" It has ever been a hobby of mine, though perhaps it is a truism,
not a hobby, that the true life of a man is in his letters. . . . Not
only for the interest of a biography, but for arriving at the inside
of things the publication of letters is the true method. Biographers
varnish, they assign motives, they conjecture feelings, they interpret
Lord Burleigh's nods, but contemporary letters are facts." Dr.
NEWMAN TO HIS SISTER, Mrs. JOHN MOZLKY, May 18, 1863.
LORENZO DI P1ERO DE M EDICT.
From a picture at royyio a Caiano.
LIVES OF
THE EARLY MEDICI
AS TOLD IN THEIR
CORRESPONDENCE
TRANSLATED & EDITED BY
JANET ROSS
WITH 12 PORTRAITS AND FACSIMILES
/
GHATTO & WINDUS
1910
All rights resrved
PREFACE
MANY a book has been written about the Medici ; yet how
little has been said about the private lives of the founders of
that wonderful family which rose from prosperous middle-class
condition to take its place among the sovereign houses of
Europe, to seat its daughters on the throne of the Queen-
consorts of France, and its sons on the Chair of St. Peter ?
Their rival capitalists north of the Alps climbed high in those
days when the gulf was dug deep between nobles and all who
were below them in the social scale. The Fuggers made many
alliances with the German and Bohemian nobles, and the
Welsers had the unheard-of glory of mating one of their
daughters with the Emperor of Germany ; does not the Phili-
pine-Welser Strasse in Augsburg commemorate to this day the
renown of the match ? But neither had the fortune to found a
dynasty as did the Medici. They are so inseparably connected
with the history of their native city that the biographies have
insensibly become sketches of Florentine, even of European
history. The men and women have disappeared, and we see
instead the dexterous manipulators of tortuous Italian diplo-
macy, or the splendid patrons of art and literature during the
best period of the Renaissance. Yet, in our day, we sometimes
like to turn aside from the stage life to learn about the v'w
intime of personages who have become historical. We are
PREFACE
curious about their doings within the home circle, about their
private loves and hates, whether they were good or bad hus-
bands and wives, parents and children. The simpler human
interests attract us.
This book attempts to supply such details. It is founded
on letters, for the most part private, of Medici men, women,
and children, and their friends, written during those decades
when the family was being moulded for the great European
destiny which lay hidden in the future before it. In these
old-world epistles Contessina artlessly displays her household
economies, Lucrezia reveals her fondness for bathing, Clarice
quarrels with no less a tutor than the celebrated Poliziano
about the lessons he gave to her children, and the child Piero
tells his father how he has studied hard, even writing in
Latin, "in order to give a more literary tone to my letters, 11
and proudly and persistently demands the pony promised as a
reward for diligence.
The materials have been gathered from many a quarter.
Angelo Fabroni's ponderous tomes, Magni Cosmi Medicei Vita
and Laurentii Medicis Magnifici Vita ,- the Histories of Florence
by Giovanni Cavalcanti, Giovanni Cambi, and Niccolo Machi-
avelli ; rare pamphlets, published in small editions of twenty-
five or a hundred copies, by Italian men of letters in honour
of the marriage of some friend, which are a mine of wealth ;
and last, but not least, the Florentine Archives. Most of the
letters from the Archivio Medicei ante Principato have never
been published before, much less translated ; others are given
here in fall, which have hitherto seen the light only in very
fragmentary form. The volume can therefore claim to contain
a great deal of thoroughly original matter. In them it will be
vi
PREFACE
seen that well-born or important men and women were addressed
as Your Magnificence, and written to and spoken of as The
Magnificent. It was, therefore, no special title bestowed on
Lorenzo de' Medici, but suiting so well with his character and
whole personality it has become, as it were, his property.
My best thanks are due to Cavaliere Angelo Bruschi,
librarian of the Marucelliana Library in Florence, without
whose valid assistance and advice I should have had great
difficulty in collecting the letters ; to Dr. Dorini of the Floren-
tine Archives, whose aid was invaluable in helping me to de-
cipher the almost illegible manuscripts ; and to Signer Gugliemo
Volpi, several of whose pamphlets and articles are quoted. I
must also thank the Baroness Mollinary of Como for so kindly
having photographed for me her most interesting early portrait
o Lorenzo the Magnificent, never before published ; and Dr.
Giovanni Poggi, director of the Bargello in Florence, for giving
me the photograph of Lorenzo's portrait at Poggio a Caiano.
The Baroness Mollinary's picture is one of the many that
belonged to her ancestor Paolo Giovio, and bears a strong
resemblance to the fine miniature of Lorenzo, the property of
M. Prosper Villon, reproduced in Le Muste de Portraits de Paul
Jove by M. Eugene Muntz, in which, however, Lorenzo looks
rather older. Both show the same humorous, kindly face,
with a strong mouth, determined jaw, and fine eyes. In the
miniature the head and shoulders are against and under a
baldaquin, on each side of which is a small bit of landscape.
Below is inscribed Lour M P P and the Medici arms (with six
balls), surmounted by Lorenzo's device, three ostrich feathers,
white, green, and red (faith, hope, and charity), while a floating
ribbon behind bears his motto Semper. The portrait at Poggio
vii
PREFACE
a Caiano is perhaps by Alessandro Allori, therefore of course
not contemporary ; it may be a copy of an older and lost
picture. I must also express my great gratitude to the Rev.
Principal Lindsay of Glasgow for kind help and criticism during
the progress of my work.
The portrait of Piero de' Medici in the chapel of the Ric-
cardi palace, by Benozzo Gozzoli, has been given sometimes as
that of his father Cosimo, or even of his son Lorenzo. But if
the bust by Mino da Fiesole, in the Bargello, represents Piero,
then he is the man grasping his horse's mane with one hand as
he rides by the side of his father Cosimo, who, as we know,
generally rode a mule.
JANET ROSS.
Vlll
CONTENTS
PAOK
INTRODUCTORY 1
COSIMO DI GIOVANNI DE' MEDICI (1389-1464) 7
Contessina de' Medici to her husband Cosimo in Ferrara 10
Cosimo de' Medici to Averardo de' Medici, Ambassador
to Ferrara 1 1
Contessina de' Medici to her son Giovanni at Ferrara 14
Cosimo de' Medici to Averardo de' Medici at Pisa 15
Cosimo de' Medici to Averardo de' Medici 16
Cosimo de' Medici at Florence to Averardo de' Medici
at Pisa 18
Diary of Cosimo de' Medici and his Oration to the
Signory of Florence when sentence of exile was
pronounced against him 19
Cosimo de' Medici to his son Piero de' Medici 31
Niccol6 Fortebraccio to Cosimo de' Medici and Neri di
Gino Capponi 34
Lorenzo de' Medici to his brother Cosimo, Ambassador
to Ferrara, in the name of the " Dieci di Balia " 35
Count Francesco Sforza to Cosimo de' Medici 36
Count Francesco Sforza to Cosimo de' Medici 38
Count Francesco Sforza to Cosimo de' Medici 39
Contessina de' Medici to her son Piero 40
Commissio Laurentii de' Medicis, 3 Decembris 1438 42
Additio facta Commissioni Laurentii de' Medicis 43
Francesco Sforza to Cosimo de' Medici 44
Contessina de' Medici to her son Giovanni at the Baths
of Petriolo [near Siena] 46
Alberto Averardo de' Alberti, from Rome, to Giovanni
de' Medici 47
ix
CONTENTS
PAGE
COSIMO DI GIOVANNI DE' MEDICI continued
Contessina de' Medici to her son Giovanni in Rome 47
The Same to the Same 48
Contessina de' Medici to her son Piero 48
Lucrezia de' Medici, at the Baths of Petriolo, to her
husband Piero at Florence 50
Contessina de' Medici to her son Piero at Trebbio 50
Contessina de' Medici to her son Giovanni in Rome 51
Cosimo de' Medici to Giovanni his son in Rome 52
Contessina de' Medici to Giovanni her son at Volterra 53
Contessina de' Medici to her son Giovanni at Volterra 54
The Same to the Same 55
Contessina de' Medici to Ginevra, wife of her son
Giovanni, at the Baths of Petriolo 58
Cosimo de' Medici to his son Giovanni at Milan 59
Lucrezia de' Medici (from Careggi or Cafaggiuolo) to
her husband Piero at Florence 60
Contessina de' Medici to her son Piero at Venice 62
Cosimo de' Medici to his son Giovanni at the Baths of
Petriolo 62
Contessina de' Medici to her son Giovanni and his wife
Ginevra at Bagno a Morba 63
Pope Pius II. to Cosimo de' Medici 64
Cosimo de' Medici to Pope Pius II. 65
Cosimo de' Medici to Pius II. 66
Lucrezia de' Medici to her husband Piero 69
Cosimo de' Medici to his son Piero at Pisa 70
Francesco Sforza, Duke of Milan, &c. &c. 71
Cosimo de' Medici to the Reverend Master Marsilio
Ficino, Platonist 73
Piero de' Medici to Lorenzo and Giuliano, his sons, at
Cafaggiuolo 74
Marsilio Ficino to the noble Lorenzo de' Medici 76
Brief Memorandum by Piero de' Medici about his
Father's Death 77
Notes of the Funeral and of the Masses and Offices said
for the Soul of Cosimo di Giovanni de' Medici 79
CONTENTS
PAGE
PIERO DI COSIMO DE' MEDICI (1416-1469)
Pope Pius II. to Piero de' Medici
Louis XL, King of France, to Piero de' Medici 85
Privilege granted by Louis XL to the Medici to quarter
the Lily of France in their arms
The Magnificent Lorenzo to the Illustrious Lord
Federigo, son of the King of Naples
Piero de' Medici to his son Lorenzo at Milan
Piero de' Medici to his son Lorenzo at Milan 9^
Luigi Pulci to Lorenzo de' Medici
Piero de' Medici to his son Lorenzo at Rome 102
Piero de' Medici to his son Lorenzo at Rome 103
Agnolo Acciaiuoli to Piero de' Medici. Siena, 17th
Sept. 1466 105
Piero de' Medici to Agnolo Acciaiuoli. Florence, 22nd
Sept. 1466 105
Luigi Pulci, from Pisa, to Lorenzo de' Medici at
Florence 107
Lucrezia de' Medici to her husband Piero 108
Lucrezia de' Medici to her husband Piero 109
Lucrezia de' Medici to her husband Piero 110
Lucrezia de' Medici to her husband Piero 111
Lorenzo de' Medici to his mother Lucrezia at Bagno a
Morba 115
Piero de' Medici to his wife Lucrezia at Morba 115
Lorenzo de' Medici to his mother Lucrezia at Bagno a
Morba 116
Contessina de' Medici to her daughter-in-law Lucrezia
at Bagno a Morba 117
Piero de' Medici to his wife Lucrezia at Bagno a
Morba 117
Luigi Pulci from Pisa to Lorenzo de' Medici at Florence 118
Luigi Pulci at Pisa to Lorenzo de' Medici 119
Cardinal Latino Orsini to Piero de' Medici 120
Filippo de' Medici, Archbishop of Pisa, at Rome, to
Piero de' Medici 120
Francesco Tornabuoni to his nephew Lorenzo de'
Medici 122
xi
CONTENTS
PAOB
PIERO DI COSIMO DE' MEDICI continued
Clarice Orsini to Lorenzo de' Medici 123
Francesco Tornabuoni to Lorenzo de' Medici, his
nephew 123
Clarice Orsini to Lorenzo de' Medici 125
Rinaldo Orsini to Lorenzo de' Medici 126
Maddalena Orsini to Lorenzo de' Medici 127
Filippo de' Medici, Archbishop of Pisa, to Lorenzo de'
Medici 127
An Account of the Wedding of Lorenzo de' Medici 129
Rinaldo Orsini to his sister Clarice de' Medici 134
Giovanni di Bentivogli from Bologna to Piero de'
Medici at Florence 135
Piero de' Medici at Careggi to Lucrezia his wife in
Florence 137
Gentile Becchi to Clarice de' Medici 138
Lorenzo de' Medici to his wife Clarice 140
Lorenzo de' Medici from Monza to his father Piero
in Florence 141
LORENZO DI PIERO DE' MEDICI (1450-1492) 143
Ricordi of Lorenzo the Magnificent, son of Piero di
Cosimo de' Medici 150
Agnolo Poliziano to Lorenzo de' Medici 156
A. Alexander di Conio to Contessina de' Medici 158
Luigi Pulci to Lorenzo de' Medici at Florence 159
Clarice de' Medici to her husband Lorenzo l6l
Luigi Pulci to Lorenzo de' Medici 162
Lorenzo de' Medici to Sixtus IV. 163
Ingherami di Volterra, Apostolic Scribe, to Lorenzo de'
Medici 165
Francesco Filelfo to Lorenzo de' Medici 166
Jacopo Ammanati, Cardinal of Pa via, to Lorenzo de'
Medici 167
Jacopo Ammanati, Cardinal of Pavia, to Lorenzo de'
Medici 168
The Syndic and Ancients of Galatea to Lucrezia de'
Medici 171
xii
CONTENTS
PAGE
LORENZO DI PIERO DE' MEDICI continued
Fra Cristofano d'Antonio di Mast ... to Lucrezia de'
Medici 172
Matteo Franco to Lorenzo de' Medici 173
Giuliano de' Medici from Pisa to his mother Lucrezia 1 74
Bertoldo di Giovanni to Lorenzo de' Medici 175
Niccolo Roberti to Duke Borso d'Este 176
Agnolo Poliziano at Pisa to Clarice de' Medici 177
Agnolo Poliziano to Clarice de' Medici 178
Clarice de' Medici to her husband Lorenzo at Florence 178
Lucrezia de' Medici, from Bagno a Morba, to her son
Lorenzo 179
Lucrezia de' Medici, from Bagno a Morba, to her son
Lorenzo at Pisa 179
Lucrezia de' Medici to her grandmother Lucrezia at
Bagno a Morba 180
Agnolo Poliziano to Lucrezia de' Medici at Bagno a Morba 181
Lucrezia de' Medici, from Bagno a Morba, to her son
Lorenzo 182
Lucrezia de' Medici to her son Lorenzo, from Bagno a
Morba 183
Piero Malegonnelle (Vicar of Pomerance) to Lucrezia
de' Medici 184
Piero Malegonnelle (Vicar of Pomerance) to Lucrezia
de' Medici 184
Louis XL, King of France, to the Florentine Republic 192
Louis XI. to Pope Sixtus IV. 193
Lorenzo de' Medici to Tommaso Soderini at Milan 194
Lorenzo de' Medici to Giovanni Lanfredini, Florentine
Ambassador at Venice 196
Lorenzo de' Medici to Louis XL, King of France 198
Lorenzo de' Medici to Sforza de' Bettini 199
Messer Ceccho, from Milan, to Lorenzo de' Medici 201
Lorenzo de' Medici to Messer Giovanni di Bentivoglio
at Milan 202
Lorenzo de' Medici to Girolamo Morelli, Florentine
Ambassador at Milan 203
Sixtus IV. to the Duke Federigo of Urbino 205
xiii
CONTENTS
PAOS
LORENZO DI PIERO DE' MEDICI continued
Lorenzo de' Medici to Girolamo Morelli, Florentine
Ambassador at Milan 207
Agnolo Poliziano at Pistoja to Lorenzo de' Medici in
Florence 208
Agnolo Poliziano at Pistoja to Lorenzo de' Medici 209
Agnolo Poliziano at Pistoja to Lorenzo de' Medici 210
Agnolo Poliziano at Pistoja to Lorenzo de' Medici at
Florence 211
Agnolo Poliziano at Pistoja to Lorenzo de' Medici 212
Piero de' Medici (born 1472) to his father Lorenzo 212
Clarice de' Medici to Lucrezia 213
Agnolo Poliziano to Lucrezia de' Medici 213
Lorenzo de' Medici to the King of Spain 215
Agnolo Poliziano, from Cafaggiuolo, to Lorenzo de'
Medici at Florence 216
Piero de' Medici to his father Lorenzo 216
Agnolo Poliziano to Lorenzo de' Medici 217
Piero de' Medici at Cafaggiuolo to his father Lorenzo 217
Clarice de' Medici to her husband Lorenzo 218
Lorenzo de' Medici to his mother Lucrezia in Florence 219
Piero de' Medici at Cafaggiuolo to his father Lorenzo 219
Piero de' Medici at Cafaggiuolo to his father Lorenzo 220
Piero de' Medici at Gagliano to his father Lorenzo 221
Antonio Pucci to Lorenzo de' Medici at Cafaggiuolo 221
Lucrezia de' Medici (daughter of Lorenzo) to her
grandmother Lucrezia 222
Nannina Rucellai to her mother Lucrezia de' Medici 222
Bianca de' Pazzi to her mother Lucrezia de' Medici at
Careggi 223
Agnolo Poliziano to Lucrezia de' Medici at Careggi 224
Guidantonio Vespucci, Legatus in Epistolis at Paris, to
the Ten of the Balia in Florence 226
Lorenzo de' Medici to Girolamo Morelli, Florentine
Ambassador at Milan
To the Signoria of Florence, from Lorenzo de' Medici 229
Lorenzo de' Medici to Antonio Montecatino, Ambassador
to Florence of the Duke of Ferrara 230
xiv
CONTENTS
PACK
LORENZO DI PIERO DE' MEDICI continued
Bartolommeo Scala, Secretary of the Florentine Re-
public, to Lorenzo de' Medici at Naples 231
Bartolommeo Scala, Secretary to the Florentine Re-
public, to Lorenzo de' Medici at Naples 233
.Bartolommeo Scala, Secretary of the Florentine Re-
public, to Lorenzo de' Medici at Naples 234
Doctor Oliverio, from Bagno a Morba, to Lucrezia de'
Medici 235
Ippolita Maria d'Aragona, Duchess of Calabria, to
Lorenzo de' Medici 236
Papinio di Artimino to Lucrezia de' Medici 237
Papinio di Artimino, from Rome, to Lucrezia de' Medici 238
Lorenzo de' Medici to the Doge of Venice 239
To Albino, dear to me as a brother, Secretary of the
Illustrious Duke of Calabria, from Lorenzo de' Medici 240
From Bartolommeo Sgnippi, Clerk of the Embassy, to
Antonio Montecatino, Ambassador of the Duke of
Ferrara (who had gone to Ferrara for a few days)
to the Florentine Republic 241
Lorenzo de' Medici to the Duchess Eleonora d'Aragona
d'Este at Ferrara 244
Lorenzo de Medici to the Duke Ercole d'Este 244
Frederick, Duke of Urbino, to Lorenzo de' Medici 246
Ugolino Baccio, from Basel, to Lorenzo de' Medici 247
Ugolin oBaccio to Lorenzo de' Medici 249
Ugolino Baccio to Lorenzo de' Medici 252
Louis XL, King of France, to Lorenzo de' Medici 254
Bartolommeo Scala to Lorenzo de' Medici at Bagno a
Morba 255
" In Amorpham Nympham," Latin poem by Bartolom-
meo Scala, sent to Lorenzo de' Medici at Bagno
a Morba, April 25, 1484 256
Guidantonio Vespucci, Florentine Ambassador at Rome,
to Lorenzo de' Medici at Florence 258
Lorenzo de' Medici to his son Piero in Rome, November
26, 1484 260
Niccolo Michelozzi to Lorenzo de' Medici at Morba 265
xv
CONTENTS
I'AGE
LORENZO DI PIERO DE' MEDICI continued
Matteo Franco to Ser Piero Dovizi da Bibbiena,
Chancellor of Lorenzo de' Medici 267
Two of Piero's Sayings 272
Lorenzo de' Medici to the Duke Ercole d'Este 273
Messer Guidone Aldrovandini, Ambassador to the Re-
public of Florence from Ferrara, to Duke Ercole
d'Este 274
Duke Ercole d'Este to Messer Aldrovandini, Ambas-
sador of Ferrara to the Republic of Florence 276
Messer Guidone Aldrovandini, Ambassador of Ferrara
to the Republic of Florence, to the Duke Ercole
d'Este 277
Lorenzo de' Medici to Ugolino Baccio in Apulia 278
Messer Guidone Aldrovandini, Ambassador from Ferrara
to the Florentine Republic, to the Duke Ercole
d'Este 280
Duke Ercole d'Este to Messer Aldrovandini, Ambas-
sador of Ferrara to the Florentine Republic 282
Messer Guidone Aldrovandini, Ambassador of Ferrara
to the Republic of Florence, to Duke Ercole
d'Este 283
Lorenzo de' Medici to Innocent VIII. 285
Messer Aldrovandini, Ambassador from Ferrara to the
Florentine Republic, to Duke Ercole d'Este 285
Agnolo Poliziano to Lorenzo de' Medici 288
Matteo Franco, from Stigliano, to Ser Piero Dovizi da
Babbiena, Chancellor to Lorenzo de' Medici, at
Florence 289
Messer Aldrovandini, Ambassador from Ferrara to the
Florentine Republic, to the Duke Ercole d'Este 294
Lorenzo de' Medici to Pope Innocent VIII. 296
Messer Aldrovandini, Ambassador to the Republic of
Florence, to the Duke Ercole d'Este 297
Messer Aldrovandini, Ambassador of Ferrara to the
Republic of Florence, to Duke Ercole d'Este 298
Stefano, a trusted servant of Piero de' Medici, to
Lorenzo de' Medici 299
xvi
CONTENTS
PAOS
LORENZO DI PIERO DE' MEDICI continued
Petrus Bonus Avogarius, Doctor, to Lorenzo de' Medici 301
Lorenzo de' Medici to Piero Alamanni, Florentine
Ambassador at Rome 303
Lorenzo de' Medici to Innocent VIII. 304
Manfredo di Manfredi (a new Ferrarese Ambassador) to
Duke Ercole d'Este 305
Lorenzo de' Medici to Pope Innocent VIII. 306
A Manager of the Medici Bank to the Duke Ercole
d'Este 309
Lorenzo de' Medici to Giovanni Lanfredini, Florentine
Ambassador at Rome 310
Lorenzo de' Medici, from the Baths of Spedaletto, to
his daughter Contessina 310
Lorenzo de' Medici to Giovanni Lanfredini, Florentine
Ambassador at Rome 311
Lorenzo de' Medici to Monseigneur d'Argenton
(Philippe de Comines) 312
Pietro Vettori, Florentine Ambassador at Naples, to
Lorenzo de' Medici 314
Lorenzo de' Medici, from Bagno San Filippo, to his
son Piero 316
Lorenzo de' Medici to the Commissaries of Pistoja 317
Lorenzo de' Medici to Ser Andrea at Siena 317
Lorenzo de' Medici to Giovanni Lanfredini, Florentine
Ambassador at Rome 318
Lorenzo de' Medici to Giovanni Lanfredini, Florentine
Ambassador at Rome 319
Lorenzo de' Medici to the King of England 322
Agnolo Poliziano to Lorenzo de' Medici in Florence 323
Pier Filippo Pandolfini, Florentine Ambassador at Rome,
to Lorenzo de' Medici 325
Piero Leoni of Spoleto to Lorenzo de' Medici 326
Matteo Franco at Rome to Ser Piero Dovizi at Florence 327
Manfredo di Manfredi, Ambassador from Ferrara to
Florence, to the Duke Ercole d'Este 330
Lorenzo de' Medici to his son, Cardinal Giovanni, at
Rome, in March 1492 332
xvii b
CONTENTS
PAGE
LORENZO Dl PIERO DE' MEDICI continued
Cardinal Giovanni de' Medici to his father Lorenzo 336
Poliziano's letter to Jacopo Antiquario describing the
death of Lorenzo de' Medici 336
Bartolommeo Dei to his uncle Benedetto Dei, with
Machiavelli in Ferrara 341
INDEX 345
XVlll
ILLUSTRATIONS
LORENZO DI PIERO DE' MEDICI Frontispiece
from a picture at Poggio a Caiano
COSIMO DI GIOVANNI DE' MEDICI To face page 7
From the marble relief by Andrea Del Verrocchio (?) in the
Kaiser Friedrich Museum, Berlin
LETTER FROM COSIMO DI GIOVANNI DE' MEDICI 10
COSIMO DI GIOVANNI DE' MEDICI
By Jacopo da Pontormo. In the Convent ofS. Marco, Florence
LETTER FROM CONTESSINA DE' MEDICI 46
LETTER FROM LUCREZIA DE' MEDICI 50
PIERO DI COSIMO DE' MEDICI 82
Detail from the fresco by Benozzo Gozzoli in the Chapel of
Palazzo Riccardi, Florence
LETTER FROM PIERO DI COSIMO DE' MEDICI 94
LORENZO DI PIERO DE' MEDICI 143
In the Museo Giovio (Villa Soave, Como)
LETTER FROM LORENZO DI PIERO DE' MEDICI 206
PIERO DI LORENZO DE' MEDICI 212
Detail from the fresco by Domenico Ghirlandaio in the Church
of S. Trinita, Florence
LORENZO DI PIERO DE' MEDICI, AND THREE MEMBERS
OF THE SASSETI FAMILY 312
In the fresco by Domenico Ghirlandaio in the Church of
S. Trinita, Florence
XIX
LETTERS OF THE EARLY MEDICI
INTRODUCTORY
THE ancestors given to the Medici are many, and their origin
is not easy to trace amid the conflicting accounts of friends
and foes. The latter declare they sprang from the very dregs
of the people, and that a charcoal-burner in the Mugello was
their progenitor, whose son was a doctor (medico). Their
friends say they descend from Perseus, from a Roman consul,
or even from an emperor. Others state that a brave knight,
Averardo de 1 Medici, came into Italy with Charlemagne and
killed the fierce giant Mugello, who for years had kept Tuscany
in bondage ; while those who cling to the medico story, on
account of the name, tell of a learned physician who saved the
life of Charlemagne by applying cupping-glasses of his own
invention. The well-known arms, six red balls on a field or,
are accounted for in as many different ways. Doctors' pills,
cupping-glasses, apples from the gardens of the Hesperides,
dents made by the giant^s mace on Averardo's golden shield,
and heads of enemies slain in battle by a valiant knight who
killed eleven of his assailants, because the oldest shield of the
Medici bore eleven balls.
According to genealogists the real progenitor of the Medici
was a certain Giambuono. He appears to have been a priest,
as is indicated in an ancient inscription on the wall of the
church of the Assumption near S. Piero a Sieve in the
Mugello. What is certain is that the family owned houses
and towers in Florence in the twelfth century in the Piazza de'
Medici, afterwards called de 1 Succhiellinai, near the church
of S. Tommaso, which was in the Ghetto, now swept away.
There a little inn, Del Porco, used to be pointed out as stand-
ing where once was the loggia of the family.
A
LETTERS OF THE EARLY MEDICI
We have historical proof of the brothers Chiarissimo and
Bonagiunta de' Medici, descendants of Giambuono. Chiaris-
simo was a member of the council which made an alliance with
the Sienese against Semifonte in the Val d'Elsa, when that
strong castle was razed to the ground in 1201. Ardingo, a
great-grandson of Bonagiunta, was the first of the family to
hold high office in Florence. He became Prior of the city
in 1291, Gonfalonier of Justice in 1296, and again in the
following year. This proves decisively that the Medici were
not of the old nobility, which had been excluded from all
magisterial offices by a law passed in 1293, called the Ordina-
menti della Giustizia, which Bonaini terms the Magna Charta
of the Republic of Florence. 1 Ardingo's brother Guccio, who
was Gonfalonier in 1299, made himself so popular that when
he died he was buried with great pomp in a sarcophagus of the
fourth century, which stood outside the baptistery. Later it
was removed into the cathedral, and in the eighteenth century
was placed in the courtyard of Palazzo Riccardi (once Medici),
where it still is. The cover, bearing the Medici arms and
those of the Arte della Lana, or Guild of Wool, to which
Guccio belonged, was made by order of the Priors at the time
of his burial.
In 1314 another of the family, Averardo, was Gonfalonier
of Justice, and one of his grandsons, Filigno di Conte de 1
Medici, has left Ricordi, or Memoirs, written in 1373, which
show how rich and influential the Medici had already become.
The book, which still exists in the Florentine archives, was
evidently once bound in vellum ; the frontispiece is decorated
with the Medici arms, six red balls on a field or, and the shield
is surmounted by the head and paws of a black wolf rising out
of what looks like the coronet of a modern Marquess.
Addressing his children he writes :
" In the name of God and of his blessed Mother Madonna
Saint Mary, and of the whole Court of Paradise, who will I
pray give us grace to act and to speak well.
" I, Filigno di Conte de 1 Medici, seeing the late misfortunes
of civil and foreign wars and the terrible mortality from the
plague sent by our Lord God to this earth, which we fear
he may send again as our neighbours have it, will write down
1 For an account of the Ordinamenti della Giustizia see I Primi Sccoli della
Storia di Firenze, chap. viii. Pasquale Villari, Firenze, 1893.
2
INTRODUCTORY
the things I see which may be needful for you who remain
or who come after me, so that you can find them if need be
for any emergency. I pray you to write well in the future
and to preserve those lands and houses which you will find
inscribed in this book ; most of them were bought by the
noble knight Messer Giovanni di Conte, my brother of
honoured memory, after whose death I began to write this
book, taking from his records and from those of others. I
beg you will take care of it and keep it in a secret place so
that it may not fall into other hands, also because it may
be necessary to you in the future as it is now to us, who
have to find papers of one hundred years ago, for reasons
which you will find written, because States change and have
no durability.
"Also I beg of you to preserve not only the riches but
the position attained by our ancestors, which is considerable
but ought to be higher. It begins to decline on account of
a dearth of capable men, of whom we once had many.
" Such was our greatness that it used to be said, ' Thou
art like one of the Medici, 1 and every man feared us ; even
now when a citizen does an injury to another or abuses him,
they say, ' If he did thus to a Medici what would happen ? '
Our family is still powerful in the State by reason of many
friends and much riches, please God preserve it all to us.
And to-day, thank God, we number about fifty men.
" Since I was born about one hundred of our men have
died ; there are but few families and we are badly off' for
children, that is to say there are few. I write this book in
several parts. First I shall note certain facts which are
useful to know, then the dowers and as many papers as I can
collect, the bills of sale and such like, then all the purchases
and who drew up the deeds, and then all the houses and
lands we possess. . . ."
Page 84 is interesting as showing where the houses of the
Medici stood in Florence, and also that Cafaggiuolo belonged
to them in early times.
" In the name of God amen.
" Here I inscribe all our lands and their boundaries and
where they are situated, and the houses in Florence, and
what possessions came to us from Conte our father in the
division made between the brothers (that is the late Conte,
3
LETTERS OF THE EARLY MEDICI
Messer Jacopo, Messer Giovenco the knight, Talento, Fran-
cesco and Chiarissimo) of the inheritance of their father
Averardo, those bought by Conte and also those bought by
Messer Giovanni di Conte, knight, together with myself
Filigno, and Jacopo and Michele, our brothers, during their
life. To-day I begin to write and to cause Michele my son
also to write on account of the fatigue, and of not being a
good penman. God grant we do well. 1373, in February.
" A house with shops in front in the parish of S. Tommaso
in the Mercato Vecchio in Florence ; the first side fronts the
street or rather the Mercato Vecchio, the second boundary is
ours, the third is the street wherein stands S. Tommaso, the
fourth is Talento di Chiarissimo de 1 Medici and ourselves.
Adjoining this house are two others, three smaller ones and
several shops. . . . Also a palace with a courtyard, an orchard
and a well, in the parish of S. Lorenzo of Florence, in Via
Larga di S. Marco. The confines are first the said street ;
secondly the sons of Tantini with a common wall between
us, saving that what is above their roof belongs to us and to
Baglo di Dante, with the wall of our courtyard below ; the
third is the inn of the Cock, now the property of Niccolo di
Cristofano di Geri Gazza, &c. ; the fourth is the palace of
Andrea Franceschi and Francesco di Biccio de 1 Medici. A
house is annexed to this palace. . . .
" In the name of God amen. Possessions in Mugello.
" The half of a palace with houses around it, a courtyard,
a loggia and a wall and moat, with an orchard outside in
Cafaggiuolo in the parish of S. Giovanni in Petroio, with the
sixth part of the interior courtyard, and the old walls, and
all other things pertaining thereto that are in the division.
The broad road is to be 7 feet 8 inches wide round the old
enclosure of Cafaggiuolo, so that the sons of Messer Giovenco
cannot prevent us from using the road in front of the palace
and by their wall, as far as the bridge. The moat round
Cafaggiuolo is entirely ours as it touches our walls." l
A cousin of Filigno, Salvestro de' Medici, led the Floren-
tine troops against Giovanni Visconti, Archbishop and Lord
of Milan, and was knighted on the battlefield of Scarperia.
Gonfalonier of Justice in 1370, when Florence was distracted
1 Arcldvio Mediceo ante Principatum. Registro, Delia famiglia de*
Medici.
4
INTRODUCTORY
by the rivalry of the Guelphs and Ghibellines, he, being a
Ghibelline, took the side of the people against the nobles, and
advocated enforcing the enactments of the Ordmamenti della
Giustizia, which excluded the nobles from power. But for
the moment he failed, and was nigh being exiled when his
name was again drawn from the borsa, or ballot-bag, as
Gonfalonier in 1378. Once more he proposed to apply the
law against the Guelph nobles, and meeting with opposition,
threatened to resign. One of his friends then appealed to
the populace, and the result was the Ciompi riot. The mob
broke into the Palazzo de" 1 Priori and the Palazzo del Podesta,
burnt many palaces, and knighted sixty-four citizens in the
Piazza della Signoria, of whom Salvestro was the first.
His popularity is shown by a sonnet addressed to him by
Franco Sacchetti, author of many tales, who rather profanely
calls him " non gia Salvestro, ma Salvator mundi." Salvestro
was, however, a canny burgher and made some profit out of
the revolution, as the rents of the shops on the Ponte Vecchio
were assigned to him. Henceforward the Medici were looked
upon as the friends and defenders of the people against the
Grandi or nobles.
The founder of the line of citizens who ruled Florence like
princes was Giovanni d'Averardo, surnamed Bicci, de' Medici,
born in 1360. He was several times a Prior, and in 1421
Gonfalonier of Justice. During the Councils of Basel and Con-
stance he made a fortune in exchange, and being charitable was
much beloved by the people. His popularity increased when,
against his advice, the nobles insisted on advancing to meet the
Duke of Milan instead of waiting for him to attack them in
Tuscany, with the result that at Zagonara the Florentines were
beaten. The expenses of the war exhausted the treasury, and
disturbances broke out in Florence. The nobles, fearing a
repetition of the Ciompi riots, attempted to form a government
of Ottimati, as the party of the oligarchy were called, and thus
undermine the power of the minor guilds. Some even suggested
seizing the property of charitable confraternities in order to
obtain money. Giovanni de" Medici was consulted, and declared
he would have nothing to do with such robbery. A few years
later he successfully advocated the abolition of the odious
system of forced loans, and the institution of the catasto^ which
regulated all the taxes to be paid to the Commune of Florence.
5
LETTERS OF THE EARLY MEDICI
He then became the idol of the people. Cavalcanti writes that
when he lay dying on 20th February 1429, " he called his sons
Cosimo and Lorenzo, and in the presence of their mother,
Piccarda Bueri, of their wives, and of other citizens, spoke to
them thus : ' Beloved sons, neither I nor any man born into this
world should feel grief at exchanging worldly cares for per-
petual repose. I know that the last days of my life are nigh,
and where timid or foolish women or cowardly men would feel
sorrow, I feel great joy. I leave you in possession of the great
wealth which my good fortune has bestowed upon me, and
which jour good mother and my own hard work has enabled me
to preserve. I leave you with a larger business than any other
merchant in the Tuscan land, and in the enjoyment of the
esteem of every good citizen and of the great mass of the
populace, who have ever turned to our family as to their guid-
ing star. If you are faithful to the traditions of your ancestors,
the people will be generous in giving you honours. To achieve
this, be charitable to the poor, kindly and gracious to the
miserable, lending yourselves with all your might to assist them
in their adversity. Never strive against the will of the people,
unless they advocate a baneful project. Speak not as though
giving advice, but rather discuss matters with gentle and kindly
reasoning. Be chary of frequenting the Palace ; rather wait to
be summoned, and then be obedient, and not puffed up with
pride at receiving many votes. Have a care to keep the people
at peace, and to increase the commerce of the city. Avoid
litigation or any attempt to influence justice, for whoso impedes
justice will perish by justice. I leave you clear of any stain,
for no evil deed has been committed by me. Thus I bequeath
glory and not infamy to you as a heritage. I depart joyfully
and with more happiness if you do not enter into party strife.
Be careful not to attract public attention. I commend to you
Nannina my wife and your mother, see that after my death
ye change not the habits and customs of her life. Pray to God
for me, my sons, that my passage may be crowned by the salva-
tion of my immortal soul. Now take my blessing. Cosimo,
see that Lorenzo be kindly and a good brother ; and thou,
Lorenzo, honour Cosimo as the elder. 1 Saying this, he passed
from this life. 11 *
1 Istorie Florentine, Giovanni Cavalcanti, i. 262. Firenze, 1838,
COSTMO DI GIOVANNI DE' MEDICI.
From the marble relief by Andrea Del
Verrocchio (?) in the Kaiser Friedrich
Museum, Berlin,
COSIMO DI GIOVANNI DE' MEDICI
(1389-1464)
OF Giovanni di Bicci de' Medici's two sons, Cosimo was by far
the most remarkable. " The father," writes Gibbon, " of a line
of princes, whose name and age are almost synonymous with
the restoration of learning ; his credit was ennobled into fame ;
his riches were dedicated to the service of mankind ; he corre-
sponded at once with Cairo and London, and a cargo of Indian
spices and Greek books were often imported in the same vessel."
For even when most deeply engaged in political matters, Cosimo
always found time to attend to his business, and himself con-
ducted the correspondence with the heads of the banks which
were known throughout Europe and in Asia. All had orders
to buy ancient manuscripts and rare books. As a lad he served
in the Pisan war, and in 1414 was sent by his father in the
suite of Pope John XXIII. to represent the bank at the
Council of Constance. After the flight of the Pope, Cosimo
left Constance in disguise and returned to Florence, where he
was elected a Prior of the city in 1415, and again in 1417.
