' a very glorious thing for the United Provinces, that the blood of 
BO heretic had been shed in that country since the Reformation,** 
• Neal, Vol. H. p. 99, 93, from Fuller, b. x. p. 63, 64, 
t Neal, Vol II. p. 26. Hume, Vol, VI. p. 39. 



ttm tto enemy to the life of a sick maiii becmue I 
would have his body purged of ill humoura ; no 
more am I an enemy to that church, because I 
wovlM have her reform hererrors, not wisliing the 
dowothrowing of the templCf but that it might he 
liuuged and cleansed from corruption/' By such im- 
prudent and explicit declarations, the Protestantu 
were alaniied« and began to suspect theil* monareh of 
n design to reintroduce an aUiorred superstition*^ 
Witib a like in&tuation, James proceeded to dis» 
^tb the sobriety of manners, and the religious im^ 
Iprcssions of his subjects. Without reference to 
the divine origin of the Sabbath, the appropriadoil 
0f one day in each week for religious and moral in^ 
striiction, for reflection on our duties, our errorsi 
imd the means of amendment, for reviewing our 
condition here, and weighing our hopes hereafter, 
seems the wisest of institutions for the promotion of 
virtue and happiness. It is thus alone that the 
hard-wrought labourer finds leisure to receive in* 
gkniction, or to communicate to his children the 
fruit of his experience ; while the eager man of bu- 
siness, as well as the abandoned libertine, meeting 
with these frequent intervals of religious worship, 
are led to think of their duties, as well as of their 
gains or their pleasures. From this spring of in- 
struction and serious reflection, knowledge and 
good morals naturally flow ; and the blessings of 
a wise and vigorous government become inviola- 



ble, heCBxae they beeoiHe thorov^bly miderttoo#« 
Bat James, though h^ could learnedly discuss the 
decrees of God, knew nothing of the moral o|)era^ 
tion of religion. Addicted to the pleasures of the 
trible, and immersed in the disi^mtion of a eonrt, 
he regm^ed the strict morals and serious demeail«- 
our of the puritans with suspicion and aversioii^^ 
He determined that his subjects ^lould be as gay 
mi as voluptuous as himself; and observing thfltt' 
the puritans in particular devoted the Sabbath ta 
sotHriety and religious exercises, he took measureil 
to counteract this unwelcome example. Hfe pub- 
lished '^ a declaration to encourage recreations sxtSl 
^rls on the Lord's day/' authorizing all games^ 
which were lawful through the week ; and danciilg, 
leaping, vaulting, May-games, Whitsun-ales, an# 
Morrice-dances, wererecommendedasproper amuse- 
ments for Sunday evening. BCit against the order 
which commanded this declaration to be read in dt 
the cbtirches, the more serious members of the es» 
tidUishment revolted no less than the puritans; 
Archbishop Abbot, the successor of Bancroft, re* 
ftued to have it read where he resided, and James 
did not venture to insist on compliance. * 

The number of those who desired a farther re- 
form in^ the discipline of the church of England 
was now comparatively small, and that of the dis- 

• Neal, Vol. II. p. 174, 175. 


senters from her doctrines was still smaller : yet to 
these two classes the term puritans had been hi* 
tberto confined. But James, having wrought biniir 
self into a thorough contempt and detestation of 
these sectaries, imagined he could not more effec- 
tually degrade those who opposed his arbitrary ex« 
actions, and endeavoured to set limits to his poweff . 
than by branding them all with the name of puri« 
tfms. By this impolitic language, which became n 
fashion among the courtiers, the term which ht 
employed for degradation became exalted* The 
puritans, associated under the same appellation 
with the most wealthy, enlightened, and jresp^cted 
classes of the community, acquired new ^Ubider* 
ation ; and those who were imprudently assimilated 
in name, gradually became assimilated in opi^ 

Nor were these the only circumstances that pro* 
duced unpopularity to James. The partiality dia^ 
played towards Scotish courtiers had made hii6i, on 
his accession, be regarded with an evil eye by the 
English. His undisguised aversion to his eld* 
^t son, the darling of the nation, was construed 
into an unnatural jealousy ; and his apathy, on thfl 
premature death of this young prince, bore top 
stnkipg a contrast to the general lamentation, t 

• Neal, Vol. II. p. 123. Life of Col. Hutchinron, p. 61. 
t James not only heard of his son Prince Htnry's deaths with- 
<mt dilBComposure^ but even forbade any court mourning on the oc» 


His refusal to interfere in the cause of his daugh- 
ter, the Queen of Bohemia, though founded on 
solid reasons, excited much censure, for men 
could not forgive either his indifference to a 
son-in-law, or his dereliction of a Protestant 
prince. * The jealousy of his subjects was roused 
when Jameis, conceiving that the daughter of a 
powerful king was alone a proper match for his son, 
b^an to enter into an alliance and negociation 
with Spain and Rome. And this intercourse ex- 
cited the indignation of the public, when they saw 
Raleigh, celebrated for his heroism, and pitied for 
his long sufferings, dragged from his prison ; and, 
under colour of an almost obsolete sentencci sacri- 
ficed to the vengeance of the Spaniards, t Such 
were the grievances of the nation at large : the 

casion. He is said to have been exceedingly jealous of the young 
prince's talents and popularity. 

* His daughter^ Elizabeth^ was married to the Elector Palatine, 
wbo> upon being raised to the throne of Bohemia by the Protestant 
subjects of that crown^ which was elective^ was attacked by the 
united force of the emperor and the popish electors, and stripped, 
both of his new kingdom and his hereditary dominions. James, 
much to the general discontent, beheld in tranquillity a catastrophe 
which, indeed, he could not probably have averteil.- It is from 
this branch of the royal stock that our present monarch is descended. 

^ Raleigh was confined during eighteen years for a very dubious 
chaige of conspiracy ; and was at length, on this obsolete accusa- 
tion^ put to death, at the instance of the Spaniards, whom he ha4 
o&nded by some attacks on their South American settlements^ 


arbtocracy, more dangerous from their statioa and 
influence, were farther exasperated by the arvo^ 
gance of the favourite, Buckingham. That 
nion, having acquired a complete ascendancy 
Ids master, had assumed the complete direetioB ^ 
national afl&irs. According to his sovereign plMN 
sure, measures were framed, negociations conducfc* v 
ed, ministers a^)ointad or dii^laced ; and, amidrt 
all these abuses, he was led, by violence of tenpnT, 
to aggravate injustice by rudeness, and exasperate 
opposition by a vindictive spirit. 
1021. Such were the principal causes, both remote and 
immediate, from which the national temper had f%^ 
Ceived its complexion, when Wentworth first ap- 
peared in parliament. The conduct of James, and 
its influence on the fate of his successor, bears no 
faint resemblance to that of Louis XV. of France. 
Ten years had elapsed since the houses were last 
assembled, and, in that long interval, James had 
exhausted every expedient, which he durst hazard, 
to procure supplies without their intervention. 
But as his necessities had multiplied beyond hi^ 
resources, he was at length driven to solicit from 
parliament what he had in vain attempted to derive 
from his prerogative. The recovery of the Falati* 
nate, a favourite enterprise with the nation, he 
laid hold of as the pretext for his demands ; and 
endeavoured to sooth the angry recoUecticms of 


the members, by ample apologies for Ms late emm.* 
These pretences, and these apologies, the Com^ 
iiidn» appeved to take in good part. Consisting 
of men whose incfependrace, SHpported by targi^ 
fintunesy and extensive ififiuence, ha^ acquired 
atreibgth from liring at a ^Ibtimee ham eonrty 
amidit their tenants and eonttections ; they ftfH 
tiieir own inq»oTtanoe, and poeeeded in th«^o1li* 
jectf without viol^ice or precipitation* ITiey peiv 
eeii^ the advantage which they possessed in hoM* 
ing the purse-strings of the nation ; and reserved 
to avail themselves deliberately of this single, buff 
insmmountable check, in restnunii^ the exeesMtf 
of arbitrary authority. 

* For the recovery of the Palatinate^ which he aever attemptec^ 
unless by some fruitless negodations, he pledged himself with an 
vauaval vehemence of language. He told the pariianentibal Me^ 
should render hia porsuasiens effiNstiial l^ the slMUg k^nd. ofi fn 
army ; and^ added he^ " I will engage my crown, my hleodj, aip4 
my soul, in the recovery." His excuses for past faults, if not oon« 
t«ytd with mndk dignkiy, possessed at least a Unnt HhmMnesftnef 
ill c^enlatod to dififlvsn vesenlnMnt '* I coiifes8»" ami hei ** t* 
have been liberal in my grants ; but, if I be infovmed^ I iRfiU^waeiliL 
all hurtfbl grievances. But who shall hasten after grievances, an^ 
deaiM to make himself popular, he hath the sphrit of SaCHr. W 
nmy know my eirof^ I wiH refoiiA them. I was,; ip ny flnly N 
liament. a novice : and, in my last, there was a land of beasts ^sJQ^ 
UnderidcerSi a dozen of whom undertook to govern the last parlia* 
raent, ml they led me." See his speech in Rus&worth's €!6llee^ 
tions, VoL I. p. 82, 33. The speech is somewhat diflferen^y jcivqEI 
by Franklyn; but more as to the form of expression than the im^ 

.Of the doubtful sincerity of James» inf his pnt^ 
feMGNtis 6f 8 tender regard for thehr liberties, anA 
of an anxiety to remedy abuses, they could not fMi 
to bef awafe. Even m the interval betwixt assning 
the writs for Parliament, and its (^>ening,'be bid 
endeavoured to supfH-ess ail liberty of wrkingxnr 
speech eoneerninjo^ public affairs^ by a proclamatiOBi^ 
in which he ^^ commanded all, from the highesl^'tQ 
the lowest, not to intermeddle, by pen dr speechji 
With state-concemtnentt^, and secrets of empit9» 
either at home or abroad ; which were no fit them^i 
for vulgar persons, or common meetings/'^ Yel 
die Gmimons, overlooking this significant indicfti 
tion, sought to conciliate his good will, by making 
the supply of his necessities the first of their n}ea«> 
sures. Contrary to the usual course of procedurcfif 
they voted him two subsidies at the very con^ 
mencement of their session ; and when theyfftti^ 
W^s proceeded to inquire into grievances^ theyr 
allowed not a murmur, of disrespect towards du» 
king or his ministers, and touched only on > such 
glaring abuses as were disavowed and given up b^ 
the court, t So liberal and moderate did this ccn^* 
duct appear, as to draw forth the public acknow^*^ 
lodgments of the king :— -*' The House of Com-^ 
ibohs at this time,'^ says he, in a speech to Parlia^ 
ment, ^' have showed greater love, and used raO' 

« BiidiWoith> Vcd I. p. 21. t ^^^ P* *^* 



^h more respect in all their proceedings, than 
erer any House of Commons have hitherto done 
to me, or, I think, to any of my predecessors." * 
nThis hi^py understanding seemed to promise 
the most fortunate effects \ but James having pro** 
cored the relief of his present necessities, b^pin, 
vith a more scrupulous eye, to look after his prero* 
gative. The abuses which the Commons had un* 
dertaken to investigate, he did not propose to de» 
fend ; but he disliked that they should acquire in 
the-eyes of the people, the merit of the abolition, 
and appear the reformers of excesses which he had 
tolerated. He therefore surprised the Commons^ 
in the midst of their labours, by announcing an 
intended prorogation, reproved their petition for a 
prol<mgation of their sitting, as a farther encroach* 
ment on his prerogative ; and taught them, by this 
precipitate jealousy, to be less forward in their 
gnuits, till they had first secured the desired con- 
cessions, t 

'. Before the term to which he had prorogued 
Parliament, James was overtaken by his necessities, 
and found it expedient to reassemble the Houses 
three months earlier than he once intended. 1^ 
Unfortunately his measures, during the recess, 
m&ce fli calculated to allay their irritation. He 
liad indeed reformed most of the abuses which had 

* Ruihworth, Vol I. p. 85. j ^ibid. p. 3«. % WA,^ S9. 


excited complaint ; but he had been careful- to m» 
tert in the proclamatioai that ** he needed not tilt 
Korember a^sistaoce of Parliament to reform them/* * la 4 
' ' new edict against political writings and conversa- 
tioUi he had carried his encroachments on fireedom 
a step farther, and threatened severity, ** ai well 
against the concealers of such discourses, as agmittt 
the boldness of audacious tongues and pens«'*t : In 
^ progress of the Spanish match, new eonoes^ 
sions, it was apprehended, had been made iH' fii^ 
vour of the Catholics y and, amidst the feeUe M* 
monstrances of Jamen, the Elector Palatine bei 
been finally stript of his dominions. While tlie 
Popish princes of Spain, France, and GermanjPt 
were proceeding, with a high hand, to extenw. 
nate Protestantism, the English began to tiemU^ 
anew for their religion, and to look with jealouajr 
and resentment on their monarch, who so eleseljF 
confederated with its enemies* James' had event 
had the imprudence to infringe the most indispeH^ 
able privileges of the Commons, and had reseated 
their displeasure at the prorogation, by committiag 
to prison Sir Edwin Sandys, one of their most pe» 
pukr members. 

It was in vain that, after their late expefienoet 
James now endeavoured to draw from them speedy 
supplies, by representing the immediate exigenoiei 

* Riuhworth, Vol. 1. p. 35. f Ibid. 

EA&L OF STRArFOilD^ ^48 

of the P^atinate, and by assuring them that they 
ihould afterwarda be pennitted to continne their 
sittings ^^ as loi^ as the necesraty* of the statie 
diould require.''^ The Commona replied by 4 
petatiim and remonstrance, in ^hich they staled 
wkrt; they conceived to be the most imminent d»i- 
gera of the nation, and the most expedient reme^ 
dies. To remove die pressing apprehensions^ of 
popery, they recommended that the penal lowii 
against the Catholics should be Mtietly executed^ 
the iSpanish match brokoi off, the prince espoused 
to one of his own religion, and war immediately 
declared against all powers concerned in the spdli- 
ajticm of the Palatinate* To show their intention 
to grant supplies, as well as their expectation of 
coneessifflisr in return, they said they had already^ 
leiolved to give, at the end of this sei^sion, one 
tare subsidy, for the sole purpose of relieving 
Palatinate ; and humbly besought his majesty,; that 
^ he would then also vouchsafe to give life, hf hiir 
royal assent, to such bills as, before that time, 
should be prepared for his majesty's honour, and M 
the good of the people." t " ' 

The intention of presenting this petition wa» no 
sooner reported to James, than, indignant that they 
^uld presume to interfere with matters apper* 
taining to his crqft, aa he usually termed it; he 

* Rushworth^ Vol h p. 39. t Xbii). p, iO, 41> 42. .: 

fyk4t £1«L OF rrRATFOftD* 

wrote, .ta the speaker, intimating his displeamire 
^hfit.the Pommons should venture, *(' to argue and 
^Imte p)ib|icly of matters far above their reach and. 
^pacity> to hia high dishonour, and breach df pre- 
ijpgative royaL" He commanded them to abstain, 
for the future, from all such discussions : and that 
thjBy might, not jbe ignorant of his resolution to en* 
fierce, obedience, he desired the speaker to inforiii 
$hein in his name, ** that he thought himself Tecy 
j(f^ fnd able to punish any man's misdemeanours in 
pf^^Kainent, as well during their sitting as after ; 
jfifti^ he m^ant not thenceforth to spare, upon any 
9QQa^on of any man's insolent behaviour." * 

To acquiesce in this formidable assumption^ 
would li^ye been, to renounce all their privileges^ 
i^id aimihilate their utility. They drew up a seir 
petition, equally firm and moderate, defending the 
tl^ior of , their former remonstrance, and asserting 
that their freedom of debate, a privilege altogether 
indispensable, was ** their ancient and undoubted 
l^htf an inheritance received from their ancestors, 
£ ai^ often confirmed 'by his majesty's own speeches 
iu»l messages." t 

. The reply of James was no less explicit and per- 
cunptory.than his letter to the speaker, He com- 
pared their audacious interposition in affairs of 
. state, when called on for supplies, to the presump- 

* Rnihwortb^ VoL I. p. 43, i4. f Ibid. p. 4S. 


tkm of a merchant who should imagine that hfc 
advance of a loan for carrying on a War ^titled 
him to dictate its operations. He reminded theAd 
that he was an old and experienced king, #h6 
needed none of their lessons ; and advised iJkM^y 
in their deliberationsi to recollect the (M tA^iUfi 
that no man i^hould pretend beyond his own (Mft* 
As to his son^s match, he' ** desired to know'Hdw 
t^ey eould have presumed to determine 'iti tltA 
pointy without committing high treason!?** ^ ' TKeli* 
claims as an ancient and undoubted right nftAl^ 
heritance, he could not allow; but accounted '^U 
more proper style, " that their privileges Were de^ 
rived from his grace, and the permission of him 
and his ancestors/* He, however, assured ^fbM 
that they had nothing to dread, if they took dtfe 
not " to trench on his prerogative ;" which, add«id 
he, ** would enforce us, or any just king, td^l^ei 
trench of their privileges, them that would pare' litl 
prerogative and the flowers of his crown.** f^ i '^^^ 

These pretensions and threats produced ^^^Dec«iber 
agitation among the Commons, and a few dafs^iJ^^ jjj^ 
terwards, a commission for their adjournment^^ 
the eighth of February was lodged in the hal^^ of 
the clerk. Apprehensive of a dissolution, tl 

* Ne Mvior ultra crepidam, was the literal expression of the 
t Riishworth, VoL L p, 46 to 58. - ;, • : ^ ^^^un 

i^ EARIr or STRAFFOttUw 

ee^ded, without delayi to rindicatei in a protests^ 
tion, tbeir , parliamentary rights and privilegeB^; 
Hero their elatms to freedcmi of speeeh, their in^ 
tiolability for all proceedings in parliamenti anft 
their <title to debate and counsel on all af&irs of 
$Mey were asserted in language remarkable for itsi 
^ur, temperaocei and decision. "^ 

I Enraged at this new trespass of the Commons^ 
JameSf eommanded their joumal*book to be broi^bft 
to hitn in qfnmcH ; tore out, with hit own hand^ 
the leaf which contained the protestation ; and^ by. 
a speedy dissolution of parliamenti proved his dt^ 
January 6, termination to set their pretensions at defiance.- 
To intimidate them more effectually, he laid his 
hands on the more active members : some he im-* 
prisoned, and others he exiled, under pretence of 
piiblic employments, to Ireland. To silence the 
general murmurs, he enforced his former proclama^ 
tiotns i^ainst speaking of state affairs; and com-^ 
manded the judges, in their several circuits, to dq 
exemplary justice on all such offenders, f 

Tl t which Weutworth acted, during the 

) I of this parliament, was conspicuous 

( ' for its circumspection and moderation. We 
i ed find him active in promoting the expulsi<m 
member, who had spoken with much irrever- 
ence of a bill for repressing those licentious sports 

• Riwhworth, Vol. I. p. 62, 53. f IWd. 56. 

EAllL Ol' STRAFFORD* ' 4^ 


mi the Sabbath, which the royal proclamatioti had 
aiitiiorized and encoun^ed; and when the kiog 
Im^arded the assertion that the privileges of thi 
Commons were enjoyed by his^ permissHoil, and 
tibeir deliberations! controllable by his authority, 
Wentworth urged the house to declare explicitly 
that their privileges were their right and inheritaMe; 
and the direction of their proceedings subject tc^no 
cognizance but their own* The abrupt dissolutiiNk 
of parliament, he followed with expressions of re- 
gret and apprehension. * Yet his language to^- 
wards the court was always respectful, and bis elo«> 
quencemore frequently employed to moderate than 
excite the zeal of his c(dleagues. Connected in- 
timately with some members of the administration^ 
and holding an office, which, though inconsiderable^ 
might lead to others of more importance, he seems 
to have been more solicitous to avoid unacceptable 
conduct,, than to obtain distinction from his oppo^* 
sition. The favour, which he found means^ to ac^ 
quire with James, was afterwards his frequent 

boast, t 
From the mutual animosity with which the king Agsrn In ^ 

and the parliament had separated, it was not to be iSti^^^ 

expected that James would have a speedy Recourse 

to this national council. Yet within two years a£< 

ter the angry dissolution, writs were issued for a 

• Strafford's Letters, Vol. I. p. 15. f I^"^« P« 35, 36. 


new parliament ; and that body assembled to hew 
language of unusual concession from the throncu 
Changes that liad occurred in the interval, and tbf 
all-powerful ascendancy of Buckingham, produced 
jthis altered tone* That favourite had perceived 
the necessity of ingratiating himself with the princ9f 
who was soon to mount the throne ; and the rff 
peated delays of the Spanish match seemed to af- 
ford him a favourable opportunity. He artfully 
represented to Charles the advantage which h<e 
would derive from visiting Spain in person : the 
delays of the match would be forthwith removed.) 
the generosity of the Spaniards engaged by his con* 
fidence in their honour ; and the affections of bis 
mistress awakened by his courage and unparalleled 
gallantry. Having, by these arts, rendered the 
prince impatient for the enterprisci he succeeded 
in extorting from the feebleness of James a relucr 
tant ccmsent to a project, which so manifestly en« 
dangered the life or liberty of the heir apparent* 
Charles and Buckingham, accompanied by only 
two attendants, now proceeded on their romantic 
journey ; and, having passed undiscovered through 
France, arrived in safety at Maflrid. The Spaniards, 
charmeA with the gallantry and confidence of tht^ 
prince, received him with distinguished honours j 
and, delighted to discover in his manners a stayed, 
seriouii, dignified deportment, so congenial to their 
own, they beheld him with impressions daily more 



ftvdaraUei. But in Buckingham they saw^a ?inry 
diflfe^ent character : his gay, 'volatile deme«i«Bf^< 
bit unreserved familiarity with the pritice;< aiidf 
th^ Undi^ised impetuosity of his pasdottf, ' vrer^ 
alt^occasions f>f disgust to the Spaniarda; TheMf 
sehttments virere fully returned by Buckinghiuiii^ 
hsisullJhtg^ their customs tvitholife 8erti^e« he hid" 
e¥m the t^m^ty to engajge in a p^soniat qnarral 
with the Feigning fatourite of the Spanish eburt^l 
and rettirhed to England vdth a decided detearnti^ 
nitiOn to break off' the match, and inv(dre the^nsi' 
tioiis hi hostility* ^ ' ' ::>.;?[..> 

'The preservation 6f pikcey and t^e tsarriage of 
his soti with a daughter of Spdin, had' ioi^'beeiii' 
the pride of James, the darling ofa^tf ofkis^ctt^;^^ 
Biit Buckingham too WeH knew the^weaktieM of 
tb^ irionarcfa to be detet*r^ by 'these 'obstacles;^! 
and, assisted by the endeavours of the j^nccv ^f^'^' 
whom he had, during the journey, acquired an un^ 
limited ascendancy, he obKged the reluctant kfiog 
to tfe^rminate the negociations, and attempt tbe'te- 
covery of the Palatinate from Spain and her allies^ 
by '■ force of atms. But the' rdyal • coffera famighed 
BO^ri^otii*bes fbr war : the ^rbitrterf c^aetidm; 'ito» 
posed by Voyal authority,' supplied Only the imiitiSi' 
diate necessities of the courts and a parKaunefnt/ 
however hateful, was the only resort. Hie couTi- 

* Claraadon's Hist, of the Rebellion^ edit. 1 780, Yd. I. p. n td isl 
YOiL. m D 



tiersi taking their tone from Buckingham, now 
seemed to have forgot their tender apprehensions 
for the prerogative ; and advised their sovereign 
^^ to cast some crumbs of his crown among tb^ 
people, and those crumbs would work miracle^ 
and satisfy many thousands/' ^ The king, yield* 
ing to the irresistible control of his fi^vourite^t h^y 
gan to hold the same language ; and he who had 
threatened and dissolved a parliament, for presuniT 
ing to discuss affairs of state, now assembled them 
by his writs, *^ to advise with him in matters eoxin 
cerning his estate and dignity." t His speeches 
were conceived in a similar strain. He could not 
help reminding them that his condescending to ask 
their advice was entirely gratuitous ; yet he called 
on them to deliberate freely on the present weighty 
affairs. Touching shortly, though feelingly, on hi^ 
own necessities, he strongly urged them to provide 
adequate resources for the war ; and that no sus^ 
picion might be entertained of his diverting the 
supplies to other purposes, he offered to commit 
the receipt as well as the issue to themselves, t 

Parliament had many reasons, besides this un^* 
usual complaisance, to lend a favourable, ear to th^ 
demands of their monarch. If the people had 
viewed the project of the Spanish match with ap- 

• Rushworth, Vol. I. p. 115. 

t Ibid. 

$ Ibid. Vol. I. p. 1«0, 181. 


'. ^ " . 

.tf 4- 






prehension, their fears were increased tenfold when 
they saw their prince voluntarily consign himself 
into the hands of that suspected nation. Even 
should his life and freedom be spared, they trem- 
bled lest! their future sovereign should fall a prey 
to the arts of the Catholics^ and become the enemy 
and persQator of their religion. The return of 
Ae prince in safety, and. still a Protestant, was 
hailed with universal acclamations ; and the public 
joy was raised to its height, by the announced nip* 
ture of the Spanish match, and a war for the reco- 
very of the Palatinate. Parliament, partaking in 
the general exultation, proceeded to show their 
good will by immediately voting three subsidies 
and three fif);eenths to be levied within a year afler 
the declaration of war. Yet, mindful of the for- 
mer proceedings of the court, they accepted the 
king's offer to entrust the receipt and disburse- 
ment of the supplies to a committee of their own 
members. * And though they expressed, in strong 

* The Commons, as well as the king, seem to hare regarded 
thk as an act of extraordinary concession ; yet it merely invested 
the committee with a power to see that the money was applied only 
to the purposes of the war for which it was raised. The direction of 
the warlike operations, as well as of the objects for which the par* 
ticular disbursements were to be made, the king reserved entirely 
to himself; and had recourse to the committee only as his triea* 
snrers. Rush worth. Vol. I. p. 140. In this measure, we find an 
undesigned approximation to that expedient, so essential for the 
prtrention of jealousies and quarrels between the sovere^ and tlie 


terms, their gratitude for his roajesty'i ooneiliattng 
langutge^ they ungraciously overlooked the aubjeet 
of bis pmrate neoessitiea. After the inveatigatkm 
•of a few abuses, and the transaction of someuninw 
portant affairs, the houses were adjourned withoul 
any symptoms of interrupted harmony. ^ 
CMMinct. During this session^ in which Buckingham bora 
unbounded sway, Wentworth seems to hare n^ 
fratned from any particular activity. Previous to 
the assembling of parliament, he expresses, in t 
letter to bis brother-in-law. Lord Cliffbrd, his slen* 
der hopes from a display of parliamentary talents^ 
and the necessity of caution and reserve. ^* My 
opinion of these meetings your Lordship knowt 
sufficiently well ; how services done there are cold* 
ly requited on all sides, and, nidiich is worse, many 
times . misconstrued. I judge farther the path we 
are like to walk in is now more narrow and slip^ 


people, the separation of the king's private expences from those of 
the nation. It seems strange how Mr Hume should hare been led 
to represent this transaction as ** an imprudent concession^ of which 
the consequences might have proved fittal to royal authority," 
Chapter xlix. From sotne other expressions in the same passage^ 
be appears to have conceived that the committee were to detenn!ne 
the objects to which the money should be applied, as well as to si^- 
perlntend its receipt and disbursement. This poweif is now mucii 
more completely possessed by the House of Commons, who have 
annually laid before them a detailed account of the national receipt 
and expenditure. 
* aushworthj Vol. I. p. W, 147* 


pery than formerly^ yet not so difficult but mn,j be 
passed wkh circumspection^ patience, and, princi- 
pally, silence/^* From the discourses of Jamesi 
as well aa the delays whieh be interpo^ed^ Went^ 
worth distinctly perceived the monarch's aversioii 
to the Spanish war ; and augured that be would 
one day seize an opportunity, to discover his re« 
senlmentiqgain^t: those who bad dragged him into 
hostilities* i . 

As yet, Wentworth looked with i^parent calm* 
nass on the agitations of pditical ambition^ and 
discovered a miad capable of enjoying the tranquil 
^[ntty of an independ^t fortune. By one of 
thme pestilential fevers, which, from the closeness 
and fiithmess of the ^treets^ formerly ravaged 
London, be had lost his wife, and su0ened much 
in his own constitutioo. A tertian i«ue, which ^'^^^ ^ 

• ^ retirements 

succeeded the fever, md which frequently recurred ^« couotij 
during the interval between the two Parliaments, 
bad obliged him to seek again for hetdth in the 
fnee air and vigorous amusements of the country. 
Here his retirement was of considerable duration ; 
and, in the life of a man in general so beset with 
cftfo, and so anxiously deyotod to tb^ punsmt of im- 
btttoiv it is pleasant to dwell On an interval of phi* 
iMophic tnmquillity^ His letters to his friends in 
London discover no symptoms of a yearning ambi** 

^ Stnfiord'd Lettanb Vd^ I. p, 19. . t Jbid, p. 80, 


tion^ endeavouring to hide itself under the reiV of 
an affected philosophy. Unconstrained and spor^ 
tive, they appear the efiusions of a mind which 
entered fully into those temperate enjoyments; 
To Secretary Calvert, an intimate friend and eoi^ 
respondenti he writes thus : — 

" Matters worthy your trouble, these parti 
afford none, where our objects and thoughts are 
limited to looking on a tulip, hearing a bird sing, 
a rivulet murmuring, or some such petty but 
innocent pastime, which, for my part, I begin 
to feed myself in, having, I praise God, recovered 
more in a day by open country air, than in a fort^ 
night's time in that smothering one of London* 
By my troth I wish you, divested of the importu- 
nity of business, here for half a dozen hours ; you ^ 
should taste how free and fresh we breathe, and 
how procul metu Jruimur modestis opibus ; a 
wanting sometimes denied to persons of great* 
er eminency in the administration of common* 
wealths-'* • 

' ■ I 

In another letter to Mr Calvert, he takes ocea* 
sion to say, that he had written some news of state 
affairs to his cousin Wandesford, who was interest- 
ed in such things; but to you, continues he, I 

* Strafibrd'8 Letters^ Vol L f • !«• 

EA&L OF 8T1IAF90RD. 36 

have very different matters to rekte ; " that our 
harvest is all in, a most fine season to make fish- 
ponds, our plums all gone and past, peaches, 
quinces, and grapes, almost fully ripe ; which will, 
I trow, better suit with a Thistleworth * palate, 
and approve how we have the skill to serve every 
man in his cue. These only we countrymen muse 
of, hoping, in such harmless retirements, for a just 
defence from the higher powers, and possessing 
ourselves in contentment, pray, with Driope in the 


Et siqua est pictas, ab acutae vulnere falcis^ 
!Et pecoris morsu frondes defendite nostras/* "f 

• Secretary Calvert's country seat. 

"J Strafford's Letters, Vol. I. p. 24. In his letters at this period, 
Wentworth occasionally amuses himself with the follies of the 
king and the courtiers. He informs Secretary Calvert, that he at 
length had news for him from the court ^t Rufford, whither James, 
who was passionately addicted to hunting, had retired to enjoy this 
amusement. '' The loss of a stag, and the hounds hunting foxes 
instead of a deer, put the king your master into a marvellous cha£^ 
accompanied with those ordinary symptoms better known to you 
courtiers, I conceive, than to us rural swains ; in the height where- 
of comes a clown galloping and staring full in his ffece ':— ^t> 
blood ! (quoth he,) am I come forty miles to tee a fellow f and 
presently, in a great rage, turns about his horse, and away he goes 
&8ter than he came. This address caused his majesty and all the 
company to burst into a vehement laughter, and so the fUme of the 
lime was happily dispersed." Strafford's Letters, p. 23. It does 
no little credit to James's good humour, that he could so heartily 
join in the laugh at this whimsical, but very direct satire on his 
personal appearance. 


At this, OH at otiier periods of his life, Went- 
worth was strongly alive to the calls of duty* In 
various letters, we discover his anxious solicitude 
to promote the improvement of his numerous bro- 
thers, and to provide them with suitable appoint- 
loents, * Of the attention and good sense with 
which he guided their inexperience, we have an 
example in his advices to his brother Michael, who 
had chosen the army for his profession, and was 
now making a campaign in Germany. After seve- 
ral admonitions to aim at excellence in his profes* 
sion, by an assiduous employment of his time, by a 
diligent observation of the transactions around 
him, by aiding his memory with a regular journal 
of all remarkable incidents which contributed either 
to success or defeat ; he endeavours to repress the 
ardour and indiscretion of early years* He advis- 
es him to go on with the sober, stayed courage 
of an understandii% man, rather than with the 
rash and distempered heat of an unadvised youth ; 
and warns him, that the man who ventures himself 
desperately, will, even by the wise, be deemed un- 
fit for command, since he exercises none over his 
own unruly and misleading passions, f 
March 27, From plcasurcs so serene, and from duties so 
commendable, Wentworth was called, by the inci- 
dents of a new reign, to scenes more active, and 

* Strafford's Lettcrit^ Vol. I. p. U, \6, 18. f Ibi^ P* ^^ 


Of ntihv^MJu 4FJ 

tran^ctions more questionable. The previous con- 
duct of Charles, ^vho now ascended the throoet had 
produced a very favourable impression of his cha- 
racter. The strictness of his morals, tiie reseiire 
of his conversation, the dimity of hit .tetetnal de- 
portment, were ad^ahtagpoualy ^abntrasted with Uie 
dissipation, the loquacity, and awkward demeanour 
of hi^ father. Of the favaurable disposition of the 
public, he had received the most indubitable ;ind^ 
cations. On his return from Spain he had been 
welcomed with loud and cordial, demonstrations ^ 
joy ; and from his the rupture with 
that crown, and the war for the recover]^ of the 
Palatinate, he had derived new accessions of popu- 
larity. It was therefore with confidence, as far is 
regarded himself, that he convoked n parliameot 
on. his accession, and requested immediate supplies. 
JBut however acceptable might be the alleged oc^ in ParUa. 
easion, (the prosecution of the war for the Patati^ jlfne^is, 
nate,) there were certain circumstances that nen*^^*' 
di^ed parliament backward in their grants. , 

King James had promised that vigorous men^ 
sures should be taken for asserting the ;?igbts of^his 
son?in*law ; yet nothing lu4 been ef&ctedf A cwf 
siderable army had, indeed^ been ;raified apd ,di^ 
patched on board of transports; but no proper 
measures having been taken for their disembark- 
ation, they were so long delayed at the ports of 
Fiance and Hc^land. to which they siuledt that. 

S8 BAAL OF strai:ford# 

partly from want of provisions, partly from a con- 
tagious distemper which had crept in among men 
so long crowded up in narrow vessels, scarcely a 
third of the original number came to land ; and 
with this slender and dispirited force, no offensive 
operations could be attempted. * The naval prepa- 
rations of James Imd also been very tardy ; and, in* 
stead of - adventurers being enriched by captures 
from the Spaniards, our merchantmen^ now in^ * 
creased in number, became too often a prey to our 
enemies, t ** It represents unto me,'* says Went- 
worth on this occasion, *^ the sport of whipping the 
blind bear, where they lash, and that roundly too 
on all hands, and yet the smart and blows given so 
distract the poor creature, as she knows not where 
to take her revenge." t 

The nation was likewise agitated by an alarm, of 
pc^ery. The rupture of the Spanish negociations, 
and a promise of James to enforce the penal laws 
against recusants, had at one time allayed the pub- 
lic apprehension, and diffused the greatest satisfao«> 
tion. it was in reference to this promise that 
Wentworth, in a letter to a friend, dropt an ex- 
pression highly expressive of the national dread of 
popery. ** I hope in God we shall once again put 

• Rush worth) Vol. I. p.. 15 4. 

t Strafford's Inciters, Vol. I. p. 22. 

X Wentworth to Wandesford^ Straffbrd'i £.etten, Vol. I. p/8e. 


a ring in the nose of that leviathan, and bend and 
turn him to the safety of the state, and advance** 
ment of the cause of our most just and gracioua 
Grod/' * Such w&re also the hopes of the nation ; 
but the vanity of James soon disappointed them^ 
and excited anew the fears for the Frotestaat faith*^ 
After the match mth Spam was broken qS, a 
daughter of France^eemed to him the only consort 
worthy of his son ; and negociations for this pur-« 
pose were immediately commenced. The French 
court had viewed with fearful presages the alliance 
of England with the Spaniards, and received with 
joy an overture which promised to engage her per- 
manently in their interests : but as James could not 
conceal his eagerness for the conclusion, they took 
advantage of his weakness to obtain their own con- 
ditions. All the invidious concessions in favour of 
popery, which had been claimed by the Spaniards, 
were now yielded to the French ; and experience 
has shown that the apprehensions of the English 
nation were not groundless, when, by a fatal act of 
compliance, the education of the royal ofi&pring, 
till their thirteenth ^ear, was confided to their po- 
piish mother, t 

These, indeed, were the transactions oi Jam#s i 
but Charles had subscribed to all the concessions in 

• Strafford's Letters, Vol. I. p. 82. 
t Rushworth, VoL I. p. 152. 



h^Mit of popery^ and betrtyed no lest eagenms; 
for the match than his father. Its completion wat; 
the^ Urst important act of his reign ; and the meel*^ 
itig of parliament was delayed till the young qnetn^ 
had been received in England. From these cir^ 
enmstances a suspicion arose that the courts awam 
d the evil eye with which this alliance was regardh 
ed» had anticipated remonstrant from pariiament») 
and^ to prevent them, had hastened the conclusion 
of the treaty : nor was it unforeseen that this con* 
duet would afl^ the question of supplies. Wenti 
worthy after alluding to the state of public opinion^ 
speaks ironically of the match to his friend Calvert :. 
*^ For my part I like it well, and conceive the bar« 
gain wholesome on our side, that we save three 
other subsidies and fifteenths* Less could nofe 
have been demanded for the dissolving of this 
treaty, and still the king your master have pretends, 
ed to suffer loss, no doubt for our sake only, which 
certainty we should have believed/' * 

The conduct of Charles, in respect to this match, 

having impressed the nation with a suspicion of .fan 

attachment to popery, he found it expedient^ in hia 

first speech to parliament, to repel the allegation, t 

S'lT"^ Nor were there wanting other circumstances to di- 

^«^ mtnish his late popularity. In retaining all the mi« 

• Wentworth to Calvert, StraffonVs Letters, Vol. I. p. 94. 
t Ruahwortb, Vol. I. p* 1T9. 

Bbten ef \m ikber, ke mtm%d to ^ve^H pledge 
tlwt lie would fbtkiw the same counseld } «id fitMn 
the redhgnetion with whicAiK he mibmitted to the dicib' 
tti^of BuckiDghimiy there remained no hope of ^ 
dttn^iiiition df thiat iniolent imiiion^e euihorkyl 
The popularity of the EKdte^ during the last u^ 
aoft of parliament, had idrei^j vanished. • It wai 
sow recollected/ that, tf he had brought back the 
prince safe, itwmii he who had carried him tbilher) 
^at, if he hud' as&isted t6 break off the Spaatak 
«iat^, he had^ealoudy promoted the Frofi^h I ^ 
end that many glaring abasef <^d be distincliy 
traced to hia influence. If the cautidn with whidjt 
dhartea concealed his political principles, during 
the lifetime of. his father, had bred an opinkm of 
liii prudence, it had also engimdered some suspi^ 
cion of his candour* And though, while princei 
he had displayed no extravagance in his expeMes^ 
1^ profu^on with whicK onhis accession, he had 
acattered among those around him the remahks of 
die treasury, rendered it doubtful how far his fniP- 
gdity could resist the aolicitatton of oourtiera. t - 
Influenced by these circumstances, the CSem- 
taona, in their first deliberations, discovered ;a dw- 
posftion to treat of grievances as well aaanpplp^ 

• Rushworth, Vol. I. p. 470. 

t Clarendon's History of the Rebellion^ Vol. I. p. f, 94, 25. 
May's History of the Parliament, p. 6, 7. edit. 1G47. 



As the first-fruits of their affection, howiever^ thejr 
immediately presented his majesty with two wbw 
sidiesy i^erving their farther liberality till some 
prominent abuses were investigated. * But a p^* 
tilential distemper* which extended its ravages over 
London, quickly interrupted their laboursi and Ob- 
liged the king to adjourn the session to Oxford, f. 
August 1, Here, after a short recess, they assembled with 
dispositions by no means more favourable to tfaf 
views of the court. During their previous niee(k> 
ing, Charles had excited some disgust by oppoih 
ing his prerogative to their discussions ; and by 
prohibiting their prosecution of one Montague, hii 
chaplain, who had written a book, which they con- 
strued into an encouragement of papery, t But 
this cause of offence was slight, when compared 
to the intelligence which now transpired, that the 
king had enabled the French court, by the assists 
ance of some ships, to destroy the Protestant fleet 
of Rochelle, and lay siege to that town, the last 
refuge of the Hugonots. In the ruin of these Pn>* 
testants, whom Elizabeth had cherished, whom sound 
policy, as well as religion, seemed to call on England 
to support, they saw grounds for the most gloomy 
apprehensions ; and Buckingham, whose supreme 
authority pointed him out as the author of these 

• Rush worth. Vol. L p. 173, I7i, t IWd. p. 174. 

t Ibid. 

measures, became the marked object of tbeir dis« 
pleasure. * 

. The Commons were now far more disposed to 
investigate grievances than to vote subsidies. It 
was in vain that the court urged the necessities of 
the state, and the impossibility of continuing active 
hostilities without farther supplies. The Common* 
seemed determined to inquire how their former 
grants had been applied ; to obtain, in return for 
their concessions, the reform of various abuses; 
and to bring to light the authors of the public mis^^ 
fortunes. Their c^isures now pointed very direct*- 
ly at the Duke of Buckingham ; when that fa- 
vourite, apprehensive for his safety, induced the 
king to interrupt the proceedings of parliament by 
an abrupt dissolution, t 

During these transactions, Wentworth took his wentivmA 
station among the most conspicuous patriots. No^J 
change had taken place in the measures of the. 
new reign ; there had appeared no inclination to 
abate the claims of the prerogative ; the insolent 
Buckingham still distributed the favours as well as^ 
the frowns of the court. The virtuous, the mow; 
derate, the ambitious, were all equally interested^ 
to ameliorate this state of affairs. Wentworth had 

* Rushworth^ Vol. I. p. 175^ 176. Whitlockes Memorials, 

p. 1, 2. 

t Rush worth, VoL I. p. lOl. Clarendon, Hist, of Reh. Vol. I. 

p. 6, 25. Whitlocke, p. 2. 

in o 


no!iiF neached his thirty-third year^ and had attvacU 
ed the attention of both parties; His connectioiic 
Mf«re considecable, his talents vrefte much res|^tct- 
ed, his vigotur and decision vgave him fbix^ible elaioMP 
fo attention. Eeadyin concept ion, and pointed in 
expression, his eloquence imparted a lustra to hia^ 
aentimentSy aiid procured for . his knowledge ewn 
more than adequate estimation. ^ His aoquire^ 
ments had been obtained with a method and dili«. 
genoe^ which proved that, even in leisure and re«^ 
tirementi he had not lost sight of more active 
scenes* From his earliest yonth, he had studied 
the graces of composition ; in the most admire4 
authors of England, of France, and of Rome, he 
had searched for the beauties of style ; and to the 
popular eloquence of his age he had trained him* 
self by a diligent attendance on the chief orators 
of the pulpit, the bar, and the council. When ha 
met with an esteemed oration or tract on any suIk 
ject, he deferred studying it, till he had framed a 
speech on the same argument : and then, from r 
comparison with his own essay, he endeavoured to 
appreciate the merits of the author, and ta draw 
information for the correction of his own defects, t 
Courted by To the msLJfi thus formidable by his capacity, ac^ 
^"'S' quirements, and energy, Buckingham knew that 


• GlarendoH, Hist, of Ueb. Vol I, p. 269, 260, 
+ Iladcliffe's Essay. 


he bad given unprovoked offence } and daily ap^ 
prehending an ^s^ttack from t^e Commons^ he judg« 
ed it expedient to conciliate this opponent by ex* 
pressions of esteem, and promises of future favour* 
These overtures were npt unacceptable to Went* 
worth. To the request for his good ofBces, he re- 
plied with address and dignity, <* That he honour? 
ed the duke*s person, and was ready to serv^ hini 
in the quality of an honest man and a gentleman/' 
The duke replied by cordial ackhowledgmentsi ; 
and during the short remainder of the session, 
Wentworth exerted himself to moderate the re- 
sentment of his party. * 

These friendly appearances were of short dura- 
tion. The king and his minister, amidst their 
fears, and their resentment at the proceedings of 
the last parliament, had overlooked their urgent 
necessities, or formed vain conceptions of their in- 
dependent means of supply ; for few months had 
elapsed when another parliament was found to he 
their only resource. The intervening events, how- 
ever, gave no reason to hope that this assembly 
would prove subservient to the views of the king. 
For the relief of his immediate exigencies, he 
bad compelled men to accept the title of knight- 
hood ; employed the arbitrary and partial method 

• Strafford's Letters, Vol. I. p. 34. 


of issuing privy^seals to particular persons ; * and 
with the money thus procured, he had equipped a 
fleet, from whose operations he expected farther 
supplies* The bay and harbour of Cadiz were full 
of valuable merchantmen ; and the galleons, which 
annually conveyed to Europe the treasures of Ame^ 
rica, were about this season expected. From the 
rich plunder of these vessels the court formed san- 
guine hopes 'f but had the mortification to see their 
fleet return, disappointed in all its attempts, and 
with its numbers miserably reduced by a pestilen- 
tial distemper. Fresh fuel was now added to the 
popular discontents ; the disgraces as well as the 
losses of the nation were the theme of complaint ; 
and Buckingham was denounced as the author of 
all public calamities, f 

Compelled, by his necessities, to call a parlin- 
ment in these unpropitious circumstances, Charles 
attempted some expedients to sooth and to weaken 
their opposition. As their suspicion of his secret 
attachment to popery seemed to have been the 
chief cause of their late alarm, he issued several 
proclamations for the suppression of 'recusant8^j4 
and an ancient custom furnished him with a strata- 
gem to exclude from the House of Commons his 

• Strafford's Lttters, Vol. I. p. 28. Rush worth. Vol. I. p. 199. 
t Rushworth, Vol. I. Clarendon, Vol. I. 
X Rush worth, Vol. I. 


most active and formidable opponents. By the 
feudal tenures, every one was pledged, when called 
on, to attend the civil as well as the military bua- 
ness of his sovereign ; and, as a degree of honour 
was connected with all public appointments, the 
daim of the prince, thus originating, had, to the 
days of Charles, been acquiesced in without dispute. 
Among these, the office of High Sheri£P, fnnn its 
&tigue and expence, would often have been de- 
clined, had not the nomination of the sovereign 
been considered as irresistible. Besides other dis- 
advantages, this appointment included a disability 
to serve in parliament ; for a person could not at 
the same time attend to the interests of his con- 
stituents, and discharge the duties which he owed 
to his king as sheriff. The rule had, indeed, been 
occasionally dispensed with ; but the monarch as- 
serted a right to enforce its observance, and to pre- 
vent the sheriff, whom he had nominated, from 
neglecting his service to attend the call of his sub- 
jects. Of this custom, Charles, by the advice of 
Buckingham, now availed himself ; and by fixing 
on six of the most popular leaders as sheriffi for the 
year, he precluded their immediate re-election to j^^^ jggs. 
parliament. * 

Wentworth heard with surprise and indignation Appoimtod 
that he was included in the number. BucHng- ^***^* 

• Roshwortb, Vol. L Strafford's Letters, VoL I. p. 29. 


ham baving made his advances from fear, had re« 
garded hk friendly replies with suspicion, and haT« 
ing fajeen informed that some leading men, of whojn 
Wentworth was one, had agreed to support a pro- 
secution against him in the next parliament, thought 
he should more safely trust to. the inability than to 
the professions of his adversary, * Wentworlh left 
no means untried to escape this unseasonable al^- 
pointment. He solicited the intercession of his 
friends at court ; but they could only remind him 
of the uncontrollable influence of his enemy^ 
<< that those whom he would advance were ad- 
vanced ; and those whom he but frowned upon 
were thrown down/*t The duke, to conciliate 
the approaching parliament, by an appearance of 
solicitude for the recovery of the Palatinate, wiUi 
now abroad on an embassy to the Low CountriesL; 
but the injunctions, which he had given before luft 
departure, were to Charles sacred and inviolable. 
" I think,*' writes Sir Arthur Ingram to Went- 
worth, ^' if all the council that was at court ha^ 
joined together in request for you, it would not have 
prevailed ; for it was.set and resolved what should 
be done before the great duke's going over, and 
from that the king would not change a tittle/' t 
iMflMte Another expedient still remained. The dis- 
ability to serve in parliament, which was supposed 

* Strftffi>rd'B Letters, VqL I. p. S6. t Ibid. t Ibid. p. 89. 



to attend the office of sheriff, depended merely on 
a cuJstom, which had been sometimes infringed, and 
often strenuously disputed. Some of his fellow- 
8u£ferers had consequently resolved to procure their 
fe-election, and insist on their rights ;'*^ but after 
mature deliberation, a more moderate course seem- 
ed eligible to Wentwotth. He had reason to 
think that he was by no means ^rticularty obnox« 
ious to the coUrt. In reading over the list Of 
&driffs^ the king had passed the rest without no* 
tice ; but on naming Wentworth, he had added» 
V he is an honest gentleman/' t He could reckon 
severaT of the ministers among his intimate friends ; 
and it seemed most imprudent to bar the door of 
fiivour against himself for ever, by engaging in $, 
doubtful and dangerous conflict with the crown* 
In the moderate course, to which these eonsidera- 
tfons moved him, he was confirmed by the conn- 
0eis of Lord Clare, whose beautiful aind accomplish- 
ed daiightet. Lady Arabella Hollis, he had lately 
mkrried. His lordship, in reply to Wentworth's 
request for advice, highly commends his prudent 
KSolves; express^ei an apprehension that it was 
Vain to oppose the claims of the king ; and that, 
even should the election be found valid, the court, 
in revenge, would proceed to disfranchise the elec- 
tors. He, indeed, heartily wishes success to those 

I ' ' ' ' ' 

• Strafford's Letters, Vol. I. p. 30. t Ibid. p. 2^. 


wlio bad the boldness to stand forward on this oc« 
easion ; and that their prevailing over the trick of 
the courtiers might produce new security for the 
subject and the parliament, ** and make great ones 
more cautious in wrestling with that high court. '^ 
Yet he would not have these advantages purchas- 
ed with the danger of his son-in-law; and he 
concludes with citing Wentworth's own words, 
that, in such a case, *^ it was much better to be a 
spectator than an actor.*' * The event justified 
the caution, if not the magnanimity of this con- 
duct: the opposition attempted to the mandates 
of the court proved ineffectual ; t and Sir Edward 
Coke, in the subordinate station of sheriff^, was ob- 
liged to attend the circuits where he had once 

This invidious artifice, while it exposed the 
weakness of government, produced not the expect- 
ed benefits. In the new parliament appeared the 
same spirit of independence, the same forcible ora« 
tory, the same dislike of the favourite, the same de- 
termined purpose to redress the public abuses : 
and the court now learnt with dismay that a fa- 
vourable occasion will always call forth talent, and 
stimulate exertion. 
Feb. 6, In the opening speech, which was delivered by 


• Earl of Clare to Wentwortli. Strafford's Letters, Vol. I. p, 31. 
t Rushwortb, Vol I. 401. 


the Lord Keeper, the Parliament were reminded 
of the supreme height and majesty of the monarchf 
the unspeakable privilege they enjoyed in being 
allowed to approach him, his many, private virtues^ 
and his uncommon affection to Parliaments. This 
love was now his only motive for calling them tOr 
gether ; and the same sentiment made him unwillr 
ing to prolong their i^tting» since their safety 
might again be brought into peril by a dangerous 
contagion. He therefore requested them to pro- 
ceed without delay in framing good and wise laws, 
the express purpose of their convocation. That 
nothing might diminish the effect of this unusualr 
ly gracious lanjguage, no mention was made of sup- 
plies. * 

The Commons, taking this friendly exhortation 
in good part, proceeded to investigate such abuses 
as required the remedy of new laws. They now 
discovered that the expencjes of the crown had 
been needlessly increased; that new impositioqs 
and monopolies had been multiplied, and the regu- 
lar customs enhanced by a new book of rates : 
that the duties of tonnage and poundage, which 
former princes had uniformly received from the 
bounty of Parliament, were now levied by the sole 
authority of the king ; t that the late grants of 

• Rush worthy Vol. I. p. 202, 203. 

f These duties on exports and imports had heen granted to eadi 
monarch only during his own life ; but at the commencement of ^ 


the Commons had been misapplied, and the ho- 
nour as ^ell as the safety of the nation comproitais^ 
$d by shameful mismanagement. They found, 
iJhat a direct and solemil premise made by the 
king to the last Parliament, that he would removie 
pdpish recusants from all offices of trust, had be^ti 
eluded; and they were ^nlibled to present him 
Vrith a l6ng list of siieh persdns Mill occupying lill« 
portant stations. Other instances of dubious fyMa 
rH the prince Were now also brought to light. The 
'Earl of Bristol, who had resided as ambassador in 
Spain, and had, by his prudence and skill, brought 
t^e match with the Infanta almost to a coitclusion^y 
Wlien it was broken off by the intrigues of Buckr- 
ingham, had witnessed all the misconduct of the 
favourite, and had, to prevent dangerous disco- 
veries, been silenced and confined on his arrival in 
England. Beitig now relea!^, he delivered an 
explicit account of the whole transaction, fnittk 
which it too plainly appeared, that Charles, evaik 
While he interchanged the most solemn oaths of 
-friendship with the Kihg of Spain, had already de*- 
termined to violate them ; and that he had, in tHe 

new reign^ the prince had sometimes ventured to levy them till a 

parliament could be summoned to grant them; and as he fiever 

pretended to do to of rights the act had passed unquestioned. The 

misunderstanding between Charies and his first parliament had de- 

;prived him of this grants and he now avowedly levied the duties 

4)y hia own authority. 



face of Parliament, sanctioned the duke's narrative 
of their reception in Spain, when he knew it to be 
false. * 

All these abuses and breaches of good faith 
were imputed to Buckingham. It was then, as 
now, the rule that ministers alone were accountable 
fblr political mismanagement ; and, from the uh« 
bounded control of the duke over his sovereign, 
no minister was ever more justly charged with thtf 
responsibility. The Commons alleged that he had 
hnpoveri^ed the crown by the vast gifts in money 
and land, which he had received for himself and 
fais kindred ; that he had accumulated into his 
own hands a multiplicity of high and incompatible 
c^ces ; that, in deference to his father and mo- 
ther-in-law, who were avowed Catholics, he had 
connived at the indulgence of recusants ; that, 
through him, honours, o£Sces, places of judicature, 
and ecclesiastical promotions, had been scandalously 
set to sale ; and that, in his united capacity of ad- 
miral and general, he had left the narrow seas un- 
guarded, delivered over vessels to assist the French 
court against the Protestants of Rochelle, and, by 
his criminal negligence and imprudence, given rise 
to disasters both by sea and land. These accosa^ 
tions they proceeded to prove in an impeadimerifc 
liefore the House of Lords, t 

* Rushworth^ Vol. I. p. 207, 208> 2SS, 266. 
t Ibid. p. 214, 217, 303, et seq. 


The king and the favourite looked with dread 
on these proceedings, which they had neither the 
resolution to await, nor the address to elude. As 
soon as direct chaises began to be advanced in the 
House of Commons against the duke, Charles, 
laying aside his former conciliatory language, re- 
solved to accelerate their grants by peremptory de- 
mands, and to repress their accusations by menaces^ 
Overlooking the right of impeachment, which the 
Commons had acted on, unchallenged, both in the 
last and the preceding reigns, he told them that 
he would not allow them to call in question even 
his meanest servant, far less his chosen minister ; 
he threatened to avenge himself of those members 
who presumed to speak disrespectfully of the duke ; 
and commanded them, as they wished to avoid 
worse consequences, without delay to declare the 
exact amount of the supplies which they were 
willing to grant. • 

The Commons, to show that it was not their obf 
ject to distress the king, voted him three fifteenths 
and three subsidies, to which they afterwards added 
a fourth ; but, convinced both from former expe- 
rience, and the present disposition of the court, 
that this was the only hold which they had on its 
forbearance, they deferred passing the vote into 
a law, till their grievances sljould first be preferred 

Rushworth, Vol. I. p. 214, 215, 216, 217. 



and answered. ^ At the same time, disregarding 
the menaces of the court, they proceeded to invest 
tigate the misconduct of Buckingham, j* 

Charles now resolved to increase the vigour of 
his language. He told the Commons, that he 
would suffer no violation of his royal rights, under 
colour of parliamentary liberty; that he would 
permit no inquiry into the conduct of his meanest 
servant ; and that he considered their charges 
against the duke as attacks on his own honour. 
He expressed his displeasure at the scantiness of 
the supplies, and still more at the condition with 
which they were accompanied, and fixed a precise 
day, by which he commanded them to state, directi- 
ly and ^nally, the amount of unconditional sup- 
plies which they purposed to grant. To make 
them aware that he had still more decisive medr 
sures in agitation, he added, ** remember that par- 
liaments are altogether in my power for their call- 
ing, sitting, and dissolution ; therefore, as I find 
the fruits of them good or evil, they are to contir 
nue, or not to be.'' t 

But the resolution of Charles was unequal to 
the boldness of his language. Hearing that his 
speech had excited high indignation among the 
Commons, he sent Buckingham to explain away 

• Rushworth, Vol. I. p. 221, 409. t ^^i^' P- 221. 
t Ibid. p. 232, 223, 224, 225. 


the offeosive expressions, and to retract bis peremp-^ 
t^ deihind of supplies by a precise day. * H^ 
afterwards, without expressing any resentment, re« 
<c»eived a remonstrance^ in which they lissetted, 
^^ that it hath beeb the ancient, constant, and un- 
doubted right and u^ge of parliaments, toques* 
libti «nd complain of all persons, bf what degree 
toeter, found grievous to the commonwealth, ii^ 
ifeisunng the pov^r and trust committed to them by 
dieir sovereign/' t So far from impeding thejr 
impeachment of the duke, Charles now, by a spe- 
ciial meksa^e, permitted thqim to introduc;e whit 
iKew matter they pleased in£o the charges whibh 
drey had exhibited against him. t 

Yet the prosecution was hardly commenced, 
when the alitrm of the favourite and the violent 
i^EMlves of the king returned. Two of the most 
active managers of the impeachment were sent to 
the Tower ; § and Sir Dudley Carlton, the vice- 
bhamberlain, renewed, still more explicitly, the 
king's former threats. ^^ I beseech you, gentle^- 
men,'* said he, " move not his majesty by trench- 
M^g on his prerogatives, lest you bring him out of 
love t^ith parliaments. You have heard hii ma- 
jdiifty's frequent messages to j^ou, to put ydu for- 
mtfd in a course that will be most convenient, lit 

• Rushworth, Vol. 1. p. 226. f ^^' V- «*^- 

X Ibid. p. 24,9. § Ibicl p. S66. 


those mesisages he told you, that, if there were not 
correspondency between hiip and you, he should 
be enforced to use new counsels. Now, I pray 
you, consider what these new counsels are, and 
may be ; I fear • to declare those that I conceit 
In all ChristUn kingdoms, you know that parlia- 
ments were in use anciently, by. which they were 
govembd hi a most flourishing manner, until the 
monarchs began to know their, own strength ; and 
seeing the turbulent spirit of their parliaments, they 
at length, by little and little, began to stand upon 
their own prerogatives, and at l^t overthrew the 
parliaments throughout Christendom, exci^pt hei^e 
only vrith us. And, indeed, you would count it a 
great misery, if you knew the subject in foreign 
countries as well as myself; to see them look, not 
like our nation, with store of flesh on thei^ back^, 
but like so many ghosts, and not men $ being no« 
thing but skin and bones, with some thin cover to 
their nakedness, and wearing only wooden shoes 
on their feet ; so that they ca:nni>t eat meat, or 
wear good clothes, but they must pay taxes to the 
king for it. This is a misery beyond expression, 
and that which yet we are free fix)m. Let us be 
carefuly then, to preserve the king's good opimoa 
of parliaments, which bring this happiness to this 
nation, and make us envied of all others, while 
there is this sweetness between his majesty and his 


Commons, lest we lose the repute of a free bom 
nation, by turbulency in parliament*** * 

The Commons had just reason to be alarmed at 
this discourse, whieh so plainly intimated that the 
national freedom could be retained only by their 
unlimited compliance ; that the king, rather than 
have his will disputed^ would, like the other abso- 
lute princes of Europe, overturn the ancient consti- 
tution of his country, and reduce his people, from a 
flourishing condition, to the lowest ebb of wretch- 
edness. But their indignation was fuither ^gra- 
vated, when they^saw the Duke of Buckinghan^, in 
contempt of their impeachment, ostentatiously in- 
vested with new dignities. The Chancellorship of 
the University of Cambridge having become va- 
cant, the king signified his pleasure that Buckings 
ham should be elected to this station of honour. 
The majority of the members yielded obedience ; 
and the king, in a public letter of thanks to the 
University, assured them that he considered an ho- 
nour conferred on the duke as an obligation to 
himself, t 

It was in vain that the king now addressed the 
indignant Commons, again commanding them to 
expedite the bill of supplies by a certain day, and 
threatening that he would otherwise have recourse 
to other resolutions. They replied by a humUe 

• Rushworth, Vol. I. p. 359. f Il>iJ- P* 371, 374. 


petition for the reirioval of Buckingham from ac«* 
cess to the royal presence ; and proceeded^ in tem^^ 
perate and respectful language, to draw up a more 
detailed remonstrance to the same effect, in which 
they also protested against the illegal levying of 
tonnage and poundage : when the king, alarmed 
and angry, suddenly put an end to their labours 
by a dissolution. * 

During this eventful contest, Wenti/irorth conti- w«nt. 
nued, at a distance from the scene, calmly and di- conduct a* 
ligently executing the duties of his office. Al- 
though he had undertaken them with reluctance, 
he was determined to discharge them with fidelity; 
and, in the true spirit of a philosopher, he says, 
" I will withall closely and quietly attend my own 
private fortune, repairing and settling it with in- 
nocent hands, moderate and regulated desires, and 
80 repose myself on the goodness of the Almighty, 
that doth not only divert the scourges of an adver- 
sary, but doth even convert them into health and 
soundness. Can there be a fairer or fuller re^- 
venge ? Insanos feri tumultus ridere. Is there 
any state or condition so safe, more to be recom'- 
mended ? Virtus vitae tacitos beatae^ rure secreto, 
sibi nota tandum^ ejcigit annos. Yet I do lament^ 
sadly lament, the miseries of these times, being re- 
duced to such a prostration of spirit, as we are nei- 

* Rushworth, Vol. I. p. 397, 4»04^, 405. 


ther able to overcome the exulcerated disease, nop 
to endure a sharp prevalent remedy.** ♦ 

^owphic To the last subject, which now alone scented to 
interrupt his philoso{>hic tranquillity, he again ad« 
verts, and heartily offers his prayers for the suc<;esi 
of the oppositionists, since he was now precluded 
from rendering them other assistance. ** For my 
own part, I will commit them to their active heat^ 

Dtemnhn 5. and, according to the season of the year, fold my- 
self up in a cold silent forbearance, apply myself 
cheerfully to the duties of my place, and heartily 
pray to God to bless Sir Francis Seymour, t For 
my rule, which I will not transgress, is, never 
to contend with the prerogative out of a parlia« 
ment ; nor yet to contest with a king but when I 
am constrained thereunto, or else make shipwrecli: 
of my integrity and peace of conscience, which I 
t^ust God will ever bless me with, and with cou- 
rage too to preserve it.** t 

New 01^ While pursuing these resolutions, so prudent 

Bucking, amidst the distraction of the times, Wentworth re« 
ceived new overtures from Buckingham. Alarms 
ed at the accusations preparing in parliament, and 
fearful of the general indignation, the favourite 

• Wentworth to Wandesford, Strafford'd Letters, Vol. I. p. 39: 
t One of the members nominated sheriffiB^ who was now, in d«ft» 

ance of the displeasure of the crown, attempting to procure his re- 

election: Strafford's Letters, Vol. I. p. 30. 
t Strafibrd's Letters, Vol. L p. S3. 


deemed it high time to conciliate some of those 
angry spirits whom his former insolence had exas- 
perated. To Wentworth, whose vigour and influ- 
tnee were objects of dread, he forgot not to apply 
his arts ; and, having called him to a personal inter- 
view, assured him that his nomination as sheriff 
had taken place without his knowledge, and during 
hia absence ; and begged that all former misunder- 
standings should be buried in a contract of perma- 
nent friendship. The protestations of the duke 
were evidently false, his proffers of amity probably 
ioflincere ; yet his necessity for the support of able 
men, under his present load of public reproach, 
i^pened a door to preferment, opportune and appa- 
rently certain. Wentworth, therefore, met these 
advances with cordiality ; and having again waited 
on the duke, and experienced the most obliging 
reception, he departed, in full satisfaction, for 
Yorkshire, to await, amidst his private and official 
avocations, the result of these favourable appear- 
ances. * 

But the impetuosity And rashness of Buckingham DepriTed of 
aet all calculations at defiance. Whether moved as custos 
by the representations of some interested intriguer j **' *"^^* 
or confirmed in his confident schemes by the re- 
spite which he enjoyed after the dissolution of par- 
liament ; he was accessary to a step which gave a 

• StraflPord's Letters, Vol. I. p. 34, 35. 
VOL. 11. F 


new edge to the enmity of Wentworth. The of- 
fice of Gustos Rotulornm, though of little emolu- 
ment, was attended with eonsiderable honour ; aaid 
as Wentworth had been permitted to enjoy it 
when out of favour at court, he had no reason to 
doubt of its security after his reconciliation with 
Buckingham. It was with no small surprise that 
he now received his majesty's order to resign the 
office to his old antagonist Sir John Savile ; and 
still more was his resentment roused, when the 
warrant was presented to him before a full meeting 
of the county, at which, in his quality of high she- 
riff, he presided. He addressed the lords and gen- 
tlemen around him : he pointedly remarked that 
*^ this was a place ill chosen, a stage illprepared^ 
for venting such poor, vain, insulting humour." 
He declared himself ready to prove, at the price of 
his life, that he had never declined from the plain 
and open ways of loyalty, that he had never falsi- 
fied the precious and general trust of his county, 
that he had never injured or overborne the mean- 
est individual under the disguised mask of ju^ice 
and favour. A little flattery and compliance at 
court would, he added, have rendered him securt^ 
** The world,'*^ said he, " may well think I know 
the way which would have kept my place. T con- 
fess, indeed, it had been too dear a purchase, so I 
leave it, not conscious of any fault in myself, nor 


yet acquainted with any virtue in my successor 
that should occasion this removal/' ^ 

Yet Weiitworth, though he vigorously repelled Priratead- 
this public affront, did not allow his passion to si^ tibe Uog. 
lence the voice of discretion. He took precautions 
that this unexpected mortification should not pre^ 
judice him with the prince, whom he might hope 
hereafter to serve in a superior capacity. An in- 
timacy, which he had formed with Sir Richard 
Weston, Chancellor of the Exchequer, furnished 
him with the means of executing these intentions^ 
This man had improved the advantages of birth 
and fortune, which he derived from his ancestors^ 
by a good education, and a sagacious observation of 
men. Having devoted his exertions to obtain pre- 
ferment at court, he spent the last part of a fair 
estate in acquiring the acquaintance and favour of 
the great men in authority ; and had his attendance 
at length rewarded by an appointment to several 
embassies abroad^ In these he displayed a dili- 
gence and address which soon procured him the 
rank of a privy counsellor, and the place of , Chan- 
cellor of the Exchequer. The court was by no 
means popular, his patron Buckingham was pur- 
sued by a general odium, and himself, from the ^ 
avowed tenets of his family, suspected of an attach- 

• Straiford'a Letters, Vol. I. p. 3«. 


ment to popery.* Yet, by carefully SToiding 
every occasion of ofiencet he bad the rare good Ibi^ 
tune to be acceptable to the court, and yet not dis- 
pleasing to parliament, t With Wentwortk hfi. 
had formed a peculiar intimacy ; had laboured tt 
accommodate his differences with the duke j and 
had been present at their several intervievrs for ra«> 

To this friend, Wentworth now reprosentedi hj 
letter, the injustice which he had sustained ; n^ 
minded him of the several advances of the duke^f 
and called on him to witness that every new breaek 
bad proceeded from a new provocation on the past 
of his grace. *^ At the dissolved parliamqiit in 
Oxford," said he, " you are privy how 1 WM 
moved from and in behalf of the Duke of Buekiagu 
ham, with promise of his good esteem and favour ) 
you are privy that my answer, was, * I did honour 
the duke^s person, that I would be ready to nervto 
him in the quality of an honest man and a gentle- 
man :' you are privy that the duke took this n 
good part, and sent me thanks, as for respects doM 
him ; you are privy how, during that sitting, (scfn 
sion,) I performed what I had professed. The 

* We find it afterwards the general opinion that Weston died a 
Papist. None but persons of that persuasion were present at his 
death. Strafford's Letters^ Vol. I. p. 389. 

f Clarendon^ Hist of Reb. Vol. I. p. 46^ 49. 


conteqnence of all this wai^i the making me sheriff 
the next winter aften It is true the duke, a little 
before Whitsuntide last, at Whitehall, in your pre- 
sence^ said it was done without his grace's know-* 
ledge ; that he was then in Holland. At White-^ 
hall) Easter term last, you brought me to the duke^ 
his grace did before you contract (as he pleased to 
term it) a friendship with me, all former mistakes 
hud aside^ forgotten. After, I went at my coming 
eat of town, to receive his commands, to kiss his 
grace's hands, where I had all the good words and 
good usage which could be expected, which bred 
in me a great deal of content, a full security^ 
Now the consequence here again is, that even yes*' 
terday I received his majesty's writ, for the dis* 
charging me of the poor place of Custos Rotulo- 
mm, which I held here. His good pleasure shall 
be cheerfully obeyed; yet I cannot but observe, 
that the reward of my long, pkinful, and loyal ser- 
Tiee to his majesty in that place, is thus to be cast 
aSf without any fault laid to my charge that I hear 
of} and that his grace too was now in England. 1 
have therefore troubled you with this una^ificial 
relation, to show you the singleness of my hearty 
resting in all assurance justly confident, you shall 
never find that I have, for my own part, in a tittle 
transgressed from what hath passed betwixt us." * 

• Strafford's Letters, Vot t p. 34, S5. 



This letter Wentworth followed up by anotfaer, 
in which be solicits his friend, at some favourable 
opportunity, to represent to his majesty the estima- 
tion in which he was held by the late king, his ar- 
dent attachment to his present sovereign, his un- 
feigned grief at the apprehension of his displea- 
sure, and his eager desire to show bis affection and 
zeal by future services. — ^^ Calling to mind the 
faithful service I had the honour to do to his majesty 
now with God, how graciously he vouchsafed to 
accept and express it openly sundry times, I eiyoy 
with myself much comfort and contentment. On 
the other side, though in my breast still strongly 
dwell entire intentions, and by God's goodness 
shall to my grave, towards his sacred majesty that 
now is, yet I well may apprehend the weight of 
his indignation, being put out of all commissions 
wherein I had formerly served and been trusted. 
This makes me sensible of my misfortune, though 
not conscious of any inward guilt that might oc« 
casion it ; resting infinitely ambitious, not of any 
new employment, but much rather to live under 
the smile than the frovm of my sovereign. la 
this straight, therefore, give me leave to^ recoiki* 
mend to you the protection of my innocence, and 
to beseech you, at some good opportunity, to re« 
present unto his majesty my tender and unfeigned 
grief for his disfavour : my fears also that I stand, 
before his justice and goodness, clad in the malevo- 


lent interpretations, and prejudiced bj the subtle 
insinuations of my adversaries : and lastly, my on- 
ly and humble suit, that his majesty would princely 
deign, that my insufficiency or fault may be shown 
me ; to this only end, that, if insufficiency, I may 
know where and how to improve myself, and be 
better enabled to present hereafter more ripe and 
pleasing fruits of my labours in his service : if a 
fault, that I may either confess my error, and beg 
his pardon ; or else, which I am most confident I 
shall do, approve myself throughout an honest 
and well-aftected loyal subject, with full, plain, and 
upright satisfaction to all that can, by the great- 
est malice, or undisguised truth, be objected against 
xne. ^ 

The friends who were acquainted with this re- 
spectful submission of Wentworjbh were not a 
Uttle surprised when they saw him, not many 
months after, boldly stand forward as the assertor 
of popular rights, and the opponent of the crown, 
in its most favourite exertions of power. But this 
conduct, though to them it might bear the aspect 
of imprudence and temerity, was dictated by a 
profound appreciation of the intervening circum** 

Charles, having dissolved the Parliament, hast- 
ened to show that his threats of resorting to new 

* Straffi>rd'8 Letters, \cL I. p. Si, 


counsels were not empty words, and that, aocordi* 
ing to the explicit menace of the vice*chaniberlaiiif 
he was resolved, after the example of other Euro* 
peaa kings, to extinguish the importunate priTi* 
leges of Pariiament. The most ui^ent task wn 
to provide money for the exigencies of the state^ 
and various expedients were without delay put 
in force. The privy-council issued an order thai 
all those duties of tonnage and poundage on ex^ 
ports and imports, which had hitherto required 
a grant from Parliament, should now be paid on m 
demand from the king. ^ The Commons, we havs 
seen, had resolved, if not prevented by a disiolift* 
tion, to grant four subsidies and three fifteenths | 
this money it was resolved to levy partly by privy 
seals, and partly in the form of a benevolence ; 
the people being called on to consider the contri« 
bution as ^^ merely a free gift from the subject to 
the sovereign.'' t Popish recusants had hitherto 
been subjected to heavy penalties and legal dtsabi^r 
lities : these were now compounded for a fine to 
the exchequer, t The nobility were requested^ by 
particular messages from the king, to set an e%^ 
ample to the rest of his subjects, by the Hberalky 
of their contributions. § As the submission of 
the city of London was also a precedent of much 

• Riifhworth, Vol. I. p. ilS. t Ibid. p. il6. 
i Ibid. p. 4,13, ili. § Ibid. p. 41d. 


importance^ it was commanded to advance his ma* 
jestj a loan of a hundred thousand pounds ; and 
when the magistrates endeavoured to excuse them* 
selves from this partial imposition, they were desir* 
ed to comply without delay, or to abide the conse* 
qnences of those counsels which it became a king 
to frame on extreme and important occasions. * 
To equip a fleet with the least trouble and delay^ 
each sea-port was commanded to furnish a certain 
number of ships, specified by the privy-council ; 
and, with the assistance of the neighbouring coun- 
ties, to furnish them with men, arms, ammunition, 
and all manner of sea stores. And when some 
ports, alarmed at this novel and arbitrary imposi- 
tion, endeavoured to avert it by petitions, they 
were informed, ** that state occasions are not to be 
guided by ordinary precedents j** and warned not 
to obstruct the demand *' by petitions and plead- 
ings, which tend to the danger of the common* 
wealth, and are not to be received.*' f 

• Rash worth, Vc^. I. p. 4-15. 

t Ibid. p. 415. Mr Hume (VoL VI. p. 225, 8vo edit.) re- 
presents thfe as '^ a taxation once imposed by Elizabetli :" but ne* 
thing could be more unlike than the two cases. When the mighty 
preparations for the Armada were announced, all ranks of men in 
England, alarlHed for whatever they held dear, hastened to offer 
their persons and property for the defence of their country. Many 
noblemen and gentlemen, at their own private expence, equipped 
▼CHels and served on board of them in person ; and the maritime 
towns vied with each other in Airnishing ships for the paUic ser*^ 



While the minds of men were thrown into » 
ferment by these circumstances, the irregular ex^ 
actions imposed by royal authority were too slowly 
extorted from an unwilling people, to answer the 
exigencies of the government. Charles, therefore^ 
boldly ventured to impose, by his own mandatef» 
The court those general and regular contributions, which 
general loan, parliament alone had, for ages, been accounted 
competent to bestow.^ By a royal decree, he 

vice. It was at this juncture that Elizabeth^ by an order of the 
priyy-oouncil^ regulated the number of vessels which it would b# 
requisite for each sea-port to furnish towards the common defimcs: 
but so far did the zeal of the people outrun even the apprehended 
necessities of government^ that several sea-ports^ and, among the 
rest, London, sent double the number of vessels which the quetti 
had specified* But when this contribution in kind was required 
by Charles^ no such emergency existed: instead of reg;ulating the 
overflowing liberality of his subjects, he obtained \m supplies by 
compulsion : and both the court and people looked on the imporf* 
tion as a method of supplying the wants of government, withoiU 
having recourse to the ancient forms of the constitution. 

* It must strike every reader, on perusing the original records of 
that period, that neither Charles nor his pourtiers denied that thete 
arbitrary impositions were infringements of the popular rights. 
Even while enforcing the measure here alluded to, Charles thought 
it expedient to soothe the minds of men by a declaration, stating, 
** that the urgency. of the occasion would not give leave to the caO- 
ing of a parliament ; but assuring the people, that this way should 
not be made a precedent for the time to come, to charge them or 
their posterity, to the prejudice of their just and fncient liberiiei 
enjoyed under his most noble ancestors " Rushworth, Vol. I. p. 418. 
Charles and his courtiers considered these measures as a part of his 
new counsels ; to defend them on the ground of precedent, was tlie 
attempt of a later age. 


commanded a general contribution to be levied 
over all the kingdom. It bore the less invidious 
name of a loan j but that no one might be igno- 
rant of its real nature and intention, the assessment 
was ordered to be made according to the forms and 
proportion of a subsidy. ^ Could the people be 
brought to give peaceably one subsidy without the 
intervention of parliament, habit, it was thought, 
would soon reconcile them to the new system, and 
free the crown from its trammels for ever. Stre-^ 
nuous precautions were taken to ensure the success 
of the measure : commissioners sworn to secrecy 
were instructed in the art of mingling authority 
with example, and persuasion with menace : nei- 
ther excuse nor remonstrance were to be admitted, 
nor was resistance to be allowed to gain strength 
from delay and reflection, t 

These proceedings spread universal consterna- 
tion among all ranks of men. They saw the only 
bond by which they held their ancient liberties 
about to be rent asunder, and their boasted con- 
stitution assimilated to the other absolute govern- 
ments of Europe, t The spirit of resistance dif- 

• Rushwortb, Vol. I. p. 4l8. t ^^^^' P« ^•IS, 419. 

J The following extract from Archbishop Abbot's Narrative 
strongly represents the general sentiments at that period : *' For 
the matter of the loau^ I knew not a long time what 1;o make of it. 
I saw^ on the one side^ the king's necessity for money^ and espe-^ 
dally it being resolved that the war should be pursued ; and oi| 


fused itself throughout every condition ; «nd thr 
loan was refused by needy mechanics as well as hf* 
men distinguished for their rank and fortune. 
iMifisaded With thcsc opposcrs of the courti his friendly 
fi^endf. ^ith grief and surprise, saw Wentworth take a d#« 
cided part They conjured him to abandon a n^f 
solution by which he would forfeit all pretetmooi 
to discretion : they represented the dangers wbtel^ 
his health would incur from the rigours of a priiOff, 
and the ruin which must overwhelm all bis amUk 

th« other tide I coultl not forget^ that in the ptrlianMmt grat^ 

8umi wi^re o^trcd, if the petitions of the Commons might be heitrk* 
ened unto. It ran still in my mind, that the old and usual wa^ 
was best ; that, in Tcingdoms^ the harmony wot tvreetest wher^ IW 
prince vn^ the people tuned well to{];ethcr« It ran in my min^ 
that this new device for money could not long hold out ; that t)ieni 
we must return into the highMsay, whither it were best to retfre 
ourselves betimes, the shortest errors being the best. At the open* 
ing of the commission for the loan, 1 waa sent for iVom Croydon* 
It leeined to me a tiran^f thing ; but I was told, that, howsoerer 
it showed, the king would have it so^ there was no speaking agalntt 
ft. I have not heard, that men throughout the kingdom sIiotM 
lendi immey agahMt their will ; I knew not what to make £i Hb 
But when I taw the instructions^ that the refusers should be sent 
away for eoldiers to the King of Denmark, I began to remember 
Uria^, that was set in the fore-front of the battle ; and, to i^>eak 
truth, I durst not be tender in it. And when afterwards I law 
that men were to be put to their oath, with whom they had con- 
ference, and whether any did dissuade them, and yet further be« 
held that divers were to be imprisoned, / thought thin was towie^ 
what a new world" See the Archbishop's Narrative in llushworth^ 
VoL I. p. %b%. 


tious hopes. ^ He deceived himself, they 6aid> if he 
considered this resistance as revenging bis quarrel 
on the duke ; that his majesty bad adopted the 
measure as peculiarly his own ; that Buckingham, 
alarmed at the general discontent* had even en« 
deavoured to dissuade him from persevering in it» 
but had the mortification to receive an absolute 
denial ; for, said the king, ^^ my honour is engag«> 
ed» and the eyes of the kingdom are upon me/* t 
They informed him that his majesty had, on this 
occasion, avowedly taken the punishment of the 
refractory into his own hands. ** No one," said 
his brother-in-law, L.ord Clifford, ^* will bence<^ 
forth venture to move the king in your favour ; 
for his heart is so iitflamed in this business, that he 
vows a perpetual remembrance, as well as a present 
punishment." t 

But the resistance of Wentworth was prompted ^,^^^1 *» 

'^ ^ his conduct* 

by very substantial reasons. If he had a spark of 
patriotism or generosity in Jbis bosom, this was the 
season to stand forth in defence of the expiring 
liberties of his country: and even if ambition 
were, as his friends seem to have imagined, the 
predominant principle of his mind, the course 
which he pursued was conformable to the most de- 
liberate dictates of reflection* Buckingham, he 

• Strafford*! Letters, Vol. I. p. 37, 38, 39. 
t Ibid. p. 38. i Ibid. 


knew, had long cherished animosity towards him J ^ 
and, from the character of his Grace, he had no rea*^ 
son to expect any disinterested patronage. Yet^ 
by the force of his parliamentary eloquence, h» 
had extorted from the fears of the minister what 
he could never have obtained from his liberality ^ 
he had compelled him to make repeated advances^* 
.and at least to counterfeit the appearances of 
friendship. But if the new system of raising su^ 
plies should pass into an established practice ; if 
parliaments, rendered unnecessary, should cease to 
be assembled, no scope would be afforded for the 
^display of talent, no means left for awing the inso» 
lent favourite. No longer trembling under the 
terrors of an impeachment, Buckingham would 
continue with impunity to wound his opponenta,' 
and to lavish the offices and honours of the stato. 
among his own creatures. 
Imprisoned Whether animated by patriotism, or prompted 
by ambition, Wentworth refused to pay the de- 
manded contribution ; and having, before the prU 
vy -council, persisted in justifying his conduct, he 
was first thrown into prison, and afterwards, aa 
a mitigated punishment, sent to Dartford in Kenty 

* So unacceptable was WentwortH at this time to Buckingham, 
that even an intimacy with him was sometimes prejudicial to his 
friends. Archbishop Abbot mentions^ among the causes of his ge* 
questration, the displeasure of the duke at his intercourse with 
Wentworth. See his Narrative in Rushworth^ Vd. I. p. 451. 


wbere he was prohibited from going above two 
nules from the town. * 

This restraint was not of long continuance* 
The resistance of the people increased with the 
necessities of the crown ; and Charles, if he had 
the resolution^ found he wanted the power, to give 
efficacy to his new counsels. The proposed system 
of government, difficult under any circumstances, 
was impracticable under the course which he pur- 
sued. Injudicious innovations, from the ruling 
party in the church, excited general discontent, f 

• Radcliffe's Essay. Strafford's Letters, Vol. I. p. 39. 

-f- Dr Sibthorp and Dr Manwaring, in their pidpit orations for 
the advancement of the loan. The former preached a sermon, en- 
titled Apostolical Obedience, It was dedicated to the king, and li- 
censed by Laud, Bishop of Tendon ; for the Archbishop of Can- 
terbnry, haying refused to give it this sanction, fell under the high 
di^leasure of the court, and was sequestered from his functions. 
Among other doctrines to the same purport, Sibthorp here main- 
tained, that, " if princes command any thing which subjects may 
not perform, because it is against the laws of God, or of nature, or 
impossible; yet subjects are bound to undergo the pimishment, 
without either resisting, or railing, or reviling, and so to yield a 
passive obedience where they cannot exhibit an active one. I know 
no other case," continued he, ^* but one of those three, wherein a 
subject may excuse himself with passive obedience." Dr Manwar- 
ing, in sermons preached before the king and court at Whitehall, 
asserted, " that the king is not bound to observe the laws of the 
realm concerning the subject's rights and liberties, but that his 
royal wOl and command in imposing loans and taxes, without com- 
mon consent in parliament, doth oblige the subject's conscience, 
upon pain of eternal damnation. That those who refiised to pay 


A prociamation by the king* prohibiting the pni» 
mulgation of any but orthodox doctrines, was eon^ 
atrued into a discouragement of the creed of Lu- 
ther, and a recommendation of that of Arminiua. ^ 
The primate of England, venerable for his jeaii 
and moderation, was sequestered, by a royal maii» 

this loan offended against the law of God, and the kingfs supreme 
authority, and hecame guilty of impiety, disloyalty, and rebdUoif. 
That the authority of parliaroent is not necessary for the raiatng tf 
aids and subsidies; and thai the slow proceedings of such great 
assemblies were not fitted for the supply of the state's urgent ne- 
oessitiea, but would rather produce sundry impediments to the just 
designs of princes/' Rush worth. Vol. I. p. i92, 4SS. Mr Hume, 
in alluding to these sermons, observes, that ** there is nothiii|; 
which tends more to excuse, if not Justify, the extreme rigour of 
the Commons towards Charles, than his open avowal and enooci- 
ragement of such general principles as were altogether inoonipatflda 
with a limited government." 

* The prelates most devoted to the court had adopted the tenets^ 
Ivith respect to predestination and certain other points of theology^ 
which had been propagated by Arminlus; and these, however ra- 
tional, were a novelty in the church of England, which, along with 
ofher Protestant countries, had, at the Reformation, embraced the 
doctrine of Luther and Calvin. To that doctrine the great body 
of the nation, and, among the rest, the puritans, still firmly ad- 
hered ; and the contentions between the supporters of the old, and 
the propagators of the new doctrines, divided private societies, and 
resounded ^om the pulpit. The puritans (under which title the 
court comprised almost all assertors of civil or religious liberty) 
were farther alarmed, when they saw Williams, Bishop of Lincoln, , 
and Lord Keeper of England, removed fVom his office, and prose- 
cuted in the Star Chamber, because he would not concur in an 
odious persecution against them. Rushworth, Vol. I. p. 419, US, 



date, from his authority, because he refused his 
sanction to discourses recommending passive obe* 
dience. Judges who refused to pervert justice 
were displaced for the obsequious creatures of the 
crown; and decisions contrary to positive law 
were given against those who resisted arbitrary ex- 
actions. Men whose rank and fortune command- 
ed respect were indeed only commited to prison/ 
without benefit of the Habeas Corpus Act, or 
consigned to counties remote from their proper- 
ties ; but this lenity was attributed to fear, and 
not to a sense of justice, when the refractory 
amoi^ the lower orders were, without regard to 
their destitute families, impressed, some into the 
nayy, others into the land forces,^ ,. Various disf! 
tricts were put under martial law : and bands of 
soldiers were dispersed over the country, and arbi- 
trarily quartered on the inhabitants. \ 

Amidst the general ferment thus excited, the 
public were surprised to see the court plunge itself 
into another unprovoked war. The Duke of Buck- 
ingham having, during an embassy to France, 
been thwarted in an unjustifiable affaif: of gallantry, 
determined to revenge his disappointment by open 
hostilities ; :|: and Charles had the weakness to con- 

■ ■ ■ ■ I ■ 

• Rushworth, Vol. I. p. 422. 

t Ibid. p. ii9, 420. Clarendon's History of the Rebelliim^ VoU 
I. p. 41. 

t Ibid, p 38. 


99^ EARL aV STRAPS 0R»«. 

cttr in the insolent fnry of the fafoarite* Tks. 
French lervanta of the young ifneen were dimiMw^ 
ed| ^ herself treated with disrespect, t and whM« 
the court of Francis still expressed its iodignaliMi 
only by reinonstraticeSi Buckingham took effectual 
means to give aetivity to its resentment, by ctuaia|p 
some ships of that nation to be seized and oerried 
into English ports. The duke having now restllM 
ed to show his prowess by undertaking an ezpe£^ 
tion in person, the treasury was drained, and ha§b 
debts incurred, to furnish him with a suitable «iN 
mament His object was the relief of RocheH% 
which he had so lately assisted to reduce | but 
so ill were his measures concerted, that he fouofl 
it necessary to disembaik on the adjacent Ide «f 
Rhi^ Here, having suffered his army to be baflad 

«. • 

* Riuhworth^ Vol. I. p. 424. 

t I'hc resignation with which Charles bore the intuits sod 
{ibices of a man who had once threatened to strike hhn^ Snd 
ly treated him with a Tery rude fatxiiliarity, might be ascribed ts ii 
disposition too mild to teke offence^ or too lenient to resent indigni- 
ties. But we can scarcely reconcile to generosity or to manhbofl 
the Ytidenest with which he suffiired this minion to treat flk ysMlk 
nd beautifbi quem. Ode day^ when BnekinghMH ni\{mstl)r wpft^ 
bended that shs had shown some disrespect to his mother^ in not 
gcnng to her house at an appointed hour^ a visit which was preroit- 
ed by mere accident, he came into her chamber in much piirfSn, 
and, after some rude expostulations, told her, *^ she ththdd repmd 
it'* When her mijesty answered with soms spirit, he ioariaitlj 
replied, '' that there had been qucent in England who had kmtfMt 
hecfds." Clarendon, Hist, of Reb. Vol. I. p. 39. 


by an inferior enemy» and to be at length overtake 
en lA a ^tuadon where valour was of no avails 
he narrowly escaped in the rout which followedf 
and hastening on board the ahips, left his men 1x1 
fidlow their general as tfaey could. * 

Frem one end of the kingdom to the cither^ A» 
news of this overthrow spread grief and oonsteRia<* 
tioo. In the confusion of the rout, numbers of nil 
MBks had been crushed to death, or drowned 'mth«' 
out the agency of an enemy. Scarcely a noUe fiu 
mily but had to lament the death of a son, a bnH 
ther, or a kinsman ; nor was their grief eliaj^ 
ed by the consolation, that their relatives had fal^ 
len by honourable wounds. The fleet and dm 
army broke out into mutinies; and the govern** 
joent, overwhelmed with its difficulties, yn» m^ 
able to pay their arrears. | 

In this desperate condition, the court saw no aU 

tentative but to lay aside, for the present, its new 

*— — ^— ^^— ^-^'— »— ^»»™»^»~— ' ' , » » ■ « 1 1 ■■ ■ 

* The acccmnt given by Mr Uame of Buckii^am's antiluct cm 
tihis occafdon is different. He states that the duke " was the List 
of the anny that embarked^" and that he brought back with him 
to Eughuid at least " the vulgar praise of courage and penemd 
Innvery." CkrendoB, who was a great admirer ff his gnoe; ako 
celebrates his courage on this occasion. The account given in the 
text is taken from a letter of the Honourable Denxil Hollis, after- 
iNvds Lord Hoflie, to his brotber4n-kw, W«ntwerth^«nd inserted 
in Strafford's Letters, VoL I. p. 4S. Hollis says he had hisin&r- 
mation fiom officers of rank who served in the expedition. 

t Ckrendoii, Hist, cf Beb. VoL I. p. 40, 41. Rushworth, 

* 1. .^ .'. I ■ * • 


itdcMed. counsels, SO inausplciously begun, and to resiiiM 
the old course till a more favourable oj^ortunitjr* 
By tbe advice of Sir Robert Cotton, a member vi 
the privy*council, writs were issued for a new par* 
January liamcut ; and the severities, hitherto practised 
^ ^ against the popular party, were superseded by gra- 
cious attempts at conciliation^ * To break th# 
tide of indignation, which now flowed against Buek^ 
ingham, this happy change was publicly ascribed 
to bis advice and earnest intercession with the 
king, t The Archbishop of Canterbury, the Bi^ 
shop of Lincoln, the Earl of Bristol, so lately thi 
objects of punishment, were now summoned, witb 
other peers of their rank, to resume their seats ia 
the parliament and the council, t Tbe gentlemeft 
who remained confined to prisons and distant coiUp 
ties, for refusing the general loan, were now freed 
from restraint ; and were immediately returned by 
the people to the House of Commons, as the meet 
strenuous assertors of their liberties. $ Amoi]^ 
the rest, Wentworth, liberated from his confine- 
ment at Dartford, was triumphantly re-elected for 
the county of York. || : . , 

inPariia- ^^^ thcsc Conciliatory measures formed onlf 
roent, 1628. ^^^^ ^f ^ j\a,x\f of which the grand characteristijSs 

were menace and terror. Seven days after tjhe 

• Kusbworth, Vol. 1. p. 472. f IWd. | Ibid* p. 474. 
{ Ibid. p. 472. II StrafTord's Lettera, Vol I. p^ 40. * 



writs for this assembly were issued, all the prind- 
p9il officers of the crown were, by a commission 
under the great seal, authorised and commanded 
to deyise the best /and speediest means ' of raising 
suj^lies f or the exigencies of the state : and in 
tibis instrument they were reminded; that *^ form 
tnd circumstance must be dispensed with, rat^r 
than the substance be lost and hazardeoL*' * The- Maxdi 17, 
address of the king to the houses was in perfect 
correspondence with this language. Without men«> 
tioning their grievances^ or holding out any hope 
of redress, he shortly told them, ^* That common 
danger was the cause of this parliament, and sup^ 
]rfy the chief end of it : wherefore,-' said he, " if 
yon should not do your duties, in contribtitin^ 
what the state at this time needs, I must, in dis» 
ohai^e of my conscience, use those other meanSi 
which God hath put into my hands, to save that, 
vrfaieh the follies of particular men may otherwise 
hazard to lose. Take not this as a threat,'^ contin 
nued his majesty, *^ for I scorn to threaten any but 
my equals ; but as an admonition from him that, 
both out of nature and duty, hath most eare *bf 
your preservation and prosperity.** f The Lord 
Keeper, enlarging, by his majesty's direction, on 
the same topics, was yet more explicit. ** This 
way/' Aaid he, ** of parliamentary supplies, his ma*' 

* Rvfihwprth, Vol L f. 474, Qli. f Ibid. p. 476, 477, 


jfsty hath chosen^ as he told yoo, not as the cndjr 
way, bnt as the fittest ; not as destitute of odien^ 
but as most agreeable to the goodness of his oms 
Biost graeioiis disposttioii, and to the dlesire and- 
wesl of his people. If this be deferred, neeesntjr 
and the sword of the eneny make way for th^ 
otkenL Remember his majesty's admonitios/^' 
added he emphatically, ^^ I say, remember it»^* * 

To provide i^inst counsels so un£sgaisadl]f 
displayed, the Commons proceeded with the grtal^ 
est temper and firmness^ Too dignified to ba 
mwed by fear, and too independent to be swayed 
bj the hopes of favour, they comprised the persoat 
host distinguished in the nation fcnr talents and Wh^ 
iSiienoe ; and their collective property was^ com« 
puted to be equal to three times that of thw 
House of Peers* The grievances of which tbof 
had to complain, and which were neither efaimericak 
nor longer supportable, gave rise to many tBii!i' 
getie and eloquent harangues; and Wentwotlkv' 
among others, maintained that these arbitrary iMN 
smres, the baneful effects of evil counselors,, werw 
alike pernicious to the sovereign and the sdbject^' "' 
speedi ibff ^ Surely/' said he, ** these illegal ways are pvw 
S^bttT** nishmenta and marka of indignation. The vwaSmig 
of loans strengthened by commission, with uniMiidU 
of instructions and oaths, the billetting of aoldieiV 

♦ Rush worth, Vol. I. p. iTS. 

bgr the lieutenants and their depiitief» have been in if 
they could have persuaded inanidiid» that the inghl 
<tf entires had been to take away by strong hand9.|i 
and they have endeavoured) as far as possible fof 
them, to dp it. This bath not been done fay tbtf 
kiag, (under the pleasing shade of whose crown I 
bflfie 1!^ Aeijil ever gather ^e fruits of justiee,) but 
liy projectorji who have extended die prerc^^^ 
of the king beyond the just symmetry, which toAr 
etk A sweet harmony of the whole. They have 
hroiight the crown into greater want than ever b^ 
ttaticipating the revenues ; they have introduced a 
privy^council, ravishing, at once, the spheres of all 
ancient government ; destroying all liberty ; impri- 
Mning us without bail or bond, Hiey have tak&x 
from us-— what shall I say ? Indeed, what have 
tiiey left us ? By tearing up the roots of all pro- 
perty, they have taken from us every means of 
au|^ying the king, and of ingratiating ourselves 
by voluntary proofs* of our duty and attachment* : 
*^ To the making whole all these breaches, I 
fihall apply myself ; and to all these diseases, shaU 
propound a remedy. By one iand the same thing 
have the people been hurt, and by the same must 
they be cured. We must vindicate— what ? new 
things ? No ! — our ancient^ legal, and vital libera' 
ties ; by reinforcing the laws enacted by our an- 
cestors ; by setting such a seal on them as no licen- 
tious spirit shall hereafter dare to infringe. And 


shall we fear, by this proceeding, to put an eiid 
to parliament ? No ; our desires are modest ,aiid 
just, and equally for the interest of the king and 
the people. If we enjoy not these rights, it wUl 
be impossible for us to relieve him.V * • ^ 

Amidst these discussions, the king hairing aent 
to the Commons some specific propositions fer sup' 
ply, it was debated whether they or the redress j0f 
grievances should first be taken into con9ideratioti.'t 
Wentworth strongly pressed that their grants ^ould 
be preceded by redress. ** I cannot,'' Sfdd he» 
f^ forget that duty I owe to my country : unleaa^ 
we be secured in our liberties, we cannot give»V it^ 
Yet aftei; a short delay, the house, at the instance 
especially of Mr Pym, unanimously voted a supply 
of' five subsidies to his majesty. § 

When informed of this unexpected liberality^ 
Charles was sensibly afiected. || He had accustonv 
ed himself to look on the Commons as the inveteri* 
ate enemies of his power, as a clog on the motionis 
of his government. Yet admidst the loudest com* 
plaints of arbitrary measures, and their most bitter 
iinvectives against his obnoxious ministers, they 
had uniformly spoken of himself, not only with rcJ- 
iipect and loyalty, but with affection and esteem |: 

• Rushwbrth, Vol. I. p. 500. Franklyn, p. 343. 
t Rushworth, Vol. I. p. 618. $ Ibid. p. 521. 
$ Ibid, p, 625. \\ Ibid. 


und, though exasperated by his menaces, they had 
now hastened to remove those necessities which all 
his own authority had failed to relieve. When the 
gracious reception which he gave to this instance 
of their duty was reported to them, they showed a 
jealousy of his honour beyond all his servile cour- 
tiers ; and expressed their disappointment that the 
thanks of the Duke of Buckingham should be 
coupled with the approbation of their sovereign. • 

AH those arbitrary invasions of persons and pnK Promotei 
perty, which now eicited complaint, were express- rf*,£?^ 
Ij guarded against by many ancient statutes, never 
repealed, though often infringed by tyrannical mo- 
narchs. The Commons resolved, therefore, mere^ 
)y to draw up a declaration reciting the substance 
of those existing laws, and hence denominated H 
Petition of Right. By procuring his majesty^s ex- 
j^cit sanction to such a declaration, they would 
both point out to him the determinate conalita- 
tional' limits of his authority ; and secure his ob« 
aervance of them for the future, if any laws were 
to' be binding, or any faith placed in the word of 
a king. 

At these resolutions, which opposed fresh bar- 
riers to his new plan of government, Charles was 
alarmed. Thcf statutes recounted in this PetiUon 
of Right had been enacted at distant' periods ; and 

* Rushworthj Vol. I. p. 536. 


though never deemed obsolete^ yet recent pvao^Of 
might be successfully opposed to antiquated x^ 
cords. If he gave an express sanctbn to these 
claims of the subject, all the advantage, which lie 
derived from their distant origin would be ansibif 
Jated : nor could he afterwards impose any arhi^ 
trary exaction, or punish the refractory, without iiif^ 
earring the charge of a direct violation of fiuth* 
As it was inconvenient, however, to interrupt the 
proceedings of the Commons by a prorogation or 
dissolution, since the vote for five subsidies had not 
yet passed into a law ; he endeavoured to divert 
their attention by urging the necessity of instant 
supplies, by threatening a speedy termination .t9 
the session, and by giving his royal word that be 
would trench on none of their privileges wbieb 
did not intjerfere with his prerogative. 

But the more reluctance his majesty discovert4 
to sanction their petition, the more necessary did it 
appear to insist on his compliance. If no inteoUoa 
existed to infringe the ancient statutes, why refuse 
to renew them ? Were all the unauthorized stretches 
of royal authority to be considered as branches of 
the prerogative ? By such arguments, Wentworth, 
who now stood forward as one of the most active 
assertors of the public rights, prevailed on the bouse 
to resolve ** that grievances and supply should go 
hand in hand, and the latter, in no case, precede 


£ AML m^ STft A FFORDi : lOf. 

tke foaoBt.^ * Wken some proposed to restsil^ 
fitd witk die king's asaitrancet of future adherence^ 
to iirir^ without pressiog the |)etition of right, hd: 
atrensously opposed this dangerous ; remissknu: 
uHiere kath been,'' said he, «r a public tioUh 
taoB of the bws by his majesty's ministess ; andniN 
tlnag shall satisfy me but a public amends. Our 
dosure to vindicate the subjects!' rights exceeds not: 
wbat is laid down in former laws, with some mo^^ 
dest' provision /or instruction and perfbrmancew'' f t 
When the Lords proposed to add to the petition # 
ssving clanse» importing that all their pretensiona 
for liberty still left entire the claims of the sovom 
rdgn power ; Wentworth exclaimed against the 
evasion. 'Vlf we do admit of this addition," saidr 
be, ^^ we shall leave the subject in a worse states 
than we found him. Let us leave all power .to hilt 
majesty to bring malefactors to legal punishment ; 
but our laws are not acquainted with sovereign 
power. We desire no new thing, nor do we offer 
to trench on his majesty's prerogative ; but we may 
not recede from this petition, either in whole or in 

It was the peculiar felicity of Elizabeth, that shm 
bad the art to concede an untenable point, with th^ 
same apparent ease and good humour, as if she haql 

* Rushwortb^ Vol. L p. 538. t Ilttd. p. 6Sii 

t Ibid. p. 563. 


yielded to no necessity. It was the misftntiiiie v£: 
Charles, that his compliance, even whenutoanroidif: 
d>Ie» was so ungracious and reluctant, as to ocpaaimi; 
almost as much discontent as a refusal. He-fezk 
pressed his assent to the petition of rig&t, but liil' 
words so unusual and evasive, that the ConinioM> 
fek Only an increase of their agitation ; nor-wwiik: 
till he was alarmed by their reiterated 'mtaomi: 
strances against abuses, and discovered their deters- 
mination not to proceed with the bill' of suppliea; 
that he at length sanctioned the petition- io- .the 
Hsual form. * . Yet the Commons repaid thi» long 
delayed concession by immediately passing i the bill 
of supplies, and by dissolving all the committees, 
which they had appointed to investigate the abuaos 
of government. They now proceeded to represeofki 
tiiose existing grievances, which were partieulariy 

. , _ ■ » / vJ 

. 1 • ■ I 

* Mr Hume says, ** It may be affirmed, without any exaggera- 
tion, that the Icing's assent to the petition of right produced findiii 
dumge in the goYemment^ as was almost eqtiivaleDt to a levulmf 
taon ; and by circumscribing, in so many articles, the royal merojpe* 
tive, gave additional security to the liberties of the subject." What 
a pity he should not have mentioned some of the novelties wldeh 
lie imaginetl he had discovered in this petition : if there ekist anj 
s^h^ they ce2:tain]y escaped both the parliament and ttte klpg; 
The Lords and Commons professed that the petition was merely the 
substance cf certain ancient statutes, nor was this all^tion eV^' 
ci^led in f^uestion by the court. The ancient statutes alluded tt> 
are either mentioned in the preamble, or cited in the margin. See 
the petition in Rushworth's Collections^ VoL I. p. 588. 

SAmX. 09 8TRAFF0R1I* MR 

guarded against by the petition o£ rigbt ; and: to 
prosecute their chaises against the Suke of Q^iii^ 
uigham, as the chief author of pernicious counadkit 
•But m. passing the bill of supplies, they had £6r th# 
present given up all hold on the forbearance of .tib# 
crown* Alarmed at the danger of his favourite^ 
and hearing that the Commons were preparing^ 
nempBstrance against tonnage and poundage, whid^ 
constituted so large a portion of his revenue^ but 
which, till granted by act of Parliament, fell cleai^ 
Ij under the head of illegal exactions, Charles su4r 
denly appeared in Parliament, and ended the se^r 
sion by prorogation. * » June as, 

Although the court thus procured a temporary ovemmt 
respite, the few months of recess were speedily. |;q cowl 
elapse, and the necessities of the state rendered the 
return of the evil inevitable. The preparationa r^*- 
quisite to maintain the war against the French md 
Spaniards, would soon exhaust the supplies whidi 
hiad been granted, and the Commons would doubt- 
less recommence their labours where they had been 
forcibly interrupted. To break the force of oppo- 
sition by violently removing the more active mi&9i- 
bersy had ah'eady been found a vain attempt ^ itwiaB 
now more wisely resolved to substitute protni^es 
for threats ; and, by Uie numerous allurements in . . 

the power of the sovereign, to convert somo for* 

• ' » r # . 

■■ I '' • ■ '• '"' ■'**'•■ 


* auibi^{^h> Y^P I. p. 631. 


Ward patrioto into champions of the fvttogfA'n^ 
in these circumstances, no one more attracted their 
attention than Wentworth. He had already diowH 
» willingness to engage in the service of the oourlt 
alid had repaid its neglect by a bold, keen* uA 
successful opposition* If he bad displayed a daddf 
ed animosity to Buckingham, it was by no memii 
yrratuitousi but had been amply purchased by iht 
affronts with which the favourite had repaid hii 
friendly assurances ; and that animosity which made 
his assistance less acceptable to the duke, also ren* 
dered his opposition more formidable. All theae 
considerations in favour of Wentworth were stFength* 
ened by the good offices of his friend WestoOy who 
had lately been raised to the office of Lord H%li 
Treasurer ; and who now repaid the confidence of 
his friend by a zealous patronage. But it was not 
by empty overtures, or flattering professions of dbe 
favourite, that Wentworth, already deceived^ waa to 
be won from a party that yielded him koDOur by 
its esteem, and authority by its support. To tke 
jMTomise of an immediate place in the peerage^ with 
the title of baron, the court added an assorasMseiaf 
speedy advancement to a higher rank, and to die 
presidency of the council of York. 
Aeeepted b/ To thcsc allurements Wentworth wis by mo 
means insensible. Early introduced into cpniti^ 
he had been accustomed to witness the slavish sub- 
mission ever paid to tides, to power, and to royal 

fiARt OF STR^FfPRD. lid; 

fjivottrt Wwever abused, however uafnerited^ A 
pcofu8e distribution of honours had, of late year^ 
ipuch diminished the estimation q£ nobilitrjr i ^ett 
when 'Coupled with authority, and the &B\le$ of 
the sovereign, they still possessed charms to stimu- 
late the ambitious. The presidency of the couocil 
of York held forth yet more powerful temptatiocNk 
It confeiTed on him an authority almost abso- 
lute over the northern counties, over his former 
equals, over those adversaries who had hitherto 
harassed and thwarted him. 

The favourable reception given by Wentworth a Peer ma 
to the overtures of the court was followed by far- the counca 
ther acts of royal condescension. His friend and 
confident Wandesford, though lately distinguished 
by the violence of his opposition, and employed by 
the Commons in framing the articles of impeach- 
inent against Buckingham, ^ was also received into 
favour. The powers of the northern presidency, 
already beyond the limits of a legal jurisdiction^ 
were further enlarged, when consigned to their new 
possessor. If his ambition was thus gratified, his 
canity was not less powerfully assailed by the jia- 
tent of barony, in which a claim he advanced to an 
alliance with the blood royal, through Margaret 
grandmother to Henry the Seventh, was ostentar 
tiously acknowledged, and displayed as « ground 

I I • . ' ' ' 

• Rushworth, Vol. I. p. «14. S5«. 


for his new honours. These favours, thus simul- 
taneously showered on him, seem to have produced 
all the desired impression, and to have called forth 
his warmest expressions of exultation and gratitude. 
** You tell me/* writes his friend Wandesford, 
<* that God hath blessed you much in these late 
proceedings/' * 

• StrafTord's Letters, Vol. I. p. 49. Unfortunately for the me- 
mory of Went worth, his admirers, anxious to render him more than 
man, have abandoned the plea which humanity affords to palUtte 
his defects; and, by attempting to violate the truth of history, haye 
exposed his conduct to additional odium. The author of the dedi- 
cation to his letters, who has in this instance been followed by all 
his professed advocates, has undertaken to show that Wentworth 
was, in fact, guilty of no inconsistency. " Sir Edward Coke,** njs 
that author, " might have his particular disgust. Sir John £lliol 
his warmth, Mr Selden his prejudices to the bishops and clergy, 
and others farther designs on the constitution itself, which tnig^t 
cause them to carry on their opposition. But Sir Thomas WenV* 
worth, who was a true friend to episcopal government of the churchy 
and to a limited monarchy in the state, could have no reason, when 
the petition of right was granted, to refuse to bear his share of toQi 
and pains in the service of the public, or to withstand the ofi^ of 
those honours." This unfortunate plea only serves to fix oar at- 
tention on some of the most questionable parts of Wentworth's con* 
duct. His new honours had not yet been worn, when the petition 
of right was ajready violated ; the very office which, he accepted^ 
and still more the new powers with which he was entrusted, coidd 
not be exercised without its fartber violation ; and we shall have 
too often to recount his active invasion of those very rights WhidI 
the petition was formed to secure. Mr Hume, a far more deatnv 
ous advocate, while he strives to leave on the minds of his readers 
the most favourable impression of this statesman, obviates tospi* 



To these grounds of exultation, dieit eiisted $ 
great drawback in the capricious temper of Buck* 
ioghaiti. Though an apparent reconciliation had 
taken place between them, yet Wentworth had no 
reason to hope for the good will, or even the per- 
manent forbearance, of the favourite. The feelings 
of his Grace had indeed been soothed by the pre^ 
vious elevation to the peerage of Sir John Savile^ 
the ancient and implacable antagonist of Went- 
worth; still, however, there were old misunder«i 
standings, which Buckingham was not of a temper 
to forget, or to leave unresented. * But from 
these apprehensions the friends of Wentworth were i>»th of 
unexpectedly relieved by the hand of a gloomy fa- ham, 
natic, who hadbrought himself to look on Bucking* 1028. 
ham as the great enemy of his country, and to re« 
gard this as a suflScient justification for the never 
justifiable crime of assassination, t 

But there still remained an enemy more formi* 
dable, and not less irritated, than Buckingham.- 
The sudden defection of Wentworth from his par- 

cion, in this instance, by a fVank acknowledgment of the truth. 
'^ His fidelity to the king/' says this historian, '' was unshakeA f 
Lot as he now employed all his counsels to support the prerogative^ 
which he had formerly bent all his powers to diminish^ his virtue 
seems not to haye been entirely pure, but to have been susceptible 
of strong impressions from private interest and ambition." 
* Clarendon, Vol. I. p. 49. t Ibid. p. 27. 



Cy ekdted MtToniihttietit ankong ttU mtti ^ * iiid^ 
when conjoitied with sonve inridiMsdMtmiMatiOiM^ 
changed the general applause which he had hi(ihfh> 
to enjoyed into reproach and nien«ee8» HI* tiH 
ftetation of an alliance to the btood^toyal cMfMd 
ridicule : his desertion of a cause, ibr which he httd 
ardently contended; his adoption of pribeipldfei 
which he had strenuously opposed ; his ttMUcSlii^ 
tion with Buckingham^ whom he had bhtttided at A 
traitor to his king and country ; with his aec^j^ 
ance of an officOi whose e)cistence was a viotMfMI 
both of the common and statute laws of the realm ) 
were regarded with resentment and indigittCidlu 
January fs, Ou reasscmbling after the prorogation^ ^ ^pMV 
liament found, to their mortificatioUt that tiilrfr 
former labours had only provoked an incretee <tf 
dinises. They discovered that, to the printed Mn 
pies of the petition of right, the evasive, and IWt 
the Batiffactory reply of the king, had, by royal fen* 
thority, been appended : t that all the clergy wfaotti 
they had prosecuted for promulgating the dbctriwei 
of despotism, and innovations in religion^ had re* 
ceived his majesty's pardon : t that one of theses 
Montague, had been promoted to the see <tf Cb> 
Chester : § that another, Manwaring, in conteBQtjpt 
of a sentence by the House of Peers, had been re« 

* Strafford'f Lcttcn, Vol. I. p. 47. Kpigtolac Iloelliaiiiie, xaudr. 
t Rush worth. Vol. 1. p. 043. i Ibid. p. 653. { Ibid p. BU, 


stored to his ecclesiastical functions, and rewarded 
with some lucratire benefices : ^ that, in direct 
violation of the petition of right, the king had, of 
his sole authority, levied imposts on exports and 
imports : t and that the merchants who refused to 
pay these arbitrary exactions had been punished 
with the imprisonment oi their persons, and the 
seizure of their goods, t 

Against these invasions of the petition of right, 
his majesty told the Commons that their remedy 
was short ; that, by passing an act confirming to 
him die duties which he had levied by his own au- 
thority, idl grounds of complaint would be removed ; 
and that, on this condition, he waved the claim of 
xi^t, and would receive these taxes as their grant.§ 
The Commons expressed no unwillingness to con* 
cede these duties ; but they thought it reasonabfe 
that the king, after having so directly violated the 
sanction which he had given to the petition of 
right, idiould fir^ return the goods illegally seized, 
and stop the prosecutions which the attomey-gene- 
nd had commenced against the owners. || Unless 
this were done, a future monarch might assert, 
that they had only given what they had no right to 
withhold ; that their office was to confirm, not to 
question the levying of these duties ; and that the 

• Rushworth, Vol. I. p. 635. f Ibid, p. «89. 

t Ibid. p. 641, 642. § Ibid. p. 644. || Ibid. p. 654. 


petition of right was of no avail in opposition to 
the claims of the sovereign. But Charles, far from 
temporising, persisted, in the face of parliament, to 
levy the disputed imposts, to seize the goods of the 
refractory, and to institute prosecutions against 
them. * When some loyal persons, anxious to pre^ 
vent the breach so rapidly approaching, endeavour- 
ed to represent these violent proceedings as the 
unauthorized acts of the crown officers, Charles had 
the spirit or temerity to disclaim the subterfuge, to 
avow that his officers acted by his express com- 
mands ; and to declare, that any reprehension of 
them he should consider as a direct attack on him- 
self, t The Commons, alarmed at these preten- 
sions, began to deplore the renewed danger of their 
liberties ; to lament that, though Buckingham was 
no more, his counsels still survived ; and that the 
Lord Treasurer Weston, now chief minister, zeal^ 
ously trod in the steps of his predecessor, t But to 
these complaints his majesty put an end, by an adp> 
jourument so sudden, that the Commons were en- 
abled to draw up a remonstrance against tonnage 
and poundage, only by shutting their door against 
the king's messenger, and forcibly retaining the 
speaker in the chair. § A few days after, parliap 
ment was dissolved with marks of studied neglect } || 

* Rushworth, Vol. I. p. 653, 661. t Ibid. p. 659, King's 

declaration. i Ibid. p. 669. § Ibid. p. 6C0. || Ibid. 


the king, in his parting speech, branded the more 
active members with the appellation of vipers^ and 
even committed several of them to prison. * i62a^' 

Freed, by this angry dissolution, from the hos* conduct » 
tility of bis former associates, Wentworth could thTcoun. 
now repay the bounty of his sovereign, by a zeal- ^" "'''^^ 
ous support of his favourite plan of government* 
The council of York, or of the North, was pecu-* 
liarly suited to the genius of an absolute monarchy. 
T*he forms of administering justice had been the 
same in the four northern counties, as in the rest 
of Engfatid; till the thirty-first year of Henry VIIL 
(1541 ;) when an insurrection, attended with much 
bloodshed and disorder, induced that monarch to 
grant a commission of Oyer and Terminer to the 
Archbishop of York, with some lawyers and gen- 
tlemen of that county, for the purpose of investi- 
gating the grounds of the outrages, and bringing 
the malefactors to punishment, t The good effects 
of the commission, in restoring tranquillity, caused 
it to be prolonged; and on the reappearance of 
commotions in those quarters, it was, in succeed- 

• They were detained many years in prison^ because they refus* 
ed to pay large fines and make a submission. Sir John Elliot died 
in confinement. 

t The jurisdiction of this commission extended over the counties 
of York, Northumberland^ Cmnberland, and Westmoreland/ the 
bishopric of Durham^ the cities of York^ Hull, and Newcastle-on- 
Tyne. Rushworth, Vol. I. p. 162. 


ing times, frequently renewed. A^^^ssmmm 
abuse gradually arose out of a simi^fe expedient* 
Elizabeth, and after her James, fouiid it conve-* 
nient to alter the*tenor of the commission, to in- 
crease the sphere of its jurisdiction, and to augment 
its circumscribed legal authority by certain discre« 
tionary powers. And to such an ascendancy was 
this court raised, by the enlarged instri it^^'^^^rant- 
ed to Wentworth, that the council '\ ^ York now 
engrossed the whole jurisdiction of the com nutf^- 
em counties, and embraced the fi^ess cmu^^ 
courts of common law, the Chancery, 'aaM&^e« ^. 
exorbitant authority of the Star Chamber. ^ Yet 
Wentworth still felt his authority too circumscribedt 
and twice applied for an enlargement of its bound-* 
aries. t 

The yast power thus committed to his hands^ 
Wentworth successfully employed in the cause of 
the crown. Abandoning all his former recitations^ 
and devoting himself wholly to business, he speedi- 
ly reformed what the remissness of his predecessor 
kad deranged. He caused the militia to be em^ 
bodied and disciplined, and by vigorously enfor- 
cing the fines^ on recusants, the compositions for 
knighthood, and the other exactions imposed by 

* See the speech of Mr Hyde, afterwards Lord Clarendon^ in 
Rushworth's Collections, Vol. II. p. 16S. Also ibid. p. 15S. 
t Clarendon's Hist, of the Uebellion, Vol. I. p. 939, «40. 

EAftf, 9F SXftAFFQBJ). lift 

gov^q^m^Vt, I\^]quickly ^i^^ce^^d in r^aiog (I^q r^r 
Y^ue Qf t;^^(|dng, withia his jurisdictioUt tQ four 
or ^ye timearivs former apt^ount. * 

There ^eeips little ground for the charge, afVer^ 
wnrds preferred ^iQ^t hip^j that he had exceeded 
the bounds qf his aq^lmission } ^qqe it would be 
^i^cult to a$i|ign auy lipijts to his authority. Wq 
find hiin rrsreseut^d by tihe\ popish recusants as 
proceeding gainst them «' with extreq^e rigour, 
valuing the goods and lands of the poorest at the 
\iZle in thfc aOp rather ^bove the v^ue j ftud refus- 
o^T»c;<fH4j ut^er terms, tp f^put th^iu to i^ covDposi-- 
liqu. t Thip pomplainti hQwever, ws^ disbelieved 
\fy the Treasurer Weston, to whom it w^ address- 
^ J t and th? conduct of Wentworth, in regard to 
ffK^usaut^, received the unqualified approbation of 
^ court by no means inclined to treat them with 
rigour. § It was with qiore jui^tice that he was ae- 
qij^ed of exceediug the limits of his jurisdictiou, 
wheu he caused ^ person to be arrested in Ijondon 
fpr offences against his cpurt ; and refused to re- 
giurd the prohibitions of the judges. il These $^d 
pther irregularities were sanctioned by govemiqeut ; 
\f\it it was iiupossibje to justify either his proc^ur- 

• Strafibrd'8 Letters, Vol. I. p. 90. He states that he had 
raised the revenue from L. 2000 to L. 9500 a-year. 
t Strafford's Letters, Vol. I. p. 52* t Ibid. § Ibid. p. 51. 
II Rushworth, Vol. II. p. 159, 160. 


ing or exercising a commissioo, that, in the wordi' 
of Clarendon^ '* placed the northern counties en-* 
tirely beyond the protection of the common law ; 
that included fifty-eight instructions, of which 
scarcely one did not exceed or directly violate the 
common law ; and that, by its natural operation, 
had almost overwhelmed the country under the 
sea of arbitrary power, and involved the people in 
a labyrinth of distemper, oppression, and pover«> 
ty/' * 

The unpopularity incurred by Wentworth in 
the discharge of this office proceeded chiefly from 
two causeJB — from his sudden change of party, and 
from a natural vehemence of temper which new 
circumstances rendered more conspicuous. If, in 
his early youth, he had betrayed some indications 
of a disposition impetuous, overbearing, and vin* 
dictive ; these turbulent symptoms, soothed by the 
tranquillity of a private station, and meeting with 
but trivial excitements, had yielded to the influ- 
ence of a sound and vigorous judgment. But now^ 
exasperated by the censure of opponents, elevated 
by the applause of friends, and stimulated by the 
possession of uncontrolled power ; the passions of 
Wentworth at times burst forth with unexpect- 
ed violence. He procured respect for his power 

* See Lord Clarendon's Report in Rushworth, Vol. II. p. 169, 
16.% 104. 


hj causing it to be felt, and silenced opposition by 
the activity of bis vengeance. His prosecution of 
Henry Bellasis, son to Lord Faulconberg, betray- 
ed a punctilious apprehension of encroachment on 
his consequence, which can scarcely be reconciled 
with true dignity of mind. * On another occa- 
sion, Wentworth, having caused a delinquent to 
kneel before him, expressed much displeasure at 
this act of humiliation not being sufficiently protract- 
ed, t His vindictive prosecution of Sir David Foulis 
merits a more severe censure. The charges pre- 
sented against this man, in the Star Chaml)er, were 
some disrespectful mention of the council of York, 
some invidious insinuations against its president, 
with his instigation of some persons not to pay the 
composition for knighthood, which he considered 
as an illegal and oppressive exaction. At the re- 
peated instance of Wentworth, who urged his sig- 

* This young nobleman ivas charged before the privy- council 
with having come into a room^ at a public meetings without show- 
ing any particular reverence to the lord president ; and with having 
aggravated the offence^ by^ keeping his hat immoveably fixed on hig 
head, when his lordship, in state, departed from the assembly. 
Bellasis pleaded that his negligence arose solely from accident; 
that he had never been guilty of intentional disreqiect ; and that, 
having his face turned the other way, he was not aware of his 
lordship's approach till he had passed. It was not, however, tillaf* 
ter a month's imprisonment, and a written acknowledgment of hia 
contrition, that this apology was accepted. Rush worth. Vol. IL 
p. 88. t Ibid. p. 160. 


D^l punishment as a warning to otbei^s^ ^ FouUa Wfi^ 
degraded from his offices of Deputy Lieutena^fi 
Justice of the Peacoi and Member of the CounpU 
of York : he was fined five thousand pounds to th^ 
)ung» three thousand to Lord Wentworth ; m^ 
committed to the fleet prison during his majesty's 
pleasure* His son, who had partaken in the qfience, 
was also imprisonedi and fined five hundred pounds 
to the king, f 
Ftomodoii. From the presidency of the council of York, 
Wentworth was speedily called to serve the crown 
io a more extended sphere. ThoMgh Charles, ou 
the death of Buckinghami had formed a retolutioii 
never again to consign himself so qompletely into 
the hands of another favourite, it was soon app^ 
rent that Bishop I^aud retained much of his par 
trpn's influence. Till his fiftieth year, l4md had 

* Strafford's Letters^ Vol. I. p. 91, US, 146, 189. Ina letter to 
Secretary Cottington, (p. 145,) he says, " The sentencing this man 
settles the right of knighting business bravely for the crown : for, 
in your sentence, you will certainly declare the undoubted prero- 
gatives the king hath therein by common law, by statute law, and 
the undeniable practice of all times." ** I protest to God," he adds, 
*' if 'it were in the person of another, I should in a ease so ibiil, 
and with proof so clear, fine the father and the son in two thousand 
pounds apiece to his majesty, and the same to me fbr the soandal, 
besides open acknowledgments." The earnestness with which he 
expresses his thankfulness to his friends in the privy-eouncO, who 
had promoted the sentence, shows how acceptable a service they 
had rendered him. Strafibrd's Letters, Vol. I. p. 189, 104, 908. 

t See their trials in Rushworth, VoU II. S15— 290. 


liv^ immured in the seclusion of a college, distin* 
guiahed only for^the singularity of liis notions, his 
frequent controversiesi and the pertinacious ardour 
with which he maintained his theological opiniomu 
Brought at length into the notice of ecclesiastics 
of influence, he was introduced to Buckinghan^ ; 
and succeeded so completely in gaining the good 
will of the favourite, that he was received into his 
inmost confidence, and became his principal ad- 
viser* The career of his promotion was for som^ 
time retarded by King James, who looked with 
suspicion on his religious principles ; but the as- 
^^endancy of Buckingham over Charles easily re- 
moved these obstacles; and Laud, after passing 
through some inferior sees, was created Bishop of 
Londoni and enabled to lift his eyes to the pri- 
macy. Deriving, from his long researches among 
the ecclesiastical writers of the dark ages, a pro- 
found veneration for superstitious ceremonies, and 
an exalted opinion of ecclesiastical power ; he pro- 
posed, as the grand object of his ambition, to rein- 
state the prelacy in its former ascendancy, to adorn 
the Church of England with the mysterious rites 
of Catholicism, and to extend his power and his 
tenets over every part of the kingdom* Impatient 
to execute his designs, and regardless of circum- 
stances, it was to him no obstacle that an approxima- 
tion to the Church of Rome was almost universally 
regarded with abhorrence ; that the tide of popular 


opinion ran directly against him ; and tbat the 
power of tbe sovereign, already shaken, must be 
endangered to its foundation by enforcing snch in- 
novations. His maxim was " to go through^* with 
his purposes, and to leave consequences to futurity. 
Irritable by nature, and jealous of bis dignity, he 
had become, by the possession of power, incapable 
of enduring contradiction, and disdainful of all 
arts of conciliation ; and while he gratified Charles, 
by exalting the royal authority to the utmost, he 
took care that his own order should occupy the 
highest steps of the throne. • 
To the Go- With this man, who now possessed such inflo- 
ifekiuL ence with the king, Wentworth had the address to 
form a firm and intimate connection. Laud had 
sufficient opportunity to observe the talents and vt** 
gour of the President of the North, and soon found 
reason to depend on his zealous co-operation. Next 
to these in the royal favour stood the Marquis of Ha- 
milton ; and each soon found an appropriate place 
in the plan of government, which the new counsels 
of Charles induced him to adopt. Having removed 
his most urgent necessities, by the conclusion of 
peace with France and Spain, he now set himself in 
good earnest to establish his independent autho- 

* Burnet's History of his own Times, Vol I. p. 67, 6S. Clarendon, 
Hist, of Reb. Vol. I. p. 05* Archbishop Abbot's Narrative in Ru&h- 
worth. Vol. I. p. 440. Laud's Diary. 


rity. But as England, Scotland, and Ireland, had 
each their separate interests, their peculiar discon- 
tents ; he found it convenient to consign a portion 
of his dominions to the particular superintendence 
of each minister. Laud, along with the supreme 
control of religion throughout the empire, obtain- 
ed the chief direction of English affairs ; Hamilton 
managed the business of Scotland ; and Wentworth, \ 
with the title of Lord Deputy, obtained the go- / 
vemment of Ireland. * # 

If this new station brought Wentworth an ac- Diiordered 
cession of dignity, it called for the exertion of all uod. 
his prudence, dexterity, and resolution. The con- 
quest of Ireland, undertaken by the unjustifiable 
ambition of Henry the Second, had been feebly 
prosecuted by his successors. Presenting few temp- 
tations to ambition, and still fewer to avarice, it 
was, for the most part, abandoned to such despe- 
rate adventurers as were willing to purchase uncul- 
tivated possessions by a perilous struggle with the 
natives. The English settlements extended only 
to a few districts around Dublin, and the rest of 
the country was abandoned to the uncivilized Irisb^ 
who, issuing from their morasses and fortresses, oc- 
casionally retaliated the devastations of their op- 

* Rushworth's Pre&oe to VoL II. Radcli£&'« fissay. Strafe 
ford's Letters, VoL I. 


pressors. Instead of communicatitig their mort 
improved habits, the Englidi settle!^ engaged in a 
continuftl warfare, contracted the ferocious ttiati* 
ners of the Irish ; and could at length be distin- 
guished only by their language, and their inve- 
terate iuitipathy to the natives. The salutary cub- 
toms of the invaders were wholly lost to Irelamd ; 
and the edicts introducing their laws disregarded. 
Parliaments, composed entirely of deli^ates ft&tsx 
within the English Pale, and summoned at the dis- 
cretion of the lord deputy, were employed as the 
best means to sanction every act of oppression, and 
screen the offender from punishment* 

These disorders had been in some measure die* 
viated by the wholesome regulations introduced by 
Sir Edward Poynings, who governed Ireland in the 
reiga of Henry the Seventh. By his influeMep 
the Irish parliament decreed that all the laws hi- 
therto enacted in England should be equally in 
i6tce in Ireland. And, as the discretionary power 
which the lords-lieutenants possessed, of aumiMii- 
ing parliaments at pleasure, and passing what mea- 
sures they desired, had given rise to excessive 
abuses and loud complaints ; he taused it to be 
i^acted, that a pariiament should not be summoned 
above once a year in Ireland, nor even then till 
the propositions on which it was to decide had 
been seen and aj^roved by the privy-council of 


^AftL OF JBtRAFrORD. 1^ 

^tagland. * Sut by the tiativ^ Iri^h these adran*' 
Mge^ wer6 ^felt and unregarded* Exasperated 
by th^ hunih and wanton insults of their inradeis^ 
they had contracted an unusual ferocity of man* 
Mrs ; and being accounted unworthy of the r^hts 
of humanity, they h^ almost ceased to retam the 
dbarivcter of nien. Abandoning cultivation, they 
^6yed, amidst their fastnesses, the pride of sa* 
¥ieige independence \ and looked down with disdAin 
on the more civilized habits of the English. Their 
seattfeted ^tribes, without armS) without discipline, 
aM without concert, Were unable to expel even the 
feeble tiettlem^ts of their adversaries ; and possesjsed 
juft siiffieient foitce to cover the irontier with alarm> 
n^ne^ and bloodshed. 

TotviEirds the conclusion of £li!2abeth's reigii» 
1^ mismanagement of the English governors, and 
tlie secret aids of arms and officers from Spa;in, en- 
abled ihe native chiefs to form such extensite in* 
surrections, as obliged the qoeen to think serits^sly 
of completing their subjugation. Various attempts 
we^ made by Essex and t)the):i9, without success ; 
but Lord Mimtjey at fengtlji penetmted into the 
heart of the Irish retreats, DOdk their caisititt, ^SS»^ 
persed their predatory ban&, iated established ide* 
tachmehts for the isuppres^m Of Aitune di&^rd^i^k 
He closed his vigo^us and honourable administrti* 

• Leland's History of Iidland, edit. 1773, Vol 11. p. 107, 511. 


tion with emancipating the whole body of Irish 
peasantry from subjection to their oative chiefs^ 
and receiving them under the immediate protec* 
tion of government.* 

. With a judgment which reflects more honour on 
the memory of King James than all his other mear 
suresy that monarch resolved to give effect to th» 
plan so happily conceived. Large tracts of waste 
country which remained^ by conquest or forfeiture, 
in the hands of the crown, were parcelled out ia 
moderate divisions, and distributed among new set* 
tiers from England and Scotland. By their ex* 
ample, it was hoped, that the ancient inhabitantSp 
now compelled to desist from their predatory war* 
fare, would gradually be initiated in the arts and 
manners of civilized life. The rude customs of the 
Irish were now discountenanced ; the laws of Eng- 
land every where enforced ; courts of judicature^, 
after the model of the English, established ; and re- 
presentatives from every quarter of the kingdom 
summoned to Parliament, t 

Had the prosecution of this plan corresponded 
to its auspicious commencement, Ireland might 
have quickly approached the mother country in ^i« 
vilization. But various abuses and accidents inter* 
vened to impede its progress. Many of those who 
undertook to settle the new plantations executed 

* Leland, VoL II. p. 416. f Ibid. p. 439 to 4^0. 


their contract slowly and imperfectly ; yet the king,^ 
charmed with the partial benefits resulting . from 
his measures, became an enthusiast in the schema 
<tf plantation. Not content with distributing all 
die lands in the actual possession of the crown, hQ 
encouraged adventurers to discover flaws in the 
titles of old proprietors ; and had the injustice 
to make room for these informers, by dispossessing 
the owners of estates, for defects in their tenures^ 
as eld as the original conquest of Ireland^ The 
success of these interested discoverers now sprea4 
alarm and indignation throughout the island, whil^ 
every one trembled lest some unknown and obso* 
lete claim of the crown should suddenly drive him 
from the inheritance of his fathers. * 

The despotic maxims of government, introdu* 
eed under Charles I. in England, soon extended 
their unhappy influence to the sister kingdom. 
The courts of common law began to find their ju- 
risdiction invaded by the arbitrary decrees of the 
privy-council. The rights of juries were infrin- 
ged ; the extortions, which the English people suf- 
fered from an ill-paid soldiery, were still more se- 
verely felt in Ireland ; and the execution of marr 
tial law, which here also was introduced, was fit? 
tended with still greater abuses, t 

The discontents arising from these circumstance^ 

• Leland^ Vol, II. p. 466, 468. t I^**** P- *''^* 

VOL. II. 1 

t9d SAnL Of nKAfFMX>. 

were embittered by theological discord. Ftom tiM 
intfodoction of Protertantinin by Queen Elisabetli« 
reltgioas ^al had mingled with the politml wA^ 
mosity of the Irish ; and, though not the CMtCi,' 
had often been the pretext of their imurreetioni* * 
The Popish clergy inflamed the bigotry <rf* ah fgu 
norant people ; the old English settlers of the 
Pale were not less zealous than the tMivt Iriahi 
fbr th6 faith of their forefathers ; and the pentl* 
t!es now enforced against recosants were eqvally 
odious to all. On the other hand, the new ^anfr- 
efS| whom James mtrodueed from Engfamd audi 
Scotland, carried along with them the tenets of 
the Prefllbyterians and Puritansi all their antipii 
thy to the CatholicSi and all their dialike to a retU 
gious ceremonial. The rigour of the church 
eourtSi and the exaction of tithes, formed graH 
aj^gravations of these discontents, t 

Lord Falkland, whom Charies had ap poiatefl 
lotd-depnty, found the hands of govemiwiit too 
weak to chastise the seditions and disorderly^ Th« 
armed force of Ireland had been allowed to dwin& 
to thirteen hundred and fifty foot, and two hntt* 
dl*ed horse : the companies into which this insigi- 
nSfi(mnt body was divided were commanded bf 
privy-counsellors, who took care tp secure the jmf 
out of the receipts of the exchequer, ^and com- 

• Leland, VoL II. p. il9* t Ibid. p. iSI. 

EABi^ Of aruA^row^i IBM 

pfNmded with the jniirat^ for » third or fourth part 
of tb^ govemmeat allowance* Hie privates, who 
wwi oftea the menial seryaqtv q( the officers^ poit 
sa8«^ neither the appearance &or the spirit of aoU 
dierg» and «cited o«iy ^oot^oipt among the turbiik 
Iwt inhabitants. ^ 

The embarrassments of the English go?erntnen)W 
9fid an annual deficiency <>f th^ Irwb reveniMf 
prevented Charles from listing to the jropeatoA 
demands of Falkland lor an increase 0f tb« arm^i 
At length, however, he resolved to augment \m 
Iriah forces to five thousand foot and five hundred 
horse ; and, to prevent thie new cliarge from ffdlf 
ing on his ei^hansted treasury, he eomtnanded 
them to be quartered on tb^ di£^rent towni and 
^unties, each of which was, for three mwtbl 
in turn^ to receive a certain portion of ike troopfsi» 
and supply them with pay^ clothes, and subsii^ 

The people of Ireland, informed (^ this pmr^ 
pose, resdved, by a liberal voluntary contribntioilf 
to avert the vexatious imposition^ and to procure 
the redress of their most prominent grievances; 
Tlie Catholics, who had most to apfHrehwd from 
tbe execution of the existing penal statutes, were 
the first movers in this plan i and the Protestants 
had sufficient grounds to c<mcur heartily in th^ 

^ ' M l . 

• Leland, Vol. I J. p. 471, 47^ t IbW- p- 4S0. 


proposal* By permission of Lord Falkland, dele* 
gates from both parties passed over to London/ 
and laid their offers and their requests at the foot 
of the throne. For the maintenance of the troops 
they offered a voluntary contribution of one hun- 
dred thousand pounds, to be paid by instalments of 
ten thousand pounds a quarter ; a far Ini^er sum 
than had hitherto been obtained from the poverty 
^f Ireland. The grae^s^ or concessions, which 
they demanded in return, were extremely mode^ 
rate. They related to certain abuses arising from 
barbarous manners and a defective police ; to exac- 
tions in the courts of justice ; depredations com- 
mitted by the soldiery ; monopolies in trade ; pe- 
nal statutes on account of religion ; retrospective 
inquiries into defective titles, beyond a period of 
sixty years ; and while relief from these grievances 
was prayed, they desired the confirmation of the 
concession by an Irish parliament. * The last two 
articles were by no means acceptable to Charles. 
He had formed a design to augment his revenue, 
and gratify his courtiers, by the discovery of an- 
cient flaws in the titles of the present proprietors ; 
and to grant a parliament to Ireland was a conspi- 
l*uous departure from that plan of government 
which he was attempting to consolidate in Eng- 
land. His necessities, however, were urgent, the 

* Strafford's Letters, Vol. I. p. 320. 


contribution opportune; ,h^ therefore judged, it 
expedient, to give» for the present, bis unreserved' 
assent to all the demands. 

The joy diffused over Ireland by these jQOnceil* *•*•• 
sions was soon allayed by suspicions of the king's 
sincerity. Lord Falkland, when informed of the 
royal sanction, hastened to gratify the people byt 
issuing writs for a parliament; but by a strange, 
omission, these writs proved altogether invalid* 
According to the law of Poynings, explained and 
ratified by subsequent statutes, * no parliament 
could be summoned in Ireland, till a certificate 
of the laws to be proposed in it, with the reiasons 
for enacting them, should first be transmitted by 
the deputy and council to England, and his majes- 
ty's licence under the great seal be obtained for hold- 
ing it. f As Falkland, without attending to these 
essential forms, had, by his own authority, issued 
the writs, they were, by the English council, de- 
clared null and void, t I'his irregularity was. sus- 
pected to proceed from some collusion between 
Falkland and the court of England ; and as no 
steps were taken to repair an error so easily amend- 
ed, it became evident that the .^leeting of a parlia- 
ment was intentionally delayed. § 

The imprudence of the Catholics threatened 

• Sd and 4th Phil, and Mary. t Rushworth, Vol. II. p. «0. 
X Ibid. p. 19. § Leland, VoL II. p. 486. 

aho ed lim>lvi^ Inelmd id dOiMrtie broils. M«v«ted' 
}if their Avdu^aUe tece^ion hi court, atld eottft-' 
dent of the queen's proteetioti, tfaey beheld, iti thi^ 
kite dOftcMsidii^ the earuedt of a complete yietery, 
whieti seemed due to their superior numbers, end 
gtill tuot^e to the ittiagiiied verity of their creedv 
Gkufobes were seii^d far their worship; tittt 
itreete of DuUin thronged with their procesiioti*'^; 
all aetMlemy erected for the religious instrueticndL 0f 
their youth i and their clei^ reinforced by swftrme^ 
ef ycmug priei^ts from the seminaries of France And 
%Mdn«* By these transactions, both the Proteit- 
intt Md the Englii^ government had reason to be 
iditrmed ; since the dergy, who entirely led tJhe 
peo^e, umversally maintained the Pope^s supre^ 
xnney, ittid had bound themselves to labour for tKe 
^pagation of the faith, and the extirpation <kf 
iMMtics* t 

Roused by the kmd remonstrances of tiie Rro- 
teitants, Falkland At leugtb issued t proclamation 
prohibiting the Romish clergy from exerci^bg a 
control Over the people^ and from celebrating 
their worship in public, t This edict, strongly 
expressed but feebly enforced, served only to in« 
cense the Catholics without satisfying the Protest- 
ants. The reousantil complained that the promised 

• LeHmd^ Vol. III. p. S. t IWd. p. 4. 

:*: ftuthwortb, Vol. !l. p. <i. 

f(racec ware vithheld } and now mpHeseilted, mm 
iJMopportable bwrdon^ that vohsntuy oontribuliw 
wliiehy at first, they had so obetrfuUy paid« Jm 
r$m did goYemment endeavour to appeaaa tMr 
diaeoQtenta by consenting to accept th« cadtr3)UN- 
tHm by instalments of five^ instead of ten 4hauaand 
poonds a qoarter: the general cbuttour# «Biiiall|r 
directed i^inst Lord Falkland) became sa lend as 
afe length to procure hts recall* * 

The temporary administration, on wluofa ifceisso. 
macnagement of afibirs now deri^ved, waa still niote 
olmexious to the Catholics* The two Lordd Jm- 
tices. Viscount Ely and the Earl of Cork, the iW*- 
mer Lord Chancellor, and the latter Loi^d High 
TV'easurer of Ireland, were lealous anti^Gaii^ics ; 
andt without waithig for orders ftem Eagfaml, 
proeeeded to a rigorous executien cf the penal 
statutes against the recusants. The latlee dMVUd 
a tempomry courage from an intimatiM^ of the 
tdyal displeasure at these jMroeeedings ; buti, lia^i4^ 
come to open blows with the Protestalit% they hifd 
the mortification to witness the suppressi<m of the 
aeadepiy and religious houses, which they hid 
erected in DuUin* t 

To iht diftculties thud caused to 4h^^mMk* 
meiit, was added th^ embamissing ooftsidMMiin 
that the voluntary contribution waa SMfl to tttrmi- 

• Lcland, Vol. II. p. A, «. t IHd. Vol. III. p. 6, 7, 8. 

■ .• ..4 


Btte. The Irish^ exasperated by the erasioii of 
the promised concessions, were not likely to ccm- 
4inue their voluntary supplies ; and it seemed a 
desperate attempt for a divided government) with 
a feeble army, to enforce compulsory exactionf. 
Yet it was impossible for the court of England, 
pressed by its aggravated necessities, to defray the 
expence of an augmented army in Ireland; and 
some prompt and decisive measures seemed requi- 
. site tb prevent that distracted island from beeom* 
:ing not only useless but dangerous to the mo- 
narchy. Such was the situation of afEiirs when 
Wentworth was appointed to the administration of 
; Ireland. 
Jmmtf Although he received his commission at the 


commencement of 1632, it was not till July in the 
following year that he was able to reach the place 
,of his destination. The arrangements for his pri- 
. vate afl^irs, and for the administration of his pre- 
sidency in his absence, occupied a considerable 
time. And when all these were completedf lie 
was still delayed some months for the arrival of a 
man of war. from the Thames ; for, strange as it 
may now appear, so dangerously was the Irish 
. Clumnel infested with pirates, that Wentworth 
, could not venture to pass over without convoy. ^ 
Ocsteritj . But, during this interval, the lord deputy, was 

ia raiting "^ 

•ttpplicf. -■-_—_----«-------—-—-—--—---— —-^-_-.—-.«---_--__.^«.«»_«. 

* StraiSbril't Letters, Vol. I.p. 83, S7. 


not inaetiye. He carefully informed himself of 
the state of his new goyemment, planned tlie med^ 
wires of his future administration, and ascertained 
the powers necessary to give efficiency to his au- 
thority. * He also gaye his serious attention to/the 
most difficult of all departments, the raising of 
supplies. The yoluntary contribution was now^ 
paid up, and it was indispensable, either by its re* 
aewal, or by some other method, to procure re- 
sources for the maintenance of the army till his ar- 
rival in Ireland. But the lords justices, on beii^ 
applied to, declared it as their decided opinion, that 
there were no other means of supply than that of 
rigorously leyying the penalties imposed by statute 
on the Catholics, for absence from public worship* 
Wentworth was ayerse to an expedient which he 
kn^w to be unacceptable to the English court, and 
ealeulated to excite bitter discontent among the 
Catholics. He resolved, if possible, to procure a 
continuance of the voluntary contribution ; and in 
the letter of the lords justices he found an expe- 
dient to alarm the Catholics into compliance. By 
his direction, the king wrote> to the lords justices, 
bitterly complaining of the evils which they bad 
represented, the impossibility of raising voluntary 
supplies, and the necessity of levying the penalties. 
•• If this indeed be the case, I must,** adds the 

* Stralfiird*8 Letters^ Vol. I. p 61^93. 


kingt ** BM you advise, itreighten the graeti wbieli 
I have granted, and, rather than let the amiy locM 
on the inhabitants, take advantage of my bgd 
rights and profitiJ* • 

While awaiting the effect of this letter, WaiH^ 
worth dispatched to Ireland a Catholic agents M 
represent to his brethren the lord deputy's regttd 
for their hiterests, his willingness to act as medk^ 
tor between them and the king, and his hopes that 
« moderate voluntary contribution would bo ae» 
cepted as a substitute for their heavy finest t 
Having discovered that his temporary represenli^ 
ttves, the lords justices, were seeking to comite#» 
act his purposes, he reprimanded their presttflip^ 
tioti in such terms as made them anxious to avcM, 
by any sacrifice, the resentment of so peremptory 
a governor, t Alarmed and silenced by these ^M- 
terous measures, all parties agreed to enlat^ge their 
voluntary contribution, by four additional <iuar(er- 
ly payments of five thousand pounds each ; txA 
Wentworth was thus enabled to maSnre, rfifihotxt 
embarrassment, his plans for a permanent revei!ite« 
pifaieiiNa The grand objects proposed by the lord ctepirty 
were to render the king's power completely mioflto- 
troliable in Ireland } to derive from her a reviemse 
sufficient both to support her own expendituM atid 
' — ■ — — •*■ - - 

* ginifibrd't Lettcn, Vol. 1. p. 71. 
t Ibid. p. 7i« X Ihid. ^ 7i, 7V. 