Cosimo was forty when his father died in 1429. Ammirato
describes him as of middle height, with an olive complexion,
and of imposing presence. Machiavelli says that he applied
himself so strenuously to increase the political power of his
house that " those who had rejoiced at Giovanni's death, now
regretted it, perceiving what manner of man Cosimo was. Of
consummate prudence, staid yet agreeable presence, Cosimo was
liberal and humane. He never worked against his party nor
against the State, was prompt in giving aid to all, and his
liberality gained him many partisans among the citizens. Chief
amongst those who helped to consolidate his power were Aver-
ardo de"* Medici and Puccio Pucci Averardo by his audacity,
Puccio by his prudence and sagacity, augmented his popularity
and greatness. The advice and the sane judgment of Puccio
7
LETTERS OF THE EARLY MEDICI
were so highly esteemed and so well known by all that Cosimo's
party was not called by his name but by that of Puccio." l
Much of Cosimo^s influence and popularity, no doubt, arose
from his generosity to men of letters. When Niccolo de"*
Niccoli, "censor of the Latin tongue," ruined himself by
buying books, Cosimo opened an unlimited credit for him
at his bank. After Niccoli's death he paid his debts on the
condition of being allowed to dispose of the collection of manu-
scripts, amounting to six hundred volumes. Four hundred he
gave to the library of S. Marco, the rest he kept or distributed
among friends. Cosimo also provided Tommaso Parentucelli,
Bishop of Bologna, with what money he needed ; a service
that was well repaid when the Bishop became Pope, and made
him his banker. Parentucelli catalogued de 1 Niccoli's library,
and noted for Cosimo the books that were necessary to com-
plete it. This catalogue Vespasiano declared to be indispens-
able to all collectors of books. When the Badia of Fiesole,
certainly designed, if not actually built by Brunelleschi at
Cosimo's expense, was finished, he summoned Vespasiano, who
has recorded their conversation : " One day, when I was in his
room, he said to me, 'What plan can you suggest for the
formation of this library ? ' I answered that to buy the books
would be impossible, since they could not be purchased. ' What,
then, do you propose ? ' he added. I told him they must be
copied. He then asked me if I would undertake the business,
and I replied that I was willing. He bade me begin at my
leisure, saying that he left all to me, and he ordered that for
the money needed day by day Don Arcangelo, at that time
Prior of the monastery, should draw cheques upon his bank
which would be honoured. After beginning the collection, since
it was his will that it should be finished with all speed possible,
and money was not lacking, I soon engaged forty -five copyists,
and in twenty-two months provided two hundred volumes,
following the admirable list furnished by Pope Nicholas V." 2
Cristofano Landino, Lionardo Aretino (Bruni), whose trans-
lations from the Greek were celebrated for their pure latinity,
while his speeches were compared to those of Pericles, and Carlo
Aretino (Marsuppini), were friends of Cosimo, and members of
1 Le Istorie Florentine, Niccol5 Machiavelli, p. 240. Firenze, 1900.
2 Vita di Cosimo, Vespasiano, p. 254. Symonds' translation, JKenaisaance
in Italy, ii. 127. London, 1897.
8
GOSIMO DI GIOVANNI DE' MEDICI
the Platonic Academy. They often met in the Badia, and Pico
della Mirandola, on whom, says Poliziano, "nature seems to
have showered all her gifts," passed some time there in study.
In the cell of Ambrogio Traversari in the convent degP Angeli
at Fiesole, Cosimo was wont to pass his spare hours in the
company of learned men. He was quick in recognising talent,
and possessed the gift said to belong to royalty of suiting his
conversation to his visitors. Vespasiano tells us that " when
giving audience to a scholar he discoursed concerning letters ;
in the company of theologians he showed his acquaintance with
theology, a branch of learning always studied by him with
delight. So also with regard to philosophy. Astrologers found
him well versed in their science, for he somewhat lent faith
to astrology, and employed it on certain private occasions.
Musicians in like manner perceived his mastery of music,
wherein he much delighted. The same was true about sculp-
ture and painting ; both of these arts he understood completely,
and showed great favour to all worthy craftsmen. In architec-
ture he was a consummate judge, for without his opinion and
advice no building was begun or carried to completion.*" l
While spending money in a princely manner on works of
art, public libraries and buildings, Cosimo lived as simply as
any other citizen. Though for twenty-five years he was prac-
tically the ruler of Florence, he remained the merchant, the
plain burgher, the agriculturist. His estates were in good
order ; he superintended the planting, and rose early to prune
his vines. Gambling he detested ; the only game he played,
and that but rarely, was chess. Habitually taciturn, parti-
cularly in his later years, yet he could give witty and even
sharp answers ; as when one of his adherents, a loquacious, not
very wise man, who, on being named Podesta of a foreign (i.e.
not a Tuscan) town, asked him for advice. " Dress suitably
and talk little," was the answer. To another he said there was
a weed that ought not to be watered but allowed to wither,
and that weed was envy.
In Cosimo's letters one sees how well his father's last words,
" Be careful not to attract public attention," were obeyed by
him. The pity is that even those who pass their lives poring
over manuscripts in the Florentine archives find the greatest
difficulty in deciphering his handwriting, and there are allusions
1 Ibid., ii. 228.
9
LETTERS OF THE EARLY MEDICI
to passing events or to people which are impossible to under-
stand, as he uses the gergo, or slang, of his day, or nicknames,
the meaning of which are lost to us. The date of his marriage
with Contessina, daughter of Giovanni de 1 Bardi, Count of
Vernio, is not recorded, but her eldest son, Piero, was born
in 1416. The little we know of her, chiefly from her letters,
depict her as a good, rather parsimonious housewife and a tender
mother. In 1427 Cosimo was at Ferrara, and she writes :
CONTESSINA DE' MEDICI to her husband COSIMO
DE' MEDICI in Ferrara
This evening I have a letter from thee and have under-
stood how much we are to pay for the barrels at Careggi ; as
soon as they arrive I will do as thou sayest. I have a letter
from Antonio Martelli saying that he is sending nine bales
of our linen cloth, which were at home, by now I think they
must have arrived, give orders that they be put in a dry place
so that the linen be not spoiled. At Careggi every one is well
as usual and I am also well, may it please God that it be so in
the future ; one of our labourers it is true, who lives where the
young partridges were, rather frightened us, but he is well
again. I wrote to thee by Giovannino, so be not chary with
ink and paper, so be it is not wearisome to thee. Ginevra and
Pier Francesco l are in the Val d'Arno and Amerigo Cavalcanti
is with them. They are all well as Giovannino will have told
thee. Lorenzo 2 and I are here, both well. Shouldst thou
want anything let me know. Above all be careful of thy
health and keep a good watch on thyself. No more at
present. May Christ preserve thee. In Florence, March 4,
1427 (1428).
La Contessina who commends herself to thee.
Matteo gave me the little keys, if thou hast need of them
1 Ginevra Cavalcanti, wife of Lorenzo de' Medici, Cosimo's brother, and
her son, Pier Francesco.
2 Lorenzo de' Medici, Cosimo's brother.
10
Non 6 tue lettere poi ti scrissi per una vostra de di 29 currente viddi
e dubj v' erano in animo veduto le diferenze sono nella domanda et
chome dite e da dubitare non tanto per le diferenze quanto perche si
vede el ducha non viene schietto su qiiesti ragionamenti, pure vorrei voi
vi fossi ingiegnati sendire che diferenza e questa et maxime de fatti di
Berghamo e che inporta et chosi quelle di Valchamonicha la quale a me
pare picchola se altro non v j e aschosto et poi le chose sono ridotte qui
non si vorebe per si picchola chosa tanto bene restasse et pero credo
v' ingiegnerete a rottura non si vengha et chosi si vuole fare et vedere
se di queste diferenze si potesse fare remissione nel chardinale chome de
T altre sarebe tanto magiore lo schorno se a rottura si venisse quanto
per ognuno si tiene a certo pace deba seghuire f u qui jeri Franceschino
da Macerata et secondo da lui ritrassi non pareva avesse nuova se di
questo f atto si f acesse questo dicho per tuo aviso che mi fa assai dubitare
benche jo creda pure che chosti di co a dire chon el chardinale per suo
interesso dovria fame ogni chosa posibile X de fatti delli grani chome
per altra ti dissi non te ne gravare troppo in confortare perche 11' aresti
graveza et per ire chosi ci e chommodo Ser p. el chompare che altra
volta non se ne faceva menzione e ora sta chosi forte et acordasi il
chonpare e'lla chomare nonn e per6 che per questo si volgla laschare
nulla adrieto ne qui anche si lascerebe ma stimasi sendo d'achordo
de 1' altre chose per questa sola non vorebe rimanesse et forse questo
medesimo stima el chonpagno ora Idio ne lasci seghuire el meglio de fati
de' Bordoni che si mandi fiorini 24 per lane a le gienti di Lomb e chosi
di nuovo mandi a quelli di Riviera e rimettonsi in punto tutti e chosi
subito passato pasqua si mandera i resto in modo potranno scrivere
e simile al marchese credo se si fosse fatto gia e un mese sariano in
migliore disposizione le chose non sono.
Di verso Gieriova ci e la cho [sa] prospere sechondo usanza pure invero
credo abino assai travaglo anno di nuovo perso uno chastello tra Gienova
et Saona et chosi tutta quella riviera di ponente e in arme et non v' e
dubio se si facesse quello si potrebe quella terra se li leverebe ma meglo
sarebe a non ne avere a fare prouva.
Ne piu per fretta X" ti ghuardi in Firenze a di primo d'Aprile 1428.
CHOHIMO.'
1 Letter is addressed on the outside of the sheet :
[spectab] ili viro Averardo de
[Medic] is Oratori florentinorum
[Ferrari] e fratri honorando.
(Archivio Mediceo innanzi il Principato., Filza 2, No. 306.)
*y A- (L p^w^/u- C p^&-. i^u <. A e^,**.>^- *n~*- i~f " ,
vU^" rrf c ^~~ J"~^>*- ^
f^^.^ ^rr*^ 'V/ ^ ^ .>" ^'| >ft
COSIMO DI GIOVANNI DE' MEDICI
tell me. Thy mother who put that Santelena l into the bag with
the others thou hadst from here is much surprised that thou hast
not found it, she remembers to a certainty putting it into the
bag the first thing after thy departure. She wrote to-day and
answered about this. Those who were in debt for their rents
have paid to Piero d'Orlando according to Lorenzo's orders. 2
The following letter was written during the negotiations
for peace with Visconti, Duke of Milan. Florence and Genoa
had fared badly in the war. The former had been defeated
over and over again, and the whole of the Western Riviera
had been overrun by the Milanese troops. The interference
of Venice had changed the state of affairs, and the Duke of
Milan was desirous for peace. Averardo de' Medici with
Palla Strozzi were the ambassadors of Florence, and Cosimo
discusses the difficulties attending the negotiation. The
Florentines thought that Venice was too grasping, as she de-
manded Bergamo as well as Brescia ; but the real crux of
the problem was that the Duke of Milan held tenaciously
to his conquests in the Riviera. Peace was finally con-
cluded on April 28, 1428. The Cardinal di Santa Croce had
been appointed by the Pope as arbiter between the parties.
Part of the letter refers to Florentine internal politics, to
which now we have no clue ; we also see how these great
Florentines mingled their private mercantile affairs with grave
political matters.
COSIMO DE' MEDICI to AVERARDO DE' MEDICI,
Ambassador to Fen^ara
I have not had any letter from you since I wrote. By yours
of the 29th I saw the doubt in your mind seeing the differ-
ence in the demand, and as you say there is reason for sus-
picion, not so much on account of the differences as because
it is evident the Duke [of Milan] is not straightforward
in this matter, so I wish you to try and discover what the
1 Crusaders returning to Italy brought with them medals with the effigy of
S. Helen. These were called Santelena, and gradually the name was given
to other medals, 2 Arch. Med. ante Prin., Filza xi. No. 233.
11
LETTERS OF THE EARLY MEDICI
difference is, especially about these affairs at Bergamo and
what they mean, and also those of Valcamonica, which seem to
me of small account unless there is something concealed. As
matters stand here, one would not desire to move for so small
a thing, and so I trust you will do your utmost to prevent a
rupture ; we shall do the like, and see whether it is not possible
to refer these differences to the Cardinal [di Santa Croce] like
the others. The shame would be great to fall out just when
every one expects peace to be made. Franceschino of Macerata
was here yesterday, and from what I could gather had not heard
what was to be done in this affair ; this I tell you for your
guidance, as it seems to me very suspicious, although I think
the Cardinal for his own interest will do all that is possible.
About the wheat business, as I said in my last, do not over-
burden yourself, else you will have trouble ; as it is, it has been
a convenience. Ser P., the godfather, 1 of whom there was no
mention last time, is now in a strong position, and godfather
and godmother are united. This is, however, no reason for
neglecting to take precautions, and we shall take them ; but
as we are agreed about other matters, we do not wish to draw
back on this point alone, and perhaps our companion thinks
the same. Now let God lead us on the right path. As to the
affairs of Bordoni, let 24 florins be sent for the wool to the
people of Lombardy, and send again to those of the Riviera,
thus setting all in order ; and directly after Easter the rest
shall be sent, so that the same can be written to the Marquess.
I think if this had been done a month ago, things would be
in a better condition than they are now.
Towards Genoa things go on as usual, although I think
they are hard pressed ; they have again lost a castle between
Genoa and Savona, so that all the western Riviera is under
arms, and there is no doubt that were we to do what we could
do the province would rebel, but it is better not to put it to
1 It is impossible even to guess at who "Ser P., the godfather," or "the
godmother " are. As has been already mentioned, Cosimo often alludes to
people by nicknames or initials.
COSIMO DI GIOVANNI DE' MEDICI
the proof. I write no more, as I am pressed for time. Christ
guard you. In Florence on the 1st day of April 1428.
COSIMO. 1
The letters written by Cosimo de 1 Medici to his cousin
Averardo de 1 Medici, in October and November of 1430 and
February of 1431, relate to the costly and disastrous war
waged against Lucca, and require a few explanatory sentences.
The war was proposed to the Commune of Florence by the
impetuous young leader of the aristocratic party in the city,
and Cosimo, who after the death of his father Giovanni was the
recognised head of the democracy, supported the proposals of
his opponent and rival, Rinaldo degP Albizzi. The war was
popular. The Florentines believed that they had secured the
acquiescence of the Duke of Milan and of the Pope. All
things seemed to favour them (letter of February). The plan
of the Florentine generals in the field was to starve Lucca into
surrender by seizing on the districts of Camaiore and Pietra-
santa, whence the Lucchesi drew their supplies. The " Ten of
the Balia" or Florentine war committee countermanded this
prudent plan of campaign and their troops could effect nothing
against Lucca. The Lucchesi were hard pressed, however, and
appealed to the Duke of Milan. He permitted Francesco
Sforza to take service under Lucca, and that great general soon
reduced the Florentines to extremities. In their need they
resolved to bribe Sforza, and on receiving 50,000 florins he
abandoned the Lucchesi. The "tyrant 11 of Lucca, Paolo
Guinigi, was overthrown ; the city became a Republic, and
sued for peace. But Florence resolved to prosecute the war,
and engaged Count Guido Antonio di Montefeltro, Lord of
Urbino, as their general. Thereupon the Lucchesi again
appealed to the Duke of Milan, who permitted Niccolo Pic-
cinino and his troops to take service under Lucca. The con-
tinual interference of the " Ten " with their generals in the
field resulted in one defeat after another. In these circum-
stances Cosimo wrote his October letter. He recognises that
the conduct of the war by Florence had been disastrous ; sees,
when too late (for the Milanese troops prevented it), that Lucca
ought to have been starved into surrender ; and declares that
1 Arch. Med. ante Prin., Filza ii. No. 302.
13
LETTERS OF THE EARLY MEDICI
the only way out of their difficulties is for Florence to induce
Venice to attack Milan from the north. As the " Ten " from
their gross mismanagement of the war had occurred great
opprobrium in the city, and as there was little prospect of
matters improving without aid from Venice, the astute Cosimo
advises that none of his prominent friends shall stand as candi-
date for election to the Bali a. The letter of December relates
to a proposed embassy to Venice to urge the great Republic to
/ O O
attack Milan.
The war went on for three years longer, and though we
have no more comments of Cosimo on the matter its course
may be indicated. Venice did at length yield to the prayers of
the Tuscan Republic, and this brought her rival Genoa into
the fray. At last all parties were weary of the strife and
desired peace. The Marquesses Ettore of Este and Lodovico
of Saluzzo were named arbiters. The Cardinal di Santa Croce
again worked for harmony. A general peace was concluded on
April 26, 1433, and its publication in Florence on May 10th
was celebrated with all manner of popular rejoicings.
In the midst of these wars and intrigues it is pleasant to
see the good Contessina careful only that her boys should
be brought up in the old Florentine fashion and that her
husband should be properly clad.
Cosimo evidently continued to " be chary with ink and
paper," at all events to his wife ; as when he was again absent
at Ferrara with their two sons, Contessina corresponded with
Giovanni, the youngest, who was barely fourteen.
CONTESSINA DE' MEDICI to her son GIOVANNI
at Ferrara
I wrote to thee a few days ago, so have but little to say.
By a letter from Ser Alexo I gather you are all well, God be
thanked. We are the same, thanks be to God. I hear that
thou desirest to come home and dost not like the place. Thou
shouldest be glad to be there, if only to be in the bank and to
learn something. Besides it is not healthy here. Therefore,
my son, I beg thee not to think of returning until the plague
has ceased, and say the same to Piero. Let me know what
14
COSIMO DI GIOVANNI DE' MEDICI
clothes he has had made as I do not know what he wore when
he left, and he has not asked me to send his coat lined with
cloth. It has been very hot here for several days, and I
suppose will have been the same there ; so be careful and keep
cool. I do not know why Cosimo has not told me to send his
summer clothes, but I think he intends to return any day.
Do thy best to please him in all things, and see that he wants
for nothing ; though they tell me he is quite fat, which is all
that is needful. Commend me to madonna Dina and salute
monna Ginevra and thank them from me ; Ser Alano tells me
they treat you both as though you were their brothers. I
should also like much to know whether thou art working in the
bank, thou or Piero, and whether Cosimo makes use of Piero.
Mind and write this to me. I add no more. Christ guard
thee. At Castelluccio, 6th June 1430. THY CONTESSINA.*
In the autumn of the same year Cosimo again left Florence,
partly on account of the plague, but probably also on account
of the bitter party strife in the city. He writes to his cousin
from Verona and then from Ostiglia, where he heard the news
of the defeat of the Florentine troops near Lucca.
COSIMO DE' MEDICI to AVERARDO DE' MEDICI at Pisa
During the last few days I have written thee several
letters; this morning I received thine of the 18th and with it
some letters received by thee from Florence ; I have under-
stood, &c. &c., and reply herewith.
I see thou hast been at Florence and understand thou
hast to go there again ; the death of Francesco di Tomaso is
a great loss, but if the plague increases I advise thee not to
think of business but of saving thy life.
The affairs of Lucca do not appear to turn out as we
expected, which displeases me ; and the money spent on Count
Francesco [Sforza] was thrown away. Every one laughs at us
1 Arch. Mcd. ante Prin., Filza v. Avanzi, No. 9.
15
LETTERS OF THE EARLY MEDICI
because he could not remain on account of the plague, and
only consumed the provisions of the people. It is clear that
all that happened and is happening at Lucca has been done
with the knowledge and by the orders of the Duke [of Milan],
particularly as the principal fortresses are in his hands ; it
appears to me therefore that there is no hope of getting them
by treaty or by any way save famine, and I suspect the Duke
has known how to grasp fortune, and his troops being near,
has provisioned Pietrasanta. The war will thus last longer
than we wished, and all because we would not when we could.
May God forgive those who are the cause. If some of the
present Signori had not enough sense to be of the Ten of
the Balia, instead of ten they should be made nine ... as I
already told thee. It does not seem to me advisable to be
one of the Ten of the Balia this time, partly to let others have
their turn, partly because, on account of party divisions, I do
not think the affairs of our city can prosper ; things will go as
they did before or even worse on account of events in Lombardy,
for if the enemy is not attacked from there, it is useless to
expect help from here. I am therefore writing to the Gon-
falonier and to Antonio di Ser Tomaso to beg that neither
Lorenzo l nor I should be nominated, and I advise thee to do
the same. There are Messer Niccolo Valori and Luca di Messer
Maso who would do well and be pleased.
In my last I told thee that Lorenzo and the children were
going to Venice, as there are some cases of plague here ;
now they are gone. If it continues I suppose we must also
leave. . . . No more at present. Christ guard thee. Verona,
21st October 1430.
COSIMO DE' MEDICI to AVERABDO DE' MEDICI
I arrived here late this evening and found thy letter of
the 4th telling me about the affairs of Lucca ; right glad was I
1 Cosimo's brother. 2 Arch. Med. ante Prin., Filza ii. No. 588-89.
16
COSIMO DI GIOVANNI DE' MEDICI
to get it, as yesterday on the road to Venice I heard far worse
news. God be thanked. We certainly seem to have shown
but little prudence ; we will talk of this when we meet. Our
people ought to hear what is said of us and how little we are
esteemed ; if we go on thus we shall be treated like Jews. I
just hear that I have been elected ambassador together with
Francesco Tornabuoni, and have understood about future
movements. I was on the point of coming back on account of
our own affairs and also about this nomination, of which I have
only now been told, for it will be most inconvenient if I have
to go, on account of our private affairs and also because I
am not properly prepared, being away from home. I have
therefore determined to come back at once and try to be
exonerated. I think our friends will be willing to serve us if
thou bestirrest thyself. Thou writest as though my going was
certain, so perhaps I shall receive orders and have to start
without returning home, which would be most awkward. If it
be so tell Bernardo de" Medici to send me those suits which are
at home, for as thou knowest we are in mourning and I have
no clothes with me ; also I shall have to provide myself with
attendants and horses, I have but seven, and must have twelve
at least. I write this, not because I have made up my mind to
go, for this journey would be most irksome, but because if it
is absolutely necessary I must go in a manner befitting the
honour of the Commune. ... No more. Christ guard thee.
In Ostilia [near Rimini] on the 10th day of December 1430.
P.S. I intend taking the road by Ravenna and Faenza.
Cosimo did not go, and Francesco Tornabuoni was sent
alone to Venice.
1 Arch. Med. ante Prin., Filza ii. No. 612.
17
LETTERS OF THE EARLY MEDICI
COSIMO DE' MEDICI at Florence to AVERARDO
DE' MEDICI at Pisa
I wrote to thee the other day by Pietro Chaetano, and
have had no letter from thee since. This will be given to thee
by Battista of Verrazano, who was it seems once employed in
thy office, and is, I am told, a worthy man : he asks me to
recommend him to thee, and I do so.
About the affairs of Lucca I say nothing, because where
thou art thou wilt hear them sooner than I. There are those
who, hoping to see injury and infamy inflicted on others, would
inflict injury and infamy on the Commune, and try with all
their might to bring this about ; which shows an evil nature.
Nevertheless I think this enterprise is generally popular, and
seeing things have gone so far as to implicate the honour of
the Commune, every one ought to favour it as much as possible ;
and this I am doing here, and advise thee, although I know
there is no need, to act likewise.
Letters have come from the Duke displaying great affec-
tion for this Commune and promising every help in this affair.
There are also letters from our ambassador at Rome, saying
that the Pope and all the Cardinals are of the same mind, so it
appears to me that they are abandoned by all, and if they are
wise will submit.
From Lorenzo l I have a letter of the 30th, and by what
he says he must now have left Venice for Milan together with
Messer Andrea Contarini. They have hopes of doing good
business during this year, particularly as I understand the
Duke is in need. Thou shalt hear as soon as I know anything.
I hear thou hast had a few cases of plague, which grieves
me : here also in the last two or three days there have been
some cases, which makes one fear it may increase. The loss
and damage to the city will be great. I have been thinking
1 Cosimo de' Medici's younger brother.
18
COSIMO DI GIOVANNI DE' MEDICI
where to go, and as far as I can learn there are three places,
either Arezzo in thy house near Anghiari, Bologna or Modena,
or some distance into the Venetian territory, where it appeals
to be perfectly healthy. It does not seem to me wise to come
there [Pisa] or to go near Siena or Perugia, for they are all
suspect, as is the Romagna and the Malatesta district, where
also they are preparing for war. As I said it is a serious
matter, and I should like to have thy advice. No more at
present. Christ guard thee. February 1430 (1431). l
In April 1433 the war with Lucca came to an end, leaving
things very much as they were before, and the bitter hatred
between Cosimo de 1 Medici and Rinaldo degP Albizzi grew in
intensity. The nobles accused Cosimo of using his riches to
buy popularity, and he withdrew almost entirely from public
life and retired to Cafaggiuolo, his fortress-villa in the Mugello.
What followed is best told in his own words, translated from
his diary.
On the election of the new Signory (September 1433) it
was rumoured that during their rule great changes were to be
made. News was sent to me in the Mugello, where I had
been for some months in order to escape from the contests and
divisions in the city, that my presence was necessary. So on
the 4th of September I returned, and on the same day visited
the Gonfalonier and the others, as well as Giovanni dello Scelto
who I thought was my friend, and who was under obligations
to me, as were also the others. When I told them what I had
heard, they denied it, and told me to be of good cheer, as they
hoped to leave the city in the same condition as they found it
when their time was up. On the 5th they called a council of
eight citizens, saying they desired their advice on certain
matters. They were Messer Giovanni Guicciardini, Bar-
tolommeo Ridolfi, Ridolfo Peruzzi, Tommaso di Lapo Corsi,
Messer Agnolo Acciaioli, Giovanni di Messer Rinaldo Gian-
1 Magni Cotmi Mcdicei Vita, Angelo Fabronio, ii. 28.
19
LETTERS OF THE EARLY MEDICI
figliazzi, Messer Rinaldo degl 1 Albizzi, and myself, Cosimo. So
although, as has been said, it was reported that a revolution
was imminent, yet, having their assurances and believing them
to be my friends, I did not credit it. On the morning of the
7th, under colour of the said council, they sent for me ; and
when I arrived at the Palace I found most of my companions
and we talked together. After some time I was told by order
of the Signory to go upstairs, and by the captain of the infantry
I was put into a room called the Barbaria, 1 and locked in. On
hearing this the whole city rose. During the day a council was
held by the citizens who had been summoned, and the Gon-
falonier told them I had been detained for a good reason, which
would be explained another time, and that the Signory desired
no advice on this point, and so dismissed them. And the Signori
banished me to Padua for a year. This decision was at once
made known to my brother Lorenzo, who was in the Mugello,
and to Averardo, my cousin, who was at Pisa. The news was
also sent to Niccolo da Tolentino, captain of the Commune,
who was my good friend. Lorenzo came to Florence that
same day, and the Signori sent for him, but he being warned
why they wanted him, left at once, and returned to Trebbio. 2
Averardo also left Pisa in haste, as they had given orders to
seize him. Had they taken us all three, we should have been in
evil plight. Niccolo da Tolentino, on hearing the news, came to
Lastra with his company, intending to raise the city, so that I
might be released. At the same time, when it was known
in the mountains of the Romagna and in other places, great
numbers of foot-soldiers went to Lorenzo. But the captain
and Lorenzo were advised not to make a disturbance, or evil
might befall me, so they desisted. Although this advice was
given by relations and friends, and in all sincerity, yet it was
not good, for had they advanced at once I should have been free,
1 Or Alberghettino, a small cell about eight feet by six, in the tower of
the Palazzo Vecchio.
2 A castle near Cafaggiuolo.
20
COSIMO DI GIOVANNI DE' MEDICI
and he who was the cause of all would have been undone. We
may, however, say that all was for the best, as in the end good
came of it, and more honour to me, as I shall relate hereafter.
My friends being averse, as I have said, to create any disturb-
ance, the captain returned to his quarters, pretending that he
had come for another reason, and Lorenzo went to Venice with
my sons, taking with him all he could of money and small valu-
ables. And the Signori banished Lorenzo to Venice for a year,
myself to Padua for five years, and Averardo to Naples for five
years. Then on the 9th the bell was rung for a parliament,
and those who had been the cause of all assembled on the
Piazza with much infantry. Twenty-three citizens were also
summoned, verily a small number, and but few of the people
were present, because in truth the mass of the citizens were
ill-pleased.
THE ORATION OF COSIMO DE' MEDICI TO THE SIGNORY
^vhen sentence of exile ivas pronounced against him. 1
If I thought that this my misfortune and terrible ruin
might serve to bring peace to this blessed people, not only would
exile be acceptable, but I should even welcome death, if I were
sure that my descendants, O Signori, might pride themselves
on my having been the cause of the wished-for union of your
Republic. As you have decided that I am to go to Padua, I
declare that I am content to go, and to stay wherever you com-
mand, not only in the Trevisian State, but should you send me
to live amongst the Arabs, or any other people alien to our
customs, I would go most willingly; and if your Lordships
command me to discover the origin of the ill, as a beloved son
is bound to obey his father's wishes and a good servant the
orders of his master, so would I obey you for the peace of your
people. One thing I beg of you, O Signori, that seeing you
1 Cosimo's oration is not in his diary, but is given by Fabroni, Maqni
Cosmi Medicci Vita, Angelo Fabronio. Pisis, 1784, ii. 75.
LETTERS OF THE EARLY MEDICI
intend to preserve my life, you take care that it should not be
taken by wicked citizens, and thus you be put to shame. I do
not so much fear the pain of death as the abominable infamy
of undeserved assassination, for a violent death is the manifest
sign and outcome of a bad life, and I have not led the life of a
villain, but of an honest and good merchant. Even if I have
not been faultless, I have always tried to merit the love of good
men, because my actions were good. As, however, disaster
comes to me by your orders, I accept it as a boon, and as a
benefit to me and to my belongings. Have a care, O Signori,
that those should not have their way who are in the Piazza
with arms in their hands and anxiously desire my blood, with-
out regard for my innocence. My pain would be small, because
such a death being over in a short time cannot be very painful
or hard to bear ; nothing is so brief as death. But you would
earn perpetual infamy by having made me a promise which was
broken by villainous citizens : infamy is worse than an innocent
death. If I go to the Trevisian State, I leave my heart and my
soul with you, and shall only be happy when I can do some-
thing for the good of your people, as I pray you and every good
citizen to do. Every trouble will be easy to bear as long as I
know that my adversity will bring peace and happiness to the
city. I know, and this is no small comfort to me, that I never
permitted wrong to be done to any one. I never frequented
the Palace l save when I was summoned ; I never roused hatred
of the Republic amongst your subalterns, because I never ill-
treated them ; I always declined to be nominated an official,
which is often prejudicial to the body and hurtful to the soul ;
with no small pride I affirm that none can say my ill-behaviour
ever caused a city to rebel or to be taken from you ; on the
contrary, our money bought several : ask your soldiers how
many times they were paid by me for the Commune with my
1 To frequent the Palace of the Signoria was esteemed in Florence the sign
of an intriguing politician. Giovanni had advised his sons " to be chary of
frequenting the Palace " (see p. 6).
GOSIMO DI GIOVANNI DE' MEDICI
own money, to be returned to me when convenient to the
Commune. Never have I been found wanting when the Com-
mune could be enlarged, and although I am exiled, I shall ever
be ready at the call of this people. In conclusion, O Signori,
I pray God to keep you in his grace and in happiness in
this fortunate Republic, and to give me patience to bear my
unhappy life.
Balia was given by the parliament to certain citizens
and I was banished to Padua for ten years, Lorenzo to Venice
for five, Averardo to Naples for ten, Orlando de 1 Medici to
Ancona for ten years, and Giovanni di Andrea di Messer
Alamanno and Bernardo d'Alamanno de' Medici to Rimini.
My branch of the family were created Grandi (i.e. incapable
of holding any magisterial office), with the exception of the
sons of Messer Vieri, and the sons of Antonio di Giovenco de"*
Medici, because Bernardetto was much beloved by the Captain
of War, and in deference to the Captain, Averardo and his
brothers were passed over. We were more rigorously dealt
with, particularly in that I was forbidden to sell any posses-
sions or to touch my money in the Monte, and I was kept
in the Palace until the 3rd day of October.
When this was known in Venice three ambassadors were
sent here, who left no means untried to procure my libera-
tion, offering to keep me in Venice, and promising that I
would do nothing against the Signory, and would obey all orders.
Though they could not obtain my freedom yet their advent
was most useful, for there were those who desired my death,
and they secured a promise that no harm should be done to my
person. In like manner the Marquess of Ferrara sent orders
to the Captain of the Balia, who was Messer Lodovico del
Ronco of Modena, a subject of his, that if I were put in his
hands he was to treat me as though I were Messer Lionardo
his son, and that if he fled with me he was to fear nothing.
They kept me, as has been said, until the 3rd of
LETTERS OF THE EARLY MEDICI
October for two reasons ; first, to obtain permission from the
Balia to rule the city according to their pleasure, threatening
to kill me if it was not given ; thus those of my friends and
relations who were in the Balia were fain to agree to all they
wished. Secondly, they thought to ruin us by preventing me
from making use of what was mine. But in this they failed,
for we lost no credit, and many foreign merchants and gentle-
men offered to us, and even sent to Venice, large sums of
money. Finding at length that their plan of making us
bankrupt did not succeed, Bernardo Guadagni (the Gonfa-
lonier), being offered money by two persons, 500 florins by
the Captain of War, and 500 by the treasurer of S. Maria
Nuova, which were paid him in cash, and Mariotto Baldui-
netto being offered 800 florins by Baccio d" Antonio di Baccio,
they took me out of the Palace and accompanied me beyond
the Porta S. Gallo. They had small intelligence, for they
might have had ten thousand or more for allowing me to
escape from peril.
On the 4th October I arrived at Cutigliano in the
mountains of Pistoja, being accompanied by two of the
Eight of the guard. The mountaineers presented to me wax
and grain as though I had been an ambassador. On the
5th I left and arrived at Fassano in the territory of the
Marquess of Ferrara, accompanied by more than twenty of
the mountaineers. On the 6th I reached Modena, and the
governor met me on behalf of his lord, presented gifts, and
next morning went with me as companion and guide. On
the 7th I was at Bondeno and next day went by water to
Francolino, where I waited two days for Antonio Uguccione
de 1 Contrari, who made me many offers of service from the
Marquess. On the llth I arrived at Venice, being met by
many gentlemen, our friends, together with Lorenzo. I was
received like an ambassador, not like an exile. Next morning
I visited the Signori to thank them for all they had done for
my welfare, saying that I owed my life to them. I was
24
COSIMO DI GIOVANNI DE' MEDICI
received with more honour and affection than I can describe ;
they pitied my sufferings and offered the Signoria, the city,
and their treasure for my needs, and a house. Many gentle-
men visited me and brought me gifts. On the 13th I left
for Padua according to command, and Messer Jacopo Donato
went with me and lodged me in his fine house, furnished with
linen, beds, and eatables fit for the greatest personage, and
he remained with me until I returned to Venice about the
20th. At Padua, by order of the Signoria of Venice, they
offered to place at my disposal anything I wanted. I have
recorded these honours that were paid to me in order not to
seem ungrateful by not mentioning them, and also because it
is incredible that, banished from home, I should yet be treated
with so much honour ; for generally one loses one's friends
with one's fortune. Lorenzo was informed with what honour
I had been treated by some merchants, and also by a servant
of the Signoria who came to Padua with me, and who had
been ordered not to speak about it.
Bartolommeo de 1 Ridolfi being Gonfalonier of Justice,
I asked leave of the Signori to be allowed to live at Padua,
Venice, or elsewhere, in the Venetian territory, and the per-
mission was given, but with orders not to approach within
140 miles of Florence. This was done to please the Signoria
of Venice who, through their ambassador, Messer Andrea
Donato, asked it. It is true that severe penalties were
attached to the grace, as can be seen in the document.
After giving the names of the new Gonfalonier and Priors
(who were elected every two months), Cosimo continues :
The people and all good citizens being discontented,
Antonio di Ser Tommaso Nasi came to me at Venice and
begged me to draw nigh to Florence, offering to escort us
home in case we were attacked. Also many of our relations
and friends wrote to us. We thought it better to first
ascertain the intentions of the Signori, and replied we would
25
LETTERS OF THE EARLY MEDICI
do nothing against their wishes. For this we sent Antonio
Martelli from Venice to learn what they wished. From him
we got the good news that we were to come. On receiving
the letter Lorenzo and I, Cosimo, left on the 29th of Septem-
ber ; Averardo, being ill of fever, remained in Venice. On the
30th we reached Ponte a Lago and lodged in the house of
the Magnificent Uguccione who, together with the Marquess,
had collected at our request a large body of foot-soldiers in
the mountains of Modena and Frigano, together with 200
horsemen he had in his pay, to accompany us as had been
previously arranged. On the 1st October, while we were
at mass, a courier arrived from Antonio Salutati with letters
stating that the intentions of the Signori having become known
in the city, and our arrival being expected, our enemies, that is
to say Messer Rinaldo degP Albizzi, Ridolfo Peruzzi, and others
had taken up arms on the 26th to the number of 600. But
their heart failed them towards evening, and being persuaded
by Messer Giovanni Vitelleschi, then Bishop of Recanati,
and afterwards Archbishop of Florence and a Cardinal, who was
my good friend, they went to S. Maria Novella, where dwelt
the Pope. 1 Hearing that our friends were well provided with
arms and with men, and being in fear for their lives, Messer
Rinaldo, Ormanno his son, and Ridolfo Peruzzi remained
there that night, and their companions dispersed and put
away their arms. The Signori summoned a large force of
infantry to come into the city, while from the Mugello, the
Alps, and Romagna more than 3000 men came to our house.
Niccolo da Tolentino was called with his company, and on the
29th, the day of S. Michael, a parliament was held on the
Piazza, at which the people assisted fully armed. Their num-
ber was great, and good order was kept. Balia was given
to ... citizens and they annulled all that had been ordained
the year before. First they decided that Cosimo and Lorenzo
should be reinstated in their former positions there were
1 Eugenius IV. was a fugitive in Florence.
GOSIMO DI GIOVANNI DE' MEDICI
not four contrary votes so we were pressed to come home
with all speed. Having read the letter, we at once sent it
to Venice, where it caused much rejoicing, and we then went
to visit the Marquess, who showed even more pleasure than
ourselves. After thanking him for all the favours he had
shown us we left Ferrara on the 2nd and got to Modena next
day. The Governor and the Podesta came out to meet us
with many citizens, and we were received most honourably
in the Marquess's house. All our journey was at his expense,
and everywhere we found men-at-arms who had been ordered
to accompany us ; but there being no need for them we dis-
missed them. On the 5th we reached Cutigliano and then
Pistoja ; and exactly at the expiration of a year, on the very
same day, i.e. the 5th October, we again set foot in the
Commune at exactly the same place. I record this because
when we were banished some well-affected and kindly persons
told us that before the year was out we should be recalled, and
once more find ourselves in Florence. Many citizens came
out to meet us on the road, and at Pistoja the whole popula-
tion was at the gate to see us pass fully armed, for we would
not enter the town. On the 6th we arrived at our own house,
Careggi, to dinner, and found much people. The Signori sent
to tell us not to enter the city until they told us, and this we
did. At sunset they sent to bid us come and we set forth with a
great following. But as the road we were expected to take was
crowded with men and women, Lorenzo and I with one servant
and a mace-bearer of the Commune rode round the walls.
Going behind the Servi, and then behind S. Reparata and the
Palazzo del Podesta, we entered the Palazzo de' Signori with-
out being seen, as every one was in Via Larga, waiting for us
near our house. The reason why the Signori did not wish
us to enter by daylight was lest we should be the cause of
an uproar in the city. By the Signori we were received most
graciously. We thanked them with fitting words, and they
insisted on our remaining in the Palace with them and some
27
LETTERS OF THE EARLY MEDICI
other citizens. We did so. We found that before we arrived
Messer Rinaldo and Ormanno his son, Ridolfo Peruzzi, and
many other citizens had been banished. The city was quiet,
though the people were always in the Piazza, and in the
Palace were many armed men for security.
Cosimo gives the names of the Signory for November and
December and continues :
They banished many citizens and set down (i.e. made
Grandi or nobles) many disloyal families and did many things
favourable to the city. During their rule the Balia given to
various citizens expired, the Squittini, or Scrutinies, came to an
end, and the borse, or ballot-bags, remained for five years in
the hands of the Accopiatori, that is to say, the borse of the
Priors, so that they could make whomsoever they would Priors
and Gonfaloniers of Justice. In January my name was the
first to be drawn from the borse as Gonfalonier, and in my
time no one was banished nor was ill done to any one. I
caused the sentence of death passed upon Francesco Guadagni,
and upon some others whom I found in the hands of the
Captain of the Balia, to be commuted to perpetual imprison-
ment. Also I ordered the armed men who stood at the door
of the Palace to be removed and the Palace and the Piazza to
be kept as they were before the revolution, and I prolonged
the league with the Signory of Venice for ten years.
" Seldom has a citizen returning triumphant from a victory,"
writes Machiavelli, "been received by such a concourse of
people and with such demonstrations of affection as was Cosimo
on his return from exile, saluted by all as the benefactor of the
people and the father of his country." 1
It was probably while at Venice that Cosimo bought the
slave girl by whom he had a son, Carlo, who was brought up
for the Church and recognised as belonging to the family. He
inherited his father's tastes, and was employed by him and by
1 Lt Istorie Florentine, Niccol6 Machiavelli, p. 220. Firenze, 1900.
28
COSIMO DI GIOVANNI DE' MEDICI
Piero to buy books, manuscripts, statues, &c., in Rome. He
became a Canon of the cathedral in Florence and Arciprete at
Prato, where he died. The number of female slaves imported
into Florence in the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries was a
most disturbing element in family life and the cause of much
jealousy, as can be gathered from the novelists of the time.
Nearly all came from Caffa (Theodosiain the Crimea) and from the
mouth of the Tana. Caffa must have been practically a Genoese
settlement, as the Genoese consul levied a tax on every slave
that passed through the town, and they were many. Hundreds
of Circassian, Tartar, Armenian, Georgian, Arab, Turkish,
Russian, and Greek girls were shipped, chiefly to Genoa and to
Venice, where the trade had existed since the eighth century.
In Florence the duty paid on every slave that entered the city
must have brought in a considerable sum to the Commune,
as owners were obliged to register every newly-acquired slave
within two months and to have him or her baptized, if the rite
had not been already performed. One would have thought
that good Catholics might have had some qualms of conscience
about keeping a Christian as a slave, but Sacchetti writes :
" May a slave being born a pagan who becomes a Christian
be sold ? I say yes. None may be free who do not believe
that Christ will come again. Even though I buy a slave who
is then baptized, he or she is baptized as a servant and a subject
and is like unto one in prison, who cannot give a bond or go
bail, and most of them go to baptism like oxen. Baptism
does not make them Christians, and no one is obliged to set
them free even if they be Christians unless they wish. I do
not say that if you perceive them to be good, and that they
desire to be good Christians, you should not set them free, but
you would commit a sin if your slave is like most, even if he or
she be a Christian, to set them free, for you take the stick from off
their backs and give them full scope to do every sort of evil.''' l
The saintly Archbishop Antonino is of the same opinion as
the novelist. He declares that baptism does not free a person
from slavery, quia servitus introducta est etiam dejure divino et
per jus gentium etjus canonicum approbata.
By a law of 1366 the flight of a slave was declared a serious
offence ; any one aiding or inciting a slave to run away was
fined 200 florins (piccoli), half to go to the Commune, half to
1 Sermoni Evangelic*, Sacchetti, p. 94.
29
LETTERS OF THE EARLY MEDICI
the owner. The seduction of a slave was still more severely
punished, and the seducer was held responsible for her price if
she died in childbirth. If the father was a free man the child
was also free, and the father was bound to provide for it.
From 1366 to 1397, 259 Tartars, 27 Greeks (from Con-
stantinople or from Rhodes), 7 Turks, 3 Slavonians, 3 Cir-
cassians, 2 Bosnians, 1 Arab, 1 Saracen, and 1 Candiote, nearly
all girls from nine to twenty-four years of age, and 26 little
boys or lads, are carefully described in the register. They
cannot have been handsome, as many were marked with small-
pox, others had scars (margines) which were probably tribal
marks. 1
They were sold either sub jugo perpetue servitutis, or for a
certain number of years. Thus Rucellai bought a slave for
eight years, but finding that she was with child he sent her
back to her former owner ; many were bought, or rather
hired, for two or three years as wet-nurses. Baldovinetti in bis
Ricordi or Memoirs notes: "On May 7, 1376, I bought a
slave for thirty-five florins from Bartolommeo of Venice, named
Tiratea, or Dorothea, a Tartar from Russia. She was about
eighteen years of age, and Cieci the broker only put twenty-
five florins into the bill of sale on account of the duty. With
brokerage and duty she cost me one florin, and four florins for
clothes, as she was almost naked when I bought her. I sold
her in September 1379 for thirty-six florins.
" In 1380 I bought on November 28th a slave for forty-five
florins, her name is Domenica, she is fair-skinned and comes
from near Tartary. I bought her of Bartolommeo of Venice,
who in writing declares her to be sound in all ways. With
brokerage and other expenses she cost me before I got her home
eleven golden florins, and as she was almost naked, altogether
forty-seven florins. 2
1 A slave, Margherita, ten years of age, is thus described by her owner
Lapini : Pellis vlivigne cum maryine magno in testa, apud cilium sinistrum,
margine in gena sinistra prope nasum, naso rincagnato, aurichulis olim foratis,
hodie redusis, resaldatis (register of June 18, 1367). She cost twenty-nine
golden florins. Another, Exilana, a Tartar, is described as of : Pellis ulivignc,
cum margine in cornu sinistra, parva, et alia margine in templa dcxtra, oculis
qiuisi suffornatis et litiginibus per faciem (register of April 1, 1389.) Many are
described as bucterata vaiolo per totam faciem, and only one is pulcra corpere.
In the bill of sale they are generally guaranteed, tana, et integra omnibus suis
membris tarn occultis quam manifestis, et spccialiter a morba caduca, which seems
to show that the slaves were subject to epilepsy.
* Memorial* del Baldovinetti, Cod. Cart. Magliabecchiana.
30
Alini
COSIMO DI GIOVANNI DE' MEDICI.
By Jacopo da Pontonno. In the Convent
of S. Marco, Florence.
GOSIMO DI GIOVANNI DE' MEDICI
In the fifteenth century prices rose, as the Florentines
insisted on having Russian or Circassian girls as being better-
looking. Their reputation for honesty and morality did not
stand high, and they were often brutally ill-treated and im-
prisoned in the dreaded prison of the Stinche for stealing, &c.
Alessandra Strozzi, writing to her son Filippo at Naples in 1465,
warns him about two he thought of buying.
" Thou tellest me in thy letter of the 28th that a slave is
offered thee who was here with Lionardo Vernacci and that
thou wouldest have taken her but for the old one thou hast in
the house. I must tell thee that she is not fit for thee accord-
ing to my ideas. Leonardo's wife had her four or five years,
and as she did not learn and was of a bad disposition they
feared she might do some ill to herself or to others, so they got
rid of her ; she was also dishonest. They sold her to Antonio
della Luna, with whom she remained but a short time, as he
would not have her and sent her back ; so she was sent down
there [Naples]. Lionardo's wife had her for sewing, but she
had no aptitude for it. Had she been a good servant they
would have kept her for themselves. Thou sayest thou hast
one now who belonged to Filippo degP Albizzi ; she was highly
thought of and well treated, but was sold because wine began
to affect her and made her extremely lively, and also she was
immoral. Having a wife and children in the house he would
not keep her. She is praised for loyalty and intelligence.
Now do as thou wilt. ... I have told thee what I know." l
Towards the end of the fifteenth century the manumission
of slaves begins to be mentioned in wills together with bequests
to hospitals and convents. By the word este civis romana the
slave became a free man or woman, could own property, buy and
sell, and act in all other respects as if free-born. 2
COSIMO DE' MEDICI to his son PIERO DE' MEDICI
at Venice
Send by the women who are returning the things mentioned
in the list given to Ser G., and look closely yourself, as is but
right, after what is sent here and what remains there.
1 Ltttcre di una Gentildonnrt, &c. , p. 504.
2 Most of the facts are taken from Le Schiave Orientali a Firenze nei Secoli
XIV. c XV., Saggio di Agostino Zanelli. Firenze, 1885.
LETTERS OF THE EARLY MEDICI
Put the books that are in my desk into a small strong-
box so that they should not be opened, and see that the others
which we lent should be sent back in such a manner as not to
spoiled.
It seems to me that thou shouldest remain at Venice this
winter, for there is nothing doing here, and thus thou canst
devote thyself to learning something of the affairs of the bank
and of book-keeping. I have ordered a book which thou art
to keep according to instructions which Antonio Martelli will
send thee. In this way thou wilt learn book-keeping properly,
and canst return here at Lent.
Be careful to conduct thyself well at home and abroad, so
as not to put either me or thyself to shame. Consort with our
friends according to usage ; make thyself acquainted with what
is doing in the company, and learn what is going on.
Tiy to get back that book on ethics from the son of
Messer P. Corro, 1 and the Sallust and Suetonius I lent to Gr.
Lignacci, in one volume. If they have done with them get them
back before S. Lucia (13th December). Also get back a small
volume of Chrysostom which they say they want to translate.
Keep the books from Nicola de Servi, as is said in the minute
given to Ser G., and send back twenty or twenty-five volumes
of our books of each subject. Thou canst put them with the
quilts, or in other bales, so that they should not be spoiled, and
take care that those which remain are not gnawed or spoiled.
As I said before, for many reasons I think it would be
better for thee to remain at Venice, for nothing of any good
is doing here. But if thou wishest to return here, do as thou
wilt. Nought else to say. [No date.] CosiMO. 2
The letter of Lorenzo de 1 Medici and those of Francesco
Sforza to Cosimo relate to a second war with Lucca, and need
some explanation. The recall of Cosimo from exile, as told
in his diary, was followed by a wholesale banishment of his
1 Perhaps an abbreviation of Cornaro.
3 Arch. Med. ante Prin., Filza xiv. No. 469.
32
COSIMO DI GIOVANNI DE' MEDICI
enemies from Florence, and left him practically master of the
Republic. The exiled Florentines naturally desired to return,
and according to the custom of the time were eager to invoke
foreign aid. The times for long offered no opportunity. But
in 1436 Genoa at last shook off the yoke of the Duke of Milan
and became a republic. The sister republics of Florence and
Venice at once allied themselves with the new free State, and
Filippo Visconti believed himself to be seriously threatened by
the new league. He had at the same time lost the services
of one of his two great generals. Francesco Sforza, determined
to acquire a principality for himself, had seized part of the
Marches which nominally belonged to the Popes. In these
circumstances the Duke of Milan resolved to attack Florence,
the one of the allies which lay nearest to him. While the
Florentines engaged mercenary troops (Taliano, or Tagliano,
mentioned in the letters, being one of the leaders of small
bands) and named Sforza the General of the Republic a very
untrustworthy general, as events proved. In the war which
ensued Lucca was attacked by the Florentines and defended
by the troops of Milan. In 1438 Florence was twice threatened
by Viscontrs army, then in the territory of Lucca. The second
time they were led by the famous condottiere Niccolo Piccinino,
and Francesco Sforza had orders to oppose him and if possible
to seize Lucca. The attempt failed, partly because Sforza,
always hoping to obtain the hand of Madonna Bianca, Vis-
con^ illegitimate daughter, did not wish to offend him by
fighting against his troops, partly because Venice, jealous of
the possible acquisition of Lucca by Florence, laid claim to his
services and refused to pay her share of his stipend unless her
commands were obeyed. Cosimo went to Venice " thinking,"
writes Machiavelli, "to be able to persuade her. To the
Senate he pointed out the condition of Italy, the power of the
Duke of Milan, his reputation and the number of his troops,
and concluded by saying that if the Count (Sforza) went over
to him they would together command the sea, and the liberty
of Venice would be endangered. To this the Venetians replied
that they well knew their own power and the power of the
Italians, and believed they could defend themselves. Adding
that they were not in the habit of recompensing soldiers for
serving others, and that the Florentines, having made use of
the Count, might pay him themselves. They considered it
33 c
LETTERS OF THE EARLY MEDICI
more necessary for the safety of their State to lower his pride
than to give him money ; and the ambition of men being un-
limited, if he were paid now without serving them, he would
eventually advance far more dishonest and dangerous demands.
Thus it seemed to them desirable to curb his insolence before
it became too great. But if out of fear, or for any other
reason, the Florentines desired to retain his friendship, they
were at liberty to pay him. Thus Cosimo returned without
concluding anything." l
Cosimo never forgave the Venetians for traversing his plans,
and the enmity between the two Republics began from that day.
NICCOL6 FORTEBRACCIO to COSIMO DE' MEDICI and
NERI DI GINO CAPPONI
Magnifico Domino et spectabili viro Fratibus carissimus
Cosme de Medwis civitatis Flor. VexiHifero et Nero Gino de
Capponibus.
Magnifice Domme ac spectabilis vir frates carissimi, In
order that you may be kept informed of what sometimes
happens here I tell you that the messengers of your magnifi-
cent General Count Francesco [Sforza] had the courtesy to
come rather to us than to those to whom they were sent. For
your information I send you the enclosed copy of a letter from
the aforesaid Count found in the bosom of one of his people,
by which you will understand, &c. You will no doubt take
counsel about it with your friends, so that I shall not have to
call you blind Florentines, 2 as others have called you before.
By my faith you ought not to be, but rather you should have
a hundred eyes like Argus. Assisi, January 5, 1436 (1437).
NlCOLAUS FORTEBRACCIS. 3
1 Lt Istorif Florentine, N. Machiavelli, p. 242. Firenze, 1900.
2 Alluding to the old proverb, Fiorentini ciechi, Senesi matti, Pisani
traditori, Lucchesi signori. Niccol6 Fortebraccio, formerly in the service of
the Florentine Republic, was the great rival of Francesco Sforza. These
two condottieri had both seized on separate portions of the Marches, and
while Sforza's fortress was Ancona, Assisi was that of Fortebraccio. The
two captains fought for the mastery in the Marches, and in the end Forte-
braccio was defeated and slain.
3 Cosmi Vita, &c., op. cit. ii. 110 (Ex Filza 18).
34
GOSIMO DI GIOVANNI DE' MEDICI
LORENZO DE' MEDICI to his brother Cosmo DE' MEDICI,
ambassador to Ferrara, in the name of the " Died di
Balia"
Spectabilis collega nosier caris&ime, Yesterday I wrote to thee
by Messer Alexio. Since then we have nought from thee. Now
we write because having turned over in our own minds this affair
of Taliano and consulted with other citizens about it, it seems
to us that it would be an excellent thing for the State of Count
Francesco and for the League if some arrangement could be
come to between His Holiness the Pope and the aforesaid
Count as to the Marches, as thou art aware was once proposed.
We therefore tell thee to employ every possible means to
achieve this, which would be a most excellent thing, and as soon
as thou canst learn aught about the intention of the Holy
Father let us know, because until we hear from thee we shall
not communicate with the Count.
To-day we have received a letter from our ambassadors to
the Count, of which we enclose a copy. It appears to us a
new departure, of which we know nothing, which we do not
understand, nor can we judge how the Signoria of Venice will
take it when they hear. Think over it well, and if it seems
good to thee to tell them or to take any other steps, do so,
only make them understand perfectly that we have nothing to
do with this affair, which is quite outside our intentions, and
above all declare that it is our desire to live in perfect brother-
hood and friendship with that Signoria, and thus to cause the
Count to keep on good terms with them. If this letter finds
thee at Ferrara, and thou thinkest well to send or to write to
Venice about this business, or if thou thinkest better neither to
send or to write, do as it seemeth best to thee, for we place
complete trust in thy well-known prudence. To-day Messer
Giuliano Davanzati has been named ambassador to Venice by
35
LETTERS OF THE EARLY MEDICI
the Signori and the Colleges, and they have sent for him to
Pisa. Florence, January 29, 1437 (1438).
DECEM
COUNT FRANCESCO SFORZA to COSIMO DE' MEDICI
Spectabilis ac Magnifice vir tanquam pater carissime, I
have read your letter and see you suspect that Niccolo Pic-
cinino is not following the course traced by the Illustrious
Duke of Milan, and you beg me to come to a good understand-
ing with Niccolo, lest danger to the Magnificent Commune of
Florence and to myself should ensue. As to the said Niccolo, I
cannot believe he would act thus. First, on account of the great
honours he has received and is receiving from the Illustrious
Lord Duke, who only now has with great pomp declared him
Marquess and Count of the house of Visconti with the right
of bearing their arms. Secondly, because being of a certain
age and with so great a reputation in the past, I do not
believe that he would run the risk of being reviled in the
present. Also he must know that he cannot swallow the
world, and that it might happen to him as it does to oxen
when they leave their stables in the morning, who think they
are going to pasture, but are put to the plough ; to him also
the contrary might happen to what he expected. Thirdly, as
you know, he has published everywhere a letter declaring his
allegiance to the Duke of Milan.
As to your advice about being good friends with him, I
think you say well ; and by the copies of my letters to Niccolo,
which Lorenzo must have sent you, you will see whether it is
my fault or his that this has not succeeded. It is true, and I
declare to you, that I do not intend to lose my honour or my
possessions for the sake of his friendship, and it would be a
strange thing if in order to gain the friendship of the said
Niccolo, I, who have always transacted and settled all disputes
1 Co*mi Vita, &c., op. cit. ii. 133.
COSIMO DI GIOVANNI DE' MEDICI
between the Duke and myself, and those arising from them,
should be the first to lose what is mine, and what has been gained
by my own exertions. I am certain that even should I wish to
give away my possessions, or to make any sort of compromise
which would indicate a doubt as to my ownership, you, whom I
regard as a father, would not allow it, seeing how my reputa-
tion would suffer.
To conclude, I have agreed with the Duke of Milan and
have the agreement in my house, which I quite believe he will
observe. In the document there is no mention, either for
good or for evil, of Niccolo Piccinino, so I have nothing to do
with him, and am much astonished at the things he demands of
me. Now either he does this with the knowledge and consent
of the Duke or not. If with the Duke's consent it is done
with the intent that this affair should go on and that your
Signoria should break the promises and contracts with me, which
I do not believe ; if done without the Duke's knowledge it is
most probable he will take another course. In so doing he
would give us every right to oppose him, and he might in many
cases be a loser, in one among others which would bring infinite
loss and ignominy upon him, that is his Company, for eight
out of ten of the men have wives or children, so that what
would happen I know not, and do not see that Niccolo would
gain either profit or honour. My opinion, which I have not
breathed to man alive, is that the Duke has consented to
Niccolo putting forward these demands, not seeing how to
refuse him permission to make them, but not with the intention
that we should come to blows. And you will see that Niccolo
will eventually follow the course traced out by the Duke, and
that all these intrigues and demonstrations, and loud talk,
wherein Niccolo shows such valour, are rather scarecrows to
frighten people ; but scarecrows are good for frightening kites
and such-like birds of prey, I do not heed them, being the son
of a Sforza and not of a kite. Let what will happen, as long
37
LETTERS OF THE EARLY MEDICI
as none can say that I have been the cause of any troubles. I
am not ; and I believe I shall be held guiltless by God and by
the world. But whoso tries to take from me what is mine will
find it far harder and more thorny than to demand it, as at
present. I have replied to the Marquess, so there is no more
to say. Given in my Camp near Arezzo, 28th May 1438. 1
COUNT FRANCESCO SFORZA to COSIMO DE' MEDICI
Magnifice tanquam Pater carisswie^ I have received your
letter in cipher and have understood what you say about the
affairs of Florence, Venice, and Macerata ; I need say no more,
because Messer Rinaldo will inform you of everything. I thank
you for the news about Lombardy. I had heard something of
the sort here, and that the Venetian troops were as though
they did not exist, so little are they esteemed by those of the
Duke of Milan. The arrival of the person sent by the magni-
ficent Signoria of Florence will be most welcome to me, the
sooner he comes the better I shall be pleased.
Piero Gian Paolo [Orsini] passed through here and sent
to tell me that if I wished he would join me, as he is dis-
engaged, and says he has been badly treated with regard to
money, and also that others no better than himself, such as
Tagliano and Luigi del Verme, have been set above him and
have received more honours, so nothing will induce him to
remain there, which may be useful. It would be good in every
respect to have him, but you know what are my expenses, so
that I cannot alone undertake to engage him. Therefore I
wish the Signoria of Florence would do so at the rate of 8 ducats
a month and 1 for commission, whereas the Signoria pays 12
for each man. I pray you let me know quickly as to the in-
tentions of the Signoria, so that I may know what to do.
Until I have your reply I shall keep the affair in suspense,
1 Cosmi Vita, &C M op. cit. ii. 131.
38
COSIMO DI GIOVANNI DE' MEDICI
although I am not sure whether he really means what he says
or not. If he does, the thing may be arranged ; if he does not,
it will fall of itself, and at any rate we may discover why he
came here. For it is better to be forewarned and on one^s
guard against the craft of others. I have no more to say
save that I am advancing into the Marches and shall be near
there. Paratus ad omnia^ llth August 1438.
FRANCESCO SFORZA VICECOMES,
Comes et Marchie^ c^c. 1
COUNT FRANCESCO SFORZA to COSIMO DE' MEDICI
Magnifice taiujuam Pater carissime, The honourable Ala-
mano is going to inform the Signoria exactly how things
are, and from him you will have ample information. And
as I think you will discuss whether it will be better to side
with the Signoria of Venice as has been suggested, or with
Niccolo Piccinino, as you will see in the despatch brought by
the said Alamano, I hereby give you my opinion. Seeing
that the Signoria of Venice are up to their throats in water,
and that their State is half ruined, and that now, when
the need is great, they do nothing ; and also considering that
to remedy this state of things they will need much time, and
will delay when quickness is necessary ; and also considering
that the Signoria of Florence, yourself, and others, were always
advised to ally yourselves with the said Piccinino, I conceive
that it is far more dangerous to steer a middle course than to
side with one or the other. For these reasons it is far better
to side with Niccolo Piccinino, particularly as the Duke of
Milan has several times advised me to do so, and has just
written me duplicate instructions, saying he will never give me
Madonna Bianca, or anything else I desire from him, unless I
am in perfect accord with and make an alliance with Niccolo
Piccinino. This can be done to avoid all trouble. So I send
1 Ibid., ii. 126.
39
LETTERS OF THE EARLY MEDICI
Battista my secretary with my conclusions for you to see, and
have taken time enough to answer for the reply to come from
Florence ; for whatever you decide is to be done, will be well
done. In case you do not agree, take the course that seems
best to that Magnificent Commune, only let me know ; for
what I once said I say again, that my wishes are those of that
Magnificent Commune. Only I wanted to give my opinion.
If the Magnificent Commune and you decide for Niccolo Pic-
cinino, you can tell Battista to write at once without referring
to me, and to follow his instructions, because the Commune
is contented with what I have done. Despatch the courier
to Mantua, for he knows that road, and in case he has not
passed through let him wait. But if the alliance with Niccolo
Piccinino does not please you do not write there, but to me
here as quickly as possible. In any case negotiations with
Venice must be kept open, and if you write to Battista be so
good as to tell me at once, so that I may know how things go.
Given in our Camp, 22nd August 1438.
FRANCESCO SFORZA,
Vicesomes et Marchio^ fyc. 1
The careful, rather fussy nature of Contessina is shown in
this letter to her son, who was evidently staying, together with
his younger brother Giovanni, with his uncle Lorenzo, perhaps
at Trebbio, the old castle on a hill above Cafaggiuolo in the
Mugello.
CONTESSINA DE' MEDICI to her son PIERO DI COSIMO
DE' MEDICI
MOST DEAR SON, Thou tellest me to send thee the grey
cape lined with lynx, because thou hast suffered from the cold.
But why ? For hadst thou asked for it before I should have sent
it as I did the other. It appears to me you have all decided
1 Cosmi Vita, &c., op. cit. ii. 124.
40
COSIMO DI GIOVANNI DE' MEDICI
not to return to Careggi on Monday where, thanks be to God,
we are all well. It will be a happy hour, for it seems to me a
thousand years till you come home again. I am sure you are
all very busy there, particularly Ginevra, 1 so help her in every
way that thou knowest and canst, and keep thy things in order
and don't leave one thing here and another there, and tell the
other boy to do the same. It would be well that both of you
should order a pair of shoes from P. Thou hast a pair of hose
with the shoes, but he has not. So I send thee a pair of his
oldest hose which button on to the shoes. Tell the bearer who
it was that sent thee those new shoes which do not fit, and he
will inform Francesco Martelli who ordered them for thee. If
thou hast aught to send in the bag of Antonio Martelli's
messenger do so, unless it is something that has to pay duty.
I was going to send some cloth hose, but as thou art coming
back so soon I shall not trouble about them. Let me know
what thou sendest by the messenger. No more. God guard
thee. Florence, the 14th day of October 1438. 2
The two following documents relate to the celebrated
Council of the Church which met at Florence during Cosimo^s
second term of office as Gonfalonier, or chief magistrate. The
(Ecumenical Council of Basel had actually come into conflict
with Pope Eugenius, in the end deposed him, and declared the
papal chair vacant. Whereupon Eugenius ordered the Council
to transfer its sittings to Ferrara, excommunicated all its
members w r ho refused to obey and packed the assembly with
his adherents. But a pestilence broke out at Ferrara, and
proposals were made to bring the assembled ecclesiastics to
Florence. The citizens were eagerly excited, for both the
Patriarch and the Emperor of Constantinople were expected
to attend. The Pope arrived in Florence on January 2nd,
1439-40, the Patriarch on the 12th, and the Emperor John
Palaeologus on the 15th February (the entry of the latter is
represented in the fresco in the chapel of the Riccardi palace),
1 Ginevra Caralcanti, wife of Lorenzo de' Medici, Cosimo's younger
brother.
2 Arch. Mcd. ante Frin., Filza xvi. No. 8.
41
LETTERS OF THE EARLY MEDICI
and were all sumptuously lodged. The essential findings of this
Council are important, for they were reproduced in the Canons
of Trent. It was supposed to unite the Greek and Latin
Churches, but its real result was to introduce the Italians to
ancient Greek literature, and, if such things can be dated, it
marks the beginning of the Italian Renaissance.
Cosimo's brother Lorenzo de 1 Medici was sent to Ferrara in
December 1438 to arrange with the Pope about transferring
the (Ecumenic Council to Florence. The instructions given by
the Signory are curious and show how burdensome the Councils
were to the cities in which they were held.
COMMISSIO LAUBENTII DE' MEDICIS, 3 Decembris 1438
Thou art to go to Ferrara and present thyself at the feet
of H.H. Pope Eugenius, commending to him our city, and
this Signoria and our whole people, as faithful and devout sons
of Holy Church and of His Holiness, offering our city and our
people to His Holiness.
To descend now to substantial matters ; thou wilt say
that this Signoria has heard that His Holiness is inclined
to come to Florence with his Court, and the Greeks, and
the other members of the Council gathered together there.
Having heard this the Signoria send thee to H.H. to devoutly
offer our city as the residence and the abode of H.H. and his
Court and the others above mentioned ; being moved thereto,
as in all matters, by their special devotion towards H.H.
Should His Sanctity ask anything special for the Greeks
thou wilt answer that we shall willingly provide houses for them
gratis, without demanding any rent, and that we shall strive to
render the houses suitable for their various degrees of nobility.
If money for the maintenance of the Greeks is mentioned,
which we hear amounts to 1500 florins a month, thou art to
say that our Commune is very short of money on account of
the long war, &c., and for this reason our Commune would be
most grateful not to be burdened, but nevertheless if abso-
lutely necessary we are ready to lend H.H. the said amount of
42
COSIMO DI GIOVANNI DE' MEDICI
1500 florins, or of ducats, every month, on receipt of a promise
and valid security as to repayment at a given date, to be agreed
upon by both parties. For as the Greeks come on business of
the Church, it is only reasonable that the Church should pay
and bear the burden. It is enough if we advance the money
every month, which will only be repaid after some time.
Otherwise it would seem as though we had bought his visit,
which would not be at all to the honour of our Commune, and
we are certain His Sanctity does not desire us to do anything
which would be dishonourable to our Commune.
We consent to begin the payment of 1500 florins, or
ducats, per month, from the day the Greeks leave Ferrara, and
to continue it while they are in Florence, but not for more than
eight months.
If agreements and conventions for the Court are mentioned,
such as taxes on houses, jurisdiction, immunity from excise
duties in and out of the town and such things, and houses for
the Lord Cardinals, &c., thou art to say we are ready to con-
cede everything that is reasonable and just, and that the last
time H.H. was at Florence with his Court, agreements and
conventions were made, and the same thing can be done now.
When H.H. is here we can settle, and add or correct whatever
is reasonable on one side and the other.
Additio facia Commissioni Laurentii de Medicis
Lorenzo, thou seest the commissions we have given thee
in the full instructions. Strive to carry them out. But if the
Pope insists on having money for the expenses of the Greeks
without giving any security or promise to repay, reduce the
various amounts as much as possible, so as not to exceed 1500
ducats a month, or at the utmost 1700 ; to begin when the Court
arrives here, or, that being impossible, when they leave Ferrara,
and then only promise money for eight months and no longer.
If the Pope will not consent to the agreements about his
43
LETTERS OF THE EARLY MEDICI
Court mentioned in thy instructions being drawn up here, ask
what he demands, and look at the conventions conceded to him
when he was here last, and act upon those within certain limits,
for some of them need revision. The necessary changes have
been noted at the end of each article.
The Signoria think the Pope ought gladly to promise and
to give security for the repayment of the money used for the
expenses of the Greeks ; reason and justice demand this, there-
fore do thy best in this matter, so shalt thou reap honour and
the Republic benefit by thy intelligence and industry. Should
the Pope ask for any security for his own person or that of
others, see that thou understandest clearly the nature of such
security and write to us here ; we will then do what His
Sanctity wishes. 1
FRANCESCO SFOBZA to COSIMO DE' MEDICI
Magnijice vir et tanquam Pater honorandissime, If I have
erred in writing my humble opinion to Your Magnificence,
I beg you will not attribute it to presumption, but rather to
my fidelity, and to affection for the State of our Lord the
Pope and for your Commune. I do not deal in occult secrets,
but speak of what I have seen in the past while weighing
present events, which are by no means clear. Believe me,
Cosimo, my motives are not dictated by passion, because I am
the devoted and faithful servant of our Holy Father, of Holy
Church, and especially of Monsignore the Florentine Cardinal,
therefore I think the present opposition of His Reverence to
the Lord of Foligno is, sententia mea, not only untimely but
dangerous to the State of His Holiness and may be also to
yours. I do not say this to excuse the errors of the said Lord,
indeed if it were of any use I would blame him, but to try and
ward off imminent danger. You know the position of Foligno,
her Lord can do much damage with even a small number of
1 Cosmi Vita., op. cit. ii. 135.
44
GOSIMO DI GIOVANNI DE' MEDICI
men. The Perugians are suspicious, and suspicion is a malady
one cannot doctor, so that a great disaster and much trouble
may arise in the land, and it is ill fighting with desperate men.
Believe me that other lords and communes are as suspicious as
the Perugians, each one is intent on guarding his own State,
and the discords of parties here are not good for the State
of our Holy Father, for Holy Church, or for your Commune.
It seems to me that for the common good Monsignore the
Cardinal should rather attend to the conquest of Romagna ; he
could do nothing more useful, it would cut the passage of the
Ducal troops, and it is no longer a good frontier for the League
or for you gentlemen of Florence. If ever the possession of
Romagna was necessary it is so now, considering the action of
the Council towards His Sanctity ; although from what I hear
it will not lead to much, still it unsettles the minds of the
people, and Italy is altogether in a disturbed condition, as you
see. The establishment of Romagna as a barrier would be a
great boon to the State of His Holiness, to the Church, and to
yourselves ; if we do not strike when we can, when we wish to
do so it will be too late. Remember that the last time we fell
out with the Lord of Foligno he obtained help from troops in
Romagna ; had they been in Lombardy they would not have
come, indeed they could not. I pass over many things which
it would be difficult to answer, but I beg of you, Cosimo, to think
over this, which touches your Republic very closely, and of all
the troubles which are brewing or which may brew from the
Alps downwards ; do your best to find a remedy, and you will
be the author of peace and quiet in all Tuscany. You may
rest assured, Cosimo, that I write in all sincerity and truth,
without subterfuge, if you will believe me. Not only my small
faculties but my life is at the service of our Holy Father and
of Holy Church, and also at that of your Commune. One
thing I will not conceal, and that is that I suspect this enter-
prise of Foligno is distasteful to the Illustrious Count, and
having entered with such goodwill and liberality into the
45
LETTERS OF THE EARLY MEDICI
affair, great caution must be used not to do anything he would
dislike. I write all this not with the desire of pleasing or of
displeasing any one, but to satisfy myself, as I conceive it to be
my bounden duty, seeing the affection shown me by His Holi-
ness and by Monsignore your Cardinal, and the great benefits I
have received from your Commune. I should be very glad if
you would impart what I have written, if it so pleases you, to
Neri di Gino and to Piero di Messer Luigi. Be assured, Cosimo,
that for good reasons I do not mention many things which I
well understand. Offering myself, &c. Siena, July 20, 1439,
manu propria. 1
CONTESSINA DE* MEDICI to her son GIOVANNI at the
Baths of Petriolo [near Siena]
MOST DEAR SON, The reason I write is that this morning
at table Cosimo told me that Maestro Mariotto had gone to
spend eight days with thee, and said that when Maestro M.
returns he will let me come to be with thee, so I pray thee to
ask him to remain with thee as long as thou art there, as I
think thou hast need of him, and also Cosimo is well pleased
that he should remain, and bids thee arrange so that he may be
content. Let me know, for if he comes away nothing shall
prevent my coming, for on no account will I permit thee to be
there without him or me, so tell me his intentions. Had I
known when he left I would have saved him the trouble and
come myself. Tell me whether thou hadst rain on the day of
thy departure, and if thou hast need of anything write to me.
I say no more. Christ protect thee. In Florence on the
13th day of September 1443.
MONA CONTESSINA DI Cosmo. 2
1 Cosmi Vita, op. cit. ii. 161.
2 Arch. Med. ante Prin., Filza viii. No. 336.
46
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COSIMO DI GIOVANNI DE' MEDICI
ALBERTO AVERABDO DE' ALBERTI, from Rome, to
GIOVANNI DE' MEDICI
The condition of this city thou must have heard from
others, so I shall be brief. There are many splendid palaces,
houses, tombs, and temples, and other edifices in infinite
number, but all are in ruins ; much porphyry and marble from
ancient buildings, and every day these marbles are destroyed
by being burnt for lime in scandalous fashion. What is
modern is poor stuff, that is to say the buildings ; the beauty
of Rome lies in what is in ruin. The men of the present day,
who call themselves Romans, are very different in bearing and
in conduct from the ancient inhabitants. Breviter loquendo^
they all look like cowherds. Their women are generally
handsome in face ; all the rest is uncommonly dirty ; the
reason, they tell me, is that they all cook. They seem agreeable,
but one seldom sees them. Amusements there are none, save
to go to these pardons (indulgences) which are perpetual, and
in these days of Lent the women frequent them, as well as
those who, like me, have nothing else to do.
Ex Urbe delacerata (From the ruined City), 22nd March
1443 (1444).
CONTESSINA DE' MEDICI to her son GIOVANNI in Rome.
Since thy departure I have no news of thee save from one
who saw thee when leaving Siena, and who said thou wert well.
I know not how thou hast fared, as the weather has not been
favourable, but by now thou must be near Rome. I trust God
has guided thee in safety ; this week has seemed to me like a
year. Therefore I pray thee let me know how thou art, and
whether the journey has fatigued thee. Remember above all
to have care of thyself, and if thou needest aught from here let
47
LETTERS OF THE EARLY MEDICI
me know. We are all well, thanks be to God. I say no
more. God protect thee. The 21st day of February 1444
(1445). MONA CONTESSINA. 1
The Same to the Same
To-day I received thy letter, and see that thou art well :
please God to preserve thee so. It has been told me that
fever has begun there as it did last summer ; I pray thee if
there be any danger come away, for Roman fevers are bad.
Remember Bartolommeo di Nanni di Nettolo, he had enough
of them : do not wait to fall ill, as Piero did at Ferrara.
I have a jar of excellent raisins, and will send it in a few
days ; when it arrives see that it is given to Monsignore di
Capora.
Lucrezia is well, she is stouter and altogether improved ;
she bids me remind you of her salve. Shouldst thou need any-
thing I can do for thee tell me. Pray to those holy relics and
to the Pardons, especially to the Holy Face (Sudario), to give
thee holiness.
Tell Riccio his people are well, and that I caused capons,
spices, saffron, and comfits to be given to the women for the
confinement ; and Matteo, who has just come from the
Mugello, says that he has sent stakes for his vineyard. No
more at present : Christ guard thee. In Florence, 20th
March 1444 (1445). MONA CoNTEssiNA. 2
CONTESSINA DE' MEDICI to her son PIERO
I have thy letter asking for the rose-coloured lucco 3 lined
with down, a jacket, and the boots. The hat I sent thee by
1 Arch. Med. ante Prin., Filza v. Avanzi, No. 274.
2 VII Lettere di Contessina Bardi nei Medici, per nozze Zanichelli-Mariotti.
Edizione di Ixxv. esemplari. September 6, 1886.
3 A long, loose robe, generally tied round the waist, worn by Florentine
citizens in the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries. Mettersi il lucco became a
common saying for putting on fine clothes.