* * 

«iuit ol^ tf^ftAi^MtoD. ItO 

tdtiA'the tttMUTj of England ; and thu«» \if e^ery 
e^q^idSientf to render tlie ^ovbce advantageoias t* 
ihe erown. Schemes he had for enridiing Ireland, 
and plans for promoting her milization } but^ ^^jk 
dl these affiiirs,^^ writes he to the kiog, '' the be- 
Mfit of the crown must and shall be my principil^ 
t«y, my sale end.'* * 

The king had allowed Wetitworth full disere** 
tioin ta draw up his plan of goTemingi and the 
conditions for which he stipulated discover no les 
M^city than ambition* Nev^ was a moiuirch 
more beset i^ rapacious courtiers: already had 
ili^ procured the rerernon of the most valuable 
offices in Ireland ; and it was not to be doubted 
tiitf the Irish treasury, if anywise enriched, would 
)iecmne the object of their watchful avadce. 
Wentworth therefore provided, in the first article 
of his instructionsi that his majesty should bestow 
no grant on the Irish establishnient before the or- 
dinary revenue of the crown in that country should 
liee^al to its charges, and its debts fully cleared. 
To secure the patronage necessary to the influence 
ef the governor, he made farther and more impoit- 
mA stipulations, via. 

That none of the grants already given for the 
feverrion €£ offices in Ireland should be confirmed^ 
and none for the future bestowed. 

* Straffbrd't Letters, Vol. I. p. J«. 


That no grants of what nature soever, relatiTe 
to Ireland, should be suffered to pass till i;k wer<| 
.first made known to the deputy, and saactiomed 
by the se^l of that kingdom. 

That no person should be appointed a bishop^ 
a judge, a privy-counsellor, or a law officer of any 
description in Ireland, till his migesty had first 
consulted with the deputy. 

That the same rule should be observed before 
any new office were created in that kingdom. 

That the places usually in the deputy's gift^ 
both civil and military, should be freely left to his 
own disposal, and not granted by his majesty t9 
the importunity of any candidate in England. , , 

And that no particular complaint of injustice or 
oppression, against any person in Ireland, should 
be admitted at the English court, unless it appear- 
ed that the party aggrieved had first addressed 
himself to the deputy. 

A committee of the English privy*council bad 
been set apart for the consideration of Irish afibira : 
but, to ensure secrecy, and prevent obstructions, it 
was now provided that all propositions from the 
deputy, relative to the revenue, might be commu- 
nicated exclusively to his friend the Lord Trea- 
surer, and his other dispatches addressed solely to 
Secretaiy Coke. * 

* See these instructions in Strafford's Letters^ VoL I. p. 66, 6S. 


In these ample instructions, Wentworth, before 
his departure from England, procured such alterai-' 
tions as he judged expedient, * with this remark- 
able addition, that he was to consider them aH 
changeable. on the spot whenever the advancement 
of his majesty's affairs required, t He received 
the fullest assurance that, in all his measures, the 
king would avow and support him. t 

Of these vast discretionary powers, he siier^ 
wards procured such specific confirmations as he 
judged expedient. While Ireland continued to 
be governed entirely as a conquered country, the 
lord deputy and bis council had occasionally super* 
aeded the courts of common law, and assumed the 
decision of private civil causes. This practice, so 
liable to glaring abuse, had been prohibited by 
proclamation, during tiie government of Lord 
Falkland.. Wentworth, however, soon discovering 
that there were many cases in which the course of 
the common law would obstruct his projected mea- 
sures, procured a suspension of the prohibition ; 
and numerous suitors, who hoped from favour what 
they could not expect from truth, crowded from 
the ordinary courts to the Castle Chamber. § That 
persons of rank and consequence might not carry 
their complaints against his government to the 

• Strafford's Letters, Vol. I. p. 86. 

t Ibid. p. 9 1. t IWd. § Ibid. p. SOS, 223. 

llM UAUh Of fTIUf MW0^ 

thrandf WeDtworth procured hia m^0Bty*u prittf 
tbai none of the DobiUty or principal officers dboiiid^ 
pmtiune to quit Ireland without a ftpeeirtl Uctnoij 
ftom the lord deputy. ^ For the sanction of hm. 
mom delicate mea8ure9» he procured a priTatt «nA» 
direct correspondence with the king bimielf ; inuL 
fimn the introduction of hie confidential ftiendv 
Wandesford and Radcliffi}, to oiBKcial aituaHiai^ 
and to the privy-council, he derired a select cafaitvrty 
with whom he could in secret discuss his xmotm 
tiona and enterprises, t 
Traument Anucd with those extraordinary powm^ Imt 
comai. ^^' commenced his government with an actifity nasi 
vigour, which promised a speedy revolution in fha 
state of affairs. From the priTy<«ouncil, wlmb 
had been accustomed to bear a great sway in tlMl 
management of the state, which included the lovdi 
juatices, along with the most considerable peraoiw 

* Straffi>r(i'i Letters, VoL I. p. 348, 369. Wentworth was eoon- 
tetttneed ki this meNore by the S7th grace, which eiMded Ihe 
mm9 provkion, b«t with a iifRatni view««>to prfrvnt mea of liip 
ibrtunei fWnn deiertiiig their etUtet^ and wutUig tbdr ttmwm 
abnwd. Ibid. p. 3S4. 

t We learn fhmi RaddlA^a Enay, that Wentworth, dace te 
rotiieiniot of Mr QreeowDod to hit living, had been aoeuiloaMdia 
tako tha advice of thoae two fidanda on all hia affluri^ both |n^4fe 
and private, acarcely writing a letter without aubmitting it to their 
inapection. In hia ditpatchea, he often apeaka of their in t ro duc tion 
to the privy-council, and their private aiaictance^ aa hia greataat aid 
in the management of hia government 

BAHL or iTRAFFOftB. ^4$ 

ages In Irelatid, he had reason to expect a trou# 
Uesome opposition to measures, which tended to 
afiitthtlate every balance to the authority of Ae 8^ 
1^Hreign» His conduct, therefore, from the torn* 
nencement, was calculated to shake their coaotft^ 
detiee, and awe them into submission. In oiUiig 
his ftrst privy-council, he summoned only a select 
number <^ the members ; a mode of proceeding 
which, though usual at the English court, was ki» 
therto unknown in Ireland, and occasioned ines^ 
pressible mortification to those who were omitted^ 
But the more honoured number found little reason 
to be proud of the distinction. After assembKtig 
at the time appointed, they were lefl; for sooif 
hours to wait the leisure of the lord deputy ; and 
Itben he at length arrived, the business which be 
hlthHluced required their attention rather as au^^ 
tors than counsellors. * 

A provision for the immediate necessities of go^ 
Ternment, especially the maintenance of the army, 
was the subject which he submitted to them at the 
next interview. After he had waited for some 
time to hear their propositions, a sullen silence was 
at length broke by Sir Adam Lofhis, son of the 
Lord Chancellor, who proposed that Ithe voluntai^ 
contribution should be continued for anodier year^ 

• LelaiMl, Vol. III. p. 12, 13. Carte'f "Lih c^ Ommdj YoL I. 
p. 57. Strafford's Letters, Vol. I. p. 97, 98. i. .' , 


and that a parliament should, in th^ meantiiiie, h9 
requested, to reform abuses, and establish a pemm* 
nent revenue. The proposal met with an unpnt- 
mising reception, and was openly opposed by jSbr 
William Parsons, Master of the Wards, who doubt- 
ed whether their act could bind the nation at lai^e» 
and whether the people could be brought to acquis 
esce in such repeated demands on their unrequited 
generosity* Wentwortli now thought it time to 
interpose* He had, he said, called them together^ 
not from any necessity, but to afford them an op- 
portunity of showing their loyalty ; that the; Pro* 
testants, who shared most largely in the favours c£ 
government, ought to imitate the example of libe«- 
rality, last year set them by the Catholics ; and 
** if my arguments are ineffectual, I will,'' he add- 
ed, *' undertake, at the peril of my head, to make 
the king's army subsist, and provide for itself ia 
Ireland, without your assistance/' ^ . After this 
imperious language, he found it expedient to ex- 
press a hope, that their obedience would be i^eedp 
ily rewarded by a parliament in Ireland ; and so 
extremely was a parliament desired, that the pro- 
spect of it procured a cheerful acquiescence in ihe 
proposal of Sir Adam Loftus, not only from the 
privy-council, but throughout the island, t 

* StrafFord't Letters^ Vol I. p. 99. t Ibid. Leland^ 

VoL HI. p. i4. 

tt^ir i^vaaqc^ Mid ^sec^ijity |pr ^hf fjgjbl^ 

iimwAs i JHit t^e faith of tbfs vmMfOh li^ bp0]» 
iTfiJ^t^ with ;8o little scnifk^ ^b^t <t sc^tfA 9Gt, of 
the legiiiatw^ ^ould alou^ pe^t t|i(^ir icmfifjem^^ 
JI4; was tbe )mp^ of a parjiiamisiit Abat firit m 
4uQQd them to proipos^ a voUuitary ^oii^byitioii^ 
^d that had ^iipe aUni^ tbeni t^ iicq^i^sce m itp 
wi^i^uaccor * 

W^worth had ithe sagacity to jpm^iv^ th^ ift^ His effbrts 
propwly of refu»»g tbii uwv€^ wiih <)f th? TpK* 
Irish. He had remarked the suddl^ flw% !«f ^n^ 
the fiouucil oq the meijytion of a parUa«»eioit| t And 
h^ clearly saw that tkt nation at }4rg^ v^is a^fertated 
hy awjlai' ieelingi* Wer^ the j^efif^l^ disif^p^iot^ 
i^ ia this farvomite objecti what nheana ymM 1^ 
mwn to govi^niim^ U> svpfdy U^ rfcikmng tte^^ 
aitias? Would h« sot at length be ^o^ipietlled to 
f»t his thr^ in ew^im^ a^d ma««li, at tb^ 
h^of am anuy^ to ^»ct their rehictaot (eontiibiir 
ti«os? A oopti^gewy whkh iwould ^nidsng^ it 
fami war^ wd tarnish thip lu^^ A»f his idinwiiitiiir 
tipu, p#nd^i;ed tixe l^rd deputy HP km Mgi^ thw 


* Leland^ Vol. III. p. 14. 
t StrsffiMTd's Letters^ Voft I. p. 99. 
VOL. ir. K 


the Irish to procure a parliament. But the ex- 
treme aversion of the king to those aissemblies pre»- 
sented a very discoanaging obstacles while at-^ 
tempting to consolidate his independent authority 
in England, it seemed a dangerous exiample to 
yield a parliament to Ireland. He had, indeed^ 
given his royal word for this concession ; bat the 
confirmation of the other graces, which had been 
expressly stated as the principal object of a parlia- 
ment, was what he desired above all things to 
evade. From the discovery of defective titles, he 
still hoped to mcrease his own revenue, and grati- 
fy his courtiers ; and he was unwilling to give the 
proprietors a security which would put an end to 
these pretensions. * 
January 22, Wcutworth was Well acquainted with these (fr- 
jections of the king ; yet did he not despfur to 
overcome them by more powerful considerations; 
In an elaborate dispatch, he represented that the 
English and Irish parliaments were widely differ- 
ent; that the former might propose what they 
pleased for debate, and pursue or drop it at plea^ 
sure; while, by the provident law of Poynings, 
the latter could occupy itself only with such topics 
as had first been canvassed and approved by the 
privy-cottncil of England, t He dwelt on the en- 

• Strafford's LettcrP, Vol. I. p. 252. 

t The import of Poyninge' kw gave riie to many vioknt eontio^ 


gencies of the state, the urgent necessity of mak*- 
ing some permanent provision for them, and the 
propriety of trying the authorized methods, before 
resorting to extraordinary and dangerous courses. 
As more than the public revenue of Ireland was 
spent on its internal establishments, and the bur- 

versies^ both before and after the time of Wentworth. It was, we 
Hvfe seen, originally gratifying to the Irish as a defence against 
those governors, who, by means of parliaments hastily summoned, 
were enabled to procure the sanction of the legislature to thdr most 
tyrannical acts. Hence the expediency of a provision, that no par- 
liament should be summoned in frelaUd, till an expositibn of the 
bills to be debated in it was first transmitted to the English privy- 
council. But when, in the revolution of circumstances, the people 
became interested that parliaments should be more frequently held^ 
and the court that they sh6uld be discontinued, it was discovered 
that this provision admitted of two interpretations. The popular 
party maintained that, if measures were produced, of sufiiciex^ 
weight to satisfy the king and council, the intention of the law of 
l*oyniiigs Wasf fulfilled ; and that it was never dewgned to preclude 
the members of parliament, when once assembled, from introducing 
such other topics as they might deem expedient for the general weU 
fare. But the partizans of the court contended,, that the express 
letter of the law was not to be thus evaded ; that the previous ap- 
probation of the king and council was distinctly re(}uired to each 
proposition ; and that no other measures could ever be made the 
subject of discussion. This latter interpretation, which gave th$ 
Hng so decided a control over parliamentary motions, was firmly 
maintained by Wentworth ; and rendered subservient by him, itt 
the sequel, to very important purposes. He frequently takes occa^ 
sion, in his letters and dispatches, to applaud the law; declare 
that " he is infinitely in love with this prerogative ;'* and extols it 
as *' a mighty power gotten by the wisdom of former timet,'" 
Straffbrd'ji Letters, Vol. I. p. S69. 


Ham hithfirto kid qb l^iat country hhA been ex- 
tremely Ugfatt^ his majesty Wd the ttitmgail claipal 
WL the libeiality ctf" the nation* And wbsi tlmr 
grttitiide Aouid deny, might be expected fren 
their fe8pr8» since they laboured nnder a serious api- 
prehension that the voluntary contributaoni alreft^JT 
levied for several successive years, might ultimately 
be demanded as a hereditary charge. If these rea- 
sons should appear sufficient for calling a parliiiF 
ment, tlrare were grounds equally strong for tak- 
mg this step without delay. If deferred till the 
voluntary contribution i^ould again be about to 
terminate^ it would appear to proceed from aeeeii- 
sity : the parliament would be emboldened to clog 
their grants with conditions ; ^^ and conditicms^" 
added Wentworth, ^* are not to be admitted with 
any subjects, much less with this people, where 
your mi^esty's absolute sovereignty goes much 
higher than it is taken (perhaps) to be ia £ngw 

He unfolded a plan which he had devised^ to 
avert those uneasy demands for the confirmatim of 
the ** graces," which his majesty so much a]ppre^ 
hended. He proposed to divide the parliament 
into two sessiims, the first of which should be tab^ 
clusively devoted to the subject of si^plies ; while 
the second, which might be held six months after- 
wards, should be occupied with tlie confirmation of 
the ^* graces," and other national measures* Rur- 

£4ftL w irrttAmmb. * 149 

iuMenti from a desire t^ eod^silkte tlie g^ vrill 
^ itd toi^ere^, wmildi iti its first i6MMl» In idl 
frobabilily, grant a sufficient suf^y fer th« ex^- 
^itnre of three years ; and this concession once m- 
«ttred| ius nmjesty might hdd what laiignage he 
l^eased with inspect to the ^* graces/' WeitWorth 
pledged himseif to procure the retorh of a neariy 
etpml nnmber of Protestants end Oitholics to the 
House ^ Commons ; that hoth paerties, bring netf - 
ly balaneed against each oth^, tn^t be motis easily 
managed. He proposed to obtain quaKficatiotts 
for a auftcient number at miHtafy office!^ whose 
ailttatlons rendered them defi^ndeiit on the cr<Mfn, 
and ready to give their votes as the deputy shdnld 
-direct. Could the parties be nearly balanced, ^- 
emler aignments MmAd not be wanting for each ; 
the Catholics might he privately worded, thut i^ ito 
other provision should be made for the tmuntenam^ 
of the army, it would become necessary to levy on 
tbem the l^al fines ; while the Protestants should 
be given to understand, that, until a regirfar rerve- 
ttue should be established, his m^esty could not 
let go the voluntfioy contributicm, or irritate the ft- 
cusanta by the execution of penal fiftatute». As to 
the upper house, he concluded that his majesty 
might reckon on all the bishops } and there were 
motives enough of hope and fear, to prevent any 
serious oppo^tion from the temporal lords. * 

* Strafford's Letters^ Vol. I. p. 183 to 187. This dispatch is al« 
so inserted in Rushworth's Collections^ VoL II. p. 308 to 212. 


Charles at length yielded to these repretentii- 
tions, and transmitted the necessary orders for bol^ 
ing a parliament } * yet was he careful, in his c(»i- 
fidential letters, to caution the lord deputy agaioit 
this grand object of his suspicion and abhorrence. 
<^ As for that hydra," said he, ** take good heed; 
for you know that here I have found it cunning m 
well as malicious. It is true that your grounds are 
well laid, and, I assure you, that I have a great 
trust in your care and judgment : yet my opinioii 
is, that it will not be the worse for my servieey 
though their obstinacy make you break them, for I 
fear that they have some ground to demand more 
than it is fit for me to give." t Charles was, not 
unreasonably, afraid lest his royal sanction former- 
ly given to the '^ graces," should be urged as a te- 
nable ground for demanding their confirmation ; 
and he distrusted even the address of Wentworth 
to elude the requisition, t 
Methods to The deputy, however, found, in his own dex- 
IUi1bn7 terity and vigour, resources adequate to the occa- 
sion ; and proceeded, with a high and resolute 
hand, to subdue every appearance of opposition* 
When the council, in conformity with the provi- 
sions of Poynings' law, assembled to deliberate on 

• Strafford's Letters, VoL I. p. «S1. 

t King to Wentworth, Strafford's Letters, Vol. L p. 2SS, 

t Ibid. p. 352. 



the propositions to be transmitted to his majesty, 
as subjects for the discussion of the ensuii^ par- 
liament ; they ventured to suggest si^veral populftr 
laws as necessary to conciliate the hojuses. And, 
in regard to subsidies, instead of tjransmittiiig the 
bill with blanks to be filled up at his majesty's dis*' 
cretion, they were of opinion thai the ampuiit 
should both be specified, and confined within the 
strictest limits of necessity. Wentworth interrupt* 
ed their proceedings with indignation. He remind- 
ed them that, as privy-counsellors, it was their 
business to study, not what ;shouId please the peo- 
ple, but what might gratify the king : his majesty, 
he assured them, would admit of no conditions, no 
bargaining for his favour ; that he was resolved to 
procure a permanent and adequate revenue ; and 
that he was desirous to accomplish this by a par- 
liamenty only as the most beaten tract, yet not more 
legal than if done by his royal prerogative^ if th^ 
ordinary way should fail him. Should the king 
be disappointed, where he hath every reason to ex- 
pect compliance, ^Mn a cause so just and necessary, 
I will not scruple to appear at the head of the 
army, and there either persuade you that his ma>^ 
jesty hath reason on his side, or perish in the exe- 
cution of an honourable duty.'' He gave them to 
understand, that they would assuredly gain most by 
a ready and cheerful compliance. He reminded 
them of the irreparable breach which had taken 

ph69 mvttm the king and the parlnMKtttt itti;««fi 
hinfd, Md wbicb had led to sMh extnHMrdiMttff tai 
tfttWetoeme ineasifi'198. <^ I 0duld fett theia/^ MjM 
b^9 ^< as Me ehat had fceMi hi» eyes ae cfpett ti^ them 
pfocMdiilgs M any Me^ that la whatever other ttuM 
th« mischief might be actribnted, k as^ose iohVf 
ftmr the ilUgrounded aiid nafro^ stispieiontfof tiBW 
parliaEitient, and their obstmate refusal ta yield' lie 
the hhi^ that confidence which he so jusCty d€^ 
manded from his people*" * 

l*his address^ delivered with energy and tebcf' 
imtice, produced the desired effect. ConliramMt 
and abashed, the council felt as if they had stood 
in the presence of a despoti<f sovereiga ; sind (Ar 
lently acquiesced in all the proposak of Went* 
worth, t 

The loridis of the Pale had, in former titneSj yit^ 
aessed a great control in the administration of IrMi 
dtfairs ^ and the privy-council h^ been aecustoMh 
ed to submit to their inspection and delibe^tion. 

* Strafford's Lettera, Vol. I. p. ^ 7, 238, 239. TBis langiuge 
fhAA one, wIm had 00 actively hiAnedf these svupicieas, Slid irlm 
had iniisted Ihat redvesB should ever precede auppttei, did nol 
escape the unlucky jeers of Wentworth's associates at court. Laud^ 
with his usual love for a jest, writes him, that when that part <lf hit 
dlspAtoh, which mentioned hi» reprebatioii of the forbtiletit pna^ 
eeedinga of the EDgli^ parliament, waa read hefbre Ae ooQkHiitltt 
ef the privy-council. Lord Cottington addedj Et ptarumpan magna 
fui ! Strafford's Letters, Vol. L p. 255. 

t Stra«abrd's Letters, Vol. L p. 255. 

the t>ftfjected nets wbtdi were ixt be trMstnitic^ 
for Che apt»t>b3tion of the king. The £arl of Fhi- 
pi Wttfl depttted by his brother peenr to represent 
^s ancient privilege, atid to request its observance 
4m the present occasion; bnt these tradftionary 
f^to were treated by Wentworth with such cdfl^ 
Mtiipt and acrimony, that the Earl was glad to ex^ 
etise his confidence by an apology. * Hie depney^s 
management of the elections at first estperienci^d 
some opposition ; but, after he had fined one re- 
fiiBCtory sheriff two hundred pounds, and put ano^ 
th^ hi hid place, he soon found t^sistance convert- 
ed into snbmissioQ and obedience, t 
That commanding and peremptory tone, which speech to 

* *• • Farluunent^ 

bad produced so effectual an impression on the ^^j i^^ 
council, proved equally successful in the parliament. 
Having opened the session with a pomp calculated 
to astonish and abash the vulgar, he informed the 
houses of his majesty's pleasure that two sessions 
should be held ; of which the first, according to 
the natural order, should be devoted to the so- 
vereign, and the second to the subject. '' In de- 
manding supplies, I only require you to provide 
finr your own safety ; I expect, therefore, yotir coii- 
tributions will be both liberal and permanent : for 
it is far below the dignity of my master to come 
at every year's end, with his hat in his hand, to in- 

■ » I I n il 11 I II 

• Strafford's Letters, Vol. I. p. 24e. f IWd- P- ^0- 


treat that you would be pleased to preserve yopr* 
selves." He assured them that if they expected 
constant protection without contributing towards 
it, they looked for more than had ever been the 
portion of a conquered kingdom. He warned them 
against disobedience by the fate of the Ei^^lish 
parliament ; and concluded with an explicit inti- 
mation that future reward or punishment would 
certainly be dealt out according to their conduct. * 
Manage- This specch, delivered with a loud voice and ve- 
commons hcment gestures, was in public applauded* for its 
^ion." eloquence, and in private dreaded for its vigour* t 
Confiding in the success of his plans, Wentworth 
had resolved to demand from the Commons the 
extraordinary grant of six subsidies ; and bad pro* 
cured the reluctant assent of the council to this 
exorbitant requisition, t This proposition he caus- 
ed to be introduced into the house on the day im- 
mediately subsequent to their assembling; and 
took the parties by surprise, before any plan of op- 
position could be arranged. Ignorant of each 
other's sentiments. Catholics and Protestants strove 
to distinguish themselves by their loyal devotion. 
The six subsidies, voted unconditionally, were reii- 
dered payable in four years ; and entrusted to the 
discretion of the lord deputy, accompanied only 

• Strafford's Letters, Vol. I. p. 287— «90. t Ibid. p. «73. 

i Ibid. p.2i9. 


with a humble request that he would be pleased to 
employ one portion in discharging the public debts, 
and another in buying in pensions and rents for 
the amelioration of the revenue. * All parties 
united in testifying their distinguished respect for 
their governor. Sir Robert Talbot, one of the 
members, having, in the ardour of debate, been be- 
trayed into some unguarded reflections on Went- 
worth's conduct, he was instantly expelled, and 
committed to custody, till he should, on his knees, 
implore pardon of the lord deputy, f 

While the Commons were thus passing votes full or the 
of zeal and loyalty, the Lords exhibited very diflPer- ^^^^ 
ent sentiments. Disregarding Wentworth*s dis- 
tribution of the sessions, they took into considera- 
tion the redress of grievances, the confirmation of 
the " graces/' the enactment of various salutary 
regulations ; and even proceeded to draw up cei*- 
tain acts to be transmitted to England for his ma- 
jesty's approbation. Wentworth, secure of the 
Commons, took no notice of these impotent pro- 
ceedings, till the money bills were passed, and the 
term appointed for the session about to expire. 
He then, by a formal protest, warned the lords of 
the irregularity of their proceedings ; pointed out 
their violation of the law of Foynings ; and afisert- 

• Strafford's Letters, Vol. I. p. 277, 279. 

i* Comm. Journals, VoL I. p. 116* Leland, VoL III. p. 18« 


ed the exclusive right of the deputy and ooviici 
to frame and transmit laws to England. * 

The triumphant manner in which Wentwoitb 
conducted this session, impressed the English cowt 
with surprise and admiration. While they fommi 
it so difficult to govern a people habituated to sub- 
ordination, or to move the liberality of a pariianmit 
accustomed to considerable grants ; they saw Wesit- 
worth exact implicit submission fhnn a natioR hi- 
therto noted for turbulence, and draw kign soma 
from a parliament which now for the first taM 
granted a subsidy, f The Irish clergy, though' 
strongly tinctured with puritanism, had contended 
in zeal with the laity ; for the convocation, whieh 
sat along with the parliament, had granted eight 
In tiie The part, however, which still remained to be 
s^Ln. acted, appeared replete with difficulty. The peo^ 
pie had been liberal, on the faith that the kmg 
would be generous ; and it seemed necesaary both 
for his dignity, and for the preservation of tran- 
quillity, that this confidence should not be disap- 
pointed. But Wentworth, trusting to that boM* 
ness and decision which hitherto proved so sueceis- 
ful, resolved to gratify his sovereign, whatever 
might become of the popular humours. With a 
devotion most acceptable to Charles, he wrote to 

• Strafibrd'd Letters, Vol. I. p. 279. t Ibid. p. 307. 

him thiit he imd the council would take on them^ 
fdlres the whole l^me of refusing* while the whcde 
merit of granting should be given to hi» mfgesty. * 
Wkh regard to the ** graces '' not fit to be passed 
Utto kiws» he would boldly state that be had not 
tboi^t proper to transmit them among the propo^ 
mAiow (or his majesty's approbation ; t and, with«- 
Qj9t entering into further exjdgnations, would sioh- 
ply inform them that this was done £br great and 
ireighty reasons of state, t The plan was Iiazanl- 
ant» for the ^^ graces " to be denied were those of 
which the Irish were most particularly dcairoua. 
One ^^ grace'' was to prevrat the i^iMfuiries into 
defective titlet from being carried beyond a period 
of sixty years ^ and aoaother was to guarantee the 
proprietors of Connaught against some dubious 
ehnms of the crown : but as these provisions would 

• Wentworth to. the King, Strafford's. Letters, Vol. I. p. 328, 330. 
+ The law of Poynings, hy whick the parliament was prevented 
eDteriig •» any diMUfiBmn witbbut this- previous form, was 
^b& ciieunustance to wU eh Wentworth tnuted fov the preveatioa 
of iiU troublesome opposition t9 his plans; With this rein in kis 
hand, he felt no alarm at turning the attention of the parliament to 
die '* gnce*," as he expresses hy aa, apposite %ure k$ s letter to 
Swretaf%Coke ; *^ Fos mvy own. pastl> I see ^ot apy hazard) ia it, 
oonsidering that we have this lyme hound in our power, stIU to 
take off^when w% please, which is not so easy with your parliament 
of England, where sometimes they hunt loose, forth of command, 
chuse and give over their own game as they list themselves." Straf- 
ford's Letters, Vol. I. p. 305^ 

t Strafford's Letters, Vol. I. p. 3SS. 


have dried up a source from which the king ex- 
pected to enrich himself and his courtiers, they 
were on no account to be granted. • 
December The samc atts, howcvcr, which ruled the first 8e»- 
^^^' sion, proved effectual in the second. In his opening 
speech. Went worth resolutely avowed that he had 
refused to transmit certain graces to England, and 
asserted his right to do so by the law of Poyningt. 
He explained to the parliament, that, by this ata^ 
tute, the consent of the deputy and council was as 
necessary to a law in Ireland, as the sanction of 
the parliament was in England, t The members 
heard in silence what they feared to contradict; 
and Wentworth, in his next dispatch, could boast 
to the king, that the obnoxious graces were lulled 
asleep for ever, t 

In the course of the session, the CathoKcs, w4iq 
had suffered most by the refusal of the " graces,** 
began to show their discontent, in the House of 
Commons, by opposing some bills introduced by 
the deputy. As the Protestants, on whom he now 
depended, had lost several questions by their ne- 
gligent attendance, he resolved to make a final trial 
of strength ; and, if unsuccessful, to conclude the 
session by an immediate prorogation. But the 
critical question, which concerned thoiexpulsion of 

• Strafford's Letters, Vol. I. p. 320, 321. 
t Ibid. p. 3*5. X Ibid. p. 341. 

EARL 09 STBAFfOttD. 160 

a refractory Catholic, was carried triumphantly in 
his favour ;• and he was afterwards enabled, with- 
out opposition, to enact such regulations as he 
deemed expedient. * 

The lords he not only restrained from such dis-^ 
cussions as they had hazarded in the last session, but 
abridged in their authority by new deductions from 
the law of Poynings. One Sir Vincent Gookin 
had arraigned the vices of his countrymen in a 
libel so acrimonious, as to excite the indignation of 
all ranks ; and the parliament, entering into the 
general resentment, resolved to bring him to pun- 
ishment by impeachment before the lords. Here, 
however, Wentworth interposed. He censured 
the offender, applauded their intentions ; but re- 
minded them that, by the law of Poynings, they 
were precluded from acts of judicature, as well as 
of legislation, unless when authorized by the "de- 
puty and council. The importance of the conces- 
sion, thus wrested from the loi-ds, was well under- 
stood in England, where impeachments had occa- 
noned such frequent uneasiness to the court. In 
his next dispatch, Wentworth congratulated his 
majesty on this acquisition : and, in answer, re-* 
ceived the king's warm approbation of his prudent 
foresight, and an order to try the offender in the 
Castle Chamber, t 

^ * Strafford's Letters, Vol. I. p. 350^ 351. f Ibid. p. 349. 

Success. With a still greater stretch of authiMityi \mt 

with ecpisl facility, be silenced some opposition tif 
his measures which arose in the convocation } ai4f 
at the close of the session, he found himself thft 
uncontrolled disposer of the destinies of Irelasd* ^ 

Exultation. Elatod with the unexampled succeas of all hU 
measures, he justly boastedi in his dispatcheSf (§( 
the important services which he had rendered 
the crown^ He spoke of vexatious embarrassmenltf 
succeeded by an ample revenue ; of importunate 
demands superseded by an unlimited prerogativiw 
He declared that if his majesty was hereafter dia* 
aj^cdnted of any reasonable desire in Ireland, it 
might justly be laid to the charge of the deputy t 
** for now/' said he^ ** the king $s as absolute here 
as any prince in tiie uhole world can be.'* t 

His appUca- "Jh^ gj-eat aoKiisitioos, which ha had so rapidly 

tion for an ^^ *^ x tr 

Earldom, made for the crown^ emboldewd Wentworth to 
aspire to some of the sovereign's rewards* Aa 
earidom had, in bis eyes^ peculiar charms } and he 
ventured to express his desire to the king^ Tim 
distinetion^ he said, while it added dignity to bii 
person, would greatly assist his &ture usefulneiit 
by affi>rding an equivocal proof of his majesty's^ ap* 
probation and favour, t But Charles was by «o 
means so meiined to grant thi^ request as the suitor 

* SUrai^d's heUean, Vol. I. p. S4S^ f Ibid, f . 344. 
t Wentworth to the King, Straffi>rd's Letters. VoL Lp. 301. 


expected. He luid indeed been very lavish m ki0 
i^cmittiendations of the deputy, and mu^ hav6 feic 
all the importance of his services ; but he bad M 
Umg^ the task of gaining over an opponent : WetMn 
trorlh, wholly dis^ined from the oppositioni v^U 
now irrevocably devoted to the court. He hatd, H 
was trae, conferred on the crown benefits whk& 
even etceeded expectsition : btit his adn^iliiSlAi^ 
tii^n was only begun ; still greater services wer^ to 
be expected from him ) and it might not be k^^ 
Ikic for the sovereign to retain in his hands an iti'^ 
centive which appeared so atkritig to the milbit^A 
e( his minister. 

There were yet other reatsofns fot rec^i^ing thu 
application of Weniworth with coldness. Cbafle^t 
like other princes of the StOffirt race. Was ill fitted 
to refuse the demands of his conrtie^, itoatty 6t 
whom looked to the Irish establishment as a mine* 
of patronage. Wentwortb, before entering cm th^ 
government^ had stipulated that no such grant 
should be made without his Concurrence. Charles, 
tmable to refuse such grants altogether, had mskde 
them conditionally, and, in his letters to Weni* 
worth, desftred him to concede ot reftise them^ sis 
the good of the service required j " yet m too/^ 
added he, *< as I may have thanks hoWsoevef j 
that if there be any thing to be denied, you may 
do it, not I." * This ungracious office, repeate^y 

* King to Wentworth, Strafford's Letters, Vol. I. p. 140. 


urged with more earnestness than delicacy^ * Went- 
worth undertook with the most loyal devotion ; f 
and havings moreover, interfered to restrain both 
parties in regard to the questionable titles, he had 
accumulated on himself a load of displeasure, both 
from the English courtiers and the Irish people. 
By conferring on this minister any marked dis- 
tinction, Charles would seem to approve every part 
of his conduct, his imperious speeches, his harsh 
refusals : and thus draw on himself a portion of 
that odium which he was so solicitous to avoid. 
His reply to Wentwortli's application obscurely 
intimated these sentiments. He thanked him for 
taking on himself the refusal of the graces ; he 
assured him he was not displeased at his request^ 
since noble minds are always accompanied with 
lawful ambition ; but he hoped that he would pa- 
tiently wait the time of favour, and allow him to 
do all things in his own manner, t 
jiefand. 1"^^^ refusal ill corresponded with the estimate 
which Wentworth had formed of his deserts. 
While he submissively thanked the king for his 
gracious reply, § he could not refrain from express- 
ing his chagrin in a letter to Lord Cottington, his 
colleague in administration. His application for 
the earldom was indeed a secret lodged in his own 

* King to Wentworth, Strafibrd'i Letters, Vol. I. p. \59, ISO. 
t Ibid. p. 165. t Ibid. p. 332. { Ibid. p. 341. 


breast ; but he dwelt on his expences, his difficul- 
ties, his need of the royal protection and counte- 
nance. " Yet I am resolved/* said he, " to com- 
plain of nothing : I have been something unpros- 
perousy slowly heard, and as coldly answered." ♦ 

The apprehensions of Charles also disappointed Thwarted 1b 
bim in a favourite part of his policy. By great condnue ti» 
exertion and consummate address, he had been 
enabled to procure a parliament, balanced as he de- 
sired, and* completely subservient to his wishes. 
He understood the value of such an instrument in 
procuring a ready submission to his measures ; and 
a change of circumstances might prevent his ob- 
taining a new representation equally desirable. 
These considerations he strongly represented to 
the king, earnestly requesting that he might be al- 
lowed to defer the dissolution of the Parliament, and 
continue it by prorogation, t But with this re- 
quest Charles could not prevail on himself to com- 
ply. He had found his English Parliaments al- 
ways mild and temperate at the outset, but wrought 
up to obstinacy and rage before their close. Dread- 
ing for Ireland a catastrophe which he had been 
unable to avert in England, he urged Wentworth 
to get rid of this formidable assembly^ while the 
members retained their good humour. ** My rea- 

* King to Wentworth, Strafford's Letters^ Vol. I. p. 354. 
t Strafford's Letters, Vol. I. p. 35J. 


sons/^ said he^ '^ are grounded on my experience 
of parliaments here : they are of the nature of 
cats, they ever grow curst with age ; so that if ye 
will have good of them, put them off handsomely 
when they come to any age, for young ones art 
ever most tractable/' ♦ 
Hif meft. Notwithstanding these disappointments, Went- 
conformu^. worth persisted in giving new proofs of his zeal 
and devotion. Among other schemes for consoli* 
dating the power of the sovereign, he conceived 
the difficult one of reducing all the people of Ire- 
land to a conformity in religion. Theological dif- 
ferences were, he saw, the chief cause of their in- 
ternal dissentions ; priests and Jesuits the active 
promoters of sedition ; f their followers were the 
principal opposera of subordination and improve- 
ment ; from all which he concluded, that '< the 
introduction of conformity was by far the greatest 
service which, in that kingdom, could be rendered 
to the crown/' t In these sentimento he was con- 
firmed by Archbishop Laud, who did not cease 
urging him to go thorough and thorough with the 
pious work. § 

* King to Wentworth, StraflPord'i Letteri , Vol. I. p. 365. 

t Strafford's Letters^ Vol. I. p. 451. t Ibid. p. 367. 

§ Strafford's Letters^ Vol. I. p. 111^ 156^ 399. Laud woa no 
less eager for the application of his favourite maxim in the state 
than in the church. *' For the itate^" writes he to Wentworth, 
'M am absolutely for thonmgh ; but I see both thick and thin 


The end which Wentworth pursued was unfor* 
tunately unattainable, but his means were far more 
rational than those usually adopted by projectors of 
<*onforfnity. Amidst the public disorders^ many of 
the churches had fallen to ruin ; the incomes of 
the clergy were impaired by long leases and frau<- 
dulent appropriations of their lands ; and, as no in- 
ducement was held out to men of education and 
character to follow the church, the ignorance and 
profligacy of numbers of the clergy corresponded 
with their poverty. To remedy these evils was, in 
Wentworth's opinion, the first and most indispen*- 
fiable step towards conformity.* " To attempt it,*' 
mid he, *^ befpre the decays of the material churches 
be repaired, and an able clergy provided, that so 
there may be wherewith to receive, instruct, and 
keep the people, were as a man going to war£tre 
without ammunition or arms.'' f With views 
equally rational, he proposed to introduce civiliza- 
tion and sound religion by watching over the edu* 
cation of youth. He took measures to prevent the 
t^ildren of Catholics from being sent to foreign 
convents for their education ; he endeavoured to 
procure throughout the island the erection of Pro- 
testant schools, with proper endowments, and able 

stays somebody, where I conceive it should not ; and it is impos* 
sible for me to go thorough alone." 

• Strafford's Letters, Vol. I. p. 172. t Ibid. p. 187. 


teachers ; and while he thus provided for the in- 
struction of the young, he attempted to remedy 
the neglect of the old, by vigorous penalties against 
non-residence. * Penal statutes, as a means of con- 
version, he estimated at their just value ; for he de- 
clared fines on nonconformity to be ^' an engine 
rather to draw money out of men's pockets, than 
to raise a right belief in their hearts." t All pre* 
cipitate attempts to enforce conformity he repro- 
bated ; and resolutely opposed the violent measures 
which the bishops meditated against Catholic recu^ 

In the execution of his schemes for the churchy 
Wentworth repeatedly found it necessary to em- 
ploy that brief and peremptory procedure which 
had already proved so effectual in Ireland. Those 
who had engrossed the lands and tithes of the 
church were unwilling to restore them ; the com- 
mon law protected the possessors of long leases ; 
and the incumbent clergy were eager to enrich 
their relatives by such leases at the expence of 
their successors. But Wentworth proceeded bold- 
ly, in the name and with the authority of the king. 
He removed the decision of ecclesiastical rights 
from the courts of common law to the Castle Cham- 
ber ; he compelled the Carl of Cork, so conspicu- 

• wStrafford's Letters, p. S93. Vol. II. p. 7. f Ibid. p. 89. 
$ Ibid. Vol. I. p. 7S, 172. Vol. II. p. 89. 

EARL OF 8TR/kFF0ED. 197 

ous for his rank and influence, to restore an^nniial 
revenue of two thousand pounds, which had been 
obtained from the church $ and when he under- 
stood that the Bishop of Killala was making under- 
hand bargains to defraud his see, he sent for him 
into his presence, and told him sternly, that he de- 
served to have his surplice pulled over his ears, 
and to be turned out en a stipend of four nobles 
a-year. By this resolute behaviour, he procured a 
speedy restoration of lands and tithes, and a ready 
obedience to the commission now issued for the re- 
pair of churches. * 

His next endeavour was, in conformity with the de- 
sire of Laud, to introduce a strict uniformity among 
^ Protestants. The same ecclesiastical disputes, 
which divided theT>eople of England into church- 
men and puritans, had agitated the Protestants of 
Ireland. Some were willing to retain the rites and 
ceremonies of the English .church, while others 
pressed for a farther reform. Archbishop Usher, 
a man of uncommon moderation and virtue, zealous^ 
ly applied himself to devise a remedy for these 
evils ; and succeeded in drawing up a list of arti- 
cles which were received almost unanimously. But 
the canons of the Irish church, as it was^ now call- 
ed, were far from acceptable to Laud. They re- 

• Strafford's Letters, Vol. I. p. 151, 156, 171, 380. 


pddB^ frPPi popery as much us be }mA apprMcliei 
to it: ; and tbey tended tp withdraw a wboie kiogr 
dom frog) itf komediatp dependence on the metrov 
politan of England* Petermined to wper»edi 
^lieae wticles by tbe cenow of the flQgliih charobt 
Wentwortb applied to Usber ; and that meek prf r 
late, averse to all contention, agreed, not only ta 
repounce bif own work, but to use bis influenet 
^r the aaipe purpose with tbe convocation. When 
the]qmestipn waa proposed before that assembly, 
tb^ Uahops seemed willing to gratify the lord de^ 
puty by compliance ; but the lower house, strongr 
ly attadied to their own canons, appointed a com« 
mittee to discuss the articles submitted to their n^ r 
ceptanoe, and appeared resolved to admit oiu j^VSbi^^ 
pf them a« cQrresp3nded with their own opiniona. 
Wentwortb lost no time in disconcerting this op- 
poiition : he comtnanded the chairman of the com- 
mittee to deliver up to him the book with their 
proceedings ; and gave orders that no report abould 
be made. He next notified to the convocation 
thi^t they must cease to mention the Irish canons : 
and while he permitted the question to be put only 
on the English articles, he insisted that the memr 
bers should express their assent or dissent by a 
simple vote, without presuming to enter on eny 
discussion. The clergy, confounded by this imperi- 
ous proceeding, received the mandates o£ their go- 



y&mor in silent submission ; and only one dissent- 
ing voice was beard to assert thdr iociependetice. ^ 

To gratify Laud, Wentworth engaged in soQie 
sdU i|)ore gratuitous contests. Among bis pious 
nec^arches. Laud bad discovered that the compiu<* 
nion tabb, which was usually placed in the most 
eonyenient part of the church, ought, according to 
the Romish fonn, to be invariably situated at the 
east snd of the chancel, and known by the name 
of the altar. Unluckily, in the eathedrsd of Dub- 
Hfl, the &mily monument of the Earl of Cork bap- 
pmed to occupy this devoted spot. Laud, inform* 
ed of this, remonstrated against the profanation ; 
^Pi (Sari defended the repository of his ancestors ; 
)iSlvc liie task of asserting the cause of the church 
ultimately fell to the vigour of Wentworth. t 

But his most noted departure from his usual 
prudence in matters of religion, was the introduc- 
tion of the court of high commission, whose op- 
pressive and impolitic severities in England had 
called forth bis own remonstrances, t The objects 

• Strafford's Letters, Vol. I. p, 343, 344. Wentwoijli, in r^ 
lating these circumstances to Laud, humorously adverts to the 
^9IBour whidl these proceedings would excite in England. ^'I am 
not Ignorant," says he, " tbat my stirring herein wiU be jsti-angdy 
reported, and censured on that side ; and how I shall be able to 
sustain myself against your Prynnes, and Pims, and Bens, with the 
rest of that generation of odd names and natures, the Lord knows.'' 

t Strafford's Letters, Vol. |. p. fill, &o. 

J Ibid. Vol. II. p. 159. 


which he proposed by this innovation were political 
as well as religious ; to watch over the respectabi* 
lity and usefulness of the clergy ; to reform and 
support the ecclesiastical courts { to bring the 
people to a conformity of religion, and ^* in the 
way to all these, raise, perhaps, a good revenue to 
the crown.'"** Nor did this dangerous engine 
produce pernicious e£Pects while under his vigilant 
control ; and Wentworth was enabled to make the 
proud and singular boast that, during his govern- 
ment in Ireland, ** not the hair of a man^s head 
was touched for the free exercise of his consci- 
ence.*- t 
iBtrodae. Whatever might be the effect of introducing the 
r^Kih^'* religion of England, the introduction of English 
law was a benefit not to be disputed. By the act 
of Poynings, all the English statutes, to the time 
of Henry the Seventh, had been established in 
Ireland j Wentworth now procured the adoption 
of all subsequent acts, with the exception of a few 
penal statutes, which were deemed inexpedient* t 
Yet, even in the administration of justice, he kept 
in view his grand objects, the power and profit of 
the crown. At first he found frequent occasion 
to complain of the stubborn independence of the 
courts of common law, and to remove causes from 

• Strafford's Letters, Vol. I. p. 187. 

f Ibid. Vol. II. p. lis. t Ibid. p. 18. RadclWs Emy. 



their jurisdiction to his Castle Chamber : * but at 
length he was able to establish a complete control 
over the legal officers ; t and could boast to the 
king, ** that the ministers of justice were now con- 
tained in proper subordination to the crown ; that 
they ministered wholly to uphold the sovereignty ; 
that they carried a direct aspect upon the preroga- 
tive of his majesty ; and squinted not aside upon 
the vulgar and vain opinions of the populace." t 

The military establishment of Ireland engaged ^raif Ac 
the particular attention of Went worth. He found "'"S.^/y ^ 
the troops without clothes, without arms, without 
ammunition ; a terror to the inhabitants, only from 
their licentiousness ; and equally deficient in num- 
bers and discipline. By indefatigable exertion, all 
these defects were speedily remedied. The regi- 

• Straflford's Letters, Vol. I. p. 202. When he demanded for 
himself and his privy-council the power of deciding causes hctween 
private parties, he said, *' I know very well the common lawyers 
"will .l)e passionately against it, who are wont to put such a prejudice 
on all other professions, as if none were to he trusted, or capable to 
administer justice hut themselves. But how well this suits with 
monarchy, when they monopolize all to he governed by their year 
books, you in England have a costly experience : and I am sure his 
majesty's absolute power is not weaker in this kingdom, where 
hitherto the deputy and council have had a stroke with them." 

t Strafford's Letters, Vol. L p. 1T3. " I know no reason/' 
-writes he to Laud, " why you may not as well rule the common 
lawyers in England as I do here: and yet that I do, and will do 
in all that concerns my master's service, at the peril of my head." 

i Strafford's Letters, Vol. IL p. 18. 


meoti of foot were completed ; the ca^tliy^ the 
most efficient troops aj^ainst internal commotiona^ 
were greatly augmented : and Ireland, for the 
first time since the days of Elizabeth, beheld an 
Army well appointed and marshalled, equal either 
to its protection or its subjugation* On their 
marches through the country, the soldiery, who 
had hitherto resembled troops ravaging an enemy'f 
territory, now paid for every thing; demeaned 
themselves with sobriety ; and, instead of being 
feared and detested, were welcomed by the inha- 
bitants as friends. With a diligence rarely found 
in a chief exclusively occupied with military affiiirsi, 
Wentworth could boast that he bad visited the 
whole army, and inspected every individual in it. 
He could report that be was always attended by a 
troop, raised and accoutred at his own charge; 
that he was ready, at a moment's warning, to 
mount, and by a sudden chastisement, to repress 
every symptom of commotion. * 

Wentworth seems to have understood far better 
than the king, how essential a disciplined force was 
to the support of an unlimited monarchy. He re-' 
peatcdly urged the necessity of continuing to aug- 
ment the Irish army ; he represented it as an ezp 
' cellent minister and assistant in the execution of 
the king's commands, as the great peace-maker be- 

• Strafford's J^iiet; Vol. I. p. 96, 202, Vol II. p. IS, lOS. 



tween the British and the natives, between the 
Cdtholic^ and the ProtestantSi and the chief secu* 
rity of those new settlers from whom his majesty 
antidipated such .advantages. A nursery of soldiers 
ought evidently to be provided in some part of his 
majesty's dominions ; and Ireland was, in his opi- 
i»on, the most proper quarter for it. * 

But the instrument by which all advantages for.JSzpedientt 
the crown were to be consolidated^ was a permanent $og the ns* 
revenue ; and for the attainment of this object^ the 
lord deputy exhausted all his talents and indu^ry. 
In these days, when taxation is so enormous, and 
money so reduced in value, one cannot forbear a 
smile on investigating the financial statements of 
our ancestors. When Wentworth undertook the 
government (^ Ireland, the revenue^ always anti* 
cipated, was under eighty^five thousand pounds ) 
and, notwithstanding the voluntary contribution,^ 
rtill fell short of the annual expenditure, t To'> 
ward^ the relief of these embarrassments^ the par« 
liament^ as we have seen, was induced to grant six 
subsidies, each of which Wentworth computed at 
thirty thousand pounds^ But^ as no land-tax hact 
hitherto been levied in Ireland, it was necessary to 
make an assessment ^ and the deputy accordingly 
appointed commissioners to make a fair valuation 

* §traffi>rd'8 Letters^ Vol. I. p. 96, 202, VoL 11. p. 18, 198. 
t IbidvVol. I. p. 190, 



of the landed property of the island* The com- 
mons, however, dreading discoveries which would 
greatly advance the rate of their contributions^ 
hastened to request of the deputy, that they might 
be allowed to assess themselves, and that he would 
accept forty thousand pounds in lieu of each sub« 
sidy. To this proposal, which so far surpassed his 
expectations, Wentworth procured some additions ; 
and, on including the assessments of the nobility 
and clergy, he found that each subsidy amounted 
to fifty thousand pounds. * 
The COS. Other plans for the permanent increase of the 
revenue were pursued by Wentworth. Under his 
diligent superintendence, the produce of the cus- 
toms rose, in four years, from twelve thousand 
pounds a year to forty thousand, and were still in 
a state of rapid advancement, t This amelioration 
proceeded in .part from an improved method of 
collection, t but more from the encouragement 
which he afforded to trade. By arming proper 
vessels for the protection of the coasts, he put an 
end to the piracies which had extended to the very 
harbours * of the island : § and the national com- 

• Strafford's Letters^ Vol. I. p. 307, 400. 

t Ibid. Vol. ir. p. 137. $ Ibid. Vol. I. p. 621. 

§ It was, at that period, a new and enlightened advice of Went- 
worth to the kins;, *' that he should suffer no act of hostility to be 
committed on any merchant or his goods in the Irish Channel, but 
that he should, in aU his treaties with foreign powers cause it to 


merce and shipping, freed from these dangers, 
800ri experienced an extraordinary increase. * The 
traffic of Ireland laboured under many disadvan- 
tages, from the absurd regulations of the English 
government. To favour a monopoly of soap-makers, 
the exportation of Irish tallow was prohibited ; 
that of wool, to gratify the English growers. A 
heavy duty on the importation of coals from Eng- 
land operated as an obstacle to the increase of the 
towns and manufactures of Ireland ; there existed 
a tax on live cattle exported from Ireland, and 
another on horses and mares imported from Eng- 
land. Against these vexatious impositions. Went* 
worth strenuously remonstrated ; and while he 
procured the abolition of some, and the mitigation 
of others, he founded lasting advantages to the 
crown in the improvement of Ireland, t 

Some of his financial measures were, it must be saieof to. 


admitted, less beneficial to the country. He ren* 
dered a licence necessary for retailing tobacco, and 
was enabled to farm the privilege for an annual 

be respected as the greatest* of his migesty's ports." Strafford's 
Letters, Vol. 11. p. 19. 

• Strafford's Letters, Vol. I. p. 67, 90, 106. Vol. II. p. 18. All 
the Irish trade, even in the Channel, and between the ports of the 
island, with the exception of the coal trade, had hitherto been car- 
ried on in Dutch bottoms. 

t Strafford's Letters, Vol. L p. 208, 308, 393, Vol. II. p. 19, 
«0, 89. 


rent of seven, and finally of twelve thousand 
pounds. * A tax which he proposed on brewing 
is entitled to notice, only as intended to pave the 
way for the gradual introduction of the excise^ ao 
impost which, at that period, excited peculiar dis- 
like and apprehensioli. t 
sututet of But the introduction of the statutes of Wills add 

Wills and 

Uict. Uses might be considered an equal benefit ta tbt 
crown and the subject. Means had been found 
to disappoint the king, by fraudulent conveyances 
of those feudal aids which were still held legal | 
and by the same arts infinite confusion had heesk 
introduced into the tenure of property « Widawk 
were deprived of their jointures, and heirs of their 
inheritances, without knowing whom to sue for the 
recovery of their rights. By means of cert^ 
statutes, which Wentworth with difficulty induced 
the parliament to enact, these disorders were re« 
medied, and tlie king's fines, in the Court of 
Wards, received an increase of ten thousand pounds 
a year, t 

By such expedients the embarrassments of the 
treasury were quickly removed, all anticipations 
terminated, all the charges of government paid to 
a day ; and, in the fifth year of his administration, 
Wentworth could boast that the annual revenue 

• Straflajrd's Letters, Vol. II. p. 1S5. t Ibid. VoL I. p. ISS. 

$Ibid. p. 351, Vol. 11. p. 19. 


bid fair to exceed the expenditure by sixty thoim 
sand pounds* * 

There were other projects of Wentworth for the 
improvement of the revenue and the country, sonie 
of which proved abortive, and others productive 
only of remote advantage. To remedy the exces^) 
aive scarcity of coin, which caused endless embar- 
rassments to commerce, he united with the Irisli' 
parliament in a petition for the erection of a mint 
in Ireland ; but, though the king readily granted* 
the request, such were the delays interposed by jthe 
officers of the English mint, who dreaded a dimi«: 
nution of their emoluments, that the repeated re- 
presentations of the lord deputy were hardly able 
to give effect to the measure during his administra- 
tion, t He procured workmen from England to 
make trial in different parts of the island, whether 
saltpetre might not be procured in sufficient quan- 
tities to form an article of commerce ; :|: and some 
attempts led him to believe that he might work 
the silver mines and marble quarries to advantage. § 

Far more extensive, however, was the project Trade with 

... Spain. 

which he formed of opening a victualling trade be- 
tween Ireland and Spain. Rising superior to '^ 
those apprehensions of the Spanish power, which 

• Strafford's Letters, Vol. II. p. 19. 

t Ibid. Vol. I. p. 366, 386, 405, Vol. II. p. 42, 133, 151. 

t Ibid. Vol. II. p. 12, 44, 79. § Ibid. Vol, I. p. 174, 340. 


1^ MA^h QV $TRArFQ|M>« 

ps^^ fyyjpn popery as mueh as b^ hd appr^^;]^ 
to it: ; and they tended tp witbdi^w m wboi^^ jyogr 
dom frog) its wmediat^ dapeiid^nce on %h^ fmiff^ 
politan of l^ogland- Pet^ni^inied to Wper9^ 
flief^e i^t^rles by Qm cmow of tiie Spglish cb«n^» 
iWi^ntwortb ^l^ied to Usber ; and that meek pri^r 
late, averse to aU ppntentioo, agreedt npt oidy to 
repouncp bifi own workp but to use bis influ^iw 
fojF tbp saqae purpose witb tbe convocation* Wbep 
^be^^y^iti^ WQS proposed before that assemUy^ 
th^ Ushops seemed willing to gratify tbe lord de? 
puty by compliance ; but the lower house, strongi- 
ly attsuihed to tbeir own canons, appointed a corn- 
mitt^ to dipcqss tbe articles submitted to their ^^I.r 
ceptanos, and appeared resolved to admit om^ "^I^Shr^ 
pf tbem acf corresponded with tbeir own opiniong. 
Wentwortb lost no time in disconcerting this opr 
pQliitipp : b? coBrtnwided the chainnim of the com, 
inlttee to deliver up to bim the book with their 
proceedings ; and gave orders that no report should 
be made. He next notified to the convocation 
tb^t tbey must cease to mention the Irish canons : 
a?id while be permitted the question to be put only 
on the English articles, be insisted that the mem^ 
berfr should expreiss tbeir assent or dissent by a 
sipaple vote, without presuming to enter on any 
discussion. The clergy, confounded by this imperi- 
ous proceeding, received the mandates of their go- 


m^mor in silent submission ; and only one dissent- 
uig voice was beard to assert thdr iociependence. * 

To gratify L^udy Wentworth engaged in some 
atill i|)ore gratuitous contests. Among his pious 
imearches^ Laud bad discovered that the commu<* 
nion table, which was usually placed in the most 
eonyenient part of the church, ought, according to 
the Romish fonn, to be invariably situated at the 
east £nd of the chancel, and known by the name 
of the altar. Unluckily, in the eathedrsd of Dub« 
Hn, the &mily monument of the Earl of Cork hap- 
pmed to occupy this devoted spot. Laud, inform* 
ed of this, remonstrated against the profanation ; 
^Pi (Sari defended the repository of his ancestors ; 
)ijltr uie task of asserting the cause of the church 
ultimately fell to the vigour of Wentworth. t 

But his most noted departure from his usual 
prudence in matters of religion, was the introduc- 
tion of the court of high commission, whose op- 
pressive and impolitic severities in England had 
called forth his own remonstrances, t The objects 

• Strafford's Letter9^ VoL I. p, 343, 344. Wentwoijli, in r^ 
lating these circumstances to Laud^ humorously adverts to the 
^$t|Bour which these proceedings would excite in England* ^'I am 
not ignorant^" says he, " that my stirring herein wiU be sti-angely 
reported^ and censured on that side ; and how I shall be able to 
sustain myself against your Prynnes, and Pims^ andBens^ with the 
rest of that generation of odd names and natures^ the Lord knows.'' 

t Strafford's Letters, Vol. I. p. fill, &o. 

J Ibid. Vol. II. p. 159. 


which he proposed by this innovation were political 
as well as religious ; to watch over the respectable 
lity and usefulness of the clergy ; to reform and 
support the ecclesiastical courts ( to bring the 
people to a conformity of religion, and ** in the 
way to all these, raise, perhaps, a good revenue to 
the crown."* Nor did this dangerous engine 
produce pernicious effects while under his vigilant 
control ; and Wentworth was enabled to make the 
proud and singular boast that, during his govern- 
ment in Ireland, *^ not the hair of a man^s head 
was touched for the fre0 exercise of his consci- 
ence.*- t 
iBtrodnc- Whatever might be the effect of introducing the 
kr*^^ * religion of England, the introduction of English 
law was a benefit not to be disputed. By the act 
of Poynings, all the English statutes, to the time 
of Henry the Seventh, had been established in 
Ireland ; Wentworth now procured the adoption 
of all subsequent acts, with the exception of a few 
penal statutes, which were deemed inexpedient, t 
Yet, even in the administration of justice, he kept 
in view his grand objects, the power and profit of 
the crown. At first he found frequent occasion 
to complain of the stubborn independence of the 
courts of common law, and to remove causes from 

• StrafTorcVs Letters, Vol. I. p. 187. 

t Ibid. Vol. II. p. lit. t Ibid. p. IS. RadclWs Esiay. 



tibeir jurisdiction to his Castle Chamber : * but at 
length he was able to establish a complete control 
over the legal officers ; t and could boast to the 
lung, ^Hhat the ministers of justice were now con- 
tained in proper subordination to the crown ; that 
they ministered wholly to uphold the sovereignty ; 
that they carried a direct aspect upon the preroga- 
tive of his majesty ; and squinted not aside upon 
llie vulgar and vain opinions of the populace/' t 

The military establishment of Ireland engaged ^OT^fAe 
the particular attention of Went worth. He found '"j^j.^"" 
the troops without clothes, without arms, without 
ammunition ; a terror to the inhabitants, only from 
their licentiousness ; and equally deficient in num- 
bers and discipline. By indefatigable exertion, all 
these defects were speedily remedied. The regi- 

• Strafford's Letters, Vol. I. p. 202. When he demanded for 
himself and his privy-council the power of deciding causes hetween 
private parties, he said, *' I know very well the common lawyers 
will be passionately against it, who are wont to put such a prejudice 
on all other professions, as if none were to be trusted, or capable to 
administer justice but themselves. But how well this suits with 
monarchy, when they monopolize all to he governed by their year 
books, you in England have a costly experience : and I am sure his 
majesty's absolute power is not weaker in this kingdom, where 
hitherto the deputy and council have had a stroke with them/* 

t Strafford's Letters, Vol. L p. 1T3. " I know no reason;" 
writes he to Laud, " why you may not as well rule the common 
lawyers in England as I do here : and yet that I do, and will do 
in all that concerns my master's service, at the peril of my head." 

i Strafford's Letters, Vol. IL p. 18. 


meats of foot were completed ; the catiliy, tho 
most efficient troops aj^ainst internal commotioiM^ 
were greatly augmented: and Ireland, for the 
first tioia since the days of Elizabeth^ beheld m 
Mimy well appointed and marshalled, equal either 
to its protection or its subjugation* On their 
marches through the country, the soldiery^ who 
had hitherto resembled troops ravaging an enemy'i 
territory, now paid for every thing; demeaned 
themselves with sobriety ; and, instead of being 
feared and detested, were welcomed by the inha- 
bitants as friends. With a diligence rarely found 
in a chief exclusively occupied with military affiiirv^ 
Wentworth could boast that he had visited the 
whole army, and inspected every individual in it. 
He could report that be was always attended by a 
troop, raised and accoutred at his own charge; 
that he was ready, at a moment's warning, to 
mount, and by a sudden chastisement, to repress 
every symptom of commotion. * 

Wentworth seems to have understood far better 
than the king, how essential a disciplined force was 
to the support of an unlimited monarchy. He re^ 
peatedly urged the necessity of continuing to aug- 
ment the Irish army ; he represented it as an ex^ 
' cellent minister and assistant in the execution of 
the king's commands, as the great peace-maker be- . 

* StraffbriVs Letteri, Vol. I. p. 96, 292, VoL II. p. If, lOS. 


tween the British and the natives, between the 
Catholics and the Protestant^i and the chief secu- 
rity of those new settlers from whom his majesty 
anticipated such iidvantages. A nursery of soldiers 
ought evidently to be provided in some part of his 
mnjesty's dominions ; and Ireland was, in his opi- 
mon, the most proper quarter for it. * 

But the instrument by which all advantages for.Bx^ientt 
the crown were to be consolidated^ was a permanent log ^ens* 
revenue ; and for the attainment of this object^ the^^^ 
lord deputy exhausted all his talents and itidustry* 
In these days, when taxation is so enormous, and 
money so reduced in value, one cannot forbear a 
smile on investigating the financial statements of 
our ancestors. When Wentworth uiidertook the 
govenunent of Ireland, the revenue, always anti- 
cipated, was under eighty^five thousand pounds ^ 
and, notwithstanding the voluntary contribution^ 
still fell short of the annual expenditure, t To- 
wards the relief of these embarrassments^ the par- 
liament^ as we have seen, was induced to grant six 
aubmdies, each of which Wentworth computed at 
thirty thousand pounds^ But^ as no land-tax baci 
liitherto been levied in Ireland, it was necessary to 
make an assessment ^ and the deputy accordingly 
appointed commissioners to make a fair valuation 

* ^tniSxrd's Letten^ VoL I. p. S6, S02, VoL II. p. 18, ISS. 
t Ibid., Vd. I. p. 190, 



of the landed property of the island. The com- 
mons, however, dreading discoveries which would 
greatly advance the rate of their contributions, 
hastened to request of the deputy, that they might 
be allowed to assess themselves, and that he would 
accept forty thousand pounds in lieu of each sub- 
sidy. To this proposal, which so far surpassed his 
expectations, Wentworth procured some additions ; 
and, on including the assessments of the nobility 
and clergy, he found that each subsidy amounted 
to fifty thousand pounds. * 
Thecui. Other plans for the permanent increase of the 
revenue were pursued by Wentworth. Under his 
diligent superintendence, the produce of the cus- 
toms rose, in four years, from twelve thousand 
pounds a year to forty thousand, and were still in 
a state of rapid advancement, t This amelioration 
proceeded in .part from an improved method of 
collection, $ but more from the encouragement 
which he afforded to trade. By arming proper 
vessels for the protection of the coasts, he put an 
end to the piracies which had extended to the very 
harbours * of the island : § and the national com- 

• Strafford's Letters, Vol. I. p. 307, 400. 

t Ibid. Vol. II. p. 137. $ Ibid. Vol. I. p. 521. 

§ It was, at that period, a new and enlightened advice of Went- 
worth to the kins;, '^ that he should suffer no act of hostility to be 
committed on any merchant or his goods in the Irish Channel, but 
that he should, in all his treaties with foreign powers cause it to 


merce and shipping, freed from these dangers, 
soon experienced an extraordinary increase. * The 
traffic of Ireland laboured under many disadvan- 
tages, from the absurd regulations of the English 
government. To favour a monopoly of soap-makers, 
the exportation of Irish tallow was prohibited ; 
that of wool, to gratify the English growers. A 
heavy duty on the importation of coals from Eng- 
land operated as an obstacle to the increase of the 
towns and manufactures of Ireland ; there existed 
a tax on live cattle exported from Ireland, and 
another on horses and mares imported from Eng- 
land. Against these vexatious impositions, Wentf 
worth strenuously remonstrated ; and while he 
procured the abolition of some, and the mitigation 
of others, he founded lasting advantages to the 
crown in the improvement of Ireland, t 

Some of his financial measures were, it must be Saieof to. 
admitted, less beneficial to the country. He ren- 
dered a licence necessary for retailing tobacco, and 
was enabled to faiin the privilege for an annual 

be respected as the greatest* of his migesty's ports." Strafford'i 
Letters, Vol. II. p. 19. 

• Strafford's Letters, Vol. I. p. 67, 90^ 106. Vol. II. p. 18. Afl 
the Irish trade, even in the Channel, and between the ports of the 
island, with the exception of the coal trade, had hitherto been car* 
ried on in Dutch bottoms. 

+ Strafford's Letters, Vol. I. p. 203, 308, 393, Vol. II. p. 19, 
90, 89. 


rent of seven, and finally of twdve thousand 
pounds. * A tax which he proposed on brewing 
is entitled to notice, only as intended to pave the 
way for the gradual introduction of the excise^ ao 
impost which, at that period, excited peculiar dis- 
like and apprehension, t 
?,^!y^ ^ But the introduction of the statutes of Wills Mi 

Willi and 

Um*- Uses might be considered an equal benefit ta thft 
crown and the subject. Means had been fottn4 
to disappoint the king, by fraudulent conveyancea 
of those feudal aids which were still held legal | 
and by the same arts infinite confusion had heea 
introduced into the tenure of property # Widowa 
were deprived of their jointures, and heirs of their 
inheritances, without knowing whom to sue for the 
recovery of their rights^ By means of certain 
statutes, which Wentworth with difficulty induced 
the parliament to enact, these disorders were re« 
medied, and tl)e king's fines, in the Court of 
Wards, received an increase of ten thousand pounds 
a year. 1: 

By such expedients the embarrassments of the 
treasury were quickly removed, all anticipations 
terminated, all the charges of government paid to 
a day ; and, in the fifth year of his administration^ 
Wentworth could boast that the annual revenue 

• Straffbrd's Letters, Vol. II. p. 185. t Ibid. YoL I. p. 192. 

JIbid. p. 351, Vol.11, p. 19. 


bid '£dr to exceed the expenditure by sixty thou* 
sand pounds. * 

There were other projects of Wentworth for the 
improvement of the revenue and the country, some 
of which proved abortive, and others productive 
only of remote advantage. To remedy the exces^^ 
aive scarcity of coin, which caused endless embar- 
rassments to commerce, he united with the Irish^ 
parliament in a petition for the erection of a mint 
in Ireland ; but, though the king readily granted 
the request, such were the delays interposed by jtbe 
officers of the English mint, who dreaded a dimi^^ 
nution of their emoluments, that the repeated re- 
presentations of the lord deputy were hardly aUe 
to give effect to the measure during his administra^ 
tion. t He procured workmen from England to 
make trial in different parts of the island, whether 
saltpetre might not be procured in sufficient quan« 
titles to form an article of commerce ; % and some 
attempts led him to believe that he might work 
the silver mines and marble quarries to advantage. § 

Far more extensive, however, was the project Trade with 

... Spain. 

which he formed of opening a victualling trade be- 
tween Ireland and Spain. Rising superior to 
those apprehensions of the Spanish powier, which 

• Strafford's Letters, Vol. II. p. 19. 

t Ibid. Vol. I. p. 366, 386, 405, Vol. II. p. 42, 133, 151. 

t Ibid. Vol. II. p. 12, 44, 79. § Ibid. Vol. I. p. 174, 340. 




were not generally dispelled even at a later puiody 
he perceived that the commodities of the one king^ 
doin corresponded admirably with the wants, of ihe 
other, and called for a speedy extension -of tfaor 
commercial intercourse. He deekred it $A his 
opinion, that the reciprocal interests of Spam atid 
the British empire corresponded better thaa those, 
of any. two nations in Entope ; he urged the king 
to. cultivate a good understanding with thAt power £ 
he endeavoured to promote the same object by his 
private connections ; and he had eten the indnstr^ 
to draw up, from information communicated 1^ Bit 
commercial agentSi a statement of the nature ancl 
quantity of the commodities which each port i^ 
Spain could either receive from Ireland, or give in 
return. The great annual fleets to the colonial^ 
which were often detained in the Spanish harbours 
from want of provisions, could, he observed, bt 
supplied far more conveniently and cheaply bopft 
Ireland than from any other coimtry of Europe f 
and in this trade he foresaw an inexhaustible source 
of national riches. * 
Th« Unen g^^ ^.^g gchemc from which the most perinanisiifc 

<»^ benefits have accrued to Ireland was the establisn* 
ment of the linen manufacture. When he first 
undertook the government of that country, Went- 
worth learnt, from his inquiries into the state of 

• Strafford's Letters, Vol. I. p. OS, 103, 299, &c. 

thd island, ihat no ^icle foi- ex|K)rt w«i iilatitfthSJ 
tiifed there, unless a small quantity of coirse yfotfl- 
len yarn. Unwilling, by encouragitig this bt^nch,^ 
tb interfere with the staple of England, he forriifed 
t^e project of* introducing the g(;nertl cilltivJitlott 
6f daX, and directing the ihdustrjr of the native* t6 
die manufacture of linen. At his own expetice he 
imported and sowed a quantity of su^erloi* flai!^ 
seed ; and, the crop succefeditig to his expectatidiiy 
h6, n6xt year, expended a thousand pot^d^ for thfe 
same purpose, erected several looms, ^rbctired 
workmen from France and Flanders, aiid at length 
#as enabled to ship for Spam, at his 6^n risk, the 
Arst investment of linen ever exported ttovA Ire- 
land. * Exulting in the success of this fatvoofrite 
scheme, he foretold that it would prdve the great- 
est means of enrichment which Ir^latid had evfet 
enjoyed ; f and his sagacity is amply attestetll \if 
the industry and wealth which the linen tnan^fad* 
ture continues to diffuse over that portioh of the 

If it was. fortunate for Ireland that this eitW-^J^ ^ ^ 
prise succeeded, it was equally fortunate that* 
another of his plans psoved abortive, ttfi? hid Fdfitf 
it down as a maxim, ** that a gbvernor of thaft 
island, to serve the king completely, otight not 

• Strafford's T.etters, Vol. I. p. 93, Vol. II. 19, 109. 
t Ibid. Vol. I. p. 473. 


only to promote the prosperity of its inhabitantSi 
bat to render them so dependent on the crown, as 
not even to be able to subsist without its good plea* 
sure." * By the substitution of the linen for the 
woollen manu&cture, he considered this object at 
in some degree effected ; as the Irishi on a quarrel 
with England, might be deprived of woollen clothe 
an article of the first necessity, t But as their 
salt, without which they could neither carry on 
their victualling trade, nor cure their ordinary pro- 
visions, was either manufactured by patentees, or 
imported from abroad, it occurred to him that the 
king, by monopolizing the sale of this article^ 
would both obtain a large increase of revenue, and 
reduce the Irish to complete dependence. 1^ Were 
the internal manufacture of the article, as he pro« 
posed, abolished, it would be difficult to defraud 
the king's revenue by smuggling a commodity so 
bulky, and so perishable at sea. This expedient* 
combined with the prohibition of the woollen ma- 
nufacture, would reduce the Irish to entire depeu* 
dence, as it would at all times be in his majesty's 
power to deprive tham of food and clothing. The 
revenue would be greatly benefited, since salt was 
an article which the people must of necessity pur- 
chase at any expence, and the king might, at plea- 

• Straffiird'i* I-cttew, Vol. 1. p. 9'A. f Ibid. 

i Ibid. p. 93. IH^. 


sure, enhance the price. He instanced the profit 
and ascendancy which the King of France dierived 
from the gabelle : and to show his firm confidence 
in the success of the project, he offered immediate* 
ty to farm the monopoly at six thousand pounds a 
year. * These arguments, however, could not in^ 
duce the court to risk the odium of sueh « inea^ 
sure ; and* Went worth has derived from his prop^ 
sal only the reputation of having conceived a {dtti 
which has uniformly given at least a temporary 
strength to despotic governments, t 

The tranquillity of Ireland was unfortunately The difeo. 
interrupted by the bold measures of Wentworth t6 ?S,f u^ 
increase the royal demesnes by the discovery of de«- 
fective titles. By researches among old records^ 
it was fiiund that the whole province pf Connaught; 
on the forfeiture of its Irish chieftaiuj had come, 
at a distant period, into the possession of. the 
crown. It had, indeed, been all granted away, at 

• StraflTord's Letters, Vol. I. p. 192. 