48
GOSIMO DI GIOVANNI DE MEDICI
Benedetto Altoviti. The other things I will send next week.
I have received the steaks, the hams and the salted meat
thou hast sent. I write so shortly because the messenger
is going off' in haste. No more. God keep thee. From
Florence on the llth day of April 1445.
LA CONTESSINA. 1
The following is the first letter from Lucrezia, the devoted
wife of Piero de" Medici (the Gouty). She was the daughter
of Cosimo de"* Medici's intimate friend, Francesco Tornabuoni,
and must have been a remarkable woman. Cosimo had a high
opinion of her ability ; after his death in 1464 her husband con-
sulted her on all political questions, and when she was absent
kept her minutely informed about passing events. She corre-
sponded with many of the literary men of her time, was no
mean poetess, and many of her sacred plays and lauds were
very popular. Niccolo Valori praises her rare eloquence and her
translations from Holy Writ into the vulgar tongue. She was
also an excellent housewife, and by her tact, goodness, and
kindly manners did much to preserve the pre-eminence of the
Medici. The education of her children occupied her greatly,
and few princes of that day were brought up like Lorenzo and
Giuliano. Lucrezia's deep religious feeling was tempered by a
joyous, merry nature, which comes out in her letters, and
accounts for the affection she inspired in so many and such
different people. It is strange that no authentic portrait of
her is known. One cannot help thinking she must be depicted
in Ghirlandajo's fresco in the choir of S. Maria Novella repre-
senting the life of S. John the Baptist, which she narrated in
her poem La Vita di San Giovanni Battista. The more so
that the fresco was commissioned by her brother Giovanni
Tornabuoni, and contains many portraits of his family and of
friends and dependants of the Medici. It is true it was painted
a few years after her death, still her image cannot have faded so
rapidly from recollection.
1 Arch. Med. ante Prin., Fika ix. No. 2C2.
49
LETTERS OF THE EARLY MEDICI
LUCBEZIA DE' MEDICI, at the Baths of Petriolo, to her
husband PIERO at Florence
LORD AND MASTER MINE, Yesterday I had a letter from
thee advising me what to do about the baths. I had already
settled to do all thou sayest in thy letter and whatever
Maestro Giovanni orders ; nothing will seem fatiguing or irk-
some to me for regaining my health, which I believe by the
grace of God will improve, so I think you will all be well
pleased.
I see thou hast purged thyself and art going to the villa,
of which I am glad ; be careful to keep well and do not give
way to melancholy, for I shall return cured and do honour to
Maestro Giovanni, to whom I show much attention, for he
deserves it.
If thy coming here can be done without fatigue and with
pleasure to thyself it would be a great joy to me, but if trouble-
some and fatiguing to thee, do not come. I am glad Bianca
Maria has recovered ; how I pray to God that she may continue
well as thou, I, and her husband desire, I leave thee to imagine.
To Mona Nanna and to Filippo I have given greetings and
they commend themselves to thee and to all ; commend me to
Cosimo, to Mona Contessina, Mona Ginevra, and Giovanni, and
salute Pier Francesco and kiss Bianca Maria from me. Christ
guard us. In Petriolo, May 17, 1446.
If without trouble and it pleases thee, thou canst spare
Franceschino for the remaining time I am here, I should be
very glad, as he is most useful to me in this place, but what-
ever pleases thee pleases me. 1
CONTESSINA DE' MEDICI to her son PIERO
at Trebbio
I send thee a quarter of a roe, a hare and a kid, so
shall not send any veal. I understand thy letter and also trust
1 Arch. Mcd. ante Prin., Filza xvi. No. 30.
50
Per avisi ho da Napoli il Re persevera pure in molestare assai le
cose mie et in non mi lasciare riscuotere et volere che io paghi dubito
ancora che subito che '1 papa intendera questi cenni di levare la obedi-
enza non faccia qualche novita alle mie cose a Roma nelle quali benche
mi paia avere passato il pericolo maggiore pure havendo grandissima
tidanza costi per ogni mio bisogno vorrei che con ogni cautela e buono
modo et segretamente che non lo intendessi altri che Messer Cecho
intendessi se a qualche mio bisogno mi porrei valere di costi di XXXm
o XLm ducati per VI overo VIIj mesi benche non credo haverne
bisogno perche come dico mi pare in questa parte havere avuto il male
ch' io possi et insino a hora ho proveduto f rancamente pure a mia satis-
factione vorrei intendessi questo benche mi pare essere certo non mi
habbi a essere dinegato fate d'. intenderlo et avisatemene subito govern-
andola con quella cautela et segreto che merita il caso e la fede che ho
in voi ho costi Antonio e cotesti portinari et niente di meno non do
questo aviso se non a voi solo et ho scritta questa di mia mano per non
mi fidare d' altri, vorrei come dico intendessi questa parte da messer
Cecho sanza che o voi o lui ne conferissi con altri havendo tante diverse
persecutioni haro tan to maggiore animo a resistere gagliardamente
quaftdo sard certo questo favore non mi habbi a manchare costi bisog-
nandomi aoperarli faro quelle cautioni et obligationi che saranno di
bisogno. In Firenze a di XXV di luglio 1478.
Vostro LORENZO DE J MEDICI. l
1 The address on outside of sheet is : Magnitico Hieronimo Morelli , Oratori
florentino, patri meo. (Arch. Med. ante Principatum, Filza 124, No. 2.)
f
I
GOSIMO DI GIOVANNI DE' MEDICI
that God will bestow this grace upon us, and I send thee
capers. Giovanni l wanted to go at all hazards to-day to see
Lucrezia and the children : he says too that he has hardly
seen thee. With difficulty I prevented him so that he might
not be over-tired. Tell Lucrezia that the child's frock shall
be re-lined and she shall have it on Monday, and that she
must encourage the baby to suck and have a care of all the
children. Cosimo is well : this morning his knee pained him a
little, a touch of the gout ; but it will soon pass, as it is but a
slight thing. If Lucrezia or thou shouldst want anything let
me know. No more. Christ guard thee. In Florence on the
6th day of February 1449 (1450).
MONA CONTESSINA in Florence." 2
CONTESSINA DE' MEDICI to her son GIOVANNI
in Rome
MOST DEAE SON, As there was no need I have not written
since thy departure. Now it seems to me necessary, because we
hear the plague is causing many deaths, even among the well-
to-do. I must beg thee for God's sake and for the sake of the love
I bear thee to return as soon as thou canst. Thou knowest how
anxious Cosimo and I are about thy stay in Rome ; thy brother
also is anxious. Had Cosimo known that plague was there he
would never have let thee go. Cosimo has perpetual fever as he
had when thou didst leave him, and these doctors call gout fever,
and have done so for some time as thou knowest, and one can
never be sure what may happen from one day to another.
Therefore I beseech thee to return as quickly as thou canst, for
thou art well aware how much he has to do. More I will not
write to-day. Piero and his family have gone to Careggi
because he also has fever. Tell me how thy ailment is ? I
will add no more. In Florence 24th February 1449 (1450).
From thy MONA CONTESSINA DI' Cosmo. 3
1 Her youuger son. 2 VII. Lettcre, &c., op. cit. a Ibid.
51
LETTERS OF THE EARLY MEDICI
COSIMO DE' MEDICI to GIOVANNI his son in Rome
With my own hand I wrote thee a letter on the 21st : since
then I have had two letters from thee announcing thy safe
arrival, and that thou art trying to obtain the indulgences in
order to come away. I advise thee to do so with all possible
speed, for although thou sayest that the death of the Bishop
of Volterra has not changed matters, other letters I have
seen declare the contrary ; a prolonged stay is therefore not
advisable.
The affectionate manner in which our Holy Father received
thee, and what thou sayest as to the love he bears us, is most
grateful to me. I see by his reply that thou hast told him
what I said, that we are not idle and will do all we can to per-
suade them to follow the counsels of His Holiness. But it
will be difficult, because if either party thinks to gain anything
he will not abide by the agreement. What the Venetians want
and what the Count wants is of such importance to them
that nothing else will be regarded as of any moment. We
have sent Messer A. and are leaving no means untried to
reconcile them, as we know how important it is to our city.
Messer Agniolo Simonetto and Messer N. Arimboldi sent to
the King by the Count with powers to sign the compact will
have arrived ; I know not what is thought of it there, but we
shall soon hear the truth.
From Lombardy letters have come from the Count of the
19th, dated from Vimercato. He reports that with his whole
force he is there and at Melzi and Casciano and other places
near by, and that Milan is so surrounded that no supplies can
enter. The Venetian troops are encamped in the positions he
held at first, and one sees that both armies are suffering much
discomfort. Any attempt to revictual Milan must be made by
ascending from the heights into the plain and passing by the
places held by the Count, when there would be fighting. They
say Milan is in dire straits. Other news there are none, and
52
COSIMO DI GIOVANNI DE' MEDICI
we know not what is said there. Innocenzio Cotta has taken
the town and fortress of S. Calombano for the Count, which it
seems is a place of importance. Nothing more is said about
our peace with the King, and to my sorrow there is a coolness
about sending ambassadors. Pray God it may be for the best.
I see Messer Giovanni di Nerone is to have the bishopric
of Vol terra ; I hope he may do well. If Messer Carlo 1 gets the
Parish Church 2 I do not mind. I did not wish to ask for the
canonry of Messer Giovanni which is in the gift of the Consuls,
as many citizens wanted it. With this I send thee a letter
from Messer Giovanni Migliorati received to-day. Thou wilt
see what he writes. If this be true, and it can be had for
Messer Carlo, it would be well. If thou thinkest it might be
of use, speak to His Holiness about it and try to obtain a con-
ditional promise, I would then let thee know at once if the event
occurs : for our Holy Father shows us such affection that it
seems to me unwise not to ask if one can get anything. No
more at present. Christ guard thee. In Florence on the last
day of February 1449 (1450). COSIMO DE' MEDICI. 3
CONTESSINA DE' MEDICI to GIOVANNI her SOU
at Volterra
In the name of God on the 18th day of December 1450.
Yesterday I had a letter from thee. The things thou
wantest shall all be sent by the first man going to Volterra.
Cosimo continues to improve ; he has not been very ill this
time, although the fever has not yet left him, but it is slight.
Thy shoes were ready, but they have made them black, so
others must be made, and I will send them by the first
messenger. We have not yet heard of the arrival of our
party, but one who met them on the road says they were well :
1 Cosimo's illegitimate son by a slave-girl.
2 " Pieve," chief church of a parish, and the only one where baptisms took
place.
3 Cotmi Vita, op. cit. ii. 194.
53
LETTERS OF THE EARLY MEDICI
as soon as I hear I will let thee know. Although I told thee
we paid too much for the pigs, I want thee to send us a pig
or a roe for Christmas, if they are offered to thee ; if we have
to buy them we will not have them. Messer Rosello writes
that he is coming to pass Christmas with me, and has sent
Cosimo a fine cloak of Polish fashion of marten and sable, a
pair of gloves, and the tooth of a fish a foot and a half long.
As we have to prepare for the festival of the Three Kings,
they will make a little change from my cloth of gold.
The plague affects us but little. For three days out of
four during the week no one mentions it, they are all people
one does not know. I should be so glad to know how thou art,
and whether thou art better or worse since thy departure.
Thy return, when it takes place, will be a great joy to me.
Antonio degl 1 Strozzi has been to see me, and pestered me
much about that business : he wants to come here for Christ-
mas, tell him what thou thinkest ; and so be he says that I
promised him anything do not believe it, for he could learn
nothing from me : so be cautious how thou dealest with him.
Tell the women I do not write because there is a dearth
of writers until Mateo returns from Rome, he ought to be
here to-morrow. Salute them from me, and say many things,
and caress the children and kiss them for love of me ; if the
women want anything I can send, tell me. No more at
present. God guard thee.
MONA CONTESSINA in Florence. 1
CONTESSINA DE' MEDICI to her son GIOVANNI
at Volterra
In the name of God on the 3rd day of January 1450 (1451).
MOST DEAR SON, I only write this because for several
days I have not had a letter, and because I thought Antonio
degP Strozzi was coming back, and from him I might have
1 VII. Lctttre, &c., op. citi
54
GOSIMO DI GIOVANNI DE' MEDICI
heard news of thee. But Michele has been here, and says that
since Friday thou hast been expecting the party from Rome.
So I write to tell thee that it is impossible they could arrive
because they were expected at Siena that evening. By now
they ought to be with thee ; if they are do not fail to tell us
how they fare, for Roberto wrote to Cosimo that they left last
Friday. If they come here we shall send thee word. No more
at present. Christ protect thee. Written in haste.
MONA CONTESSINA in Florence. 1
The Same to the Same
In the name of God on the 5th day of January 1450
(1451).
The other day I wrote to thee in haste, and have now
heard of the arrival of Piero and Pier Francesco. 2 God be
praised. We shall be much rejoiced if they have returned
in good health : I hear Piero's foot has given him some trouble.
I know not what thou hast decided about staying or returning ;
if thou dost return here put all thy belongings together in one
place, so that if they are wanted thou wilt not be obliged to
ask those women to find them, and so drive them crazy. I
think Cosimo has written to thee about the strong box he
wants. Here the plague has ceased, and I am glad thou art
coming back ; although it might be well to stay a little longer
and see how thy health goes, but thou canst always return
there if necessary. Tell me thy decision. I wrote the day
before yesterday to ask thee to search in the cupboard in my
room there for a pair of scissors which belong to Cosimo and
to bring them, or they can be put into the strong box. No
more to-day. Salute Pier Francesco from me, and tell him
he is welcome back, and that I long to see him. Christ guard
thee. MONA CONTESSINA in Florence. 3
1 VI I. Lettere, &c., op. cit.
2 Only son of Lorenzo de' Medici, Cosimo's brother, who was dead.
a Vll. Lcttcrc, &c., op. cit.
55
LETTERS OF THE EARLY MEDICI
When, after the death of Visconti, Francesco Sforza had
attained the object of his ambition and become Duke of Milan
in 1450, Cosimo sent his eldest son Piero with Neri Capponi,
Luca Pitti, and Diotisalvi Neroni, to salute the new duke.
"They proceeded in triumph," writes Cambi, "through the
Milanese territory, and all their expenses were paid. The
number of horsemen was so great when they arrived within
five miles of Milan that it seemed like a manoeuvring ground.
Then the Duke in person advanced to meet them, and em-
braced and kissed them. Never was greater honour paid to
Florentine ambassadors." 1
Piero de' Medici was also one of the citizens deputed to
meet the Emperor Frederick III. on his entry into Florence in
January 1451. He dismounted at the church of S. Gallo,
which had been magnificently decorated with hangings of
cloth of gold and silk. In his train was the poor boy-King
of Hungary, Bandilagho, as Cambi writes Ladislaus, and many
German princes and bishops, whose outlandish names are quite
beyond the old chronicler's powers of spelling. "The Em-
peror seated himself," continues Cambi, " on a most splendid
chair under the loggia of the church, and all the gentlemen
stood round him while the Ten of the Balia bent the knee
before him on either side, representing the Magnificent Signori.
Messer Carlo d'Arezzo made a speech, to which Monsignore
Enea, Bishop of Siena [the celebrated JEneas Sylvius, after-
wards Pope Pius II.], replied in the name of the Emperor.
Then the Emperor mounted again, and the Ten of the Balia
took the bridle of his horse, and in that manner they proceeded
to the fore-port of the Porta S. Gallo where the Magnificent
Signori of Florence awaited him seated. The Colleges had a
fine banner with the Emperor's arms, and when he came under
it the Signori rose and went to his bridle, which the Ten
abandoned. Mariotto Benvenuti, the Gonfalonier of Justice,
took the right side and Rosso Ridolfi took the left, the other
Signori with all the citizens following them, and thus they
accompanied the Emperor to S. Maria Novella where the
Pope's apartments had been prepared for him. The magis-
trates were on foot, and the others who had gone out to meet
him were on horseback. It was, indeed, a splendid sight.
1 htorie di Giovanni Cambi, Delizie degli Eruditi Toscani, xx. 273.
56
COSIMO DI GIOVANNI DE' MEDICI
Please God he may recognise it, and be grateful for such
honours which have been so costly." 1
After the sack of Constantinople in 1453 Florence became
the headquarters of Greek men of learning. For fifteen years
John Argyropoulos " poured forth wisdom from his golden
mouth," and Demetrius Chalcondyles, Johannes Andronicus
Calistus, Constantius and Johannes Lascari succeeded him.
They gave a fresh impetus to the study of Platonic philosophy
as opposed to that of Aristotle ; even the children of the chief
citizens spoke Greek with such ease and purity that Poliziano
exclaims, "Athens has not been destroyed by the barbarians
but has migrated to Florence." It was then that Cosimo
determined to found the celebrated Platonic Academy, and
selected Marsilio Ficino, the son of his physician, to preside
over it, although he was little more than a boy.
The sack of Lodi gave Cosimo's opponents an opportunity
to interfere in home politics. Their first step in June 1454,
on the pretext that war was over, was to abolish the Balia,
which they imagined was the mainstay of his authority. This,
of course, was useless as long as the Scrutiny made by the Balia
and the Accopiatori appointed by them were still in office. In
November, therefore, a new Scrutiny was made, and in January
1455 the new Signory ordered that in six months 1 time the
power of the Accopiatori should cease, and the Gonfalonier
and the Priors be once more chosen by lot. The measure was
a popular one, and it worked, not against Cosimo, but against
Luca Pitti, Diotisalvi Neroni, and Agnolo Acciaiuoli, as it put
an end to their power of manipulating the appointments to
office. The disturbed condition of Italy after the death of
Pope Nicholas the peace-lover, and the discharge by the
Venetians of Jacopo Piccinino, whose standard became the
rallying-point for all discontented and dissatisfied men, reacted
upon Florence. A feeling of unrest was abroad. Many citizens
considered the Government weak and vacillating, and were only
waiting for the election of a Signory who shared their views to
make an attempt to " reform " the city. But without the con-
sent of Neri Capponi this was impossible. So things remained
as they were until his death in 1457 left Cosimo with a free
hand. The re-assessment of the catasto early in 1458 was a
1 Ibid., op. cit., xx. 281.
57
LETTERS OF THE EARLY MEDICI
heavy blow to his opponents, the new register of property
entailing upon them considerable loss. In their dismay they
turned to Cosimo, and suggested the creation of a new Balia,
a new Scrutiny, and fresh Accopiatori, but he refused to listen
to any proposal for the renewal of the Balia save in the usual
way through the Colleges and the Councils. When Luca Pitti
became Gonfalonier of Justice in 1458 he tried in vain to in-
duce the Council to appoint a new Balia, and Girolamo Machia-
velli, a hot-headed republican who declared against all Balie as
inimical to the freedom of the citizens, was arrested and tortured
with others who shared his views. Luca Pitti made the most
of this so-called conspiracy, and tried to set his authority
against that of Cosimo. Losing patience, Cosimo said to him :
"You strive towards the indefinite, I towards the definite.
You plant your ladder in the air, I place mine on the earth so
that I may not climb so high as to fall. It seems to me but
just and natural that I should desire the honour and reputation
of my house to surpass yours. Let us therefore do like two
big dogs which sniff one at the other when they meet, and then,
both having teeth, separate and go their ways ; you to attend
to your concerns, I to look after mine own. 11 Cosimo then
summoned a parliament. His position can be gauged by the
advice given to Duke Sforza by his Ambassador to Florence :
" When you would have one thing done rather than another,
write your opinion or your desire privately to Cosimo, and he
will always arrange it for you. Do not waste your time in
saying, I would have their opinion, &c. . . . Popular govern-
ments are alien to and diverse from others, and Cosimo cannot
be for ever in the Palace as he once was." Pope Pius II. also
declared, " Nothing is denied to Cosimo. He is the arbiter of
peace and of war, and the moderator of the laws. Not so much
a private citizen as the lord of the country. The policy of the
Republic is discussed in his house ; he it is who gives commands
to the magistrates. Nought of royalty is wanting to him save
the name and the state of a king."
CONTESSINA DE' MEDICI to GINEVRA, ivife of her son
GIOVANNI, at the Baths of Petriolo
DEAREST DAUGHTER, In these days I received a letter
from thee and learn thou art well, which rejoices me. I see
58
COSIMO DI GIOVANNI DE' MEDICI
that thou art preparing to return, it seems to me a thousand
years. Piero is going there now, so leave out the things he
may need, and leave Florino and Giannello and give over
everything to them in case thou comest away before Piero
arrives ; he will need a good many days for the cure of his
eczema. The curtains thou tookest away bring back to me
here, for Mona Lucrezia takes mine with her, and some slaves
from here, so she will need no other women. Thy boy is well
and has cut two teeth, and I think will get accustomed to these
wet nurses in such a way . . . ] night and day we see after
him. It seems to me that having cut his teeth and the even-
ings being warm he will do well. I say no more. May Christ
guard thee. In Florence on the 10th day of April 1455.
MONA CONTESSINA DI COSIMO. 2
COSIMO DE' MEDICI to his son GIOVANNI
at Milan
During the last days I have written thee several letters,
but have only had one from thee from Modena. We have
heard of thy arrival at Milan, and of the great honours paid
thee by the Duke, at which I am well pleased.
I expect to hear from thee how things passed.
As I told thee, and as I have written to thee, I do not at
all desire that thou shouldest go further in order to accompany
the Duke of Calabria. We should lose more here than we should
gain there by this. Thou hast already done quite enough by
accompanying him hitherto, without going any further, and next
month thou must return here. No more at present. Christ
guard thee. Florence, July 28, 1455.
COSIMO DE" MEDICI. S
1 A piece torn out of letter.
2 Arch. Med. ante Prin., Filza ix. No. 147.
a Ibid., No. 171.
59
LETTERS OF THE EARLY MEDICI
LUCBEZIA DE 1 MEDICI (from Careggi or Cafaggiuolo)
to her husband PIEBO at Florence
This day I received thy letter, which is most dear to me as
telling how thou art. I see that by the grace of God riding
has not been too irksome to thee, of which I am glad. Mona
Contessina told me the same, and that thou hast been received
with great demonstrations of affection. Truly, as thou sayest,
we have much to thank God for. So I beg thee to bear gladly
a little discomfort, for these things are not accomplished with-
out some fatigue. I see all the family is well, which is a great
consolation to hear, and I thank thee. I beg that, as we are
not coming there, thou wilt return as soon as thou canst, for it
seems to us a thousand years since we saw thee, particularly to
Giuliano. Lorenzo is learning the verses his master there gave
him and then teaches them to Giuliano. No more at present.
Commend me to Cosimo and to Mona Contessina. We are all
well. Christ guard thee. 28th February 1457 (1458).
THY LucREziA. 1
The entry into Florence of Galeazzo Maria, Count of Pavia,
son of Francesco Sforza, Duke of Milan, is described in a curious
poem written in 1459 by an unknown author. 2 Leaving Cafag-
giuolo, where the lad slept, he entered Florence on 17th April
1459, and dismounted at the Medici palace. Next day Messer
Galeazzo visited the Signoria, who made him sit in their midst
and offered him their services. " I thank you for your greet-
ing," answered the young Count, "and beg you to command
me and to dispose of all I possess. For you I will abandon any
enterprise, and serve you against any power. 1 ' 1 Then with a
prayer to God to grant them happiness and long lives the lad
of fifteen added : " I beg you to pardon my youth if, from
want of knowledge, I have not spoken aright in your presence ;
1 Donne Medicei avanti il principato, Berta Felice, Rassegna Nazionale,
1907.
2 Rieordi di Firtnzt dell anno 1459, di Autore Anonimo, a cure di
Guglielmo Volpi. Cittk di Castello, S. Lapi, MDCCCCVII.
60
COSIMO DI GIOVANNI DE' MEDICI
remember I am but a boy. I commend you to Christ our
Lord." From his letters to his father we get a glimpse of the
home life of Cosimo. He writes that even the ladies of the
family helped to entertain him, and he was charmed with the
playing of one of Piero's daughters on the "organo di cave.'"
At a dinner at Careggi he notes that Giovanni, Cosimo's second
son, did not sit at table, but acted as a kind of steward, and
saw that every one was properly served. After dinner a poet
improvised verses in honour of the guest. " Certes, Lucian or
Dante could have done no better," he remarks. Then they
danced, Piero's wife Lucrezia Tornabuoni, Giovanni's Maria
Ginevra degP Alessandri, and a daughter of the Strozzi, held
to be the handsomest maiden in Florence, and some peasant
girls.
Two days later came Pope Pius II. on his way to the
Congress he had summoned at Mantua to arrange for another
crusade. He was received with great honour, and young
Sforza made an oration, kneeling in the dust before the Pope.
Then Pius seated himself on a gestatory chair and was borne
into the city on the shoulders of the lords of Faenza, Rimini,
Carpi, and Forli, instead of riding on a mule, which was the
usual practice. " This," observes Cambi, " was a proof of pride,
not of holiness." The old chronicler then describes a tourna-
ment in the Piazza S. Croce " for the temporal lords, but many
ecclesiastics also went. And on 29th April there was a ball in
the Mercato Nuovo, which was enclosed with a stockade sur-
rounded by seats covered with tapestry. Sixty young Floren-
tine gentlemen, who were expert dancers, richly adorned with
pearls and jewels, and many pretty maidens and girls who were
good dancers, danced ; and they changed their dresses several
times. All the ambassadors were there and some of the car-
dinals, and it was calculated that in the seats, in the houses
round, and on foot, there were more than 60,000 persons. There
was also a great hunt in the Piazza de* Signori, which was closed
all round with a stockade, and inside were turned loose two
lions, two horses, four bulls, two young buffaloes, a cow and a
calf, a wild boar, a giraffe, with twenty men and a large ball
of wood, so made that a man could stand upright inside and
roll it about in order to exasperate the animals. But the loud
shouts of the people so frightened the lions that they were as
though stupefied, many men broke into the enclosure and the
61
LETTERS OF THE EARLY MEDICI
lions were as lambs among them. The preparations had been
great, and the expense large, but the pleasure given was small. " l
CONTESSINA DE' MEDICI to her son PIEBO
at. Venice
DEAREST SON, This day I have received thy letter saying
that thou art well and improving every day, which rejoices me.
I think thou must wish for news of Cosimo. Some days ago he
had a bad attack of plague. He is ill in bed, but this time he
has escaped and now the fever is slight. I hear that thou hast
bought the quilts and the ticking, which is well done. If thou
wouldst like to send them to Careggi, I [will keep them] 2 until
thy return. Do as thou wilt. The other family is quite well.
It seems to me a thousand years until thy return, and I hear no
rumour of it ; I do not know how long thy absence will last,
which is a grief to me. I say no more at present. May God
guard thee. In Florence on the 21st day June 1459.
MONA CONTESSINA." 3
COSIMO DE' MEDICI to his son GIOVANNI at the
Baths of Petriolo
The men who brought back the horses gave us thy letters,
and told us of thy safe arrival, thanks be to God. We
have heard nothing from thee since, nor how the baths agree
with thee ; we should be glad to have news often from thee to
say how thou art, so do not omit to cause some one to write
often. Here by the grace of God we are all very well and are
preparing a fine feast at Careggi for the day of S. Cosimo. In
three days we expect Guglielmo de"* Pazzi, 4 for Lorenzo has
gone with his tutor to Cafaggiuolo, where he was expected.
Be diligent in doing all that is necessary, and come back as
1 Istorie di Giovanni Cambi. 2 A piece of the letter is torn out.
8 Arch. Med. ante Prin., Filza xvii. No. 124.
* Husband of Bianca de 1 Medici, Piero's daughter.
62
GOSIMO DI GIOVANNI DE' MEDICI
soon as thou canst. Be not remiss in what thou art there for,
and be careful to take thy baths properly, so that they may be
beneficial. Christ guard thee. Careggi, September 1459.
COSIMO DE' MEDICI. 1
CONTESSINA DE' MEDICI to her son GIOVANNI and his
wife GINEVRA at Bagno a Morba
DEAREST CHILDREN, We have received your letters, which
have given us great pleasure and relief, seeing that thou art
better and that the improvement continues ; may it please God
that it shall continue, in order to give these two old people joy
and consolation whilst they still live. It has been reported to thee
that Cosimo and Piero have been ill ; this annoys me, for I did
not wish anything to sadden thee, so that the baths might have
their proper effect. Their illness was but slight. Cosimo had
a cold, which was soon cured, and he is now well ; Piero had
some pain, which is not yet gone ; but you both know what
always happens, so he will soon be well also. Cosimo has put
an end to the worry of being one of the Eight, and Pier
Francesco has been named in his stead : this might also be done
for thee. I should be glad, Ginevra, to hear from thee how the
baths act and how Mona Nanna serves thee. If I can do aught
for thee here, tell me. Mona Pippa has the ailment thou
knowest of, the others of thy party are well. At Careggi on
the 28th day of August 1460. THY CONTESSINA.*
The last few years of Cosimo's life were clouded by ill-
health and suffering, and the knowledge that the growing
arrogance and rapacity of his party, the Palleschi, were to a
great extent alienating the affection and the esteem of the
citizens from his house. Then the death in 1461 of Cosimino,
the only child of Giovanni and Ginevra de"* Medici, was a bitter
grief to his grandparents, whose especial pet the little boy had
been. Two years later Giovanni himself died, and the old man
1 Arch. Med. ante Prin., Filza ix. No. 509.
2 VII. Lettere, op. cit.
63
LETTERS OF THE EARLY MEDICI
sadly exclaimed that the palace in Via Larga was now far too
large for so small a family. He had always counted on the
help Giovanni would give to his elder brother Piero, who was
crippled with gout, and his death at the early age of forty-six
was a blow from which Cosimo never rallied.
POPE Pius II. to COSIMO DE' MEDICI
BELOVED SON, Peace and apostolic blessing. The news we
have just received of the death of your son, Giovanni of blessed
memory, has grieved us deeply, not only because it is in itself
untimely, but also because we fear it is likely to prove hurtful to
a man of your age and infirmity. Yours is a life that should
be prolonged in the sweetness of the Spirit, and you ought at
all times to find comfort. Our own consolation is that you are
wise, that you are well versed in the chances of fortune and
able to hold your feelings in restraint. We urge you then,
Cosimo, to do this, and looking towards God, to bless Him and
to trust that all is for the best. We are ignorant of His
secrets ; He alone knows our needs and our true advantage.
Let us then have faith that we and your son have been dealt
with in gentleness, for neither you nor he could foresee the future.
We look to your lofty nature, my son, to continue bearing God's
will in this with patience, even as we hear you do bear it, with-
out giving way to grief. > Mourning accords not with your age ;
it is contrary to your health, and we ourselves, your native city,
and all Italy, require that your life should be as far as possible
prolonged. Let good works and acts of piety be your tribute to
your son's memory. Anything else would be inconsistent with
your nature; deeds of charity, devotion, and prayer are their own
reward. This brief letter is written to acquaint you with our
grief, and to assure you of our solicitude. Let these few words
be counted for our affection. Given at S. Peter's, in Rome,
under the ring of the Fisherman, on the 1st day of November
1463, in the 6th year of our pontificate. 1
1 Cosmi Vita, op. cit. ii. 234.
64
COSIMO DI GIOVANNI DE' MEDICI
COSIMO DE' MEDICI to POPE Pius II.
MOST BLESSED FATHER, The power and wisdom of the
words you wrote made me feel, while I read them, that I was
veritably listening to the consoling voice of Him whose true
Vicar you are. Nothing more sweet, nothing more saintly, or
even divine, could have been written. And your consolation
had this effect : I have always thought it expedient and praise-
worthy to control (for I could not quench) my grief; but now,
most blessed Father, to act contrary to your advice would seem
to me positively sinful. I therefore strive to the best of my
power, and so far as my weak spirit will permit, to bear this
great calamity with calmness. To me it appeared a calamity ;
but God alone knows what is truly a misfortune, and we, as
you write so wisely and devoutly, are ignorant of it. Yet I
never thought it was not well with my son Giovanni, for I
remembered that he had gone forth, not from life, but into life
from death. For this, which we call life, is death, and that is
the true life which is everlasting. And I recognised that the
only suffering his death brought with it was ours, who truly
must needs miss him. Yet we know not for what to pray. I
trust that God in the abundance of His mercy will pity us that
are left behind ; for the Lord is gentle and full of mercy. But
for my own life, I count it happy, because the Supreme Pontiff',
the Vicar of Christ, has been thoughtful on its account. I will
indeed take care of it ; but not for the reasons which you, in
your more than human kindness, have put forward. For what is
my power now worth ? What worth has it ever had ? Nay,
my purpose in caring for my life is that I may be found not to
have despised this precious gift of God, nor to have forgotten
the mercies which I have received from the divine love. I ask
of you, most blessed Father, that your Holiness offer a prayer
for me, your son, to God, that I may have strength to achieve
this. [1463]. 1
1 Cotmi Vita, op. cit. ii. 235.
65 E
LETTERS OF THE EARLY MEDICI
On 3rd November 1463 Pius II. wrote again to Cosimo, to
ask him to induce Florence to aid him, by equipping two galleys
for his projected crusade against the Turks. Cosimo's answer
is most respectful and very wary.
COSIMO DE' MEDICI to Pius II.
Cosimo greets the Supreme Pontiff.
MOST BLESSED FATHER, I received your Holiness 1 letter
a few days ago, a letter full of grandeur and dignity, whose
wisdom, as no one can doubt, could have proceeded from none
but your Holiness. Me, at any rate, it so affected that after
reading it several times I became convinced that such speech
was beyond the common use of men, and was indeed none
other than what might seem to be written at the dictation
of that truly divine Spirit which spoke in the saints of old.
When you speak of the insecurity of man's lot, who would not
straightway be moved by the power of your eloquence to
despise all that is human ? And when you solemnly tell of
our immortal life to come, can any be so dull and leaden that
he would not feel exalted, as he reads, so as to gain a vision,
even here, of the glory of his own immortality and be inspired
by a wonderful longing to attain it ? And your deeds are no
less holy than your words. I say nothing of what you have
achieved in the past, saintly though it is and worthy of sacred
remembrance. But with regard to the enterprise which you
are now preparing, is it possible, most blessed Father, to believe
that you, who are Christ's Vicar, are attempting it without the
presence within you of Him whose representative you are ?
The task is one so novel and so marvellous, that without God's
impulse and support to your age and infirmity the undertaking
would seem doomed to fail. That I suppose is the reason why
some people regard it, as you say in your letter, with amazement
and disapproval. But I ask you, most blessed Father, whether
it is not indeed a matter for wonder that a man like you, whose
66
COSIMO DI GIOVANNI DE' MEDICI
years and feeble health make their own claim to a life of ease
and repose, should embark on the exertions of travel and all the
hardships of war. It is natural, then, that the well-wishers of
the Christian Commonwealth, the friends of peace in Italy, and
all who desire the true and righteous tranquillity of kingdoms
and the permanence of the Christian sway, should behold
these difficulties and dangers with dread. They look upon
your virtue as a gift clearly sent by God for the healing of
human ills ; they love the Roman Church and care for the
integrity and happiness of Christendom ; and they regard your
safety as their security for all these. It must needs be that
they are alarmed by your undertaking such difficulties and your
exposure to such dangers, seeing that they do not possess your
wisdom nor are they supported by the divine breath which
inspires you. But though they do not see that which is before
the eyes of your greater wisdom, perhaps since they wish only
for what may be best for you and most beneficial for your
flock, they do not deserve so much blame for disapproving an
enterprise which to their limited apprehension appears so great
and so difficult. You, most blessed Father, whom God will
guide to victory even as He has brought you thus far, will
persevere in spite of it all. Nor will the faith of Peter whose
seat you occupy fail you. The end of this undertaking, which
you begin so splendidly, will be to the glory of God and the
joy and felicity of all that are yours, even though its initial
stage be difficult and laborious. Behold the faithful shepherd
offers his life for his sheep.
I now come to the summons which you address to me and
the invitation to join you in this beneficent and glorious enter-
prise. There you write to me not as a private man who is
satisfied with the mediocre dignity of a citizen, but as though
I were a reigning prince, and your exhortation is so kind that
I find myself unable to thank you as I would wish. For though
all through my life God's kindness and bounty has showered
upon me much more of human goods than I ever deserved,
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LETTERS OF THE EARLY MEDICI
whereof you most eloquently adduce examples, yet by the
grace of Him who is the giver of all that is good, I have never
been oblivious of my humble lot. You, however, most blessed
Father, in your superhuman kindness write to me in terms of
moderation and in the form of a request, whereas it would be
your right to urge, nay to command.
But the things you ask of me, most blessed Father, are not
of the same nature ; as to the first, to procure you a vote of
assistance from our city, well you know how limited is the
power of a private citizen in a free state under popular
government. Nevertheless I am ready to exert my influence,
such as it is, in this direction, and will do so to the best of my
ability, even as I have done hitherto ; I will try to arrange
that your interests should be consulted, for your interests are
ours and those of the common cause of all Christians. This
city of ours has never yet remained behind in any glorious
undertaking ; but has often by her own choice taken upon
herself enormous expenses, difficulties, and dangers, for the
defence and dignity of the Roman Pontiff. Therefore I do
not believe that she will now hold aloof when you summon her
to take part in this enterprise which is pious and necessary and
to the common interest of us all.
Personally, from my own resources I can promise you
something more definite ; that is to say I promise you, not
indeed to equip two galleys (which would be an undertaking
for a prince not for a private man), but to assist you so far
as the limitations of my resources permit. I am not the man
to imagine that the gifts of fortune which I possess are the
deserved rewards of my business forethought, or of any virtue
on my part, or that I have gained them by my human work or
my industry, no, I am convinced they are but the gifts of
a most bountiful God. If God, who is Himself the giver of all
good things, either now or at any other time claims any part
of it back, I should deserve to be deemed most ungrateful and
impious if I grudged to return what He gave ungrudgingly ;
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COSIMO DI GIOVANNI DE' MEDICI
but especially now, when such a reward is promised me, which
he, who in truth can loose and bind, puts before me.
Be bold therefore, most blessed Father, in the cause of
Christendom, persevere with energy and confidence, and bring
the matter to an end. Be convinced, since God inspires you,
that opportune assistance will not be wanting. And at last,
when you have scattered the barbarous foes of the Christian
name, when your sheep are defended and their fold protected,
not only will mankind ever remember to honour in you the
father and the shepherd, but when in the end God recalls you
to His heaven, whence you have now been sent down as His
Vicar, you will live in unceasing heavenly joy, having as it
were gloriously served your term of divine office. 1
Lucre/ia was as anxious about the physical well-being of
her children as about their education. Some months before
Cosimo died she was at Pisa with Giuliano, who was ill, and
she writes to her husband :
LUCREZIA DE' MEDICI to her husband PIERO
I write thee several letters on the same day so that should
one go astray thou wilt have news of Giuliano as thou desirest,
by any one going there. Yesterday I wrote that as he was
better I did not think the change suggested by Messer Mariotti
was necessary, and last night I told thee the fever had returned
as usual. My last letter was written at seven. After that he
did not rest so quietly as on other nights, and he seems to me
more uneasy than he should be now that the fever has diminished.
I wish thee to know every small change so that thou canst the
better judge what Maestro Mariotto writes ; and act, not ac-
cording to my ideas, but as thou thinkest best after reading
our reports. His pulse is good, all functions are natural.
The fever has returned almost as strong as on the fourteenth day,
* Cosmi Vita, op. cit. ii. 243.
69
LETTERS OF THE EARLY MEDICI
and has lowered but little. He is not so lively during the day
as I could wish, being weakened by the strength of the fever.
The Maestro says this is caused by the nature of the phlegm
which is in him. I wish thee to know this.
But do not be anxious, for Giuliano is strong ; he walks
about the room, and, though pale, is of good complexion. I
give thee all these details more for thy information than
because Giuliano seems to me ill, or that the amelioration
does not continue. I commend myself to thee. The 24th
November 1463 at the 16th hour.
THY LUCREZIA at Pisa.
At this moment Giuliano is awake, and the Maestro says
he has never found him so free from fever, and that during
convalescence people are always more uneasy. Dost thou
understand ? *
COSIMO DE' MEDICI to his son PIERO at Pisa
Yesterday we received yours of the 19th, by which we see
you are all well. This is most pleasing to us, also that the
town is healthy and that you are taking good care of Giuliano
who is well. Again we beg of you to see that he takes care of
himself. We have also received the letters from Bruges and
all my other letters which you had, all shall be answered.
I note that you will write to Niccolo in a few days, when
the farm of Piero da Gagliano will be taken over. The sooner
this is done the better, as the creditors have begun to get rest-
less, that is Giovanni Rucie . . . 2 to whom I have notified that
he is to stop proceedings, as he will be paid before the end of
the month.
The plague here has abated, and no one mentions it any
longer. The cold weather with snow and ice in these last days
has put an end to it, so for the present we are all well. Day
1 Lucrezia Tornabuoni, Donna di Piero di Cotimo dc' Medici, G. Levantini-
Pieroni, p. 37. Firenze, 1888.
2 A piece torn out of the letter.
70
COSIMO DI GIOVANNI DE' MEDICI
by day you shall have news how things go. Yester evening it
began to rain, and is much milder.
By the grace of God Contessina and I are very well, and so
are Bianca and Gugliemo and the little Contessina. They
come to us often to keep us company. To-morrow morning
we shall get a letter from the Signori here to the Consuls [of
the Sea] l at Pisa, in order that you may cut the wood for the
galleys that are to be built. This is a favourable moon for
felling trees.
Ruberto is dangerously ill, there is small hope of his
recovery. God help him. For this reason none of his brothers
can go to help about the wood for the galleys.
Thy companions here will write and send their letters by
a horseman and . . . 2 We do this so that you may have
frequent news. Christ guard thee. Florence, January 23,
1463 (1464). COSIMO DE 1 MEDICI."
The following document shows that Francesco Sforza
realised how much he owed to Cosimo de 1 Medici. ^When on
the death of Filippo Maria Visconti in 1447 Milan declared
herself a Republic, popular feeling in Florence ran high in her
favour. It needed all Cosimo's authority and influence to
induce his fellow-citizens to assist Sforza in seizing supreme
power. Cosimo saw that as a republic Milan would inevitably
fall a prey to Venice, and thus the communications of Italy
with the North would be cut off. A strong ruler who owed
his crown to Florence would be an invaluable ally, and preserve
the balance of power in Italy. We shall see that Piero faith-
fully carried out his father's policy.
FRANCESCO SFORZA, Duke of Milan, &c. &c.
As we have always felt a particular affection for the mag-
nificent Cosimo de n Medici of Florence on account of his
1 For an account of the Consuls of the Sea, see Pisa, " Mediaeval Towns."
Dent, London, 1909.
2 A piece torn out of the letter.
3 Arch. Med. ante Prin., Filza ii. No. 546.
71
LETTERS OF THE EARLY MEDICI
singular virtues, and as he also has loved us and all that per-
tains to us, we are bound and obliged to love all that belongs
to him. Now here in Milan Pigello Portinaro, a Florentine
citizen and merchant, the administrator and partner in the
business and bank of the Magnificent Cosimo de' Medici and of
Piero and Johanni his sons in Milan, who has served us and
the illustrious Madonna Bianca our consort ever since he came
to inhabit this our city, about eleven years ago, with very large
sums of money, with stuffs and with jewels, and with loans
of divers kinds as appear by the entries in our private books.
These services, subsidies, and favours given by the said Pigello
according to the orders of the aforesaid Magnificent Cosimo
and his sons were most pleasing and acceptable to us because
they were given willingly, and the said Pigello carried them
out and fulfilled them with great diligence, loyalty, and love
towards us, and with admirable discretion, by which means we
were enabled to arrange our affairs. Pigello made every effort
to do this with the smallest possible loss to us, and we are
sure he will continue to do so. Therefore we are much pleased
and have been well served by the aforesaid Pigello ; and all the
profit, lucre, and gain that the said Pigello has made, either
in their name or in his own with us and with our stewards,
officials, and any other agents of ours, we for the above-named
reasons approve of and are well content. By this our letter
we declare that they can have and hold all without fear of
contradiction or qualms of conscience, releasing and absolving
the said Magnificent Cosimo, his sons and the said Pigello,
and their sons and heirs in perpetuity from any claims ; pro-
mising for ourselves, our sons and successors, that no question
shall be raised about any profits or gains they may have made
with us up to the present day for the above said reasons, or
for any depending or arising therefrom. Because as has been
said we have already, and by this our letter we do now make a
general donation of the aforesaid privileges which is formal
and binding, and is to be understood as including all those
72
GOSIMO DI GIOVANNI DE' MEDICI
clauses and formalities which are necessary in a full and valid
donation de jure ; with the reservation that if any error is
discovered in the books, writing, or reasons above said, they
are to be corrected and amended in honest and just fashion ;
and this is to be understood as binding upon both parties.
We command all our governors, clerks of the exchequer, and
all other our officials and subjects who see the present letter, to
observe it implicitly without contradiction or exception. And
that all who see this letter may know that it is written by our
own orders, we have signed it with our own hand, and had
it sealed with the seal we always use. Given in Milan on the
llth day of March 1463 (1464).
FRANCISCHUS SFORTIA,
Vicecomis, &c., mann propria.
Cicchus. 1
The last months of Cosimo's life were passed chiefly at
Careggi, and his great solace was in study, as the following
letter shows :
COSIMO DE' MEDICI to the REVEREND MASTER MARSILIO
FICINO, Platonist
Yesterday I came to the villa of Careggi, not to cultivate
my fields but my soul. Come to us, Marsilio, as soon as
possible. Bring with thee our Plato^s book De Summo Bono.
This, I suppose, you have already translated from the Greek
language into Latin as you promised. I desire nothing so
much as to know the best road to happiness. Farewell, and
do not come without the Orphean lyre.
About twenty days before his death, whilst talking to
Ficino, Cosimo bewailed the unhappy lot of humanity and
exulted in the happier prospect he felt was opening out before
him. Ficino replied by citing corresponding ideas from Greek
1 Cosmi Vita, op. cit. ii. 246.
73
LETTERS OF THE EARLY MEDICI
authors, particularly from Zenocrates, upon which Cosimo
demanded of Ficino, as a last service, to translate his treatise
on Death into Latin. The end was fast approaching, and
Cosimo's calm, rather ironical nature was not changed by
physical suffering or by the fear of death. When his wife
asked him why he remained silent for so many hours at a time,
he answered : " When we go to the villa the preparations for
our departure occupy thee for fifteen days ; dost thou not
understand that I, who am leaving this life for the next one,
have much to think on ? "
A few days before Cosimo died Piero wrote to his two
sons Lorenzo and Giuliano at Cafaggiuolo, where they had been
sent with their mother, Lucrezia, on account of the plague
which had broken out in Florence. Indeed there was a
report that Cosimo's malady was the plague, and many were
afraid to visit him.
PIERO DE" MEDICI to LORENZO and GIULIANO his sons
at Cafaggiuolo
I wrote to you the day before yesterday how much worse
Cosimo was. It appears to me that he is gradually sinking,
and he thinks so himself. On Tuesday evening he would
have no one in his room save Mona Contessina and myself.
He began to recount all his past life, then he touched upon the
government of the city and then on its commerce, and at last he
spoke of the management of the private possessions of our
family and of what concerns you two ; taking comfort that
you had good wits and bidding me educate you well so that
you might be of help to me. Two things he deplored. First,
that he had not done as much as he wished or could have ac-
complished ; secondly, that he left me in such poor health and
with much irksome business. Then he said he would make no
will, not having made one whilst Giovanni was alive, seeing
that we were always united in true love, amity, and esteem,
74
GOSIMO DI GIOVANNI DE' MEDICI
and when it pleased God to so order it he desired to be buried
without pomp or show, and reminded me of his often expressed
desire to be buried in S. Lorenzo. All this he said with much
method and prudence, and with a courage that was marvellous
to behold, adding that his life had been a long one and that
he was ready and content to depart whensoever it pleased God.
Yester morn he left his bed and caused himself to be care-
fully dressed. The Priors of S. Marco, of S. Lorenzo, and of
the Badia of Fiesole were present. He made his confession to
the Prior of S. Lorenzo and then heard mass, and he spoke the
responses as though in perfect health. Then being asked the
articles of faith he repeated them word by word and made his
confession and took the Holy Sacrament with more devotion
than can be described, having first asked pardon of all present.
These things have raised my courage and my hope in the
Almighty, although according to the flesh I am sorrowful, yet
seeing the greatness of his soul and how well disposed he is, I
am in part content that his end should be thus. Yesterday he
was pretty well, and also during the night, but on account of
his great age I have small hope of his recovery. Cause prayers
to be said for him by the friars of II Bosco 1 and bestow alms
as seems best to you, praying God to leave him with us for a
while, if such be for the best. And you, who are young, take
example and assume your share of care and trouble as God has
ordained, and being boys, make up your minds to be men ; your
condition and the present case demanding that of you lads.
Above all take heed to everything that can add to your honour
and be of use to you, because the time has come when it is
necessary that you should rely on yourselves. Live in the fear of
God and trust that all will go well. Of what befalls Cosimo I
will advise you. We are expecting a doctor from Milan, but I
have more hope in Almighty God than in aught else. No more
at present. Careggi, the 26th July 1464. 2
1 A monastery built by Cosimo not far from Cafaggiuolo, in the forest.
2 Cosmi Vita, &c., op. cit. ii. 251.
75
LETTERS OF THE EARLY MEDICI
The following letter is undated, but as it refers chiefly to
the character of Cosimo de"* Medici, and to a certain extent
describes him, I have inserted it here.
MARSILIO FICINO to the noble LORENZO DE' MEDICI
Even as harmony delights us more at the moment it strikes
our ears than when we remember tunes we have heard, and the
actual sight of war moves us more than any recital thereof,
thus the great deeds of noble and illustrious men animate our
courage far more than the words of orators and philosophers
who dispute about valour. For it is ordered by nature that
things themselves should be more potent than their names, and
that real events should move the soul with greater force than
what is either false or may have happened. Therefore by
imitating the deeds of Socrates we are taught better how
to attain courage than by the art displayed by Aristotle in his
writings on morality. And Christ solely by His example has
done more to make us adopt a holy and virtuous way of life
than all the orators and philosophers that ever existed. There-
fore, my Lorenzo, whilst I applaud you for not despising the
writings which teach morals, I beg you to prefer learning from
reality instead of from description, as you would prefer a living
thing from a dead. Particularly as you have decided to
emulate that aged man on whom our Senate bestowed the title
of Father of His Country. I mean the great Cosimo, your
grandfather and my lord. A man prudent above all men,
pious towards God, just and most charitable towards men, tem-
perate in living, diligent in his care for his family, and still
more so in the affairs of the Republic ; a most honourable
man who lived not only for himself, but for the good of his
country and his God ; whose soul was as humble as any man's,
and yet great and exalted. I, my Lorenzo, for more than
twelve years gave myself up to philosophy with him. He was
as acute in reasoning as he was prudent and strong in govern-
76
COSIMO DI GIOVANNI DE' MEDICI
ing. Certainly I owe much to Plato, but must confess that I
owe no less to Cosimo. Inasmuch as Plato only once showed
me the Idea of courage, Cosimo showed it me every day.
For the moment I will not mention his other qualities.
Cosimo was as avaricious and careful of time as Midas of
money ; he spent his days parsimoniously, carefully counting
every hour and avariciously saving every second ; he often
lamented the loss of hours. Finally, having like Solon the
philosopher (even when occupied in most serious business)
diligently studied philosophy, yet even till the last day when
he departed from this world of shadows to go to light he
devoted himself to the acquisition of knowledge. For when
we had read together Plato's book dealing with the Origin of
the Universe and the Summum Bonum he, as you who were
present well know, soon after quitted this life as though he
was really going to enjoy that happiness which he had tasted
during our conversations. Farewell, and as God fashioned
Cosimo according to the Idea of the world, do you continue as
you have begun to fashion yourself according to the Idea of
Cosimo. MARSILIO Ficixo. 1
BRIEF MEMORANDUM BY PIERO DE' MEDICI ABOUT
HIS FATHER'S DEATH
I record that on the 1st August 1464, at the hour of
22j, Cosimo di Giovanni de 1 Medici quitted this life, having
been a great sufferer from pains in his joints, although free
from all other ills. Towards the end of his life he was
afflicted with suppression of urine, which caused frequent fever.
He was seventy-seven years of age, a tall, handsome man, and
healthy, save for the above-mentioned ills. Of great prudence
arid still greater kindness, he was the most eminent and the richest
citizen our city had possessed for many years, and was trusted and
1 Epistole Marsilii Ficini Florentini. xv Decembris MCCccxxxxim.
Florentine.
77
LETTERS OF THE EARLY MEDICI
loved by the people above all other men. Indeed there is no
record of any citizen who died at that age who was so kind and
so famous, and was so universally mourned and with reason, for
no man ever had to complain of him, but many have been
helped, and succoured, and assisted, for his greatest pleasure lay
in aiding others ; not only relations and friends, but strangers ;
and what is more difficult to believe, and still more difficult to
accomplish, those who were unfriendly. By such praiseworthy
actions he made many persons his friends, who by their own
fault or the fault of others had been his enemies. He was
liberal, charitable, and merciful, and gave many alms during his
life, not only in the city and the State, but in far distant
places for things pertaining to religion, rebuilding churches,
and giving for other worthy objects which had come under his
notice. He was highly esteemed and believed in by all the
lords and princes in and out of Italy. He filled all the
greatest positions in our city, all foreign ones he declined ; but
he joined in the most important and honourable embassies
sent by our Republic in his time. In the city his commerce
enriched many men, besides procuring a large fortune to him-
self. He was not only a wise and cautious man of business,
but a lucky one. As has been said, he died on the aforesaid
day in our house at Careggi, after receiving all the sacraments
of Holy Church with the utmost devotion and reverence. He
would not make a will, but left everything in my hands. He was
buried in the church of S. Lorenzo in the earth, in the sepulchre
ordered by him, without any honours or pomp, as he would
have none but the canons and priests of the said church, the
friars of S. Marco, and the canons regular of the Badia of
Fiesole, and neither more nor less wax torches than were used
at an ordinary funeral. This he ordered with his last breath ;
saying that alms-giving and other good works ought to be
performed while alive, as he had done, and were then of more
use. Notwithstanding I, wishing to pay my filial debt to
paternal piety, did what was requisite on account of those
78
COSIMO DI GIOVANNI DE' MEDICI
who remained, ordering alms and masses, as follows in this
book.
Note of the Funeral and of the Masses that are to be said in the
Church of S. Lorenzo and in other places for the Soul of
Cosimo di Giovanni de 1 Medici, $c.
On the morning of August 2, which was Thursday, the
funeral took place in the church of S. Lorenzo ; for wax we
paid lire 43J ; for torches, 94 Ibs. of candles for putting in the
church, and 13 small torches to be carried by the priests, in all
190J Ibs., and for 16 torches of 97 Ibs. for placing round the
body.
Note of the Masses and Offices celebrated for the Soul
of Cosimo
To the Chapter and priests of S. Lorenzo for an office lasting
eight consecutive days, beginning on August 3rd ; with 30
masses for each office, which make 8 offices, with 240 masses
for the octave, we paid 16 lire for 6 torches of 33 Ibs. and 10
Ibs. of candles.
To the Chapter and priests of S. Lorenzo for an office
beginning on August llth, and continuing for thirty consecu-
tive days, finishing on the llth September, we paid 60 lire per
torch of wax of 170 Ibs.
Then follows a long list of members of the family, friends,
dependants, and slaves, each of whom had from 30 to 10
braccia each of black cloth for the funeral ; the women of the
family had also black veils and kerchiefs.
Besides the many offices celebrated in Florence for the soul
of Cosimo, the various Companies of Rome, Venice, Milan,
Bruges, Geneva, London, and Avignon celebrated a great
many ; and liberal alms were given, and many prisoners were
pardoned and set free from divers prisons.
79
LETTERS OF THE EARLY MEDICI
Memorandum of all the Men to whom was given Mourning
for the said Funeral
Yds. Ins.
Pietro di Cosimo de' Medici had dark clay cloth . 8 29
Pier Francesco di Lorenzo had cloth . . . .11 4
Lorenzo di Pietro di Cosimo had cloth and Giuliano .16 29
Messer Carlo di Cosimo, cloth 9 16
Niccodemo, Ducal Secretary, cloth . . . 8 29
Messer Gentile di Giorgio, Florentine Canon, cloth . 8 29
Maestro Mariotto di Niccold, our doctor, cloth . 8 29
Messer Bartolommeo Scala, Chancellor, cloth . 8 29
Matteo di Ser Giovanni de' Rossi, cloth . . 8 29
Fruosino d'Andrea da Panzano, cloth . . 8 29
Ser Francesco Cantansanchi, cloth . . . 8 29
Ser Filippo di Cristofano, Piero's Chancellor, cloth . 8 29
Francesco di Giovanni Fracassini, Factor in Cafag-
giuolo, cloth 61
Felice di Simone, Factor in Careggi, cloth . . 6 13
Piero di . . . , Factor at Fiesole 6 13
Antonio di Meo Turco, Steward in Florence . 6 13
Gugliemo di Francesco da Rover eto . . . 6 13
Guasparri di Francesco da Vicchio . . . 6 13
Piero di Domenico, surnamed Malerba . . 6 13
Prandino di Piero da Lodi 6 13
Matteo di . . . da Vicchio, Barber . . . 6 13
Giovanni di Giovanni, German 6 13
Piero d'Angiolino of Brieg, German . . . 6 13
Donnino di Jacopo, who is in Cafaggiuolo . . 6 13
Andrea di Piero from Vienna . . . . 6 13
Memorandum of all the Women who received Mourning
for the said Funeral
Yds. lus.
Madonna Contessina, wife of Cosimo, had cloth, and
besides eight veils and two kerchiefs . . .20 8
Madonna Lucrezia, wife of Piero di Cosimo, cloth,
and besides two veils and one kerchief . 8 29
Maria Nannina, daughter of Piero di Cosimo, cloth . 8 29
Madonna Ginevra, wife of the late Giovanni di
Cosimo, cloth, and besides two veils and one
kerchief 8 29
Madonna Ginevra, wife of the late Lorenzo de' Medici,
cloth, and besides two veils and one kerchief . 8 29
80
COSIMO DI GIOVANNI DE' MEDICI
Yds. Ins.
Laudomine, wife of Pier Francesco de' Medici, cloth,
and two veils and one kerchief 8 29
M. Lisabetta, wife of Sozo da Vernio, cloth, and two
veils and one kerchief 8 29
M. Luisa, wife of Alexandro da Vernio, cloth, and
two veils and one kerchief 8 29
M. Marta, wife of Gualtrotto da Vernio, cloth, and
two veils and one kerchief 8 29
Maids
M. Marta, widow of Stefano da Villa nuova . 6 13
M. Maddalena di Giovanni di Benavenni . . 6 13
M. Maddalena, widow of Martino da Barberino . 6 13
M. Maddalena, widow of Viviano da Cafaggiuolo . 6 13
M. Bartola, widow of 6 13
Slaves
Caterina . . . . . . . . 6 13
Crestina 6 13
Caterina 6 13
Tita 6 13
Cosimo de' Medici died at Careggi on August 1, 1464.
His family, as has been said, respected his wish that he should
be buried as a private citizen, without any public and official
pomp. His fellow-citizens nevertheless resolved to commemo-
rate in some special fashion the decease of the real head of
their State. A minute setting forth his services was incor-
porated in the Acta of the Ten, who also passed a law declar-
ing that he was to be afterwards known by the title of Pater
Patrice, and appointed Donate Acciaiuoli to commend its
adoption to the people in a set oration. The law was adopted
by acclamation, and Cosimo is always known as Cosimo Pater
Patriae.
81
PIERO DI COSIMO DE' MEDICI
(1416-1469)
PIETRO, or, as he was commonly called, Piero de 1 Medici, was
forty-eight when his father died in 1464, and had neither the
moral nor the physical strength necessary for his position. He
was a martyr to gout, from whence his surname il Gottoso.
Kindly and indolent by nature, he could be stern, terse, and
eloquent when roused, and his political insight was keen. The
commencement of his reign, if one may use the word, was
unfortunate. Cosimo on his deathbed had recommended his
son to consult Diotisalvi Neroni, and to follow his advice.
The shrewd old man had been singularly deceived in his esti-
mate of the character of the man he bade Piero take as his
right hand. Machiavelli^s account of the conspiracy which so
nearly wrecked the power of the house of Medici is as follows :
" Messer Diotisalvi, moved more by his own ambition than
by affection for Piero or gratitude for the benefits he had re-
ceived from Cosimo, thought it would be easy to ruin Piero's
credit, and to deprive him of the authority inherited from his
father. He therefore gave him advice which appeared most
honest and reasonable, but in reality was meant to lead to his
ruin. Showing him the disorder in his affairs, and how much
money was absolutely necessary to save his own credit and that
of the State, he declared that the most honourable way to
remedy his difficulties would be to call in the debts due to his
father by both foreigners and citizens. For Cosimo, in order
to gain partisans in Florence and friends abroad, had been
most generous in the use of his riches, and the moneys owing
to him amounted to a very considerable sum. Such counsel
seemed good and honest to Piero, who wished to remedy his
affairs with his own means. But as soon as he demanded re-
payment of these loans the citizens, as though he wanted to
take what was theirs and not what was his own, complained
PIERO DI COSIMO DE' MEDICI.
Detail from the fresco by Benozzo
(iozzol! in the Chapel of Palazzo
Riccardi, Florence.
Anderxvn
PIERO DI COSIMO DE' MEDICI
loudly, and showed small respect in speaking ill of him, and
accusing him of ingratitude and avarice. When Messer Dioti-
salvi saw the universal disfavour his advice had brought on
Piero he joined Messer Luca Pitti, Messer Agnolo Acciaiuoli,
and Niccolo Soderini, and they conspired to deprive Piero of
his credit and his authority. They were influenced by various
motives. Messer Luca aspired to fill the position held by
Cosimo, having become so great a man that he disdained to
obey Piero. Messer Diotisalvi, knowing that Messer Luca was
unfit to be the head of the government, thought that once
Piero was out of the way the management must of necessity
fall to him. Niccolo Soderini desired that the city should
enjoy more freedom, and be governed according to the wishes
of the magistrates, while Messer Agnolo had private reasons
for hating the Medici. Some time before his son Raifaello had
married Alessandra de 1 Bardi, whose dower was very large.
Owing either to her own misconduct, or to the faults of others,
she was maltreated by her father-in-law and her husband ; so
one night Lorenzo dllarione, her kinsman, moved to pity for
the girl, with many men-at-arms, took her away from the house
of Messer Agnolo. The Acciaiuoli complained of the insult
done to them by the Bardi, and the matter being laid before
Cosimo he decreed that the dower was to be repaid to Ales-
sandra, and that she was to decide whether she would or would
not return to her husband. Messer Agnolo did not think that
in delivering this judgment Cosimo had behaved as a friend,
and not being able to do anything against him he determined
to take revenge on his son. The conspirators, though animated
by such diverse motives, agreed to give the same reason publicly,
declaring that they desired the city to be ruled by magistrates
and not by the uncontrolled will of a few men. The hatred
felt against Piero and the reasons for attacking him, were in-
creased by the bankruptcy of many merchants for which he
was blamed ; his unexpected demand to be repaid having caused
these men to fail, and thus brought great discredit and loss
upon the city." 1
Florence was divided into two camps, the Party of the Hill,
so-called because Luca Pitti's palace was being erected on the
highest part of the city, and the Party of the Plain, because the
palace of the Medici was on the flat. " While things were in
1 Delle Istorie Florentine, Niccold Machiavelli, pp. 410 et seq. Milano, 1823.
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LETTERS OF THE EARLY MEDICI
this disorder," continues Machiavelli, "the time arrived for
renewing the chief magistrate, and Niccolo Soderini was elected
Gonfalonier of Justice." But Niccolo wasted his two months'
tenure of office in futile attempts to " reform " the government,
accomplished nothing, and quitted office a discredited man. The
conspirators then determined to murder Piero as he returned
to Florence from his villa of Careggi. He was only saved by
the presence of mind of his young son Lorenzo, who preceded
him on horseback, and noticed armed men loitering on the
road. Lorenzo rode quietly on announcing that Piero was
close behind him, but sent back in hot haste a messenger to
order his father's litter to take an unfrequented lane. Luca
Pitti, perceiving that if the Medici were swept away Neroni
and not himself would be the head of the Republic, betrayed
his fellow-conspirators, and made peace with Piero. His defec-
tion was a death-blow to the conspiracy and to his own fortunes.
Neroni and Niccolo Soderini fled to Venice, Acciaiuoli to Siena
first and then to Naples, and the power of the Medici was once
more firmly established.
Piero inherited his father's love of letters and of art. He
was the first to employ Luca della Robbia, who decorated the
ceiling of his study in the Medici palace and made tiles foi the
floor, which, as Vasari says, " was a new thing and most excel-
lent for summer." Luca also made the vaulted roof of the
marble chapel of the Crucifix inside the ancient church of
S. Miniato a Monte, erected by Piero's orders by his father's
faithful friend, Michelozzo Michelozzi.
Whatever currents of opinion disturbed the city of Florence
at the death of Cosimo de' Medici, foreign powers universally
recognised his son Piero as his successoi in the rule of the
Republic. The Pope sent him a letter of condolence on his
father's death, while the King of France, Louis XL, testified
his regard for the Medici by creating him a Privy Councillor,
and giving him the right to add the Lily of France to the arms
of his family.
POPE Pius II. to PIERO DE' MEDICI
BELOVED SON, Greeting and apostolic blessing. We have
just heard that Cosimo, your father, has departed this life.
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PIERO DI COSIMO DE' MEDICI
This is indeed bitter and mournful news, and most grievous
to us. For we loved him with sincere affection as a man whom
we always found devoted to ourselves and to the Apostolic See,
whom we knew to be gifted with unusual insight and kindness.
Yet, my son, though many besides yourself will mourn his death,
you must bear \vith a brave heart this fate which divine law
has ordained for mortals. Accept this expression of God's will
patiently, and do not give way to grief. If you consider the
course of human existence, Cosimo has had a long life ; he has
paid his debt to nature, and in his old age he has gone the way
of all flesh. His life was full of honour ; his glory extended
beyond his own city to all Italy, nay, to the whole world ; he
has lived in the highest esteem and, what we must value more,
in piety, and abiding in the fear of God. It is not right to
mourn the death of a man who has lived righteously and justly,
since we must believe that he has gone from this troubled
human existence to one that is full of peace and tranquillity.
As for us, beloved son, we intend to preserve towards you the
feelings we had for your father, and for him we had a singular
paternal affection. We promise that we shall always do what
in our judgment will be conducive to your honour and your
interest, and to that of the house of Medici. This we wish you
to understand. Given at Ancona under the seal of the Fisher-
man, the 8th day of August 1464, in the sixth year of our
pontificate. 1
Louis XI., King of France, to PIERO DE' MEDICI
Dikcto Fllio Nobili Viro Petro de 1 Medicis. Louis, by the
grace of God King of France.
MOST DEAR AND GREAT FRIEND, We have received by
our beloved and faithful courier Francesco Nori your letters
which you sent to us by him. From him and from your
letters we have learned how kindly you have acted in
1 Conni Vita, op. cit. ii. 286.
85
LETTERS OF THE EARLY MEDICI
our favour towards our dear and beloved uncle the Duke
of Milan about the affair of the Marches of which we wrote,
and we are much pleased and very grateful to you. We
also heard of the death of the late Cosimo de 1 Medici, our
great friend and your father, which has given and does give us
much sorrow, both for the singular love we bore him and for
the great and laudable services he rendered to us and to the
French crown during his whole life. For the enduring memory
thereof and of the friendship he showed to us and to the
crown, and in order to honour him and you and all his relatives
and family, and for the salvation of his soul, we beg you to
dedicate to the service of your said dead father banners with
our arms, of such number as seems best to you and is customary
in such cases. We have also, in order to show the confidence
we place in you, in your wisdom, loyalty, goodness, and diligence,
and for the preservation of the friendship and goodwill which
always existed between your late father and ourselves, ap-
pointed you one of our privy councillors, and have ordered the
letters patent to be made out, which we send by the bearer ;
and when you desire anything for yourself, for your family or
for your Commune, we shall grant it in your favour if you
signify it and let us know by the said Franceschino, for whom
we have always felt and feel singular affection and esteem. 2
Privilege granted by Louis XI. to the Medici to
quarter the Lily of France in their arms
Louis, by the grace of God King of France. We make
known to all present and for the future : Bearing in mind the
great, praiseworthy, and much to be commended fame enjoyed
by the late Cosimo de" Medici during his life in all his actions
and his affairs, which he conducted with such great virtue and
prudence that his children and other relatives and friends must
1 This document is undated, but was in all probability given in 1464.
86
PIERO DI COSIMO DE' MEDICI
be commended and held in high honour. For these reasons
and moved by the supplication and prayer which has been
addressed to us by our friends, and by our loyal Councillor
Piero de 1 Medici, son of the said late Cosimo de 1 Medici, we by
our own will, special grace, full power and royal authority
decree and command by these presents that the said Piero de 1
Medici . . . his heirs and successors born and to be bom in legal
wedlock may henceforward and for ever have and bear in the arms
three Fleur delis of the shape and manner herein portrayed . . .
And these arms we have given and give to them by these said
presents, to use as seems good to them in all places and among
all people, in time of peace or in time of war, without any
impediment either now or hereafter being placed to their so
doing. And in order that this thing should be firm and stable
for ever, we have caused our seal to be set to these two presents,
reserving our rights in all other things and our authority in
everything. Given at Mont Lucon in the month of May, the ..
year of grace 1465, and the fourth year of our reign. 1
Owing to Piero's miserable health, his son Lorenzo was
sent, even as quite a lad, to visit foreign courts and to receive
foreign princes who passed through Tuscany. Thus in April
1465 he met Don Federigo d'Aragona, second son of the King
of Naples, at Pisa, on his way to Milan to escort his eldest
brother's bride, Ippolita Maria, daughter of Francesco Sforza,
to Naples. The two youths formed a lasting friendship, and
on Federigo's return with his sister-in-law they came to
Florence and stayed in the Medici palace. Ippolita and
Lorenzo then became such friends that she never hesitated to
appeal to him when, as often happened in the needy Neapoli-
tan court, she wanted money. They often corresponded, and
when Lorenzo went to Naples in 1479, the Duchess of Calabria
and Don Federigo were his powerful allies. The following
letter, a remarkable one for a lad of seventeen, was sent to
Don Federigo with a volume of poems selected from those
writers Lorenzo considered to be masters of the Tuscan tongue.
1 Laurentii Medicis Afagnifici Vita, Angelo Fabronio, ii. 117. Pisis,
1784.
87
LETTERS OF THE EARLY MEDICI
There are two copies in Florence, one in the Nazionale
Library, 1 the other in the Riccardiana. 2
The Magnificent LORENZO to the Illustrious LORD
FEDERIGO, son of the King of Naples
Often have I reflected, Illustrious my Lord Federigo, which
among the many and infinite poems of antiquity is the most
excellent. Certes, one must have been more admirable than
the others. It has always been a matter of surprise to me that
no great and fine work was originated in ancient times, either
of hands or head, which did not receive private and public
recognition and reward. So as all rivers and springs are said
to have their origin from the great Ocean, all the famous deeds
and marvellous works of bygone men may be said to derive from
this laudable habit. The nutriment of every art is honour,
and by the desire of glory alone are men's minds spurred
to produce admirable works. Thus in Rome we see magni-
ficent triumphal entries, in Greece the famous Olympian games,
and both are celebrated by poets and orators with infinite
mastery. For this alone were the chariot and the triumphal
1 Palatina Codex 204. The volume bound in white vellum contains 622
pages. There is no title-page. Lorenzo's letter occupies the first six and a
half pages, and without any division or new paragraph follows the Life of
Dante by Boccaccio, in the same handwriting. At page 63 the writing changes
and continues the same for forty pages. The poems were evidently copied by
various scribes, as the writing so often differs.
2 Codex 2723. A far smaller volume in modern wooden binding. The
title-page is : Rime del Poliziano, di Lorenzo de' Medici, di Dante e d'altri.
The famous letter begins on page 71 (really 142, as only the right-hand page
is numbered) and above it is written in a different and more modern hand in
red ink, Epistola di M. Angdo Poliziano al S. Federiyo insieme con raccolto volgare
mandatogli dal Magco. Lorenzo. The same scribe has written the names of the
various poets in the margin of the letter where they are mentioned in red ink.
The Life of Dante by Boccaccio and many of the poems that are in the Pala-
tina Codex are wanting. At page 78 (i.e. 156) the handwriting changes, and
at the end of the volume is inserted a Latin autograph letter from Poliziano
to Philippu Beroaldus. In 1814 the Abbate Vincenzo Nannucci and Luigi
Ciampolini published a collection of Poliziano's poems and at the end printed
Lorenzo's letter, attributing it to Poliziano. They were evidently misled by
the anonymous annotator of this codex. The attribution to Poliziano is
absurd, as he was then barely fourteen years of age, and only knew Lorenzo
in 1470, when he sent him a translation of part of the Iliad (see p. 157).
88
PIERO DI COSIMO DE' MEDICI
arch, the highly decorated theatres, the statues, the palm
branches, the garlands, the funereal honours ; for this alone
were devised other splendid ornaments, and thus were en-
couraged high and noble deeds of the intellect and of the
sword, all the marvellous works of the great men of ancient
days, who assuredly (as our Tuscan poet says) will never lack
fame so long as this world lasts. These of a truth were great
and divine men, desirous of enduring fame and supremely
grateful to those who, by celebrating the valour and noble
deeds of great men in fine poetry, made their names immortal.
Inflamed by such desire, Alexander the Great on seeing the
tomb of the famous Achilles with a sigh uttered those memor-
able words : " Fortunate art thou to have so glorious a sepulchre
and to have been sung by such a pen." Fortunate indeed.
For without the divine poet Homer Achilles' body and fame
would have been buried in one tomb together. And even this
poet, excellent above all others, would not have attained such
honour and glory had he not been so admired by a learned
Athenian, almost one may say raised from death to life. For
after his death the great poet's noble work was scattered and
dismembered until Pisistratus, prince of Athens, a man en-
dowed with many virtues and of noble presence, offered large
rewards to whosoever brought him verses by Homer. Thus
with great diligence and care he collected and reconstructed
the glorious poem, giving to it eternal life and to himself ever-
lasting glory. For this reason the only epitaph on his statue is
the record that he collected the poems of the great Homer.
Oh, truly divine men, born for the good of humanity and of
the world. The prince knew that his other deeds, however
admirable, were as nothing compared with this one poem.
Such were these antique men, whose deeds are not to be
equalled in later times, and indeed are hardly believed. For
as rewards for noble deeds no longer exist the flame of courage
is extinguished ; and as men do nothing worthy of praise the
singers of great deeds are despised. If this had not been the
89
LETTERS OF THE EARLY MEDICI
case we should not now mourn the loss of so many Greek and
Latin writers. With them have also perished many of our own
old poets, who had begun to cultivate the desert fields of the
Tuscan tongue, which now again, in our century, are covered
wi$i wild flowerets and weeds. But thy gracious hand, Illus-
trious Federigo, which thou hast deigned extend to them will,
after their long struggle, lead them safely into port.
When we were together last year in the ancient city of
Pisa we spoke of those who had written poetry in the Tuscan
tongue, and thy Lordship expressed a desire that I should
collect their works in one volume for thee. Being desirous in
this, as in all other matters, to fulfil thy wishes I have, not
without great labour, caused search to be made for the works
of all the old poets, and choosing the less rugged pieces have
gathered them into the volume I now send thy Lordship, in
the hopes that my efforts, such as they are, may please and
that thou wilt accept it in memory of me and as a proof of
my true affection. Let no one, however, despise this Tuscan
tongue as unadorned or diffuse. For if its richness and beauty
be rightly understood it will not be accounted rugged but
rich and refined. There is nothing delicate, elegant, graceful,
or ornate, nothing witty, ingenious or subtle, nothing ample
and rich, nothing magnificent and sonorous, finally nothing
ardent, bold, or moving, that is not found in those two mag-
nates Dante and Petrarch, and even in others of whom thou,
my Lord, didst cite brilliant examples. Poetry (according to
what Petrarch writes in a Latin epistle) was held in high
honour by the old Romans, and after long neglect appeared
again in Sicily not so many centuries ago ; then passing into
France finally came to Italy as though to its own home. The first
who courted the new style was Guittone of Arezzo, and about
the same time the famous Bolognese, Guido Guizzinello. Both
were learned in philosophy, serious, and sententious. The first
rather harsh and severe and without the gift of eloquence, the
second far more lucid, suave, and ornate, so that our honoured
90
PIERO DI COSIMO DE' MEDICI
Dante did not scruple to call him his father and also father of
others who wrote love songs of great sweetness and charm.
He was certainly the first to colour and soften our language,
which had only been roughly sketched out by the rude Aretine.