*)* The only encouragement which Wentworth seems to hare ob- 
tained from the court in this scheme, is a letter from the Lord 
Treasurer, advising him, *' if he hears no more of the salt buspess, 
to take his own way, and not delay the king's service." Strafford's 
Letters, Vol. I. p< 333. But, as the Lord I'reasurer, from bdng 
his most zealous patron, was now become his enemy, on aooount of 
Wentworth's greater intimacy with Laud, it is not improbable that 
this unofficial advice might be given with no good intentions. At 
least the Lord Deputy appears ^to have, prosecuted the scheme no 
fiurther. Strafford's Letters, Vol. I. p» 340. 


different tiiqes, by formal patents fronf the 90T6r 
t^^ i buj the ingequity pf t^^ Pourt I»«>7pr8 js^mh 
di^cov^ris^ th^t some fl4w pr other might hef fQ)w4 
in ^11 these titles. Durip^ the foriner rqign, wI^qh 
JaiDps WM inflj^ed v|rith a^ imipQ4er^te depire liM 
eittQnded 9ettlemue|its, sopop ^measures of this B^tUfe 
hdd been snggested ; but it had appp^red t9Q* bify 
awdous m attempt \JO dispossess a &tfrth p9F|;,of 
the i^oipridton of Ireland on formal i[][uibbLe99 Mid 
obsolete preten3ions. By the gra^es^ which' hMi 
received the sanction of Charl^9> it was eiLp/ei4|r 
stipulated th^t the titles of the Gonn^ughl , )i|tid- 
holders should be recognised as valid ; wd tliey 
had thus every assurance of their estates, whii^ 
deeds of law, and the word of ^ mqn^ch, pouiA 
be9(ow. But^ Wentworth^ whilie he prevented th« 
grace respecting Connaqght fron^ pftssing into a 
\wVi engaged to Charles that he WQuld deyise spm^ 
tneans or other to reduce th^t province intp tb? 
possession of the crown ; * and being now furnished 
by the lawyers with the pretext which he desired, 
he was not to be deterred by popular clamour from 
rendering an acceptable sei*vice to the monarch. 

He first proceeded to the county of Roscommon, 
and summoned a jury of such proprietors as werp 
able to pay a large fine to the crown, if they should 

^ Strafford's Letters, VoL I. p. 843. 


J^ppen to jffove reff^ctpry. * fk iofonned th^m 
|^( JIms appfial to their docisioQ oi;! t^d pr^s^nt oe- 
ftmm WM )ai\ act pf H^erie qoM,rtesy ; t^at, Jp* P?ap 
^ /^lewy his maj^ty Qpuld hp^ve r^overed by ^9 pi^ 
^tiwuyipiiocess in the iCoi^rt of Ei^hequer ; t^fit, if 
. ii^j \ookei to their own interie9tSj t^ey pugh^ ^ 
ilml tJb^eidrig'$ title, wd tturow them^yes p^ his 
bP^y i but that, if they ii^t^er <H)n^idejr(^ t^ 
^ofit of il^e cTowjOiy they Oi^gbt stoutly tpi ^reft^ 
Ijtie dedp^ujMfe of justice, and jeave hjus jn^^^ ito 
ipmr^ue hi$ omx^.e, unembafrrass^ed by the clfuupas pf 
,ve^y pbediewe. The j ury, aware tl^ tbe .t^)»refiAs 
#f ^emtiyorth were not empty words, judged it 
jPQst pi^udent to purchase bis favpur by a iiead^ 
Hpjiipi^sion ; ^qd the juries afterwards sunm(M).ned 
j/k M^yo and SligP delivered ]up their counjti^a lyith 
^e^Mal alacrity to tbe crown. Their obediencp wf|s 
jiawardfiKl by a proclamation, iissiui^ them th^t 
.^y should be permitted to .purcha3e indefpa^^S^ 
titles by^^ easy composition* t 

Wentworth, however, was informed that he 
inight look to a very difiTerent reception in Gfdway* 
^p inhabitants of that county, pqmposed chiefly 

* WenfWorth, in his official dispatches, states that he had |mr- 
posdy composed the jury of the principal inhabitants, that ''they 
inight answer the king a round fine in the Castle Chamber, in case 
they should prevaricate." Ibid. p. 442. * 

t Ibid. 


of aboriginal Irish, and adhering, almost without 
exception, to the Romish religion, were stimulated 
to the maintenance of their tenures, by their priests, 
their lawyers, and, above all, by their hereditary 
governor the Earl of St Alban^s and Clanricarde. 
Undismayed at their reported opposition, Went- 
worth declared he should rejoice if they afforded 
his majesty so fair an occasion of augmenting his 
revenue, and strengthening his authority. * He 
summoned a jury here on the same pYinciple as in 
the other counties : but, finding them immoveable 
by his arguments, or his threats, he resolved to 
make a striking example of the first resolute op- 
position which he had encountered. By his own 
authority he fined the sheriff a thousand pounds, 
for selecting such an ill-affected jury : he cited the 
jurors into the Castle Chamber, and fined them 
four thousand pounds each : and, by his represen- 
tations at court against the Earl of Clanricarde, 
made him severely suffer for his obnoxious interfe* 
rence. t 

By these imperious proceedings, the lord depu- 
ty gave rise to great discontents ; t and, in the 
Earl of Clanricarde, he had incensed a nobleman, 
known and respected at court, and provided with 
the means of diffusing the most invidious repre* 

• Strafford'B J.etters, Vol. I. p^ 444, 460. 
t Ibid. p. 451, 454. $ Ibid. p. 504. 



sentation of these transactions. Yet, confirmed 
by fresh assurances of the royal approbation and 
support, * Wentworth remained undismayed ; atnd 
the unfortunate violence of his temper quickly ag- 
. ^vated the prejudice which he strove not tp dk 
lay. / ' 

Several Jiarsh and unprecedented stretches of Arbitrary 
authority by Wentworth and his council had exci^ 
ted severe animadversion. He had been rep€(ated« 
ly threatened with a Felton or Ravaillac 3 1 and 
even his friend Laud, though so great an admirer 
of " thorough*' exertions of power, began to inti- 
mate a wish that an appearance of moderation 
might be mingled with his vigour, t But his 
friends received a new alarm from the severity of 
his proceedings against Francis Annesley, Lord 
Mountnorris. That nobleman held the office of 
vice-treasurer in Ireland, and had enjoyed the con- 
fidence of Wentworth, on his accession to the go- 
vernment. A coolness, however, had arisen be- 
tween them, and was speedily aggravated into a 
serious quarrel. The deputy represented to the 
king some fees and offices of which his antagonist 
might be deprived, without disadvantage to the 
service : § and while the vice-treasurer found his 
emoluments diminished, his resentment was yet 

• Strafford's Letters, Vol. I. p. 465. t Ibid. p. 371, 412. 

t Ibid. p. 479. § Ibid. p. 392. 


more injSain/ed by an unsuccessful BUerppt to Gif. ifp. 
'him itbe charge of oprruptiou in phe e^Lorcifi^ f;f h^ 

. ^hilie this mutual animosity was in ^ .(^ui]ise fif 
daily aggravaitiou, .9 serjoi^ result ^i;ose frfuff^j^ffi' 
vial incident. As Wentworth sat one day in ^||^ 
ipi'esence chamber, during a severe lit ^f the gput^ 
W» of hi9 ;^nue .^>ccasjoned hjim ipfiuch iw%. by 
4QG;idientaU:y wpyiffg a stool agaw^t his foqX. J^ 
Idddjeut hf^vi^ be^ meAtioue^ ,f t tl^ Lord Qu^- 
i^Uor'^ tdbkt ione of the guests observed ^0 Ji^o/C^ 
MouBtu^xisj wjJM) happened to be p^eseut, that t^ 
Avrnis, /f^^uder was hi? namesake apd kinsnf^aiju •^Pw- 
jhaps*'' replijed his lordship, ** it was done in^r^ 
yeng? of th? public affront which I have receivf^ 
ffforo the lord deputy ; hut I h^ve a brother, w^ 
lycvuld Juot haye taken such a revenge.** ♦ 
TfW of ' These unguarded words, when reported by some 
2^*" olBeious courtier^ to Wentwoittj appeared iu ^ 
Jtiif2itt ^yes. preguant with sedition, ^e privately .pro- 
cured the kiug's commission to bring his ant;ag^- 
i^t to: trial ) buj; defei;red,it till a full security ^4f4 
.to t^ seiyerity .0/ his vengeance. At length, w^h- 
isth. .W^ wy intimutiftii of his designs, \\e one eyeuing 
tent » mmmQW tp the principal }ni)itary officers jp, 
Dtibiin, m^ >9¥ the rest Lord Alountnorri^ to 

* Rusbwoitb, Vol III. p. 187. Nalsonii Colkctiotis^ VoL I. 
p. 59. 

attend hira next inorning at a eouncil of war. 
After they had tisik^i^ their places, t;h€) lord ^dejMil^i 
m cbtninander in chief and president, informed the 
indtomshed assembly, that he had '^led them to^ 
^I3tfaer to receive, at their hands, reparatioii and 
j«lsti^e against Lord Mou^norris. He prpdueed 
a' writt^ statement oif the words i^ken at th^ 
efaanceiior's table: he proved <^^ 'allegation -by 
l94tfiessess he recounted two articles of war, b^ 
one of which, disgraceful words spoken of any peiv 
son in the army were punishable witb imprison- 
iaenti and with ignominious disinissd from the ser- 
vi^; while by the othe^(ieailh was awarded to 
any individual, who, by i^peech or actipns, shouUl 
stir up mptiny, or ^^ impeach obedience to the prip- 
eipal ^fficer.'^ He maintained that the expiressions 
of Mountnorris were amenable to both these Iimm^ 
and that, as a captairi in the service, he was prQp^- 
ly br(Hight to the summary justice of ^ a court nam 
tial. ■: . • 

In vain was this course of procedure objected to 
by Lord Mountnorris, who had now risen frooi thfe 
council table, ^nd presented himself in the tts^nal 
station of the accused. In vain did be urge'thtft 
be was taken wholly unawares ; that be ought to 
be allowed time to prepare his d^nee, with t&e 
advice of counsel j that word$, speJEM in (he ooursfe 
k[ eonversation. at the distance of several Haoiithil. 


could with difficulty be ascertained ; and that he 
could produce upwards of twenty witnesses to prove 
that there was nothing malicious or offensive^ either 
in the expressions he had usedi or in the mode of 
uttering them. Wentworth replied, that none of 
his requisitions could be granted according to the 
forms of a court martial : that he must simply con« 
fess or deny the facts ; and that the council murt 
then directly proceed to vote him innocent or guilty 
of the charge. 

The members of the court, though awed by the 
tone and presence of their governor, revolted from 
the idea of condemning to death a peer and a mem* 
ber of the government, for so trival an offence. To 
avoid the capital part of the sentence, they request* 
ed that the lord deputy would permit the two 
charges to be separated : but he sternly replied that 
they must vote the offender guilty of ** both or of 
none/' Even Lord Moore, who had originally 
given 4;he information, and now appeared as a wit- 
ness for the prosecution, after having delivered his 
testimony, was commanded by Wentworth to rc^ 
sume his seat in the court, and judge the man 
whom he had accused. The council proceeded 
to deliberate and vote, under the eye of the lord 
deputy ; and their sentence adjudged Mountnorris 
to be imprisoned, deprived of all his offices, ignor 
miniously dismissed from the army, incapacitated 


from ever again serving ; and finally, to be shot, , or V 
beheaded, at the pleasure of the general. P ' . f 

The report of a sentence, so cruel and so unjust- 1 
ly obtained, filled the empire with indignaition and: 
clamour* Wentworth's friends in London entreat-^ ,^ 
ed him to furnish them with some satisfactory exr. 
planation of reports, to which they could not listen f 
with patience, and which were avouched in. a man* » 
ner they durst not contradict.t The concealment^ . 
of the charge for so many months ; the excessive ? 
disproportion of the punishmenf to the oJ9Pence,;;, 
the admission of a witness to sit as judge ; th0 
presence and control of the accuser during the^< 
whole trial ; these were all recounted as incapable 
of palliation. Even the conduct of Buckingham^, 
the great object of national hatred, was advanta- 
geously contrasted with that of Wentworth : it was 
remembered that at the Isle of Rhe, the duke had 
merely dismissed from the army some officers who 
had conspired against him ; while Wentworth had 
caused a colleague in office and a former friend to 
be sentenced to death for an imprudent expres- 
sion, t 

The apologies of the lord deputy only showed a, 
consciousness of guilt. As his principal defence 

• Strafford's Letters, Vol. I. p. 500, 501. RushwOrth, Vol. VIII. 
p. 187. et seq. Clarendon, Vol. I. p. 220, et seq. 
t Strafford's Letters, Vol. I. p. 508. t Ibid. p. 510. 

100 EARL eV STBAFf OBD. . 

lie urged tbat he had been merely pimive in Am 
transactioti ; that he had not Tot^d, rior eV^ii jnif* 
fe^ed his bfothefr to vote ; that be had sat jKhtb^ 
Ytted and silent while the cooneil deliberated (on 
their sentence ; thai he had never intended tm put 
MoimtSMffisto deaths bat only to punish fada mU^ 
lefflde i ind that be had united with the meinberft 
of t^e eourt in obtaining a^ pai*don for the capitift 
pftft ef the offence. * His behaviour subsequenfe 
to the trial seemed an aggravation of his misebii^* 
duet. After the* sentence was passed, be toUt 
M^iintfiorris, th^t now, if he chos^, he had cttily id 
order Cftecution ; that he would, however, petition 
fat his life, adding, *' tHM he would so^er loser 
his hand than Mountiiorris dtould lose his heald/' t 
His e^tiiltationi indeed, was scartoly limited either 
by ^rtidenoe or decaicy ;; for he eidelaimed befors; 
the whole courts that ^^ the senteneef was jtfstaod: 
lioble^ and for his part he would not lose his lEfhafia 
of the honour of it/^ t 

• Strafford's Letters, Vol. I. p. 49 8y 499, 505/ 8ic 
I Strafford's Trial, p. 190. 

t Ibid. p. 195. Lady Mountnorris was a near relative of Went* 
wortli's beloved wife* iiabella UotiM, whos^ p»einatuli9 death had 
lately Caused faim the most Utter afflictipfi. Trusting to 0ke in- 
fluence of this strong tic, she became an intercessor for her con* 
deroned husband, apd addressed the following pathetic letter to 

*' Mv Lord, 

" I beseech your lordship, for the tender mercy cfCrod, 



r JBut the most singular jmrt of the trtoiSaetidni 
reifasins yet to be mentioned. Wentworth felti the 
neeessity of exerting htntiself to coiieiliate the Eng- 
lidli court, and to procure the offices of Mokint^ 
norris for his favouriteSw To effect the kttc!r« lie 
fkropfosed to distribute six thousand poiiiids among 
the principal ministers ; * but Lord Gottingtodi as 

tak^ 6ft* ybui^ lieavy iiancl from my deiitr lord ; and, for her s^e', 
wh6 is n^ith G^od^ be pleased not to make mt atA my poof iikmnts 
miserable^ as we must of necessity be by the huf t yoti do to him. 
God knows^ my lord^ I am a distressed poor woman^ and know not 
wfeat to say more, iian to beg upon my knees, with my homely 
pnfyeri and t^strs, £hat it will pleasfe ihh Almi^^iy to indiiid yfhit 
lordship's heatt to mildness towards him : for if your lordship con« 
tinue my lord in restraint, and lay disgraces upon him, I have too 
much cause to fear your loriTship will bring a speedy end to his 
lifb' and troubles, and make itie and oil mine for ei^ miserable. 
Good my lord, pardon these woefUl lines of a disconsolate crefilttre; 
and be pleased, for Christ Jesus' sake, to take this my humble sui^ 
into' your favourable consideration, and to have mercy upon me and 
mihe ; ttnd God will, I hope, rei^ard it intd the Bosoniof ^ou, and 
your sweet children by my kinswoman : and for the memory of 
her, I beseech your lordship to compassionate the distressed eondi« 
ttonof me, 

^' Your lordship's mfost humble 

" and disconsolate servant^ 

*' Jake Mountnokris." 

This letter, which is inserted in Clarendotfs State Papers, VbL I. 
p.<l49, is there endorsed with these words: "A copy of. Lady 
Moontnorris's letter to the Earl of StrafiK>rd> when \her. husband 
was In prison, under sentence of death, by martial law ; and he was 
80 hard-hearted as to give her no relief." 

* According to general report, the distribution was to take place 
in the following manner :— to Lord Cottington, L.9000 ; to the 


old and dexterous courtier^ to whom the business 
was intrusted, " fell upon the right way,** as he' 
informs us ; and ** gave the money to him who: 
could really do the business, which was the king- 
himself.*** The present happened to prove op- 
portune to his majesty, who was then in the act of 
purchasing an estate ; and Wentworth, without' 
delay, received an official letter, authorizing him 
to dispose of the offices according to his desire, t 
Death of The approbation of the king might silence mur« 

Clanricarde • i • i • /* i i i • 

and others, milrs witbm the precmcts ot the palace, but it was 
far from suppressing the general expressions of re- 
proach ; and these unfortunately met with new ex^ 
citements. The death of the Earl of Clanricarde, 
which took place about this time, was attributed to 
his despondency, arising from the ruin of his in- 
fluence, and the danger of his fortune by the pro- 
ceedings in Galway ; if and the fate of the sheriff 
of Galway, who died in the prison, to which he 
had been committed till the payment of his fine, was 
ascribed to the unjust author of his hardships. 
The first of these charges, indeed, Wentworth 
could treat with ridicule ; " they might as well,'* 

Lord Privy Seal, L-IOOO; to the Marquis of Hamilton, L.IOOO; 
and the other L.SOOO to the two secretaries. Letter from the Rey. 
Mr Garrard to Wentworth, in Strafford's Letters, Vol. I. p. A08. 

* Letter from Lord Cottington to Wentworth, in Strafford's 
Letters, Vol. L p. 5J1. 

t Ibid. p. 612. t Strafford's Letters, Vol. I. p. 49«. 


says be, *^ have imputed to me for a crime, his be« 
ing three score and ten years bid/'* But the 
death of the sheriff was not to be thus dismissed, 
coupled as it was with a false but specious report 
that Wentworth had refused bail, to the amount of 
forty thousand pounds, for the brother of Clanri- 
carde. t One exaggeration now succeeded another ; 
and he had the mortification to find it currently 
believed, that, on occasion of some displeasure, he 
had actually caned one Esmond, a ship-owner, to 
death, t Wentworth was exceedingly alive to pub- 
lic opinion : the reports concerning his conduct, 
which both friends and enemies now brought to ' 
his ears, filled him with resentment and anguish ; 
nor could the repeated advices of the king and of 
Laud, who intreated him to despise accusations 
which no one durst avow, subdue the anxiety ex- 
cited by the general murmurs. 

He was not, however, of a temper to sink tame-» 

• Letter from Wentworth to the King, Strafford's Letters^ Vol. 
I. p. 499. 

■f The fate of the sheriff he seems to have viewed with perfect 
oookiess ; his only source of r^et was the clamour it excited. ^' I 
am full of belief^" says he in a letter to his friend Wandesford, 
*' that they will lay the charge of Dancy the sheriff's death to me. 
JBily arrows ^e cruel that wound so mortally ; hut I should be sor- 
ry the Ling should lose his fine.*' Strafford's Letters, VoL U, p* 

t Strafford's Letters, Vol. tl. p. «. Rushwprth, Vol. IIL p. 

VOL. lit N 

ly im^r ppipujay/ cfeniwn- %jjolyiug to hn^ 
thofe ^p^mours which he; cwW »oA aupprea^ and ^ 
con(Q^^ hi; 9f}iem^ ^ th^ assumed iatr^pidity^ 
c$:^ii9u# iu^penc^, he x^^qu^sted leai^ of the 
Idgig fo cpmp over tp EpgUpd. The ftuhoudiaai. 
tiojQ which he had estat^lishedf and tho drcsadt)f hoi! 
j^edy ret^I:R, would, b^ trurt^d, prewut the dj»^ 
cpi^tents in Iceland frpw bveaViwg wt i!t%to any mk 
tive opjipsition; ai^d h? hop^d to bring baek, ia 
Qjien ^d dis^n^ish^d mar]p» of royal appiofa^^ 
tiont ^n invincible bulwarli^ to hia authority. ' ' 
ApiMmace His reception at thf^ English court ivaa ^(^)|r 
May vBse. flatteriiig ; and ^hen questioned by the king co 
th^i state of Irels^dt the e;splanatiQn of hi3r moiif 
sures wa« ipc^rked by aU the addrQ3s and vigomr' 
that \f^ \idd shown in their e^e^ytipn* In a speodi 
delivered befQ;re the king and the committee fir 
Irish affairs, he gave a peri^AQupns and fpjrci)bi)£^ dftf 
scripjtv^n of all his^ principal iinproyeoii^ntl^ He* 
treated separately of tfao services which he had 
rendered to the church, to the army, to the rew- 
nue,. to manufactures and commerce, to the lawsr 
and the adminii^ation of justice.^ The former 
neglect of these departments he contrasted with' 
their present flourishing^ condition y ^d angi^ed 
still greater improvements from a contii;^uance. dT 
his auspicious system. He i^owed his concern for 
Ireland by certain requisitions for its relief: and 
in proof of his devotion to his sovereign, he exr 

EAR?. 9? §TaAffORQ. \f^ 

plMn?4 ho^ f^l his DpL^^sure^i tended tp inerea^^ pi^fi 
revenue and authority of the crown. To div^t 
tk\t ^>^pwit}o^ qf ^^le ftppearJHice qf pve^flirxg^ipn, 
I^ difClared t^hat if he had any m^f-it, it yra9 ^|y 
t^( of 9 billing obedience, " I j^avft !?peji,'* be 
ai^f^d^ f*> c^ ^nstruix^ent ^i^ ,the l^an^s ^ ^is 
nanjpsty, withqi][t iflotion qr effeok, (j^r^her f)ian J 
^yfi bee^ gqjde^ by t'le gr^^ciqfls ^irpctiqn of , my 
aftTf reign.'* Pp then ^4yertpd ^o the plwy ??^- 
Impnies cir^ijilated against him; ^d, ^mentet^ 
*^ th^ decayed ai^d ^p^sjU^ng condition of Irf^apd 
^en committed to hu( ch^^ge," whic^ had render-; 
ed aa ^pp^ar^nc^ of ^ve^ity indispensably neces- 
^^ foi( \]\s msyesty's service, ^e " acknowledg- 
ed his manifo^ infirmities, and his sovereign's^ 
gr^t gopdnessi that had been pletased to pass by 
tl^^m^ and to accept qf his weak endeavours jn t^e 
g^rs^it of his duty." In pi^rticular, he owned 
li^pf^sfilf liable tq ^ w^n^th a^d pbpler ^hich h^ 
cquld not at all tiines; temj^er and govern ; yet, by 
t})§ tiine ^oroj^ mqre cold winters had blqwn upon 
i(, he shqulds l^e f ru^tedn ^e able to master this uq-f 
r^ly p^siqp. Meantjme, he would watcl^ ovei: it 
as well as he could ; and he humbly intreated his 
majesty and their lordships to pardon any excesses 
into which it might unadvisedly and suddenly have 
led hinii ; a grace which he requested with the 
more confidence, as the defects of his temper had 

I^^ EARL Of ST^ArtORiy. 

hitherto^ be thanked God, ittjuted no one but hkB^* 

The effect of this dexterous discourse correspond*' 
ed fillly to his hopes. The king declared that his 
conduct required no apology, that lio unnecessmy- 
[Severity had been practised, that every i;hing had 
been done in the best manner for his seryice» ThiBf^ 
lords of the committee loaded him with aj^faulsef 
and all united in exhorting him to perfect the' 
work which he had so successfully begun. Nor 
iiras the fame of his meritorious actions, and of his 
favour with the sovereign, confined to the court : it 
was quickly diffused over the capital and the king^ 
dom, and his reputation among the partizans of 
the government became unbounded. 
Zealous ^u opportunity immediately occurred of binding: 

Aip-money. thc king by new testimonies of his zeal. Among 
other expedients for raising supplies, without the 
intervention of parliament, recourse had been had 
to a new levy under the name of ship-money. The 
Estimated expence of equipping a navy was appor- 
tioned among all the counties of England ; and, 
under this pretext, less invidious, it was hoped^ 

* This account of his reception and discourse at court is given 
by Went worth himself in a letter to his confidential friend^ Watide^ 
ford^ to whom he had committed the government of Ireland kt 
his absence. It ia inserted in Strafford's Letters^ VoL II. p* 13 to 
22. The Irish traosactidns to which it advftts have all been relate 
•d in the text. 

£A&L OF ST^FFORd. 197 

than either a subsidy or a loon, a general contri- 
l^ition was demanded. * Still, both the necessity 
of the imposition, and its amount, being left en^ 
tirely at the discretion of the monarch, the pay<- 
ments were, made with great repugnance ; and the 
aversipn with which men shrink from rebeUfon,. 
aeemed alone to restrain the nation from resistaneei*^ 
In this state of tl^ngsi, Wentworth, as preaodent of 
t^ council of York, w^ enabled to render an :es* 
spatial serrice to the court, by procuring the assent 
of all within his jurisdiction to the contribution. 
H^ activity and dexterity wer0 attended with their' 
wonted sucpess ; and» while the o$o6rs of the re^ 
venue, in other parts of the kingd(mi, levied the- 
imposition amidst murmurs 'and threats, he could 
send to the king as favourable accounts from York, 
as he had formerly transmitted from Ireland. 
" In pursuit of your cojnmands,*' said he> " I 
have effectually, both in public and private, recom-- 
mended the justice and necessity of the shipping 
business, and so clearly shown it to be, not only 
for the honour of the kingdom in general, but for 
every man's particular safety, that I am most con^' 
fident the as^sessment this next year vrill be univer- 
sally and cheerfully answered within this jurisdic- 
tion." t 

• Clarendon, Vol. I. p. «8. t .Letter from Wentworth to 

the King, in StraflforJ's Letters, Vol. U. p. 26. 

1^8 VktCL 69 

xcw peti. . .AtHidiA this kceumuMtibii bf ^M^ai W^iiMK^ 

turn for an . ■ . 

Evidom. fl^H UtefbHHfiAg tittea^in^ss thk th^Vd ii)^fti«(3 W 
ntdidtitibtt Of Ian iACKHCioH t<^ aekilb«4^|d>lift lei! 
bjr «t)ifie publte ttlfttk oF ibyal li^Oh" Hii tocfMffi 

tiMi') Ym thti ddtnitiefidttfien hfld b^fl iSo&MSA'9t 
tlie wftlli of the fcOdmHI^teiaben ahd mil ktt(Mb 

t<» thO'liatioH 6nljr hj^mket^i^A itpbH. W)»iHil 
it iwtto iaijA^ flMtff the kiii^ tiiiBUy Md «hl» Mk 
vioei of WetitMidirth itt «uch high festitiittibiii' lilft 
WOuliU 'ivittdo tt b)r th« tt8till diitltKitfttti df i'Mp^ 
nm title P If thii thfihp- aiid otAimt^ mK^Mt 
iv^e i^ilhlield, would it nOt bO ;cfdn1blttdfed thulfiai 
kingi though eotttpelldd by f «MOhl 6( iia» \» MSl 
ploy oMigiiKg expreteioiM towftrdii tbfe lo^ddfe^tityv 
ivb* fkr from vievHn^ h{« cotadud; Willi lAAqudUiyS 
a^p^robaiion ? A kapnti&t titt«f, th^ef()He, ffbv^^] 
pecired to Wetitworth, hot only ah objecf oPiiftHw 
flcataon, but a hecosiaty i&ffegaaM to hi* illlitl^fty. 
Actuated by ithese iconsidei^tiotta, be vi^nluKd, ttt_ 
the iteoond time; to ftpproftch th« kfhg with dAhfll^ 
ble petition for sOtn'e public ma^k Of bii (li¥tfui'j-W 
refute the malidous imtiiiuatroh^ of hib ^nletalll^ 
and prove thM biti majesty diibeliered \'kti)t Vtitik* 
iiies. * Distrusting his own influence, afier m 
former experience, he disclosed this desire of his 
heart to Laud; and intreated him to concur in 

* Letter froux Wentworth to the King> in Strafl^d't Jjb%Ux%, 

EARL OF fel^A^FORbi )99 

6AirldOttl, bf som^ 6thet publib dlark Of diSti^iKtititt% 
Hh tepr^ented to th^ archbishop the iittpiriicy; W 
iWell ^ the hardship, of withhbMifag iHis testtffi)mj|^ 
l^-^^ob^lion ; md assuireid him; thdl; )f he wei4 
Siint back td Ireland, thuii littrequitbd, it ¥fW\A 
H»hUfe hk authority, aiid injare the piiblib <sg^^k3&^* 
*- But the tedSQiiB which fdt*merly led Gfaarled to Befiued. 
4fefli«e thid request wete lid* exceeditigly stbsglte. 
eil^ft. . tartly in the pi*dsiecuti6ti of the t>UbIie m^ 
♦ifcfe, t>artly for the grt,tification 6f hfa bwn Mbkht 
lAssioAs, Wletitwbrth had inciibbd a ^rbat ^ditmih- 
ti Ibdd of pUUie i'eprbdch, itid CharleS could j^\rl^ 
ceite, th^t, whatevfer ddiiim he temovied fWm his 
tiiiiiiter, he must necessarily accUmulUte on hini- 
Sfelf. The more earnest the ^licitatibn, the tribit 
iii§a|>portdble fche load, the less adtisdble vrii it 
ftir him to ihterfere. Thfe lord dejllityj though 
extremely sensible to public reproach, was hot of % 
4iit)bsition to give way to des^dtidiency ; fend when 
thfe imthediate preservation df a servant Was libt ih 
^ngitioui it sie^itied itnpriidisht ibr the kibg, iM %h 
^riisfent fcirciimstalicefii, to iilcUr any ddiiiifa Whfch 
it was practicable to dvbid. The reply of GUii:!^ 
mi^ therefbre, so pointed ahd deci^^ b tb 1^ all 
lio^eS df compliabce. tie assured WeiM^Wwrth tfeft 
the cause df his request, if known^ Wbiild tathfer 
encourage than silence his enemies ; that their ca« 

• Wentworth to Laud, Strafford's Letters, Vol. IL p: 28. 


lumuies would increase with the discovery of his 
apprehensions, and their attacks become more bold 
and dangerous when they perceived that they wer^ 
feared*. << The marks of my favour/^ continued 
he, ** which stop malicious tongues, are neither 
places nor titles, but the little welcome I give to 
accusers, and the willing ear I give to my servant*. 
This,'' added he, *^ is not to disparage these fa- 
vours, butrto show their proper use, which is not to 
quell envy, but to reward services. They hav<^ 
truly the effect of rewards, only when copferred by 
the master without the servant's importunity ; and 
that otherwise men judged them to proceed rath^ 
from the servant's wit than the master's favour." 
With an attempt at pleasantry, ill -calculated tg 
soften his refusal, he concluded thus : ** I will end 
with a rule that may serve for a statesman, a cour- 
tier, or a lover, — ^never make an apology till you be 
accused." * 
^^^ A repulse, conveyed in terms so unqualified, 
seems to have inflicted a deep wound on the mind 
of Wentworth. In his reply to the king, he dwelt 
on the intimations concerning his Jears and appre* 
hensions ; and reminded his majesty, that, in the 
service of the crown at least, he had never betray- 
ed timidity. To make the king sensible how ill 
his rewards corresponded with his merits, he iiw 

• King to Wentworth, Strafford's Letters, Vol. II. p. 32. 



formed his majesty that his jurisdiction in th? 
northern counties was now so completely recon- 
ciled to ship-money, as to be fitted for setting an 
example to the rest of the kingdom ; and he advis- 
ed, if the south were likely to prove refractory, to 
send down the first writs for the year to York, 
whe^e th^re wopld be no opposition. * 

Tlie chagrin caused to Wentworth by thia dis* 
appointment often broke out in his subsequent let- 
ters. On one occasion, where he urges his majes^ 
ty to allow the public officers in Ireland a liberal 
per centage out of certain branches of the public 
revenue, with a view to quicken their activity, he 
continues : ** Admit me to say, reward well ap- 
plied is of extreme advantage to the service of 
kings. It is most certain that not one man of very 
many serves his master for love, but for his own 
ends and preferment ; and that he is in the rank 
of the best servants, who can be content to serve 
his master together with himself. In fine, I am 
most confident, were your majesty purposed for ^ 
while to use the excellent wisdom God hath given 
you, in the constant, right, and quick application of 
rewards and punishments, it were a thing most easy 
for your servants, in a very few years, under your 
conduct and protection, so to settle all your affairs 
.and dominions, as should render you, not only at 

• Wentworth to the King, Vol. IL,p. 36. 

• r 

9^ KARZ. OF iTRAM*teD. 

hoine, but iaVrdad alto, the btlott^li^et>ift)l kii% {k 
Chiislebdom." * To bis ^ivate frititidii/ Mi 4» 
laud ik particiiliir, his ekpi^essibhS bf miilrtifibltiott 
Were more iitidisgiki^. t III h Ibttfer tb Mr- (GKeWgb 
Sutler he says, that) iU tU iSsWardk tod prefi»raiiiib( 
he ihiist how look for them in the iie Jit World ; *^ Aiv 
\n good faith, Gebi^, all herd b&lbW itls gl«^ 
iWJhdrobs indiflerfent." t 
i;^ *° With these ioiprei^tbhs, WifatWoHh ittnhMid !• 
^T«6^ hii govehittient itk Irelandi If ^ bad Jailed- tb 
bbtain thdile piiBlib hiai-ks bf distiniitidDi bjf wkilA 
he hoped to boiifouttd atid iileniife ih6 iiMb bf d«> 
traction, he at least ibUHd hiniself artned iHtk 
i^mplb authority to chastise ewbrf -(^ppositil^n ttt hb 
^oweh or insult to his feeliDgs. Mbuntiionfis^ a4 
illi wlbo hdd api^eiiled fh)ih his sehtentes tb tllfc 
Efaj^lish court, were remitted td bid dispbtol ; ^ttwi 
it* be cduld i'e^olve to endure the odium of Idrbitrftif 
rule, without opeiiiy implicating the kidg, kheft 
seemed to be no restraint on the etei:ciie w£ 1^ 
jn^nr His subsequent itleasures in the govetHtfa^iit df 
Ireland were ineireiy a coHtinusltioli of tb<Mie il- 
teady described* The awe iiiitpitlBd by his vigio^ 

• Wentworth to the King, Strafford'i Letters^ Vol. IL p. 41. 
•f Wentworth to Laud, Ibid. p. 109. 
$ Wentworth to Butler, Ibid. p. 40. 
§ Strafford's Letterti, V<d. II. p. 15. 

EAlit Of itkAF^RB. M^ 

. ■ . - • 

febnfii^ed the trkiiq\iillity it had j[)r6cuMd ; aUtd 

'^iA/SiT his VigiFaht e^e the infant ctiltivatioii, ihantt^ 

ftct\ciVes» and conitiilerce of the couiltry, begkUi tb 

WcVm^ and phJs^h While the subjefet enjoyed 

IWftutiity, froiii thfe ehtire suppriession df internal 

IttkuVreetions and depredatidhb, ^e royil i^Ve- 

h\ll^i ^Hsiiig froita produce and dbn^umptidn, Mtie- 

tiehclid a rapid itlcrfeaSB. Noi* did WehlWbith 

SJfeftse l& replenish thfe exchequer by rigb^biis in- 

^{Htes iiilio defective titles. He found ttieanH t6 

^Ae (M the right of thcf king tb the Whole dls- 

tfick bf Ormohd ; and thfe O^Byrhes iii WicikloW 

%ere obligied 16 i^d^em their large ppssessions From 

^'§hnilkr aWatd/by trie payinent of fildeeh thouskhd 

^NtrtiAds to the crown. By such meabs, of whidh 

loftie Wtre a^ li^udable as others Were irreconcileilbie 

fo jtistice, he prbcured ah ample supply for theex- 

^nditute of his goveifhhi^ht, without any of those 

new debiands or impdsitidiis Which might hare fnif* 

-tished an occasion to contest his authority. ♦ 

Ambition had not so wholly engrossed thfe liiind 
^ WeiitWorth, as to render hini insensible td the 
idiler |>as^i6tis bf domestic lifb« His attachments^ 
•i^WeVer, were inbre ardent than fortunate. Abottt 
three years after the death of his first wife, he idoiiur- juiy i«2& 
ried Arabella Hollis, daughter to the Earl of C\s.tie, 
and sister to the Honourable Denzil Hollis, who 

• Smiffbrd's Letters, VoL II. p. 8P, 97, iSi, irS. 


afterwards distinguished himself on th^ popular 
side in the r^ign of Charles the Firstf yet received 
a title from Charles the Second. This ladyt of 
vfhon^ be^ty and accomplishments contemporary 
wjijters speak with admiration, was beloved by liat 
husband with all the characteristic ardour of hif 
disposition. In the course of six years, she brought 
him two sons apd three daughters ; but 4;he lost of 
the younger son, which happened soon after hii 
birth, was followjsd by the more lamented death of 
oeujhet t}xe mother. So yiolent was the aqguish w^ic^ 
^entworth experienced from this unexpected cik 
lamity, th^t his confidential friends remained with 
him continually for several days and nights« aii4 
were even then hardly able to overcome hii ^ 
spair.^ Several years afterwards, when the Lady 
Clare requested that the education of her grandr 
daughters might be committed to her charge, be 
delivered over those pledges of his tender afiectian, 
and recalled the incomparable virtues of their mci^ 
ther, with much sensibility and enthusiasm, t 

The tender remembrance of Arabella Ifolli^ 
did not, however, prevent the growth of another 
passion in the breast of Went\yorth, who was stSIl 
in the prime of life. Captivated with the chamap 
of Elizabeth Rhodes, the daughter of Sir Godfrey 

* Roacliffc 8 Essay. Ibid. p. 69, 60. 

t Wentworth to Lady Clare, Strafford's Letters, Vpl IL p. 37^. 

UARL of ISTVtA¥ioiLl>0 iS9 


Bhod^, ka English gentleman of coifsddefable 
jfmk and fortune, he resolved to make lie^ his 
wife : and though reluctant to own in puUH^ hisr 
attachment to a female of inferior family; yet he 
idlowed only a year to elapse, from the death of 
his former wife, before the pritate solemnization of 
his third nuptials. It was not till his arrival in ^^ 
Ireland, whither the lady wasr conveyfed by liis 
friend Radcliflfe, at an interval of sevei^ moMhtt 
from his own journey, that he openly acknowle^- 
ed her as his wife. * On this occ^ion, he thought 
it necessary fo apologise to L4ud for a step wliich 
might appear imprudent ; and, having explained 
his reasons for the match, he hinted that the pre^^ 
late would do well to imitate his example. Laud^ 
in reply, wished him and his consort much felicity^ 
and expressed his confidence that the step had 
been taken after due deliberation : but as to bi$ 
following the same course, " I must needs,*' said 
he, *^ <^onfess to your lordship, that having been 
Inarried to a very troublesome and unquiet wife 
before, I should be ill-advised now, being above 
sixty, to go marry another of a more wayward and 
troublesome generatioh.^t Elizabeth Rhodei^^ how^ 
ever, bore her new dignities with incbmpanlble 
meekness and humility. Far from acquiring arro- 
gance from her unexpected elevation, she remain- 

• Radcliffe's Essay. t Strafford's Letters, Vol. II. p. 12S. ■. 

90^ EAA). of ^Ti^AFfOI^I)* 

hugbitf^d's auperiprity, and ficcpunt;e4 [% 9 4SRf^ ^ 
presimptioq ^veu ta «ppff9ftch l^iifl yfit^^ h^f lett^Mi 

TWa lowiw^ Yfs^: by ;io m^ws 4l0plmiRfr.te 

"Wentwqrtb, aq4 Vas rep^d i^ A Wn^H?*. ViWfiMfffla 
Ijr coa4^3qwding §n4 kind* ;n a let^.r, «lifs?? fcfl 
wdeayo^rs to r^oye tb^ ^^cess qf ))er timi^^, J|g 
t^lls h$Vt << it iis 11Q presumptiofi for ;p\i tf) ^Ifntf 
me i tl^ ftUq^sbip of nmyr^ge pug^^f; to prp^^flji 
aeiitiiafmt^ of loye and equality, r^^h^;: t^f^l f^y 
tpprehensipn/' ♦ ■ ,., 

Recreations. I» the eftrljcT part of life, Wentvprjb ^ad f^^ 
tered freely into the social amu^meiits usui^l among 
persons of liis ranlf ; but sho^tf and u^p^ftaui \ift^ 
vals of relaxation were now with ^i^cultj 8na(che4 
from the pr^ur^ of public a£p^irs. Hawking wi^f 
hia favoMrite field sport, and finding the nortl^ei^ 
part of Wicklow well adapted to tb^s am^8^]9e^fi 
be ereqted there a mansip^ for his s^nunef ^p^^ 
d§pce. It wasi buiH. of ^Qpd, ai^d thfj $xpene^ 
^ lipt px9e^4 twelye hunc^red pouqds; yet ^ 
magpificent did it appear tP the rude nativ^^ ^ 
WicklqW) that, tp sjleQce tl)p, ^nvy ei^citf d hj y^ 
gar ruiflwr, hfi gaye ou| i\\^tf \% was inteu4e4 % 
the r^^ptipp gf his. Q^jesty, wl^f n \i^ should %4 
feiaure t« ei^y the e:|^ercii^ of l}i?;iting in tl^S 

• These letters from Wentworth to his wife are copied in th'0 
Biographia Britaniiica from the originals in the Moseiim Thores- 



part of his domioiona; * The games of primer<) 
and mayo, at which he played with uncommon 8kiU, 
hd'bidulged m obly during the Christmas k$tmr 
ti<»^ oc occaaionaUy after sup|)ec, the hoi&t of ^hidb 
ofSrresponded to the feidiionable dinner hour (s£ \h» 
lurcaent age. It was ib the interval between t^ts 
]IM»|1 and the hours devoted t« aleep, Ihat he founid 
Im chief period of reeroation. ' H^ 'would celirff At 
tmea v^ith his company ^o an iimec room, ai^ 
Qontinue there for hours, rdating aneicdotei^ with M 
freedom and pleasant Fy which awpi'i^^ those guests 
who tiU theju had s^b him dittant» oeremonioiiSt 
and haughty, amidst his oia^iat ^^ca^iop^r 

Yet during Wa mst wguwd«4 wmwfsof hUT«.^ 
IfS^jf Wentwprth netex indulged to ewesa in the ? » 
pleawrea of th§ table. He never^ w<^ aire assuored, 
lA th^ course of hii life, degraded hiw^eiyf by one 
inslance of intoxication* In Irei&udt where ei^eea- 
4^6 drinki»g wa3 an epidemical yiee, l^e thougiht it 
expedient to aet a strict example» and, on thosepublkr 
%;eaaiona which had often proved a scene of intesH 
jn&SBi^ mt, his rok was to drink only the he^tlkha of 
the king) the qu/een, and the prince. TUere wa» 
ik» fault which he accounted more c^gerous, ow 
^hich h$ sepr^ended more seviu^ly in his sejr^ 
-WA^ than % pronene^s to intoxication, 'i 

Amidst his various plans* for the increase of the Attendbn 

* his privat 


———————————————— — ' • . a 

Strafford's Letters, Vol. I. p. 106. t RadcMe'^ BsMy. 


public rerenue, Wentworth did not altogether 
overlook the improvement of his private fortuiie* 
In conjunction with his friend Sir George RacU 
difie, he farmed the Irish customs ; and, in cent- 
sequence of their amelioration from the flooridi- 
ing state of the country, there was derived fniBi 
them, in a few years, an annual profit of eight 
thousand pounds, of which two thirds fell to hi* 
share. * The monopoly of tobacco, which he ahtf 
farmed, ptt>ved, from the increasing consumptwa 
of'the article, productive beyond expectation ; and 
the lands in Ireland, which he purchased aA an iii-< 
considerable price, became, under proper cukiva«- 
tion, a promising source of wealth, t 
integrity. It deservcs to be remarked to his honour, tlial» 
with the exception of the tobacco monopoly, none 
of the means by which he increased his fortune 
were liable to censure, or even to suspicion. Far 
from sharing the plunder of the demesnes which he 
had recovered for the crown, he strenuously exert- 
ed himself to prevent their falling a prey to the 
rapacity of other courtiers. In the exercise of hia 
office, he refused even the customary presents; 
and the English court was amused with an anee* 
dote of the servant of a person of distind^c^, who 
had been sent to him with a present, and who was 

• Wentworth to Laud^ Strafford's Letters, Vol. II. p. 137. 
t Ibid. p. 106. 


90 indignant at an unexpected rtfusali that he^ in 
bis turn, refused the gratuity of Wentworth. ''^ It 
was kis frequent boast, that be did not come into 
the service to repair a broken fortune ^ and that 
thepuUic had never suffered from his desire to 
bequeath inordinate wealth to his posterity. 

His judgment in the management of his private splendours 
nSsxTB appears the more conspicuons^ when we eon* 
aider the magnificence of his mode of Uving^ At 
his own charge he maintained a retinue of fifty at^ 
tendants, besides his troop of sixty horsemen, which 
he originally raised and equipped at an expenee of 
six thousand pounds^ and which continued to cost 
him twelve hundred pounds Shyear. i His taste 
for building added considerably to his expenditure. 
Besides repairing and beautifying his several resi- 
dences as go^ernory he erected a palace at Naas in 
Kildare, for the reception of the king, as he de^ 
clared^ irance it appeared to him derogatory to 
Ireland, that this part of the empire should alone 
present no accommodations to its sovereign, t 

In dwelling on the private scenes of Wentworth's 
life, we are apt to regret that he should ever haiee 
quitted a condition where be might have enjoyed 

• Secretary Windebank to Wentworth, Strafford's Letters, Vol. 

I. p. 160. 

t Wentworth to Cottington, Ibid. p. 128. 
ij: Strafford's Letters,r>Vol. II. p. 106. . 



respectability without envy. Such a reflectioii 
seems often to have recurred to his own mind^ 
amidst the uneasy aspirations of ambition. Even 
while he exults in the prosperous situation of bis 
government, he adds, '* yet I could possess myself 
with much more satisfaction and repose under my 
own roof, than with ail the preferment and pov^er 
which the favour of a crown can communicate/' * 
Amidst his most ambitious plans, we find him 
looking forward to some happier period, when, 
escaping from the fatigues of office, he should be 
enabled to deliver himself up wholly to retirement 
and reflection. *^ Neither preferments, nor whatr 
soever else men most esteem in this world, will, I 
trust, tie me to the importunities of public affiurs 
during my whole life, or so far infatuate my feniei 
as to make me neglect the cares of a future and 
permanent i^ate." t 
Bo^ faifir. These, however, were only the transient suggesp 
tions of bodily sickness or mental depression: 
Even while he uttered them, he was soliciting new 
honours, and prosecuting some of his least justifi- 
able enterprises. The agitations of ambition bad 
not only unfitted his mind for tranquillity, but had 
induced several premature infirmities. During 

* Wentworth to Sir Edward Stanhope^ Strafford t Letten^ Vd|, 
(. p. 303. 
t Wentworth to Mr George Butler. Ibid. p. i$0. 


the first years of his administration in Ireland^ Im 
extreme solicitude for the accomplishment of hb 
plans had led him to forego all his usual recrea* 
tions ; and his anxiety to gain the approbation of 
the English court had even tempted him to write 
all bis voluminous dispatches with his own hand. ^ 
To such incessant labour of body and mind, his 
constitution, naturally far from robust, began to 
prove unequal. By the paroxysms of a gout, be- 
come inveterate from neglect of exercise, he was at 
times confined for months to his apartments ; still 
had he the imprudence to aggravate its pains. 
Although the posture of writing was peculiarly un- 
easy to him, he continued to employ his own huid 
in some parts of his correspondence ( and was even 
carried from bed to write his more secret disr 
patches, t On his second arrival in Ireland, his 
gout wais aggravated by the re-appearance of the 
aguish complaints which, at an earlier period of his 
life, had reduced him to a dangerous debility. 
While he laboured under severe pain, accompanied 
with an intermittent pulse, faint sweats, and de* 
pression of spirits, he began to prognosticate *Uhat 
no long life awaited him here below." t 

The effects of his bodily infirmities were a^ra- Vezations. 
vated by many vexations in the discharge of his 

• StrafForcVs Letters, Vol. I. p. 203. 

t Ibid, p. 371, 4*20, Vol. II. p, 956. t Ibid. p. 143, 145. 


office. Occasionally he found that neither tte ex^ 
plicit Tegolations which be had stipulatedy nor hil 
perpetual labours for the benefit of the orourn^' 
could prevent the king from gratifying importtt^ 
nate courtiers at the price of his mortification. 
Appointments in the army had always been at thto 
disposal of the lord deputy, who also acted as com-* 
mander-in-chief ; but Wentworth saw the command 
of one of his companies snatched from a friend to 
whom he had granted it, and given to the depeil^^ 
dent of a rival courtier ; though he had eameidy' 
solicited both the king and the ministers,- that he- 
might be spared an af&ont so derogatory to bii 
dignity, and so dangerous to his utility. * He had ' 
expressly stipulated that no grant should be made 
on the Irish establishment without his knowle^je 
and concurrence ; yet he found himself imexpectii : 
edly assailed by authorized demands on the public 
treasury j f and what galled him more deeply than 
all^ the young Earl of Clanricarde, by his influence 
at court, and unknown to Wentworth, succeeded 
in procuring an indemnity for his losses in Gal- 
way.t The king, it was whispered, beheld hia 
receipts from the customs with an eye of jealousy $ 
and Lord Holland, who had ready access to the 

■ Strafford's Letters, Vol. I. p. 128, 138, 142, 144. 
t Wentworth to Windebank, Ibid. Vol. II. p. 201. 
i Wentworth to the King, Ibic}. p. 83. 


ear of the queen, even presumed to dreulnte that 
he was liable to accesses of lunacy. * Endeavours 
were used to produce a breach between him and 
Laud ; t and so deeply did his intimacy with that 
prelate offend his early patron the Lord Treasurer^ 
that Wentwordi looked on the death of the latter 
as a deliverance from the most dangerous oi his 
adversaries, t 

To such contradictions and calumnieSi Went* 
worth betrayed an aching sensibility, and his mind 
was kept in perpetual distraction. He was indeed 
armed with every power to punish the malignant 
within his own jurisdiction ; and his vigorous 
chastisements received his majesty's fullest appro^ 
bation. § But he was informed that more virulent 
libels were circulated against him in England, be- 
yond his reach ; and his feelings were tormented 
by hints, that these attacks gained ground from 
his majesty's refusal to countenance him by some 
public mark of approbation. || Unable to eJidure 

• Wentworth to the King, Strafford's Letters, VoL II. p. Ill, 
127, 284. 

t Ibid. p. 133, 965. t ^^^' ^^^' !• P- ^^^' 

{ ]L.aud to Wentwor^b> IbM* VpL IJ. p. 103. " Vhe p«nish. 

meut of impertinent, uivjust, clamorous persons, his majesty liketh 

•well, that thereby you may ease both him and yoursielf." 

11 Laud to Wentworth, Ibid. Vol. IL.p. 42, lAud, in giving 

this hint, ironically adds, " but the thoughts of princes be deeper 

than other men's.' 



thii any longer, Wentworth drew up a list of the 
calumnies circulated against him^ which he trani- 
mitted to Laud, for the decision of the king.* 
The archbishop, though extremely irritable and! 
impatient of censure, was yet shocked at a weakness 
which tended to destroy both the peace and re^ 
spectability of his friend ; and, therefore, in report- 
ing the king's utter disbelief of these calumnies^ 
advised him << never to appear openly in his de- 
fence till he was openly charged." t 
Qttimi with T^^i violence of temper which' had impelled him 
to persecute Lord Mountnorris, again engaged 
him in a contest extremely prejudicial to his repu- 
tation. The Lord Chancellor Loftus and his fa- 
mily had exerted themselves to promote the lord 
deputy's views, and had enjoyed more of his favour 
than almost any other noble house in Ireland. 
Amidst this interchange of benefits and acknow- 
ledgments, Sir John Gi£Pord, who had married the 
Chancellor's daughter, having demanded, in be- 
half of his wife, some provision which his father-in- 
law denied, brought an action before the lord de- 
puty in the Castle Chamber, where he obtained an 
award entirely in his favour. To this judgment 
the Chancellor refused to submit, on the ground 
that the action ought to have been brought in the 

• Wentworth to Laud, Strafford's Letters^ Vol. IL p. 105. 
t Laud to Wentworth, Ibid. p. 126, 137. 


ordinary courts of law, and that the tribunal be- 
fore which it was tried was both illegal and partial. 
Enraged at this resistance, Wentworth procured 
and rigidly enforced an order to sequester him from 
the council, to deprive him of the seals, and to 
commit him to prison till his obstinacy should be 
subdued. • The clamour excited by this extreme 
severity to a minister of such dignity and reputa- 
tion, was aggravated by the discovery of some let- 
ters which were said to indicate an intercourse 
more gallant than decorous between the lord de- 
puty and Lady GiflFord. f The influence of Went- 
worth at the English court was not, however, to 
be shaken : the appeal of the Lord Chancellor was 
disregarded ; and himself compelled to purchase 
the forgiveness of Wentworth by submission to the 
award, and an acknowledgment of his error, t 

But transactions of superior importance now be- Con&uittd <n 
gan to demand his exertions on a more extended wi^. Pebm. 

ary 1037. 

• Strafford's Letters, Vol. II. p. 69, 161, 164, 172, 179, 196, 
827, 228. 

T Leiand, Vol. III. p. 40. 

i Ibid. p. 261, 389. Althoagh Wentworth finally triumphed in 
this affair^ yet, in a letter to the king, (p. 161,) he discovers no 
small apprehension of the clamour which it excited. He excuses 
the whole of his conduct by alleging that he merely acted in obedi- 
ence to the royal authority ; and the obstinacy of the chancellor he 
attributes " to the evil spirit of insubordination which began to 
trouble the age." 


theitoe* Hitherto the king had restricted f»wi 
hi« molt confidential communications with Went- 
worth to Irish a&irs, aod had never demanded bis 
couneeU with regard to the general intenesti of the 
empire* After the death of Buckingham, Cluuifs 
uppears to have entertained the resolution of eon- 
fining his ministers to separate departmenti of 
goveroment, while himself, the great preiiding 
qpirit, should inform and guide the whdie# His 
jealousy of a man so lately an oppositionist, end 
the enemy of Buckingham, seems also to baise 
yielded only gradually to devoted obedience and a 
aeries of important services. ^ The prefect of a 
war which would have affected Ireland more im* 
mediitely than the rest of his dominions, i^peara 
to have been the first occasion on which Chartes 
broke through bis reserve, and demanded the 
opinion of Wentworth on a question relative to the 
empire at large. 
1S37. The expedient of ship-money had proved pro- 
ductive even beyond the sanguine expectations of 
the court. It had indeed been resisted by Hamb- 
den and others, and its legality solemnly argued 
before the judges of England ; but the great migo- 
rity having declared in its favour, it now seemed 

• Clarendon observes, (Hist, of Reb. Vol. I. p. 81,) that '* tbt 
king tdmitted very few into any degree of trust, who had erer dia« 
covered themselves to be enemies to the duke, or againat wkom 
that fiivourite had manifested a notable prejudice." 

£;4«l« OF iTJlAF^ORP. 4^17 


% . 

to rest on the surest fouudatioq* The couftlers 
looked on this impost as ^^ a spring and m^azine 
tbdt had no bottom, as an everlai$ting supply far 
«U oecasions/' * The king, forgetting his former 
difficulties, began to meditate the enterprise of re- 
covering the Palatinate by the aid of Protestant al- 
lies ; and as Francot then at war with Spain, long- 
ed to engage England in the qunrrel, the riaing as- ' 
cendancy of the queen was employed to accelerate 
the warlike resolutions of her husband. Against 
these projects, Laud, in consternation, remonstrat- 
^ ; declaring that they would involve the king in 
all his former difficulties, and ulti^lately lead to 
4he sacrifice of his servants, t As the plans of 
Wratworth for promoting the trade and cultivs^-* 
tion of Ireland, depended essentially on the main- 
tenance of an amicable intercourse with Spain, 
Chm-les, distracted by different counsels, judged it 
expedient to demand the lord deputy's opinion, t 

The reply of Wentworth is interesting both for His reply, 
its sagacity, and for the schemes which it developes 
for the consolidation of an absolute monarchy. 
^* He desired his majesty to contrast the numerous 
losses which a war would bring to Great Britain, 
and the ruin of the rising prosperity of Ireland, 

• Clarendon, Hist, of Reb. Vol. I. p. 68. 

f Laud to Wentworth, Strafford's Letters, Vol. II. p. 66. 

t King to Wentworth, Strafford's Letters, Vol. II. p. 53. 


with the incalculable advantages to the whole em- 
pire from carrying on the neutral trade during 
a war between France and Spain. He adviaed 
him to weigh the difficulty of making the memben 
of a coalition act with cordiality, and not turn 
aside from views of private interest. • Would 
a fleet, without an army, be sufficient to overawe 
continental enemies, and to confirm backward al» 
lies ? Even were the conquest of the Palatinate M- 
complished, would France generously maintain a 
large permanent army to guard a country unequal 
to its own defence ? Above all, it was to be conri- 
dered what resources would be requisite for ao 
great an enterprise, and how they were to be pro- 
cured. Ship-money might be more peevishly grant- 
ed during a war, from the want of means to bridle 
the refractory ; and should this impost prove anfw 
ficient for the equipment of a powerful fleet, what 
would be the consequence should this fleet, by anj 
sinister accident, be lost ? Would it be possible to 
provide another without having recourse to Parlia- 
ment ? And how unwise to summon that assembly 
at this season ! The opinion of the judges in &- 
vour of the levy of ship-money, he considered the 
greatest service which the bench had rendered, in 

* The powers who now projected a coalition for the reeoirerj of 
the Palatinate were the French, the Swedes^ the Daoea, and the 


EARL OF STRAroOftD. f 19 

his time, to the crown : * still the crown stood up* 
on one leg, unless similar levies were also authoris- 
ed for the land forces. This last measure, if once 
well fortified, would render his majesty the most 
considerable monarch in Christendom, and for 
ever vindicate royalty at home from the conditions 
and restraints of subjects. Yet to this great en- 
terprise the people could be won and habituated 
only during the season of peace, when the crown 
could frame and execute its measures, unembar- 
rassed by necessity, and uncontrolled by the vicis- 
situdes of war. Should it be necessary to do some- 
thing in consequence of the faith pledged to the 
Elector Palatine, far better than a hostile contest 
would it be to employ two or three hundred thou- 
sand pounds in buying off the pretenders to his 
crown. "Where, it might be asked, could this mo- 
ney be procured ? From the subjects of England, 
who would find their advantage in purchasing, at 
80 easy a rate, an exemption from the far heavier 
expences of warfare. And by a general acquies- 
cence in an imposition of this nature, a precedent 
would be gained, and the crown become possessed 

* Clarendon, the strenuous friend of the crown, vha of a very 
different opinion : " The damage and mischief," says he, " can- 
not he expressed, that the croMrn and the state sustained by the de- 
served reproach and infamy that attended the judges, by being 
made use of in this and like acts of power." Hist, of Heb. Vol* 
I. p. 70. 


of an authority and right which would draw after 
it many and great advantages, more proper to be 
thought on at some other season than the pre^ 
«ent.'' ♦ 

To these representations the king liitened» and 
the nation was saved from external hostilities, t 

AflfUrt of But struggles far different from a distant wer 
were now approaching ; and an example of rebel- 
lion was about to be set by the country whichy 
in the preceding generation, had given a king to 
the empire* On the departure of James to ei- 
sume the crown of England, his native kingdom 
exhibited every indication of permanent tranqiul- 
lity. The factions of the nobles, which, in former 

/ times, had 90 often bereft the mon^rc^ of big 

crown or his life, were weakened by th^ progreM 
of civilization, and almost ceased to exist on the 
removal of the court. The religious contests which 
had agitated the nation for a century, were now 
tranquillized by a submission, almost universal^ to 
the Calvinist creed and worship, as established hy 
law ; and the king might exult in a total exnancir 
pation from ecclesiastical control, while he saw 
the clergy humble from their poverty, and inoffen- 
sive by their estrangement from political affiun* 

♦ Wentworth to the King, Strafford's l^etten, VoL II. p. SO, 
61, 62, 63, 64. 
t King to Wentworth, Strafford's Letters, VoL II. p. 78. 


But James, charmed with the adulation of the 
Engh'sh prelates, viewed the subject in a very dif- : 
ferent light ; and ha^^ng zealously adopted the 
maxim of no bishop, no king, he conceived the 
project of strengthening the hands of monarchy 
in Scotland, by the introduction of Episcopacy. 
His attempts, however, met with the most serious 
obstacles : the nobility and principal gentry were 
alarmed at the prospect of losing those ample posses^ 
sions, which they had wrested from the Romish 
church at the Reformation ; and the people lodk:ed 
with abhorrence on rites which approached to the 
symbols of Catholic superstition. The result of a 
contest between the general sense of a nation and 
a feeble monarch was such as might have been 
foreseen. James, at his death, left his authority 
in Scotland weakened by dissentions which he had 
wantonly excited, and the people rendered, by suc- 
cessful opposition, more determined in their resist- 
ance to religious innovation. 

During the first years of the new reign, while 
Charles was wholly occupied with his refractory 
parliaments, these abortive attempts were disconti- 
nued, and Scotland remained in a profound repdse, 
which showed how little monarchy had to dread 
from either her civil or ecclesiastical establidiment.; 
It was not until Laud had acquired the chief direc- 
tion of affairs, that Charles was induced to renew 
those attempts which had proved so unprosperous 


in the hands of his father. An imposing hierarchy, 
a splendid ritual, a universal conformity^ were ob- 
jects for which that prelate was ready to hazard the 
peace of a kingdom , while to Charles, the extirpa* 
tion of Presbyterianism seemed an indispensable 
step to the establishment of an uncontrolled mo- 
narchy. The first measure taken to effect these 
objects, the revocation of the impropriated tithea 
from the nobility and gentry, diffused discontent 
among those most capable of resistance. A visit 
to Scotland, which the king undertook for the same 
purpose, seemed at first to promise an auspicious 
issue. The appearance of their young king waa 
hailed with universal demonstrations of joy ; and 
while the people were filled with the warmest sen- 
sations of loyalty. Laud was permitted to mount 
the principal pulpit of their capital, and, in hia 
odious garments, to declaim in behalf of his still 
more odious rites. But when the king, in prose- 
cution of his favourite scheme, ventured to iii- 
fringe the most sacred privileges of Parliament, to 
interrupt the deliberations, to threaten the mem- 
bers even in the bouse, and to exercise vengeance 
on the refractory, the affection of the people waa 
suddenly converted into dislike, and Charles had 
to lament, that his departure from Scotland seemed, 
to diffuse no less satisfaction than his arrival. 

But this demonstration of the national senti- 
ments was insiit&cient to check the ardour of 


Laud : he even resolved to introduce into Scot* 
land innovations which had been resisted in £ng« 
land ; and to array its worship in a ceremonial still 
more conformable to the church of Rome. * The 
Scots beheld» with indignation, those institutions 
for which their fathers had bled, supplanted by 
rites connected in their minds with an abhorred 
superstition; they were farther disgusted to see 
these innovations enforced by the sole authority of 
the king ; and the solemn statutes of the legislature 
superseded by royal proclamations, t The con- 
demnation to death of Lord Balmerino, for having ies& 
in his possession the draught of a very temperate 
petition to the king for a redress of grievancesj 
seemed to indicate that personal security, as well as 
political freedom, was at an end. t The cause of 
religion now became united with that of civil liber- 

* The innovations of L^ud vrete, in themselves^ indifih^nt^ and 
even puerile : capes^ surplices, tippets, the name and position of the 
altar, the ring in marriage, the cross in baptism, were things to at* 
tract only the ignorant and superstitious : but when so gravely un- 
dertaken by the head of the English church, and so zealously en- 
forced by the sovereign, they assumed a more serious character ia 
the eyes of the populace. They were no longer the playthings of 
children, but the engines of great mniisters and princes : and how- 
ever indifferent they might appear, men could not believe them to 
be so in reality, when maintained by a monarch at the risk of in- 
volving his kingdom in rebellion and bloodshed. 

t Burnet's Memoirs of the Dukes of Hamilton^ p. 89, 30, SI. 
Clarendon, Vol. I. p. 106. 

i Rushwortb, VoL II* p. 2BU 


ty ; and under the avowed direction of the prinei* 
pal nobility and gentry, the opposition to the ilH 
novations of the court acquired order and solidity* 
^^^ A covenant to maintain their rights was eageiij 
embraced throughout the nation. * The threstiy 
the promises, the intrigues which the court em^ 
ployed to dissolve or disunite this confederacf^ 
were alike unsuccessful ; and when Charles i^ 
peared at the head of an army to enforce his iDia-» 

dates with the sword, he was met, on the bordetv^ 


by a force inferior to his own in splendour, but so* 
perior in the ardour of the soldiers, and the expe^ 
1639. rience of the officers, t Laud, whose instigatioM 
had precipitated this crisis, now advised his sore- 
reign to treat with the rebels ; and Charles, who 
had too good reason to distrust both tlie talents of 
his generals, and the adherence of his tnx^t 
purchased a respite from his dangers by a hasty pa- 
cification ; § after which, irritated and dejected^ he 
dismissed his army. 

Went. Alarmed at the danirers which environed hit 

worth '• con- . *^ . , 

duct to the power, and distracted by the contradictory counsels 
of his ministers, Charles began to look for support 
from the judgment and vigour of Wentworth. The 
lord deputy had not beheld, in tranquillity, the 

* Rufhworth^ Vol. II. p. 741. f Clarendon, V6L L p. 110- 
t Ibid. p. 121. May, p. id. § Rtuhworth, . Vol. IlL pw 

1033. Clarendon, Vol. I. p. 123. || Ibid. p. )t4. 

not direetly ooftsulted by the king, he tmd oftett 
Uk^n oecasioti^ m bitil dis^tek^s^ Uf i^aste his iieiM!i<> 
iMDt^ corii(i9ttmg tbeae dis^^rs. * He hi^ Mrly 
dei^larecl the Mcei^iiy of ptwidittg ft ilttflfei«iit 
jfiivoe t^ awe oir diiutis& the teMctmy Sc^s ;> and, 
vnliL this eotdd be ttc^ni^vshedi h^ bad fthtmgly 
«ged hi^ HMjesly to ke^ the m^urgeiitsr m eheek, 
by phcing gtrong gamfi^ns ki Bemick und Car- 
lisle, in Djjjmbarton and Leitb. t Dfeading, abov^ 
ail thingty the eommeMetneirt of kkstflities, while 
die \dtig W2» yet ufirpttmded with tiM^ dr troops, 
ke e&tmaied khu to d^fefr actitte operaticMis fbr an- 
other year ; he es^pr^siied a hope that the 8eot9, if 
net drivQtii to exiraftiities, might yet ^ifetmti to a 
ge«M of duty i Md reaiittdedl him, that ^* ii was a 
tender point to draw bloi^ <r&t fmm sMtjetts, evto 
when rebel&raUt'' t *Nor hud he ttenfihed Ms iseal 
to mare adviee : by a resotnte actmey, ht had re- 
pressed some risiag disorders among the Scottrsh 
9ettl€9i9 in Ulster, wha now amounted to shtty 
thomand men:S and had not Oftly prevented 
ihem from assisting their eotmtryiMitt, but tJOmpel- 
led them to abjwe the covenant. II Ott the first 

• Strafford's Letters, Vol. II. p. 23S. 

t Ibid. p. 191, 192, «35, 280, 324. 

4: Wentworth to the King, Ibid. p. 31 i, 336. 

§ Ibid. p. 27a. il Ibid. p. 3SS» 345. 



requisition of the king, he had sent a detachment 
of troops to garrison Carlisle, and to act against 
the Scots : be bad laboured to recruit and diad* 
pline the army of Ireland for further services : lie 
had offered contributions from himself and his 
friends to defray the expences of the war : he had 
stimulated his connections in Yorkshire, to es^ert 
themselves in the royal cause ; and had lamented 
that, in this season of danger, he should not be 
found at his majesty's side. ^ 
^ um!'^ Charles perceived the evils which he nad incur- 
"i^ red from neglecting the advice of Wentworth; 
and he looked around him in vain for a minister of 
equal zeal. He now condescended to request the 
lord deputy's personal attendance, which he had 
formerly declined, t He wished, he said, to coniuit 
him on some military projects : *^ but,'' added he, 
in a tone of dejection, ** I have much more, and 
indeed too much, to desire your counsel and at- 
tendance for some time, which I think not fit to 
express by letter, more than this^-the Scottish co- 
venant spreads too far." He begged, howevei;^ 
that Wentworth would not make known the motife 
of his request, but find some other pretext for vi* 
siting England, t 

• Wcntwortli to the King, Strafibrd'i Letten, Vol II. p. 833^ 
878, «70, S8«, 308. 
t Strafibrd'i Letten, Vol. 11. p. 381. 
t King to Wentworth, Ibid. p. 372. 




The lord deputy lost no time in obeying tins Amvai in 
summons. Committing the fi^ovemment of Ireland No?ember 
in his absence to his friend Wandesford, he has* 
tened to the English court, under pretence of op* 
posing the appeal of the Lord Chancellor Loftus. 
Tlie high opinion entertained of his abilities made 
his arrival in London the genend theme of convert* 
sation and conjecture. Some, remembering his 
early ardour in the cause of the people, fondly 
imagined that he had hitherto been subservient to 
the court, only to ingratiate himself thoroughly 
with the king ; and that he would now emfdoy his 
ascendancy to wean his majesty from arbitrary 
counsels. But others, considering his ambition, 
and the maxims of his government in Ireland, 
gave a very different explanation of the motives of 
his arrival. * 

The immediate object of discussion submitted to A'1v«m war 

, . . with the 

Wentworth, and his principal colleagues. Laud Scots, 
and Hamilton, f was the nature of the measures to 
be pursued towards the Scots, t So vague and in- 

* MsLj, p. 53^ 54. 

t These three ministeTR, and occasionally some others, were, by 
the opponents of the court, reproachfully termed the junto and the 
cahinet'council. Such was the origin of a term now attended with 
peculiar distinction. Clarendon, Vol. I. p. 149. 

X It was only a few months before this period that Charles had, 
for the first time, consulted his English ministers concerning the 
affitirs of Scotland. Both he and his Either had adhered to their 
rule of advising with Scotsmen alone concerning thd a£Sdraof Scot* 


bad been the provisibns of the late pacifi- 
catiovH that the contracting parties could not agree 
either with respect to its terms or its spirit ; and 
the rcpresentalion giren by the one was flatly de* 
nied by the other* * The Scots seemed reeotved 
to maintain their interpretation of the treaty at the 
head of an armed force ; and as it was now diseo* 
Tered tbirt they had meditated an ap|dicaiion to tha 
IVench court for sucooors, t Wentwortk declared 
that there was no other alternative for tibe Idogf 
than to lerego his soyereignty, or reduce his rebeU 
lious svbjects by fcnrce of arma. 
^maJu^ The proposition for war was readily acceded tp ; 
bat how to procure supplies was a more difficult 
^piestion. So much had the dissipation of the 
court exhausted both the ordinary atid extiaonU* 
nary revenues, t that the king had been esuUed to 
march against the Scots, only by the uncertain aid 
of voluntary ceotributions, and by commanding all 
' the crown vassals to join bis standard under j^ain 
of forfeiting their tenures. § The arbatrary expe- 
dients of selling monopolies, and levying partial 

land : and to this policy^ whatever might be its motiye, Wentworth 
ascribes the commotions which now agitated that part of the island. 
Strafford's Letters^ VoL II. p. 190. 

* Clarendon, Vol. I. p. 123. 

f King's Declaration. Clarendon, p. 1S9. 