After them emerged the elegant Florentine, Guido Cavalcanti,
a subtle logician and philosopher, an honour to his age. As
he was handsome and graceful in person and of most noble
blood, so there was in his writings something, I know not
what, more beautiful, noble, and rare, than in others. Acute
in reasoning, sonorous, admirable, and grave in his sentences,
rich and elevated in composition, wise and prudent ; and all
these gifts are enhanced, and as clothed in a precious garment,
by a rare and exquisite style. Had he used this on a wider
field no doubt he would have attained to the highest honours.
One of his most admirable works is a song in which this subtle
and charming poet describes every quality, virtue, and prece-
dent of love. This was held in such high estimation that it
was commentated by three renowned philosophers, his con-
temporaries, among them the Roman Egidio. We must not
forget Bonagiunta of Lucca and the notary of Lentino, both
grave and sententious writers, but so devoid of charm that
they may be proud to be mentioned in the company of these
honoured men. They, and Pier delle Vigne in the time of
Guittone, were celebrated. The little written by the latter
is not without solemnity and erudition. He was the keeper
(as Dante says) of the keys of Frederick's heart, and locked
and unlocked it at his pleasure. After these shone those two
great men who illumined our tongue, Dante and Petrarch.
Of them (as Sallust says of Carthage) I think it better to say
nothing than to say too little. Onesto the Bolognese and
the earlier Silicians who flourished before them and were
therefore less versed in their art, did not lack talent or ambi-
tion. Cino da Pistoja, in my estimation, well deserves his
high reputation ; tender and loving, he was the first to entirely
shake off the antique ruggedness of which the divine Dante
91
LETTERS OF THE EARLY MEDICI
was not altogether free. Then comes a long line of more
modern writers who are far behind those two great ones. All
these, and with them some of our own time, come to thank
thee, who art more worthy of praise than that ancient Athenian
already mentioned. He only gave immortality to one, whilst
thou givest it to many. At the end of the volume (as seemed
to be thy desire) we have copied a few of our own sonnets and
songs, so that when reading them thou canst remember my
loyalty and affection. Although not worthy to be placed
among the splendid works of the old poets, yet they may
serve as a foil to show their greater beauty. Receive, there-
fore, Illustrious Lord, this volume and myself, not only in thy
house, but in thy heart and soul, as thou hast a blithe and
enduring abode in ours.
In the commentary Lorenzo wrote on some of his sonnets
he not only, as in the above letter, praises Italian, but affirms
its equality with the classic languages, and declares that neither
Ovid, Tibullus, Catullus, or Properties wrote love songs of such
beauty and grace as Petrarch. It was by this enthusiastic
participation in the intellectual pursuits and interests of his
day that Lorenzo, even as a youth, attained such popularity
with his fellow-citizens. They were proud of the lad who was
already known as a poet, who excelled in all bodily exercises,
and who was treated by foreign princes and potentates as an
equal. The above letter to Federigo d^ragona shows that he
was, to quote John Addington Symonds : " A Florentine of
the Florentines. Tuscan to the backbone, imbued with the
spirit of his city, a passionate lover of her customs and pastimes,
a complete master of her vernacular. His education, though
it fitted him for Platonic discussions with Ficino and rendered
him an amateur of humanistic culture, had failed to make a
pedant of him. Much as he appreciated the classics, he pre-
ferred his Tuscan poets ; and what he learned at school he
brought to bear upon the study of the native literature." l
Soon after his return from Pisa Lorenzo was despatched by
his father to Bologna, Ferrara, Venice, and Milan. Piero calls
1 Renaissance in Italy, J. A. Symonds, iv. 323. Smith, Elder, & Co., London,
1898.
92
PIERO DI GOSIMO DE' MEDICI
the journey "the touchstone of thy abilities. 1 ' The letters
show that the boy of seventeen was received as a prince, and
discussed with the rulers of the various states he visited im-
portant political matters, in all of which he was kept carefully
informed by his father. At the same time, with characteristic
Medicean shrewdness, Lorenzo was instructed to place himself
in the hands of his father's agents in each city visited, and the
whole journey could be represented as a tour of inspection of
the various agencies of a great banking-house, and the intro-
duction of the heir to the business of the family.
PIERO DE' MEDICI to his son LORENZO at Milan
Thou hast arrived at Milan later than I thought, and
perhaps than thou didst wish, on account of the delay caused
by the honours paid thee by the Duke at Ferrara. I have
written to thank him, and to say we are his debtors, and also
to Messer Giovanni Bentivoglio I have sent thanks, &c. Thou
art to follow the advice of Pigello l and his written instructions ;
be careful not to worry the Duke, he will have enough of that
with this marriage. 2 Thou art to consider thyself as the
servant and as belonging to the household of his Excellency,
and to ask Pigello's advice as to what visits to pay, and what
to say. Remember to be civil and alert ; act as a man and not
as a boy. Show sense, industry, and manly endeavour, so that
thou mayst be employed in more important things, for this
journey is the touchstone of thy abilities. I sent by carrier
the rest of the silver [plate] to Pigello, but have not yet heard
of its arrival. If thou needst aught else let me know, but
Pigello will provide all that is necessary. Consult with him
about inviting Don Federigo one day to the house there, or
anything else thou thirikest needful. Arrange with him after
due reflection, and whatever is settled do with splendour and in
honourable fashion. Gugliemo, 8 thou, and Pigello can settle
1 Manager of the Medici Bank at Milan.
2 Ippolita Maria, daughter of Francesco Sforza, was married by proxy to
the Duke of Calabria, eldest son of King Ferrante of Naples.
3 Gugliemo de' Pazzi, husband of Piero's daughter Bianca.
93
LETTERS OF THE EARLY MEDICI
together, and whatever is decided will please me, only, as I
said, do not stint money, but do thyself honour. When thou
hast time, after having paid thy visits, commend me to the Duke
and to Madonna, to Count Galeazzo and to whoso else thou
thinkest right. Amuse thyself and do not worry about us
here, the time will come soon enough when thou wilt have to
do so. Nannina is well again ; we will talk about her marriage
after thy return from Naples. Gugliemo's family are all well ;
tell him not to forget them entirely, and be not so taken up
with all those festivities as to forget thyself. I think thou hast
better leave there a few days before the others, because as I
have Madonna the Princess here in our house, and Gugliemo
and thyself being absent, I shall be as a man without hands,
but of this I will write later. No more at present. Christ
guard thee. Florence, May 4, 1465. 1
PIERO DE' MEDICI to his son LORENZO a t Milan
I have thy letter of May 2nd from Venice, saying thou
wert to leave the next day. Alessandro wrote on the 3rd and
told me of thy departure, and of what thou didst at Ferrara
to please the Duke, and of thy visits at Venice to the Doge and
other gentlemen, all of which I approve and commend, and I
think thou hast paid nearly all necessary visits. Thou wilt
have received my letter of the 4th telling thee what conduct to
pursue, all of which remember ; in a word, it is necessary for
thee now to be a man and not a boy ; be so in words, deeds,
and manners, and if thou givest dinners or other entertainments
do not let there be any stint in money or whatever else is needful
to do thyself honour. For the present I say no more. Before
leaving thou shalt hear what to do. I have consulted with the
citizens here, and they all agree that I must receive the princes 2
in our house on their return, and the Signoria has commanded
1 Arch. Med. ante Prin., Filza xx. No. 12.
2 Don Federigo and his sister-in-law, Ippolita Maria.
94
Da Vinegia ho la tua de 2 di et dovevi partire el di seguente et cost
da Allessandro a d\ 3 m' avisa essere seguito et quanto haveir seguito a
Ferrara nel soprastare a complacentie di quel Signore et a Vinegia nel
vicitare el doge et quelli altri gentiluomini che tucto lodo et commendo
et cosi credo che harete facto la piu parte delle vicitationi harj trovato
una mia lettera scrittati a di 4 e per quella dettoti come t' abbi a gover-
nare per questa el simile ti ricordo et per dire con una parola a te
bisogna fare conto essere huomo et non garzone le parole e gesti et
modi sieno circa quest' effecto et bisognando convitare o fare alcuna
altra cosa per farti honore non perdonare a spesa o cosa che facci di
bisogno per ora non entrero in altro Innanzi che parta di costi sarai
avisato di quello che haraj a fare da poi la partita ma mi sono ristretto
con questi cittadini et a ciascuno e paruto jo debba ricevere alia tornata
questi S. qui in casa nostra et cosi m' a commandato la S. la quale ho
ubbidito volentieri et era mestieri che tu o Guglierno vi trovassi di qua
che m' aresti levato assai noje pur si fara el melglio che si potra Sara
necessario che vi partiate qualche giorno innanzi alia brigata di costa
et a tempo ne sarete avisati. lo non ti scrissi a Vinegia perche '1 sopra-
stare tuo a Ferrara ruppe 1' ordine benche poco porti la brigata qui nostra
grazia di Dio tutti siamo sani et sta bene la Nannina in tucto guari la
brigata di Gugliemo similmente sta benissimo cosi atendete voi accio che
ritorniate qui in buon ordine qui s' aparecchia per venuta di cotesti S.
fare una bella festa per San Giovanni et cosi si cerca per altra via fare
loro grandiximo honore essi levato su Giuliano nostro messo al punto
da Baccio Benci et da altri et vorrebbono armeggiare ma farla altrimenti
Mca. che non s' e usato La S. vuole che faccino io non me ne contento
vedro di sgabellarmene se potro non vorrei tante noie a un tracto et
maraviglomi di Giovanni de' Pazzi che havendo facto una volta ci si
rimette la seconda che seguira sapraj Ne altro al presente Xpo ti guardi
In Firenze a di XI di maggio 1465.
Non ti scordi racomandarmi al Mco. conte Guasparre.
PlERO DE MEDICI. 1
1 The address is torn, and there only remains :
. . . entio de Medicis
. . . ediolani.
(Arch. Med. ante Prin., Filza 20, No. 157.)
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PIERO pi GOSIMO DE' MEDICI
me to do so : I obey willingly, but it would have taken much
trouble off my hands hadst thou and Gugliemo been here ; how-
ever, we will do the best we can. It will be better for thee to
leave a few days before the others, thou shalt be warned in time.
I did not write to Venice because the delay at Ferrara threw out
all arrangements, but it is of no consequence. All our family
here are well, and we hope thou art the same and wilt return
in safety. We are preparing great festivities for these princes
on S. John's day, and shall try and do them honour also in other
ways. Our Giuliano has been persuaded by Baccio Benci and
others to arrange a tournament, but in more magnificent fashion
than usual. The Signoria wishes it ; I am against it, and shall
try to get out of it if possible. I do not want to have so many
bothers at the same time, and am astonished that Giovanni de'
Pazzi, having done it once, undertakes to do it again. Thou
shalt know what is decided. No more at present. Christ
guard thee. In Florence on the llth day of May 1465.
Do not forget to commend me to the Magnificent Count
Guasparre. PIERO DE' MEDICI. l
S. John's Day (24th June) is still a great holiday in Flor-
ence. The cathedral and the baptistery are illuminated, and
fireworks (the scaffoldings for which used to be erected on the
Ponte della Carraja until the tramway took possession of the
bridge) are now let off on the Piazza Michelangelo. An
old chronicler writes : "On the day of S. John, the patron
saint of the city, and on the vigil thereof, not only are there
infinite demonstrations of spiritual joy, but everything that can
be done in such a city is done to show temporal happiness and
gaiety. Swift horses called Barberi race in public for a palio,
or banner, of cloth of gold lined with precious fur. Merchants
display untold riches in gold, jewels, pearls, and money, and in
cloth of gold, silks, and woollen goods of incredible value.
There are illuminations, bonfires, and fireworks, both public
and private, and the whole city is given over to rejoicing.
Among other diversions is jousting. This is a game played by
1 Arch. Med. ante Prin., Filza xx. No. 15.
95
LETTERS OF THE EARLY MEDICI
men clothed in the richest damasks and costumes and varied
liveries, according to the costumes arid liveries of their families,
who place themselves in proper order in the field (having
first triumphantly escorted an emperor in a gilded car, with a
fine and noble procession of kings, dukes, marquesses, counts,
soldiers, and baggage waggons), on splendidly caparisoned horses,
well trained to race. First they race in the public squares,
and then in certain places set apart for breakneck exercises
they break lances with no small dexterity."
On that day also the Signori, surrounded by their atten-
dants, and the soldiers and trumpeters of the Commune, sat
on the ringhiera l of the Palazzo Vecchio, in their magnificent
official costumes, which must have been rather trying in hot
summer weather. The Gonfalonier was clad in a long loose
crimson velvet coat lined with ermine and embroidered with
golden stars ; his berretta, or cap, was turned up with ermine
and trimmed with gold lace, pearls, and silver embroidery, like
the rays of stars. The crimson coats of cloth worn by the
Priors were also lined with ermine, and had ermine collars and
cuffs, and they wore a large red berretta or a hood. The
Podesta dressed like the Priors, but without a hood ; the Pre-
posto's coat was of black satin, and his hicco of black velvet was
lined with satin of various colours, and he always wore a hood.
Seated thus in state, the Signori received tribute from all
the cities, castles, and villages that were under their rule or
protection.
Dati enlarges on the magnificent and marvellous aspect of
the Piazza della Signoria, " with one hundred towers, which
shone like gold, some on waggons, some borne on the shoulders
of men. These last, made of wood, pasteboard, and coloured
wax figures, are called tapers (ceri). Inside the towers are men,
who cause these figures to move and to turn round. They
represented horsemen tilting, foot-soldiers with spears or waving
banners, and girls dancing in a ring. Near and around the
ringhiera hung a hundred or more pain or banners, their
staves being stuck into the iron rings on the walls. First
were those of the chief cities who send tribute to the Commune,
1 A long balustrade of stone raised several feet above the Piazza, with
steps leading up to it, which once occupied the front of the Palazzo Vecchio
to the left of the door. The erection was decreed on May 27, 1323, of "tmam
nobilem, pulchram et dtcentcm arcngheriam, in muris ieu juxta muros Palatii
Populi in co loco seu parte dicti palati uli videbilur officia dominorum priorum."
96
PIERO DI COSIMO DE' MEDICI
as Pisa, Arezzo, Pistoja, Volterra, Cortona, Lucignano, and
Castiglione Aretino, and of certain lords of Poppi and Piom-
bino, who are under the protection of the Commune, made of
thick velvet, lined with satin or with silk ; the rest are of strips of
thinner velvet, or of other cloth or silk ; so that the sight is truly
marvellous. The first offering in the morning is made by the
Captains of the Guelph party, with all their knights and gentle-
men, and ambassadors and foreign knights who accompany
them, and a great number of the most honourable citizens of
Florence ; the great banner of the Guelph party being borne
before them by one of their followers on a tall horse, capari-
soned in white cloth embroidered with the device of the
Guelph party. Then followed the afore-mentioned palii, or
banners, each one carried by a man on horseback, and both
man and horse are clothed in silk. One after another they go
in the order in which they were called to offer the said palii to
the church of S. Giovanni, which are the tributes paid by
the places conquered by the Florentines.
" The ceri, or tapers, which resemble golden towers, are the
tributes of the most ancient possessions of the Florentines, and
according to their rank they proceed one after another to offer
them to S. Giovanni, and the next day the tapers are all stuck
up round the inside of the church where they remain until the
next feast-day, when they are removed and used for the altars,
and some are sold by auction. After the tapers a marvellous
quantity of large wax candles are offered, some of a hundred
pounds weight, some of fifty or less, carried by the peasants
belonging to the villas from whence they are sent. Then the
Masters of the Mint offer a splendid taper, borne on a richly
adorned car drawn by a pair of oxen whose loin-cloths bear
the device of the Mint, and the said Masters are accompanied
by about four hundred venerable men, all matriculated in and
belonging to the Guild of Cloth -weavers. The last to make
offerings are the Signori, the Priors, and their colleagues, with
the Podesta and the Captain, in great pomp with many
servants, and so many instruments, fifes and trumpets, that the
whole world seemed to resound. After the Signori had left,
all the horses that have come for the race are presented, and
then the Flemings and Brabanters weavers of woollen cloth
who are in Florence make their offering ; and lastly, twelve
prisoners, delivered from gaol for love of God in honour of
97 o
LETTERS OF THE EARLY MEDICI
S. Giovanni, are offered to him. When all this has been done,
men and women return home to dine, and in all the city that
day are so many marriages and great banquets, with innumer-
able fifes, music, songs, dances, and gaiety, that it seemed as
though the place was Paradise."
In 1466 Piero sent Lorenzo, then eighteen years of age, to
Rome on a mission of great moment both politically and com-
mercially. Perhaps the most important part of the private
business was to secure from the Pope a monopoly of working
the alum mines discovered not many years before in the short
range of volcanic hills lying round the little village of La
Tolfa (Tofa), about eleven miles due west of Civita Vecchia
and within the Pope's dominions. A few deposits of alum had
been known and partially worked in Europe, i.e. at Volterra
and Ischia : but for all practical purposes almost all the alum
used in Christendom came from Asia Minor, and the supply
was always inferior to the increasing demand. A certain
Giovanni di Castro prospecting among the hills round La
Tolfa found what he believed to be an inexhaustible supply,
" seven hills of alum." Castro made sure of his find by calcin-
ating the stone. He then hastened to Rome, appeared before
the Pope, and somewhat grandiloquently announced his dis-
covery. "I make known to you a victory over the Turk.
He draws yearly from the Christians more than 300,000 pieces
of gold, paid to him for the alum with which we dye wool of
various colours, because none is found in Italy, save a little at
Ischia. ... I have found seven hills so abounding in alum
that they might supply seven worlds. If you will send work-
men, cause furnaces to be built and the stone to be calcined,
you may furnish almost all Europe, and what money the Turk
used to acquire will fall into your hands." The Holy See made
haste to secure the newly-found treasure, and in order to have
a monopoly in the sale the Pope excommunicated every one
who tried to import alum into Europe from the Turkish
dominions. So determined were the Popes to maintain what
in modern language would be called their u corner in alum,"
that in the proclamation of Indulgences it was always expressly
declared that the pardon promised did not include those who
imported alum into Europe from the Turkish dominions.
Such a deposit needed capital to work it properly and the
Holy See farmed out the monopoly, protected by excommunica-
PIERO DI GOSIMO DE' MEDICI
tion, to a firm of capitalists. Young Lorenzo was instructed
to secure, and did obtain, this very valuable concession for his
family. Hereafter the profits of the monopoly of alum were a
source of great wealth to the Medici.
The political problem, overshadowing all others, entrusted
to the youthful Lorenzo was the maintenance of the league
between the King of Naples, Milan, and Florence. This was
the keystone of Piero's foreign policy. He believed it to be
essential to the balance of power and the preservation of peace
in the peninsula. The alliance received an almost deadly blow
in the somewhat sudden death of Francesco Sforza, the Duke
of Milan, and Piero's fears are reflected in the despairing
letters he wrote to his son. The league between the three
powers survived the shock. Francesco Sforza's son Galeazzo
was, after some little delay, universally recognised as his
father's successor, and the foreign policy of Piero de 1 Medici
was maintained.
But the note of despair in Piero's letters was probably
occasioned by a presentiment of what might, and what actually
did, occur within Florence herself. As has been said, many of
the hitherto strenuous supporters of the Medici within the
Republic were inclined to revolt against the continuance of
their rule, and the death of Francesco Sforza furnished the
occasion for testing their strength. \/ It had been part of
Cosimo's foreign policy to support Sforza at Milan by a subsidy
from the Fl6rentine treasury. On his death the question was
at once raised whether the grant was to be continued to his
successor Galeazzo. Piero supported its continuance. It was
part of the Triple Alliance and an essential portion of his
foreign policy. V Yet it was also capable of being represented
as something which concerned only the internal affairs of the
city. This was at once seized upon by Luca Pitti and
Diotisalvi Neroni. We see all these fears reflected in the
letters of Piero to Lorenzo while the latter was at Rome.
The letter from Luigi Pulci shows how the young Lorenzo
was already recognised as one of the foremost citizens of Florence
and the future lord of the city, round whom aspiring men
desired to rally. Pulci had been banished from Florence and
was in hiding on account of his brother's debts for which he
had become surety.
99
LETTERS OF THE EARLY MEDICI
LUIGI PULCI to LORENZO DE' MEDICI l
Sis felix, mi Laurenti, &c. Thou hast decided to leave me
in these woods among the snow, so lonely and so desolate, and
to go to Rome. Such is my destiny that to all my other
troubles is added this one, that I am never to go a journey
with thee on horseback. When shall I go ? When I am
quite old ? What more faithful servant or companion canst
thou find who is more maltreated and repulsed by heaven ?
How many times have we talked together about Rome, and
that I was to be there with thee : why dost thou leave me, art
thou afraid I should be an expense to thee ? Do not fear, for in
spite of my adverse fortune I should still do thee honour. From
thee I should only need a horse. I have so many friends in that
city and enough wits not to shame thee as perhaps thou fearest.
Of a truth thou drivest me from thee wrongfully, and it
would be unjust to leave me so unhappy : this hurts me more
than anything else. Do not cast me aside like old broken iron,
I shall be sound enough if thou lovest me. And even were
I broken to bits I should have the more need of help and
comfort. In the midst of thy prosperity remember my mis-
fortunes. Generous hearts and true friends act thus ; and my
old affection and well-tried fidelity merit it. Time will pass.
It would be a great restorative after so many troubles which I
1 Luigi Pulci was born in Florence on August 15, 1432, of Jacopo Pulci
and Brigida de' Bardi. His brothers Luca and Bernardo were also poets, and
Bernardo's wife Antonia was a poetess of some repute. Luca went into trade
but failed, and died in gaol in 1470, leaving his widow and children depend-
ent on his brothers. Luigi, an intimate friend of the Medici family, wrote
La Qiostra (sometimes attributed to his brother Luca) to celebrate the
tournament held by Lorenzo de' Medici in honour of the marriage of Braccio
Martelli, but really of Lucrezia Donati just before his marriage with Clarice
Orsini. The poem Driades was first published under the pseudonym of
Lucio Pulcro in Florence in 1479, but the later editions bear his name. His
greatest work, less read than it deserves, Morgante Maggiore, was, as Mr.
Armstrong says, a growth rather than a composition. Stanzas were recited
at table, and Lucrezia de' Medici urged him to collect them into an epic
poem. Besides being a poet, Luigi Pulci was an acute and clever politician,
often employed by Lorenzo in missions to foreign courts. He died in 1484,
probably at Padua whilst on the road to Venice.
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PIERO DI COSIMO DE' MEDICI
have now unjustly suffered for sixteen months. It will prevent
me from going to the devil, or into exile in strange lands with
strange thoughts. Deniqite, by all the Gods, by everything, I
pray thee to include me among the number of thy elected for
Rome ; it will be enough, as I said before, if thou lendest me
a horse. If thou dost not want me, I will never more be
thine nor any one\s. So good-bye. I leave thee for a long time,
thou wilt not see me again, nor wilt thou know where I am,
and God will pardon thee for me, for I will never pardon
thee. Also, if thou willst, surely some means can be found for
my security. The magistrates can protect me, and if they set
me free, as would only be just, a safe-conduct voted by six of
the Signori would be sufficient, or it would be enough if the
creditors promised thee not to molest me. But thou hast
forgotten me and art occupied, and thy mind is set on greater
things. Thou art right, but also, certes, I am not in the
wrong to trust in thee alone, because I am entirely thine and
turn to thee as I have always done. If thou dost not help
me I have lost all hope. What am I to do ? Give myself to
three hundred thousand devils ?
If thou hast not received the swords tell me and I will go
and wake the man up ; and if thou wilt send me a line written
by thee, so that I may know whether thou still lovest me or
not, I should be very glad. Many times have I taken my pen
in hand for love of thee, so I wish thou wouldst deign do the
same for love of me. This alone will be to me, among these
mountains, what the Holy Ghost was to the Apostles who
thought God had forgotten them until the dove came to them.
If thou dost not do it no more verses, no more gossipings,
never more shall we be boon-companions. Tell me whether
the affair we talked about under the Tetto de 1 Pisani is con-
cluded and whether it will be necessary ; thou hast probably
already tried a portion of it. Commend me to our Magnificent
Piero and to Madonna Lucrezia, and greet and bless my
Giuliano a thousand times, and also my Piero Allamanni and
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LETTERS OF THE EARLY MEDICI
Berlinghieri and Braccio and Gismondo, and all our friends,
not forgetting Messer Gentile. At Vernia, February 1, 1465
(1466). THY LUIGI, as content as he can be. 1
PIERO DE' MEDICI to his son LORENZO at Rome
I am in such affliction and sorrow for the sad and untimely
death of the Illustrious Duke of Milan that I know not where
I am ; thou canst imagine what it means to us both in private
and in public matters. Condole most heartily in my name with
his ambassador, and take comfort in thine own thoughts and
do not give way to melancholy, which is of no service ; thoughts
are sometimes useful when they are good. I, although it is a
hard blow, am trying to bear it and I hope time will accom-
plish what as yet reason cannot. There are letters from Milan
of the 9th and the 10th which I send, so that thou canst see
how things are there. They may perhaps turn out better
than many people think. I wrote at once to the Holy Father
to beg him, as head and leader not only of the League but of
all Christians, to think how best to preserve the stability of
that State, for His Holiness can do more than any one else, if
only for the preservation of peace and tranquillity in Italy.
Although I think His Holiness is well disposed yet we must do
our utmost, for thou knowest what we owe and what is our
duty to the blessed memory of the late Lord and towards Her
Excellency Madonna and her noble children. Put an end to all
playing on instruments, or singing or dancing, for Malatesta
has arrived, so let all be at least until after Easter. Do not
talk about it because I think we may have to change our plans.
But thou shalt know what I decide ; meanwhile keep silence with
all save Giovanni [Tornabuoni] and Malatesta.
I see that thou hast arrived safely by thy letter of 8th, of
which I am glad, and that great honours were paid thee, for
1 Lettere di Luigi Pulci a Lorenzo U Magnifico, Nelle Nozze della Volpe
Zambrini, p. 6. Salvatore Bonghi, Lucca, 1868.
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PIERO DI GOSIMO DE' MEDICI
which we must be grateful to God and to the men of this world
to whom we owe much. Thou must study to merit this by
deeds and be old beyond thine years, for the times require it.
Of what happens there day by day, as I said before, take
counsel with Giovanni, and study the condition of that region
and what state it is in, so that on thy return thou canst give a
clear report. No more at present. Christ guard thee.
I forgot to say that last night letters of the llth came from
Mantua, saying how that lord had agreed and stipulated to
remain in the service of King Ferrante [of Naples] ; this is
a good and useful thing. We have also letters of the llth
to-day from Genoa, with news that all those citizens have de-
termined to be faithful to Madonna and her children as they
were to the Duke of blessed memory, and that they have
elected eight citizens to act with the governor in case of need.
Florence, March 15, 1465 (1466). *
PIERO DE' MEDICI to his son LORENZO at Rome
I wrote fully to thee lately, and now have thy letter of 15th
saying that the death of the Duke of Milan was known there,
may God be merciful to him, and of the arrangements made
to send to Milan and to write to others, and also of the Holy
Father's decision as to the safety of that State, which satisfies
every one. We are of the same opinion ; to do all that is
possible for the Illustrious Madonna and their noble children
that accords with our own liberty. Probably nothing more will
be needed than the intimation of our intentions, as up to the
17th, the last news I have from Milan, nothing had happened,
all passed off quietly. From what one hears from Venice the
Signoria there shows a desire to live in peace and quiet with
Madonna and her sons, as they did with the father of blessed
memory. I am inclined to believe this, it being their interest.
I say no more, having told thee enough in my other letter, and
1 Laurentii Medicis Vita, op. cit. ii. 47.
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LETTERS OF THE EARLY MEDICI
also because I send thee the letter I have received from Venice.
It is however of the greatest importance and utility that His
Sanctity our Holy Father should desire to preserve peace and
quiet in Italy, in which I conceive he will have the aid of us
all. I am sure that this is his desire, he having always shown
it, so I do not dwell on it, hoping that by the grace of God and
the help of His Holiness everything will go well.
I note that thou hast seen His Sanctity the Pope, and
spoken about the affair of Stefano da Osimo, and that His
Holiness is satisfied ; it is necessary for the common good of
the different parties and of the whole city, and it seems to me
that our Holy Father has understood rightly and sagely that
the affair cannot be ended but must be maintained. It may
be that time will make a change also in my views. It is enough
to know that it was not de motu proprio of His Holiness, but
was suggested by others. But above all see that he is satisfied
and content ; were it otherwise I should be uneasy.
I know not what thou hast done about the deposit of alum,
as I said before I am content that thou shouldst accept it in
my name, and there can be no doubt that our conduct will
be to the satisfaction and the interest of our Holy Father.
Consult about this with Giovanni Tornabuoni, and settle this
and other matters as you both think best.
About continuing thy journey beyond Rome I think, as
I said before, it would be better to wait until after Easter ;
we shall meanwhile know more and be better able to decide.
Thou hast done well to urge Messer Agnolo to make haste,
we expect him here every day. Return the letters from Milan
which I sent in my last letter, and those which I now send.
Here we are expecting to hear of the entry of the Illustrious
Galeazzo Maria. The Count of Urbino \vas at Scarperia on
the 18th but did not come here, probably not to lose time.
By now he must be at Milan, as well as the Lord Alessandro.
Thou shalt hear what occurs. The Lord Gismondo had arrived
at Venice.
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PIERO DI GOSIMO DE' MEDICI
The Archdeacon was at the point of death, but he is so
much better that it is not expected he will die of this illness.
I highly approve of thy thought of Pellegrino, and if the occa-
sion had arisen would have shown him how greatly I desire
to please and to serve him. When thou seest the Bishop of
Raugia commend me to him, and also to Messer Lionardo Dati.
No more. Christ guard thee. On the 22nd day of March
1465 (1466). 1
After the conspiracy against Piero de 1 Medici had been "
discovered, Agnolo Acciaiuoli fled to Siena on his way to
Naples. There he waited some time in the vain hope that
Piero would relent and permit him to return to Florence. At
last he wrote the following letter, which as given by Fabroni,
who copied from the archives, differs somewhat from the more
literary version given by Machiavelli.
AGNOLO ACCIAIUOLI to PIERO DE' MEDICI.
Siena, 17 th Sept. 1466
Spectabills vir Prater honorande, I laugh at what I see.
God has put it in thy power to cancel all the debts I have
against thee, and thou dost not know how to do it. I lost my
country and my estates for thy father, thou art in the position
to restore all to me. I prevented his being despoiled, now corn
and other belongings are taken from me ; thou canst save them ;
be not tardy in showing thou art not ungrateful ; I do not say
this for my belongings, although I have need of them, so much
as for thy reputation. I commend myself to thee. 2
PIERO DE' MEDICI to AGNOLO ACCIAIUOLI.
Florence, %Znd Sept. 1466
Magnifice eques tanquam Pate?' honorande, Your laughter
is the cause of my not shedding tears, although I am sorry for
1 Laurentii Medicis Vita, op. cit. ii. 49.
- Ibid., ii. 36.
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LETTERS OF THE EARLY MEDICI
your ill fortune. You have not shown your accustomed good
sense, which in such cases is necessary. Your guilt, as I said in
a former letter, is manifest and so great that neither my inter-
cession nor that of any other person would be of any avail.
My nature is to forget and forgive you, and all who have shown
me enmity and hostility. I have pardoned every offence ; the
Republic cannot and may not lightly do so on account of the
bad example, as you know better than I, having had experience
of such matters and having proclaimed it in public and in
private. You say you were exiled on my father's account, and
for having saved what belonged to him. I do not deny your
friendship with my father and with us, which ought to have
made you regard me as a son, and as such I considered myself.
You were banished with my father and were recalled with him,
according to the pleasure of the Republic, which has full power
over us. I do not conceive that our friendship was in any way
hurtful or dishonourable to you as can be clearly demonstrated,
and if obligations and benefits were weighed, perhaps the scale
would not be equal, although from what you write you do not
seem to think so. I always considered myself beholden to you,
but if you examine your conscience you will see that you have
exempted me from any obligations ; nevertheless I am willing
to remain your debtor in so far as it touches me privately,
but the public injury I cannot, will not, and may not pardon.
For myself personally I forget everything, forgive all wrongs,
and remain as a son ought to be towards such a father. 1
In 1466 Piero de' Medici's daughter Nannina was married
to Bernardo Rucellai, son of Giovanni, who built the beautiful
palazzo Rucellai after the designs of his friend Leon Battista
Alberti. Giovanni spent 3686 golden florins on the festivities
for his son's wedding, arid for three days the Florentines danced,
ate, drank and listened to music, in Via della Vigna Nuova.
The street, and the loggia (one of the few still existing in
1 Laurentii Medicis Vita, op. cit. ii. 36.
106
PIERO DI COSIMO DE' MEDICI
Florence), which was temporarily enlarged so as to cover the
small triangular square in front of the palace, were hung with
blue cloth and decorated with flowers. One of Nannina's sons,
Giovanni, is well known as the author of Rosmunda and of Le
Api, the poetical gifts of Lucrezia thus descending to a second
generation.
LUIGI PULCI, from Pisa, to LORENZO DE' MEDICI
at Florence
Salve, &c. I send thee some poems so that thou mayst
remember me. I have a thousand phantasies in my head which
thou shalt hear some day and which will please thee. The
poem is nearly finished ; then we must do a more important
work, and perhaps three nymphs, who are here, will come to be
judged by a better man than Paris, and we will bestow the
prize to our liking. Whoever is ill pleased shall pay the
expenses of a ball ; but I mean to prepare a triumph which
shall be praised by thee and that for me is always sufficient.
I have nought to say save that I am thine as ever.
Scriptum est. Commend me to the Magnificent Piero and to
Madonna Lucrezia, and to all at home. Salutem Vale, et me
dilige. From Pisa, January 12, 1466 (1467). Tuus servitor,
ALOYIUS PULCHER.
This day Tanai * and his wife with about a hundred horse
entered Pisa in great triumph, and Palle resounded everywhere ;
we shall amuse ourselves and talk much of thee. 2
Several brides had been proposed for Lorenzo, and at last
Piero decided for a daughter of the proud house of Orsini.
The suggestion was first made by his brother-in-law Giovanni
Tornabuoni, head of the Medici bank at Rome, and treasurer
to Sixtus IV. But Lucrezia insisted on seeing the girl with her
1 Probably Tanai, son of Vieri de' Medici.
2 Lettere di Luigi Pulci, op. cit., p. 26. The Palle are the balls in the
Medici arms, and the people saluted the Medici by shouting " Palle, Palle.'"
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LETTERS OF THE EARLY MEDICI
own eyes before coming to a final decision, and in March 1467
set out for Rome, from whence she wrote to her husband :
LUCBEZIA DE' MEDICI to her husband PIERO
On the way I wrote to thee often and told thee about the
roads. I arrived on Thursday, and was received with much
joy by Giovanni, as thou canst imagine. I have had thy
letter of the 21st which consoled me greatly, hearing that the
pains had ceased. But every day seems to me a year until I
return for thy and my consolation.
On the way to S. Peter on Thursday morning I met
Madonna Maddalena Orsini, sister to the Cardinal [Latino
Orsini], with her daughter, who is about fifteen or sixteen years
old. She was dressed in the Roman fashion with a lenzuolo
[long loose shawl or cloak]. In this dress she seemed to me
handsome, fair, and tall, but being so covered up I could not see
her to my satisfaction. Yesterday I paid a visit to the said
Monsignor Orsini in his sister's house, which adjoins his.
When I had saluted him in thy name his sister came in with
the maiden, who had on a tight frock of the fashion of Rome
without the lenzuolo. We talked for some time and I looked
closely at the girl. As I said she is of good height and has a
nice complexion, her manners are gentle, though not so winning
as those of our girls, but she is very modest and would soon
learn our customs. She has not fair hair, because here there
are no fair women ; her hair is reddish and abundant, her face
rather round, but it does not displease me. Her throat is
fairly elegant, but it seems to me a little meagre, or to speak
better, slight. Her bosom I could not see, as here the women
are entirely covered up, but it appeared to me of good pro-
portions. She does not carry her head proudly like our girls,
but pokes it a little forward ; I think she was shy, indeed I see
no fault in her save shyness. Her hands are long and delicate.
In short I think the girl is much above the common, though
108
PIERO DI GOSIMO DE' MEDICI
she cannot compare with Maria, Lucrezia, and Bianca.i
Lorenzo has seen her and thou canst find out whether she
pleases him. Whatever thou and he determine will be well
done, and I shall be content. Let us leave the issue to God.
The girl's father is Signor Jacopo Orsini of Monte Rotondo,
and her mother is the Cardinal's sister. She has two brothers ;
one a soldier in the good graces of Signor Orso, the other
a priest, sub-deacon of the Pope. They own the half of Monte
Rotondo, the other half belongs to their uncle, who has two
sons and three daughters. Besides this there are three other
castles belonging to her brothers, and as far as I can learn
they are otherwise well provided. They will be still better off
in the future because besides the Cardinal, the Archbishop,
Napoleon, and the Cavalier, being their uncles on the mother's
side, they are cousins through the father, who is a second
cousin in direct line of the aforesaid gentlemen, and they
are all veiy fond of them. This is what I have heard. If
before treating this matter it seems well to thee to await our
return do as thou thinkest best.
I intend to leave on Monday week and shall write on the
way. So I shall be at home at the time fixed. I pray God in
His mercy to guide me safely and to keep thee in good health.
I do not write to Madonna Contessina, it seems to me useless.
Commend me to her and salute the girls and Lorenzo and
Giuliano. In Rome, 27th March 1467.
THY LUCREZIA.
A few days later Lucrezia wrote again on the subject which
engrossed all her thoughts :
LUCREZIA DE' MEDICI to her husband PIERO
As I told thee in my last letter dictated to Giovanni, our
seeing the girl was managed quietly, without ceremony ; so
1 Her own daughters.
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LETTERS OF THE EARLY MEDICI
should nothing come of it thou wilt lose nought, as there
has been no parleying. The maiden has two good qualities,
she is tall and fair; her face is not pretty, but it is not
common, and her figure is good. Lorenzo has seen her, find
out whether she pleases him, there are so many advantages that
if he likes her we may be content. Her name is Crarice.
THY LUCREZIA.
Like a true Florentine, Lucrezia turns the I in Clarice into
an r. Lorenzo had seen the girl without her mother's know-
ledge one day at mass. On the homeward journey Lucrezia
writes in answer to a letter from her husband :
LUCREZIA DE' MEDICI to her husband PIERO
I have thy letter by Donnino and see the determination
thou hast taken, which pleases me. I am sure when I get
home and tell thee all thou wilt be well satisfied, particularly
as Lorenzo is pleased. We did not see the girl again, but
that does not surprise me. Thou sayest I write coldly about
her : I do it not to raise thy hopes too high : there is no
handsomer girl at present unmarried in Florence. On my
return I will tell thee all, and as I said before we shall be
able to arrange matters, so at present I will say no more. I
arrived here very tired, the road was so bad, and we had so
much rain that little was left of me, but after resting I am
well. We were to have left on Monday, but it does nothing
but rain, so they have persuaded me to wait a little. All
is ready, and as soon as the weather is favourable we shall
start, for it seems to me a thousand years since I left. I
commend myself unto thee. April 1, 1467.
THY LucREziA. 1
1 Tre Letter di Lucrezia Tornabuoni a Piero de* Medici, Ricordo di Nozze,
Cesare Guasti. Firenze, 1859.
110
PIERO DI GOSIMO DE' MEDICI
The long journey and the damp told on Lucrezia who was
never strong, and at Foligno she fell seriously ill.
LUCREZIA DE' MEDICI to her husband PIERO
I know not, she writes, whether it is thanks to these
doctors or to thy letter received last night, but this morning
I felt so well that I hope to set forth in three days. Maestro
Girolamo will tell thee exactly the state of my health, which
I think will content thee. I only lament the many annoyances
I have caused thee on my journey. But believe me, wher-
ever I might have been I should have been ill, for I have
brought up much phlegm and nastiness which must have been
there for a long time. Commend me to Mona Contessina
and beg her to have patience, for soon, as soon as it pleases
these doctors, I shall return to her and maybe she will take
better care of me, though here, thanks be to God, I have
wanted for nothing. I know not whether I should even have
had such conveniences at home, certainly not at Rome. If
it seems good to thee that I should send back Messer Gentile
for Giuliano let me know before we start. 1 I shall wait to
get quite well as thou sayest, and to recoup. Meanwhile and
always I commend myself to thee and beg thee to be patient
with me. In Foligno, May 4, 1467, at 1 o'clock.
THY LUCREZIA.
Yesterday and last night I slept, as the Maestro will
have told thee, as though quite well. 2
After her return to Florence the doctors sent Lucrezia
early in September to Bagno a Morba, a place already men-
tioned in earlier pages. But here, where several letters are
1 Gentile Becchi, tutor to Lorenzo and Giuliano, afterwards Bishop of
Arezzo.
2 Lucrezia Tornabuoni, Donna di Piero dt' Medici, Studio da G. Levantiui-
Pieroni. Firenze, 1888.
Ill
LETTERS OF THE EARLY MEDICI
given written by Lucrezia from that celebrated spring, a few
words may be added on the bathing habits of the fifteenth
century to show how large a part they played in the social
life of the time. For it is a delusion to think that the fre-
quent use of water, cold or hot, is a modern virtue. It is
true that from the middle of the sixteenth centuiy till the
end of the eighteenth men and women washed but sparingly.
Marguerite de Valois could say to her lover, " See these fair
hands. Though they have not been washed for eight days,
they are cleaner than yours." Manuals of Etiquette, pub-
lished in 1667 and in 1782, recommend ladies and gentlemen
to clean their faces with a dry white linen cloth, because to
wash the face with water makes it more susceptible to cold
in winter and to tan in summer. But in the fourteenth and
fifteenth centuries the use of water was nearly as common as
it is now. The whole population, whether north or south of
the Alps, rejoiced in bathing. They used cold baths, hot
baths, and steam baths ; they gathered to bathe in mineral
water ; above all they delighted in baths when the water
came from hot springs, and those were most prized which
were strongly impregnated with sulphur, as was the case at
Morba. The site of many an Italian monastery was selected
simply because it was near enough a hot spring for the monks
to enjoy what was looked on almost as necessary to healthy
living. Indeed one of the punishments inflicted on unruly
members of the community was a prohibition to use the bath.
The Italian doctors distinguished between Stupha, or hot air,
and Balneum, or hot water baths. Rubbing and even scratch-
ing whilst bathing was recommended, and Arnaldo di Villa
Nuova (1300-1366) ordered his elderly patients to be well
rubbed when in the water, and to take a herb-bath four
times a month. Soap, and sometimes lye, was used, and
Italian soap was in great request, particularly in Germany.
The hot sulphur springs of Morba had been known for
centuries, and belonged to the Commune of Volterra, as is
mentioned in a document of 1297. They lie some ten miles
south of the old Etruscan city, in that part of the Apennines
dominated by the imposing Monte Cerbole, in a region which
then and now produced borax and alum. The wild desolate
scenery gave rise to legends. It was said that on stormy
nights a fiery chariot drawn by fiery horses rushes along the
112
PIERO DI GOSIMO DE' MEDICI
mountain side, and then with a terrific noise which drowns
thunder and wind, dashes down into the valley leading to the
lagoons of Larderello, which were supposed to be the mouths
of hell, and disappears. After the apparition of the chariot,
the jets of white sulphureous smoke which always rise more
or less from the grey soil are more dense and hiss like great
serpents as they curl upwards to the sky. It is altogether
an uncanny place. Here and there the black mud bubbles and
boils, rising up in small cones which subside with a strange
rumbling noise like the hoarse barking or growling of a dis-
tant w r atchdog. The ground sounds hollow under foot, and
shakes if you walk near any of the blowholes, while the smell
of rotten eggs, so characteristic of sulphur springs, is over-
powering, particularly after rain.
The famous baths are not far off. They had been largely
deserted, conduits broken, bathing-houses tumbling down,
everything neglected and falling to ruin. The sulphureous
springs, left to find their way through the rocks and the soil,
were wasted and produced nothing but evil-smelling ooze.
When the Florentines became masters of Volterra they sent
Doctor Ugolino da Montecatini with their Chancellor Colucci
da Salutati to report on the virtues of the waters in
1388. Something was done to render the baths useful
and productive. The village with its small castle was rebuilt
and surrounded with a sheltering wall. Visitors were pro-
tected from the sudden assaults of the robber nobles whose
castles crowned neighbouring heights, and who swooped down
on the bathers in hopes of plunder and ransom. The baths
regained some of their old prosperity, and gouty or rheumatic
Florentines braved the discomforts of the road to make use
of the waters. Cosimo Pater Patriae visited them frequently,
and on a memorable occasion a favourite pair of scissors were
left in his lodgings, which Contessina tells her son Giovanni
to send back to Florence (p. 55). The probability is, how-
ever, that the arrangements were anything but luxurious when
Lucrezia first tried and found the benefits of the healing
springs.
She soon saw the advantages of the position, and after
buying the village and baths of Morba in 1477 from the
Commune of Florence, in true Florentine fashion at once
made plans which would benefit the place, its visitors, her
113 H
LETTERS OF THE EARLY MEDICI
own health, and her pocket. The valuable water was largely
wasted ; cisterns were needed ; more springs might be dis-
covered. Accordingly experts were engaged, the ground was
investigated, and work was carefully planned. The known
springs were cleared, the water was carefully collected and
brought into a great covered cistern built of well-burnt bricks
and covered with tiles according to the most approved pattern
of the day. Search was made for other springs ; the stream-
lets were followed back to their sources in neighbouring rocks.
Soon the supply of water was more than doubled. Mean-
while the bathing-houses with their twelve separate baths
were rebuilt. Old engravings enable us to form some idea of
these Italian baths, which were made much more luxurious
than those north of the Alps. There is no trace of that pro-
miscuous bathing so common in Germany. Either the sexes
had separate bathing-houses or, what is more probable, used
the same baths at different hours. We see a room with one
or more oblong baths set in the floor, and to each bathroom
was attached a smaller apartment with a bed for the hour of
repose enjoined after bathing. The bathing establishment
was a long row of such bathrooms completely separate from
each other. At first the same stream of water served all the
baths at Morba, but it was found that those nearest the
cisterns were too hot, while those furthest from them were
too cold. The defect was remedied by an ingenious system
of conduits. Provision was made in each bathroom for
shower or douche baths, the water being conducted along the
walls in open gutters pierced with holes above each wooden
tub. Lucrezia also built a large house which served as an
hotel and, as at Cauterets the favourite bathing resort of
Marguerite d'Angouleme, the Queen of Navarre, where there
was a Maison du Roi, while the other bathers lived in cabanes
et logis there was a " small palace " for her own use and that
of her family. It must have been a thorough holiday for the
energetic and busy woman, for, as the Queen of Navarre said,
" while at the baths one must live as free from care as a
child."
Lorenzo accompanied his mother to Morba, but there was
a report which seems to have been well founded, though Piero
in his letter to her treats it as an idle dream, that the Floren-
tine exiles had resolved to attack the place and capture both
114
PIERO DI COSIMO DE' MEDICI
mother and son. So Lucrezia invented some pretext to send
him back to Florence, and the family doctor prevented his
return. It will be noticed that although children in those days
spoke of their parents by their Christian names, yet they
almost always wrote voi (you) in addressing them. Only
husband and wife and parents used the familiar tu (thou).
Lei, now universally used to all but near relations or great
friends, is never met with.
LORENZO DE' MEDICI to his mother LUCREZIA at
Bagno a Morba
I thought I should have been with you by now, but the
weather has become much cooler, and Maestro Mariotti does
not think it would be good for my eczema to return there.
Therefore I have determined not to come. Piero has promised
to go and see you either with Messer Benedetto or soon after-
wards. Let us find that you are so improved in health that
nothing more will be necessary. We are all well here, par-
ticularly Piero, whose only need is to hear oftener about you ;
in truth, whether from the negligence of the writer or perhaps
of the messenger, till now we have had but scant news. There-
fore to satisfy us all, more particularly Piero, see that we get
your answers more quickly, and apply yourself diligently to
benefit from your sojourn there. I commend myself to you.
In Florence on the 19th day of September 1467.
I should be glad if you send me back my purple cloppetta
(tunic) as I have nought to wear, the other things I do not
want. YOUR LORENZO DE' MEDICI.*
PIERO DE' MEDICI to his wife LUCREZIA at Morba
I wrote to thee a few days ago, and soon afterwards
Lorenzo arrived. It was wiser to send him away from there,
1 Arch. Med. Mitcdlanea, p. 6.
115
LETTERS OF THE EARLY MEDICI
although I think they are all dreams. From him and also
from thy letter to Mona Contessina I learn that thou art
better, so I hope for thy complete recovery, which is indeed
certain. It cannot be otherwise after the prayers and suppli-
cations which have been and are being made in places some of
which thou knowest, and in others which thou knowest not.
But what must be attributed to the grace of God is that prayers
have been made by those who know us not, and whom thou
hast never known : a wonderful thing truly, more divine than
human, and I steadfastly believe that owing to these prayers
we shall receive grace from God : but as thou in thy wisdom
knoweth we shall remain deeply in debt. God make us grate-
ful and send us the power to satisfy all. Have faith and be
obedient to the doctors, do not depart one drachm from their
commands, submit and suffer all things, if not for thyself and
for us, for the love of God who shows He will help us. Attend
to nought but to the reason for which thou art there . . . l
give no thought to us, for we are well and want for nothing
. . . l return well, in better health than when thou wentest . . - 1
are prosperous, and there is good hope of peace. Giovanni
Tornabuoni, if it pleases God, leaves for Rome to-morrow.
Do not trouble to write if thou canst not. Nought else.
October 1, 1467. PIERO DI COSIMO DE" MEDicis. 2
LORENZO DE' MEDICI to his mother LUCREZIA at
Bagno a Morba
I have your letter and am most grieved to hear that your
pains have returned, but as you say they are not so severe I do
hope that this time they will take leave of you, and depart for
good. Please God it may be so, also in the future. I wrote
to you that Giovanni had to go ; he went on Saturday ; but
1 Illegible.
2 Lucrezia Tornabuoni, &c., op. cit.
116
PIERO DI COSIMO DE' MEDICI
he could not pass by Bagno a Morba because he was obliged
to leave in great haste ; so he will not do as I said.
I have been too long absent and therefore I shall not be
able, as I wished, to come and see you again, and you will pro-
bably not remain there long. Please God that you return in
good health, as you and we hope. We are all well, Piero
especially, and we long to see you soon, and as we trust well.
I commend myself unto you. In Florence, October 4, 1467.
YOUR LORENZO DE" MEDICI. l
CONTESSINA DE' MEDICI to her daughter-in-laio
LUCKEZIA at Bagno a Morba
DEAREST AS A DAUGHTER, This morning I received thy
letter by which with great joy I learn that thou art better, for
this we must give thanks to God and pray with all our hearts
that He may restore thee to perfect health. From Piero I
hear continually about thee, so thou must not tire thyself
by writing to me. I sent back by the messenger the spices
asked for, and I received the knives, which shall be looked to.
Do not worry about Ginevra, for I have arranged and will con-
tinue to arrange for her family. The visits in thy name to
Laudomina 2 have been paid and all that was necessary has
been done. She is very discontented although it was a boy.
Here all are well, thanks be to God. I hope it is the same
with all of you. No more at present. October 25, 1467.
MONA CONTESSINA. 8
PIERO DE' MEDICI to his ivife LUCBEZIA at Bagno
a Morba
LUCREZIA MINE, As I know thou wilt understand the letter
I have written to Niccolo I shall not write to thee at length ;
1 Ibid., Filza Ixxx.
2 Daughter of Agnolo Acciaiuoli, married to Pier Francesco de' Medici.
a Archivio, &c., Filza xxi. No. 55.
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also because thy return is nigh at hand, which I await with
infinite longing. I enclose a letter from the Illustrious
Madonna Duchess, thou wilt understand what she says. Show
it to Messer Benedetto. See how much we are beholden to
her. We must give thanks to Almighty God, and also to her
when the time comes. No more at present. Christ give thee
health. At Florence on the 12th day of November 1467, at
the fifth hour. PIERO DI COSIMO DE" MEDICI.*
LUIGI PULCI from Pisa to LORENZO DE' MEDICI
at Florence
Salve amicissime, &c., I have been delayed, and shall
remain here several days. I know not whether Tomaso
Capponi or my Bernardo 2 will ask thee to help them about
that business ; if they do I beg thee to do so, as is thy wont.
If my presence is necessary let me know. Anyhow I shall
come on Saturday, but if I am wanted I am always ready to
leave everything at thy bidding.
If Gualterotto has not replied about my dog, or if his
reply calls for another letter, I beg thee as warmly as ever I
begged for anything to answer.
On Friday the Illustrious Duke of Calabria and the Mag-
nificent Luigi de 1 Pulci talked of thee all day long, and said
much ill. Thou hast gained great honour by thy letter given
to him by the Captain, he has followed thy advice, and told
me what an admirable letter it was ; so the Captain and he
have made a warm friendship. On Sunday night I sup here
with him, and the Captain has charged me to thank thee by
letter and by word of mouth, so he has not written. As I do
now by letter, so will I also do later with my tongue.
The Illustrious Duke spoke to me about the festival of
St. John which he is most desirous to see, and he charged me
1 Lucrezia, Tornabuoni t &c., op. cit.
2 Luigi Pulci's brother.
118
PIERO DI COSIMO DE' MEDICI
to tell thee to help him and to order that it shall be a fine
festival, and said many other things which I cannot now repeat
or give thee to understand, as said Betto della Centina.
I have no more to say save that I commend myself to thee.
Salute our Dioriigio from me, and tell him this letter is not
from Pini, 1 and that he is to think of me at Pietra al Migliaio.
If there is any fear that the wine should be finished ere I arrive
with his own hand he must measure what remains in the butt,
and keep two flasks against my return, for if I thought I was
not to see it any more I should be in despair. Pisa, May 30,
1468. Vale. THY LUIGI PULCI. Z
LUIGI PULCI at Pisa to LORENZO DE' MEDICI
If thou dost not wish it to be known or thought that I am
thy friend and can have all I want from thee, cause it to
be published everywhere at thy expense. As I have had no
money to spend I have spent (traded on) thy reputation.
Here I am pointed at wherever I go : that is Lorenzo^s great
friend. Therefore three peasants from Buti will come to thee,
certain Giovanni and Piero and Mariano of Buti, friends of
Piero Vespucci ; they have some business about which he has
written and I am requested to recommend them to thee. For
love of me be good to them, for it would give me much pleasure,
either with a promise, or hand them over to whomever thou
wilt : only help them in some way. I will then inscribe it in
the book of benefits and obligations I owe thee.
No more, I commend myself to thee as usual. God be
with thee. Vale et me dilige. From Pisa, May 31, 1468.
On Sunday evening the Duke and I shall be together. If
I am to tell him aught from thee let me know.
THY LUIGI DE"* PULCI. 8
1 In the Mugello where Luigi Pulci owned a small property.
2 Lettere di Luigi Pulci, op. cit. 31.
3 Ibid.
119
LETTERS OP THE EARLY MEDICI
CARDINAL LATINO ORSINI to PIERO DE' MEDICI
Magnifice vir, affinis tanquam jrater carissime, salutem,
With great joy we have signed what our Johanni Tornabuoni
brought us from you. I hope, thanks be to God, that this thing
will conduce to the well-being of your house and of ours, for it
pleases us old people, also the youth and the maiden, and
indeed all. We should be glad to see our nephew Lorenzo, or
saltern his brother, at the feast of the Nativity. We should give
him a magnificent, a quiet, or a middling reception, according
to your wishes, for we only desire to please you in this : and you
may rest assured that all we have is at your disposal and
pleasure. Be careful, I beg of you, to keep well and joyful,
thus nought will be wanting to you or to us. Ex Urbe, die
26 Novembris 1468.
L. CARDINALIS DE URSINUS,
Manu proprm, Episcopus Tusculanus. 1
FILIPPO DE' MEDICI, Archbishop of Pisa, at Rome, to
PIERO DE' MEDICI
Magnifice vir, tanqiiam pater honorariae, post commenda-
tionem, &c., By Giovanni Tornabuoni I received your letter,
and he has given me the message from Your Magnificence. It
pleases me mightily ; I do not think that in these times Your
Magnificence could have done better. I could not be better
pleased or more gratified, considering that it is for the benefit
and the common good of all ; therefore I congratulate Your
Magnificence. And that Your Magnificence may be amply
informed about everything, although I know you will hear all
from Giovanni, nevertheless it is my duty to tell you that this
very day, in the name of God, everything has been concluded.
The reason why the contract is not per verba de presenti is that
1 Tre Lettere di Lucrezia, &c., op. cit.
120
PIERO DI GOSIMO DE' MEDICI
Monsignore [Cardinal Orsini] does not wish it to be divulged,
therefore we send a sketch of the contract according to his
desire ; the one sent to us was simple enough. Everything has
been agreed to in the following fashion, videlicet : That they
give a dower of 6000 Roman florins in money, jewels, and
dresses ; which they stipulate should return to their heirs
should she not have children or dispose of it by will. They
agree that you should not give her the fourth part of the
dower, as is customary here ; and in this and all other matters,
the Florentine usage and custom is to be followed save in the
restitution of the dower if she dies sine filiis et intestata. Thus
neither the custom here nor the custom there will be absolutely
adhered to, so that both parties will be content. I have been
present at all the arrangements, and they seem to me honest
and reasonable ; for you do not need her fortune, and your
own remains to you. It is but reasonable that they should
have their way in something.
Magnificent Piero, I value the connection much, but they
are even more desirous and glad to be related to you. Of a
truth their pleasure is not to be described. This must be a
satisfaction to you, and every day, if it pleases God, you will
be better satisfied, and we also ; for truly if I had a hundred
tongues I could not tell Your Magnificence how pleased I am.
Send the contract soon, for it will be impossible to keep this
affair secret, as Pietro d'Arcangelo, chancellor of the Duke of
Urbino, has spoken of it, and these Pazzi have begun to spread
the news.
You have not sent the letters I asked Your Magnificence
for ; probably because you had letters from the King to send
here concerning the affair about which I wrote. If you have
them it would be well to send them as I can assure Your
Magnificence that if the friend takes up the business I have
good hopes of success. Whatever Your Magnificence does in
this and other matters about which I shall write will be well
done, as I am certain that Your Magnificence values my well-
121
LETTERS OF THE EARLY MEDICI
being and my honour as much as I do myself. I commend
myself to Your Magnificence, et quam Deusfelicem conservet.
Rome, November 27, 1468. Magnificentie Vestres,
Filhis PHY. ARCHIEPISCOPUS PISANUS,
manus propria.
I said above that I had good hopes if the letters are sent,
not because I rely on the benevolence of him who is to do the
affair, but because he, if he wishes to gain a place, must give
his companion a share, who will either do nothing or be
obliged to act according to the will of the other. But he has
a great desire to succeed, and will not give heed to what
people say, and therefore will not care much for those who
may claim their share at any cost. The afore-mentioned
affair [the marriage] has not been announced yet to our Lord
the Pope, because it did not seem good to Monsignore to do so
before the contract is here. 1
Francesco Tornabuoni, Lorenzo de 1 Medici's uncle, who
together with his brother Giovanni was in the Medici bank at
Rome, did his best to inspire his nephew with love for the girl
suggested by Giovanni as his bride by writing flowery descrip-
tions of her.
FRANCESCO TORNABUONI to his nephew
LORENZO DE' MEDICI
Not a day passes that I do not see your Madonna Clarice,
who has bewitched me : she improves every day. She is
beautiful, she has the sweetest of manners and an admirable
intelligence. It is about eight days since she began to learn to
dance, and each day she learns a new one ; no sooner is it
shown her than she knows it. Master Agnolo had begged her
to write to you with her own hand, but nothing would induce
1 Tre Lettere di Lucrezia Tornabuoni, op. cit.
122
PIERO DI COSIMO DE' MEDICI
her to do so. Then I begged of her, and she said she would,
only she told me you were evidently extremely occupied with
this tournament ; and then arrived Donnino who brought no
letter from you. As you cannot visit her in person at least
write to her often, it would give her great pleasure. Of a truth
you have the most perfect bride in Italy. January 4, 1469.
YOUR FRANCESCO DI FILIPPO TORNABUONI in Rome.
Francesco's letter had the desired effect, and Lorenzo wrote
to his bride. Unfortunately his letters are not to be found.
Her answers are touching in their girlish simplicity, but they
show that Clarice, brought up in strictly clerical surroundings,
was not the woman to captivate the brilliant, rather sceptical
Lorenzo.
CLARICE ORSINI to LORENZO DE' MEDICI
Magmfico consorte, recommandatione, &c., I have received
a letter from you and have understood all you write. That
you liked my letter rejoices me, as I am always desirous to do
what pleases you. Then you say that you write but little ; I
am content with whatever is your pleasure, living always in
hope for the future. Madonna, my mother, sends you her
blessing. I beg you to commend me to your and my father,
to your and my mother, and to the others you deem right. I
always commend myself to you. At Rome the 28th day of
January 1469. YOUR CLARICE DE URSINUS.
FRANCESCO TORNABUONI to LORENZO DE' MEDICI,
his nephew
In the name of God, on the 16th day of February 1469.
Magnifice vir et maior honor andissime, This day letters
from Giovanni have come, saying how you jousted in the tourna-
123
LETTERS OF THE EARLY MEDICI
ment, and that Your Magnificence was unhurt and had achieved
great honour. As soon as I heard the news, I went to tell
your Madonna Clarice, and took her a letter from Giovanni,
which gave her more pleasure than I can describe. For four
days she has been sad by reason of her fear for Your Magnifi-
cence in the tournament, she also had a slight headache ; as
soon as she heard the news the headache disappeared and she
was quite merry. Of Madonna Maddalena [Orsini] I say
nought, for it is impossible to say how contented and happy
she is ; the only thing she desires is that you should come here
for Lent, for she says she wants you to see your merchandise
before you take it home : it improves every day. Enclosed
you will find a letter from her. Madonna Clarice would not
write, and she bids me say from her that she has a great secret
to tell you which she will entrust to no one, neither will she
write it for fear the letter should go astray. Indeed she longs
to see you, and now the tournament is over you have no valid
excuse. She commends herself to Your Magnificence, and to
the Magnificent Piero and Madonna Contessina, and to Bianca,
Nannina, and Giuliano. I have bought some purple cloth from
London for a petticoat a la romanesca, which will I think suit
her ; she intends to visit all the perdoni (relics) to pray God
for you.
Nought is talked of here but the splendour of the entertain-
ment given by you and especially of your own doings ; they say
no paladin ever did more than Your Magnificence, and every one
rejoices, particularly your friends. Messer Giovanfrancesco,
son of the Marquess of Mantua, commends himself to Your
Magnificence, and sends you many compliments. I have no
more to say at present save to commend myself to Your Mag-
nificence, praying that God may keep you from all ill.
YOUR FRANCESCO DI FILIPPO TORNABUONI, in Rome. 1
1 La Fidanzata di Lorenzo de' Medici, per nozze Boudi-Levi. Isidore Del
Lungo, 8th July 1897.
PIERO DI GOSIMO DE' MEDICI
CLARICE ORSINI to LORENZO DE' MEDICI
Magnifice consorte^ recommandatione, &c., I have received a
letter from you which was most pleasing to me, telling me of the
tournament wherein you gained much honour. I am most glad
that you have been satisfied in a thing which gives you pleasure ;
and if my prayers have been granted in this, I, as a person who
desires to do something to give you pleasure, am well satisfied.
I beg you to commend me to my father Piero, to my mother
Lucretia, to Madonna Contessina, and to all others you think
right. I commend myself to you. No more. In Rome the
25th day of February 1469.
YOUR CLARICE DE URSINUS.
The tournament of which Clarice writes was held on
February 7, 1469, in honour of the marriage of Lorenzo's great
friend, Braccio Martello, and is recorded in a poem by Luigi
Pulci. 1 It took place in the Piazza S. Croce, and cost, as
Lorenzo notes in his Ricordi, 10,000 ducats. This estimate,
however, can only refer to the structures and decorations in
the Piazza S. Croce, and cannot include the money expended
on personal adornment. The dress of Giuliano alone, then a
handsome boy of fifteen, was said to have cost 80,000 ducats.
It was made of silver brocade strewn with pearls. Lorenzo's,
with its jewels, must have cost a great deal more. He rode to
the lists on a magnificently caparisoned horse given to him by
Ferrante, King of Naples. Over his surcoat he wore a broad
silk scarf, with fresh and withered roses embroidered round his
motto, Le Terns Revwnt, written in pearls. In his black velvet
cap studded with pearls was a feather of gold filagree set
with diamonds and rubies, and on his shield were displayed the
three golden lilies of France on an azure ground, the privilege
of bearing which was granted to his father Piero in 1465
(see p. 86), while in the centre of the shield blazed the great
Medici diamond, // Libra. In the Piazza he mounted a charger
1 La Oiostra di Lorenzo de' Medici, erroneously attributed by many writers
to his brother Luca.
LETTERS OF THE EARLY MEDICI
presented to him by Borso cTEste, Duke of Ferrara, and buckled
on armour sent by the Duke of Milan. His prowess is cele-
brated by Luigi Pulci as rivalling the deeds of Orlando and
Achilles, and the first prize, a helmet of silver with a figure of
Mars, was assigned to him. Lorenzo more modestly states that
he was not well versed in the use of weapons and the delivery
of blows.
These Italian tournaments, which we read about so frequently
as forming part of the festivities attending weddings among the
richer citizens of Florence and other Italian towns, were more
processions and pageants than the rough-and-tumble feats of
arms among northern nations. At one of the tournaments
held during the sitting of the Diet of Augsburg we are told by
a spectator that six competitors were killed : at another that
Ferdinand, King of the Romans, was thrown violently and
his horse rolled on him, endangering his life. We never hear
of such accidents attending the tame tournaments of Italy.
RINALDO OKSINI to LORENZO DE' MEDICI
Magnifice affinis ac f rater honorande, salutem, &c., A few
days ago I heard, but not by any letter of yours, of the tourna-
ment and the honour done to you. God be praised for all, and
especially that you emerged safe and unhurt ; in which I think
you were aided by the prayers of your Clarice. Now I have
been informed of the wishes of the Magnificent Piero and your
own as to Clarice's journey to Florence. Although I should
have certainly desired, albeit I have not been consulted, that
your wishes should be followed in this matter, always subor-
dinate to those of Madonna our mother, who is very sorrowful
at her departure, yet it would only have been seemly if I, as
well as other people, had been written to about this business,
for you have no nearer relation here, nor one who is more
desirous to please you in this and in other matters. So when you
want an explanation or anything done, write openly to me and
I shall do my best to satisfy you. Say also to the Magnificent
Piero that in future he is not to apply to middle-men, for he
126
PIERO DI GOSIMO DE' MEDICI
must dispose of me as he would of a son. Bene valete. Rome,
February 26, 1469.
RAINALDUS DE URSINUS,
Apostolice Sedis subdiaconus*
MADDALENA ORSINI to LORENZO DE' MEDICI
Magnifice vir, et mi fill benedicte, salutem^ I have had a
letter from you which is most welcome, in which you say that
your coming here depends upon the will of the Magnificent
Piero and the opinion of his Lordship the Cardinal. I am
quite content with whatever pleases them. How glad I should
be to see you before sending my daughter I cannot express,
but I am sure the Magnificent Piero knows best, and that we
shall never err by carrying out his commands. At all events I
hope you have the wish to know me and all your relations here.
No more. God preserve you ever in good health and happiness.
Clarice is well and commends herself to all. Rome, March 4,
1469. MAGHDALENA DE UnsiNus. 2
FILIPPO DE' MEDICI, Archbishop of Pisa, to LORENZO
DE' MEDICI
Magnifice vir etfrater honorande, &c., I hardly know how
to express to Your Magnificence with what pleasure and con-
tentment I have this day espoused in your name the Magni-
ficent and noble Madonna Clarice degP Orsini, a maiden whose
looks, carriage, and manners I conceive merit the bridegroom
who was I think destined for her by Heaven. For this Your
Magnificence ought devoutly to thank God who in this, as in
other matters wherein you have been so well treated by fortune,
has protected you ; and I, who desire your well-being and
1 Tre Lettere di Lucrezia, &c., op. cit. Rinaldo Orsini wa3 afterwards Arch-
bishop of Florence.
2 Ibid.
127
LETTERS OF THE EARLY MEDICI
honour as ardently as any one, for many reasons have longed
for this day and congratulate Your Magnificence ex intimo
cordis ; may it be productive of all good. I pray our Lord
Jesus Christ to grant to both a happy and a long life together
and to let you see Jilios Jiliorum vestrorum usque in quartam
et quintam generationem. I will say no more because from
Giovanni [Tornabuoni] you will have heard everything. If I
can do aught for your service let me know, and I will do it as
willingly as any one alive, as I am sure Your Magnificence
knows quam Deas diufelicem conserve}* 1
Lorenzo in his Ricordi writes : " I, Lorenzo, took to wife
Clarice, the daughter of Signor Jacopo Orsini, or rather she
was given to me (i.e. betrothed), in December 1468 and the
marriage was celebrated in our house on the 4th June 1469.
Till now I have by her two children, a daughter called
Lucrezia . . . years old, and a son called Piero . . . months
old. King Ferrante is the godfather of the girl. She is again
with child. God spare her to us for a long time and preserve
her from all ill" (see p. 153).
The following description of Lorenzo de' Medici's wedding
is taken from a contemporary manuscript existing in Codex
574, Class xxv. of the Strozziani MSS. in the National Library
of Florence. There is no record of the writer in the manu-
script, but his name appears in the catalogue of the Library
as Piero di Marco Parenti, and it may be that it was on the
cover which is wanting. Born in Florence in January 18,
1450, Parenti died in May 1519, and according to Moreni
was the author of several other works which still exist in
manuscript in the Library. The name of the person to whom
the letter was written does not appear, but from people men-
tioned, and other indications, he may have been Filippo di
Matteo Strozzi, the builder of the fine Palazzo Strozzi in
Florence, who was then in Naples.
1 Laurentii Medicis Vita, &c., vol. ii. p. 39.
128
PIERO DI GOSIMO DE' MEDICI
An Account of the Wedding of LORENZO DI PIERO DI COSIMO,
according to what was told me by Cosimo Bartoli, one of
the principal Directors of the Festival, particularly as
regards Sweetmeats and Sugar-plums, and also what I
saw myself.
On Friday, which was the 2nd of June, the presents offered
by the countryside began to arrive from the principal towns,
Pisa, Arezzo, and other communes, villas, and castles. All
presented eatables, such as calves, fowls, geese, wine, sweet-
meats, wax, and fish. I send you the exact list as far as I
could get it. The presentations of these went on all day on
Saturday with great noise and rejoicings : and on that day
pieces of veal of from 10 to 20 Ibs. in weight were given to
800 citizens. You and I were among the number.
Calves, 150.
More than 2000 couples of capons, geese, and fowls.
Sea fish and trout in large quantities. I do not yet know how
many.
Sweet things in abundance ; sugar-plums as big as arbutus berries,
almonds, pine-seeds, sweetmeats, also the imitations thereof
from there [Naples ?]. The number I do not yet know.
Wax I know not how much.
Many hundreds of flasks of wine and several casks of foreign wines,
such as malvasy and the like, and of native red wine.
Of corn, oats, and the like, I do not think there was much.
On Sunday morning the bride left the house of Benedetto
degP Alessandri on the big horse given to Lorenzo by the
King [of Naples], preceded by many trumpeters and fifers, and
surrounded by the youths usually in attendance on marriage
festivities, well clothed. Behind her came two cavaliers,
Messer Carlo and Messer Tommaso, on horseback with their
retainers, who according to the usage of the city accompanied
her to her husband's house which was most sumptuously
adorned, and where a stage had been erected in the street for
129 i
LETTERS OF THE EARLY MEDICI
dancing. As she dismounted the bride's retinue arrived from
the house of the Alessandri : thirty young matrons and maidens
most richly dressed, and among them was your Fiammetta, one
of the two handsomest there. They were accompanied by
another set of youths dressed for dancing and preceded by
trumpeters. Thirty other maidens were in Lorenzo's house to
receive the bride and her retinue. After the olive tree, to the
sound of much music, had been hauled up to the windows, all
went to dinner. The tree was arranged in a vase like those
used on the triumphal cars for the feast of S. Giovanni and was
almost like a trionfo.
The order of the banquets, of which there were five, was
alike on the mornings of Sunday, Monday, and Tuesday.
The bride, with about fifty maidens who were the dancers,
ate in the garden under the loggia which you know, and the
tables were set at the sides as far as the doors, one of which
leads into the house, the other outside. In the loggia which
surrounds the courtyard of the house sat the citizens who had
been invited. The tables were placed on three sides, beginning
from the garden, and following the wall were six tables : here
sat from seventy to eighty citizens. In the ground-floor hall
the youths who danced, about thirty-two or thirty-six, were
seated. Forty or more men of more mature age were occu-
pied in marshalling the banquet, and at every table were
two who acted as seneschals. On a balcony in the great
room upstairs dined the women of a certain age, among
them was your mother-in-law Monna Antonia, and like her
were about forty others in the company of Monna Lucrezia.
In short, at the principal tables dined about two hundred
people.
The order observed in serving was marvellous. For all the
dishes were brought in at the door opening into the street,
preceded, as is the custom, by trumpets. The bearers turned
to the right in the loggia and returned to the foot of the stair-
case up which some went, while others passed into the hall to
130
PIERO DI GOSIMO DE' MEDICI
the youths, and others to the maidens in the garden, and others
again remained under the loggie where were those who had
been invited, so that all were served at the same time. The
like order was observed in taking away the dishes, and each
man knew his service and his place and did nought else. The
dishes were according to the tables, and among those who
brought them in were the stewards, each of whom directed his
own men to the proper table. There were fifty large dishes, the
contents of each of which were sufficient to fill two trenchers,
and one trencher was placed between every two guests, a carver
being in attendance.
The banquets were prepared for a marriage rather than for
a magnificent feast, and I think this was done de iiidustria as
an example to others not to exceed the modesty and simplicity
suitable to marriages, so there was never more than one roast.
In the morning a small dish, then some boiled meat, then a
roast, after that wafers, marzipan and sugared almonds and
pine-seeds, then jars of preserved pine-seeds and sweetmeats.
In the evening jelly, a roast, fritters, wafers, almonds, and jars
of sweetmeats. On Tuesday morning, instead of the roast were
sweet pies of succulent vegetables on trenchers ; the wines were
excellent malvasy, trebbiano, 1 and red wine. Of silver plate
there was little.
No sideboards had been placed for the silver. Only tall
tables in the middle of the courtyard, round that handsome
column on which stands the David, 2 covered with tablecloths,
and at the four corners were four great copper basins for the
glasses, and behind the tables stood men to hand wine or water
to those who served the guests. The same arrangement was
made in the garden round the fountain you know. On the
tables were silver vessels in which the glasses were put to be
kept cool. The salt-cellars, forks, knife-handles, bowls for the
1 A Tuscan white wine still much prized.
2 Donatello's David. It was placed in the courtyard of the Palazzo Vecchio
after the expulsion of Piero de' Medici in 1494 and is now in the Bargello.
131
LETTERS OF THE EARLY MEDICI
fritters, almonds, sugar- plums, and the jars for preserved pine-
seeds were of silver ; there was none other for the guests save
the basins and jugs for washing of hands. The table-cloths
were of the finest white damask linen 1 laid according to our
fashion.
About four hundred citizens were invited to these five
banquets, and among them the first of your house was your
Lorenzo, and then Agnolo and Lodovico ; I was also there.
On Monday morning to all who had received veal, jelly was
given, and then about 1500 trenchers full were presented to
others. Many religious [monks and nuns] also received gifts of
fowls, fish, sweetmeats, wine, and similar things.
After the guests at the first tables had finished many
hundreds ate. They say that between the house here and that
of Messer Carlo 2 more than a thousand people ate, and at
Messer Carlo's every day one hundred barrels of wine were
drunk.
In the house here, where the marriage feast was, every
respectable person who came in was at once taken to the
ground-floor hall, out of the large loggia, to refresh himself
with fruit, sweetmeats, and white and red wine. The common
folk were not invited.
The feasting began in the morning a little before dinner-time,
then every one went away to repose. At about the twentieth
hour (4 o'clock) they returned and danced until supper-time
on the stage outside, which was decorated with tapestries,
benches, and forms, and covered in with large curtains of
purple, green, and white cloth, embroidered with the arms
of the Medici and the Orsini. Every time a company came on
to the stage to dance they took refreshments once or twice,
according to the time. First came the trumpeters, then a
great silver basin, then many smaller ones full of glasses, then
1 Tela di Rtnza, or Rensa, so-called because it came from Rheims in
France.
8 The illegitimate son of Cosimo, canon of the cathedral of Florence.
PIERO DI GOSIMO DE> MEDICI
small silver jars full of water, then many flasks of trebbiano
and then twenty-three silver bowls full of preserved pine-seeds
and sweet conserves. To all was given in abundance and all
the dishes were emptied ; and the same with the flasks of wine.
The account has not been made, but from five to ... thousand
pounds of sweetmeats and sugar-plums were consumed.