X Strafford's Letters, Vol. II. p. 267. 

§ Clarendon, Vol. I. p. 116. 

exaction, bad slready bean cijrried to tbe utaioit ; 
and ship-mosey begw to be paid with siore i^liKv 
tnoce 96 the necemtien of the crown increased* * 
la the present atote of affajra, it ae^med dangerona 
to provoke the nation by more unauthoriaed im^ 
posts ; and, aa every other reaouree aeemed hope^ 
leia, Wentworth» Laild, and Hamiltont united in 
proposing that « parliament ahould be aumnionedt t 
An ei^pedientf long evaded by every art* md 
adopted only from extremcT necessity, could not be 
regarded with much oonfidence ; and the eouncil, 
therefore, thought proper to point to an akeraative 
by a vote *^ to assist tbe king in extraordinary^ 
ways, if the parliament ahould prove peenah» wd 
refuse supplier-'* j: ^Wentworth du^layed hiaan^ 
perior zeal by aubscr^ng twenty tbouaand pounda 
as his share of a voluntary contribution ; § and to 
aet bh exaui^e of loynlty to the EiAgUiibj he re- 
quested iJhat a parliamenU for the aawe objectiBt 
i^uld previously be held in Ireland. 

It was m) longer a season for Charles to be po- created 
nurious of hia honours, or jafraid to share in the stnfford, 
unpopularity of Wentworth. It was not tbe re- uli^t 
ward of a meritorious servant that was now ii^ ^ea- ^^q^ 
tion, but the interest of the sovereign himself. 

* Eushworth, Vol. III. p. 978. Straffinrd's Letters^ VoL IL 
p. 308. t Laud's Diary. t Ibid. 

§ Rushworth^ Vol. III. p. 1051. Nalson, Vol. I. p. 880. 



of an authority and right which would draw after 
it many and great advantages, more prop^ to be 
thought on at some other season than the pra^ 
sent." ♦ 

To these representations the king listened^ and 
the nation was saved from external hostilities, t 

Aflfkirt of But struggles far different from a distant wer 
were now approaching ; and an example of rebel- 
lion was about to be set by the country wh^li» 
in the preceding generation, had given a king to 
the empire. On the departure of James to ai- 
sume the crown of England, his native kingdom 
exhibited every indication of permanent tranquil- 
lity. The factions of the nobles, which, in former 
times, bad so often bereft the monarch of Ua 
crown or his life, were weakened by the progreM 
of civilization, and almost ceased to exist on the 
removal of the court. The religious contests which 
had agitated the nation for a century, were now 
tranquillized by a submission, almost universal^ to 
the Calvinist creed and worship, as established hy 
law ; and the king might exult in a total emaneir 
pation from ecclesiastical control, while he saw 
the clergy humble from their poverty, and inoffen- 
sive by their estrangement from political 

* Wcntworth to the King, Strafford's letters. Vol. II. p. SO, 
61, 69, 63, 64. 
t King to Wentworth, Strafford's Letters, Vol II. p. 7S. 


But James, charmed with the adulation of the 
English prelates, viewed the subject in a very dif- 
ferent light ; and having zealously adopted the 
maxim of no bishop, no king, he conceived the 
project of strengthening the hands of monarchy 
in Scotland, by the introduction of Episcopacy. 
His attempts, however, met with the most serious 
obstacles : the nobility and principal gentry were 
alarmed at the prospect of losing those ample posses^ 
sions, which they had wrested from the Romish 
church at the Reformation ; and the people locked 
with abhorrence on rites which approached to the 
symbols of Catholic superstition. The result of a 
contest between the general sense of a nation and 
a feeble monarch was such as might have been 
foreseen. James, at his death, left his authority 
in Scotland weakened by dissentions which he had 
wantonly excited, and the people rendered, by suc- 
cessful opposition, more determined in their resist- 
ance to religious innovation. 

During the first years of the new reign, while 
Charles was wholly occupied with his refractory 
parliaments, these abortive attempts were disconti- 
nued, and Scotland remained in a profound repdse, 
which showed how little monarchy had to dread 
from either her civil or ecclesiastical establishment./ 
It was not until Laud had acquired the chief direc- 
tion of afiairs, that Charles was induced to renew 
those attempts which had proved so unprosperouB^ 


in the hands of his father. An imposing hierarchy, 
a splendid ritual, a universal conformity^ were ob» 
jects for which that prelate was ready to hazard the 
peace of a kingdom, while to Charles, the extirpe* 
tion of Presbyterianism seemed an indispensable 
step to the establishment of an uncontrolled mo* 
narchy. The first measure taken to effect these 
objects, the revocation of the impropriated tithea 
from the nobility and gentry, diffused discontent 
among those most capable of resistance. A visit 
to Scotland, which the king undertook for the same 
purpose, seemed at first to promise an auspicioua 
issue. The appearance of their young king was 
hailed with universal demonstrations of joy ; and 
while the people were filled with the warmest sea* 
sations of loyalty. Laud was permitted to mount 
the principal pulpit of their capital, and, in hia 
odious garments, to declaim in behalf of his still 
more odious rites. But when the king, in prose- 
cution of his favourite scheme, ventured to in- 
fringe the most sacred privileges of Parliament, to 
interrupt the deliberations, to threaten the mem- 
bers even in the bouse, and to exercise vengeance 
on the refractory, the affection of the people waa 
suddenly converted into dislike, and Charles had 
to lament, that his departure from Scotland seemed 
to diffuse no less satisfaction than his arrival. 

But this demonstration of the national senti- 
ments was insqificient to check the ardour of 


Laud : he even resolved to introduce into Scot* 
land innovations which had been resisted in Eng- 
land ; and to array its worship in a ceremonial still 
more conformable to the church of Rome. ♦ The 
Scots beheld, with indignation, those institutions 
for which their fathers had bled, supplanted by 
rites connected in their minds with an abhorred 
superstition; they were farther disgusted to see 
these innovations enforced by the sole authority of 
the king ; and the solemn ^statutes of the legislature 
superseded by royal proclamations, t The con- 
demnation to death of Lord Balmerino> for having isss. 
in his possession the draught of a very temperate 
petition to the king for a redress of grievancesj 
seemed to indicate that personal security, as well as 
political freedom, was at an end. t The cause of 
religion now became united with that of civil liber- 

* The innovations of L^ud were^ in themselves^ indifi^rent^ and 
even puerile : capes^ surplices, tippets, the name and position of the 
altar, the ring in marriage, the cross in haptism, were things to at-* 
tract only the ignorant and superstitious : hut when so gravely un« 
dertaken hy the head of the English church, and so zealously en- 
forced by the sovereign, they assumed a more serious character ia 
the eyes of the populace. They were no longer the playthings of 
children, but the engines of great ministers and princes : and how- 
ever indifferent they might appear, men could not believe them to 
be so in reality, when maintained by a monarch at the risk of in- 
volving his kingdom in rebellion and bloodshed. 

t Burnet's Memoirs of the Dukes of Hamilton, p. S9, 30, SU 
Clarendon, Vol. I. p. 106. 

i Rushwortb, Vol. Ih p* 98l« 


ty ; and utider the avowed direction of the pritiei« 
pal nobility and gentry, the opposition to the ili^ 
novations of the court acquired order and solidity* 

i^3& A covenant to maintain their rights ivas Mgerlj 
embraced throughout the nation. * The threfttty 
the 'promises, the intrigues which the court ett^ 
ployed to dissolve or disunite this confederacjv 
were alike unsuccessful ; and when Charles wp^ 
peared at the head of an army to enforce his ttUm^ 
dates with the sword, he was met, on the bord^l!, 
by a force inferior to his own in splendour^ but m^ 
perior in the ardour of the soldiers, and the expe^ 

isaa. rience of the officers, t Laud, whose instigatioM 
had precipitated this crisis, now advised his soire- 
reign to treat with the rebels ; and Charles, who 
had too good reason to distrust both the talents of 
his generals, and the adherence of his troops^ t 
purchased a respite from his dangers by a hasty pa- 
cification i § after which, irritated and dejected, he 
dismissed his army. 

Went- Alarmed at the dangers which environed hii 

worth *• con- . ° . • . 

duct to the power, and distracted by the contradictory counsels 
of his ministers, Charles began to look for support 
from the judgment and vigour of Wentworth. The 
lord deputy had not beheld, in tranquillity, the 

* Rushworthy Vol. II. p. 741. f Clarendoa, VoL I. p. 11S» 
t Ibid. p. 121. May^ p. 4S. § Rushwarthy .VoL ItL pw 

1022. Clarendon^ Vol. I. p. 123. || Ibid. p. Iti* 

fngt^w of thd SeotOifih eoimaoiim^ ; anh! thtjfogh 
dot direMly eoAsulte^ by the Idtig, he h)id dftett 
Uk&n oeouUm, m b«sl dis^tek^s^ to i^tate his tteiMi^ 
m^Dt» coucemmg %he^ dn^ti^r^. * He tr^ torly 
d6i;lalP€<i the Mcemny of ptxmdittg * liittfficiftit 
frroe t4) awe^ o)^ ehostkidf the tefi^Actofy iScMs ; md, 
until this eould be ^Mm^i^h«d| he iMtd nhrttigly 
«ged hk HMjesey to keep the mtiiH'getitsF hi dieck, 
by placing strong gameens m Bemick itnd Car- 
lisle, in Dumbarton and Leith. t trading, above 
ail thingiy the eommeHM^emeirt of ho^Hties, while 
the king W2» yet uiapt*o*rided withttMiley (^r troopis, 
hie etttr«»tedl Mm to differ acttit^ opeifaitions for an^ 
other year ; he ei^pi^ned a hope that the Seots, if 
net driven to exttiemities, might yet ^ecum to a 
0e«9» of duty i md reminded him> ihk^* ii W^s a 
teadbr point to draw blood irslfmm sM)jeetis, evbii 
when rebelUoiid%" t "Nor had be ttonfihed bid ^eai 
to mere advice : by a neftointe actyvity, ht hM re- 
^emei mtae nsiifig disorders among the Scottish 
settlens m Ulster^ who now amomited to mty 
thoMatid menrS and had not ofrly prevented 
ihmi frmA assistmg their eountrytnen, but compel- 
led them to abjure the covenahC. || Oil the first 

• StrafFord's Letters, Vol. II. p. 23S. 

t Ibid. p. 191, 192, 235, 280, 324. 

t Wentworth to the King, Ibid. p. 314, 356. 

§ Ibid. p. 27a. II Ibid. p. SSi^ 345. 



requisition of the king, he had sent a detachment 
of troops to garrison Carlisle, and to act againat 
the Scots : he had laboured to recruit and diaeU 
pline the army of Ireland for further services : ha 
had offered contributions from himself and his 
friends to defray the expences of the war : he had 
stimulated his connections in Yorkshire^ to exert 
themselves in the royal cause ; and had lamented 
that, in this season of danger, he should not be 
found at his majesty's side. * 
S^ kSg!^^ Charles perceived the evils which he had incur* 
i^.^' red from neglecting the advice of Wentworth; 
and he looked around him in vain for a minister of 
equal zeaL He now condescended to request the 
lord deputy's personal attendance, which he had 
formerly declined, t He wished, he said, to ocmault 
him on some military projects : ** but,'' added he, 
in a tone of dejection, '^ I have much more, and 
indeed too much, to desire your counsel and at- 
tendance for some time, which I think not fit to 
express by letter, more than this — ^the Scottish co- 
venant spreads too far." He begged, howevei^ 
that Wentworth would not make known the motire 
of his request, but find some other pretext for vi- 
.iting England, t 

• Wentworth to the King, Strafford'i Lettew, VoL II. pi 833, 
S78, «79, S8», 308. 
t Straffi>rd'i Letten, VoL II. p. S81. 
t King to Wentworth, Ibid. p. 372. 



The lord deputy lost no time in obeying tins Anini in 
summons. Committing the government of Ireland n^^ 
in his absence to his friend Wandesford, he has* 
tened to the English court, under pretence of op- 
posing the appeal of the Lord Chancellor Loftus. 
The high opinion entertained of his abilities made 
his arrival in London the general theme of conver- 
sation and conjecture. Some, remembering his 
early ardour in the cause of the people, fondly 
imagined that he had hitherto been subservient to 
the court, only to ingratiate himself thoroughly 
with the king ; and that he would now employ his 
ascendancy to wean his majesty from arbitrary 
counsels. But others, considering his ambition, 
and the maxims of his government in Ireland, 
gave a very different explanation of the motives of 
his arrival. * 

The immediate object of discussion submitted to aivwm war 

"^ , with the 

Wentworth, and his principal colleagues, Laudsoots. 
and Hamilton, f was the nature of the measures to 
be pursued towards the Scots, t So vague and in- 

* May^ p. 53, 54. 

t These three ministeTs, and occasionally some others, were, by 
the opponents of the court, reproachfully termed the junto and the 
cahinet-counciL Such was the origin of a term now attended with 
peculiar distinction. Clarendon, Vol. I. p. 149. 

i It was only a few months before this period that Charles had, 
for the first time, consulted his English ministers concerning the 
affairs of Scotland. Both he and his Either had adhered to their 
rule of advising with Scotsmen alone concerning thd afiSiirdof Scot* 


distinct hsd been the provisi&ns of the late pacifi- 
cation, that the contracting parties could not agree 
either with respect to its terms or its spirit ; and 
the representation giren by the one was flatly de* 
nied by the other* *i^ Tlie Scots seemed resotyed 
to maintain their interpretation of the treaty at the 
head of an armed force ; and as it was now disco* 
yered that they had meditated an applicatiiNi to the 
fVeoch court for succours, t Wentwortk dedarstd 
that there was no other alternative for tibe king^ 
than to foeego his toyereignty, or reduce his reheU 
lious subjects by force of arma. 
iamenu^ The proposftiou for war was readily acceded to i 
bat how to procure supplies was a more diffiumlt 
^fuestion. So much bad the dissipation of ibt 
court exhausted both the ordinary and extiaordi* 
nary revenues, t that the king had been enaUed to 
march against the Scots, only by the uncertain aid 
of voluntary cevtribiitions, and by commanding all 
' the crown vassals to join his standard under fein 
of forfeiting theii* tenures. § The arbitrary eaipe* 
dieats of seUing monopolies, and kvying partial 

land : and to this policy^ whatever might be its motiye^ Wentworth 
aflcribes the commotions which now agitated that part of the island. 
Strafford's Letters, Vol. II. p. 190. 

* Clarendon, Vol. I. p. 193. 

f King^s Declaration. Clarendon, p. 129. 

X Strafford's Letters, Vol. II. p. S67. 

§ Clarendon, Vol. I. p. 116. 

^Wh QF 8TiUfF0iLD4 99^ 

exactions, had Already been e«friad to iHe uimoat ; 
and ship-moBey begw to W paid wil^ Hiore Wfiw^ 
timce as the mcemtim of the crown incr^ensed* ^ 
In tb^ present stote of affiw9, it wsmed dangeroug 
to provoke the nution by moi^ unauthoriaed w^- 
posts ; aad, as ^v^ry other resour^ soomod hop^ 
less, Wentworth, Latfd, and HamiltoOf unibeA in 
proposing that « parliament should he aumnioned* t 
An eKpedientf long evaded hy every ^» apd 
adopted only from extreme necessity, could not be 
i^arded with much oonSdenee { and the council, 
therefore, thought proper to point to an akemiative 
by a voto ** to assist the king in ^xt<«ordinaiy 
ways, if the parliament should prove peevjah» wd 
refuse supplies.'* t ^Wentworth du^layi^d hissu^ 
perioi* zeal by aubsi^iinng twenty thousand pounds 
as his share of a voluntary contribution ; § luid to 
aet Bn exaosple of loyalty to the ]&»gUshj he re- 
qu^ed that a parliamentt for the san>e objeetflk 
difOuld previously be held in Ireland* 

It was no longer a season for Charles to be pn- created 
nurious of his honours, or afraid to share in the stnirord, 
unpopularity of Wantworth, It was »pt the w- S^t 
ward of a meritorious servant that was now in ^es- ^'^^ 
tion, but the interest of the sovereign himself. 

* Rushworth^ Vol. III. p. 978. Strafford's Letters^ VoL IL 
p. 308. t Laitd's Diary. t Ibid. 

§ Rushworth, Vol. III. p. 1051. Nalson, Vol. I. p. 280. 


Wentworth was created Earl of Strafford, adorned 
with the Garter, and invested with the title of Lord 
Lieutenant, which, since the time of Essex, had 
been withheld from the governors of Ireland.* 
These honours, so often requested, and so tardilj 
bestowed, had yet their charms in the eyes of the 
receiver; and both in a stiidied address to the 
king,t and in some private letters to his wife, t he 
betrayed his exultation on this accession to hii 

As the appointed day for the meeting of ihe 
Irish parliament approached, the Lord Lieutenant 
quitted London to regulate its proceedings ; and 
when overtaken at Beaumaris, by a severe fit of the 
gout, he hastened on board, though the winds con* 

Maidi 16, tinned contrary, lest the increasing distemper should 
become too painful to permit his removal. § 

*«?»•. ^ The zeal of the Irish Parliament exceeded his 

with Inih 

Parliament mogt sanguinc expectations. Their governor now ap- 
peared to enjoy not only the royal approbation, bat 
the direction of his majesty's councils ; and through 
his hands all favours were to be expected. The 
war against the Scots offered also a particular oc- 
casion for making interest at the English court ; 

* Riuhworth, Vol. III. p. 1050. Nakon^ VoL I. p. 2B0. 

t Strafford'a Letters, Vol. II. p. 390. 

t Biographia Britannica from the MSS. in Musco Thoresbiano. 

$ Sinffbrd!$ Letteri, VoL II. p. 394. 


and every one strove to distinguish himself by a 
zealous attachment to the Lord Lieutenant, and 
an unbounded devotion to the king. Having 
unanimously voted four subsidies, the sum requir* 
ed by the court, the parliament declared that this 
was a very insignificant expression of their zeal ; 
that his majesty should have the ** fee-simple of 
their estates for his great occasions." ♦ They pro- 
ceeded to draw up a formal declaration, in which 
they " humbly offered their persons and estates, 
even to their utmost ability,'' for his majesty's fu- 
ture supply, till the reduction of the present disor- 
ders, t In the preamble to the bill of subsidies, 
they declared that their present warm loyalty arose 
from a deep sense of the inestimable benefits con- 
ferred on their country by the Lord Lieutenant j 
they recounted his meritorious services to the king, 
and assured his majesty that all these had been ef- 
fected '^ without the least hurt or grievance to any 
well disposed subject." t 

To Strafford, so often reviled, so eager to bind 
the king by obligations, these proceedings were 
necessarily gratifying ; § and, with a pardonable 

• Straflford's liCtters^ Vol. H. p. 396, 397. Nalson^ Vol. I. p. 
281, 282. t Ibid. p. 283. 

+ Ibid. Vol. II. p. 396, 397. Rushworth, VoL III. p. 10$1. 
Nalson, Vol. I. p. 280—284. 

§ Strafford's Lttters, Vol. II. p. 403. 


triumpb» he requeited the Eng^h ciourt ta m«lM 
public the loy«l dedaratioB of the Irish purlJiiaMiit 
83 m example to the refit of the eniLpii^» * Hs^» 
iQg, with incredible diligeiifi9> levied a b»dy «f 
eight thoumid meop «8 g reinforeeDient to the 
royal army, he quitted Irelaod^ iafter ^ stay of • 
fortaighty to attend the opening of the JSngUA 
parliament, f 

Dangerous But that activity, which had 00 much oontnM^ 
ed to the 9ucoefi8 of his schemesi was Xkow m&pwdr 
ed by unseasonable infirmities* Fixm e%ce§m9 
fatiguoj a violent^ flux was ad(de4 to his go^t» which 
had now seized him in both feet ; and to such ^ dfff 
gree were these distemper's aggravttted by a storw 
which he encountered on his passage^ thaty on hji 

April 4. arrival ^t Chcfiter, he could with difficulty eoduif 
to be carried ashore, t Here he lay for some dayi 
extended 09 a bed« unable to bear the slightCTt 
motion, and equally tormented by pain and anxiety^ 
In this paroxysm of his diatemperSi there ocourre4 
a circumstance strongly characteristic of his unconr 
querable energy. The king haying demandedt 
from the county of York, two hundred men finr 
the garrison of Berwick, the lieutenants, who iur 
clined to the popular party, ventured to refuse the 

• Strafford's Letters, Vol. II. p. 399. 

t Ibid. p. 309, 403. Nalson, Vol. I. p* '^0. 

i Strafford's Letters, Vol. H. p. 403. 


requisition. Stnffiird, hearing of this refusal, and 
ieaming dtat the privy ^council had in contewpLa- 
tion to demand satisfiotion for this contumacy, 
wrote to Secretary Wind^nke, expressing his 
astoaishment ^^ that the council should think of 
uij other satisfaction, ihdai sending for them up, 
and laying them by the heels. " * 

As soon as he oould endure the motion, he cans- in the 
ed himself to be placed in a litter, and conveyed Puu^ent 
by slow journies to I/)ndon. Here he found the ^^64o.^' 
parliament already met, and conducting their dis- 
cussions with unexpected temper and moderation, t 
They were aware that extreme necessity alone had 
indu^eed the king to assemble them ; they had ma- 
ny grievances to redress ; and could complain that 
the Petition of Right had been violated in almost 
every instance. But elected from among the most 
wealthy and enlightened men in the nation, and 
unwilling to sf e their country ravaged by a civil 

• Straflfbrd's Letters, VoL IL p. 400. 

•f Clarendon, Vol. I. p. 131, informs us diat the court perrfsted 
in tiie same unpopilar course even ailfer issaing the writ9 for the 
meeting of parliament, '' That it migbt not appear tbat th^ court 
was at all apprehensive of what the parliament woul^ or could do ; 
and that it was convened hy his majesty's gracs and inclination, not 
by any motive of necessity ; it piooeedsd in sH respects in thOMme 
unpopular way it had done. Ship-money was levied with the same 
severity ; and the s^e rigour used in ecclesiastical courts, without 
the least compliance with the humoiv of any msQ*' 



war^ the Commons were disposed to relieve ihe 
necessities of the crown, and seemed inclined to 
wean the king from his arbitrary counsels, by show- 
ing how much more amply and easily he could ob- 
tain supplies by the legal course of parli 
They spoke, indeed, of grievances, but in terms 
moderate and respectful as to avoid all offence { 
and when a member, less guarded than the rest» 
ventured to call ship-money an abaminationp he 
narrowly escaped a severe reprehension. * 

But these favourable presages were quickly blast- 
ed by the impatience of the court. The king, in 
his opening speech, delivered by the mouth of the 
lord keeper, had told them that he desiredf not 
their advice, but their supplies ; and that he ex- 
pected these to be dispatched, before their griev- 
ances were brought in question, t While the 
Commons, a few days afterwards, were engaged in 
debating whether they should comply with this re- 
quisition of the king, or, according to the estaf* 
blished form, first represent their grievances, and 
afterwards consider of supplies, Charles, unex- 
pectedly, hastened to the House of Lords, desired 
them to enter on the question of supply, and, both 
by their example and admonition, to bring the 
Commons to the same course, t This precipitate 

* Clarendon, VoL I. p. 134. t Ibid. p. 1S9. 

t Nalson, VoL I. p. 3S0, 831. Rushwortb, Vol. III. p. IIU. 
Clarendon, VoL I. p. 134. 



interference, and the ready obedience of the Lords, 
threw the Commons into violent agitation. Since 
their first admission into parliament, it had been 
their acknowledged right to commence all discus- 
sions relative to pecuniary supplies ; and the pre- 
sent infraction of this fundamental privilege seem- 
ed an attempt to awe them by the authority of the 
peers. Several days elapsed in the debates and 
conferences to which this incident gave rise ; and 
the king, by his unadvised precipitation, only de- 
layed the discussions which he desired to accele- 
rate, and irritated the Commons, when it was most 
his interest to conciliate them. * 

Charles now attempted another expedient to 
procure immediate supplies. He informed the 
Commons, that, although the legality of ship-mo- 
ney had been ascertained by the decision of the 
judges of England; yet, as it was not willingly 
submitted to by the people, he would, for a grant of 
twelve subsidies, consent to renounce his preten- 
sions to it for ever, t To some members, it seem- 
ed unwise to acknowledge the justice of this arbi- 
trary exaction, by purchasing an exemption from 
it ; but the majority were willing to wave the ques- 
tion of right, and only desired a mitigation of the 

* Clarendon^ Vol. I. p. 134^ 135. Rushworth^ VoL III. p. 1146 
— 1153. Nalson, Vol. I. p. 335— 340. 

I Clarendon, Vol. I. p. 135. Rushworth^ VoL III. p. 1154 
Nalflon, VoL I. p. 341. 


price demanded by the king, which, ev«n to the 
most moderate, appeared exorbitant They une^ 
however, informed by Sir Henry Vane, now Tiva* 
surer of the Household, and Secretary of Stated 
that, unless they voted the supply in the very pv^ 
portion and manner specified in the royal message, 
it would not be accepted by his majesty. * This 
declaration, which was enforced by Herbert, the 
Solicitor General, appeared peremptory even to the 
king's best friends ; and after a long diacussieii, 
the question was adjourned till the following dej. 
But Vane, having been commissioned to report 
the proceedings to his majesty, represented the 
warmth and resistance of the house in soch glow- 
ing colours, as filled the king with the most ftarful 
presages, t Dreading some violent measure against 
his arbitrary exactions, he next morning repa i md 
to the House of Lords, and summoning the Com- 
mons into his presence, confounded the parlianient 
by an immediate dissolution, t 

Consternation and discontent were spread through- 
out the kingdom, by this unexpected violence to a 
parliament, whose assembling the people had ftnd- 
ly regarded as the renovation of their constitutional 
rights. Charles himself immediately repented of 
his rashness, accused Vane of having deceived hinif 

* Clarendon^ Vol. I. p. 13S. t Ibid. p. 139. 

X Ibid. Rushworth, Vol. III. p. 1155. NaUon, VoL hp. S4C. 

fiARL OF 8TR/^FFpRD. 287 

denied that ever be bad authorized the peremptory 
demands delivered to the house, and expressed a 
wish to recall the dissolution. * But finding it 
too late to repair his error, he publii^ed a high- 
toned declaration defending bis conduct ; and, ac- 
cording to his usaial practice, imprisoned some of 
die most conspicuous members, t He now em- 
ployed every expedient to raise supplies by the 
royal authority. He issued orders to impress re- 
cruits for the army ; commanded the counties to 
pay specified jsums for clothing and marching the 
troops ; imposed a loan of three hundred thousand 
pounds on the city of London, and imprisoned the 
refractory citizens ^ ordered the pepper under the 
Exchange to be bought up on his account, and 
sdid at an undervalue y seized the bullion in the 
mint } and was at one time advised to coin three 
hundred thousand pounds of base money for tbe 
payment of the troops, t 

By means of these expedients, and a considerable Appointed 

1 /» % • . . I ,• n >r>,, , to command 

loan from his principal courtiers, § Charles was en- the troops. 
abled to march against the Scots, who, on their 

• Ckrendoir, Vol. I. p. iar9, 140. 

t Rit^wof th, VoL III. p. 1 laCH-'l 167. Nalaon, Vol I. p. S4i 

X Rushworth, Vol. III. p. 1170—1217. May, p. 69, 63. Kal- 
floli, Voi. I. p. 499^^491. i^s last project was abandoned ; aad> 
on the earnest representations of the merchants, only a third of 
the bullion in the mint was retained as a loan. 

§ Clarendon, Vol. I. p. 140. 


price demanded by the king, which, ev«n to the 
most moderate, appeared exorbitant. They unty 
however, informed by Sir Henry Vane, now Traa* 
surer of the Household, and Secretary of Stated 
that, unless they voted the supply in the wry pm» 
portion and manner specified in the royal messagf, 
it would not be accepted by his majesty. * This 
declaration, which was enforced by Herbert, the 
Solicitor General, appeared peremptory eren to tlit 
king's best friends ; and after a long diacusioiit 
the question was adjourned till the following daj. 
But Vane, having been commissioned to report 
the proceedings to his majesty, represented the 
warmth and resistance of the house in such glow- 
ing colours, as filled the king with the most Aarfiil 
presages, t Dreading some violent measure against 
his arbitrary exactions, he next morning repa i md 
to the House of I^rds, and summoning the Com- 
mons into his presence, confounded the parUoment 
by an immediate dissolution, t 

Consternation anddiscontentwere spread through- 
out the kingdom, by this unexpected violence to a 
parliament, whose assembling the people had fond- 
ly regarded as the renovation of tlieir constitutioiul 
rights. Charles himself immediately repented of 
his rashness, accused Vane of having deceived himf 

* Clarendon, Vol. I. p. 138. t Ibid. p. 139. 

X Ibid. Uusliworth, Vol. III. p. 1155. NaUon, VoL Up. SM 

fiARL OF 8TR/^FF0RD. 287 

denied that ever be bad autborized tbe peremptory 
demands delivered to tbe bouse, and expressed a 
wisb to recall tbe dissolution. * But finding it 
too late to repair bis error, be publii^ed a higb- 
toned declaration defending bis conduct ; and, ac- 
cording to bis usual practice, imprisoned some of 
tl^^ most conspicuous members, t He now em- 
ployed every expedient to raise supplies by tbe 
royal authority. He issued orders to impress re- 
cruits for tbe army ; commanded tbe counties to 
pay specified Mims for clothing and marching tbe 
troops ; imposed a loan of three hundred thousand 
pounds on tbe city of London, Jind imprisoned the 
refractory citizens ^ ordered tbe pepper under the 
Exchange to be bought up on bis account, and 
sdid at an undervalue i seized the bullion in the 
mint } and was at one time advised to coin three 
hundred thousand pounds of base money for tbe 
payment of the troops, t 

By means of these expedients, and a considerable Appointed 

1 /» « • . . I . . n >r>,- - to command 

loan from his principal courtiers, § Charles was en- the troops. 
abled to march against t^e Scots, who, on their 

• ClarttOm, Vol. I. p. iar9, 140. 

t Rn^wof th, VoL UI. p. 1 16(H-'1 167. Nalaon, Vol I. p. S44 

X Rushworth, Vol. III. p. 1170—1217. May, p. 69, 63. Kal- 
floli, Voi. I. p. 499^^491. "^s last project was abandoned ; aad> 
on the earnest representations of the merchants, only a third of 
the bullion in the mint was retained as a loan. 

§ Clarendon, Vol. I. p. 140. 


party were preparing to cany the war into Eng- 
land. The Earl of Northumberland had been ap* 
pointed commander-in-chief: but, on account of 
his illness, the command derolved on Straflford, 
the lieutenant-general, whose distempers hardly 
permitted him to sit on horseback. * Looking on 
the Scots as a horde of undisciplined rebels, he had 
beheld the late treaty with indignation ; and de- 
clared his opinion, that a moderate English amy 
could drive them, with disgrace, to their homes. 
But before he could reach his troops, he was met 
by the mortifying intelligence that a part of them 
had been attacked by the Scots at Newbum on 
Tyne ; and, although aided by the advantages of 
ground, had, almost without coming to blowSp be^ 
taken themselves to an ignominious flight. On 
this the main body abandoning Newcastle, where 
their ammunition and provisions were deposited^ 
halted not till they reached the neighbourhood of 
Durham, where they were met by their incensed 
Lieutenant-General, t Irritable from the painful 
distempers which hung on his constitution, and ex- 
asperated beyond all bounds by the misconduct of 
his army, Strafford undertook the command with 
looks of indignation, and the language of reproach. 
Stung by his indiscriminate censures, and inflamed 
by the arts of his secret adversaries, the troops 

• Clarendon, Vol. I. p. lil, Ui. f Nalion, VoL I. p. 4M. 


soon displayed more hatred against their general 
than against the enemy : and the first military ex- 
ploit of Strafford was to abandon the northern 
counties to the mercy of the foe, and retreat to 
York with a disgraced and mutinous army. * 

The tide of Strafford's fortune was now rapidly Advene ifi 
dbbing. His avowed sentiments of the Scots had 
rendered them his implacable enemies : his support 
. of ship-money, and other arbitrary measures, had 
procured him almost equal hatred among the 
people of England : and his influence and conduct 
rendered a powerful party of the courtiers eager to 
promote his ruin. The Marquis of Hamilton, who 
now enjoyed the principal confidence of the king, 
had long beheld him with aversion : t and he was 
equally hated by Lord Holland and Sir Harry 
Yane, the confidential advisers of the queen. 
He had offended Holland by some contemptu- 
ous expressions : t he had provoked Vane by ob- 
structing his promotion ; and, when created Earl 
of Strafford, he wantonly exasperated this adver- 
sary, by procuring himself to be also created Baron 
of Raby, a manor belonging to Vane, and r^ard- 
ed by him as his own future title. § The Earls of 
Essex and Arundel had been displaced by his in- 

• Clarendon, Vol. I. p. 144, 145. 
t Strafford's Letters, Vol. II. p. 265. 

4: Clarendon, Vol. I. p» 150. § Ibid. Nalson, Vol. I. p. 

411, introductioD, p. 73, Vol. II. p. 2. 


fluence, from the commands which thej Iield ia 
the former expedition against Scotland, and were, 
on other acoountSi his declared foes : Arunddi 
from some private quarrels; and £asex» {torn 
friendship to the Earl of Clanricarde* * But hid 
most dangerous enemy at court was the qttten, 
whose influence over her husband was daily iil« 
creasing. Her inveterate antipathy to the Didw 
of Buckingham had been transferred to his CMH 
ture, Laud ; and, by a natural associsition, to thQ 
principal friend and supporter of Laud. Strsffiitd 
had made some attempts to conciliate her fiivodr ; t 
but he had offended her by dissuading an aotrra 
co-operation with France, and still more by his op« 
position to the promotion of Vane, whom she sup* 
ported with all her influence* t 

The superior ascendancy of this hostile inteiMt 
was soon felt by Strafford, who now saw the moat 
important amd haaardous measures undertaluni 
without his concurrence, or even his knowledge 
As the lords had proved, in the last parliamenl^ 
more submissive than the commons,^ the king ww 
advised to revive an old feudal institution, and 
summon a grand council of peers, for the 

• Clarendon, Vol. I. p. 150, 151. 

f Strafford's Letters, Vol. II. p. S56. 

X Nalson, ubi supra. Clarendon, Vol. L p. 185, 19S. 


bis necessities. * Apprehensive, howevefr, that the 
peers would urge him to call a parliament, he re* 
solved at least to have the merit of a voluntary sa^^ 
crifice ; and, in his opening speech to the grand 
eouncil, announced that he had ahready deter-' 
mined to adopt this measure^ t If Strafford 
was confounded at these precipitate transactions, 
he experienced a deeper mortification from the 
discovery that his inveterate enemy, Lord Savile, 
was employed in carrying on private overtures 
between the court and ^the Scots« t While eager- 
ly engaged in strengthening and animating his ar- 
my for a new encounter, he found a treaty actually 
commenced with the rebellious subjects ; and the 
negotiations entrusted to sixteen peers, among 
whom he could discover his most active enemies, 
but not one friend. § And while the^ Scots were 
lavish in their professions of attachment to the 
king and the English nation, they refused to hold 
their conferences at York, because it was within 
the jurisdiction of their mortal enemy, the Lord 
Lieutenant of Ireland. U 

• Clarendon, Vol. I. p. 147. + RushwOTth, Vol. III. p. 1275. 

t Clarendon, Vol.1, p. 155. 

§ Rushworth, Vol. III. p. 1276f. Clarendon, Vol. I. p. 155. 

tl The words of the Scots on this occasion are efxpressive of great 
antipathy : " We cannot conceal what danger may he apprehended 
in our going to York^ and surrendering ourselves into the hands of 
an army commanded hy the lieutenant of Ireland^ aarainsi whom, 


f4ff SAIL or STRAtVOIlD* 

Hit mirtdu Strafibrd now found hiitiMlf ptacedi by the i0bcti 
of undue zeali amidst a host of enemies } and ttM 
ceived no doubtful intimations that he bad mistake 
en the state of the national spirit* He hadi in*' 
deedi long known that the popular feelings were 
exasperated by arbitrary exactions^ * by the ia^ 
famy of the judges in perverting the Uws IfO gnu 
tify the courti t by the cruel punishments eiiipIoy>» 
ed to repress freedom of speech and writing, % bf 
I ' ' ■ -.•■■. ...... ■ ^ -^^.^ — ^^^^^^ 

U a MefincBJidiartf, (accofdlng to ottf demands, ^idi Si^ tlld 
falQ'eci of the treaty iitiBlf,) we Mend to ineUt, at la etfMMIed fal 
onr remonstrance and declaration ; who hath^ in the parliameBt at 
Ireland, prdcceded against us as traitors and rebels, (the beat tiilet 
lih lordship, in his common talk, honours lis with,) whose dOtinttli- 
iion is to Bubdue and destijoy us, and who, bj All meBfii, mi. (M SH 
occasions, desireth the breaking up of the treaty of peace/' Btaill* 
worth. Vol. III. p. 1993. Nulson, Vol. I. p. 453. 

* Clarendon, VoL I. p, 67, 68. t Ibid. p. 70. 

$ Never did the press groan under Mich grieVtma opptimlSto. 
Neither the rank of an offender^ nor tlie dubious nature of an offinM^ 
could guard men fVom the most harsh and disgraceful punisbroeiite* 
Mr Prynn, a barrister, who had written a book against masqueriidei 
«ttd plays, was, in the court of the Star Chamber, fottnd giAty <i^a 
libel against the government, because the king and queen hsf^ptMl 
to be passionately fond of these diversions. For this alleged erime 
he was sentenced to a fine of Ave thousand pounds, to be iuiprfiaii* 
ed for life, to stand in the pillory in Westminster and Cheepdde^ 
and to lose both his ears, one in each of these places. Having^ in 
his prison, written some exposition of the injustice of the proceed* 
ings against hiin, he was, for this new offence, sentenced by the 
same court to pay another fine of five thousand pounds, to stMid 
again in the pillory, and to lose the remainder of his ears t The 
hangman, from the closeness of the stumps to the head, waaoU%ed 

the UMirped power of the Star Chambeft «nd other 
arbitrary courts, * and by the conaequeoC annihil*- 

rather to saw than cut them oflT. Bastwick a physician^ and Bar* 
ton a divine, were sentenced to the same pmniifanieBta for ito&nr 
cffentetu See dieir trials And sentences in Rushwortk, VoL If* 
p. 220—241 J 382. Dr Leigh ton, a divine of learning and virtue, 
for writing a book against prelacy with too nHich warmth, was sen- 
tenced to pay ten thousand pounds to the king, to be imprisoned 
during his migesty's pleasure, and to suffer a variety of infamous 
and cruel punishments, which, as Archbishop Laud himself has ro* 
corded in his Diary, were inflicted in the following manner : *' He 
was severely whipt before he was set in the pillory : being set in 
the pillory, he had one of his ears cut off ; one side of his nose slit ; 
branded on one cheek with a red-hot iron, with the letters S» S» 
signifying & stirrer up of sedition, and afterwards carried back again 
to the Fleet prison, to be kept in close custody ; ^nd on that day 
sevennight, his sores upon his back, ear, nose, and face being not 
cured, he was whipt again at the pillory in Cheapside, and there bad 
the remainder of his sentence executed upon him, by cutting off 
the other ear, slitting the other side of the nose, and branding the 
other cheek/' After enduring these cruelties, he was thrown into 
a damp unwholesome dungeon, from which he was, eleven years af- 
ter, rescued by the Long Parliament, having lost his eye-sight, his 
hearing, and nearly the whole use of his limbs. 

* Nothing can more expose the excess of this abuse than the 
confession of the loyalist historian Clarendon : '^ For the better 
support of these extraordinary ways, and to protect the agents and 
instruments, who must be employed in them, and to discountenance 
and suppress all bold inquirers and opposers, the Council-Table 
and Star Chamber enlarge their jurisdiction to a vast extent. 
' Holding,' as Thucydides said of the Athenians, ' for honourable 
that which pleased, and for just that which profited ;' and being 
the same persons in several rooms, grew both courts of law to de* 
termine right, and courts of revenue to bring money into the 
treasury ; the Council-Table, by proclamations, enjoining to the 


tion of security for persons and property : he knew 
farther, that the conscienees of many were shock- 
ed by the innovations of Laud, and that the ambi« 
tion of the nobility was deeply wounded by the at- 
tempt to transfer public offices into the handf of 
the clergy. ^ Still he had attributed the ebulli« 

people what was not enjoined by the law^ and prohibidtig tlutt 
which wai not prohibited ; and the Star Chamber centnring the 
breach^ and diiobedience to those proclamations, by Tery great iiiMf 
•nd imprisonment. So that any disrespect to any acts of state^ or to 
the persicms of statesmen, wa% in no time more penal ; and those 
foundations of fight, by which men valued their 89curity« to the 
apprehension of wise men, never more in danger to be deitroyed*" 
tlist. of Heb. Vol. I. p. 68, 69. 

* Laud^ by his efforts to exalt the clergy, had greatly disgoited 
the nobility. He had induced the king to bestow the office of Lord 
High Treasurer on Juxon, a very worthy man, but entirely nil* 
known, who had been, within two years, raised from obscurity; 
and, by the interest of Laud, first appointed clerk of the Idnf^s 
closet, and afterwards Bishop of London. There were few things 
which excited more violent enmity to the church, than confbriog 
the office of Treasurer on Juxon; but to Laud, it wu a sonroe of 
unspeakable satisfaction, as he records in his Diary : *' March 9tb, 
Sunday, William Juxon, Lord Bishop of London, made Lord High 
Treasurer of England: no churchman had it since Henry ^ 
Seventh s time* I pray God bless him to carry it so, iiist the 
church may have honour, and the king and the state senrlee and 
contentment by it. And now, if the church will not hold vp them* 
selves, under God I can do no more." In Scotland, at the iattom 
duction of Episcopacy, this invidious eagerness for the promotloii 
of churchmen was carried still farther : they held nearly aU the 
more important offlcts of state, along with seats In the prity^eomi- 
dl. i 


tions of popular discontent * to the want of that 
vigour, before which he had, in Ireknd, found all 
obstacles yield. He had returned the exhortations 
of Laud, to persist in thorough measures : t he had 
treated the popular leaders with contempt ; t and 

* These discontents broke out. in the moit alanning manner, 
while the court was attempting to levy an army ^;aln8t the Soots. 
The impressed men employed the most shocking means to avoid 
the senrice ; one cut off his toe, and another even hanged himself. 
Strafibrd's Letters^ Vol. II. p. 351. In several counties, the sol- 
diers mutinied and murdered their officers. Rnshworth, VoL III. 
p. 1191—1195. Clarendon's State Papers^ VoL II. p. 101. 

I He tells Laud^ (Letters^ VoL II. p. 250^) that, in his opinion, 
the Scottish affairs were lost by too great a desire to do things 
quietly ; that opposition is^ at firsts easily quashed by vigour; but, 
adds he, " so long as I do serve, I will thorough, by the grace of 
God, follow ^er what shall please him to send." He seems also to 
have formed a wrong idea of the king's firmness, unless, perhaps^ be 
thought it necessary to express his sentiments cautiously to a ftl* 
low-courtier : '^ Our master is an excellent horseman, and knows 
perfectly how to bring to obedience a hard mouth with a sharp Ht^ 
where a sweeter will not do it." Wentworth to Newcastle, Letters* 
Vol. II. p. 266. In another letter to Laud, he speaks of the spirit 
of the age as '' a grievous and overspreading leprosy. Less," he 
adds, *' than thorough will not overcome it. There is a canoerous 
malignity in it, which must be cut forth, which long since hathv^ 
jected aU other means." Letters, VoL II. p. 136. 

$ '' I am confident," he writes to Laud^ " that the king, being 
pleased to set himself in the business, is able, by his wisdom and 
ministers, to carry any just and honourable action through aU ium- 
ginary opposition, for real there can be none: that, to start aside 
for such panic ftars, fimtastic apparitions as a Ptymn or an EUioi 


shall set up, were the meanest fiillyin the world; tfaitlhedebliof 

$46 SABL or mraAFFORD. 

bad forgot that if some of them were, like himielf^ 
ready to accept the favours of the court, the impo- 
veriflhed court possessed not the means to buy off 
00 numerous an opposition* 
EHflcnitiflf. But circumstances were now such as to render 
his personal vigour of no avail. He no longer 
acted as the independent director of a separate go- 
vernment ; and he found it in vain to advise reeo- 
lute measures where his master was unstable, wd 
where adverse counsels predominated. In the 
presence of such colleagues as Holland and Vane^ 
he was obliged to repress his sentirbents within his 
bosom, and give an apparent consent where oppo* 
lition was fruitless*^ He determined, however. 

ikt crown taken off, you may goyern ai you pleaie ; and most 
lute I am that work may be done, without borrowing any help 
iarth dt the king's lodgings ; and it is as downright a pecentum er U 
Jirael as ever was, if all this be not effected with speed and 
Letters, Vol, I. p. 173. Hambden, he thinks, might have been 
ly refbrmed by some wholesome chastisement : " Mr Hambden is 
It great brother; and the very genius of that nation of people leads 
Uiem always to oppose, both civilly and eoclesiastieally, all that ew 
Mtbority ordains for them* But, in good faith, were they Tightly 
served, they should be whipt home into their right wits ; and mncli 
beholden they hhould be to any that would thoroughly take piins 
with them in that kind." Wentworth to Laud, Letters, VoL VL 
f . 13S, Again ; *' In truth I still wish Mr Hambden, and othcn 
te his likeness, were well whipt into their right senses : and if that 
the rod be so used that it smarts not^ ) sin the moie sorry,'' Wc8l* 
WMih to X«aad, Letters, p. 15S, 
* Clareiidonj Vol. {. p. 159, 

to give erne pncticd prcMif c^ the possibHilf of rs^^ 
imtadug the royal Authority by vigorous ex^rtiMu 
M no cessftioa of arms b^ been agreed on wilih 
the Scots, dunng the Qegotiatioa he seat • partf 
of horse« woidtv a fikilfui officer, to attack them in^ 
their qttarters. Tbe enterprise was su^cesaAiU the 
detachoieat defeated a largo body of the enemy^ 
audi took aU the officers prisoners* But this mf^ 
oefls, while it raised the spirits oi the army* still 
Biore indaitted the Scots against StraffiMnd : m^ 
when it became known that the offiicer who con* 
dtietod the party was a Eoxaan Catholic, the £«ig* 
^sk joined in the elamour against the foe of ]iel> 
giem* Tbe ifeeble king, overoome by their united 
iiiijaionstRanaes, <coinnianded bis general to fiwi^ear^ 
for the future, from all offensive operations. * 

To this gailhng mandate Stn^flSbrd bowed in 
ailence. Though haughty to inferiors, aud daring 
towards an eoeaay, he gave bi^^self up to the royal 
will with tbe most luiuible resignation. Impnassed 
with the magnificenpe of titles aia4 power« ]ie 
looked with a reverential awe to those who possess- 
ed them in a superior degree ; and could scarcely 
bring himself to question their orders, or approadi 
them with familiarity, t Towards the king he had 

^ Clarendon, ¥ol. I. p. 159. Fadier Ode»is/p. 84. 
-f* This trait of his character is remarkably exemplified in Sbfti 
conduct to Laud. When that prdale, with ^«n lie ^hftd, for 


never ventured to assume that commanding and 
violent attitude which was employed, with un- 
bounded success, by the Duke of Buckinghami and 
afterwards by the queen ; and unfortunately, in 
the deliberations of Charles, zeal and compliance 
were unable to outweigh persevering importunityt 
or peremptory demand. Strafford had now to lode 
on, in silent despair, while the humbled king 
formed a preliminary truce with the Scots, and 
even agreed to pay their army till the concliiaion 
of a final treaty. * 

But more severe trials soon awaited his fortitude. 
On the Sd of November 1640 was assembled that 
parliament which was to witness, during its con* 
tinuance, the most violent convulsions to which the 
constitution and people of this island were ever 
exposed. It was composed, in a great measure, of 
the same persons as the former parliament ; but 
their dispositions had become greatly changed. 
Their resentment had been roused by the abrupt 
dissolution, by the imprisonment of members, by 

some yeart^ lired on the most intimate footings was raised firom tbt 
see of London to the Archbishopric of Canterbury^ VTentworth de* 
sifted from his usual familiarity^ and at length reiamed it only fci 
consequence of the good-natured raillery of Laud^ who assured bim 
that the palace of Lambeth was occupied by his old friend^ the 
Bishop of London. Laud to Wentworth, StraflTord's Letters^ VgL 
|. p. in. 

* C)arendon> Vol. I. p. ](60. 


the arbitrary methods employed to raise money ; 
and the enterprises against the Scots, so unsuc- 
cessfully prosecuted, so feebly relinquished, had 
extinguished their respect for the king. Con- 
cluding, from repeated experience, that necessity 
alone could wrest concessions from their sovereign, 
they resolved, while the exchequer was empty, and 
a hostile army stationed in the kingdom, to proceed 
with a bold and determined hand in reforming 
abuses, and placing effectual barriers to future en- 

In these designs, the only obstacles which they 
feared were the vigour and talents of Strafford. 
While the popular leaders detested him as a traitor 
to their cause, and the Scots as the implacable 
enemy of their nation, all equally dreaded those 
abilities which had laid Ireland prostrate at his 
feet, and which might yet inspire vigour into the 
counsels of Charles. So long as he continued at 
the head of an army, there was no security that he 
might not, by some sudden movement, confound 
and crush their projects ; and nothing was, there- 
fore, to be achieved till after accomplishing his de- 

The apprehensions of the king soon brought snmmoiH 
their dreaded adversary into their power. When menu 
he compared the management of an Irish parlia- 1!^^^ 
ment by Strafford with his own abortive attempts 
in England, Charles, without duly we^hing the 


difference^ of circumsUnces, was led to expect fran 
this minister's assistance an issue no longer poi* 
sible, Strafford hesitated to incur certain dangmi 
in 60 hopeless a struggle. To the royal sununooa 
for his attendance in porhament, he replied bj m 
earnest request that he might be permitted to ret 
tire to his government in Ireland, or to some other 
pkce where he might promote the service if bk 
migesty, and not deliver himself into the hands af 
his enraged enemiest But to these representatioai 
Charles refused to listen ; and, with too miieh 
confidence in a firmness which had so often fitiled 
him» he encouraged his minister by a solemn pM« 
mise* that *' not a hair of his head should be toiichp- 
ed by the parliament/' * 
uufNidt^ StraflS^rd at length prepared to obey these »• 
^^^ peated mandates ; and having discorered a tmitor«i 
ous correspondence, in which his enemy Savikb 
and some other lords, had invited the Scots to so« 
vade England, he resolved to anticipate and coiu 
found his adversaries by an accusation of these po« 
pulmr leaders, f But no sooner were the Comrnrai 
in&rmed that he liad taken his seat among tba 
peers, than they ordered their doors to' be shut t 
aad^ after they had continued several hours in de- 
liberation, Pym, attended by a number of membenb 

^ • Whitlockc'f Memorials, p. 37. f Straffbrd'i Trid, p,2, 


ZAUL OF 9T&AFME0. 961 

appeared at the bar of the House of Lord9, and, in Norembcr 
the name of the Commons of England, impeached ' 
tbe Earl of Strafford of high treason. This charge 
was accompanied by a desire that he should be 
sequestered from parliament, and forthwith com- 
mitted to prison ; a request which, after a short 
deliberation, was granted. * 

A few days after his impeachment, a charge of j^*^^!^ 
nine articles was presented by the Commons : birt "^^ 
a committee of both houses being appointed to 
prepare the impeachment, went into iiiTestigatioas 
of great length, and, afler three months' labour, 
extended the charges to twenty^^'ght articles. The 
grand point to be established against Strafford was 
OH attempt to subvert the Jundamental laws qf the 
country : and the course in law was to show that 
such an attempt, as it would prove destructive to 
the state, was a traitorous design against its sove- 
reign. The proofs of the accusation were deduced 
from a series of his actions infringing the laws, 
from words intimating arbitrary dengns, and from 
wrtain counsels which directly tended to the ruin 
of the constitution, t 

As president of the council of Yoiic, Stnffiffd 
was charged with having procured powers subvei^ 
aive of all law, with having committed insuflbrable 

* Strafford's Trial, p. 4. May, p. 8S. 
V StndRihl''S Triu* NanoD, Vt^ II* 


acts of oppression under colour of his' instructions ; 
and with having distinctly announced tyrannical 
intentions, by declaring that the people should find 
'* the king's little finger heavier than the loins of 
the law/' 

As governor of Ireland, he was accused of bar- 
ing publicly asserted, ^' That the Irish were a con- 
quered nation, and that the king might do with 
them as he pleased/' He was charged with aets 
of oppression towards the Earl of Cork, Lord 
Mountnorris, the Lord Chancellor Loftus, Lord 
Dillon, the Earl of Kildare, and other persona. 
He had, it was alleged, issued a general wamnt 
for the seizure of all persons who refused to anb- 
mit to any legal decree against them, and for 
their detention till they either submitted, or gate 
bail to appear before the council table : he had 
sent soldiers to free quarters on those who would 
not obey his arbitrary decrees : he had prevented 
the redress of his injustice, by procuring instmc- 
tions to prohibit all persons of distinction from 
quitting Ireland without his express licence : he 
had appropriated to himself a large share of the 
customs, the monopoly of tobacco, and the sale of 
licences for the exportation of certain commodtttea: 
he had committed grievous acts of oppression in 
guarding his monopoly of tobacco : he had, for hia 
own interest, caused the rates on merchandise to 
be raised, and the merchants to be harassed with 


new and unlawful oaths : he had obstructed the in- 
dustry of the country, by introducing new and un- 
known processes into the manufacture of flax : he 
had encouraged his army, the insjtrument of his 
oppression, by assuring them that his majesty 
would regard them as a pattern for all his three 
kingdoms : he had enforced an illegal oath on the 
Scottish subjects in Ireland : he had given undue 
encouragement to papists, and had actually com- 
posed the whole of his new4evied troops of adhe- 
rents to that religion. 

As chief minister of England, it was laid to his 
charge that he had instigated the king to make 
war on the Scots, and had himself, as governor of 
Ireland, commenced hostilities : that, on the ques- 
tion of supplies, he had declared, ^^ That his ma- 
jesty should first try the parliament here, and if 
that did not supply him according to his occasions, 
he might then use his prerogative to levy what he 
needed ; and that he should be acquitted both of 
God and man, if he took some other courses to 
supply himself, though it were against the will of 
his subjects :** that, after the dissolution of that 
parliament, he had said to his majesty, ** That, 
having tried the affections of his people, he was 
loose and absolved frpm all rules of government, 
and was to do every thing that power would admit; 
that his majesty had tried all ways, and was re- 
fused, and should be acquitted both to God and 


man ; that he had. an army in Ireland, wliicfa bt 
might employ to reduce this kingdom to obe* 
dience/^ He was jfarther charged with haTiiig 
counselled the royal declaration which reflected w 
bitterly on the last parliament ; with the seixnm 
of the bullion in the Tower; the proposal of 
coining base money ; a new levy of ship-monej ^ 
and the loan of a hundred thousand pounds fmn 
the city of London. He was accused of hwiag 
told the refractory citizens that no good would fad 
done till they were laid up by the heels, and some 
of their aldermen hanged for an example. It was 
laid to his charge that he had levied arbitraiy §>• 
actions on the people of Yorkshire to maintahi hii 
troops : and, finally, that his counsels had gitoi 
rise to the rout at Newbum. • 
Hit trial. Such were the charges on which Strafford wm 
brought to trial : few transactions in the annala of 
our country have more strongly interested the n«« 
tion. The writers of that age have spoken with 
wonder of the magnificent preparations for the 
lemn spectacle, the first which, on such an 
sion, were made in Westminster Hall. The nen^ 
bers of one house of parliament sat as judges { 
those of the other appeared as accusers ; the mart 
distinguished personages of the three kingdoms 
were assembled as spectators ; and the novelty of 

Strafford'i Trial, p. 61 to 75. Nalwn, Vol. 11. p. 11 to 90. 


the deene was farther increased by the attendance 
^ the king and queen, who were provided with 
^osetSi from which they could, unseen, observe the 
whole course of the proceeding8« * 

Of dl the vast assemblagei no one was indif- 
ferent : all discovered, in their looks and gertures, 
the solicitude of friends, or the bitterness of ene^ 
laies. The king, aware that the charges against 
Strafford rested on his zealous endeavours to en^ 
force the plan of government so dear to his miu 
jesty's heart, looked on the fate of this minister ss 
intimately interwoven with his own authority. The 
liourtiers, however ill-affected to StraSbrd, were 
deeply interested in the issue, by an alarming com- 
iDaunity of interests. The ladies of the court were 
seen ranged around the hall, with note*bodi:s in 
their hands, and eagerly recording every succes- 
irive occurrence : entering into the passions of their 
fathers and husbands, they discovered, with the 
frankness of their sex, an unbounded zeal in the 
eause of the prisoner, t 

On the other hand, the three kingdoms appear- 
ed, by their representatives, to call down destruc- 
tion on the object of their dread. The^glish 
bmnded him as a traitor to the cause g£ liberty, as 
the adviser and instrument of tyranny : the Scots, 

* May, p. 91. Strafford's Trial. WlutloGk«,p. 41. Nakon, Vol. IJ. 
t May, p. P9. 


as an incendiary who had instigated the king to 
take arms against them, and who had attempted to 
ravage their country with a civil war. The Irishy 
even those very men who had so lately united in 
following him with their acclamations, now. came 
forward to denounce him as an oppressor, and to 
demand vengeance for their sufferings. For the 
rest Strafford was prepared ; but this sudden 
change in the language of the Irish filled him with 
astonishment and affliction. He had mistaken the 
silent awe diffused by hb vigour for an affectionate 
acquiescence in his government ; nor did he per- 
ceive that the late applauses of the Irish parliament 
proceeded partly from apprehension of his power^ 
partly from a belief that he had become the 
distributor of the royal favours. They now saw 
him divested of authority, arraigned as a criminalf 
pursued by general hatred ; and they hoped that, 
by the superadded force of their accusations^ they 
might for ever prevent his return among them. 

The trial lasted fifteen days, in the course of 
which a number of witnesses were produced to 
substantiate the charges, and members of the im- 
peaching committee daily commented on the e?i- 
dence. Yet the passion with which they were 
transported, and their apprehension that Straffi)rd 
might escape them, did not permit the Commons 
to trust wholly to the justice of their cause, or give 
the accused a fair opportunity of conducting his 


cfeience. To prevent him from availing himself of 
his principal friend Sir Geoxge Raddiflfe's advice 
and evidence, they committed that officer also to 
the Tower on a charge of high treason, and strict- 
ly prohibited any communication betwera diem. 
Adhering rigidly to the old forms of process m 
cases of treason, they would not permit him to 
examine his witnesses upon oath. They even 
seemed inclined to allow him no exculpatory wit- 
nesses at all ; for he received permission to sum- 
mon them only three days before the commence- 
ment of his trial, althoi^h some of them had to be 
brought from Ireland. He was not allowed the 
assistance of counsel, either in examining the wit- 
nesses, or commenting on the evidence ; and he 
was himself obliged to reply on the spot, after a 
very short interval for recollection. Though he 
supported his defence with consummate coolness 
and vigour, he could not help complaining, that, 
when his fortune, his reputation, his life, were at 
stake, he should, by an adherence to cruel usages, 
be denied those aids without which innoerace 
could not assert her cause : but he was reminded 
that, in similar circumstances, a still harder mea- 
sure had been dealt to the Earl of Mountnorris. 

The charges appeared to him by no means for- hu de« 
midable. From the first perusal, he expressed his 
satisfaction that there was nothing capital in them, 
and that their connection with hi^ treason could 



h$ fo easily diiproved. * In his replies he miin^ 
tainedt that the enlarged instructions for the oouo* 
eil of York had not been procured by his aolidta-i 
tions } that the specified instancea of oppreaaion in 
the northern counties were committed after his de* 
parture for Ireland i and that the worda impated 
to him were directly the reverse of those whick ha 
had spoken. With regard to Ireland, he Vindi* 
cated his opinion that it was a conquered ctontrj # 
and that the king's prerogative was much greater 
there than in England. He contended Uiat all 
the judgmentSf charged on him as arbitrary, wem 
delivered by competent courts, in none of wUeh 
he had above a single voice : that the preventiMi 
of persons from quitting the kingdom withoirt lU 
eence, as well as placing soldiers at free quartem 
on the disobedient, were transactions conaialrafc 
with ancient usages: that the flax manufiuHwt 
owed all its prosperity to his exertions, and thafc 
his prohibition tended to remedy some barbmow 
and unjust methods of sorting the yam : that Ua 
bargains for the customs and tobacco were ptofit* 
fble both to the crown and the country : and thai 
the oath which be had enforced on the Scota 
required by the critical circumstances of the tii 
and fully approved by his government. In ragard 
to his transactions in England, it appeared m en» 

• Straifard't Uiim, Vol. II. p. 41S. 


4ence, that bo9tiHty ^ain$t 3cotl«iid having been 
resolved oPi he ha4 merely counselled an ofiPensive 
in preference to ^ d^f<$nsive w^ : that his expres* 
sioDs relative tp supplies were in strict conformity 
to tl^ eat^lished ma^im of the constitution j ^ 
ihBtf in such eniei^encies as a foreign invastoa^ 
th^ sovereign was entitled to levy contributionp^ or 
•dopt any other ineasure for the public dden^ 
The words relative to the employment of the Iridi 
•rmy were denied hy some, and affirmed by none^ 
f^ the privy-counsellors then present, except his 
eoemy Sir Henry Vanot who wavered and hesi* 
tated in his testimony } nor did even he venture to 
^ply to the kingdom of England words uttered in 
a committee expressly assembled to consider of the 
reduction of Scotland, He observed that his harsh 
ei^essions towards the citizens of London were 
heard by only one interested individual, and not 
heard by others who stood as near him : he proved 
that the contributions in Yorkshire were voluntary; 
^d that the prc^osals for seizing the bullion and 
^oinipg base mcmey did not procedL fix)m him» 
Thf other charges were abwdoned by tlfe.Comh 
nonst 9& either ine^pable of proof, or iircdatke to 
the main question* t 
The replies of Straffoi^ to the sevenl articles of 

^ Solus populi suprema lex. 

t SljaORiPd • Tridl, p. ai %o U. Mkktm, V^si. I}, p. 11 to flO. 


the impeachment feelned gteatly to intldidate the 
flllegations of his accusers ; and when he proceed- 
ed to repel the inference of high treason^ his ar- 
guments and eloquence appeared irresistible. He 
exposed the absurdity of alleging that a number of 
smaller oflPences, when added together, should 
compose a great crime, to which none of them, 
separately, bore any affinity. He recounted 'the 
statutes which distinctly specified all treasonabk 
offences; and which expressly provided that no 
other crime should be construed into treason. It 
was in the power of parliament to add other oflfen- 
ces to this list ; but was it just that he should be 
condemned on a law subsequently enacted ? Or if» 
as some pretend, constructive or accumolative 
treason be recognised by our laws, let them pro- 
duce the evidence of this new, this wonderful dis- 

'' Where," said he, ** has this fire lain conceal- 
ed, during so many centuries, that no smoke should 
discover it, till it thus bursts forth to consume mo 
and my children ? Hard it is that a punishment 
should precede the promulgation of a law^ that 
men should suffer by a law subequent to the deed. 
If this be admitted, who shall account himself se- 
cure in his innocence ? And in what is law pre- 
ferable to the will of an arbitrary master ? If I 
on the Thames, and split my vessel on an anchori 
should there be no buoy to give me warnings 


6wner shall pay me damages : but if it be marked 
out, then I pass it at my own peril. Where is the 
mark set on this crime ? Where is the token by 
which I should discover it ? If it be hid, if it lie 
concealed under water, no human foresight or pruf 
dence could have prevented my sudden destruction. 
If we are thus to be beset, let us lay aside all hu« 
man wisdom, let us rely solely on divine rev^Ia- 
tion : for certainly nothing less than revelation can 
save us from these hidden snares. 

^ It is now full two hundred and forty years 
since treason was defined ; and so long has it been 
since any man was accused as I am for an alleged 
crime of this nature. We have lived, my lords^ 
happily to ourselves at home : we have lived glorL- 
eusly abroad to the world : let us be content with 
what our fathers have left us : let not our ambition 
carry us to be more knowing than they were in the 
art of destroying. Great wisdom will it be in 
your lordships, for yourselves, for your posterity, 
for the whole kingdom, to cast from you into the 
fire these bloody and mysterious volumes of arbi- 
trary and constructive treasons, as the primitivje 
Christians did their books <^ curious arts $ and to 
betake yourselves to the jism letter ^ the statute* 
which distinctly points out where the crime is, and 
how it is to be avoided. Let us not, to our owat 
destruction, awake those sleeping lions, by shaking 


up those musty records, which have liid for m 
many ages^ by the wall, forgotten and neglecsted. 

'^ To all my afflictions add not this, my lordly 
the most severe of any ; that I, for my other sinSf 
not for my treasons, should be the means of intrm 
ducing a precedent so fatal in its consequence! fea 
^he whole kingdom. Do not, through me, wound 
the commonwealth. 

« These gentlemen at the bar^ indeed, say, and 
I believe sincerely, that they speak for the com* 
monwealth : but, under favour, in this particular 
it is I who opeak for the commonwealth* From 
charges like these of which I am accused^ aueh 
miseries will in a few years overtake the nation* aa 
are spoken of in the preamble of the statute mtfib* 
^d to prevent them ; no man will know What to 
say, or to do, from the dread of comtnitting trdN 

** Impose not, my lonls, such difficulties cm ni^ 
nisters of state, as to deter them from dhedrfiiUj 
serving their king and country. If yott ei^atniiiA 
(hem, under such severe penalties, by fetery ^raiB| 
by every little weight, the scrutiny will be intolnr^ 
able. The public affiurs of the kingdom nkuM t^ 
left waste, and be for ever abandoned by &ferf 
man who has honour, or fortune, ot reputlitidp to 

^* My lords, I have troubled you much Iragiir 
than I should have done. Were it not for the in* 



terest of thoie dear fded^s yfhioh H ifiint in heaven 
has left me» I should be loth"*r-here his weeji^ 
Mopped him-««-*< what I forfeit for myself is ihh 
thing } but I confess, that^what I fotfeit for them 
wounds me to the very soul. Pardon my infirmity : 
sometbing I should have added } but I see I shall 
not be able, and therefore let it pass.; 

^* And now, my lords, I thank God, by his 
blessing I hate been taught, that the afflictiona of 
this present life are not to be compared with the 
eternal happiness which awaits us hereafter. And 
so, my lords, even so, with aU humUity, and with 
all tranquillity of mind, I submit myself freely to 
your judgments ; and whether that righteous doom 
be life or deatb, I shall, n^ith gratitude and confix 
dence, repose myself on the goodness of my AJU 
mighty Presei-ver/*^* i 

^* Certainly,^' says the chairman of the impeadi* 
itig committee, *^ nerer any man acted sudi a ptttf 
(m such a theatre, with more wisdom^ cOnstattqTf 
and eloquence^ with greater reason, judgment, and 
temper, and with a better grace in all his words aad 
actions, than did this great< and exceUenft peraim ^^^ 
ttnd he moted the hearts of all his aiudkota^ somd 
few excepted, to remorse and pity, t But if die 

• StrafforcVs Trial, jp. 669, 660. Wliitlocke, p. 44. Nalsoa. 
Vol. II. p. l^. 

t Whitlocke, p. 44. • * 


hearts of his judges were touched by his doquenoe^ 
their judgments were farther conviiiced by the ar^ 
gutnents of his counsel, Mr Lane, with regard to 
the point of kw. From his statements, it clearly 
appeared, that, eren after the enactment of the law 
of treason, in the reign of Edward the Thirds men 
had still been harassed by charges of treasoUt fiur 
oflfences not specified in that' act, but brought widi* 
in it by construction : that express statutes had been 
passed in the reigns of Henry the Fourth and 
Henry the Eighth, to prevent these abuses^ and to 
restrict treason entirely to the specified offisnees : 
and that more instances than one had oocuned of 
persons accused of high treason, for offimces aimi- 
lar to those of Strafford, and yet, in conseqi|0Doe 
of these acts, found guilty only of felony. * 
ProMcuted The more violent leaders of the Commons went 
AvU^f exasperated by this successful resistance. They 
affected to consider it degrading to theur dignity tq 
reply to Strafford's counsel, and they soon sbowe4 
a determination to e£fect their olgeot» at the ex^ 
pence of justice, by adopting a proceedings which 
overstepped the established fonps and maxima of 
law, and against which innocence could focm iiQ 
protection. Dreading the decision of the Lofdi^ if 
the charges and evidence were to be weighed by 
the received rules, they resolved to proceed by a 

* Rushworth, VoL III. p. 071 (o S7i. 

■ « 


bill of attainder ; and to enact, first in th^r own 
house, and afterwards in the Lords, that Strafford 
was guilty of high treason, and merited its punish- 
ment* Great was the indignation of the more mo- 
derate at a proceeding which, breaking down the 
fences of the cpnstjitution, erected the House df 
Commons into a tribu^al of justice ; which took 
away the most powerful bulwarks of innocence ; 
and which converted into judges the men who had 
just acted as accusers. In vain was it urged by 
the accusers, that the safety of the country requir- 
ed such an arbitrary power to be lodged some- 
where : the permanent power of condemning men 
without law was evidently more dapgerops to a 
nation than any individual crime whatever. An 
offence so heinous as to approach to high treason, 
might doubtless admit of being punished under 
some other class of crimes : the charges against 
Strafford might legally amount to felony or high 
misdemeanours, and might justify imprisonment^ 
exile, and perpetual removal from the councils of 
his sovereign. 

The Commons, having once outstepped the dic- 
tates of equity in their prosecutiony were led info 
proceedings equity abjsurd and iniquitous. The 
alleged advice of Stn^rd to employ the Ixish aiw 
my against England, had hitherto rested on the 
solitary evidence of Sir Harry Vane } but the laws 
of treason required two witnesses. The younger 


Vane, on inspeetiiig some of his ftther's p9fen$ 
discorered a minute, as it appeared, of the eottmlA 
tation, at which the words imputed to Strafflird 
were alleged to have been spoken ; and this mU 
nute was recognised by the elder Vane as taken 
down by him at the time, in his quality of aeero* 
tary. In reporting this discovery to the houses 
Mr Pym maintained, in a solemn argument, that 
the written evidence of Sir Harry Vane at the p6ii 
riod of the transaction, and his oral evidenee al 
present, ought to be considered as equivalent to 
the testimony of two witnesses : and this extnrfi« 
gant position was actually sanctioned by the hottse^ 
and adopted as a ground of their proceedings. * 
Bin pMed Several members, even among the personal iM^ 
^cam^ mies of Strafford, remonstrated against this eoitt- 
plicated injustice ; and Lord Digby, a distingtthpb* 
ed leader, who had signalised himself by his act^ 
prosecution of the impeachment, exposed in f^oir* 
ing colours the iniquity of measures revoltil^ Id 
his honour and conscience* t But a large majMU 
ty would listen to nothing but the destruction of 
their dreaded adversary : and with only fifty^iiina 
dissenting voices, the bill of attainder was jiasaed* 
It was accompanied by the remarkable cjattse, tkai 
nothing done in the present case should he wa ft er 


t UUaSSM'u Trial, p. 50. 

BA&L Of STRAf FOllD. #1)7 

be drswn into a precedent. * After being precipi«- 
tately hurried through the house, it Wa^ j^resented 
to the Lords with an address which expressed all 
the tirulence of the prosecutors* St John, who 
apoke on this occasion, asserted^ that, in this pro- 
cess of attainder, it was sufficient if their lordships 
were convinced in their own mind^, though no 
evidence at all had been adduced i and as to the 
appeal of the culprit to the laws, <* it is tfue,*' 
said he, *^ we give law to hares and deers, for they 
are beasts of chace ; Imt as to beasts of prey, as to 
foxes and wolves, it nev^r was accounted either 
cruelty or foul play to knock thein on th6 head, 
wherever they can be found/* f 

The Lords, more attached to the court, and 
dreading the effects of so violent a precedent, were 
neither moved by these arguments, nor inspired 
with these passions, and seemed not unwilling to 
let the bill of attainder rest undiscussed on their 
table. But the popular leaders were not without 
means to accelerate its progress. As a warning to 
the Lords, the names of the flfly-nine commoners, 
^ho had voted against the bill of attainder, Weatt 
posted up in conspicuous plaeesi with this mpet^ 
scription. The Straffordians, tht tntn wko^ to Met 
a ttaitot^ muld betray their iomtr^.t The 

' - - - • ^- - ■^ , ,11 n )• ji _ _' -^ t' • " 

• Strafford's Trial, p. 747. 

t Rushworth, Vol. YIII. p. 703. Clarendon, Vol I, |». MSSL- 

J May, p. 36. , 


Commons recommenced their inquiries into ibiises ; 
tnd by an exposition of the illegal instructions 
and proceedings of the council of York^ highly 
aggravated the popular clamour against StraflEbnL 
The meaner actors in the revolutionary drama 
now began to appear ; alarms were diffiised that 
dangerous conspiracies were entered into by tlw 
Catholics ; that great multitudes of them were aa» 
sembling in Lancashire} that they held secret 
meetings in caves» and under-ground in Surry ) 
that they had framed a plot to blow up the Thsttnea 
with gunpowder, and destroy the city by the iniiii* 
dation ; that great provisions of arms were mafci 
ing beyond sea for their enterprises ; * and tlmt 
all these designs originated with the arch^traifory 
whose forfeited life was still spared for new tnt^ 
sons. Such rumours^ indeed, were credited only 
by the vulgar, but the more intelligent were 
thrown into consternation by the diMOvery of 
some crude and abortive attempts to facilitate the 
escape of Strafford^ and bring up the enny to 
London for the support of th^ king ^gaiqst tke 
Parliament. The (Commpns, es if agitatt^ vitb 
the most fearful presages, hastened to dmv up m 
oath for the defence of the constitution* whkdi 
they solemnly took themselves, and eiyoiDed . on 
the rest oi the nation, t 

* Claromlon, Vol. I. p. 94f9. 

T Clarendon, Vo^. L Strafibrd'i Trial, p. 785. WUtfechf , p. 4S. 


Charles eagerly embraced every expedient to 
save the life of his minister. To abate the vio- 
lenee of the popular leaders, he promoted some of 
them to the most conspicuous stations in the go* 
Temment ; but as they ascribed their honours to 
the support of the Parliament, they continued 
more subservient to that body than to him. By 
the advice of Lord Say, one of those new coun* 
sellors, he now repaired to the House of Lords, 
and attempted to defeat the bill of attainder, by 
assuring them it was vain to expect his assent to a 
measure which his conscience could not approve } 
that no fear, no consideration whatever should 
make him adjudge Strafford guilty of treason. 
He acknowledged, however, that the earl had been 
convicted of such high misdemeanours as disquali- 
fied him from ever holding any public trust, even 
that of a high constable ; and declared his readi- 
ness to concur in an act to render him utterly in^ 
capable of bearing any office. * 

On hearing of this intended interference, Strafford 
had earnestly dissuaded it ; f and on learning that 
the step had been actually taken, he no longer en^ 
Gouraged a hope of preservation, f His presages 
were fatally true. No sooner had the king quit- 
ted the House of Lords, than the Commons, in a 

• Rushworth, VoL^WXI. p. 734. CUureiidQ|i> Vol. I. p, 255. 
t Clarendon^ ibid. ^ RAdcliffe. 


transport of impatience^ declared thif Isat ad of 
his majesty an unparalleled breach- of privilege t 
that if the king might thus notice the bills passing 
in Parliament, and forejudge their counsels by de* 
daring his own opinion, it would be impossible to 
enact salutaiy laws, or reform the abuses of lHan^ 
government. They called on those who had CakM 
the oath in support of the constitution to rMf 
round the Parliament, and not Bufibr its privflegM 
to be thus wantonly violated* ^ . : : : 

^'•'^ ^ , The passions of the Commons were eoqMDtiai* 

die HoQMOi 

K^Mdi. ^ated to the multitude without ; and next dsjFft 
vast crowds surrounded the House of Peers, evy* 
ing aloud for justice. As the Lords paned aleag^ 
the names of the traitorous Straffi>rdiaD8 
sounded in their ears i and those suspected 'of 
ing hostile to the bill were even pressed and joelM 
so rudely as to endanger their persons, f: TbiVi 
was no longer room for resistance or delay. . 0«l 
of fourscore lords who had been present dimpg 
the whole trial, only forty -six now ventured to* «t« 
tend ; and when the bill at length came to a vele^ 
it was carried with eleven dissenting voiees^ t 


• Clarendon^ Vol. I. p. 95ff. -f IbiA 

t ClurendoD, VoL I. p, 25(1. Th^ Lorda praoedad ia pasdiig Ibe 
biU of attainder after, the same manner as if the impeachment bfd. 
been persisted in. They voted Strafford guilty on two artidet : 
the fifteenth^ " for levying money in Ireland by -force in a warlike 
manner ;" and the nineteeBtib, '* fbr imposing an illegal oalii on 


The cries, which had proved ao powerfiil in 
Westminster Hall, now resounded, with redoubled 
fury, around the palace ; and the king began to 
dread that himself and his family might fall vie-^ 
tittis to the populace. He summoned his privy- 
counsellors to devise mems for his safety; and 
they declared no other could bei found but his aa* 
sent to the death of Strafford ; he represented the 
violence which he should thus impose on his eon* 
science ; and they referred him to the bishops, the 
interpreters of conscientious scruples. The pre* 
lates, trembling under their own apprehensimis» 
earnestly concurred in the advice of the piivy* 
counsellors. The Archbishi^ of York was a* n6 
loss for casuistry to justify thia measure: hie. com 
tended, ** that a king had a public conscience^ 
aud a private conscience, and that the latter ought 
always to yield to the former : that the conscience 
of a king to preserve his kingdom^ the conscience 
of a husband to preserve his wift, the conscience 
of a father to preserve his children^ all of which 
were now in danger, ought abundantly to outweigh 
the conscience of a master or a friend, to presenr^ 
his friend or bis servant : that therefore the king 
was bound, even fox eonset^ce sake, Co ratify the 

the subjects of Iveland." Whitlooke, p. 45. Thtmt Af^^Alre^ 
urere the grounds on whieh the Xaords on^jlfipiyd gltpaffiinjl It 4i^» 


bill of attainder/' * Juxon alone vindicated the 
dignity of his order, by telling the king he ought 
not to lanction a measure which his consetenoe 
could not approve, t 
22Jj^*^ Straffi)rd| informed of the struggle which the 
^- king's honour and conscience maintained with the 
apprehenttons and entreaties which encompassed 
him, resolved to give a new proof of his wagnanjp 
mity and devotion* He wrote to the king^ re* 
minding him of his loyalty and his innocence i 
and stating the severe contests which he had un* 
detgone between the ruin of himself and his fiuni* 
ly, and the imminent dangers of his sovereign f 
between the things most desired, most dreaded by 
men, between life and death* He had, howefw, 
at length formed the resolution which best became 
him : and, therefore, besought his nugesty to givie 
his sanction to the bill of attainder* '' In this^*' 
added he, ** my consent shall more acquit yott to ' 
God than all the world can do besides* To a 
willing man there is no injury*" % 
Biu Mac. The magnanimity of this letter made little im- 
the kfn^ pression on the courtiers who surrounded the king: 
they urged that the free consent of Strafford to Uf 
own death absolved his majesty from every scmple 

* Clarendon, Vol. I. p. 857« 

t Nalaon, Vol. 11. p. IPS. Father Orleans, p. 39. 

t Rttfth worth. Vol. VIII. p. 774. Whitlocke, p. 45. 

ef conscience.' * The resoivtion ef Charles ww at 
leaglb overpower^ ^ and be gave, b; comnuasioi^ 
his assent to the death of bis &itbful minister, t 

Stni£K)rd was aware that his* life was in the band^ 
ef bis enemies ; tbat na chance of esci^e semaii»- 
ed : but be was not prqpaTed f o expect a dereUci- 
tion by bis soA-ereigow Wben Secretary Gaeletoa 
waited on bim with the intelligence, imd stated 
his ewn consent as the ctrcmnstaniee which had 
chiefly moved the king ; the artonis^ed prisoner 
inquired,, if bis. majesty bad indeed sectioned the 
bm? And wben assured of the fatal truth, be 
raised bis eyes to heaven, and,^ laying bis band on 
Jus heart, exclaimed, ** Put not your trust iii 
porinces^ nor in the sonsef men): for m tbem theiai 
is no salvation/' t 

Bat be sooa resumed bis wonted fiortilude, and Piepamtioiii 
hegam to prepare for bis fa£fe ; the short iaterval of ^ 
three da^ was allowed bim,^ and he: employed it in 
tke concerns of ba& friends and bis fiimily. He 
kmahly petitioned the House of Lords to have 
eompaasion on bis innocent children* He wrote 
his kst instroetions to^ Im eldest son, exhovtiog 
him to> be obedient and gratefid to those entmtst^ 
^h bis education i^ to be siacere and &itIl£iL tet 
Wards bis sovereign^ if be should ev^ be caUed 

* Clarendon^ Vol. I. p. «58. f StnSM'm Trial, p. 76S, 

t Whitlocke, p. 46. 


bill of attainder/' * Juxon alone ^dicated the 
dignity of his order, by telling the king he ought 
not to sanction a measure which his consetenoo 
could not approre. t 
iS^L S<^i^ord, informed of the struggle which the 
^' king's honour and conscience maintained with the 
apprehenttons and entreaties which encompassed 
him, resolved to give a new proof of his magnani* 
mitjr and devotion. He wrote to the king^ re* 
minding him of his loyalty and his innocenee j 
and stating the severe contests which he had uq* 
detgime between the ruin of himself and his fiuni* 
ly, and the imminent dangers of his soveieigB ;' 
between the things most desired, most dreaded bj 
men, between life and deaths He had, however, 
at length formed the resolution which best became 
him : and, therefore, besought his nugesty to gifie 
his sanction to the bill of attainder. '' In this^*' 
added he, ** my consent shall more acquit yott to ' 
God than all the world can do besides. To a 
willing man there is no injury/' % 
m MDc. The magnanimity of this letter made little na^ 
the kiii^ pression on the courtiers who surrounded the king: 
they urged that the free consent of Strafford to his 
own death absolved his majesty ifrom every scnqrfe 

* Clirendon, Vol I. p. 857. 

t Nalaon, Vol. II. p. IPS. Father Orletni, p. SS. 

t Rttihworth, Vol. VIII. p. 774. VHiitlocke, p. i5. 

XAKL Of SfTAAnOftP. 979 

ef conscience.' * The resohition ef Cbarlis^ ww at 
leaglb overpowered ^ and be gave, b; comnuflsioi^ 
his assent to the death oShh &itbful minister, t 

Stsafl^d was aware that his* hie was in the bands 
ef bia enemies ; tbat na chance of escape remain- 
ed : but be was not prqMured f o expect a dereUe- 
iasa by bis sovere^n. Wben Secretary Gadetoa 
waited on him with the iiitelligenee, and Stated 
his own consent as the drciimstance which bed 
chiefly moved the king ; the a^ni^ed prisoner 
iofuired^ if bb majesty bad indeed sectioned the 
bitl? And wben assured of the fatal truth, he 
raised his eyes to heaven, aiid» laying bis band on 
Jus heart, exclaimed, ** Put not your trust iii 
porinces^ nor in the sons ef men): fcac im tbem thect 
is no salvation/' t 

Bat be sooa resumed bis wonted fisrtilude, and Pi^Numtkut 
b^gan to prepare for his fa£fe ; the short iaterval of ^ 

three Asys waa allowed bim^ and be employed it in 
the concerm of bis friends, and his fiimily. He 
bvasUy petitioned the House of Lorda to have 
eomptasion on bis innocent children. He wrote 
his kst instroetions to^ Im eldest son, exhavting 
faim t0 be dbedient and grate&l to those entiqisted 
mth baa education ;^ ta be sii^ere and &itb£iL tet 
wacds bis sovereign^ if be should tswm: he caUed 

* Clarendon, Vol. I. p. 958. f StnSM'm Trial, p. 765^ 

t Whitlocke, p. 46. 

VOL. II. a 


into public service : and as he foresaw that the re^ 

venues of the church would be despoiled^ he char* 

ged him to take no part in a sacrilege which would 

assuredly be followed by the curse of heaven. ^ 

He shed tears over the untimely fate of Wandee* 

ford, whom he had entrusted with the care of : hie 

government and of his family ; and who, on leaming 

the dangers of his friend and patron, had fallen a 

victim to grief and despair. In a parting letter to 

his wife, he endeavoured to support her coange $ 

and expressed a hope that his successoCy Loud 

Dillon, would behave with tenderness to her and 

her orphans. On being refused an interview with 

Sir George Ratcliffe and Ai*chbishop Laud^ hit 

fellow prisoners in the Tower^ he conveyed a ten* 

der adieu to the one, and to the other an earnest 

request for his prayers and his parting blesaing. f 

If his feelings were deeply touched by these ra? 

membrances, they were still more painfully wounds 

ed by a letter from the man whom, of all othar^ 

he had most severely injured. The Earl of Mount- 

norris recounted the hardships which he had nxh 

dergone, the ruin of his fortune, the distresses of 

his family : he forgave Strafford for being the an* 

thor of all these calamities, but entreated that he 

would not leave the world without in some degffi^ 

• SItrafford's Letteri, Vol. II. Riwhworth, Vol VIIL p. TSa. 
•J* Rush worthy ibid. 


^pairing the injustice, by making it known that 
these sufferings had been undeserved. * 

During this interval, the king, dissatisfied with 
himself, looked around for some expedient to save 
the life of Strafford. He sent for HoUis, the Eari's 
lurother-in-Iaw, who acted with the popular leaden^ 
but had taken no share in the present prosecution ;^ 
and demanded what could be : done for the pr^seiv' 
vation of his kinsman. HoUis advised tb^ iStni& 
ford should petition his majesty for a short respite, 
to settle his affairs ; and that the king should next 
day go to the House of Peers, with this petition ia 
his hands, and request that their Lordships would 
consent to a change of the nunister's punishment /^^ 
from death to perpetual imprisonnient } and iliat 
they would endeavour to procure the consent of 
|Jie Commons to this mitigation, t: At the Idng^s 
desire, Hollis made out a draught of a speech^ 
and hastened to exert all his influence in procuring" 
the acquiescence of the popular leaders. He suc^ 
ceeded with several, and had sanguine hopes of 
being able, with the assistance of .the court party^ 
to accomplish his purpose. But Strafford jhad u»« 
relenting enemies at court, who found jneaiis40Tt« 
present to the queen, that he had bargained fw 

* Clarendon's State Papers, Vol. II. p. 135. 
t Rushworth, Vol. VIII. p. 757. 


kk own life, by a promitfe to iBCCuse her» aad be« 
tray her coonseli. Under this piersuanoiit whidi 
her ahcilent enmity totde her easily receivot die 
prevailed on the king to lay aside his iBtention of 
r6^ring to the House of Lords $ to ceatey Ui 
requests to them in a letter sent by thie hands if 
die Prince of Waives ; and even to abandon hk 
whole pro^iosal, by adding this oold and iadiftrbiil 
postifcript^ j[f he must die^ it were char^ As n^ 
prime him till Saturday. And hence, when thil 
reqnetts of the letter camte to be considered by thi 
peen^ %he court (mrty united with their moek im 
IpQt enemies in procuriog its rgection. * 
£Mfn^ The day of Strafford's execution threw a brighb^ 
May 13, et )uslbre over his name than his mort mettoraUi 
iictions* As be quitted the Tower, he looked nf 

to tbe witadofws of Laud's apartments, and 
die nged prelate, who had come to take a iast ksvk 
of 'his iriend, entreated his prayers and his tAetAag^ 
The archbishop, lifting up his hands, gave m Arf> 
vent benediction ; and, overcome with the lOMtif 
fi^ motionless on the ground. '^Farew<elU vf 
lord,^' cried Strafford, <' God protect your ane^ 
cence." t As he passed along to Tower-hiU» Ml 
which the scaffold was erected, the populace 

^ Burnet, Hist Vol. I. p. il> 40. 

t Ruihworth, Vol. VJII. p. 768. Nal«m, Vol IL 



ly thronged to the spectacle, and beheld his nolile 
deportment with admiration. His figure was tall 
and stately, his features grave and dignified : the 
mildness which had taken place of the usual seve« 
rity of his forehead expressed repentance enlivened 
by hope, and fortitude tempered by resignation. 
In the multitude around him he saw nothing te 
damp his courage, or disturb his composure ) the 
same men who had so loudly demanded his death, 
HOW gazed in profound silence on the intrepid vic- 
tim. He looked on them with complacence ; and, 
frequently taking off his hat, bowed to the specta- 
tors on either hand. * In his address to the people 
from the scaffold, he assured them that he submit* 
ted to his sentence with perfect resignation ; that, 
freely and from his heart, he forgave all the world. 
" I ppeak,*' said he, " in the presence of Almighty 
God, before whom I stand, there is not a displeas- 
ing thought that ariseth in me to any man.'* He 
declared that, however his actions might have been 
misinterpreted, his intentions had always been up- 
right : that he was attached to parliaments ; that 
he was devoted to the constitution and to the 
church of England : that 'he ever considered the 
interests of the king and people as inseparably 
united : and that, living or dying, the prosperity 

• Rushworth, VoL VIII. p. 779, 77S. 


of bis country was his fondest wish. But he ex- 
pressed his fears that it augured ill for the people's 
happiness, . to write the commencement of a refor- 
mation in letters of blood« Turning to the friends 
yvho attended him on the scaffold, he took a so- 
lemn leave, and charged his brother with his Uess^ 
ing and final adieu to his wife and children. M And 
now," said he, ** I have nigh done. One stroke 
will make my wife a widow, my dear children fii- 
therless, deprive my poor servants of their beloFed 
master, and separate me from my affectionate bro- 
ther and all my friends. But let God be to you, 
and to them, all in all/' While he disrobed hiip- 
^elf, he declared ** that he looked on the approach 
of death without any apprehension ; and that be 
now laid his head on the block with the same tran- 
quillity as he had ever laid it on his pillow." He 
stretched out his hand as a signal to the execup 
tioner; and, at one blow, his head was severed 
from his body. • 

Thus perished the Earl of Strafibrd, in the 
forty-ninth year of his age, accompanied by the ad- 
miration of all who witnessed his end, and by the 
.mingled reproaches and lamentations of the rest 
of his countrymen. The circumstances of his 
death, however unhappy, at least proved fortunate 

• Riwhworth, VoL VIII. p, 7$9, 760, 7S1, 


to his memory. Had his offences not been mag- 
nified beyond truth ; had he, under the pressure of 
a just sentence^ wasted the remainder of his days in 
exile, or in the languid obscurity of a prison, he 
would have had little claim on the sympathy of -the 
world : or had he escaped from the hands of his 
enemies, and by some daring enterprise, given the 
first signal for civil convulsions, he would have 
caused the good and the wise to join in a common 
prayer for his overthrow. But his accusers, by the 
unjust means employed to effect his destruction, 
turned the eyes of mankind from his trespasses to 
their own ; and at length produced applause where 
they meant to excite detestation. They doomed 
their victim to a fate which could not fail to excite 
commiseration ; and they placed him on a theatre 
where his fortitude and lofty demeanour assumed 
the character of transcendent virtue^. To the 
tragical termination of his own life, Charles re- 
proached himself with the weakness which had sa- 
crificed his most able and faithful minister. * Even 
the parliament, a few weeks after his death, miti- 
gated the most severe consequences of their sen- 

• In a letter to the Earl of Clarendon from Newcastle, Charles 
expresses his deep contrition for *^* that base, unworthy concession 
concerning Strafford ; for which," he adds, " I have been most 
justly punished." Clarendon's State Papers, Vol. II. p. 296. 


tencc to his children ; and, ia a suceMding reigBp 
die jttatnder was reversed, the proceedings oUsto- 
rated from the public records, and his son iMteKd 
to all bjs fortune and honours* 




PUBuc library! 

** . 

/ . / '//. / 

/ / 




Ov the illustrious men, whose talents were called ^"^ 
jrto action by the civil wars, few have transmitt^ 

^iif posterity a more respected name than Edward 
}lBjis. He was descended from a family which 
wheriled the estate of Norbury in Cheshire, from 
ifce limes of the Saxon monarchy. His own birth- 
plice was Dinton in Wiltshire, where his father, 
tbough a younger brother, enjoyed a competrat 
fetone. His early education was conducted atia^isoZ 

'■ kome, under the tuition of an able teacher : but 
Ma principal improvement arose from the care and 
pODversation of his father, who had travelled in fa^ 
youth, and now delighted to communicate to his 
aon his observations on the appearance and man- 
ners of diffieiient countries. * 

Edward, being a younger son, was destined for l^^o&jbrd; 
the church ; and, with this view, was sent to the 
university of Oxford in his fourteenth year. But, ^^^ 
on the death of his elder brother, which soon after 

• CWendon'8 Life, by hlmaelT. Edit. 1759, p. «. 


took place, his destination was altered ; and he was 
now designed for the more flattering, though lets 
certain, profession of the law. He quitted the uni- 
versity with the reputation ratlier of talents than of 
industry ; and from some dangerous habits, parti- 
cularly that of drinking, in which he had been 
initiated, he afterwards looked on his early removal 
as not the least fortunate incident of his life. * 
T«iiM0. ^'^ commenced his professional studies in the 

Middle Temple, under the direction of his uncle^ 
Sir Nicholas Hyde, then treasurer of that societyi 
and soon afterwards Chief Justice of the King's 
Bench. Hie advantages of this connection were 
for some time rendered fruitless by illness ran 
attack of small-pox endangered his life, and an 
aguish complaint obliged him, for upwards of a 
year, to relinquish his studies. Nor was his appli- 
cation considerable even after his negligence had 
no longer an apology from the want of health. 
1627. As London was at that time full of young officers^ 
who were to be employed in the Duke of Bucking- 
ham's enterprises against France and Spain, Hyde 
found among them a society more agreeable to his 
taste and habits than among his fellow-students : 
and another year was lost amidst the pleasures of 
dissipation. When these dangerous companions 
were removed by peace, he still felt little inclina^ 

•• Life, p. 7. 


tion to immure himself amidst the records of the 
law. He was fond of polite literature, and parti- 
cularly attached to the Latin classics ; he therefore 
bestowed only so much attention on his less agree- 
able professional studies as was sufficient to save 
his credit with his uncle. « 

The death of this relative seemed to deprive him ^V^l^ 
of many advantages : but he bad now resolved to 
attend more seriously to his principal objects ; and, 
without abandoning either that literature or that 
conversation in which he delighted, to devote him- 
self chiefly to the business of his profession. To 
recall, as he informs us, those wandering desires 
ivhich render the mind inconstant and irresolute, 
he resolved to enter into the married state : but his 
lirst pursuit, which had merely a conv^ent estate 
for its object, was unsuccessful, yet produced no 
ksting uneasiness. In his next advances, his heart 
was more deeply interested. He married the 
daughter of Sir George Ayliffe, a young lady very 
beautiful and nobly connected ; but, after the en- 
joyment of only six months of happiness, he bad 
the affliction to see her suddenly ravished from him 
by the small-pox. The despondency produced by 
this misfortune for some time unfitted him for any 
active exertion ; and only the authority of his fa- 
ther, to whom he ever paid implicit obedience, 

•Life, p. 8, 9. • 


could restrain him from going abroad to indidgf 
more freely in bis melancboly. Three years elap* 
fied before the utmost importunity of hia fxiw^ 
could induce him to turn his thoughts to anolher 
anion ; when this young widower, who had Pot )Fet 
passed his twenty- fourth year, at length m^rria^ 
the daughter of Sir Thomas Aylesbury, Master of 
16S2. Requests to the king ; and by her be had afteiw 
wards a numerous progeny* * 
SnceeM at The succcss of Hyde, on his appearance Bit Uw 
bar, greatly surpassed the expectations of his con* 
temporaries. He had, indeed, been very punctual 
in the performance of all those public exercisot 
to which he was bound by the rules of the proiw- 
sion : but his habits, his society, his studies^ serai" 
ed to indicate that he had in view some other 
course of life. He seldom dined in the hall of hii 
inn, and there were few of bis own profession witk 
whom he maintained more than a formal acquaint 
ance. But he had been careful to form coniiefr* 
tions which procured him a higher estimation^ 9ii4 
which contributed much more directly to his sqe* 
cess. He had laid it down as a rule, to be elwefs 
found in the best company ; and to attain, bjT 
every honourable means, an intimate friendship 
with the most considerable persons of the kingdov* 
While only a student of law, he enjoyed the sooif- 

" Life^ p. 11, IS, U. 


tf of Ben Jonson, the most celebrated wit of 

tiuit age ; of Selden^ the most skilled of all Eng« 

lish lawyers in the ancient constitution and history 

of his country ; of May, a distinguished scholari 

and afterwards the historian of the parliament } of 

Sir Kenelm Digby, who was equally noted and a(v 

oeptable in the camp and the court. Among those 

whom he had bound to himself by the most inti^ 

mate ties of friendship^ he coidd recount Some of 

the most learned and celebrated divines, at a pe* 

riod when the clergy enjoyed peculiar distinction^ 

a^ the church was an object of ambition j Shei^ 

don* Morley, Earles, Hales, and, above all^ Cfail^ 

Ikgworth, whose amiable qualities rendered him as 

beloved by his friends, as his controversial talents 

caused him to be feared by his antagonists ; £d* 

mund Waller, who was not less admnred by his coa^ 

temporaries as an orator, than by posterity as a 

poet, was also among his intimate associates : but 

the friend whom he regarded with the most tender 

attachment, and the most unqualified adminttioii) 

was Sir Lucius Carey, afterwards Lord Falkland^ 

whom he delights to describe as the most accom- 

pli^ed gentleman, scholar, and statesman of his 


Nor did he n^lect to Ibrm an intimacy with 
those who oecu^ed a more prominent station in 

• Life, p. 30, 37, 8S. 


the eyes of the world. His zealous endeavours to 
procure reparation for a near relative of his first 
wife, a lady of high quality, whose reputation had 
heen sullied in an amour, introduced him to ia fik 
miliar intercourse with all her connections, persons 
of the first distinction at court : and, among others, 
with the Marquis of Hamilton, at that time the 
principal favourite of the king. From his reception 
by Lord Coventry, by the Earls of Pembroke^ 
Manchester, Holland, and the other principal offi* 
pers of the court, he found a great increase of con* 
sequence accrue to him in Westminster Hall : but 
what most contributed to his political influenee 
was a friendship which he found means to cultivate 
with Archbishop Laud. After the death of Wes- 
ton, Earl of Portland, the treasury was put into 
the hands of commissioners ; and Laud, being:*^' 
mong the number, proceeded with his usual indoi* 
try to examine into the state of the customs, and 
discovered some instances in which the lateloid 
treasurer had greatly harassed the merchants for 
the benefit of some favoured officers of the revenue; 
While his grace anxiously investigated this subjject^ 
Hyde was accidentally mentioned to him as a law* 
yer with whom the merchants had consulted on the 
means of relief, and who could give him the fullest 
information. An interview was the consequence 
of this intimation ; and so high an opinion did 
Laud conceive of the young counsellor's talents. 


diat he expressed a desire to see him friequently, 
employed him on several occasions of cdnsequetice» 
and took every opportunity to make known the 
esteem in which he held him. "^ 

Such countenance from the prime minister pro- Habita. 
cured him the most flattering reception in his pro^ 
fession. He was treated by the judges, and the 
more eminent counsellors, with a consideration to 
which no other lawyer of his years could pretead ; 
and clients became anxious to place their causes in 
the hands of a man who enjoyed siich general re- 
putation. He soon obtained considerable business^ 
and might have procured much more ; but he had 
determined that the thirst of money should not de^ 
prive him of those friendships and relaxations, 
without which life would have lost its sweetest at- 
tractions. He contrived, by a proper distribution 
of his time, to enjoy these pleasures, with as little 
hindrance as possible to his professional avocations. 
The hours of dinner, (which, at that period, were 
seldom later than twelve or one o'clock,) he always 
gave to the society of his friends ; and by that 
means continued to retain all his more valued inti* 
macies. The morning was occupied in the courts 
of law ; and the afternoon he dedicated to the husi* 
ness of his profession, to taking instructions, and 

• Life, p. IS, 27, 60. 


formiiig hia opinions* Yet he never soflEered hi 
ielf to be deprived of some hours, which he devvfe^ 
ed to his favourite literature, and which he usually 
borrowed from sleeps or from leisure procured bj 
habitually abstaining from supper. The vacations 
he gave wholly to literature and conversation ; nar 
did he ever spend any of those intervals oai the 
more lucrative occupations of the circuits^ Wlwtt 
he quitted London during two months of the maam' 
mer, it was only to retire to his ecmntry seat in 
Wiltshire, where his neighbours eagerly resortecl ta 
partake of his hospitality. * 

He thus continued for some years to enjoy a lift 
every way to his satisfaction. His domeskie omu 
fort was secured by a wife, who entirely dedicated 
herself to his views ; and by a promising faauly of 
three sons and a daughter, whom she brought him 
during this happy interval. Hyde was of a dispo* 
sition to enter thoroughly into the enjoymeota of 
social life. A competent fortune which he derived 
from inheritance, and an unusually rapid 
in his profession, enabled him to live in a fior 
splendid style than was customary with lawyeta. t 
In the company of Lord Conway, and some other 
noted epicures of that age, he had acquired & full 
relish for the pleasures of the table ; and as he die> 
coursed learnedly on these topics, he might have 

* Lifeip. 98, t liift,?* SS, SS, 


been suspected of excesses in which he did not in- 

It must, however, be recorded to his honour^ 
that he won the countenance of the great by no 
improper comph'ances, or degrading flattery. He 
made no scruple in expressing his opinions, even 
when he knew they would prove unacceptable. Of 
this an instance is recorded in his intercourse with 
Archbishop Laud. The primate^s habitual manner 
was that of a man who means well, but deems it 
superfluous to pay any regard to the ordinary civi- 
lities of life. His want of breeding perpetually 
disgusted those who approached him ; and raised 
him up innumerable enmities. Hyde, who was 
aware of the archbishop's rectitude, and who con- 
cluded that his indiscreet conduct proceeded from 
the want of an advising friend, took a fit oppor- 
tunity to mention to his grace the general preju- 
dice which his harsh carriage. excited ; and to state 
some late instances in which his seeming haughti- 
ness had given offence. Laud took this admoni- 
tion in gdod part ; defended himself on the ground, 
of his good intentions, yet allowed the infirmity of 
his temper ; and from that time forward received 
Hyde with increased kindness and familiarity. * 

• Life, ]>. 63. See the character of Lnud by Hyde in the Ap- 
pendix, p. vii. 



The estimatfen which our youfig counsellor mi^^ 
have lost among the grave and prudent, by the 4i8- 
sipatum of his youth, he soon recovered by the evi- 
dence which he gave of a staid and sober judgment. 
Qe was observed to have become thoroughly ena^ 
moured of the business of his professicm : and iH^ 
he attracted around him persons of ^listinctioii 1^ 
the liberality of his expenditure, he sUU iocreatfed 
his estate by some convenient purchases of laatL 
Although naturally proud and passicmate, and 
much given to disputation, yet so well had he sub- 
dued these vices of his temper by the influence of 
neflection and good company, that he now appear- 
ed afi^le, courteous, and obliging. The zeal wliich 
he manifested both for the doctrine and Uie wor- 
ship of the establisbed church, and the attachaient 
which he expressed to the king, secured to him the 
favour of the moat powerful body in the state : peo- 
ple spd^ with applause of his libenditj, of Ihe 
firmness of his friendships, and of his nnMcmiihed 
integrity. * 
inpttFia- Such was the ha^y and respectable conditMiiia 
"^^ ^^^ which Hyde was overtaken by the first CMBmotioiis 
of the civil wars. Seing chosen a member oTthe 
paiiiament whichmetin April 16M, hedid not jufibr 
his known attachment to the court to prevent him 
from contributing his endeavours for the reforma- 

Life^ p. 69. 


tion of the abuses, with which the 8^l^ec(4i wei^ 
grievously oppressed. In his 619% speech* he de? 
nounced the Marshal's Courti a court whicl^ bad 
folate years begun to take cognizance of 4i9rer 
spectful words to the higher orders of the 9ta^cv 
and had been guilty of various acts of pppre$sip|i 
not less wanton than intolerable.* His sevene ex- 
posure of this absurd and odious tribunal acquired 
him much repute among the friends of reforp^a- 
tion. t 

It was with deep regret that he p^ceived tb^ 
intention of the court to break with this parl^e^|;^ 
He had almost procured a resolution favourable to 
the question of supplies, when the peremptory de- 
mand for twelve subsidies, which Sir Harry V^^ 

* Some curious instances of the vexatious piooeediDgi of A|B 
court are mentioned in the speech ef Hyde. A ^aterni^^^ who de- 
manded an exorbitant fare from a citizen^ having met with a refusal^ 
pointed to a badge on his ; coat ; and^ being desired by the /citizen to 
be gone with his goose, complained of the insult to the Marplud'a 
Court. Here the unfortunate i^tizep found that the had||;p wbi^ 
he had mistaken for a goose was in fact a swan, and th^ crest of an 
earl^ whose retainer the waterman was ; and for this grievous insidt 
to nobility^ he was subjected to sudi excessive damfigea Bfi HfX^^ 
his ruin. On another occaijon^ a gentleman, haviog been watt^ 
on by his tailor, to demand a considerable sum of money, which 
had been long due, replied only by bad words, and attempted to 
thrust the importunate creditor out of doors. The tailor, irritated 
by this usage, ventured to teU him tji^t he was as good a man as 
himself: upon which he was summoned before the Marshal's 
Court, and glad to give up all his demands in lieu of damages. 

t Life, p. 72. 


made in the king's name, threw every thing into 
confusion. * He afterwards endeavoured to pre- 
vail on Laud to interpose his influence with the 
king against the fatal design of a dissolution : bnt 
he found the archbishop possessed with too bad an 
opinion of the Commons to become a mediator, f 
In ptriia. In the long parliament, which met towards the 
8, 1640. close of the same year, he found his known opi» 
nions and connections far from acceptable. Hit 
attachment to Archbishop Laud, and his devotion 
to the established ecclesiastical government, were 
unpromising circumstances to those who meditated 
the overthrow of the prelate, and considerable 
changes- in the church. Some fruitless attempts 
were made to find a flaw in his election, and to ex- 
cite jealousies between him and his friends : bat 
the leaders of the popular party were at length 
contented to dissemble their animosity, and soflen 
his opposition by civilities, t 
Patriotic From the manner in which the court and the 
^y^tj' nation stood affected to each other, Hyde perceiv- 
ed that important political discussions were now at 
hand ; he, therefore, from the commencement of 
this parliament, laid aside his gown, and devoted 
himself wholly to public business. By standing 
forth the resolute advocate of what he considered 
the established law, and by equally opposing the 


I ■ ■ ' " I , I ■ 1 ■— — I ■— ^— —— ^— ^1^— —^ 


• Ilkt. of Hcb. Vol. 1. p. 109. Folio edit. 1702. 
t Life, p. 75. J Ibid. p. 70. 


encroachments of the court and of the people, h& 
soon obtained consideration with all moderate men ;. 
and was, without suspicion of partiality, employed 
as chairman of the most important committees. 
He now procured the annihilation of the Marshal's 
Court : * and having been appointed chairman, of 
the committee for investigating the abuses of the 
council of York, he did not permit his regard for 
Stra£Pord to prevent him from exposing, in glowing 
colours, the enormous oppressions to which the 
northern counties had been subjected by that juris- 
diction, t Eveiy one admired the conscientious 
part which Hyde acted on this occasion, as it evi^ 
dently contributed to increase that indignation 
against the Earl, which, from personal feelings, he 
would have been glad to diminish. With equal 
rectitude and zeal, he conducted the impeachment 
of three Barons of the Exchequer, for ipiquitous 
decisions in support of exactions imposed by royal 
authority in defiance of law. t 

A most important change had now taken plac^ 
in the relative situation of the king and the parr 
] lament. Charles had not only failed in his at- 
tempt to render himself independent of that assemr 
bly, but had brought himself into a situation of 

•Whitlocke, p. 51. 

t Ruslivvorth, Vol. IV. p. 230. Lives of the Lords ChanceUof;, 
VoL L p. 6. J Ibia. 


mich extreme difficulty^ that he had now only to 
choose betiveen a recourse to force or unlimitad 
COttipliattce* For the former he was not prepuw 
ed ; and by the latter^ he soon became divested of 
his original rank in the constitution. The parlift- 
ilient knew that necessity alone extorted ihnn hkil 
his present concessions, and they dreaded thai 
he would seine the first opportunity of reiuming 
What he had so reluctantly granted^ They seenU 
ed resolved, therefore, to reduce his power withm 
very narrbw limits, and with this view judged it 
ftScessary that they themselves should be invested 
with exorbitant authority. By the act which ren^ 
dered the piyrliament indissoluble unless by their 
own consent, they became entirely independent of 
the king ; and the government was, in &ctf coBh 
verted into an irresistible oligarchy^ 

Hyde^ with Lord Falkland and other moderate 
meUj had concurred in the salutary acts which were 
passed at the commencement of this parliament^ 
for the redress of many enormous grievances* But 
when they perceived that the fears of some men, 
and the ambition of others, induced them to draw 
more power into their hands than was consisteiit 
with the ancient constitution of the country^ theae 
loyal patriots took the alarm, and began to resist 
every change which could affect the prerogative. 
Hyde distinguished himself conspicuously in op- 
posing encroachments on the privileges of the 


€liiirch* At the cmiimenceiiient of thig^ pai^b- 
menty there appeal^ no intention of introdacing 
an alterationinto the form of the estaUished churdi 
goyemment ; Lord Say seemed the only leader in 
dthw house who r^arded that form with animo- 
tky*"^ But the bishopsi from the arbitrary maxims 
of government which they had abettedt and from 
their late of^ressive proceedings in the court q{ 
high commissson^ had made thenseltes a number 
of enemies, and came gradually to be ranked a^ 
mong the decided opponents of the parliament* 
At first it was proposed to deprive them of their 
seats in the House of Peers ; but, at a subsequent 
period, motions were entertwied for the utter ex^ 
tirpation of episcopacy. All such propositions ^preee 
strenuously resisted by Hyde* It was c ont ended 
by those who desired to deprive the bishops of their 
seats in paliament, that the clergy were represented 
in the house of convocatk>n, the prq)er assembly 

• Hist of Reb. Vol. I. p. 145. darendon^ from his personieii 
knowledge of the parliamentary leaders and their views, assures l|JI 
tfaaty at the commencement of the kmg parfiament, few ^ thp 
members were disaffected to the churdi^ and none seemed to eaUa^ 
tain a prospect of its subversion. Even after the war had oom'-* 
menced, he tells us that ** designs against the chordi were nol )fti 
grown popular in the two houses." Hist of Reb, Vok II. (w SU 
At the treaty of Uxbridge, he represents the English commissioners 
as zealous in the business of religion, merely to gratify* their Scot- 
tish allies. Ibid. p. 448. In short, it seems uniformly his opinion, 
that the religious (]|^uarrel sprung out of the civil. 



for debating ecclesiastical subjects ; that there was 
no adequate reason for allowing this profession, 
this class of public officers alone, their peculiar re- 
presentatives in parliament ; and that the whole of 
this privilege had its foundation in an age of super- 
stition, when th\3 claims of ecclesiastics admitted if 
no resistance. But Hyde maintained that the 
antiquity of the privilege was an irrefragable arga* 
ment in its favour ; that the temporal rights of tlie 
bishops were interwoven with the elements of o»r 
constitution; and that they could not be taken 
away without removing indispensable land-marks* 
Being appointed chairman of the committee to 
consider of the abolition of episcopacy, he contrived 
to interpose so many delays and difficulties in the 
proceedings, that the reformers at length grew 
weary, and for the present abandoned the project.* 
stnt to the His excrtions in favour of the royal cayse were 
not always unattended with personal hazard. The 
Commons having drawn up a remonstrance, in 
which they detailed all the grievances under which 
the nation had laboured, even those which had 
been redressed ; Hyde formally protested against 
a measyre that could have no other object than to 
inflame the animosity of the people against th$ 
king. Protests, though usual in the House of Peers, 

» ■ ■ ■ ... n 

♦ Hist, of Reb. Vol. L p. 216, 




hud never been admitted by the Commons ; and 
for tbid oflfence he was, foi; some days, committed 
to the Tower. * 

The same occasion, however, brouirht hhn into fotroaqeiifl 
tt more intimate connection with the monareh* 
Charles, who could not oveiiook his zealoas exer- 
tions in behalf of the prerogative, had already sent 
Ibr him privately, and returned his acknowledge 
ments for a support which he had in vain expected 
from his own immediate servants* His majesty 
was now presented by Lord Digby with a fiill an- 
swer to the remonstrance of the Parliament, which 
Hyde, finding his protest in vain, had drawn up, 
mid shown in confidence to his friend, without any . 
intention of its being made further known, f Dig- 
by, however, took the first opportunity of e:jq>atiat- 
ing on its merits to the king, who accordingly re- 
quested the paper from Hyde, and published it as 
the reply of the king and the council, concealing 
the name of the real author, at his own earnest 
desire. % 

• Hist, of Reb. Vol. I. p. 249. 

t Lord Digby had distinguished himself as a leader of the po- 
pular party> but, on the question of Stniflbrd's attainder, had dl»- 
aented fron) them^ and gone afterwards decidedly over to the court. 
His subsequent conduct showed him better qualified for an Gj>po8i« 
tion orator than for a minister ; since his rash coonada frequency 
prored very prejudicial to the intereata of hia maater. 

t Life, p. 87. 


conBdentiai But it iooD became necessary that he shcmid talu 

employ. " 

ment. g mare active and decided part in support of ga^ 
▼emment. The king was now without a nii{^ 
minister in the House of Commonsi who had 
either the courage or the inclination to stand fiartli 
as the advocate of his claims. He therefore n^ 
solved to confer the offices of state on those mai^ 
who, without any connection with the govemmeiil^ 
were daily incurring reproach and danger in its da- 
fence. Lord Falkland, who had hitherto held of 
direct intercourse with the court, was, to his siiTf 
prise, nominated principal secretary of state ; fQ 
office which he would have declined^ had not 
Hyde, his most intimate friend, represented to him 
the irreparable injury which he would bring on the 
king's affiiirs, if he gave countenance to the opU 
nion that the court was too vicious, or its con^ 
tion too desperate, to receive the support of wisp 
and virtuous men. The chancellorship of the 
exchequer was given to Sir John Colepepper, ano- 
ther independent royalist : and it was intended to 
deprive St John, one of the king's most bitter eiie* 
mies, of the office of solicitor-general, and to con- 
fer it on Hyde. To this propontion, howevery 
Hyde absolutely refused his assent. He repreaent* 
ed, that the displacing of St John would only aerve 
to exasperate the Parliament ; and that he himself 
could render much more effectual service to his 
majesty, by continuing bis independent ei:ertion8» 


than by appearing in any official character^ T(^ 
these reasons the king assented ; but at the same/ 
time committed to Hyde, in conjunction with l^eSk^. 
land and Colepepperi the whole man^emtet gC 
hifi i^aurs in the House of Commons, with a so^ 
lemn assurance that he would take no step relating 
to Parliament without their adyice and approba^ 
tlon»* I 

But Charles on this, as on other occasions, was 
incapable of adhering to prudent and consisteoA 
resolutions. The new counsellors had the mortifi«t 
cation to see a step immediately taken, without 
any communication with them, which rendered all 
their future exertions fruitless, ^id a civil war in- 
evitable. The queen, a woman of a rash and 
violent temper, who, from her education in the 
court of France, had imbibed the most arbitrary 
notions of monarchical power, was perpetually urg«^ 
ing her husband to confound his rebellious subjects 
by bold and decisive measures. The invention of 
Lord Digby, who was now become her favourite 
minister, soon suggested an attempt suitable to 
these counsels. By his advice, the king, who too 
readily entered into all precipitate designs, sudd^i^ 
ly caused a peer and five commoners to be impeach^ 

* Hist, of Reb. Vol. I. p. 267, 969. Life, p. S8, 89. See in 
Appendix, the characters of Lord Digby and St John^ as given by 
Hyde ; also those of Hambden and Pym. 


ed of high treason ; and accompanied this charge 
with a demand that they should immediately be 
delivered up to him for trial. The Commonly 
more indignant than appalled, merely replied by t 
message to his majesty, that the persons impeach- 
ed should be forthcoming as soon as a legal charge 
was produced against them : but it was resolved at 
court, that the king, to follow up the measure with 
proper boldness, should next day go in person to 
the House, and seize on the accused members. 
Charles might have hesitated at so dangerous a 
proposal, but his resolution was stpeedily confirmed 
by the irresistible reproaches of his queen and the 
ladies of the court. When he presented himself 
in tlic House, he had the mortification to find, ac- 
cording to his own expression, that *^ the birds 
were flown ;'' and retired from his abortive at* 
tempt amidst h)ud and indignant cries of Privi^' 
lege! Priiileg'cP' 

The consequences of this rash action were never 
retrieved. The Parliament had long apprehended 
that the king would, according to his custom on 
former dissolutions, take vengeance, by imprison- 
ment, on those who had maintained an active ap- 
position. But they now saw him, even while they 
continued to sit, attempting to intlict capital pun- 

• Whitlockf, p. .yi. Hist, of llcb. Vol. L p. 282. Rushwortb^ 
Vol. IV. p. 47y. 


ishment on the popular advocates. The accused 
members were charged with an attempt to subvert 
the fundamental laws of the kingdom : but in the 
particular acts, on which this charge rested, many 
inorc had been equally implicated. Every one, 
therefore, took the accusation of the five members 
as a warning to himself ; and the more active op* 
posers of the court from thenceforward saw no 
safety for themselves, but in depriving the monarch 
of the power to injure. 

Grieved and dispirited by such irretrievable er- 
h)rs, Hyde, with his colleagues, continued the me- 
lancholy task of supporting a cause which every 
day became more hopeless. He assures us, that 
both he and Falkland were of opinion that the 
king would be overwhelmed by his enemies ; and 
that they engaged in the royal cause solely from a 
sense of duty, and with a full persuasion that this 
course would terminate in their own ruin. As 
Hyde was employed in no official capacity, and de- 
sired to appear an independent supporter of the 
court, he could repair to the king only by stealth : 
and the monarch was at times reduced to the pain- 
ful necessity of meeting his faithful advocate at 
midnight on the back-stairs of the palace. * His 
task was both laborious and dangerous : he was 
engaged to write answers, in the king's name, to 

* Life, p. 105, 106. 


all the declarations of the Parliamentf which floon 
became extremely numerous* These delicate tnois- 
actions afforded an instance of the secrecy aii4 inp 
dustry of which Charles was capable on partienhr 
occasions. As it would have proved very 6ax$gfffr 
ous to Hyde, had he been known as the sutlw of 
these replies, it was resolved that the secr^ whi^ 
was known only to lus friends Falkland and Cide- 
pei^r, should not be communicated to any odwr 
person whatever. * Charles, therefore, whm )te 
removed to a distance from these counseUon^ ww 
under the necessity of transcribing all the VQlnw- 
nous replies with his own hand, before he jpnsanpt- 
ed them to his council ; a task which he perlwm» 
ed for many months, though it often cost him tbe 
labour of two or three days together, and frequwjt- 
ly interfered with the hours of sleep, f 

Though the assistance which Hyde rendered to 
the court was concealed with the utmost oaotion, 
yet he had now become violently suspected by ti|e 
popular leaders. Some of his private internaws 
with the king had been accidentally detected ^ and 
it was discovered that two of the ministers^ Fa)k* 
land and Colepepper, repaired nightly to Im hasm 

* Falkland and Colepq)pcr remained with Hyde in Londgn ftr 
a considerable time afltcr the king had quitted the Parliament and 
retired to York. 

t Life, p. 108. 10 


tD hold private consultations. The tmHSual par» 
tion of time which he now devoted to his closet, 
eombined with these circumstancesy infiised a sus- 
piei<m that he was the author of t^e king's decla- 
rations i and a resolution was privately taken to 
deprive the royal cause of his obnoxious services, 
by committing him and his two associates to the 
Tower. This danger he for some time found 
means to elude ; but at length he peremed it ne* 
oessary to quit London, and repair to York, where 
the king had now assembled his court, and em- 
ployed himself in appealing to the nation against 
llie Parliament. * 

Hyde now openly entered into the service of the April i64a 
king, but did not for some time occupy aoy official of thTE?. 
^nation. He resisted an intention of his mi^esty *^"*'- 

■ III. I - I , ^^.^^^^M — ^ 

« lASe, p. 113—190. A singular UKident happened lo Hyde, 
on bis airival at York. A lodging: had been prepared (Bar bis xeeej^ 
Uon as a person belonging to the courts in the bouse of a respect- 
able man, who expressed much satisfaction at having the adherents 
of the king for his inmates. But on being informed of Che name 
of bis new lodger, the landlord suddenly burst |brtb into yidc^it 
rage^ and swore he would sooner set bis bouse on fire than su£^ 
such a person to lodge under bis roof. The servants of Hyde stood 
amazed at the implacable wraUi which now seemed to transport 
the whole fiunily ; and Hyde himself was equally astonlihedf as he 
bad never before visited York> nor^ to bis recollection, ii\}ured any 
of its inhabitants. The mystery, however^ was quickly removed, 
when he discovered that his landlord had been an attorney of the 
Council of York, where he bad earned a handsome income, till the 
Parliament, and Hyde, more conspicuously than any other mem- 
ber, had procured the abolition of that court. 


to make room for his appointment as secretaiy of 
state, by the removal of another minister to a lea 
profitable office ; and he waited with patience till 
the promotion of Sir John Colepepper to the mas- 
tership of the rolls, left vacant for him the office 
Mareh q{ Chancellor of the Exchequer. He was at the 
same time knighted, and sworn of the privy coun* 
cil ; and he reflected with satisfaction, that thii 
preferment had been obtained without any connec- 
tion with the cabals of the court, and even without 
the privity of the queen. * 

While any prospect remained of terminating 
the contest between the king and the parliament 
otherwise than by the sword, Hyde, with Falkland 
and Colepepper, continued their united exerti(»l8< 
in the royal service* Though their tempers were 
dissimilar, yet their loyalty was equally ardent ; 
and their opinions generally coincided. ^ Colepep- 
per, a man of a rough and violent temper, was ac- 
customed to triumph over the opposition of the 
king, from whom he often dissented, by that deci- 
sive and resolute tone which Charles could never 
resist, t Falkland, though the most kind-hearted, 
as well as the most loyal and honourable of men, 
could not bring himself, with a compliance which' 
might seem connected with flattery, to assent to 
some of the king's most favourite notions, especial- 

• Life, p. 140— li I, T Life, p. 96. 



If io rigard to the clmrch wiki fais dontndictmi 
in these poiitt6 aEeMted fiDm hi» the dfectioBS of 
a iovereign for whom ho had doroted hii lifo Co 
l oge i oo n destraotton^ * Hyd^ was mews ieceptdile 
to the king than eithet ai hia oMciguea $ fba# on 
aanj impoitaiit pointi^ Mi awanngnia nmen aBove 
neaaly comcided wkh thoae of the nioiMmeh* No 
cxtiemitjr oughts in hi^ ofmmm, to itidteo fais aM- 
jaaty to sanctioti any change ia ike chnoh eafaU 
Uiahment : that taHet waa aacredty itiamtainad 
by Charlea^ while both Valkhmd atid Gdepqppor 
eonaidered the form of eeeieaiaptiodi govonunent as 
ja matter of couipanitively little i m por t anoe^ and at 
any time to be sacrificed to the inteiesti of the to- 
vereign and the nation^ Hyde was^ like Finland, 
the adrocate of peace ; hot ey^i peace, he tkoughty 
ou^t not to be purchand by foregoing any paM of 
the prerogative} while Falkland was of o^ion 
that the king ought to gratify his people by many 
acta of compliance, and give up » portion ef kss 
power rather than baiard the whole, f 

The king, finding that the Chancellor of the vvnm wm 
Exchequer's sentiments so mndieoiw^oiMlodl with 
his own, began to rq^ them with partitfolat eott^ 
fideace ; and,. wliM streogliir wgedtO'aiqr iflMMit^ 
iiMaUy iuquirec^ <^ whether Ned Hydrwsif of that 
opinion ?*' t In a letter to the queen, who waa it 


• Life, p. 93. t Ibid. p. 99— 97. % Md. p. 99. 

VOL. n. U 


that time in Holland, his majesty lued a stiE 
stronger expression : ^' I must make Ned Hyde 
Secretary of State/' said he, ^^ for the truth ii» I 
can trust nobody else.'' This conspicuous tetl^ 
mony to his fidelity cost him very dear ; for the 
letter was intercepted and published by the parUa^ 
ment, and he now became peculiarly obnozumi» 
not more to the enemies of the royal cause than to 
his fellow^ourtiers. * These instances of fkvonr 
did not, however, diminish his confidential inters 
course with Falkland and Colepepper ; and if he it 
any time differed from them, it was chiefly in re- 
gard to the affiiirs of the church. On one occammif 
Hyde, without giving his reasons, opposed the pub- 
lication of a state paper drawn up by Colepepper, 
and approved both by the king and Falkland ; bat 
withdrew his opposition somewhat indignantly, u 
consequence of a warm and sharp reproof from the 
latter. The king, however, became still farther 
attached to Hyde, when he discovered that his op- 
position had proceeded from his objection to a 
statement of Colepepper's, affirming that the King, 
the Lords, and the Commons, formed the three 
estates of the kingdom : whereas the king, in his 
opinion, should have been mentioned as the sofe^ 
reign of the whole, and the bishops as the thifd 
estate, t 

• Life, p. 139. I Ibid. p. isi. 


In the fruitless attempts which Were made to(>muamaa 
bring about a pacification between the king and 
the parliament, Hyde bore an active part. He 
was one of the commissioners who attended the ne- 
gotiations at Uxbridge, and distinguished himself 
by his opposition to every concession which might 
have circumscribed the prerogative, or led to inno- 
vations in the government of the church. * Much, 
he thought, at this time, might be done by win- 
ning over from the parliament several of the most 
considerable men, who had indeed deeply offend- 
ed, but repented of the length to which they had 
gone, and were desirous to avoid further excesses. 
But his influence was insufficient to counteract the 
clamour of the courtiers, and the resentment of 
the queen ; and he had daily the mortification to 
see men of rank and power converted into harden- 
ed enemies of their sovereign, by having their re- 
pentant submissions treated, with coldness and con- 
tempt, t 

During the subsequent struggles, he discovered, situatioii 
with unspeakable pain, that the preceding abuses nv. 
of the royal authority had very generally alienated 
the people from their allegiance : that they obey- 
ed the ordinances of the parliament, while they 
disregarded the proclamations of the long : that 
contributions, large beyond precedent, were 

* Hist, of Reb. Vol. 11. p. 443. f Ibid. p. 254, 310. 


ly paid to that aaaembly, while the court wai dis- 
tracted by extreme poverty ; and that the troopi 
of the king were actually reduced to famine^ ia the 
same counties where the army of his hostile anb* 
jecta immediately after found abundant supplies. * 
He saw a cloud of melancholy presage ovaiiaiig 
the countenances of the most virtuoos royalists } 
and heard, from somoi distressing doubts of the 
justice of the cause in which they were eagaged* 
Sir Edward Vamey, a gentleman of unshaken loy» 
alty and distinguished courage, one day complin 
mented him on the cheerfulness and vivacity which 
he retained amidst the general depression. Hyde 
b^an to point out the propriety of every one^s 
maintaining the appearance of hope, where deqioa* 
dency was likely to prove so fatal ; and hinted that 
to raise the drooping spirits of others was a doty 
peculiarly incumbent on men of known magnaai^ 
mity like Vamey. The latter repliedf with a 
smile, that he should do his best to fulfil thia tmk : 
'* but my condition/' said he, *^ is much worse 
than yours, and may well justify the mdancholy 
which, I confess to you, possesses me. You a» 
satisfied in your conscience that you are in tha 
right ; that the king ought not to grant what iara^ 
quired of him ; and so you do your duty and jom 
business together. But, for my part, I Kka mot 

MIist.of*Reb.Vol. II. p.966. 


the quarrel ; and do heattily wish that th^ khig 
would yield and consent t6 dl that is dedii^. It 
is only in honour and in gratitude that 1 am con* 
cemed to follow my master. I have eaten hi« 
bread, and served him near thirty years, and will 
not do so base a thing as to forsake him, but rather 
choose to lose my life, which I am sure I shall do, 
to defend and preserve those things which it is 
against my conscience to defend and preserve, ^or 
I will deal freely with you : I have no reverence 
for the bishops, for whom this quarrel subsists,'* 
Hyde, though unembarrassed by such doubts, was 
deeply affected with this conscientious avowal i and 
still more when he learnt, about two months after- 
wards, that this faithful and gallant Soldier liad 
fallen in the cause of his sovereign. ^ 

As the Chancellor of the Exchequer took no 
active part in the military operations to which the 
fate of all parties was now committed, his counsels 
attracted little notice amidst the noise of war, and 
the violence of contending factions. He was re» 
duced to the painful task of witnessing disorders 
which he could not remedy, and calamities whieh 
he could not avert. He saw the king, in his deep- 
est distress, cruelly harassed by the importunities 
of his rapacious and unfeeling courtiers^ who did 
not blush to seize on the day of his calamity to ex- 


• Life, p. 134. 


tort from him honours which they had not earned, 
and offices which they could only occupy to hit 
ruin. '* He saw a faction of women acquiring an 
ascendancy in the management of aflSdns, confound- 
ing the wisest counsels by their visipnary iKh^mei^ 

* There is scarcely any drcninstance^ in pierusing the ieoor<dt of 
that period^ which more powerfully ascites onr indignttioii^ dm 
the unprincipled selfishness which pervaded the immediafee ler^ 
vants and dependents of the king. Hyde and Falkland werp at 
most the mily attendants on the courts who, in no instanee^ he tmy ed 
a tincture of thijs ahject spirit. Even Sir John Colepqiper, fft^r l|ii 
promotion to the Mastership of the Rolls^ endeavoured alio to nUjaik 
the Chancellorship of the Exchequer, and took it very homy 
that he was not allowed to engross the emoluments of both offioei. 
(Life, p. 1.43.) The rapacity of the courtiers of those timeSy a iflm 
at present comparatively so rare and infamous, may be trao64 lo 
the peculiar customs of that period. As the revenue of the natioa 
came directly into the hands of the king, and was entirdy at Mi 
disposal, he might, at his pleasure, either employ it on pohlie pur- 
poses, or lavish it on his fiivourite courtiers ; and the ktter waa 
fVequenily its destination. Hence it was a usual practioe'wita 
men of Considerable private fortunes to waste them in adding to 
the magnifipence of t)ie court, and in attracting the notice of the 
king ; in the expectation that the zeal manifested by their psoftu 
sion would earn &r greater riches fVom his bounty. A great pn>^ 
portion of the courtiers of Charles were persons of this deiciiptfoii; 
and as their habits of dissipation rendered thejr wants toAtmdf 
pressing, at a period when the court was in the utmoet poverty^ 
tiieir clamorous demands were frequently among the most intoilcr* 
able embarrassments of the monarch. It was owing to diis mode 
of obtaining favours at court, that menial offices Bboat the petaon 
of the monarch were at that period so eagerly sought after ; tliey 
affi)rded opportunities of urging requests at a propitious moment* 
See Hyde's account of Colepepper in the Appendix to this Tolomej 

p. Vlll. 


and paral jsing the most yigorous plans by thrar 
fears. He saw the milkary offlceKs, on whose good 
conduct the king now depended for his throne and 
his life, wasting the season of action in dissipation j 
incurring irretrievable disasters firom a jiti&l spirit 
of faction ; insisting on the rejection of all terms 
<tf accommodation, fitmi the hope of plundering 
the rebels ; rendering the royal name odious by 
oount^iancing the soldiery in depredations on the 
inhabitants; and finally, on tbe ruin of their 
cause, forsaking their standaids, and seddng £ot 
safety in foreign countries, or, in jome cases, in 
desertion to the enemies of their king* >* 

But before the afiairs of the sovereign were ov^« 
taken by this find ruin, Hyde was deprived of his 
most beloved fnend, and the country of its most 
virtuous royalist, in the premature fall of Lord 
Falkland. From the commencement of the civil 
war, and ike mutual slaughter of his countrymen, 
the enlivening gaiety, the unbounded affibility, 
the winning mildness of Falkland, t were converted 
into a fixed melancholy, an ungracious reserve, a re» 
pulsive a^rity. He became pale and dqjected : his 
looks and words expressed unconquerable chagrin ; 
and his dress, to which he had formeriy beat par- 
ticularly attentive, was now remarkaUe only for its 
negligence. One topic alone could rouse him from 

* Hist, of Reb. VoL 11. passim. t Lift, p. 4$. 


hifi despondency: when any proposition towatdi 
peaoa was brought forward* his countenance brig^ 
enedy and ha zealously pursued the cheering pro** 
spect, while any hope could be cherished^ Am 1m 
sat among his friends* he would often* after a deep 
silence and frequent sighs* reiterate in a piercing 
accent the word peace I peace I He would then 
declare* that ^' the very agony of the war^ and the 
riew of the calamities and desolation which the 
kingdom endured* deprived him of his sleepf and 
would shortly break his hearts'* These expnoi- 
sions were interpreted into cowardice and disloyal- 
ty by the unprincipled soldiers of fortune^ wha 
looked forward with eager eyes to the plunder of 
their opponents ; and Falkland accounted bilQself 
bound in honour to refute their calumniest by be^ 
ing prodigal of a life which the good of hia eouQ/« 
try required him to hold dear. In every aetioii» 
he stationed himself* as a volunteer* in the fon« 
most ranks, and acted his part with invincible coiUi 
rage : but no sooner did the enemy give way* than 
he employed his whole efforts to stop the eamage^ 
and seemed to have come into the field merelj la 
save the effusion of blood. In the battle of Edge** 
hill* he incurred imminent danger by tl^se ooUt 
acts of humanity. But be was relieved froio wil* 
nessing the protracted miseries of his country* At 
the first battle of Newbury* which took place early 
in the war* he seemed to feci a presage that the 


termination of bis sorrows was at hand. He ad-> 
justed his dress with more care than he had for 
smne time observed, declaring that he did not wish 
the enemy to fmd hist)ody in a slovenly condition* 
'^ I am weary of the times," added he, '^ and fore* 
see much misery to my country ; but believe that 
I shall be out of it ere night." As he bore his 
part in the first onset, he was mentally wounded ; 
and expired, in the thirty-third year of his age» 
leaving behind him one of the fairest reputations 
which history can boast. • 

After the battle of Naseby, when the affiiirs of ^^ ^ 
the king began to appear irretrievable even to the ^^^^ 
most sanguine, Charles resolved to place his eldest ^^44. 
son beyond the reach of the parliament, by sending 
him out of the kingdom. He selected the Lords 
Capel and Hopton, as the servants in whom he 
could most confide, and joining with them Hyde 
and Colepepper, he appointed them to attend the 
prince as a permanent council, to watch over his 
safety, and direct all his proceedings, t The charge 
was delicate, and was soon found to be attended 
with a number of difficulties. The queen had by 
this time withdrawn to France, and was particu- 
larly desirous t hat the prince also should repair 
thither, and be placed under her direction. Such 

■ Whitlocke, p. 78, 74. Hist, of Reb. Vol. II. p. 270, 277. 
See his character by Hyde in the App^idix, p, ix. 
t Life, p. 90. 


was her influence over her husband, that, in 1m 
first orders to the prince's council, be had com- 
«nianded them to carry him to France, and ji$ce 
him under his mother's care, without leaving them 
any discretionary power. * But the council kneir 
that no step could be more prejudicial to the in* 
terests either of tlie king or the prince : that the 
queen was odious in England, even to the most 
loyal subjects, from a suspicion that she had in* 
stilled into her children the principles of popeiy : 
and that indignation would be excited among dbo 
best friends of the king, were the prince to be de» 
livered into her hands. There was also reason to 
distrust the friendly intentions of the French conrt. 
Cardinal Mazarine, who now directed its conncili^ 
had prevented any effectual assistance from being 
rendered to Charles, and was supposed to main- 
tain a confidential intercourse with the leaders of 
the parliament. It was therefore not impossible 
^ that he might not, from'thc views of a crooked poli^ 
cy^ become subservient to their designs, and dis- 
pose of the prince jaccording to their instructioni* 
But the queen was too intent on the plan of ac- 
quiring an uncontrollable jiscendancy over the mind 
of the prince, to be moved by these considerations. 
And although the council at length procured a dis- 
cretionary power to convey their charge to Den» 

IIi»t. ofllcb. VoLII. p.527. 


mark, or to any other foreign country, * they 
found this permission unavailing i^inst her zeal- 
ous intrigues. 

From Scilly, whither they had at first fied from Apni 1645, 
the arms of the parliament, they carried the prince 
to Jersey, an island distinguished for its loyalty, and 
well pnmded with the means of defence. Here 
he m^ht, in security, and without particular of- 
fence to any party, have awaited the course of events 
in England : but he was immediately assailed by 
the commands of his mother, to repair without de- 
lay to her at Paris. At first the authority of the 
council, who decidedly opposed his departure, in- 
duced him to resist these applications : but at length 
the love of new scenes triumphed in the breast of a 
youth, who had only passed his fifteenth year ; and juiy ]64fi. 
he quitted Jersey, attended by only one of his 
council. Lord Colepepper, who h,ad been won over 
to the views of the queen, t 

Hyde remained in Jersey, and now began, in a Employed 
tranquil retreat, to solace himself for the dangers tory. 
and troubles through which he had passed* In the 
cheerful society of the governor. Sir George Car- 
teret, and his lady, who received him, with cordial 
hospitality, into their family, he again enjoyed the 
pleasures of home : and so happily could his mind 
dispel uneasy recollections, that, though placed at a 

— . 

• Hist, of Reb. Vol. II. p. 546, 547. t Ibid. Vol. III. p. 21. 


distance from his wife, his children, and hit detreit 
friends, he assures us he erer afterwards recallcdy 
with delight, that interval of peaceful tranquillity. 
In the castle, he built a suite of apartments fat Im 
own use ; and placed over the door an inscriptioii 
which indicated, that he accounted his part fiifR« 
ciently discharged in those turbulent ttmeti if h§ 
could escape into guiltless obscurity. * Here he 
pursued the design which he had conceived^ of ro« 
cording to posterity the events of the civil win : 
and he speaks, with a pardonable complacencey of 
the unremitting diligence with which, in the speoe 
of two years and some months spent in this retierty 
he compiled his voluminous records, f 

While his pen was employed in labouring for pOx 
sterity, he found an opportunity of writing a seaioiu 
able reply to a declaration of the pariiament# The 
king, after having in vain tried the loyalty of the 
Scots and the army, had attempted to eici^ fhnd 
his dominions ; but, by the misconduct df thoae 
who attended him, was taken prisoner, and confiiii- 
ed in the Isle of Wight. Having rejected the pro* 
positions which the parliament now sent himp eaalf 
together extravagant, they retaliated by a vote the! 
no more addresses should be made to hinu TUg 

* The inscription was, Bene vixit, qui bene latuit* |Ie hath Ufcd 
well> who hath lain well oonocalcd. 
t Life, p. 202. 


vote they accompanied by a declaration, in which 
they charged him with having caused all the cala- 
mities under which the kingdom suffered^ and with 
having reacted ev^ overture for accommodation* 
For these reasons^ they held themselves justified 
in discontinuity any further addresses to hiniy and 
in proceeding, by their own authority, to provide 
for the welfare of the kingdom. ^ To this decla* 
ration the Chancellor of the Exchequer published 
a reply, vigorously retorting the charges of the 
parliament, and demonstrating the illegality of 
their present proceedings. The king was much 
pleased with this vindication ; and in particular ex- 
{Mressed surprise at the author's profound dcill m 
theological questions, t 

From his peaceful retreat in Jersey, Hydo was Joins the 
at length summoned to attend the Prince of Wales, the^Ha^e. 
who had now found an opportunity fbr action. ^^^ ^^^^ 
Tile fleet which had greatly injured the royal 
cause by an early submission to tho parliament, 
now resolved to atone for their enror, by again 
transferring their services to the kmg. Yfith this 
kitention, a lai^^ squadron sailed^ for the poitts^ of 
the United Provinces ^ and,. afi;er taking on board 
the prince, who had repaired thither to join them, 
had returned to blockade the Thames. Hero, 

• Hist, of Reb. Vol. III. p. 71. | Life, p. 204. 


amidst the distraction of Uncertain counsels, sere* 
ral valuable mercliant vessels were successively 
captured, and released, or ransomed far below 
their value. * Though the king was then confine 
ed in the Isle of Wight, and might, by a vigorous 
attempt of the fleet, have been rescued, the pr^ 
cious interval was wasted in a blockade of the ri* 
ver, and the parliament was allowed to prepare a 
naval force. The fruitless enterprise was at length 
terminated by the hasty retreat of the prince, be- 
fore a superior force, to the ports of Holland* t 

It was on the return from this abortive expedi- 
tion that the Chancellor of the Exchequer met 
the Prince of Wales at the Hague } and found 
himself engaged in a scene of confusion and ani- 
mosity, which made him look back with fond re- 
gret to the tranquil retirement he had been com- 
pelled to abandon. The misfortunes of the royaU 
ists, instead of soflening, had exasperated their 
minds ; and a commimity in misery seemed to 
give a new edge to their mutual resentments. Re- 
duced from a licentious prodigality to galling po- 
verty, they grasped, without honour or deoeney. 

* These vesielf belonged to the merchants of I^ionckm, and 
restored on essy termsy with a view to conciliate the dtiieiii ; a pa* 
licy wliich proved ineffectual, and is much condemned by Claren- 
don, who thinks that none but severe remedies ought to hsTS bem 
applied to their distempered minds. 

t IlUt. of Reb. Vol. III. p. 181^ 184. 


at the scanty resources which the cold generosity 
of foreign princes bestowed on their master : and 
we are tempted by turns to ridicule and to lament 
the furious contests for power and pre-eminence, 
which agitated this handful of exiled courtiers. 
To such a degree had private passions absorbed 
every other consideration in the breasts of these 
unfortunate men, that some of them had even la- 
boured to excite a mutiny in the fleet with a view 
to oppress their rivals ; and overlooked the danger 
of shaking the allegiance of the sailors in their ar- 
dour to prevent their being led by their antago- 
nists. * 

As the Chancellor had borne no part in these \^^^* 
intrigues, his arrival was welcomed by all parties ; 
and he was soon beset by the contending courtiers, 
who endeavoured to draw him to their faction, by 
bitter invectives against their opponents, t He 
beheld, with extreme concern, these dissentions, 
so indecent amidst public calamities, and so ruin- 
ous to the royal cause : he exerted all his powers 
of conciliation to allay them : yet could he scarcely 
prevent Prince Rupert and Lord Colepepper from 
terminating, by a personal fray, the insults which 
they offered to each other in the presence of the 
Prince of Wales and the Council, t The news of 

* Hist, of Reb. Vol. III. p. 107. f I^- P- 128. J lb. p. 149. 


the king's death for a time diffused uniirerad me^ 
lancholy and consternation ; yet, in a few weeka, 
the animosities of the courtiers reassiiBied their 
former virulence, and distracted the count^ of - 
their new sorereign. ** I find/' exelauns Hyde 
on this occasion, ^* that no desolation npoft tlie 
public, no lowness of the court, will lessen our pir- 
ticnlar ambitions, or private designs/' * 
Hated by Amidst a socicty so misled by private passiOB^ 
the queen. ^ ^^^ ^f moderation and disinterested zeal, 13ce 

Hyde, could not long prove acceptable ; and he 
soon found himself aspersed by the calunmies ef 
those who were unable to render him subserviettt 
to their &ctious purposes # Above all, he wa»par« 
sued with anknosity by the adherents of the cpiecWy 
who was his avowed foe* That amUtiout pyimieis 
had learned to regard as her private enemy every mi. 
nister who pretended to any independent favour wiA 
her husband ; and Hyde, who had acquired theeoikt- 
fidence of his sovereign, by means more honmiraUe 
than enlisting himself among her creatures, Ind 
become, in her eyes, not less odious than Laud at 
Strafford. From his attachment to the chnrcfr of 
England and to moderate measmres, his eouMeb 
had often differed from those of her majesty ; and 
she had hence been led to charge to his aceomit 

* Letter to Lord Jermyn^ in Clarendon's State Papen^ Vol. II. 
p. 473. 


e^ery resolution which corresponded not with her 
desires. When he was appointed oC the prince's 
oouncil» she began to dread that he would under- 
mine her ascendancy over her son, as she imagined 
he had her influence with her husband ; and his 
strenuous opposition to the departure of the prince 
from Jersey to France confirmed all these impres- 
sions. Her ambition^ however, was not guided by 
discretion ; and the means which she employed to 
secure her sway over her son effectually counter- 
acted her intentions. I^Hhd of settling on 
him separate appointments, the court of France 
had merely increased the allowance of his mother ; 
and, having him thus wholly in her power, she 
tock care to make him feel his absolute depend- 
ence» by dealing her bounty with so sparing a hand^ 
that he had never, at one time, ten pistoles at h(s 
^sposal. * Yet was she surprised to find that his 
affections daily became more estranged from her ; 
and when Hyde afterwards joined him at the 
Hague, she failed not to ascribe to his intrigues an 
alienation which naturally flowed from her own il- 
liberality. So eager was she to govern the mmd 
of the prince, that, in her first letters to him after 
her husband's death, she could not, though over- 
come with the melancholy intelligence, forbear in^ 

« Hist, of Reb. VoL IIL p. 88. 


troducing aa injunction that he should swear in no 
members of his council till he had first consulted 
her. * And when she found this injunction di#« 
regarded, and the Chancellor of the Exchequer 
among the first of the new soyereign's counsellon^ 
she here discovered fresh proofs of his hostility to 
her influence* 
Ambatsador From the inheritance of a throne, Charles had 

to Spain. 

not even derived a roof to shelter his head : and 
the first councils of the new monarch were occu- 
pied in deliberating ^]}at quarter of Europe might 
best afford him subsistence and refuge. His re- 
moval from Holland became indispensable, in oeii<» 
sequence of the increasing connections of that coiUh» 
try with the revolutionary government of England. 
Some prospect was opened for active enterprise is 
Ireland ; but the assistance of France was neces- 
sary for its successful prosecution, and the prince 
was to repair to Paris before proceeding on tlie at- 
tempt. In this state of things, Hyde looked for- 
ward to his future attendance with uneasiness. 
His constitution, enfeebled by former hardships, 
and by premature paroxysms of the gout, was iO 
prepared to sustain the vicissitudes of hasty joor- 
neys and uncertain voyages : his habits were alto^ 
gether unsuited to the active enterprises of ww ; 

Hist of Reb. Vol. TIL p. SIS. 


Md to remain in France, exposed to the hatred df 
the queen, and the insults of her dependents, wafl 
the most gloomy of alternatives. He, therefore, 
willingly hearkened to the suggestions of his friend 
and colleague, Lord Cottington, that they should 
procure for themselves a mission into Spain« for 
the purpose of soliciting the assistance of that tno* 
narchy. Their request was readily complied with 
by Charles ; but their motives were severely scru- 
tinized by the other courtiers. The Chancellof 
Iff the Exchequer was reproached with being more 
eoncemed for his ease than the discharge of hik 
duty ; with deserting his prince, at the season of 
greatest danger ; and with abandoning his yoifth 
and indiscretion to the guidance of the selfish an(id 
the vicious.* But Hyde was weary of the sociefty 
into which he had fallen ; and equally dispirited 
by the state of the royal cause, and the perpetual 
contentions of the needy men by whom he was 
surrounded, t •* He did believe,'* as he informs 
us, " that he should in some degree improve his 
understanding, apd very much refresh bns spirff^, 
by what he should learn, and by his abs^ence tt6ti 
being continually conversatrt with those waftt^ 
which could never be severed from thdt ccmtV 

• Life, p. 218. 

t Hist, of Reb. VoL III. f^lKA^. 


that company which would be always corrupted by 
those wants." * 
EMfpHoa The reception which the ambassadors found in 
1649. Spain was such as the servants of exiled princes 
usually experience. Their business, solicitation for 
supplies, was unwelcome to an embarrassed govern- 
ment : and, if they could present no cogent motives 
of hope or fear, they had little reason to expect 
that interest would be sacrificed to a romantic ge- 
nerosity. On arriving, as the fortunes of their 
master were accounted desperate, and the favour 
of the parliament eagerly courted by the rival 
governments of France and Spain, they were alloir- 
ed to enter Madrid, unacknowledged and unno- 
ticed. No house was prepared for their reception 
as ambassadors, nor any outward tokens of respeet 
vouchsafed them. When at length their impor- 
tunities and a regard to decency procured them an 
audience, they were amused with general profes- 
sions of friendship, the sincerity of which they were 
lefl to estimate from the coldness and n^lect 
which they daily experienced. The appearance of 
Prince Rupert on the coasts of Spain, with the 
royal fleet, produced a sudden and wonderful 
change : the ambassadors were received at court 
with open arms, all their requests answered with 


* J AC; p. 919. 


magnificent promises, and their doors honoured by 
the most illustrious visitors. * So long as Prince 
Rupert was an object of terror, the Spaniards seem- 
ed entirely at their devotion j b'ut the arrival of a 
superior fleet, in the service of the parliament, 
quickly altered the face of affairs, and the ambassa- 
dors again found themselves consigned to neglect, t 
The accounts that the Scots had declared for 
Charles, and placed him at the head of a powers 
ful army, renewed the smiles of the Spanish cour- 
tiers : but when reports arrived that the prince 
had been irretrievably defeated, the ambassadors 
received very distinct intimations that their ab- 
sence would be agreeable, t 

Unwilling to abandon the hope of succour, and 
uncertain whither to go, the ambassadors resolved 
not to understand these ungracious hints : but no 
room was left for a dubious interpretation, when 
the Secretary of State, one morning, repairing un« 
expectedly to their residence, delivered them an 
express command from the king, that they 
should quit the Spanish dominions without delay. 
If they were moved at this extraordinary rudeness, 
and the hardship imposed on them at so inclement 
a season of the year, (it was then towards the end icsi. 

* Hist, of Ucb. VoL III. p. 262. t Ibid. p. 263. 

Ibid, p, 295* 


of January ;) their indignation was not lessened on 
discovering the immediate cause of this royal mes* 
sage. A large assortment of valuable picturee and 
rich furniture, which the Spanish envoy at London 
bad purchased at the sale of the king's property, 
had just aiTived in port ; and it appeared indecorous 
tp • convey them to the palace, before tlie eyes of 
the English ambassadors. * Lord Cottington, 
who had now attained his seventy-sixth year» was 
weary of wanderings to which he saw no end ; 
and having formerly lived much in Spain, and em- 
braced the Catholic religion, he returned to the 
bosom of that church, and obtained permission to 
pass the remainder of his days in private at Valla* 
dolid. t Hyde was dismissed with tolerable civili- 
ty ; but could carry with him no impressioos 
favourable to the generosity of the Spaniards, who 
had not only neglected him in his public capacity, 
but had seen him reduced to an indigence almoat 
incredible, t 
condemni On quitting Spain, it was some time before 

the treaty 

with the . _^ 


• Hist, of Reb. Vol. III. p. 295. 

t Ibid. p. S97. See Appendix, p. xi. for Hyde's account of Lord 

t At one period of his embassy, be writes to a friend : ^' I never 
felt the like want I bavp done thcEe three weeks, since I woe bora ; 
and i£ I bad a pistole to dispose of in that tinae I am no honest nuuk" 
Stote Papers, Vol. III. p. 21. 


Hyde could discover the retreat of his fugitive 
prince, who, after witnessing the ruin of all his 
holies at the battle of Worcester, had disappeared 
from his affrighted adherents. * After wanderings 
unattended and disguised, through various parts of 
England, he at length escaped to the Continent, 
and reaped no other fruit from his dangers and 
hardships, but an aggravation of his misfortunes. 
This rash enterprise served only to confirm the 
power and reputation of Cromwell, and was severe- 
ly censured by Hyde. He placed little reliance 
on either the fidelity or the strength of the Scots ; 
but the taking of the covenant by Charles, the 
price of the Scottish assistance, he looked on as an 
act so profligate and impious, that no consequences 
could be expected from it but defeat and disgrace. 
He knew that the young king neither intended to 
perform what he promised, nor believed that to 

* The Scots^ perceiving that Cromwell and the independents 
were no less enemies to their covenant than the court had been^ re^ 
solved to espouse the royal cause^ and invited Charles to put him- 
self at the head of their forces. They, however, took the precau- 
tion of entering into certain stipulations with him, both for reli- 
gious and civil privileges; and, in particular, they required him to 
take the covenant, a step to which he was also urged by the queen, 
who thought such arts very allowable for the recovery of a throne. 
But the Scots were unequal antagonists to Cromwell. After expe- 
riencing one defeat, they indeed levied another army, with which 
Charles, leaving the enemy behind him, suddenly marched iBtD 
England ; but was overtaken at Worcester by Cromwell, and tot^ 
ly routed. 


which he solemnly swore ; and he was of opmion 
that no worldly consideration could justify such a 
flagrant violation of conscience. ** It is now to 
no purpose/' writes he on this occasion, ** to talk 
more of that sad argument, which can be justified 
by no human reason, let the success be what it 
will : we must only rely on God Almighty* who 
will in the end bring light out of this darkness ) 
and, I am confident, they who shall, in spite of all 
evil examples, continue honest and steady to their 
good principles, what distresses soever they may 
for a time suffer, will in the end find happiness 
even in this world ; and that all your dexteroni 
compilers will be exposed to the infamy they de^ 
serve.*' "^ 
Hj»^ *»y In expectation, therefore, of brighter days, he 
resolved to follow the fortune of his sovereigD* 
however discouraging, and to retain his Integrity 
as the unfailing anchor of his hopes. At Parif* 
where he now joined the king, he undertook, ifi 
the absence of his friend Sir Edward Nicholas, t 

• Hyde to Secretary Nicholas^ State Papers, Vol. III. p. 

t Sir Ed ward Nicholas hull been secretary of state during tbewholt /' 
of the civil commotions, and had discharged his duty with diaintciMU 
ed fidelity. He was the bobom friend of Hyde, and rendered him 
lom^ essential services, by affording pecuniary relief to hif Ikmiljr 
during their exile. Nicholas was now in Holland, watching the 
course of events, and availing himself of any occasion to promote 
the interests of his moHter. Ulic correspondence whicfa^ at this 


to act as principal secretary of state ; and toon 
found himself involved in the cabals and dissen- 
tions from which he had gladly escaped* The 
followers of the king were divided between the &• 
Tourers of the Presbyterian and of the P(^idi fiie* 
tions ; and Hyde, who resolutely maintained hit 
attachment to the Church of England^ was equal- 
ly disliked by both. * The queen, who had aoir 
lost all influence over the mind of her son, ww 
exasperated to see that confidence, to which she in 
vain aspired, cordially reposed in the chancellor of 
the exchequer : and to such an extremity did she 
and her partisans carry their animosity, that they 
were willing to do any mischief to the cause, pro* 
vided they could render the services of his minis- 
ter unsuccessful, t The most bitter calumnies 
were circulated against the chancellor : he was even 
stigmatised as a traitor ; and a report was confident- 
ly divulged, that he had been in £nglandt and en^ 
tered into an intrigue with CromwelLI: These 
incessant efforts of malice preyed on his quiet; 
and, in his letters to bis confidential friend. Secre- 
tary Nicholas, we often find him lamenting this 
cruel aggravation of his misfortunes. ^' The vex- 

period, passed between him and Hyde, has finrtnnately been pve* 
served; and it is from hence we derive the matt intereiting partU 
cuhu's concerning the exiles. 

* State Papers, Vol. III. p. 13S. 

t Ibid. p. 164. * Ibid* ^ »«• 


sttons I undergo, by what I see and bear daily^ 
and the insupportable weight of envy and malice I 
groan under, when I behave myselff (God knows,) 
with as much care as if I were to die the next mi* 
nute, does make my life so unpleasant to mcp and 
breaks my mind, that bread and water in any ow- 
ner of the world would give me all the joy imagine 
able/' * ** Oh !'' he exclaims, '^ to be quiet and 
starve is no unpleasant condition to what I en* 
dure." t He often looked back, with an eye of 
regret, to his tranquil retreat in Jersey, and envied 
the lot of those who might quietly enjoy their 
studies and poverty. ** I wish,'' says he, ** that 
I were at my books in any part of the world } for 
I am not made for these conflicts." t He was 
often tonnented with the gout, and worn out by 
the pressure of business. Occasionally he expren- 
cs to his friend an apprehension that he should 
sink under his difficulties : ** yet/' he adds, ** I 
am persuaded if I might be quiet and left to my 
books, I should outlive this storm ; whereas this 
condition I am in breaks my mind and wastes my 
spirits so much, that I cannot hold out long,'^ § 
FftTonred The auimosity of the queen towards him ha- 

by Charles. % ^ n 

came so avowed, that he found it necessary at 
length to avoid her presence ; and though they 

• State Papcru, Vol. III. p. 169. t Ibitl. p. 63, 

X JWa. p.211. § Ibid. p. «1 6. 


both lodged in the same palace at Paris, he did 
not once see her in the course of many months. 
Two formal petitions were prepared, the one in 
the name of all the presbyterian loyalists, the other 
as the desire of all his majesty's popish subjects, 
praying that the Chancellor of the Exchequer 
should be removed from his councils and his pre* 
sence, as a person whom all his friends regarded as 
their enemy. * Such intrigues, however, made no 
impression on Charles, who saw through their ma- 
lice ; and continued to place unlimited confidence 
in Hyde. That prince had considerable pene- 
tration, and easily distinguished the disinterested 
zeal of the Chancellor, from the selfish motives of 
others. Besides, even in this Bis day of penury, 
Charles was immoderately addicted to pleasure : 
and neither the pressure of difficulties, nor the 
hopes of recovering a crown, could induce him to 
bestow a reasonable attention on his affairs. While 
his minister was so continually engaged in carry* 
ing on the correspondence with the loyalists i|i 
every part of Europe, that he had scarcely leisure 
for the necessary refreshment of his body, Charles 
could prevail on himself to write letters only on 
Friday ; and, when that day happened to be occu« 
pied by some other engagement, which was often 
the case, the most essential dispatches were defer- 


• Hist of Reb. VoL IIL p. 3P8. 


red for another week.* From these dissolute habiti^ 
his ministers began to apprehend the worst con* 
sequences ; t and the faithful Marquis of Ormond, 
who had succeeded Falkland in the friendship and 
esteem of Hyde, lamented that his dissipation 
contributed more to the ruin of his cause, than all 
the strength of his enemies. " 1 fear," writes the 
Marquis, ** his immoderate delight in empty and 
vulgar conversations is become an irresistible part of 
his nature, and will never suffer him to animate 
his own designs, or the actions of others, with that 
spirit which is requisite to his quality, and mudii 
more to his fortune." t To a prince so engrossed 
by the love of pleasure, no treasure could be more 
valuable than a minister on whose fidelity he could 
implicitly rely, and whose industry would repair 
the evils of his own neglect. No arts, therefore^ 
could induce Charles to withdraw his countenance 
from Hyde. He even heard his remonstrances 
without displeasure ; and was willing to be admo* 
nished, provided he was relieved from labour. 
Extreme As the pcrfod of exile was protracted, the neces* 
sities of Charles and his followers increased : they 
received little alleviation from his brother monarchst 
who seem never to have been led, by so striking 


• State Tapers, Vol. III. p. 159. 

f Hyde to Xicholius, ibid. p. 173. 

i Ormoud (o Hyde, State Papers, Vol. III. p. 387. 


an example, to reflect on the strange vicissitudes 
of human affairs. By dint of iQiportunity, his 
agents had drawn from the princes of Ger- 
many some promises of pecuniary contributions ; 
but of these, the few which were paid could 
seldom be recovered from the grasp of the agents 
employed to receive them. The royal family of 
France, though so nearly connected with the exiled 
prince by the ties of kindred, contributed very 
little to his relief* At one time, Charles flattered 
himself with deriving a more independent relief 
from the exertions of his fleet, which had made 
several rich prizes from the West India trade of 
England : but when he came to inquire after his 
share of the booty, he had the mortification to re^^ 
ceive from his cousin Prince Rupert, the admiral, 
a statement of expence, which made Charles ap« 
pear much in debt by the operations from which he 
expected supplies. * 

Hyde sustained his full share of the general in- 
digence J for he could neither intercept the scanty 

• State Papers, Vol. III. p. 224. Hyde opprehended that there 
was something worte than want of generosity in the conduct of 
Prince Rupert on this occasion. *' The Prince Rupert," says 
he, ** hath, in a little short paper, not containing twenty lines, 
given the king an account, by which he makes the king in debt to 
him, so senselessly and ridiculously as cannot be imagined ; and 
this is a secret, for he desires it may not be seen, nor does he imagine 
that I have seen it." 


supplies of his necessitous master, nor submit to 
any device, inconsistent with his character. • In his 
dispatches to his friend Sir Edward Nicholas, we 
find him frequently complaining of his urgent 
wants. ** I am so cold,'' says he, ** that I ata 
scarce able to hold my pen, and have not three 
sous in the world to buy a faggot/' * Again, 
** It is now mid-winter, and I have neither clothes 
nor fire to preserve me from the severity of the 
season." t He had been obliged to incur such 
debts for the mere necessaries of life, that he be- 
gan to look with apprehension to the gloom of a 
prison ; t and he could no longer procure a dress 
sufficient either for comfort or appearance. *• I 
want shoes and shirts," says he, ** and the Mar? 
quis of Ormond is in no better condition/'! 
Those men, who had so lately lived in afflnenee 
and splendour, were now taught to devise the most 
frugal expedients for subsisitence. They procni^ 
a maintenance at the most moderate rate, by mess- 
ing together at an obscure eating house } and^ af- 
ter their pockets were fairly emptied even by this 
economical arrangement, they had sufficient credit 
with their landlady to live for some time on trust* 
At this period, Hyde assures us he scarcely knew 
one of the king's servants who had a single pistole 

• Hyde to Nicholas, State Papers, Vol. III. p. laW. 

t Ibid. p. 1 IS. t Ibid. p. 164. $ Ibid. p. iet9. 


in his pocket. " I have not," he says, *' been 
master of a crown these many months ; I am cold 
for want of clothes and fire, and owe for all the 
meat which I have eaten these three months, 
and to a poor woman who is no longer able to 
trust; and my poor family at Antwerp (which 
breaks my heart) is in as sad a state as I am ; and 
the king as either of us/* ♦ 

Notwithstanding this severe pressure, Hyde still Peneming 
maintained the same erect aspect ; and turned *"^**^'^' 
with disdain from every proposal which might have 
compromised his integrity. Some of the king's 
followers embraced the Catholic religion, and en* 
tered into the service of France and Spain : a still 
greater proportion returned to England, and, by 
certain compliances with the existing government^ 
were allowed to regain their estates on paying a^com- 
position. Both these courses were strenuously repro^ 
bated by Hyde ; and when urged to allow at least 
some friend to compound for his estates in bis be« 
half, he declared that no necessity should induco 
him to acknowledge a government which, in his 

• Hyde to Nicholas, State Paper*, Vol. III.p* 124. The wretch- 
edness to which some of the king's faithful followers were redhicfc'a 
almost exceeds belief. Hyde thus writes to Nicholas ;. ' ** Foo# 
Dick Harding is again fallen into a new pit. Upon iH^r credit, J^ 
hath pawned every little thing he hath ; the cup which the prince 
gave him, and every spoon, and hath not a shirt to his back." A. 
p. 352. 


heart, lie considered a usurpation. Through all 
these difficulties, his courage was supported by the 
fortitude of his wife, who sustained the sad reverse 
of her fortune with singular magnanimity. She 
remained in England until it was no longer safe : 
she then retired with her family to Antwerp, and 
there endeavoured, by the arts of frugality, to 
avoid the sordid aspect of penury. Hyde acknow- 
ledges that, on this side alone, he trembled for his 
constancy ; and that, if his wife had been unequal 
to her distresses, the conflict would have been se- 
vere between his honour and his softer feelings. 
He dwells on the ^^ unspeakable comfort which he 
derived from her miraculous courage ;*' and de- 
clares that it was liis chief consolation amidst all 
his difficulties. * 

While his own misfortunes were at the heightf 
he continually strove to animate the resolution of 
others ; the exhortations which he employed gave 
an exalted idea of his virtue and piety. ** Keep 
up your spirits/' writes he to Secretary Nicholai, 
** and take heed of sinking under a burden, which 
you never kneeled to take up. Our innocence be- 
gets our cheerfulness, and that again will be a 
means to secure the other. Whoever grows too 
weary and impatient of the condition he is in, will 
too impatiently project to get out of it ; and that^ 

^ State Papers, Vol. 11. p. 310. 


by degrees, will shake, oi^ baffle, or delude hi& in* 
nocence. We have no reason to blush for the^ po« 
yerty which is not brought on us by our ami fiuilikis;^ 
As long as it pleases God to give me health, 
(which, I thank him, I have in a good meiasure,) 
I shall think he intends that I shall oudiv^ alt 
these sufferings; and when he sends sickness, 1 
shall (I hope with the same submission) believe 
that he intends to remove mp from greater cal$m& 
ties/' * 

After residing for some time at Paris in extreme 
indigence, Charles at length found that he coilld^ 
not expect even an asylum from the French court. 
It was then governed by a calculating Italian, and 
seemed actuated by very selfish motives. ^ Eve^ 
before Charles quitted Jersey, his council was atjK 
prized that this ungenerous court had planned, in 
concurrence with the partisans of the queen^ t^* 
render him tributary to Frapce, as the price of ifiii' 
aid in bis restoration ; and, in particular, to sever 
from England the islands of Jersey and Guemsey*+ 
The increasing power of the revolutionary govern- 
ment rendered these designs abortive ; yet, durfai^ 
the whole course of his exile, Charles received no., 
better indications of friendship or honour. ; f^ The 
cheats,'' says Hyde, ^^ and the villany of that na^ 

■■ *■ 

* State Papers, Vol. IL p, 310. f Ibid. p. 276, 979. 

VOL. n. Y 


tioUt are no grots, that I cannot think of it with 
patience ; nor will the king ever prosper till he 
abhors them perfectly, and trusts none who truitf 
them.'' * The full establishment of Cromweirt 
power put an end to all disguises : and Maxarine, 
partly in prosecution of his design to humble the 
Spaniards, partly from a dread of the Protector^t 
power, gladly embraced a strict allnnce with 
England. From complaisance to his new ally, he 
hastened to withdraw his protection from the ex- 
iles; and Charles^ with his few adherents, was 
I0S4. again compelled to wander in quest of an abode, t 
The wars in which the Dutch, and afterwardt 
the Spaniards, engaged with Cromwell^ seemed to 
offer some prospect of relief to the royal cause* 
But the vigour of the Protector was not to be sha-* 
ken : and neither of these powers showed an in- 
clination to embarrass their negotiations by con- 
ditiona for the exiled prince. The enterprisea of 

• SUtc Papcm, Vol. II. p. 2i«. 

t The equipage in which Charlei set out firom Pttri«^ oa thif oe* 
cetioD^ giret a striking i^lea of the penury to which he wis fitd9> 
eed. His coach-hortes, which still rmiained to hlm^ he pat to s 
waggon containing hiii bed and clothes. He himself perfbnned tiw 
Journey on horseback ; nor was he owner of a coaeh fbr MMM 
years afterwards. From this time he resided chiefly at PirihTgiitj 
Brussels^ and other towns in the Low Countries. At all of them 
he was obliged to contract debts, and to endure the eontlniMl la« 
portunities of his creditors. He was often forced to put off the 
most necessary Journeys, ft-om the want of money to hour Us tA- 
▼slling expences. See Hist, of Reb. Vol. III.'p. 4X1, tei . . 



foreign <annies» or domestic conspirators, seemed 
equally hopeless during the sway of this energetk 
usurper ; and the termination of his life began to 
be regarded by the royalists as so essential to their 
cause, that no means appeared nefarious which 
could efiect that object. It is not to be conceided 
that even Hyde encouraged the attempts of Ci^itiun 
Titus and others to remove Cromwell by assassina- 
tion. * To such a degree do men reconcile them- 
selves to the worst means, when they are eagerly 
bent on the end, that even this conscientious mi- 
nister, in his devotion to the rights of the king^ 
forgot what was due to the rights of human na- 

The rapid decay of a constitution exhausted by 
incessant fatigue and agitation, unexpectedly ac- 
complished what the hand of the assassin had at- 


tempted in vain ; and the death of Cromwell again Oeiuh </ 
awakened all the hopes of the royalists. The event, '^^ 
however, was not immediately followed by favour- 
able occurrences. The power and title of the Pro- 
tector passed into the hands of his son with the 
same facility as if the inheritance had been a legi- 
timate transmission. The court of France ieati- 
fied its sorrow for the loss of its ally, by appearing 
in mourning ; t and no state which courted the fa* 

* State Papers, Vol. III. p. 321, 331^ S57, dSi. See in AggVk^ 
dix, p. xii. the diaracter of Crooiwdl bj Hydt. 
t IWd. p. 41S, 


your, or dreaded the resentment of England; de- 
layed to congratulate the new Protector on hii ae- 
cpssien. But the aapect of af&irs toon underwent 

1GC9. a change. The sceptre was easily wrested frovi 
the feeble hands of Kichard Cromwell by amiN* 
tious chiefs ; and the government was agiun in* 
TOlved in revolutions of which no one could dis* 
cover the termination. 

Even in his most desperate fortuneSf Hyde look^ 
ed with aversion on the project of reducing hie n* 
bellious countrymen by foreign arms : * and he 
never failed to cherish a hope that Providenep» by 
some unforeseen and extraordinary means» would 
finally give a triumph to the righteous cause^t 
TImt happy event appeared at length to be ap- 
proaching when men began to lode on the restor** 
ation of the ancient government as the only means 
of avoiding bloodshed and anarchy. 

State of Nothing could exceed the confusion of political 
ideas which then prevailed in England. The lead- 
ers of the people had comprehended the tendency 
of the measures of Charles the First, and perceiv* 
ed that unless the privileges of parliament were 
strictly guarded^ the liberties of the nation were it 
end. But when they proceeded to renouneei Oiv 
narchy entirely, and to frame a new constitatioB; 
they showed themselves utterly unacquainted with 

* State Papers, Vol IL p. 307, 3S9. t VM. p. 4S9. 

EAtlL OF CLAESHSlOll. 341 

file essential principle of fgifemamA ^ itid dtsMH 
▼ered no better seeinrilty finr the freedoiQ ctf* the peo« 
pie, than to substitute the tfvmky oFmuaj fbr tha 
tyranny of me. The pail}«»ent» W&ieb. Ind now 
usurped all poWer, ^ickly found itself at the ttiercy 
of the army, and the misguided struggles fof fib(^ 
ty terminated in the ioost la#les8 of aH dchuloioM^ 
a military despotism. When the death of Ghrin* 
well, and the deposition of his^ son^ eiabled thiei 
active spirits to resume thebittihess of haxim§ eon* 
atitutions, they showed that their poUtfeal BSffkAt^f 
had received little improvemient. They hid ver^ 
little idea of that distribution of power, by whicK 
the authority of rulers is rendered at onceeflfectual 
and innoxious ; their crude discuffi(MM turned mi 
the eligibility of vesting the supreme pd^er ili oDtf 
man, in a few, or in the people at lai^ ; said rxUxt 
seemed ready to lose their lives for th^ theoretieid 
governments, which were eitheit pernicious or hA^ 
practicable. * 

The distraction of politicd opidions was incMil- 
ed by their association with religious cluiniti^ 
At the commencement of the dvil eommdtiimay 
the controversies between the diurchmen oud Hiib 
puritan dissenters were of litde importance : Hbef 
were confined chiefly to the cereiubnial of wbMi^Y 
for the Arminian doctrines, thoi^ ooulitefianc^. 
by the bishops, had by no means been adi^ted vMo 
the creed of the church. Vfhm tib cnol ^spofies 


grew higb, the decided part which the prelates 
took in support of the court rendered then) odiouf 
to the advocates of freedom ; and gave popularity 
to a presbyterian form of church-government, wjiere 
all the minihters of religion should he placed on a 
footing of equality. But the presbyterian leaden 
showed themselves no less attached to particulair 
institutions than the fpllowcrs of episcopacy. AU 
the change yvhich they dcj^ired was the legal eatf^- 
blishment of their own modes of lyorship an4 
church-government ; and Whitgift or Laud had 
not been more decided enemies than them to gener 
ral toleration* In civil affairs, they would haye 
been content to restore the king to his throne, but 
under limitations which his episcopal follower^ 
deemed incompatible 'with monarchy. Tenets of 
this nature were unacceptable to two very efficient 
classes in the nation ; to those who desired ful| 
liberty of conscienpct and to those who aimed at a 
total alteration of the constitution. A new sect of 
religionists, therefore, arose, who proclaimed their 
superior liberality, by assuming the name of inde- 
pendents, lienouncing all church establishments, 
all forms and human creeds, they ftffected to have 
no other teacher than the Spirit of God. Theij 
denied to no one that perfect freedom of conscien(» 
which they claimed for themselves ; and the mort 
Ignorant mechanics and common soldiers, by the 
force of inspiration, became popular teachers of 

EA&L Of CLAXmmO¥p 4iB 

theology. Such wereihe tenets emlmeed try the 
aimy, who first put their king to deith as a tyrsnty 
and afterwards invested their leader ^th the poirer 
of a despot. The political opinions o£ the ittda- 
pendents were no less various and incpherent. One 
party, the levellers, aimed at nothing less than to 
equalise all men in authority. A peculiar seet, 
the fifth-monarchy-men, believed that the milleiw 
nium was at hand ; and diatX]!hir5t, with his saints^ 
i(among whom they failed not to include them- 
selves,) was about to assume the government of 
empires. All these extravagancies disgusted the 
reflecting part 4)f the nation, and made them 
long for the restoration of the ancient constitution, 
however rudely adjusted by time and accident. 

A considerable interval, however, was passed 
in uncertainty. The Rump Parliament, finding 
the seat of government unoccupied, resumed its 
former station ; but, on growing imperious, was 
again displaced by the army. A grand council of 
oflScers now held the supreme di|rection of afl&in, 
but seemed uncertain how to employ t]beir aotho-^ 
rity : the city of London acknowledged <mly its 
own magistrates ; and the three armies stationed 
respectively in England, Scotland, and Ireland, ap» 
peared resolved to dispute the sovereignty* Yet 
amidst all this confusion, the affiurs of private life 
proceeded in their usual channel. Men heard of 
the successive chj^nges as if they were nowis^ ci^« 


«tro4d ; Qod the royalisto be^a tt> apprehend thit 
the minds of the people^ reoeneiled by hafak to du 
irtate of things^ would cease to desire « mort aiaUe 
govenutoeiit ♦ 
General . The loyalt; or the selfirimeas; of an mdi^idsyl 
^ .first opened due way to the reatoratkak. Gemi4 
Monk had distinguished himself aa an offitev m 
the king'a army ; and having been taken paaasut 
by the forces of the parliament, was confined m ibe 
Tower till the sulgugatioa of the rotalista* At 
length the temptation of his liberty and a supenar 
command induced him to enter into the senriee af 
Cromw^U : and so well did be prove his fidetil^ tt 
the Protector, that he was received into his entia^ 
confidence, and appointed commander-in-chief of 
the forces in Scotland. When the remains of the 
Long Parliament had regained their authority» he 
submitted to it, with every expression of dufaf.; 
and when the army in London, under the coaU 
mand of his rival, Lambert, dissolved that assemUy^ 
ho declared loudly against this violence, and marcbf> 
ed into England to avenge the quarreL Landlicifft 
hastened northwards to meet him : biit his ttrmy 
mouldered away without a blow, and he was htmadf 
compelled to surrender as a prisoner* Monk eoibi^ 
tinned his march towards London ; aiid drew on 
himself the eyes of all men, as the irresistible arbi- 

* state Papers, Vol. III. p. &S6. 

ter of tltt iiitiirei gp¥iMaieoit. Hit Mbomur wis 
calculated to cherish hopes in eswf pirty. He 
]«Kv4tei^ listened to tbe overtuceis of tke king's 
ig«filits : he received, with diiligiiig expvesnMSt tlie 
fittniiroM addressee for 4 free parUatnient^.* which 
#gre presented t6 him Oft his mtetdtk : and^ in his 
tt^tk declftt^ions, hi gahre tho iiioM soBsmii aMU^- 
aiiees of fidelity to^ (he esttsting {Mffiament,' and of 
his devofed atfafchraent to repnblipsiiistti* t : He 
wished that his right fcand saight dn^ off» if it wlto 
nkl employed to resist overy attempt of the king^s 
partisans ; t and, in a letter to Sir Arthur Hailt- 
rig, a principal leader of the^ parliament, he renews 
ed his vows m termi^ which coiifld not be distetM- 
^, i^ atiy confictehce was to b^ placed in proteabi- 
tions : ^* As for a commonweifth,*^ said he^r ^^ b^ 
fieve me, Str, for I speak it m th^ presence of Goil^ 
it is the desire df v^ sOul, afnd shdl, the Lord 
assisting, be witnessed by the actions of my lift; 
that these nations be so settled ill a free state, with** 
out a kii^, single persoti, or house of peekv, that 

* The Rump Parliament, for whom Monk now declared, oom- 
^ehended only the members of the hidbpendent party^ whar bid/ 
£bit some time, been allowed to retain thek audiolitjs, aftar Crani* 
well had excluded the preabyteriana and the iieat of this oppoaition* 
By the demand for Sifree parliament, some mtended the reatoration 
of these excluded membera to their aeata, and otheM tlie electioii of 
new representatives. 

t State Papers, VoL IIL p. 029, S32, 661. t H^ P* '^ 

546 £AU, OF CLA39Ml>Oy^ 

thejr may be governed by their repreaenUtires in 
ptrliament successively/' * 

When he appeared before the parliamentt his 
language continued to breathe a devoted 9ttachp 
ment to them, and bitter inyectivies against mo- 
narchy : t and when they commanded him to march 
from Westipinst^r into the city, and chastise the 
insolencp of the refractory citizens, who bar|upe4 
them with importunities fpr a free par}iamentt hp 
promptly exeiputed the orders, demoVshed their 
gaUiS and other defences, committed many to the 
Tower, and aggravated his severity by every ex- 
pression of contempt, t But on the very day that 
he had reduced the royalists to despair, by thuf 
enforcing the authority of the parliament, he fouii4 
that this assembly wjqs engaged ii^ private consullpr 
lions to deprive him of hi3 power, ^nd to associate 
ptbers with him in the cpmmand of the army. Qa 
|;he following d^y^ therefore, he wrote a severe let* 
ter to th^ House, reproaching them with their mis- 
conduct, and requiring them immediately to 8^l)|- 
mon a free parliament. He then marched again 
into the city ; summoned the m^yor, aldermen^ 
and common-council, to Guildhall ; apologised for 
the transactions of the preceding day ; assured 
them that he would unite his endeavours to theiri» 

* Letter from Monk to Haderig, ibid. p. 678. 

t SUie Papcm^ p. 688. t Hist, of Reb. Vol. JILp. 5S7f 


to procure a free parliameiit» and compose tiie dis* 
tractions of the kipgdom. * These declarations 
were received by the astonished citizens with trans- 
port; and as the former evening I^ul closed in 
consternation and diismid forebodings, the present 
was jHTolonged by bonfires and every demonstra* 
tion of joy. By the direction of Monk, the memr 
bers formerly expelled from the House of Com^* 
mons by Cromwell were re-admitted to their seats ; 
and now forming a majority in that assembly, pro* 
ceeded to issue writs for a new parliament, and 
then voted their own dissolution. The electkms issa 
were carried decidedly in favour of the royalists ; 

and Monk, who had now entered into direct ne? 
gotiations with the king, was no less successful in 
preparing the army for his reception. The first 
overtures of Charles to the new representatives 
were received with transport, and his return de- 
manded with enthusiasm, t Monk ^d the other 
leaders were too intent oq a(;oning for their past 
offences, and in conciliating the favour of their 
new monarch, to embarrass him with any stipula- 
tions for the liberties of the people : ^qd Charles 
ascended the throne of his father, without any n^ 
striction on those pretensions which had caused so 
many years of confusion and. bloodshed, t 

* State Papers, Vol. III. p, 69S. t Ibid. p. 7SS. 

X There are few points Iq t^e Ei^ish faittory wbidi faavc bsm 
more keenly controrerted than the views and dnncter n^ Moii^ 

348 EARL OF CLARKNflfOif. 

Sd L^' During these transactions, Hyde, whcf, in 
chanccUor. meantime, had been created Lord Chancelloi^y yfhti 

the friends of royalty bave been unwilling to allow that the man, 
who acted ao meritorioua a peart in the reatctatran «f tbe Viag, 
could be stained with any vices. It is, bowerer, difficult tQ 
cile bis conduct to any rules of morality. The succesiiTe 
ference of bis allegiance from the king to Cromwell, from the 
of Cromwell to the Rump Parliament, and again from fUe Smnji 
Farliament to the king, can be excused by those only who leek #ft 
interest as the standard of truth and honour. Il^ at ionM a^ 
l^e, he was, in his heart, always loyal to the king, and only wait- 
ed an opportunity to serye him with ei^t, we free him from tiie 
charge of unprincipled rersatility, by subjecting him to Che itt]^ 
tation of gross hypocrisy. No prospect of private or public good 
can excuse wilful and deliberate peijury. Clarendon coaMupi 
him as acting on no settled plan ; but thinks that he changed hii 
views as his interest seemed to be affected by auoceaaiTe oeeon* 
rences. During his march to London, the Chancellor had gratt 
distrust of his intentions ; and feared that the honours and emo- 
luments showered on him by the parb'ament would " work Tery 
&i on his ambitious and avaricious nature/' (State Pspera;^ VoL 
III. p. 679.) Even in his History of the Rebellion, after In hai 
more minutely weighed the transactions of the general, Clareiidflii' 
seems to have entertained an opinion, that, if the parliament hafi 
acted with proper discretion towards Monk, " ihej mifjtxt hgft 
found a full condescension from him, at least no oppodtioii to dl 
their other counsels :" and that " the disposition, which finaUy 
grew in him towards the royal cause, did arise from diven aeci- 
dents, which fell out in the course of affairs, and seemed efcn to 
oblige him to undertake that which in the end condnoed ao imuft 
to his greatness and glory." (Hist, of Reb. Vol. III. p. 548, 558.) 
It is certain that Monk could not, without extreme hamd, hare 
then attempted to act the port of Cromwell ; and that he ooold not 
gratify selfish passions so fully by establishing a free republic, or a 
strictly limited monarchy, aa by restoring the king without any 


Easily employed in managing the secret corre- 
spondence with the royalists, and in directing their 
private negotiations with Mpnk and the Qth^r 
l^ders. When the restoration of the monarchy 
became no longer douhtful, his great apprehensioii 
WB$9 that conditions would be imposed on the 
king : and, in that event, he had reason to dread 
9tipulatipns in favour of the Presbyterian disci- 
pline, to which he fjslt an unconquerable aversicm. 
He, therefore, pressed ** that all should be settled 
on the old foundation ;" and the king uncondi- 
tionally restored to his inheritance. * He was, in- 
deed, personally interested in preservipg the free- 
dom of his master : for he bad received infor- 
mation, that, if the Parliament made conditions 
lyith the king, an express stipulation would be in- 
serted for his exclusion from the royal councils, t 
The arts of his opponents were, hqwever, ine^ec- 
tual : he had his full share in the triumph of his 
^ause ; and his (ried fidelity, and protracted suff 
ferings, were rewarded by the station pf Lord 
Chancellor and principal minister of |li|glwd* 

If, in the days of poverty and dapger,.GharJies Principal 

* IVlinistcr 

had eagerly fled fropa business and reflectipn tp^y 
pleasure which occasion ofered; wp luce nPt'to 
wonder that he willingly delivered himself up to 
those unbounded festivities which novr opcUpi^ 

• State Papers, Vol. III. p. 7ia . t IWU. p. 728. 

8^0 EARL OP CLAltfeNOdN. 

the court and the nation. In these fe8tiviticJI» the 
royalists seemed desirous to forget their sufferingip 
the republicans to bury their demerits. The Chaa« 
cellor alone had habits of business and temperanoe 
too confirmed to be shaken by the surroundii^ 
contagion ; and it was with general approbation 
that Charles gave him a complete control over 
public affairs. * The task of reducing to order 
the confusion engendered during so many yean^ 
of undergoing endless importunities for pardon^ 
for reward, and for favour, was, indeed, scarcely 
an object of envy^ The principal offices of state 
were distributed among persons whom he wholly 
approved : the Marquis of Ormond was created 
Lord Steward of the Household ; Sir Edward Nt^ 
cholas continued principal Secretary of State ; and 
the Earl of Southampton, a man whom kindred 
virtues endeared to the Chancellor, was placed at 
the head of the Treasury. With these colleagneif 
Hyde, who was soon afterwards known as Earl of 
Clarendon, maintained the most unreserved and 
confidential intercourse ; profiting, on every hn* 
portant occasion, by their advice, and supporting 
his measures by their authority. 
PubUe men- ^^ ^"^ *^^ ^^^^ Urgent carc of government 

I Mt was to moderate those agitations of hope and fettS 

Of lIlClcBl* 

nitj. which, amidst the appearance of universal joy. 

* ContiDuation of Claretidon's Life, p. 43. 

cretly pitevailed in' the bosoms of the people. Those 
who had been injured in their persons^ and de* 
spoiled of their property, for their attachment to 
the royal canse, now looked for reparation and re^ 
▼enge ; while those who had borne an active part 
in the revolution, and shared in its spoils^ beheld,* 
with terror, the rod of power transferred to their 
enemies. As the first tumults of joy subsided, the 
animosities of party became daily more apparent : 
and until some effectual remedy should be applied,- 
it was impossible either to snbdne the disorder or 
to rest in security from new commotions. Charles, 
before returning, had given solemn assurances that, 
with the exception of those who had actually sat in 
judgment on bis father, no one shoidd suffer for 
acts of disloyalty. In confonnity to this promise, 
which it was equally wise to malie, and politic to 
preserve inviolate. Clarendon prepared an act of 
indemnity and oblivion, which,' by effiiciiig, with a 
few exceptions, the transgressiona of former timfea, 
should consign to final rest the jealousies of the 
public. In the convention pailiament, which in-^ 
vited the return of the king, and ittcluded a large 
proportion of repentant revolutionists, this act was; 
readily passed ; but, in the succeeding parliament, 
the sanction of which was accounted requiisite for' 
the validity of all acts passed by the convention, 
the bill of indemnity met with strenuoua opposition 
from the numerous royalists who were now retmth* 


ed as representatives, llie influence of Clarendon 
and the otlier ministers seemed scarcely sufficient 
to overpower the refractory humour of the twe 
houses ; and it was not until after the repeated 
and {lersonal instances of the king, who saw that 
he could expect neither ease nor security if die 
royalists were let loose on their former enemiei^ 
tliat tlie act was ut length reluctantly passed. * -: 
The salutary effects of this measure were eruu 
ced by the evils resulting from even the few es« 
ceptioruf that were made. J'he judges of the king 
ascended the scaffold with the same intrepiditf ea 
their royal victim ; and their last words were em- 
ployed in exhorting the people not to despair of » 
cause for which they gloried to perish* Sueiii. 
scenes never fail to make a deep impression on the 
multitude^ who are not aware how usual it is fiir 
men to encounter death with resolution, amidst s 
crowd of admiring spectators. The death both o£ 
the king and of the regicides, by attracting geneml 
sympathy and admiration, alternately proeiuei 
many proselytes to their respective causes. A still 
worse effect was produced on the minds of- the 
l>eo[)le by the execution of Sir Harry VanOy wImv 
far from being one of the king's judges, had c^eo-' 
ly disapproved his condemnation ; and whine dealfc 

f ■ 

* (.'ontiiiuatiuii, p. 133. Burnet's History of his own TbBMj^ 

Vol. 1. 1». *2W. ■' » 

the coofliequeiKee partly of impnidf nt IwgiHV^f 
ptrtljr of the httred of the r^iiikts^ &jt his Mhan 
m the attainder of Strafford. Oa the eppfoach k^ 
his &te» Vane seemed to triumph over irfl fmih 
&om m confidenee la the justiee of hia ofMiae* Ta 
pirreiit the effects of his djmg eloqueneef which 
his opponents exceedinglj apprehended^ drugiqbers 
were^ stationed anmnd the icaff<^^ a^jhe^^ n^h 
ihetr instrummits> drowned his yojce, as socm m he 
began to address the people^ Yane^ mmise dis« 
e«Merted« desired they might he sto|^ed while ha 
performed his devsotions ; ^and when they nenewy^ 
their noise, he laid his head on the soafbld with a 
sUeat eotnposurei which i^oke more ferciUy to the 
hearlB of the people than the nost eh^^vti oca* 

The protecting part of the act of iiidi^innity gay^ 
riae to the most importunate clamours among (the 
rayaliriB. They had formed expeotatiens ^ ^m* 
bmmded as if the king had heen restored tm 
thoBone 1^ the force tof their anw :; M»d apticipatedf 
in A plenteous harvest of £oir&ituresf» w ainjie con^ 
fMusation for aU ^heir losses md aulSedngs. Whw 
these hopes were finally disappointed by th? ^ ^ 
indwniiity, they broke forth into hitter inveethiei 
againat its furincipal promoter. Qamodon did Mt 

' I ■ ■ i i» M >»ii' i 'i>i|ii l i i im I'll 

-* fiuniet^ Vol. I. p. SS8. See in Appendix, ^. xiv.^40iiie-«bMr- 
vations by Clarendon on the character of Sir Harry Vane. 

VOL. II. 2 


shrink from their reproaches ; but fairly acknow- 
ledged that the measurei with all its demerit8» was; 
his. He reminded them that acts or promises of 
indemnity ought to be held sacred ; that fidelityin 
the observation of them was the only foundation on 
which any government could hope to tranquillise 
civil commotions ; and that, if the people onee 
thought these promises were made to deceive^ aH 
confidence between them and their sovereign would 
be at an end. *^ It was/' he added, *^ the making 
these promises which had brought the king home: 
and it was the keeping them which must keep him 
there.'' The angry royalists were not to be ap- 
peased by such arguments : The king, they said, 
had in truth passed an act of oblivion and qf m> 
demnity ; of oblivion to his friends, and of indem« 
nity to his enemies. * 

It was from no deficient compassion to the mu 
fortunate royalists that Clarendon resisted their n* 
monstrances. Willingly would he have given them 
relief by any expedient which did not endanger the 
renewal of civil convulsions ; and such an expedi* 
ent he was hopeful of having discovered, previom 
to the restoration. It was concerted between him 
and the king, that the principal offices of the itate 
should be bestowed on the most able and meriioii* 
ous servants ; but with the express provision, that 

• Burnet, Vol. I. p. 840. 


his majesty should retain the right of nominating 
their subordinate oflScers. By this, means, Clareu- 
don calculated that the king would be enabled to 
make a competent provision for the most deserving 
royalists, without either infringing his promises of 
indemnity, or unprofitably wasting the public trea- 
sure. But this well devised scheme became whol- 
ly abortive. Monk, now created Duke. of Albe- 
marle, was allowed, in consideration of his grent 
services, to engross several posts of extensive pa- 
tronage ; and it was not advisable to disgust hiin 
by interfering with the disposal of his subordinate 
offices. These, to the great scandal of the publitf^ 
he sold to the highest bidder ; * and the unfortu- 
nate royalists, who had nothing left to bribe bis 
avarice, were obliged to give place to men who had 

• Continuation, p. 46. Clarendon informs us, that Monk him- 
self, out of a deference to the king, would hare admit' ed to his 
suhordinate offices some of those persons who had actually re- 
ceived the royal promise ; but that his wife, who even exceedtd 
him in avarice, would hear of no consideration but money. Monk, 
indeed, appears to have yielded this point to his wife with little re- 
luctance, for Clarendon assures us that whatever other arguments 
might have been used, " profit was always the highest reason with 
him." (Ibid. p. 126.) Had Monk bestowed his patronage from 
more honourable motives, we have reason to suspect his discern- 
ment would not have led him to any very proper choice. It W9», 
on one occasion, represented to him that u person whom he had re- 
commended for a Secretary of State was not fit for that function. 
" Ncit fit !" replied Monk, " why he can speak French, and write 
short-hand!" 4 


gt<rtm rich hy the spoils of their eoantrf • Thd 
privilege which had been granted to Aibemvli 
could not, with decency, be refused to other miiii* 
stets $ and patronage was thus left to flow nHok 
Ktnicted in its ancient channel. Hie imprtieBCt 
of t^e royalists had also given to Charles aone dii» 
gtats which rendered him much less lolicitoas 
about their interests. A few hours after he landad 
1^ Kent, he found himself beset by a crowd of tliMS 
nseni who, to seize the first opportunity, CompeUel 
him to give them audience, recounted their suftr- 
ings and losses, and entreated^ as a compeiwrtaoB^ 
the immediate grant of some offices on which tbsj 
had fixed their eyes. * The prejudice ezdfled bjr 
these unseasonable importunities was strengdieiml» 
when he found his patronage so circumscribed that 
he could gratify them only from the money des- 
tined for his darling pleasures. Too many of the 
unfortunate royalists had contracted habits of in^ 
toxication, which rendered them unfit for any mo- 
tive employment : nor had either the remembnmce 
of their sufferings, or the joy of the restoration^ 
mitigated the mutual animosities which had enbit* 
tered their adversity. Every one was more deej^ 
ly wounded to see another gratified, than hknsdf 
disappointed. Charles, equally disgusted with their 
Importunities and their quarrels, sought a refuge 

* ContiniuitJOiij p. S. 


from these, as well as from all other carea, amidst 
the festive riots of his court. * 

Next to the act of indemoityi the most import- 
ant object was the establishment of a revenue forTenutb 
the crown. On this occasion, the parliament dis* 
played a liberality consonant to the joyful feelmga 
of the nation, yet adopted some salutary provisiona 
in regulating the public expendituret They pf Ot 
vided for the discharge of the national debts ; and» 
to prevent the sums voted from being diverted to 
other purposes, they appointed persons accountaUe 
to diemselves to watch over the receipt and dbfi 
bursement. f They voted to the king a permanent 
annual revenue of twelve hundred thousand pounds, 
a sum greatly exceeding the allowance to any of his 
ancestors : but^ by allowing his private appoint* 
ments to remain confounded with the funds of the 
public, they left an opening to abuses and jealou- 
sies, which were afterwards attended with very per- * 
nicious efiects. The clergy, who had hitherto al- 
ways taxed themselves in convocation, and had 
been induced, by their closer connection with the 
crown, to give higher contributions than the laityt 
now voluntarily relinquished this unprofitable pri- 
vilege, and submitted to the general taxation im- 
posed by parliament. From that period, the conr 
vocation, being no longer subservient to the views 

• Continuation, p. 35, 37, 39. t Ibid. p. 138. 


of government, ceased to be regularly assemUed, 

and has at last fallen into total neglect. 
EzerticM jn the dccision of questions where the interests 

tor the pre- ^ * ^ 

xog;itive. of the king and the people interfered, it seems to 
have been the uniform aim of Clarendon to bring, 
things back, as nearly as possible, to their situation 
before the commencement of the civil commotions.* 
He was unwilling to see the people deprived of 
any privileges which they had then enjoyed ; bat» 
from a review of late events^ he considered the pre- 
rogative as more in danger than the liberties of the 
subject. He procured the restoration of the mili- 
tia to the crown ; and the repeal of that act which 
entitled the representatives of the people to as- 
semble of themselves, at the expiration of three 
years, if the king did not in that period summon 
them to parliament. This act Clarendon brands as 
infamous, and inconsistent with all government ; t 
yet those who lived to the end of the reign of 

• He tells us, " he did never dissemble from the time of his 
turn v^ith the king, whom he had likewise prepared and disposed 
to the same sentiments whilst his majesty was abroad, that the kte 
rebellion could never be extirpated and pulled up by the roots, till 
the king*s regal and inherent power and prerogative should be ftdly 
avowed and vindicated ; and till the usurpations in both houses of 
parliament, since the year 1640, were disclaimed and made odious; 
and many other excesses, which had been affected by both, befive 
.that time, under the name of privileges, should be restrained 
explained." Continuation, p. 727. 

t Continuation, p. 420. 


Charles IL had often to lament the want of effec- 
tual means to secure the frequent assembling of the 

In some points of administration the Chancellor 
seems to have been disposed to wield the rod of 
power with too iiigh a hand. The excessive dis- 
sipation, into which the court speedily fell^ became 
the general theme of public conversation ; and, in 
the taverns and coffee-houses, to which, in that age, 
persons of both sexes daily crowded, the example 
of the king and courtiers was usually urged as an 
apology for gross irregularities. Charles could ill 
bear that royal trespasses should be the usual topic 
in the mouths of the multitude ; and applied to 
the Chancellor to devise some remedy for this grow- 
ing evil. Clarendon admitted that it ought to be 
repressed ; but, instead of assuring him that the 
reformation of his conduct was the only effectual 
means of stopping the evil tongues of men, he com- 
plaisantly proposed two expedients ; " either a pro- 
clamation to forbid all persons to resort to those 
houses, and so totally to suppress them ; or the em- 
ployment of spies, who, being present in the cour 
versation, might be ready to charge and accuse this 
persons who had talked with most licence on ^ sub- 
ject that would bear complaint." The king wa^ 
pleased with both expedients ; but, on being de- 
bated in the privy-council, the project pf espion- 


nage was abandoned) on the ground that it would 
diminish the revenue arising from coffee ! * 
Policy to. The most unwise part of Clarendon's coanselt 
und. was that which regarded the government of Scot^ 
land. Cromwell, after reducing the Scots under 
the strictest military despotism, had established nil« 
merous forts and garrisons, which rendered i3» 
recovery of their freedom wholly hopeless* Qi- 
rendon, who thought that the Scots and thdr cOi^ 
venant could not be too closely watched, was of 
opinion that this system of military coercion should 
be continued, and Scotland treated as a conquered 
nation. This ruinous policy, which would ha¥6 
quickly reduced Scotland to a situation not lesi 
calamitous than that of Ireland, was successfully 
resisted* t 
^^«^^JJJ* The system pursued by Clarendon, in regulat* 
tio^judi. ing the national judicature, deserves the highest 
praise. He showed his love of liberty, by mukiiig 
no attempt to revive the courts of the Star Cham* 
ber and High Commission, which had been, how^* 
ever unjustly, regarded as main props of the sove- 
reign power ; and which the complaisant Paiiia* 
ment would probably not have scrupled to re-ee- 
tablish. He filled every department of the judK 
cial functions with men of known attachment te 


* Continuation^ p. 678^ 679. 

t Ibid. p. 409. Burnet, Vol. I. p. 151. 


the government, yet of acknowledged moralitf and 
talents* Some grave and learned judges, who had 
sat on the bench in tlie time of Cromwell, wew 
again raised to the same situation; and among 
these the name of Sir Matthew Hale haa obtain^ 
ed particular celebrity. ^ We rtadily enter into 
the triumph which Clarendon expresaea at having 
restored to the nation the blessinga of a regular 
judicature. ** Denied it cannot be,*' saya ho^ 
^' that there appeared, sooner than was thought 
possible, a general settlement in the civil justice of 
the kingdom : no man complained without • remo* 
dy ; and every man dwelt again under the shadow 
of his own vine, without any complaint of injui^ 
tice and oppression/* f He set an eminent ex^ 
ample of diligence and integrity in his own judE* 
cial conduct : and it is allowed by all, that the of- 
fice of Lord Chancellor was never more uprightly 

Fortunate had it been for the memory of Obi* f^*^?^^ 
rendon, if the same good sense and benevolenot^ '^^ 

which guided his civil policy^ had governed his 
ligious opinions. But, in these, prejudice triumph- 
ed over his better judgment ; and we find hoBl 
breathing sentiments, which, in a darker age^ 
would have led him to promote the moat cnid 
persecution. From his early youth, he had 1% 


bibed the maxim of no bishop^ no king^ as an in- 
&llible truth ; and had conscientiously inatilled 
into the mind of his sovereign the doctrinet that 
Episcopacy is the only form of church-goyemment 
compatible with monarchy. In defence of this 
favourite tenet, he had entered into acrimoDioua 
contests with the dissenters : and as he knew that 
he had incurred their lasting hatred, by prepos* 
sewing both Chailes and his father against them, 
he repaid their animosity by an equally keen aver- 
sion. Their desire to prevent him from . sharing 
in the triumph of the Restoration, gave a new 
edge to his angry feelings ; and, in his memoin 
of these times, whenever he has occasion to men* 
tion them, he is unable to conceal the antipathy 
that rankled in his breast. * 

The most wise and moderate of the ministers^ 
and among others the Earl of Southampton, were 
of opinion that nothing could conduce so much to 
public tranquillity as to follow up the act of in- 
demnity with an act of toleration. As the Pres- 

* His prejudices always cliRCover themselves in bitter inveetircfl; 
and, when he finds an example of unprincipled conduct in indivi- 
duals of the hated sect^ he hastens to draw a general conduoion horn 
it with regardto the spirit of the whole body. In one passage headduccs 
two instances of chicane in Presbyterian ministers; *' by which^ 
he adds, '* if the humour and spirit of the Presbyterians were not 
enough discovered and known, their want of ingenuity and integ- 
rity would be manifest, and how impossible it is for men who 
would not be deceived to depend on either." ContimiatioDj p. S4l« 



byterians differed nothing in doctrine from the 
Church of England, and were equally the friends 
of a regular ecclesiasticsd establishment, they might, 
it was supposed, be reconciled to Episcopacy by 
some partial concessions in respect to forms ; and 
the two predominant bodies of religionists be thus 
united in support of the government. But to all 
these lenient propositions Clarendon declared his 
decided opposition. *' He asseited that nothing 

* Burnet imagines that Clarendon was origin.Uly friendly to the 
conciliatory system ; hut that, in consequence of some private oh« 
ligations received from the bishops, he went over to their violent 
measures ; and, by this versatility, disgusted his friend Southamp- 
ton. But the statements, as well as the strain of sentiments, in 
Clarendon's later writings, are so irreconcileable to this account, 
that there seems very little doubt that the bishop was misinformed. 
In the Continuation of his Life, Clarendon thus enlarges on this 
subject : — " It is an unhappy policy, and always unhappily applied, 
to imagine that that class of men (the dissenters) can be recovered 
and reconciled by partial concessions, or granting less than they 
demand. And if all were granted, they would have more to ask, 
somewhat as a security for the enjoyment of what is granted, that 
shall preserve their power, and shake the whole frame of the go- 
vernment. Their faction is their religion : nor are those combina- 
tions ever entered into upon zeal and substantial motives of con- 
science, how erroneous soever ; but consist of many glutinous ma- 
terials of will, and humour, and folly, and knavery, and ambition, 
and malice, which make men cling inseparably together, till they 
have satisfaction in all their pretences, or till they are absolutely 
broken and subdued, which may always be more easily done than 
the other. And if some few, how signal soever, (which often de- 
ceives us,) are separated and divided from the herd upon reasonable 
overtures, and secret rewards which make the overtures look the 
more reasonable ; they are but so many single men^ and hare no 


to be expected from acts of conciliatioii t tlu|l 
oonceaaion would only render the lectaries mete 
presumptuous and insolent in their demands : and 
that no means could improve either their faith or 
their loyalty, but a system of rigorous and MfeiM 

These opinions of the chancellor, aeoonded fajr a 
parliament devoted to the king and to episoopaejTf 
became the standard for adjusting the religioua dis* 
putes of the nation. The Church of England was 
restored to the model of the days of Queen Elisa- 
beth : the ring, the cross, the surplice, the altar^ 
again became stumbling-blocks to weak conacieny 
ces : an act of uniformity was passed, which con- 
pelled all the clergy to express, by an oath, their 
attachment to the revived ceremonies: and tba 
ensuing day of St Bartholomew was appointed aa 
the term at which they must either conform to thia 
condition, or abandon their livings. This Qatb^ 
that it might be a test of loyalty as well as of relif- 

more credit ami antliority (whatercr they hare hod) with tlMlr 
companions, than if they hod nerer known them, vather Urn* Ba* 
ing leM mad tlian they were, makcB them thonghi to be leu At to 
be belieTcd. And they, w}iom you think you liave recovend, car* 
ry always a ehnffrin about them^ which mokes them good Ibr no* 
thing, but for instances to divert you Arom any more of thfti himi 
of traffic." 

* " Nothing," says he, *^ hut a severe execution of the law eaa 
ever prevail uihhi that daas of men to conform to gov«iineBtr 
ConlMittatioa, p. 143, 


gibii, c6htained a clause by which the clerffj were 
to subscribe to the doctrine of passive oiedience iti 
its fullest extent ; and to declare their convictioQ, 
that no oppression and cruelty on the part oT the 
aoviereign could justify his subjects in taking arms 
against his authority. A doctrine so revolting to 
eonlflion sense disgusted many even of the rojral- 
ista* The virtuous Earl of SoUthaniptoii, though 
the strenuous friend of Oarendon, openly dissent- 
ed from him on this occasion ; and declared, that 
if such an oath were to be imposed on the laity, 
he would himself refuse it. * Nor had the clergy 
lost the spirit of civil and religious freedom. On 
the decisive day of St Bartholomew, two thousand 
of them quitted their benefices ; and preferred po- 
verty to affluence when purchased by an oath 
whidi they accounted infamous. The dei^ymen, 
who had been deprived of their livmgs by the re- 
volutionary government, had still been allowed a 
portion of their former revenues for dieir mainten- 
ance : but those now ejected were denied the most 
slender provision. Nor was this all ; by a subse- 
quent ordinance, conventicles were suppressed, and 
* the dismissed clergy were prohS^ted from earning 
a scanty livelihood by t3ie exercise of their profes- 
aion. t The provisions of the five*n^le-aiH^ weve 

• Burnet, Vol. I. p. 329. 

t The act agamst conventicles is a^Uuded by Clarendon as a 


still more cruel. By its regulations, no dissenting 
teacher, who had not taken the oath of passive 
obedience, was allowed, except in travelling the 
road, to approach nearer than five miles to any 
place where he had preached since the act of in- 
demnity : and thus these indigent men were com- 
pelled to wander among strangers, deprived of 
that relief which their former friends and acquaint- 
ance might have administered to their distresses* * 

measarc of peculiar efficacy. " If it had been vigorouily ezecnt- 
ed/' says he^ " it would no doubt bave produced a thorough re- 
formation." (Continuation, p. 421.) So apt arc even wise men, 
where their prejudices are concerned, to form concluriont in oppo« 
sition to the most univerHul experience ! Th*' rigours of this act 
were extreme. JuHtices of the peace were allowed to convict of- 
fenders without a jury. Any meeting for religious worship, at 
which five were present more than the family, was declared a cod- 
venticle. Every person above sixteen, that attended it^ was to be 
imprisoned three months, or to pay L.5 for the first offence : fbr 
the second offence, to be imprisoned six months, or pay L.90: and 
for the third ofience, on conviction by a jury, to be- banished to 
the plantations^ or pay L.IOO. 

* Burnet, Vol. I. p. 328. This act was strongly opposed bj 
the Earl of Southampton, and by Dr Earl, Bishop of Salisbnrj, 
the most esteemeil of the prelates. The favour which the cjaettd 
clergy obtained among the people, by their conscientious fimuiepi 
and their sufferings, was much increased by the avarice of some 
of the bishops, who, as Clarendon himself informs us, prosecufsd 
their claims for arrears with an eagerness and severity, which re« 
spccted neither the loyalty, the sufferings, nor the poverty of their 
debtors. (Continuation, p. I b5.) Yet Clarendon bad endeavoured 
to select prelates distinguished for learning and zeal ; though, in« 
deed, he was sometimes obliged to yield to other conaiderttioiu* 


While the unfortunate prejudices of Clarendon 
contributed to renew the distractions of England, 
they proved still more prejudicial to the tranquillif 
ty of Scotland. As the support of Episcopacy was: 
found to be a sure road to favour at court, there 


Among the rngst importunate claimants, who demanded patronage 
as their due, wns Dr Gaud en, the author of the Eikon BtLvliki, 
"which loyal credulity so long attributed to the pen of Charl^ ihib 
First. Gauden did not posses loyalty enough to bury his share of 
the transaction in oblivion, or to forego so fair a claim to royal pa- 
tronage. He whispered his great arcajium, as he calls it, into the 
unwilling ears of the king and his principal courtiers ; and, having^ 
produced witnesses of the fact, made nd^d^rttplef of importunately de- 
manding a reward equal to his merits.' ,In one of his letters to Cla- 
rendon, he refreshes his memory by the following narrative of this 
transaction. After stating that his services had been too much 
overlooked in regard to that work which " goes under the late 
blessed king's name, the s/xwv or portraiture of his majesty in his 
solitude and sufferings," he proceeds : " This book and figure 
was wholly and only my invention, making, and design, in order 
to vindicate the king's wisdom, honour, and piety. My wife, in- 
deed, was conscious to it, and had a hand in disguising the letters 
of that copy which I sent to the king in the Isle of Wight, by the 
favour of the late Marquis of Hertford, which was delivered to the 
king by the now Bishop of Winchester. His majesty graciously 
accepted, owned, and adopted it as his sense and genius ; not only 
with great approbation, but admiration. He kept it with him ; 
and though his cruel murderers went on to perfect his martyrdom, 
yet God preserved and prospered this book to revive his honour, 
and redeem his majesty's name from that grave of contempt and 
abhorrence, or infamy, in which they aimed to bury him. Wh^n 
it came out, just upon the king's death — good God ! what shame, 
rage, and despite filled his murderers ! What comfort his friends I 
How many enemies did it convert ! How many hearts did it mol« 


not wanting a numerous bodj of Soottith lofds 
and gentlemen, who asserted that their countrjr* 
men bad become disgusted with Presbytery { and 
dial the re-establishment of Episcopacy there would 
not only be easy, but infinitely gratifying to the 
majority of the nation. In this welcome opinion 

Ufy wad melt ! Whtt derotiont it rtiied to hit posterity, at ebfld- 

ven of fuch a father 1 What preparationi it made In aU acn'a 

minda for tliii happy rcatoration, and which, I hope, ahaO aot 

prove my affliction I In a word, it wua an array, and did vaii^pdih 

mole than any sword couhl. My lord, every good sulject ooMivw 

ed hofes of restoration-^meditated revenf^ and reparatiim. Tour 

loidabip and all good sulgeots, with his mi^esty, ei^Joy Ibe tMl 

aad now ripe fruits of that plant : O let not me wither t who w 

the author, and ventured wife, children, estate, liberty, lift, and 

all but my soul, in so great sn achievement, whieh hath filUd 

England, and all the world, with the glory of it* I did lately pm* 

sent my £uth in it to the Duke of York, and by him to the kbig; 

both of them were pleased to give me credit, and own it a ram 

vioe in ihe horrora of those times. True, I played this best 

in my hand something too late ; else I might have sped as wall m 

Or Reynolds and some others ; but I did not lay it as a ground §i 

uMtion, nor use it ss a ladder/' A ladder, however, it proved, 

both aecure and lofty : for although Gauden waa abundantly ob« 

noidotta botli to the Chancellor and the bibhops, ftom having taktti 

the covenant, yet neither were his claims to be denied, nor hia im« 

portunitiea resisted. He was succesHively created Blihop of £x0- 

ter and of Worcester. Ilis letters of solicitation to Clarendon «id 

others, in which he descants at large on the tranaoendont inerifi 

of 'hia arcanum, are preservid in the Supplement to Clarendon'i 

State Papers. They were published for the first time in the year 

17SS ; and it is owing to the want of this decisive evidence, tluit 

Hume and many other autliors are inclined to give Charkt 

sit of writing the Mikon. 


Clarendon had been confirmed by the arts of Dr 
Sharpe, who, by solemn protestations of his inviol- 
able devotion to Presbytery, had gained the confi* 
dence of his brethren, and was deputed to advocate 
their cause at court ; after which he availed himi» 
self of this commission to accelerate the introduce 
tion of Episcopacy, and to procure for himself the 
primacy of Scotland. The policy adopted in con^ 
sequence of these misrepresentations soon involved 
Scotland in all its former distractions. Episcopa- 
cy was established } religious opinions enforced bjr 
the sword of the civU magistrate ; and disorders 
engendered which could be subdued only by the 
dangerous remedy of a new revolution. 

But while we lament the prejudiced views of ^u^**"** 
Clarendon in religious matters, we must not for* 
get the merits of his civil policy. If we consider 
the dijficulties of that period of confusion and ani-* 
mosity, we must applaud the dexterity with which 
he overcame them. If we compare the course of go- 
vernment, while he directed our councils, with that 
of the latter years of the same reign, we must ad- 
mire both his patriotism and virtue. His political 
sagacity, particularly in regard to commerce and 
foreign connections^ may claim little commenda- 
tion : but it has not been denied that he uniform^* 
ly aimed at ends which his conscience approved. 
We discover no instance in which his authority was 

VOL. II. A a 

870 EARL Of CLAREND017. 

employed for selfish purposes. Though his origl- 
nal fortune was small, and had been wasted during 
the civil commotions, he adopted no means to ro^ 
pair it, beyond the regular emoluments of his office 
as Chancellor. Both the king, «id his colleagues 
in the ministry, sensible of the inadequacy of hie 
fortune, endeavoured to force on his acceptance 
various grants of money and land : but, in thait 
period of solicitation and expectancy, he thought he 
should best escape envy, by setting an example of 
that disinterestedness which he inculcated on others 
It was only in some peculiar circumstances that he 
was induced tO' depart from this resolution* The 
Duke of Ormond, and some other of his most r$h 
lued friends in the ministry, perc^ving the inces- 
sant fatigue which he underwent, would have per* 
suaded him to relinquish his judicial office of Ghan^ 
cellor, and devote himself entirely to affiun of 
state, under the appellation of Prime Minister. 
But Clarendon decided on declining a distinctioB 
sa invidious, and recogiHsed only in the unlimited 
government of France. He also knew that Charle% 
although extremely willing to purchase leisure for 
his pleasures, by consigning his whole government 
into the hands of his servants, was of all men 
most averse to be thought subject to the gui^ 
ance of a favourite : and would speedily be dis^ 
gusted with those remonstrances from a Flrime 


Minister, which he easily endured from his Chan- 
cellor. • 

From the commencement of his ministry^ Chi- ^^^'^j^ ^ 
rendon perceived that, however, cautious . his con- 
duct, his exaltation would attract around him a 
doud of envy. But his personal attachment to his 
sovereign was too great to make him shrink from 
the most obnoxious interference, when conducive 
to the interests of Charles. With the exception 
of a few favourites, whom he deteno&ined to gra* 
tify, the king uniformly referred the crowds of im- 
portunate suitors to the chancellor, who made no 
^8cruple to undertake the invidious part of rejecting 
all unreasonable requests. Even when Charles 
disposed of offices, contrary to his advice. Claren- 
don still justified the conduct of his prince ; and 
thus often innocently incurred the odium, of an im- 
proper distribution of patronage, t This uncommon 
devotion the king for some time repaid with the 
most obliging attentions. He lii^ned to the 
chancellor's advice on every occasion, and seemed 
happy when he could prevail on him to accept any 
testimony of his esteem. When Chirendon waa 
afflicted with the gout, which frequently happenedt 
Charles always repaired to his house to consult on 
public affidrs; and occasionally summoned the 

* ContinuatioD> p. 85. t Baniet,^VoL L p. 133. 


privy-coundl to attend in the minister's bed-^lumoh 
ber. * 

Yet, amidst all these marks of favour, there were 
tfie iriiis*^ circumstances in the conduct of the king, which 
v^^ir'' must have given uneasy presages to the chancellor. 
Charles was a decided sceptic in regard to hamaii 
virtue. He believed, that, if either man or woman 
practised sincerity or chastity, it was merely to 
save appearances, and gratify their vanity. No aon^ 
he thought, served him from attachment ; and he 
viewed all around him with indifference as the sel- 
fish instruments of his ease and pleasures, t On 
a mind so prepossessed against the better senti- 
ments of the heart, the disinterested zeal of Cla- 
rendon could make but a faint impression. When 
the chancellor refused the gifts of the king, as be- 
yond his deserts, and tending to excite genenl 
envy against him ; Charles was accustomed to le* 
mind him with a smile, that it is better to be en^ 
vied than pitied, t The French government, de- 
sirous to gain the good will of the English minis- 
ter, instructed its agent to present him secretly 
with a large sum of money, which was to be con« 

* The meetings of the Secret Committee, connstiiig of Clana-. 
don, and some of his colleagues in whom he most confided, 
usually held at Worcester House, then the' residence of the 
cellor ; and were generally attended by the king and the Duke of 

t Burnet, Vol. I. p. ISl. :t Continuation, p. 8S. 


tinued as a ye^ly pension. Clarendon heard 
this proposition with indignation : but when he in* 
formed Charles of the insult which had been oflbr« 
en to him, the king laughed in his face, and told 
him he was a fool. * Even the kindest acts of 
Charles must have lost much of their grace, when 
the minister felt that they proceeded not from ai» 
tachment, but from a mere aversion to labour* t 
And he had but too ample proof of the precariont 
tenure of a prince's favour, when a train of eventSi ^ 
which shall now be explained, rendered his dii* 
grace more convenient to the sovereign than hit 

While Clarendon attended his exiled master, his i^An to S 
daughter had been received as a maid of honour ^[^^ 
into the family of the Princess of Orange, formerly ^ 
Princess Royal of England ; and had there embel- 
lished the natural charms of her person and wit^ 
by the most admired accomplishments of a court. 
She had followed her father to England, and taken 
a conspicuous part in the festivities of the restora- 
tion ; but the general attention which her attrac- 
tions excited was converted into astonishmentt 
when she was discovered to be pregnant, and do* * 
clared the Duke of York to be her husband* and 
the father of her child. On this unexpected even^ 
the court was immediately rent into violent 6e« 


* • 

* Continuation^ p. 171. t Ibid, pi 8S« 


tions. The queen dowager hastened from Erance, 
to prevent her son from acknowledging a marriage^ 
which, in her eyes, would fix an indelible stain pn 
her lineage : and the duke himself wa^ for some 
time moved by the calumnies, which were assi- 
duously propagated against the object of his a£bc- 
tions. But the king, who still entertained a just 
value for the services of his chancellor, declared^ 
that, as the marriage was found on examination to 
be valid, he would on nd account consent to its 
disavowal. At length, all opposition ceased : the 
duke, discovering the falsehood of his suspicions^ 
acknowledged his wife ; and the dowager queen 
received the duchess as her daughter. * 

* Continuation^ p. 60 — 75. The change in the qoeen'i bduu 
▼iour^ which was sudden and unexpected^ was afterwirds diiea- 
yered, to the astonishment of Cliurendon^ to hare proceeded ftom 
the interference of his old enemy Cardinal Mazarine. Her in^^ 
ty^ finding that she could not prevent the marriage from bdl^ 
openly acknowledged^ was preparing^ in the height of her diqpleft* 
■ure^ to quit the English courts and return to Fnoioe. But the 
Cardiiud> ^rhose policy led him to cultivate the frieiidahip of evenr 
successive government of England^ was hy no meam indined to 
quarrel with the young king, or his favourite minitter ; and there- 
fore wrote to the dowager queen^ yery plainly intiioatiiig, thtt. If 
she left }icr sons in displeasure, she would meet with no mwd 
welcome in France. The hint produced the intended eAct. Hor 
majesty quickly received the duchess as her daughter ; end was fe« 
Gonciled to the chancellor with many gracious expreaiioiui of fticnd- 
ship. In closing the relation of this incident. Clarendon uimu^j 
characterizes the insincere and vindictive temper of this pr h i w if r 
f' From that period/' qays he, " there did neyer vpjp^tjr any want 


The behaviour of Clarendon, during this embar- 
rassing transaction, was conspicuous for propriety. 
He solemnly declared that the whole transaction 
was as new to him as to the rest of the nation. He 
refused to take any steps towards vmdicating the 
honour of a daughter, who, unknown to him, had 
wilfiiUy subjected her family to danger and dis* 
grace : and amidst the ferment of the court, he ap- 
peared the only man who was not concerned in the 
event. He would address no solicitations either to 
the Queen or the Duke of York ; and when both 
of them began to give indications of a favourable 
disposition, he refused to make the first advances. 
He even went so far as, in his officid capacity, to 
advise the king that the marriage should be disa- 
vowed, or the presumption of his daughter subject- 
ed to the penalties of treason. • Though we may 
disti^ust the sincerity of self-denial carried so far, it 
is apparent that he derived more apprehension than 
satisfaction from the unusual exaltation of his fa^ 
mily. Observing his son elevated with the royal 
affinity, he sadly assured him that it would sooner 
or later prove the ruin of them all : and such, even 
then, were the hopes formed by his enemies. For 
the present, however, neither envy nor censure 

of kindness in the queen to'^ards me, whilst I stood in no need of 
it, nor until it might have done me good." Continuation, p. 75, 
* Continuation, p. 55. 


seemed to be excited* The people were pletsed 

to find that a wise and loyal ipinister was not to 

be dishonoured in his family, from an adherence to 

irules which had fortnerly been thought unneees- 

sary in England. Charles behared to him with «U 

that gracious demeanour in which he knew to ex* 

eel. Withoyt the (chancellor's privity, he caiiied 

a patent for a peerage to be made out for himt* acN 

companicd by a grant of twenty thousand pcmndf» 

to support the title : and the minister accepted 

these proofs of royal favour with a satisfactioa that 

could be imparted only by his escape from a tittuh 

tion of great embarrassment. * 

timi mtni- The chancellor had, about this time, a considefu 

^ able share in negotiating the marriage of the king. 

The people, who looked on the popish religion with 

dread and abhorrence, would have rejoiced to sea 

their monarch united to a Protestant princeu : hot 

Charles was very indilBTercnt about religion, and 

looked merely to the splendour of the alliance* 

He therefore willingly listened to the overtures cf 

the Portuguese ambassador, who proffisred th(^ 

* He wnB, on this occoflion^ created a baron^ a title which he hi4 
pftcn declined^ at* incoiiKiKtcnt with his limited fortune. He alter* 
wardH irritated the Duke of York by ^efuking the Order of the 
Garter: and it wak only fVoni un unwiUingneM to disoblige bit 
Royal HighncK^, who rcprouclud him as too proud to receive aoj 
iavour through his means^ that he was at length prevailed en to 
accept an earldom. Continuation^ p. flS. 



daughter of his sovereign, with a tempting dowry : 
five hundred thousand pounds in money, several 
commercial advantages, the town of Tangiers, on 
the coast of Africa, and the settlement of Bombay^ 
m the East Indies. As the princess was reported 
to be of a mild and discreet temper, and Portugal 
was much less disliked than France or Spain, the 
choice was applauded by the ministers, the parliaf- 
ment, and the nation : and the same sentiments 
were expressed by Clarendon, who saw no reason 
to oppose the union, and who, of all men in the 
kingdom, could with least grace have opposed it, 
after the marriage of his own daughter to the heir 
apparent of the crown. While this negotiation was 
pending, the ambassador of Spain, whose court had 
not yet acknowledged the independence of Portu- 
gal, employed every art to frustrate the alliance ; 
and procured some partisans in the English court 
to second his designs. Reports were spread that 
the princess was deformed ; that she had various 
inherent distempers ; that, from some natural de- 
fect, she was incapable of bearing children. Offers 
were made to the king, on the part of Spain, of a 
large dowry with any bride whom he should select 
from among the princesses of Italy ; and the Earl 
of Bristol, who possessed a peculiar talent in that 
way, was employed to inflame his fancy with the 
description of their luxurious conversations. By 
these arts Charles was almost diverted from the 


Portuguese alliance : but, on detecting the malice 
of the Spaniards, and on perceiving, from die re- 
presentations of Clarendon and the other ministers^ 
that it would be both foolish and dishonourable^ on 
such vain grounds, to break off a negotiation so 
nearly concluded, he proceeded in the transaction 
with his original cordiality. On the arrival of his 
bride, he found no reason for dissatisfaction either 
in her manners or her person. * 
!• ofc^e- ^^ Charles had already drunk deep of vices in- 
^ compatible with conjugal felicity. Amidst his nu^ 
merous favourites, he had been particularly o^tip 

* Some liistorians^ Mr Hume in particulars as if to excuie the 
Bubscquent conduct of Charles^ allege that the queen wu hamAj, 
if not disgusting^ in her person^ and that the king thought io fton 
the first. But there is the strongest evidence that this inis not the 
case. Clarendon, who had an opportunity of knowing better thm 
any writer, expressly says, " the queen had beauty and witenongli 
to make herself very agreeable to his nugesty ; and it is rerj cst^ 
tain, th^t, at their first meeting, and for some time after, the kiqg 
had very good satisfaction in her." Continuation, p. 318. Lord 
Sandwich, the ambassador who brought her over, expatiates, in his 
letters, on the '' most lovely and agreeable person of the qoeen*" 
Supplement to State Papers, p. SQ. The Earl of Portland, wbp a^ 
tended the king ut liis marriage, writes to Clarendon, thftt his mi- 
jcsty, as soon as he saw the princess, was so well pleased with her« 
as readily to give way to some perplexing prejudices which she had 
in regard to the marriage ceremony. Ibid. p. 81. Bishop Bnrnet 
assures us, " he saw the letter which the king writ to the Earl of 
Clarendon the day aflcr the marriage, by which it appeared TCiy 
plainly, that the king was well pleased with her." Bume}, VoL L 
p.?5q. ^ 


TEted by tke pharm^ of Mrs Palmer, a lady of the 
race of Villiers, who was not more distinguished 
for her beauty than for the want of every virtue. 
Her undisguised amours with Charles had pro- 
cured her the appellation of the royal mistress ; 
and a son, whom she bore during the n^otiations 
with Portugal, was openly acknowledged by the 
king as his own. When his young queen oanni 
over, Charles had formed some trandent sescdu* 
tions to estrange himself from his mistress ; but, 
by the arts of the lady, and <^ the courtiers who 
depended on her favour, these impressona were 
speedily effiu^ed from his mind. He had formed 
his notions of royal gallantry in the voluptuous 
court of France. He thought that a father or a 
husband ought to account his daughter or his wife 
not degraded but honoured by the embraces of hit 
sovereign ; and that the mistress of a prince ought 
to be regarded in a very di£Eerent light from othec 
concubines. In the same school he had learnt that 
the wife of a king ought to divest herself of the na* 
tural feelings of a woman, to permit the libertin- 
ism of her husband, and even receive his mirtr^ 
on the footing of a companion. In conformity 
with these notions, he had the inhumanity, in the 
presence of the whole court, to introduce Mrs Pal- 
mer to the queen, a short time after his marriage* 
The wretched princess, though pierced to the heart 
by discovering the alienation of her hi^iband'a a|^ 


fectionsy endeavoured to suppress her poignmt 
feelings, and to receive the mistress with smiles* 
But the effort was beyond her strength. A% she 
retired to her chair, the tears gushed from her 
eyes, the blood from her nose, and she funted 

Charles, instead of being melted, was enraged 
by an incident which so forcibly accused him of 
cruelty, and presaged an unwelcome disobedience 
to his commands. He now devoted his nights to 
dissolute revels : he took no pains to conceal the 
ascendancy of his mistress : he attempted to en- 
noble her by conferring the Earldom of Castle- 
main on her husband, who indignantly rgected 
this badge of his dishonour : and was so infatuated 
as to insist with his queen to receive his paramour 
as a lady of her bed-chamber. This new affront 
awakened all the spirit of the princess. She firm- 
ly refused to subscribe to her own degradation, 
and to admit into her train a woman who was lost 
to honour, and who had so deeply wounded her 
happiness. The people sympathized with her vir- 
tuous indignation; and even Charles could not 
withhold his esteem from the victim of his injustice. 
Yet, more alive to pride than to any generous feel- 
ing, he determined to subdue her spirit by severity* 
He dismissed her Portuguese attendants: he al- 
lowed his companions to jest with her name ill 
(heir nocturnal debauches : and he gave very plain 


intimation that all who looked for his favour must 
pay their court to his mistress. The queen now 
found herself consigned to cruel neglect : she saw 
the favourite of her husband lodged in her palace ; 
and, even in her presence, reeeiving the homage of 
the nobility* The mistress was met, wherever she 
turned, by the sounds of gaiety ; the queen alone 
seemed doomed to perpetual unhftppiness. Her 
fortitude was unequal to such a trial : she gradual- 
ly fell from that elevated tone in which she found 
no one to support her : and at length condescended 
to the humiliating art of caressing the object of her 
aversion. Charles triumphed in a degradation 
which lessened the public interest for the queen : 
and endeavoured, at a subsequent period, to add 
new dignity to his mistress, (who was now divorced 
from her husband,) by creating her Duchess of 
Cleveland. • 

The adoption of such profligate principles in a 
court could not fail to afflict a virtuous minister. 
Clarendon had endeavoured, by every argument, 
to dissuade his sovereign from a conduct, which 
would blast his reputation, and shake his authority* 
He represented to him that such infamous connee-> 
tions were universally odious in England ; ** that, 
a woman, who prostituted herself to the king, was 
equally infamous to all women of honour, and 

* ContinuAtioii, p. 390—343. 


must expect the same contempt from thetdy M if 
she were common to mankind ; and that no enemy 
he had could advise him a more sure way to lose 
the hearts and affections of the people^ than the 
indulging himself in such licentiousness/' We 
learn with regret that the Chancellor, after this 
bold avowalt should have been prevailed On to un^ 
dertake the task of persuading the queen to yield 
to her husband's commands^ and to receive his 
mistress among the ladies of her bed-chamber. 
This compliance on the part of Clarendon seems 
to have proceeded from an anxious desire to conci- 
liate the king and queen, and, in all other respects, 
his behaviour was entirely worthy of himself, and 
of his station. While the coiutiers strove to dis* 
tinguish themselves by their obeisance to the mis- 
tress, he disdained to coimtenance her by the 
slightest attention ; and even refused to affix the 
great seal to any grant in which she was named. * 
The Earl of Southampton alone acted the same 
honourable part ; and would never suflfer her name 
to be itiserted in the treasury books. From that 
time forward, Charies began to look with secret 
dissatisfaction on ministers whose morality was a 
permanent reproach on his own conduct i and to 

* In consequence of this refusal, she was obliged to tnmtmit to 
Ireland the patents for her pew title^ to p48p under the teal of tlitt 


give up bis better jut^ment to the vindictive spirit 
of the mistress- * 

While a foundation of dislike to the Chalicellcw The sale of 
was thus laid in the royal breast, some occurrence's iu»u* 
of a very different nature served to render him un- 
popular with the public. Cromwell, as a consi- 
deration for uniting his arms with France, had ol>- 
tained the town of Dunkirk, which be had aided 
in wresting from the Spaniards. This acquisition 
gave general satisfaction as an equivalent for Calais?, 
and the Protector had endeavoured to give it im- 
portance by strengthening the fortifications, and 
improving the harbour. But it was found to be a 
possession more popular than beneficial ; and the 
yearly expence of the garrison (L. 120,000 Ster- 
ling) became an insupportable burden to the pro- 
digal and necessitous Charles. This consideration 
having made the court very desit'ous to be rid of 
the charge, the military men readily discovered 
that the place was untenable by land, and useless 
as a naval station. A resolution was, thereforcy 
speedily formed to dispose of it by sale to some 
continental power. As Spain was too poor to pay 
for it, and Holland toa weak to retain it, France 
was selected as the proper purchaser ; and, after 
some negotiation, the place was transferred to her, 
for about four hundred thousand pounds. 

• Burnet^ Vol. I. p. 839. 


The odiunit arising from a tranMCtion which 
was accounted dishonourable, no less in itself, than 
from the uses to which the price was applied, fell 
very generally on the Chancellor, who was repre« 
sented as its principal adviser and promoter. He 
assures his readers^ however^ that he was, at firsty 
extremely averse to the measure ; and tliat the sale 
was resolved on between the king and the other 
ministers, before liis advice was asked. * He does 
not, however, den; that he was gained over by the 
arguments of his colleagues ; and it is certain that 
he was very earnest in pressing the court of France 
to give favou; able terms, t How far the traniac- 

* Continuution, p. 38 P. 

f Ste the correHiJondence which paued between hfm and ih$ 
French ambaisudori the Count d*£iitrade^ on thii ocefision. If 
Clarendon docs not utter the following lentinientfi merely m a 
piece of diplomatic fincRHi*, to ctihuncc the value of the plaee^ bf 
ccrtuinly incuircd^ with open cyan, the reproach of this transaction*' 
He tlius writes to d'Kstrode, Au;^t 9, IdGl : *' They who know 
any thing of the present temper of this kingdom roust believe^ thaty 
as the delivery of that pLice would never be consented to by tba 
parliament^ or^ in truth, by the privy-council, if it should be reftr* 
red to their judgment, so the delivering it up by the kin^K^a Inune* 
diate authority, will be as ungracious and unpopular an act |o tko 
whole nation as can be put in practice." These considerations 
Clarendon statc*s as an argument for the king's demanding audi a 
price, OS would fur some time enable him to do without the tmp* 
plies which the parliament would, on this account^ be dispoaed l# 
refUse him. " I shall hold myself the most unfortunate man. If 
this affair be not crowned with success ;" layi be in anoUitr 
to d'Estrade. 


tion itself deserves the reproach it has incurred, 
appears very doubtful. Neither the fortifications 
nor the harbour bore any comparison to their im- 
portance since Louis XIV* bestowed such vast 
sums on their improvement. The j^iace, if tena- 
ble, might have proved a convenient inlet to our 
armies, and a desirable retreat in the event of dis- 
aster : it might have proved a station to our own, 
instead of the enemy's privateers. But it may 
reasonably be doubted whether these advantages 
oould have counterbalanced the waste it must have 
occasioned of the national revenues. 

The first open instance of displeasure, which the 
Chancellor experienced from the king, took itsj^^^^JJ^ 
rise from a religious question. Charles had formed ^ ^*»«»*- 
a strong attachment to the Romish religion, from its 
inculcating a blind submission to princes as well a3 
to priests : and, before the Restoration, he had re- 
solved, if he ever regained his throne, to mitigate 
the legal penalties which depressed a faith so con- 
genial to his notions of government. He soon, 
however, perceived that there existed a strong pre- 
judice against the Catholics, and that no favour 
could be extended to them without including the 
dissenters at large. Clarendon^s inflexibility on 
these subjects being well known, the advisers of 
Charles acted without his knowledge : and it was 
with no small surprise that the Chancellor saw m- 
troduced into parliament, under the royal sandioOf 

VOL. II. B b 


a bill to iiwest the king witk a disrretidnarT^ power 
of dispensings for a veasonable fine, with the peqofc 
kws against all religious sects. Cbaelee,; hoA^ad^ 
declared that the increase' of bis rerenue by gnN 
eious- acts of dispensation was his< sole object, mthw 
measure : but the Chancellor concluded that that 
effect of such a dispensing power would be. t9 gmn 
indulgence to^ the Catholics only, the Protestanfe 
dissenters being as odious to the king as to hvBbi 
self. *■ He therefore determined, in opposition .fea 
the king's earnest remonstrance, to resist' the hUh 
openly in the House of Lords ; and^ in spite* jo6 
all the exertions of the courtiers^ he succeeded' in 
procuring its rejection, t ' 

The king expressed the greatest indignation' at 
this conduct of the Chancellor ; and though, he. 
did not as yet find it convenient to withdraw! hisi 
q>parent kindness, he listened more readilyi to .tfaft 
arts employed to diminish the influence, of the mlt. 
nister. The nightly club of licentiouS' wite» witL 
whom Charles now associated, became more direct: 
in their ridicule, and Villiers, Duke of BuckiD|^. 

• rpl 

The greater indulgence of tlic king to the PapiRls than tlie 
J^ot(;Ktnnt (liHsenterH was well known to Clarendon. In the inl« 
nuti>H oi* a conversation betw<:en the Chancellor ond his mt^ijp^ 
which have l>eeu prcfKTved, the king remarkB^ *' For my partj^ 
n.'bel ibr rebtrl, I hud ruther trust a PapiHt rebel than a Presby- 
terian one " Supi)leinent to State Papers, p. 47. 
t Continuation^ p. 469— 473. 

h&tny vrfio excelled a« adl$W?c;;oftefl'(i($i]il9%>(it!^ 
to the itairth of the ooM^ity 1^ pei>^iAtaat!t^ ^^ 
fottttai motidiw, and gttfVe e\iuiUii&tioiA^ d( tW' 
Chaiiicellor. If tHe king liaqp^^etted td' s»y- ^af he^ 
woinH' rid* or hunt n^XK drfjr, oiie- Vfbuld iniifaedi»'- 
ately lay abet that he sh(Jtfld' n(jt ; " fbr,»^said'fif^i ' 
"•the Chancellor wil* rievW'peWiailPtt.''* '«Nay;^ 
another would rejoin, "' I pi^ftt^st I datahdt^bdievd' • 
there is any gtoitnd for tteit flnpufeitioti* : ttemgfr,^ 
indeed, such things are talked df abrdadl" Ottf ' 
this, Charlies- Who dotiM^Atot ettdti*fe W^life' th'oti^ht 
under sUch riestl^airit, would e'Agb?ly*'as9Urfe'tMn^^ 
tha*, unless' in matters oF "pubfifc BushiSss, tW* 
Chancellor had libt the slightest' W^ty'dver WW:* i 
and the wits would theii, with a! shtefei^, eotigWto* 
lafe him on this discovery of his fre^dbth'. • 

While such arts^ gradually alieiiate* tHe itiiiid oP 
the'plince from his minister, Chtt^eiiabii^ felt Hiiri-*- 
self extremely embartassed in his public duties by - 
the associates who were forced upon hitaii Bfenry' 
Bennet, aftterwards known as the Earl'of Atliiigu^ 
ton, had so well paid his court to the thiistress and 
the club of wits; that he was raised tb the office of 
Secretary of State, which Sir Edward Nicholas 
had been induced to resign*: and'Uie Chancelldr 
was thus at once deprived of a tried friend, audi 

* Continuation, p. 4-67. 


associated with a personal enemy. ^ Sir William 
Coventry, who had acquired much credit with the 
l^ng, by lessening the merits of other men ; and 
Lord Ashley, who was true to any principle only 
as long as it served his views ; were sucdsssively 
introduced into the most secret transactions of 
state : and Clarendon had now the mortification 
to see his counsels debated and thwarted by men, 
who had no other end but to exalt themselves on 
the ruin of his power, t 
TbBiDutch j Their schemes were unfortunately promoted hf 
1665. a measure, in which he had to contest with folly 
and injustice on the part both of the king and the 
people. The Dutch had, at that period, carried 
commerce to an extent hitherto unknown ; and the 
treasures, which they annually imported from the 
East and West Indies had become the admiration 
and envy of all Europe. The English, their most' 
immediate rivals, beheld their success with peculiar 
jealousy ; and a company of our countrymen, who 
had obtained a charter for the African trade, found 
their enterprises in that quarter wholly eclipsed by 
the superior industry and experience of the DutcL 
Great discontent was expressed by these disappoint- 
ed adventurers : the traffic of the Dutch was re» 
presented as an unjust encroachment on some sup- 

* Continuation^ p. 347, 379. I Ibid. p. 348^ iSS. 


posed right of England to the excIuMve commerce 
of that coast : and a war was suggested as the only 
effectual means of expelling our successful rivals^ 
While the merchants* who, of all classes, seem most 
blind to the real interests of their country, were 
thus deluding themselves into the expectation of 
vast benefits from hostilities, the Duke of. York^ 
who panted for an opportunity to distinguish him- 
self, eagerly seconded the clamour for war. * The 
king, unwilling to involve himself in any expence 
but for his pleasures, for some time resisted these 
counsels : till at length dazzled by the hope of rich 
prizes, and, perhaps, by the prospect of convertii^ 
a portion of the supplies to his own private pur- 
poses, he determined to concur with the general 
wish* The Dutch, not less proud than their ri- 
vals, were easily forced by some insults into hos- 
tilities, t . ! • ; 

• Continuation, p. 378. 

t The English had already begun to maintain very hig^h tenets 
with regard to the empire of the seas. They talked, says Clarendon, 
'* of giving law to the whole trade of Christendom ; of making all 
ships which passed by or through the narrow kesA pay an imposi- 
tion to the king of England. The rules prescribed to judge by in 
the prize-courts were such as were warranted by no former prece- 
dents, nor acknowledged to be just by the practice of aiiy neigh* 
bouring nation ; and such as would make aUships which traded for 
Holland, from what kingdom soever, lawful priae." CoUtiBuatioii| 
p. 461. These tenets Clarendon loudly condemns as a violation of 
all justice, and calculated to render all nations th^ enemies ^f 

Chx€fxdoi^, sf^fspovt^ hy no oouns^Uflr but th9 
^1 of Soi^tiiiwiptoD, opposed, by e^ery ^xffmfiT^p 
Jjiis rujvppus n^io^al disteiyip^r^ But iill bits pi» 
txiQtic eSpTffi 4)|Uy ,d|i*ew oa him tbe i^puto^m ft 
{mBlUlfifijiinity^ 9f a :wwt of pub}i(C spifit, pr ^f WM9 
tye^dfa^rous yud^rpiwding >¥ith the eufiimm pf Iw 
{^(HWtry.. At last, on seeing that the otU WM lQ«r 
yitaU^, he comiuU^d the i^^restii of hU IWit^r hf 
^^▼ising km iQ prpcure adequajte wppli^ hefono 
tjbe a^pn^l z^ should cqol, and the people, 4ifp^ 
^fipointe^'m their chmieric^l hop^» should begia 
to <?h^ge the consequences of ibeir own foUjr mi 
the misconduct of government. By hia adyifie • 
supply of two millions and a half, a &r greater apm 
thw had ever been granted^ was required from tb^ 
p^Iiament; a^d so popular was the cause, that 
this exti:saon}aiary dem and was acquiesce in withf 
out hesitation. * 

The war was attended with brilliant success to 
our countrymen. The Dutch saw their naval 
commanders baffled ; their fleets driven from the 
sea } their merchantmen destroyed in their very luu> 
hours. Yet even a succession of triumphs was in- 
sufficient to maintain the delusive enthusiasm of the 
people : the loss on our side was heavy : the young 
courtiers, who had hastened on board, to partake 
in a series of triumphs^ gradually felt their ardour 

•»— r 

* Contiuuution^ p. 440. 


abated by tbe rude alarms of the enemy and the 
ocean. The Dutch, though often defeated, still 
seemed possessed of ineishaustible resources ; and at 
length became more formidable than ever, when 
joined by the French, who couid liot -quietly view 
the triumph of the English* The prizes, from 
which such sanguine faop^ had been formed, en* 
ricbed only a few adventurers ; and the supplies 
voted by parliament were speedily consumed in ex- 
tensive armaments. The people, who felt their 
dreams of sudden riches converted into demands 
for extraordinary contributions, were further im- 
pressed by a dreadful pestilence which ravaged the 
kingdom, and a fire which laid the metropolis in 
ashes: nor was it to be expected^ amidst these 
complicated disasters, that considerable supplies 
could be procured from the dispirited nation. In 
these circumstances, Charles, who found the em- 
ban*assments of war become daily a more unseafiion- 
able interruption to his pleasures, readily heaii:ened 
to the overtures of peace, made by the Ereneh in 
behalf of themselves and their allies. Meantime^ 
he resolved to diminish his expenditure by confine 
ing himself entirely to defensive measures, and fit- 
ting out no armament for* the next season. This 
economical arrangement would enable him to con- 
vert to more grateful purposes a new supply of one 
million eight hundred thousand pounds, which had 
been granted by parliament. 
The Dutch, who smarted under their late di»- 1667. 


graces, perceivedt in this remissness of their ene- 
mies, an opportunity of retaliation* Having equip- 
ped a powerful fleet, they suddenly entered the 
Thames; and, easily demolishing some feeble 
forts erected for the defence of the river, over^ 
whelmed the capital with consternation * They took 
and plundered Sheerness, sailed up the Medwsjr, 
and burnt several of the largest ships of the navy* 
They next steered their course to Portsmouth, to 
Plymouth, to Harwich ; and after having insulted 
these places, and again sailed up the Thames as far as 
Tilbury, they returned in triumph to their own 
shores. The whole kingdom was filled with dia- 
may and indignation : but it was no longer tnne 
to meditate revenge ; and as the Dutch were now 
willing to accelerate a peace, a treaty was conclud- 
ed, by which the English renounced every point 
for which they had ostensibly undertaken the .war. 
Extreme The Stream of popular reproach now ran vio- 
ty. lently against the Chancellor, who was stigmatised 

as the author of all disastrous counsels. The re- 
laxation of the military preparations, the defence- 
less state of the Thames, * the unfavourable con* 

* Wc cannot but smile at the manner in which Clarendon Ami 
himself from tliii charge^ which was entirely the concern of the 
military officers. He assures us " he was so totally unskflfbl la 
ihe knowledge of the coast and the river, that be knew not whin 
Sheerness was, nor had ever heard of the name of such m plaeollUl 
the late events, nor had ever been on any part of the river witk 
any other thought about him, than to get on ahore aa toon aa ooold 
be ponible." Continnation, p. 7ML 


ditions of the peace, were without scruple laid to 
his charge. No party was inclined to undertake 
his defence. The Catholics and the Dissenters 
looked on him as their implacable enemy ; nor had 
the royalists forgot his share in the act of indem* 
nity and oblivion. The courtiers saw in him an 
absorber of power, and a stern reprover of their 
licentiousness ; and the death of his virtuous friend, 
the Earl of Southampton, * which took place in 
this unfortunate conjuncture, left him as unsup- 
ported in the council as in the nation. The po« 
pulace, too apt to believe all reports which coin- 
cide with their passions, opened their ears to the 
grossest charges. He had resolved to erect a good 
family mansion on a pi^ce of ground which he .had 
received from the king, in the neighbourhood of 
St James's : but, by the unskilfulness or fraud of 
the architect, the edifice swelled to a palace, and 
the expence to fifty thousand pounds, three times 

* The Earl of Southampton was not less obnoxious to the 'mis- 
tress and the courtiers than Clarendon. The king had been 
wrought up to a resolution of depriving him of the office of trea- 
surer, but was diverted from this purpose by the earnest interces- 
sion of the chancellor. As his dissolution approached^ the cour« 
tiers renewed their instances; and, when within five or six days of 
his death, they again persuaded the king to deprive him of tlio 
treasurer's staff. Clarendon^ however^ succeeded in preventing 
this act of royal ingratitude from giving a pang to the kst moment 
of his friend. Continuation^ p. 781. See in Appendix^ p. xi?. Cl$i^ 
rendon's opinion of this respited noblemon^ 


die origind 'CstuMte. As such an expenditure 
wfBB evidently incoMifitont with his slender fortune, 
the popukce iieadily believed that it was mxpporteA 
bf ithe sale of the national interests. Some call- 
ad lihe building Dunkirk House, and others HoU 
iand Houses intimating that he had reeeiwd 
bribes from the French and the Dutch to premMe 
tbeir views. "* 
u!^r%r ^^^ ^** Charles displeased to see the popular 
dinpicusurc. clmnour directed against the chancellor. The 
excessses of the court, which outraged every feek 
ing of Hiorality and decency, had excited ^HMent 
discontents among the people, and a formidable 
opposition even in a parliament of royalists. Thd 
king had at length found his Commons, so htdj 
the advocates of passive obedience, more ready to 
inquire into abuses than to grant supplies ; and 
he was very willing to regain their favour by 
the sacrifice of a suspected minister. While he 
involved himself, by his weakness and prodigality, 
in the most irksome difficulties, t he was led, by 

* Burnet^ Vol. I. p. 36^. 

t Charles could scarcely refuse the most unreasonable demaid^ 
when urged with importunity: but Clarendon assnm ns dMl 
this proceeded^ both in this prince and in all fais ftmily, not from 
any generous liberality^ but merely tram imbecility. *' Thoj M, 
not love/' says the chancellor, '^ to deny, and lets to itraigm 
than to their fViends ; not out of bounty or generotity, wUeh was 
a flower that did never grow naturaUy in the heart of «ither«f Ihe 


t^hp MtCvl :nepr,e8eatatu)iuB of Ims lOteetiersi totie^ 
H^ve tbat tibe oihatt^lor firouU Qfle no inftiMice ta 
^ppuDe hw «Mpplie& He jgav^ ear tOihiefi^^ 
ihfrt, ^tke period of ihidResbmtioa, this minis^ 
t^r m$2»it. .e%Bil7 bavte lobtaiiied for him a:&iei neJ^ 
yienu^ of t^o nttlUoss a-ysar ; bat faad declined ii 
l§9t it ji^wld render the long too* independeot df 
BiriwB^wt>^ * . 

Awtl^^ initwee of suppoiel oppositiaa, ultieh 
CfaATjlefi eopld Ic^^ paidoDy mn .also 'barged bii 
Qar^ndoQ. A yottog kdjr '^f thie naioe of Sie^tait 
bad lately $ippe«red M eourt, witfa every attnietiokl 
which could inflame the fareait of aloyer. THim 
king soon declared himsetf her pusiiHiate admirer 4 
and as he found her virtue proof, against idl dis^ 
honourable advanoeti» he lesolted^ if popuUay to 
legitimate his addi^asc^u His queen had brought 
him no children ; and» thoi^ he knew that sbt 
had once at least bew pregiiant> he now oomtet 
nanced a calumny, formerly emulated by the Spa* 
nish ambassador^ that she waa incapable, fiom 10m* 
nlitoral defect, of bearing iohildren. On thii 
ground, or on another allegation, that she had taken 
the vowjs of a religidus ond»r prisvious to her wm> 
riage, the king had formed a sdieme of p^ocdri^g 
a divorce by act of parliament*. The opposition 

■ ■ — ■— M«— .^>— — »— 1.^^— ^^H^^^— ^M^^iiM^^ 

. . '. tl 

families^ that of Stuart or the other of Bourhpiij Ijfat oat of m u% 
skilfulness and defect in the countenimoe." (jlontiiuiatioOf j^ jS^ 
* Continuation^ p. 23^. Wellw^^s Memoirs. 


which Clarendon made to a design, whichy be8ide$ 
its injustice, might have involved the state in a dis- 
puted succession, received the harshest construe^ 
tion ; and it was currently given out by the cour- 
tiers, that he had artfully seduced the king into a 
barren mai*riage, to secure the throne to his own 
descendants. While the divorce was in agitation^ 
the object of the king's new attachment, unwilling 
to become involved either in dishonour or injustice^ 
privately gave her hand to the Duke of Richmond { 
and the king, during the paroxysm of his anger at 
the discovery of this union, having conceived a 
suspicion that it was promoted by Clarendon, be* 
gan to breathe implacable revenge against his in« 
nocent minister. * 
obnojuous During the consternation excited by the appear* 
ance of the Dutch fleet in the Thames, the Parlia* 
ment had been hastily summoned, though under a 
prorogation for several months. Clarendon en* 
deavoured to dissuade the king from assembling 
the members, while incensed by the recent disas- 
ters : and the disposition, which they immediately 
manifested, having justified this advice, it was found 
expedient to dismiss them till the period assigned 
by the prorogation. The members were displeased 

* Clarendon Bolemnly assures us that he hod no interference 
ivhatever in the marriage of the Duke of Richmond. He vrrote tQ 
the king witli protcKtations to the same purpose^ but Charles wa§ 
tpo angry to hearken to them. Continuation, p. $60. 

to the Par 



with the authors of a counsel which deprived them^ 
of an opportunity to Tent their discontents ; and still 
more irritated by a report that the Chancellor had 
advised the king to dissolve them and aummon a 
new parliament. Clarendon had, indeedi already 
made himself enemies in both houses by his at« 
tempts to recal them to moderajti^n. He had of- 
fended the Commons by resisting their encroach- 
ments on the privileges of the pieers ; and the 
Lords, by advising them to renounce some obnoxi- 
ous immunities, which they claimed for themselves 
and their servants. * 

The Earl of Bristol, once known as the partrio^ 
tic Lord Digby, had, during the exile of the king, 
embraced the Romish religion, with a view to the 
improvement of his fortunes ; and having, in can- 
sequence, been deprived of the secretaryship of 
state, he conceived a bitter animosity against his 
foimer friend the Chancellor, to whom he unjust- 
ly attributed his loss of office. He had even had 
the folly to prefer an impeachment against the mi* 
nister : and although this attempt, supported nei- 
ther by proofs nor by reasonable allegations, liad 
only exposed himself to ridicule, he continued ac- 
tively to promote every cabal among the lords against 
Clarendon. The Duke of Buckingham, though 
a man of no principle, had the dexterity to at- 

* Continuation^ p. 730. 

398 bxri; or di^A^PMi^dht. 


tach to himself a number of aidhei'etits ; and! aftef' 
having intrigued with Cromwell, and subsequcntiy' 
ingratiated himself with the king, was now at th^ 
head of a formidable opposition in parliament. Oh" 
one occasion, the Chancellor having detected hiid' 
in a conspiracy to excite insurrection, advised tir^' 
king to commit him to the Tower : on anotherdc-^ 
casion, he, from selfish views, opposed a bill ftitro^' 
duccd by Buckingham, to prevent the importafStiii^ 
of Irish cattle into England. For both these rtis^ 
sons, Buckingham avowedly sought the overthrow 
of Clarendon ; and actively concurred' v^ith flitf' 
king's friends in preparing the parliament to attack 
Deprivca of In the meantime the king, growing* impatirat 

hia office* , ... oo C7& 

to be rid of his minister, intimated to him, thronpi' 
the Duke of York, a desire to accept his* resigna^ 
tion; assuring him, at the same time, that dtia' 
step proceeded from certain inibrmation that the* 
parliament would impeach him, and that thi^ was 
the only way to save him from the fitte of Straf- 
ford. Clarendon, who had, a few days before^ 
sustained a cruel affliction by the death of hiswilb; 
the faithful partner of all his fortunes, could not 
conceal his surprise at this unseasonable intimatnAl; 
He demanded an audience, and there informed' 
his majesty, that, though he should not regret to' 
(|uit an office where his services were no longer ac- 

sxBii.ap;cjURB»iMDia OOi 

)tBi yet lie wbuU uner, kfjf:^ 'vciuiiitavyrffftif 
ion,, either ^sfaovfi a. wflliugbessr/tif dnht'jtlisr 
iment in ai seadewofdiffictiitypiriitia IsqirartiB 
<{&e scratiny cif parli8m«it»>ii;He lemiodedi 
ng, that JStra£U^ tlK)iigk:tioti5m^ 
trapson^ had conmntteflkiinaiif onjiiitMrilile Mi^dBiiii 
meinours : • hvit thttt^(fi0'hi»'6i«o part^ hmstxHAiBt^* 
cure in.' dons^ous^ innMenBe^') and^tibrfiihgiishbipdi 
consider his TeoMwriifironi' office^ inbstic&ii cmjilMVf 
tttre^ -as a measure <iiiteiidedy)m0tjitDt«cl«eni laaBt 
&0I1I his esemigs^i but taeKpose^tlMn 4wtili^*iito» 
Hooat resentment* Tlitt' kiag: was vill pnparMbfoif 
the lamguagii of independence^^7<ih€f<doi»dcred thir 
chancellor as setting" his poweri'bt dei^noe yiBSod 
refused to listen to>die inteveessKiii'Of &$iiI>akitPo£ 
Yoi^fc, who wannly interested liimsal0iii^tbe^nU»e 

of his fitther4n4awr« in a&w diffk^ hik majMJjt Aqgntt is, 
sent one of the iSecrettoies^ €i States with; ^ wafranfji 
under the sign manual, to leceive the great seal,, 
which the chancellor immediately delivered into 
his hands. . . 

But the enemies of Clarendon deemed their ad*' ^f^'^ 

' of high*— 

vantage insecure^ so long aa he should not be ruigOf^wn- 
ed in character, and expelled the kingdom* The 
Duke of Buckingham, who was now restored t6' 
full favour at court,, did not £ul to excite hia- par- 
tisans in parliament to a prosecution : and^ by the 
orders of the king, the dependents of government 


promoted the same intrigues* * At lengUi^ an 
impeaehment was drawn up by the Common^^ con- 
sisting of fifteen articles, and exhibiting a lasting 
monument of the infamy of his accusers. In these 
it was alleged^ that Clarendon had advised the 
king to discontinue parliaments, and govern hf a 
standing army : that he affirmed the king to be • 
papist in his heart : that he bad, from interested 
motives, deluded the king, and betrayed the na- 
tion in all foreign negotiations : t that he had re- 
ceived large sums of money for procuring illegal 
patents, and for various other nefarious traosae- 
tions : that, by these practices, and by ol^aining 
improper grants from the crown, he had suddenly 
accumulated an enormous estate : that he had ef- 
fected the sale of Dunkirk far below its value : 
that he had introduced an arbitrary government 
into the plantations : and that he had advised some 

* Among others who were very actively engaged in exabmg 
the parliament against Clarendon was the Duke of AJbeuuurk^ 
(Monk^) who had formerly loaded him with professions of friencU 
ship. This man^ who, with his wife, was resolved not to low 
court favour on any account, now strenuously urged the memlmi 
''no longer to adhere to the chancellor, since the king vefolfcd to 
ruin him, and would look on all who were his firiendi as enemies 
to his majesty." Continuation, p. 857. 

t The only gift, he assures us, which he ever received fhun a 
foreign prince, was a present of the hooks of the Louvre pmi 
from the French king. These must have been acceptable to Idm 
as a scholar. We have seen the indignation with which he r^jedt* 
ed pecuniary offers from the same monarch. 


naval operations which prevented a decisive vic« 
tory over the enemy. These accusations, all of 
which Clarendon offered to acknowledge if one qf 
them could be proved^ * were found, on delibera^ 
tion, to be far short of high treason : and though 
some resolute members declared, that, if any arti- 
cles were introduced, which should indisputably 
amount to treason, they would pledge thetnselvet 
to make it good, yet it was thought preferable to 
impeach him only in general terms, and to demand 
his imprisonment. With the last request the Lords 
refused to comply until specific chaises should be 
produced against him ; and diey were ind^nant 
that the Commons should endeavour to alter the 
ancient forms of justice, by a precedent derived 
from the odious proceedings against Stratford. 

A violent breach now ensued between the houses Leaves tfav 
of Parliament ; the Lords refused to commit a mem- November 
ber of their house on a general charge ; and the ' 
Commons represented this refusal as an obstruction 
to justice. From the obstinacy of the Commcms 
in this point. Clarendon perceived that their ob- 
ject was to have him thrown into prison^ where 
they might hope to detain him under viarious pre- 
tences, without proceeding to his trial : ted there 
was no punishment of which he entertained a 
greater apprehension, t Yet for some time he re- 

* Burnet^ Vol. I. p. 374. t C(mtinuation^ p. 858. 

VOL. n. c c 


suited the importunities of his friends, who pressed 
him to withdraw from the storm ; and it .was not 
till he had received intimation that such a step 
would be acceptable to the king, that he at lengtk 
acquiesced. He embarked at midnight on tht 
Thames in a small vessel ; and after being toMed 
about for three days, at length reached the first 
stage of his exile at Calais. * 

He left behind him an address to the House of 
Lords, in which he satisfactorily vindicated himadf 
from the misrepresentations of his enemies. He 
assured them that the greatness of his fortane^ 
which had formed a pretence for so many grouDdp 
less charges, existed only in the fancy of hii aeott* 
sers: that his whole property, afi«r paying his 
debts, would not exceed two thousand pounds a^ 
year : that such an estate might well be derived 
from the regular emoluments of his office : that lie 
had, on one occasion, (which has been mentioned,) 
received twenty thousand pounds from the king, 
and on another six thousand, with some grants of 
land ; but that he had never perverted justice ftr 
a bribe, nor set his interest to sale. Adverting tp 
the other class of imputations thrown on kirn, as 
the uncontrolled director of public affiiin, ke de- 
clared that during the first two years of his nuges- 
ty's reign, the period of his greatest influence, be 

* Continuation^ p. 867. 


had communioated all his counsels to the other 
prmcipal ministers of state : that, in succeeding 
years, his credit had gradually fallen so low, that 
his propositions were often rejected, and many 
measures undertaken against his advice, or even 
wtdiout his knowledge. He reminded them of 
his opposition to the w^r, which had mvolved the 
nation in so many calamities : and hp observed, 
that if he had not resisted so many improper grants, 
and ]abom*ed to restrain so many excesses, he 
would not now have been surrounded by such an 
array of enemies. * 

This address was communicated by the Lords to 
the Commons, and, from a wish, doubtless, to 
please the court, was declared by both houses to 
be an infamous libel, and condemned to be 
burnt by the hands of the hangman. His enemies 
would gladly have followed up this impotent re«< 
venge with an act of attainder, subjecting him to 
the penalties of treason for evading their jurisdic* 
tion : but they found it expedient to rest satisfied 
with an act, which for ever banished him from the 
British dominions, unless, before a limited day, he 
should appear to take his trial, t 

Clarendon soon found that, by withdrawing from lu tnnt. 
his enemies, he had not escaped the pursuit of mis- f!!^ 

* CoHtinuation^ p. 871. Lives of the Juords Chancellor^ Vol. I. 
p. 287. 
t Continuation, p. 886. 



fortune. The French government, being at {tut 
time desirous to enter into a close alliance with 
England, and understanding how obnoxiotia the 
Chancellor was both to the court and the people, 
resolved not to prejudice their interests by gene* 
rosity to an exile ; and therefore dispatched • me^ 
senger after him to Kouen, with orders for hia im- 
mediate departure from the dominions of fVanoe* 
Though exhausted by a journey in the depth of 
winter, and labouring under a severe attack of the 
gout, which had deprived him of the use of hii 
limbs, he hastened to quit this inhospitable land, 
and directed his course towards Calais, in doubt 
whether a surrender into the hands of his enraged 
countrymen would not be preferable to a depen- 
dence on the precarious compassion of foreigner!. 
But on his arrival at that town, his distempers had 
increased to such violence, that the physicians de- 
clared his removal could scarcely fail to be attend- 
ed with immediate death. 

While he lay extended in agony, the French 
messenger, who had accompanied him to Calaif, 
api)cared by his bedside, and informed him that he 
had received new orders from the king to insist on 
his instant departure from France. Claxendmi, 
shocked at the inhumanity of such a message, eat- 
claimed, *^ You must bring orders from God Al- 
mighty, as well as from your king, before I can 
obey. Your king," continued he, ** is a very great 


aad powerful prince, yet not so omnipotent as to 
give a dying man strength to undertake a journey/' 
He then sent for the magistrates and the lieutenant- 
governor of the town ; who, moved by the strange 
vicissitudes of his fortune, and blushing for the iu- 
bospitable policy of their government, united in a 
warm remonstrance to the court against the cruelty 
of his treatment. ^ 

But the French court was already disposed, by 
other circumstances, to alter its conduct. The 
hopes of an alHance with England were now en- 
tirely dissipated, by the Triple League between 
England, Holland, and Sweden, concluded at the 
Hague by Sir William Temple : the English go- 
vernment was therefore to be mortified by caresses 
to the obnoxious exile. Clarendon now received 
letters full of kindness from the ministers of France ; 
and a special permission from the court to take up 
his abode in any quarter of its dominions. He 
accepted this tardy civility ; but his sufferings had 
Dot as yejt reached their termination. As he tra- 
velled through Normandy, he accidentally met at 
Evreux with a company of English soldiers, who 
had entered the service of the French king. These 
men no sooner recognized the exiled minister, than, 
inflamed with the prejudices of their countrymen, 
they resolved to revenge their national grievances^ 

* ContinuatioD, p. 89^. 


They forced their way into the inti whem he 
lodged } wounded his attendnnts ; and, after cotw-» 
ing himself with bruises, were ptoe^ding to put 
an end to his life, when he was rescued from their 
barbarous hands. ^ 
M^^** After spending some time in different tDWni of 
France, he at length fixed his abode at Montpelier^ 
where he experienced that distinguished Wteptioti 
which was due to his reputation and misibrtiibes. 
The society of some esteemed £nglish friendly 
who had repaired thither for the benefit of the eU^ 
mate, gave an additional charm to the oitUitieti of 
the inhabitants ; and, after so many agitatbtiii, hit 
mind began to partake of that cheerful tratiquiUit]f^ 
which had been diffused over it in the rfitirement 
of Jersey. He now resumed those literary labours 
which business, splendid but vexatioui^ had so 
long interrupted. He completed his History of 
the Rebellion ; and drew Up, for the benefit of bk 
descendants, those memoirs of his privatO views and 
transactions which throw such important light on 
his character and his contemporaries, t 

* Continuation^ p. 900. 

t Besides these well-known works, he left in MAtnucrlpt a Hfl^ 
torical Account of the Troubles of Ireland daring the English Civil 
Wars. It was first published in 1721« He also wrote an Answer to 
Hohbcn's Leviathan^ with various religious tracts^ which are print- 
ed in a folio volume. His printed works^ including the State Pi" 
pcrs^ amount to more tli an eight volumes folio. The simplicity and 


One poignant affliction yet awaited hinik His AtxMtaeir 
favourite daughter^ the Duchess of York, had been^ 
like her husband, shaken in her attachment to the 
Protestant faith, and had privately embraced the 
Romish religion.* Clarendon, deeply wounded 
by this iptelligencei wrote her a letter full of dig- 
nity and tenderness, entreating her to reconsider 
more maturely the fallacies by which she had been 
misled;^ and representing the reproach and ruiii 
which her apostacy would bring on all her connec- 
tions. At the same time he wrote to the Duke of 
York, who had not yet openly acknowledged him« 
self a Catholic, warning him of the dangerous cdn* 
sequences to his interests, unless he could, by au* 
thority and persuasion, reclaim his wife from a su- 
perstition so odious in England, t These e^rts 
were ineffectual ) but the mortification which h^ 
experienced would have been alleviated could he 
have foreseen that, when this prince and his fami- 

c&ndour of his narrative is move to be admired than elih^ his 
manner or his reflections. He excels most in the delineation ^f 
characters, of which he is very fond ; and his obsenrations on t2ie 
conduct of life arc far more valuable than his political speculations. 
The tediousness of his perplexed and ill-assorted style is at timet 
apt to overcome even the interest of the namtive. The ttioii fli- 
vourable specimen of his composition may be aeen in th« charaO" 
ters which he draws of Lord Digby^ Sir John Berkley, an4 Sir 
Henry Bennet. These are inserted in the Supplctoeiit fb the State 

* Burnet, Vol. L p. 333. t Supplement, p. 37. 


ly should be deprived of their throne for their ad- 
herence to the Romish religion, the posterity of his 
daughter should give two Protestant queens to the 
British empire. 
)etiire to Neither the society nor the beauties of Montpelier 
ud. °^' could efface from the mind of Clarendon a tender 
recollection of his native country. At length he 
quitted the south of France, and took up liis resi* 
deuce ^t Rouen, as a nearer approach to the belov- 
ed shores of England. At the commencement of 
his exile, even his children had not been permitted 
to visit him ; and when this severe prohibition Was 
withdrawn, he wrote to the Jking with the gratitude 
and humility of a mind softened and subdued by 
affliction. He added a petition to his expressions 
of thankfulness : ^^ If your majesty's compassion 
towards an old man, who hath served the crown 
above thirty years, in some trusty and with some 
acceptation, will permit me to end my days, which 
cannot be many, in my own country, and in the 
company of my own children, I shall acknowledge 
it as a great mercy j and do so entirely resign 
myself to your majesty's pleasure, that I do assure 
your majesty, if the bill of banishment were by 
your grace repealed, I would sooner go into the 
Indies than into England, without your particular 
direction or licence." * 

* Supplement to State Papers^ p. 40. 


When seven years had passed over his head in oo^ 
exile, he again ventured to renew his fruitless sup- 
plications. He wrote to the king, to the queen, 
and to the Duke of York, humbly entreating a 
gracious permission to die in his own country* 
'< Seven years was a time prescribed by God him- 
self for the expiration of some of his greatest judg* 
ments ; and it is full that time since I have, with 
all possible humility, sustained the insupportable 
weight of the king's displeasure : so that I cannot 
be blamed if I employ the short breath that is re- 
maining in me, in all manner of supplications, 
which may contribute to the lessening this bur- 
then that is so heavy upon me/' The utmost of 
his wi^es seemed no unsuitable boon to a man 
who had wasted his life in the service of his sove- 
reign. " Since it will be in nobody's power,** 
says he, ^* long to keep me from dying, methinks 
the desiring a place to die in should not be thought 
a great presumption ; nor unreasonable for me to 
beg leave to die in my own country, and amongst 
my own children.** * But to a prince without 
feelings of humanity or virtue such supplications 
were unavailing. A few months after vniting 
these letters Clarendon paid the debt to nature^ 
more exhausted by his misfortunes and premature 
infiimities than by length of years* He £ed at 

• c 

Supplement to State Papers^ p. 45. 


Kouen, on the seventh of December l674» in the 
sixty-fifth year of his age. 

The close of Clarendon's life awakens a more 
tender regret, than if we had been led to contem- 
plate his magnanimous deportment on the scaffold. 
Whether, indeed, we view the progress or the ter- 
mination of his career, we discover more frequent 
occasion for compassion than for envy. Even in 
his highest exaltation he foresaw his fall ; for his 
mind was fully impressed with the jealousy of cour- 
tiers, and the inconstancy of the public. Hit un* 
deviating virtuci in a corrupt age, and amidst tiM 
temptations both of prosperity and misfortuney at-, 
tracts our admiration more forcibly than either the 
reach of his talents, or the elevation of his views. 
His religion, as well as his policy, was clouded 
with prejudices ( but while we lament a weaknesf 
inseparable from humanity, we honour the uncon- 
taminated rectitude of his intentions. His chief 
£iiling seems to have been too entire devotion to 
a prince who did not deserve his generous attach* 
ment. Yet could he never subdue his mind to 
the pliant principles or supple manners of a court { 
and as he expressed his sentiments without regard 
to rank, he incurred the imputation of that haugh* 
ty and uncomplying demeanour, which is so often 
united with the possession of power. The pride 
of office, however, seems little consistent with the 
soundness of his judgment ; and, in that eventful 


age, he could not look around him without seeing 
examples of the instahiiity of greatness, which 
would chastise the most ilattering suggestions of 
human presumption. Id the meridian of his 
power, when he repaired to his country residence 
at Cornbury, the neighbouring nobility and gentry 
hastened to pay their obeisance to the favourite 
minister of their sovereign. Among others, it is 
said, Lenthal, the Speaker of the Loug Parliament, 
and once, from his station, the most conspicuous 
man in the kingdom, came to visit the Chancellor. 
As he passed along the hall to the place where the 
minister stood, the company on either hand amus- 
ed themselves with petulant jests on his altered 
condition, and humbled demeanour. Lenthal ob- 
served their countenances, and addressing himself 
with a smile to Clarendon, " These very gentle- 
men," said he, " who now come to pay their re- 
spects to your Lordship, have formerly done the 





[[Characters^ from Clarendon^ of several of the Ministers^ Parlia- 
nientary Speakers^ and other pahKc men mentioned in the te^rt. 

The references suhjoined to each diancter »e to be underatood ni 
the early edition (1713) of Clarendon's History of the Rebellion 
in three large octavos : where " Li&" Is prdGbEed, the ref^encf 
is to the octavo edition of the " Life and Continuation of Cla- 
rendon^" also in three large octavos.^ 


Xi £ was a gentleman of a good ^:Ktra4!tioQ, Mid a &>r for- 
tune, who^ from a life of great pleasure apd licence^ had, on 
a sudden, retired to extraordinary sobriety apd strictness^ 
and yet retained his usual cheerfulness and affiibility, which, 
together with the opinion of his wisdom mA ju9tice> and the 
courage he had showed in opposing the ship-money^ raised 
his reputation to a very great height, not only in Bucking- 
hamshire^ where he livedo but generally throughout the king- 
dom. He was not a man of many words, and rarely begun 
the discourse^ or made the first entrance upon any business 
that was assumed ; but a ^ery weighty speaker ; and aft^ he 
had heard a full debate, and dbserred how the House was 
like to be inclined, took up the argfunent, and shortly, and 
clearly, and craftily so stated it, Ihat ha coamuMily condoot- 
ed it to the conduston he desired; and if ha Hiund ha could 


not do that, he wax never without the dexterity to dirert the 
debate to another time, and to prevent the determiniDg aoj 
thing in the negative, whicli might prove inconvenient in 
the future. He made vo great a nhow of civility, and mo- 
dcfety, and humility, and always of mistrusting his own judg- 
ment, and CHteeming liis with whom he conferred for the 
present, that he seemed to have no opinions or resolutions, 
but such as he contracted from the information and instruc- 
tion he received upon the di«courftes of others, whom he 
had a wonderful art of governing^ and leading into hu prin- 
ciples and inclinations, whilst tliey believed that he wholly 
depended upon their counsel and advice. No man had ever 
a greater power over himself, or was less the roan that lie 
seemed to bd which shortly after appeared to every body, 
when he cared less to keep on the mask. He was of an fau 
dustry and vigilance not to be tired out^ or wearied by the 
moMt laborious ; and of parts not to be imposed upon, by the 
moHt Hubtle or Khaq> ; and of a personal courage equal to his 
best part8 ; so that he was an enemy not to be wished, wher* 
ever he might have been made a friend, and as much to be 
apprehended where he was so, as any man could deserve to 
be. In a word, whut was said of Cinna might well be ap- 
plied to him : " Ho had a head to contrive^ a tongue to 
per<iuadc, and a hand to execute any mischief.** He 
killed in a skirmish in 164S. Vol. f. 185 ; TI.265. 


No man liad more to answer for the miseriea of the kfaig. 
dom, or had his hand or head deeper in their contrivance i 
and yet, I believe, they grew much higher even in hii lib 
than he designed. H^ was a man of a private quality and 
condition of life ; hii education in the office of the exohe* 

qner, where he had be&k « derk, md hb fiarU rather ao* 
quired by industry than 8U{iipKed by naUufie^ or adomed bf 
art; He had been well known in former periiameBUi and 
was one oi those few who had sal in OMaiy ; (he long inter* 
mission of parliaments having worn out most of those who 
had been acquainted with the rules and orders observed in 
those eomrentioDs. This gwre lum some reputation and xe» 
Terence amongst those who were but now introduced. la 
die short parltamsnt ( April iOiO) be spoke mud^ and qp« 
peered to be the most leadhig man; Ibr* beaidea the exact 
knowledge of the fermer^ and orders of that councO, whioh 
few men had, he had a tery comely and gmve wqr of ei> 
presong himBeffy with great ^DhibiliQr of words, natund and 
proper; and understood the temper and affe c ti ons of the 
kingdom as wdl as tmy man $ and had observed (faeenroia 
and mlMkes in govemoKnt, and knew well hosr to make 
them appear greater than they were. He died towards the 
end of December 1649. VoL 11. %6i. 

OLIVER St JOHK, SoticiTon-GjtNsiAt. 

He was a lawyer of Lincohi'S'Inn, known to be of parts 
and industry, but not taken notice of fbr practice hi Wes^ 
minster-Hal], tUl he argued at the Exdiequer Chamber the 
case of 6hip*mottey, on the bdialf of Mr Hampden, wMdi 
gave him much reputation, and cdled hhh into all eoorts^ 
and to ail causes, ^here the Khig*s prerogative was moat 
contested^ He was a man reserved, and of a dari^ and 
clouded countenance ; very proud, and eonvening with very 
few, and those men of his own humour and indfaiatkms» He 
made good the confidence of his party, by not in tbt htot 
degree abating faSs malignant spirit^ or disKttblb^ It; but 
with the same obstinacy opposed every thing which mij^ 

VOL. II* p d 


advance the King's service, when be was his soiicitor» aa 
ever he had done before. Vol. L 186^ 211* 

He was made Lord Chief Justice of the Common Pleas in 
the time of the Commonwealth. He died in 1673. ■ 

» f 

GEORGE LORD DIGBY, aflerwarda Eabl o£ B&istol. 

He was a man of very exjtraordinaiy partd by nature an4 
art, and had surely as good and excellent an education ai^ 
any man of that age in any country ; a graceful apd beauti- 
ful person, of great eloquence and becomin^ems in his dis« 
course, (save that sometimes he seemed a little afiPectedi) and 
of so universal a knowledge, that he neyer wanted subject 
for a discourse. He was equal to a very good part in the 
greatest afiairs, but the unfittest man alivp to ciu^.duct thenit 
having an ambition and vanity superior to all his other partSy 
and a confideDce in himself, which sometigies intoxicated^ 
transported, and exposed him. He had^ from his youths by 
the disobligations his family had undergone from the Duke 
of Buckingham, and the great men who succeeded him, and 
some sharp reprehension himself had met with^ which ob- 
liged him to a country life^ contracted a prejudice and ill- 
will to the court ; and so had, in the beginning of the par- 
liament, engaged himself with that party which discovered 
most aversion to it, with a passion and animosity equal to 
theirs, and, therefore^ very acceptable to them. But when 
he was weary of their violent counsels, and withdrew him- 
self from them, with some circumstances which enough pro- 
voked them, and made a reconciliation and mutual confi- 
dence in each other for the future manifestly impoasiUe 
among them^ he made private and secret offers of his wet* 
vice to the King^ to whom, in so general a defection of Jiii 
servants, it could not but be very agreeable; and so his 
Majesty being satisfied, both in the discoveries he made of 


what had paised, and in his profetsions for the tiiCure/re- 
moired him from the House of Commons^ where he had ren- 
dered himself marvellously ungracious, and called him by 
writ to the House of Peers^ where he did visibly adranoe 
the King's service. Vol. I. 343. He succeeded hii &ther as 
Earl of Bristol, in 1653, and died in I676. See the text, 
Life of Clarendon, Vol, U. p. 397^ 

WILLIAM LAUD, Archbishop of C4.NT:^RBUitY. 

He was a man of great parts, and very exemplary virtues, 
alloyed and discredited by some unpopular natural infirmi- 
ties ; the greatest of which was, (besides a hasty sharp way 
of expressing himself,) that he believed innocence of he^rt, 
and integrity of manners, was a guard strong enough to se- 
cure any man in his voyage through this world, in what com- 
pany soever he travelled, and through what ways soever he 
was to pass ; and sure never any man was better supplied 
with that provision. IJe had great courage and resolution ; 
and being most assured within hiqi^elf^ that he proposed no 
end in all his actions and designs, but what was pious and 
just, (as sure no man had ever a heart more entire to the 
'King, the church, or his country,) he never studied the ea- 
siest ways to those ends ; he thought^ it may be^ that any art 
or industry that way would d^credit, at least make the in- 
tegrity of the end suspjscted, let the cause be what it will. 
He did court persons too little ; nor cared to make his de- 
signs and purposes appear as candid as they were, by show- 
ing them in any other dress than their own natural beauty^ 
though perhaps in too rough a manner; and did not consi- 
der enough what men said, or were like to say of him. If 
faults and vices were fit to be looked into and discovered, 
let the persons be who they would that were guilty of thein» 
they were sure to find no connivance or favour from hinif 

• •• 


On tiic doith of the Earl of Portland, ( 16S4,) be 
one of the Commknonerg of the Treasury and ReweanB, 
which he had reason to be sony for, beeaose it engagod Um 
, in civil business and matters of sute, wherem he had little 
experience, and which ho had hitherto arolded. 

He defended himself (on his trial) with great and on* 
daunted courage, and less passion than was expected flon 
his constitution, answered all their objections with clearness 
and irresistible reason, and convinced all impartial men of 
his integrity, and his detestation of all treasonable intentions. 
So that, though few excellent men have ever had fewer friends 
to their persons, yet all reasonable men absolved him from 
any foul crime that the law could take notice of and pmiisk 

He underwent his execution (10th January 1645) with all 
Christian courage and magnanimity, to the admiration of the 
beholders and confusion of his enemies. Vol. I. 90; IL 

Sir JOHN COLEPEPPER, Chancellor of the 


He had spent some yearn of his youth in foreign parts, 
and especially in armies, where he had seen good service^ 
and very well observed it. He was proud and ambitions, 
and very much disposed to improve his fortune, which be 
knew well how to do by industry and thrift, without stoop* 
ing to any corrupt ways, to which he was not inclined. He 
did not love the persons of many of those who were the vio- 
lent managers, (oppositionists,) and less their derigns; and, 
therefore, he no sooner knew that he was well spoken of at 
court, but he exposed himself to the invitation, and hearfl^ 
embraced that interest. lie had a wonderful insinuation and 
address into the acceptation and confidence of the King and 


Queen, and was not suspected of flattery, whw no man more 
complied with those infirmities they bodi had ; and by that 
compliance, prevailed often over them. 

He was generally esteemed as a good speaker, being • 
man of an universal understanding, a ^ick compreheasbn, 
a wonderful memory, who commonly spoke at the end of the 
debate ; when he would recollect all that had been said of 
weight on all sides mth great exactness, and express his own 
sense with much clearness, and such an application to the 
House^ that no man more gathered a general concurrence 
to his opinion than he^ which was the more notable, because 
his person and manner of speaking were ungracious oioilgfa, 
so that he prevailed only by the strength of his reason, which 
was enforced with sufficient confidence. He died in l660» 
Vol. I. 340 ; Life, I. 9S. 

LUCIUS CAREY, sec<md Viscoumt Falkland; SxoaE- 
TARY of Stats, killed at the Battle o£ Newbury, in 164S» 

If the celebrating the memory of eminent and extraoidi* 
nary persons, and transmitting their great virtues for the 
imitation of posterity, be one of the principal ends and dutiea 
of history, it will not be thought impertinent, in this place, 
to remember a loss which no time will suffisr to be forgotten, 
and no success of good fortune could repair. In this uik 
happy battle was slain the Lord Viscount Falkland ; a per* 
son of such prodigious parts of learning and knowledge, of 
that inimitable sweetness and dphgfat ki conversation, of to 
flowing and obliging a humanity and goodness to mankindy 
and of that primitive shnpUdty and integrity of Met, that if 
there were no other brand upon this odioai and accursed 
civil war than that single loss, it must be most iofiUMUB and 
execrable to all posterity. 


Twnpe mori, post te, solo non posse dolore. 
He was wonderfully beloved by all who knew him, as a 
mau of excellent parts^ of a wit so sharp^ and a nature fO 
tincere, that nothing could be more lovely. 

His house (at Tew) being within little more than ten 
miles of Oxford, he contracted familiarity and friendship 
with the most polite and accurate men of that university ; 
who found such an immenseness of wit, and such a B<rfidity 
of judgment in him, so infinite a fancy, bound in by a most 
logical ratiocination; such a vast knowledge, that he was 
not ignorant in any thing ; yet such an excessive humility, 
as if he had known nothings that they frequently resorted 
and dwelt with him, as in a college situated in a purer ur ; 
so that his house was a university in a less volume, whither 
they came not so much for repose as study, and to examine 
and refine those grosser propositions^ which laziness and 
consent made current in vulgar conversation. 

He was superior to all those passions and affections which 
attend vulgar minds, and was guilty of no other ambition than 
of knowledge, and to be reputed a lover of all good men ; 
and that made him too much a contemner of those arts, 
which must be indulged in the transactions of human af- 

Thus fell that incomparable young man, in the four and 
thirtieth year of his age, having so much dispatched the 
true business of life, that the oldest rarely attain to that 
immense knowledge, and the youngest enter not into the 
world with more innocency : whosoever leads such a life, 
needs be the less anxious upon how short warning it is ta- 
ken from him. 

His stature was low, and smaller than most men's; his 
motion not graceful ; and his aspect so far from inviting^ . 
that it had somewhat in it of simplicity ; and his voice the 
worst of the three, and so untuned, that, instead of reoon- 


ciling, it ofiended the ear; but that little person, and small 
stature, was quickly found to contain a great heart, a cou- 
rage so keen, and a nature so fearless, that no compositioa 
of the strongest limbs ever disposed any man to greater en- 
terprise; and that untuned tongue and voice easily dis« 
covered itself to be supplied and governed by a mind and 
understanding so excellent, that the wit and weight of all 
he said carried greater lustre with it than any ornament of 
delivery could ensure. Vol. I. 340. II. 350. Life, I. 39* 

Sir FRANCIS COTTINGTON, created Lord Cotting- 
ton; Chancellor of the Ezchbqubr. 

He was a very wise man, by the great and long experi- 
ence he had in business of all kinds; and by his natural 
temper, which was not liable to any transput of anger, or 
any other passion, but could bear contradiction, and even 
reproach, without being moved, or put out of his wi^ : for 
he was very steady in pursuing what he proposed to himself; 
and had a courage not to be frighted with any opposition. 
It is true he was illiterate as to the grammar of any lan- 
guage^ or the principles of any science, but by his perfectly 
understanding the Spanish, (which he spoke as a Spaniard,) ; 
the French, and Italian languages, and having read very 
much ia all, he could not be said to be ignorant in any part 
of learning, divinity only excepted. 

He was of an excellent humour, and very easy to live 
with ; and under a grave countenance, covered the most of 
mirth, and caused more than any man of the most pleasant 
disposition. He never used any body ill, but used many^ 
very well for whom he had no regard : his greatest ftult was, 
that he could dissemble, and make men believe that he loved 
them very well, when he cared not for them. He had no 


very tender affiections^ nor bowels apt to yearn at all objects 
which deserved compassion. He was heartily weary of the 
world, and no man was more willing to die; which is an 
argument that he had peace of conscience. He left behind 
him a greater esteem of his parts than love to his perwHU 
He died in 1651. Vol. L 151. IIL 382. 


Ha was one of those men, quos vituperate ne inimici qyi* 
dem poisuntf tdsi tU rimul laudent ; whom his very enemies 
could not condemn without commending him at the same 
time ; for he could never have done half that mischief with- 
out great parts of courage, industry, and judgment He 
must have had a wonderful understanding in the natnrca 
and humours of men, and as great a dexterity m applying 
them ; who, from a private and obscure birth, (though of m 
good family,) without interest or estate, alliance or friend* 
ship, could raise himself to such a height, and compomad 
and knead such opposite and contradictory tempers^ ho- 
raours, and interests into a consistence, that contributed to 
his designs, and to their own destruction; whilst himadf 
grew insensibly powerful enough to cut oiF those by whom 
he had climbed, in the instant that they projected to da* 
molish their own building. What was said of Cinna may 
very justly be said of him, Ausum eum qua nemo auderei bo* 
nus ; perfedsse, qua a nuUo, nisi fortistimo^ perflci poueni* 
He attempted those things which no good man durst base 
ventured on ; and achieved those in which none bos a v»* 
liant and great man could have succeeded. Without doabt, 
no man with more wickedness ever attempted any things or 
brought to pass what he desired more wickedly, more in tlio 
face and contempt of religion and moral honesty ; yet wick- 




edness as great as his could never lurre aooonplislied those 
designs^ without the assistance of a great spirit, an admtnble 
circumspection and sagacity, and a most magnanimous re- 

When he appeaxed first in die pariiamenty he seemed to 
have a person in no degree gracious, no ornament of dis- 
course, none of tiiose talents which use to oondliate the af^ 
fections of the stander b j : jet, as he grevr into j^ace and 
authority, his parts seemed to be raised, as if he had had 
concealed faculties, till he had occasion to use (hem : and 
when he was to act the part of a great man, he did it with* 
out any indecency, notwithstanding tiie wast of castom* 

After he was confirmed and invested Frotector, he ote* 
suited with very few upon any action of importance, nor 
communicated any enterprise he resolved upon, with mone 
than those who were to have princtpai parts in the execB- 
tion of it ; nor with them so<»ier than was absolute ne- 
cessary. What he once resolved, in whidi be waa not rwA, 
he would not be dissuaded from, nor endoi^ any contradic- 
tion of his power and authority. 

Cromwell was not so fiir a man of Mood as to follow Mm^ 
chiavers method ; which prescribes, upon a total altention 
of government, as a thing absolutely necessary, to cut off all 
the heads of those, and extirpate their families, who are 
friends to the old one. It was confidently i^poited^ that, in 
the council of officers, it was mote than once proposed, 
^' That there might be a general massacre of all the royal 
party, as the only expedient to secure the g^^vemment,* but 
that Cromwell would never consent to, it may be, ocrt «f 
too great a contempt of his enenues. In a Wofrd, as he wts 
guilty of many crimes i^ainst which danmatioii is duisuii- 
ced, and for which hell fire is prepared, so he had some good 
qualities which have caused the memory of Mime men ia ail 
ages to be celebrated ; and he wil) be looked upott by pot* 


tertty as a brave wicked man. He died Sd Septeadker 
1658. Vol. III. 648. 

. ( 

Sir henry VANE, the Younger. 

He had an unusual aspect^ which, though it miglit 
rally proceed both from his father and mether, neitlier of 
which were beautiful persons^ yet made men think tibere 
was something in him extraordinary; and his whole life 
made good that imagination. 

He was indeed a man of extraordinary parts, a pleasant 
wit, a great understanding, which pierced into and discerned 
the purposes of other men with wonderful sagaci^, whikt 
he had himself vultum clausumy that no man could make a 
guess of what he intended. He was of a temper not to be 
moved, of a rare dissimulation, and could comply when it 
was not seasonable to contradict, without losing ground by 
the condescension; and if he were not superior to Mr 
Hampden, he was inferior to no other man in all mysterious 
artifices. He was executed for high treason in 1662. VoL 
I. 186. n. 379. 

THOMAS WRIOTHESLEY, fourth Earl of South- 
AMPTON ; Lord Treasurer after the Restoration. 

Hb was indeed a great man in all respects, and broughi 
very much reputation to the King's cause. He had great 
dislike of the high courses which had been taken in the gos- 
vernment, and a particular prejudice to the Earl of Straffi>rdy 
for some exorbitant proceedings. But as soon as he saw the 
ways of reverence and duty towards the King declined, and 
the prosecution of the Earl of Strafford to exceed the limits 



of justice, he opposed them vigorooily hi all their proceed- 
iDgs. He was a man of great sharpness of jadgment^ a 
very quick apprehension, and that readiness of expression 
upon any sudden d^ate, that no man delivered himself 
more advantageously and wtightilyy and more efficaciously 
with the hearers ; so that no mfem gave them more trouble 
m his opposition, or drew so many to k concurrence with 
him in opinion. He lutd no felatton 'to^ or dependence up- 
on, the court, <ir purpose to have any^ but wholly pursued 
the public interest. • ' > - 

He was, not only an exact observer of justice, but so clear* 
sighted a discerner of all the circumstances which might 
disguise it, that no false or fraudulent colour could impose 
upon him ; and of so sincere and impartial a judgment, that 
BO prejudice to the person of any man made him less awake 
to his cause ; but believed that there is ali^uid et in hostem 
nefas, and that a very ill man mie^ht be very unjustly dealt 
with. On the happy return of his Majesty, he seemed to 
recover great vigour of mind, and undertook the charge of 
High Treasurer with much alacrity and industry, as long as 
lie had any hope to get a revenue settled proportionable to 
the expence of the crown, (towards which his interest, and 
authority, and counsel, contributed very much,) or to re- 
duce the expence of the court within the limits of the reve- 
nue. His per&on was of a small stature ; his courage, as all 
his other faculties, very great ; having no sign of fear, or 
sense of danger, when he was in a place where he ought to 
be found. He died in 1667« Vol. II. 200, Life^ III. 781. 


Is represented by Clarendon as a very unfit man for 
the place of Speaker ; but he was deficient neither in good 


or praieaoe df miiid, if we may jodge Aon Iho ftk 
lowing ftoeodote t When tbo King wnt into tiie Hooso cf 
ConuDOot (1640) to demtnd tiie fifo i M i b wn, lio nrinnd tte 
Spedktr, wIm> stood befew, whether any of then warn in tin 
house i The 8pealcer» fiUlfaig on liis hnee^ pnidentl^ vepiied^ 
'' I hftTe, Sir, neitlier ejes to me, nor toogm to epenlE, in 
diii pleoe; but n the IioaM is pleased to diraot nn^ whoaa 
senrant I an; and I hunriUjr nk paidoo, that I oannoS give 
anyotlier answer to what yoor Mayestyis pbnad to 
ofme.'*— £/tfi»f. 


Printed by George Ramiay & Co. 
Edinburgh, 1820. 


V .