The bride has received about fifty rings, costing they say
from ten to fifty or sixty ducats each ; one piece of brocade ;
a sweetmeat dish of silver, and many other such things ; and
a small book of the offices of Our Lady, most beautiful, the
gift of Messer Gentile, 1 written in letters of gold on blue
vellum and covered with crystal and worked silver, which cost
about two hundred florins. On Tuesday the bride left (a
tournament was held first), and returned to the house of
the Alessandri in the same dress in which she came to
be married. This was a robe of white and gold brocade and
a magnificent hood on her head, as is used here. She rode
the same horse and was accompanied by the same youths,
whose rich dresses of silver brocade embroidered with large
pearls and jewels baffle description. From what they tell of
courts of great princes nothing was ever seen like it save certain
jewels of great value worn by some great Lords. Of the women
I say nothing ! Such jackets and robes of silk, all of them
embroidered with pearls. I rather blame than praise this
height of civilisation. And thus ended this marriage.
One day it rained ; on the Monday, just when the feast was
at its highest. It seemed as though done on purpose. It en-
veloped everything and wet the beautiful dresses, for the rain
was so sudden and so heavy that many could not get under
shelter soon enough. But the youths and the women had not
put on the finest clothes which they had reserved for that day,
the most important of the feast, so that to many it seemed
their money had been spent in vain, not being able to wear
i Gentile Becchi of Urbino, tutor to Lorenzo and Giuliano de' Medici,
afterwards Bishop of Arezzo.
LETTERS OF THE EARLY MEDICI
them. However, on Tuesday morning when the bride went to
hear mass in S. Lorenzo, accompanied by all the youths and
maidens who had attended her at the wedding, every one was
in their finest clothes. I warrant you that there were about
fifty maidens and young girls and as many or more youths, so
richly dressed that I do not think that anywhere among so
many people could such a splendid and fine spectacle be seen.
I know that though I have written you many things and
in much detail there is much still to be said ; and although it
is not worth your reading or my writing, yet I have done so
for your information, as I know you to be curious, and that
you like to know exactly how things went. So I have written
thus thinking it would please you better than a more serious
style. 1
RINALDO ORSINI to his sister CLARICE DE' MEDICI
Magnificent sister, salutem. From Messer Giovanni [Torna-
buoni] we have heard all the excellent news about your family,
so that we are most happy and contented, and could have
received no better news. We all beg and advise you to
conduct yourself in such manner with every one that you will
become even dearer to Piero, Lorenzo, Giuliano, Madonna
Contessina, and Madonna Lucrezia, and to your sisters-in-law,
and generally to all relations and other persons you meet. If
we can do anything here for Lorenzo or any of your family
offer me to them, for nothing shall be left undone to fulfil any
desire of theirs. Also if there is aught you wish done tell me,
and I shall show that I hold you as dear as I do Organtino,
who, as a male, and careful of the interests of our house, I love
as I do my own life. Commend me to the Magnificent Piero
and the ladies, and salute Lorenzo and Giuliano from me.
Item it is necessary that Messer Baptista da Augubio [Gubbio]
1 Delle Nozzt di Lorenzo de' Medici con Clarice Orsini nel 1469. Informazione
di Piero Parenti Fiorentino, per le Nozze di Florestano ed Elisa del Conti di
Larderel. in Firenze, 1870.
134
PIERO DI COSIMO DE' MEDICI
should go to Florence, you know how devoted he is to us ; if
needs be ask Piero and Lorenzo, for love of us, to favour him.
Rome, June 1469. RAINALDUS DE OnsiNi. 1
GIOVANNI DI BENTIVOGLI from Bologna to PIERO DE'
MEDICI at Florence
Magnifice et Prestantissime Pater honorande, I have not
written to Your Magnificence in these last days about the
affair at Rimini, because I was sure you would hear of it from
diverse sides, and that the Illustrious League would take proper
steps. But as I neither see nor hear that the Illustrious
League has made any sign of life and considering the great
injury to us, to the friends of the League, and to yourself,
which will be occasioned in the future, I am moved to note it
and to impart my thoughts to Your Magnificence ; although I
do not esteem myself of sufficient capacity to write such notes.
But anxiety, and devotion to the Illustrious League, and the
love I bear Your Magnificence induce me to warn you. I have
also written this my opinion to H.E. the Duke, and should
have done the same to H.M. the King, only the road is long
and our messengers pass with difficulty ; also I thought Your
Magnificence would have sent the news from there. Your
Magnificence must have heard that the Signoria of Venice has
again made an alliance with our Lord the Pope, et inter alia
has promised to send, whenever he demands them, 4000 horse
and 3000 foot soldiers into Romagna. From good authority
I hear that the Pope has just asked for them, and that the
Signoria is arming them and has ordered His Magnificence
Ercole [Duke of Ferrara], the Lords of Carpi and of
Mirandola, to hold themselves in readiness to march ; and that
yesterday they were to receive their pay. Also I hear that
bridges are being thrown across the Po near Ravenna, for the
1 Donne Medicee avanti il Principato, Berta Felice, Rassegna Nazionale.
135
LETTERS OF THE EARLY MEDICI
passage of the troops of the Signoria of Venice, and that the
picked squadrons and Antonello da la Corna were advancing to
meet these others. What all these preparations mean I leave
to the judgment of Your Magnificence. I can only imagine
that the Pope and the Signoria of Venice intend to occupy
Arimino and the rest of Romagna and then Bologna. Should
Rimini fall this will probably happen, and where Bologna and
Imola would be Your Magnificence and the League may, like
prudent men, calculate. He who does not put a stop to such
beginnings will spend a hundred instead of one, and God grant
things may go well. I therefore beg and entreat Your Magni-
ficence to succour little Arimino in order that the wound may
not fester and increase in such wise that none can heal it.
The Illustrious League must not allow its friends to lose
courage and faith, else the end will be our perdition. To me
it seems this is not a moment for losing time. Your Magni-
ficence must remember that the Pope and the Signoria of
Venice have been preparing this for a long time, otherwise the
Pope would not have spent so much money, a thing quite
against his nature. Had the move been only against Arimino ;
but it is more especially against Bologna and the rest of
Romagna, and more considerable events may follow. I com-
mend myself to Your Magnificence. June 17, 1469.
JOHANNES DI
i A. Fabronio, Laurentii Medicis Magnifici Vita, Annotationes et Monu-
menta, p. 45. Pisis, 1784.
In Memoirs of Dukes of Urbino, by J. Dennistoun, vol. i. p. 186, is the
following passage: " Federigo's [of Urbino] condotta in the papal service had
just expired, leaving him free to consult the dictates of policy, his views as to
which were stated in an appeal to Pietro de' Medici on behalf of Rimini, in
words which may almost be deemed prophetic. " I am constrained to believe
that the Pontiff and the Venetian Signory intend to occupy Rimini and all
Romagna, and eventually Bologna too. Rimini once lost, the rest will readily
follow, and your lordship and the league may easily suppose where Bologna
and Imola would then be. Those who will not resist such projects at first
may have afterwards to pay a hundredfold, and God grant that it be to good
purpose.' " Edited by Edward Hutton. John Lane, London, 1909.
It is a curious coincidence that Bentivoglio and Federigo of Urbino
should use almost identical words, unless Dennistoun has made a mistake
about the writer.
136
PIERO DI COSIMO DE' MEDICI
A few weeks after his wedding Lorenzo had to leave his
bride and undertake an embassy to Milan. A son had been
born on June 20th to Galeazzo, Duke of Milan, and Piero
de"* Medici was asked to stand sponsor to the child. He was
too ill to travel, and "somewhat unwillingly," he confesses,
sent Lorenzo to act as his proxy. The embassy went by Prato,
Pistoja, Lucca, and Pietrasanta to Sarzana, which town and
district had been recently purchased by Pietro and added to
the Florentine dominions. Thence the company travelled by
Pontremoli to Milan. The preparations for the journey were
evidently on too magnificent a scale to please the cautious
father, and we find him complaining to his wife Lucrezia in
a less affectionate tone than usual. The following three letters
refer to the journey. To it also belongs the passage in
Lorenzo's Ricordi or memoranda, in which he states that
Sforza proposed that he should stand godfather to all his
other children.
PIERO DE' MEDICI at Car egg i to LUCREZIA his tvife
in Florence
Thou knowest how unwilling I was for many reasons, parti-
cularly in order not to give any importance to this mission, to
allow Lorenzo to go. Yesterday we agreed about this, but I
have not heard what thou hast done ; it has been much talked
about, which displeases me. Herewith I repeat that they must
be here this evening and start infallanter to-morrow morning.
If they do not, I shall arrange in some other way. Meanwhile
see that everything is ready, and tell Lorenzo that he is not to
exceed his orders, or to make any great show ; * he is not an
ambassador. I am determined that the gosling shall not lead
the gander to drink. Make haste, for thou must return here
without fail this evening. No more. Careggi, July 13, 1469.
PIERO DI COSIMO. 2
1 Nonfare tunic mclarancie (Not make so many oranges) : an old proverb.
2 Arch. Med. ante Prin., Avi, No. i. 474.
137
LETTERS OF THE EARLY MEDICI
GENTILE BECCHI to CLARICE DE' MEDICI
Magnified Domina, &c.
Your Magnificence commanded me to send you news of
your Magnificent Lorenzo every eight days. I now begin to
recount the first week. As you will have heard from Francesco
Nori and Gugliemo de 1 Pazzi, after leaving you in the early
morning we arrived at Prato during the cool. He dined with
the Proto-notary of the Medici, together with the Podesta of the
place, his own people and Giuliano. There was some wind
when we left about the 20th hour [4 P.M.], and he reached
Pistoja on Friday evening, being met by several citizens of the
town. He dismounted at the Bishop's palace, as a messenger
had said that Monsignore expected him. Having saluted the
Bishop he went, while the luggage was being unloaded, to visit
the two governors (Rettori), the Captain and the Podesta of
the town, who were all invited by the Bishop to keep him com-
pany at supper. Four citizens came on behalf of the Priors to
excuse themselves in the name of the townspeople, that on
account of his unexpected arrival they had not, &c. &c., and
begged him with affectionate words that on his return, &c.
On Saturday he mounted at nine in the morning, and dined at
Pescia with the governor, Baptista Nasi, there being no better
inn ; the heads of the Commune came to pay their respects,
and presented wine, marzipan (cakes made with sweet almonds),
and corn, and some private citizens did the same. After rest-
ing in the house of the Grand Master of Altopascio, who had
accompanied him for dinner, he left at 20 of the clock,
and met several chief citizens who had come to do him
honour in their houses. Passing through Lucca at 23 of
the clock, he dismounted at the inn della Corona, 1 outside the
town on the Pisan road, intending to leave the next morning
(Sunday). But after supper came six citizens of Lucca, with
1 The inn still exists.
138
PIERO DI GOSIMO DE' MEDICI
torches and servants of the Signoria, and finding Lorenzo on
the square in the cool receiving visits from private acquaint-
ances Paolo Trenta and Piero Guidiccioni addressed him,
complaining that he had not deigned to dismount in a city
where he was so welcome and had such influence, but had gone
outside, and then in a long oration they prayed him to wait
until the Signoria had, &c. &c. Lorenzo replied that to see
them, whom he reverenced as fathers, gave him patience to
undertake these visits, and perceiving that he was expected to
reply in person he would put off his departure until after
dinner, and next morning would come and demonstrate his
affection towards the Signoria. Messer Niccolo da Noceto,
Paolo di Poggio, and many other citizens came on Sunday
morning to fetch him, and placing him first in their midst, and
then Bernardo Rucellai, and then the Chancellor, they accom-
panied him to mass in the chapel of the Volto Santo, and then
to the Signoria, where he spoke so fluently and so well that he
drew to himself the hearts of all the people. When he returned
presents began to arrive, torches, large and small, marzipan,
boxes of sweetmeats, and wine. He thanked, bestowed gifts,
kept a few of the gentlemen to dinner, spread out his silver,
and as some showed symptoms of moving the wind having
risen, he left before the time fixed ; yet many of the citizens
rode after him, and insisted on accompanying him and talk-
ing much. On the way he rested at Chiesa, Mazzarosa, and
Capezano, all very pretty places. At Pietrasanta he arrived at
23 of the clock, and lodged at the inn of the Campana outside,
for it is an untrustworthy town ; S. George had not much
faith in S. Zita. 1 But the governor, who is a gentleman from
Fiesco, sent to offer to pay his respects, and to do anything in his
power. He saw him, thanked, and then, accompanied by all
those men who could not take their eyes off him, supped with
some of the citizens under an arbour ; the place is beautiful
1 S. George is the patron saint of Pietrasanta, S. Zita a favourite saint in
Lucca.
139
LETTERS OF THE EARLY MEDICI
with the sea in front and fertile plains behind. At 8 of the
clock he mounted and rode sixteen miles most gaily. Under
Monte Tignoso he met an envoy of the Magnificent Marquess
of Fosdinovo, who invited him in the name of his master, and
at Lavenza, or a little before reaching Luni, the Marquess
Gabriello himself, who conducted him to his house at Sarzana.
On dismounting he visited the governor who rules here for the
Florentines, then we dined, and after resting a little went to
see Sarzanella, which seen from the castle seemed to him a good
purchase. 1 When he had supped he went to visit Messer Fran-
cesco, ducal Cameriere, who lives out of the town, and find-
ing him ill provided for supper, he supplied him bountifully.
To-morrow he goes to dine at Villa Franca, and in the evening
will be at Pontremoli. The journey has been so arranged that
he will be at Milan on Saturday, and after fulfilling his Magni-
ficent father's commission he will return at once to you who
are the only one he regrets being absent from. He is very
well and gay, and so is Bernardo. 2 Tell Nannina this. Our
party is as when we left all good friends and obedient ; we have
had no drawbacks, for not even a nail is wanting. We have
had no delays or frauds. All goes well and happily : please
God we shall find you the same, to whom we all commend
ourselves. The 18th day of July 1469. 3
LORENZO DE' MEDICI to his tvife CLARICE
I have arrived here safely and am well. I am sure this will
please thee more than any other news save that of my return,
judging by my own feelings of longing for thee and for home.
1 Sarzana and Sarzanella had been bought the year before by Piero de'
Medici from Lodovico di Campo Fregoso. They were valuable to Florence as
Sarzana commanded the direct road from Milan to Florence which near there
lay between the mountains and the sea. An invasion from the north was
thus rendered difficult, while an attack on Lucca could be carried out without
fear of her allies being able to come swiftly to her help. Sarzanella, the fine
fortress built by the great Lucchese Grhibelline, Castruccio Castrocane, in its
turn commanded Sarzana.
2 Bernardo Rucellai, husband of Lorenzo's sister Nannina.
3 Laurentii Medicis Vita, op. cit. ii. 54.
140
PIERO DI COSIMO DE' MEDICI
Make much of Piero, Mona Contessina, and Mona Lucrezia ;
I shall hasten to finish here and return to thee, for it seems to
me a thousand years since I saw thee. Pray to God for me,
and if thou wantest aught from here let me know, so be I have
not already left Milan. July 22, 1469.
THY LORENZO DE' MEDICI. l
In Lorenzo's Rwordi he writes : " In the month of July
MCDLXIX I went to Milan at the request of the most illustrious
Duke Galeazzo to stand godfather, as proxy for Piero our
father, to his first-born child. I was received with much
honour, more so than the others who came for the same pur-
pose, although they were persons more worthy than I. We
paid our duty to the Duchess by presenting her with a necklace
of gold with a large diamond, which cost near 2000 ducats.
The consequence was that the said Lord desired that I should
stamd godfather to all his children." 2
LORENZO DE' MEDICI, from Monza, to his father
PIERO in Florence
Being here at Monza with His Excellency, he wishes me to
write to you about sending aid to Arimino, and begs you to
arrange that Signor Roberto [Malatesta] with his troop should
join the Duke of Urbino. As I know that Messer Luigi is
writing fully about this I say no more, and all being in his
hands I should not have mentioned it but for His Lordship's
orders. You will see what I write to Sagromora about being
careful of your own person, so that nothing unforeseen should
happen. It is well to give ear to all, though I do not think
the danger is as great as it seems. Still it is better to
be prudent, and to imagine danger may be greater than it
really is.
I have taken leave of His Excellency, and this evening go
to Milan, where I shall spend all to-morrow. On Monday, if it
1 Ibid., ii. 56. 2 See p. 153, Lorenzo's Ricordi.
141
LETTERS OF THE EARLY MEDICI
pleases God, I leave by way of Genoa, as after talking to His
Lordship he thought it a good plan. I expect to stay two or
three days in Genoa and to be with you on the 13th or at the
latest the 14th of August. Meanwhile I commend myself to
you. Moncia [Monza], July 28, 1469.
YOUR LORENZO. 1
In the autumn of 1469 Piero de' Medici was very ill, partly
no doubt from anxiety about the state of Florence, " grievously
troubled by her own citizens." He summoned the chief
burghers to his bedside, reproached them in the bitter words
cited by Machiavelli, and threatened that he would cause them
to repent. Fair words in plenty they gave him, but never
changed their evil courses. " Whereupon," continues Machia-
velli, "Piero called Agnolo Acciaiuoli secretly to Caffagiuolo and
conferred at length with him about the condition of the city.
There is no doubt that had he not been prevented by death he
would have reinstated all those who had been banished in
order to put a stop to the robbery of the others. But death
put an end to these most praiseworthy intentions. Tormented
by increasing infirmity and anguish of mind, he died in the
fifty-third year of his age. His country could not fully recog-
nise his worth and his goodness, because until nearly the end of
his life he was associated with his father Cosimo, and the few
years during which he survived him were passed in civil contests
and constant illness." Piero died at Careggi on December 2,
1469, and was buried in S. Lorenzo, near his father.
1 Arch. Med. ante Prin., Filza vii. No. 411.
142
^AVRF.NTIVS^MEDICI
LORENZO DI PIETIO DE' MEDICI.
In the Museo Giovio ( Villa, Soave, Como).
LORENZO DI PIERO DE' MEDICI
(1450-1492)
LORENZO DE 1 MEDICI, whose wonderful personality still has the
power to excite bitter hatred and an almost passionate admira-
tion, was a marvellously many-sided man. Marsilio Ficino said
he possessed the three endowments called " graces " by Orpheus,
splendour, light-heartedness, and rejuvenescence splendour
of intellect, light-heartedness in resolution, and a continual
renewal of youth in person and in fortune. He was not
twenty-one when his father died, worn out by bodily suffering,
but Lorenzo had been his right hand for years, had been sent to
represent him at foreign courts, and had seen more of the world
than most men of double his age. He and his younger brother
Giuliano received the education of princes rather than of the sons
of a merchant. Gentile Becch|pf Urbino, a man of unblemished
life and considerable learning, was their tutor, Landino taught
them Italian literature, Argyropulos Greek, and Marsilio
Ficino Platonic philosophy. They had also evidently been
taught good manners, as Cambi, who never misses an oppor-
tunity to decry the Medici, tells us that when Lorenzo was
with a citizen older than himself he always gave him the place
of honour on his right. Above all, the two lads had the
example and the teaching of their mother Lucrezia, a woman of
strong good sense and genuine piety, who possessed a sunny
nature, that rare gift humour, and a marked poetical tempera-
ment. From early childhood she sent Lorenzo to the meetings
of the confraternity of S. Paolo, where men met for vigil and
prayer, and after the services Messer Gentile by her orders
made him distribute alms to the poor. When the boy was thirteen
Gentile wrote to his father : " Lorenzo is well, your absence is
ever before him. We are well advanced in Ovid and also in
Justinian, four books of history and fables. You need not
143
LETTERS OF THE EARLY MEDICI
ask how he delights in these studies. His conduct is excellent,
and he is very obedient."
After Piero's death Lucrezia, who had always been her
husband's trusted helpmate, became the counsellor to whom
Lorenzo turned for help, consolation, and advice. He also had
the good fortune to have a wise and capable man by his side,
Tommaso Soderini, husband of his mother's sister, Dianora
Tornabuoni. Soderini's influence was considerable, and he used
it to induce his fellow-citizens to confirm Lorenzo in the
pre-eminent though entirely unofficial position held by his
grandfather and his father. There was hardly a dissentient
voice when the chief citizens of Florence came to the Medici
palace and begged him to take charge of the city as they had
done.
Niccolo Valori describes Lorenzo as "above the common
stature, with broad shoulders, solidly built, robust, and second
to none in agility. Although nature had acted towards
him like a stepmother with regard to his personal appearance,
in all things connected with the mind she had been a loving
mother. His complexion was swarthy, and although his face
was not handsome, it was so full of dignity as to command
respect. He was short-sighted, his nose was flattened, and
he had no sense of smell. This did not trouble him. He
was wont to say that he was arateful to nature, disagreeable
things being more common than agreeable ones to so delicate
a sense."
Lorenzo was much inferior to his grandfather Cosimo in
commercial talent, but he was a genius, and as Symonds writes,
" possessed of one of those rare natures, fitted to comprehend
all knowledge and to sympathise with the most diverse forms
of life. While he never for a moment relaxed his hold on
politics, among philosophers he passed as a sage, among men
of letters for an original and graceful poet, among scholars for
a Grecian, sensitive to every nicety of Attic idiom, among artists
for an amateur gifted with refined discernment and consummate
taste. Pleasure-seekers knew in him the libertine, who jousted
with the boldest, danced and masqueraded with the merriest,
sought adventures in the streets at night, and joined the people
in their May-day games and Carnival festivities. The pious
extolled him as an author of devotional lauds and mystery
plays, a profound theologian, a critic of sermons. He was no
144
LORENZO DI PIERO DE' MEDICI
less famous for his jokes and repartees than for his pithy
apothegms and maxims, as good a judge of cattle as of
statues, as much at home in the bosom of his family as in the
riot of an orgy, as ready to discourse on Plato as to plan a
campaign or to plot the death of a dangerous citizen.'* 1 1
A philosopher, a diplomatist, a " Pagan much inclined to
the worship of Venus," as Machiavelli tells us, a Christian as
shown in his Laiidi and his Capitoli, evidently written con
amore, a staunch friend, generous and kind, yet he is generally
accused of having ordered the sack of Volterra now, however,
proved to have been instigated by the mercenaries engaged to
defend the town and of causing his opponents to be tortured
and executed. The indelible stain on Lorenzo^s fair name is
his interference with the deposits in the Monte. 2 Cambi, who
it must be remembered was no friend of the Medici, writes :
"On the 13th August 1490 seventeen so-called Reformers
were created by the authority of the Signory, the Colleges of
the Council, of the People, and of the Commune, the Council
of the One Hundred, the officers of the Monte, and the whole
Popolo of Florence. Under pretext of revising the coinage and
the duties they altered the entries of all monies received for the
use of the State for the benefit of Lorenzo de 1 Medici, who
needed money in order to make his son Messer Giovanni a
cardinal, which he did. And it was done with the money of
the Commune. Counting what they gave him after he became
a cardinal, it cost the Commune 10,000 scudi in gold. From
the poor dowers of the married maidens and of those about to
be married they deducted by means of taxes and the reduction
of all future interest f per cent, of the interest, so that what
should have given 3 per cent, they lowered to 1J per cent., and
even that was not paid. . . . Thus few maidens married, and
those few only by dint of money. Even then the permission of
Lorenzo de" Medici was necessary. Let every one therefore
1 Renaissance in Italy, J. A. Symonds, ii. 232. Smith, Elder & Co., London,
1897.
2 To obtain funds for the exchequer exhausted by the war against Milan
in 142G recourse was had to a curious financial scheme. A Monte, or special
fund, was created for granting marriage portions to young men and maidens.
Every contributor had the right to name a male or female child, to whom at
the expiration of fifteen years a sum five times that subscribed was paid when
they married. Should the nominee die the money became the property of the
Monte. As far as I understand these Monti gradually developed into State
pawnbrokers' establishments.
145 K
LETTERS OF THE EARLY MEDICI
consider what it means to create tyrants in the city, to make a
Balia and to call a parliament." l
It was fortunate for the Italian language that the young
Lorenzo fell under the influence of Leon Battista Alberti, who
asserted that " though the ancient tongue has undisputed
authority because so many learned men have employed it, the
like honour will certainly be paid to our language to-day if
men of culture take the pains to purify and polish it." The
revival of classical learning had almost arrested the study of
Italian. In spite of the example of Dante and Boccaccio,
Latin was the patrician and literary language, and even when
men of letters used the vulgar tongue they interlarded it with
Latin. Poliziano's letters are a case in point. The example of
Lorenzo altered all this. In his letter to Federigo of Naples
(p. 88) he passes extraordinarily acute criticism on the old
Italian poets, and in his Commentary, which takes up ninety-
three double pages in the Aldine edition of his poems, he
predicts a glorious future to the language used by Dante, Caval-
canti, Petrarch, and Boccaccio. " Men and practice," he says,
" have rather been wanting to the language than the language
to the men." Muratori, treating of the poetry of the fifteenth
century, gives the palm to Lorenzo, and Carducci declares him
to be little if at all inferior to Poliziano and Pulci.
Incessantly occupied in preserving the balance of power in
Italy, yet in his short life of forty-two years he wrote an
amount of poetry, and good poetry, which would do credit to
a man whose whole life is dedicated to literature. Treated as
an equal by popes and princes the King of France doffed his
cap to his ambassadors and called him "my beloved cousin" he
was at home with the artisan and the peasant, whose tastes he
to a certain degree shared, and whose characters he so per-
fectly understood and describes. In La Nencia da JBarberino,
that gayest of gay poems overflowing with lajoie de vivre, often
imitated but never surpassed, Vallera, the shy love-sick peasant,
sings the praises of his Nencia, who, with her pretty ways and
soft words, her eyes as black as coal, and her fair curly hair,
would bear away the palm among a thousand city maidens.
Such a dancer too. She bounds like a young goat, whirls like
the wheel of a mill and then curtsies, no Florentine lady can
1 Istorie di Giovanni Cambi, Delizie degli Eruditi Toscani, xxi. C4, Firenze,
1786,
146
LORENZO DI PIERO DE' MEDICI
do it better. He offers to buy her a paper cornet full of rouge
or powder, or pins, or a necklace of those little red buttons
[coral] when he goes to Florence, for he would draw the
marrow from his bones to give her pleasure. Could he put
his heart into her hands it would cry " Nencia, Nencia bella" if
she cut it with a knife. But Nencia flirts with other swains,
his sighs are full of tears, he waits for her to come with her
sheep when he drives his heifers to pasture, and the cruel girl
turns back. 1
Lorenzo's love of the country, of country life, and of
animals, is shown in Ambra and La Caccia col Falcone. The
former is an allegorical description of a flood which swept
away an island at Lorenzo's favourite villa, Poggio a Caiano.
Winter is approaching. Only the bay, the myrtle, and the
prickly juniper, shine among the bare trees, while the few birds
take refuge in the cypresses. The olives on a southern slope
sway, now green now silver white, to the breeze. The cranes
print varied and beautiful lines on the sky, and Lorenzo notes
how the leader cedes his place, when tired, to one of those in
the rear. The eagle slowly circles in the air, a menace to all
smaller fowl. Zephyr has fled to Cyprus, where he dances with
the lazy flowers among the green grass. Boreas drives the
mists down from the Alps, and the river, writhing like a
serpent in the valley, gathers his tributaries. With strange
sounds he rises. The yellow foam is tossed into the air as the
wicked turbid stream rolls stone upon stone, and dashing
against the dykes, overwhelms Ambra, " beloved of Lorenzo."
The terrified peasants take refuge on the roofs of their cottages,
and watch their poor riches being swept away. Then comes
the more artificial and well-worn tale of the lovely nymph
Ambra pursued by the river god Ombrone, her prayer to the
chaste goddess, and her farewell to Lorenzo as she is turned
to stone.
La Caccia col Falcone is a graphic account of the sport
1 I have followed the Ashburnham Codex, now in the Laurentian Library,
published by Sigr. Gugliemo Volpi in the Atti della R. Academia detta Crusca,
1907-1908. There the poem has only twenty octaves instead of fifty, and I
think most people will agree that this is the real version and that the other
mentioning qudla triata ecca t evidently alluding to Luigi Pulci's poem La
Becca di Dicomano, written later in imitation of Lorenzo's poem Nencia, has
interpolations by an inferior hand. Sigr. Volpi has published the poem in a
small pamphlet, Un Nuovo Testo delta Nencia, da G. Volpi. Tipografia Galli-
leiana, Firenze, 1908.
147
LETTERS OF THE EARLY MEDICI
Lorenzo loved. Falcons, dogs, and men are drawn with facile
pen by a man who delighted in country life and open air.
Selve (PAmore is a lover's complaint on the absence of his
lady. Jealousy, Hope, and the Age of Gold, which existed
before the opening of Pandora's box, are described. He invokes
his mistress in these beautiful lines beginning :
" vaghi occhi amorosi,"
and at last she appears, Beauty on her right hand, Love on
her left.
This is, however, not the place to describe Lorenzo's poems,
the fine Altercazione, a Platonic dialogue ; the Capitoli, or
/ Beoni. His Ballate, Canzone di Ballo, and Canzone Car-
nescialeschi, which represent the popular, often very licentious
poetry of the streets, are known to all Italian scholars. II
Lasca (A. Grazzini), after describing the masqueraders parad-
ing the streets with Trionfi, allegorical or mythological cars,
and Carri filled with men representing various trades, each one
preceded and followed by its special attendants singing and
dancing, and many masqued horsemen, says : " The Magnificent
Lorenzo invented this manner of celebrating the festival. For-
merly men dressed up as women went about the streets singing
and dancing, imitating the maidens who thus greeted the
month of May. The Magnificent, finding it was always the
same thing, imagined to change not only the songs but the
whole representation and the words, writing songs with varied
metres, and causing new and different airs to be written. The
first of these masquerades was performed by men who sold
sugar-plums and berriquocoR (small cakes), and the music, for
three voices, was written by a certain Arrigo Tedesco, 1 head of
the choir of S. Giovanni, a musician of great repute in those
days."
The most beautiful of Lorenzo's carnival songs is // Tr'wnfo
di Bacco e Arianne, beginning :
" Quant' e bella giovanezza
Che si fugge tuttavia."
Lorenzo's sonnets are many, and some are worthy to rank with
those of the most famous poets ; indeed Muratori, in the speci-
1 Heinrich Isaak, a Bohemian composer,
148
LORENZO DI PIERO DE' MEDICI
mens of perfect poetry appended to his treatise, cites four of
them, together with the finest of Dante, Cavalcanti, Petrarch,
and other great poets. In the Laitdi, and the sacred play
S. Giovanni e Paolo, can be traced Lorenzo's early bringing up
under his mother, herself no mean poetess, and the good Bishop
Gentile. The play was written in later life for his children
who acted it. It is said that Lorenzo himself took the part
of Constantine. Already ill, and oppressed with cares, the
Emperor's address to his sons describing the duties of a ruler,
and the lines
" Spesso chi chiama Costantin felice
Sta meglio assai di me e'l ver non dice,"
have a sad autobiographical ring.
Lorenzo, the one great statesman of Italy, had no easy
part to play. As prudent as he was dexterous, the preserva-
tion of peace in Italy was his constant aim, to be attained by
a maintenance of the balance of power so that no one State
should become pre-eminent. His violent and unscrupulous
enemy Sixtus IV. used every arm against him. When
assassination failed he tried excommunication, and the laying
of Florence under an interdict. The Florentines answered by
appointing twelve citizens as a bodyguard to Lorenzo, and
bidding the clergy to celebrate the sacraments. His sagacity,
not only as a Tuscan but an Italian, was shown by the able
way in which he traversed French schemes for interfering in-
Italy, although the fortune of his house was largely dependent
on the well-being of the bank at Lyons. So quietly and un-
ostentatiously was this done that French ambassadors were
instructed to act according to his advice, and he became the
intermediary between Rome and Paris. 1 "Lorenzo, 1 " writes
Dr. Creighton, " had striven to identify the Medici family with
Florence, and had been himself the representative and expres-
sion of the desires and aspirations of Florentine life and culture.
He had also learned that the existence of Italy depended upon
the maintenance of internal peace, and his efforts for that end
had, for the last ten years of his life, been unceasing. His
early experience had taught him how difficult was the position
1 It is probable that the French ambassadors who so often came to
Florence found their journey was profitable. This was certainly the case
with Philippe de Comines. See p. 312.
149
LETTERS OF THE EARLY MEDICI
which he had to maintain, that of chief citizen of a free city,
whose fortunes and whose very existence depended on exercising
absolute power without seeming to do so. It is easy to accuse
him of insidiously destroying Florentine liberty ; but the policy
of Sixtus IV. left him no choice between such a course and re-
tirement from Florence, and he may be pardoned if he doubted
whether his abdication would conduce to the welfare of the city.
He has been accused of abetting the moral enervation and cor-
ruption of his people ; but the causes of this corruption are to
be found in the general character of Italian life, and Lorenzo
did no more than follow the prevailing fashion in lending his
refinement to give expression to the popular taste. Lorenzo
did what all Italian statesmen were doing ; he identified his
city for good and ill with his own house. He worked craftily
and insidiously, not by open violence, and in the midst of his
self-seeking he retained the large views of a statesman and
embodied the culture of his age. 1 '' 1
The Marquess Gino Capponi in his History of Florence
writes : " The Medici palace was a museum, a school, and a
place of meeting for all the learned men who flocked thither,
from it proceeded grave counsel and intellectual teaching as
well as shows and festivals, and a general corruption of manners.
Two popes passed their childhood there, and the Platonic
Academy, intended to raise the standard of life and thought,
was founded within its walls. Poliziano and Pico della Miran-
dola, one of the greatest men of his time, were constant visitors.
There the first chips flew off the marble under the chisel of
Michelangelo, and there Luigi Pulci read the Morgante aloud.
Such exuberance of life, such magnificence, such gaiety, has
probably never been witnessed in any other age, and the name
of Lorenzo towers above it all." 2
RICORDI OF LORENZO THE MAGNIFICENT, SON OF
PIERO DI COSIMO DE' MEDICI
A brief narrative of the course of my life and of some other
important things worthy of remembrance for the guidance and
1 A History of the Papacy from the Great Schism to the Sack of Rome, by M.
Creighton, D.D. Oxon. and Cam., Lord Bishop of London, iv. 162. Long-
mans, Green & Co., 1897.
2 Istorie di Firenzc, Marchese Gino Capponi.
150
LORENZO DI PIERO DE' MEDICI
information of those who will succeed me, and especially for
my sons. Begun this day, the 15th March 1472.
I find from the books of Piero our father that I was born
on January 1, 1449 [1450]. By our mother Maria Lucrezia
di Francesco Tornabuoni our father had seven children, four
male and three female, of whom four are still alive. They are
Giuliano my brother, aged . . . and myself, aged twenty-four,
Bianca, wife of Gugliemo de 1 Pazzi, and Nannina, wife of
Bernardo Rucellai.
Giovanni d" Averardo, surnamed Bicci, de r Medici, our great-
grandfather, died on the 20th February 1428, at the fourth
hour of the night. He would not make a will, and left
property to the amount of 179,221 scudi di suggello, as
appears in a record in the handwriting of Cosimo our grand-
father in his red leather book on page 7. The said Giovanni
lived sixty-eight years, and left two sons, Cosimo our grand-
father, then about forty, and Lorenzo, aged thirty.
Lorenzo had one son, Pier Francesco, born on ...
1430, who is still alive.
Cosimo had two sons, our father Piero, born . . . and our
uncle Giovanni, born . . . On September . . . 1433 our grand-
father Cosimo was imprisoned in the Palace, and in danger of
losing his head. On September 9th he was banished to Padua,
together with his brother Lorenzo, a sentence confirmed by the
Balia of 1433 on the llth, and on the 16th December he was
permitted to reside anywhere in the Venetian territory, but not
nearer to Florence than Padua.
On September 29, 1434, the Council of the Balia revoked
the sentence of exile, to the great joy of the whole city and of
almost all Italy, and here [in Florence] he lived until his last
day as head of the government of our Republic.
Lorenzo de"* Medici, brother of Cosimo our grandfather,
quitted this life at Careggi on September 20, 1440, aged
about forty-six, at the fourth hour of the night, and would not
make a will ; Pier Francesco, his son, was his sole heir. The
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LETTERS OF THE EARLY MEDICI
property amounted to 235,137 scudi di suggello, as appears in
the said book kept by Cosimo on page 13, which amount
Cosimo kept for the use and benefit of the said Pier Francesco,
and for Piero and Giovanni, his own sons, until they were of
proper age, as appears in the books of the said Cosimo, wherein
is a detailed account of all.
On December . . . 1451 the said Pier Francesco being of
age, we divided the property according to the arbitration of
Messer Mannello degP Strozzi, Bernardo de" Medici, Alamanno
Salviati, Messer Carlo Marsuppino, Amerigo Cavalcanti, and
Giovanni Serristori, by whom a liberal half of our possessions
was assigned to him, giving him the advantage over us and the
best things. The deed was drawn up by Ser Antonio Pugi,
notary, and at the same time we gave him an interest of one-
third in our business, whereby he gained much more than we
did as he had no expenses.
Giovanni, our uncle (et liitjus quidem ingenio et viriiite,
plurimum conjidebai Cosmus, qua propter ejus interitu maxime
doluit), died on November 1, 1463, in our house in Florence,
without making a will, because he had no children and was
under parental tutelage. But all his last wishes were faithfully
carried out. By Maria Ginevra degP Alessandri he had a son
named Cosimo, who died in November 1461, at about the
age of nine.
Cosimo our grandfather, a man of exceeding wisdom, died
at Careggi on August 1, 1464, being much debilitated by old
age and by gout, to the great grief not only of ourselves and
of the whole city but of all Italy, because he was most famous -
and adorned with many singular virtues. He died in the
highest position any Florentine citizen ever attained at any
period, and was buried in S. Lorenzo. He refused to make
a will and forbade all pomp at his funeral. Nevertheless all
the Italian princes sent to do him honour and to condole with
us on his death ; among others H.M. the King of France
commanded that he should be honoured with his banner,
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LORENZO DI PIERO DE' MEDICI
but out of respect for his wishes our father would not allow it.
By public decree he was named PATER PATRLE, and the decree
and the letters patent are in our house. After his death much
sedition arose in the city, especially was our father persecuted
out of envy. From this sprang the parliament and the change
of government in 1 466, when Messer Agnolo Acciaiuoli, Messer
Diotisalvi, Niccolo Soderini, and others were exiled, and the
State was reformed.
In the year 1465 H.M. King Louis of France, out of
regard for the friendship between our grandfather, our father,
and the House of France, decorated our escutcheon with three
Lilies d'br on a field azure, which we carry at present. We
have the patents with the royal seal attached, which was
approved and confirmed in the Palace with nine beans [votes].
In July 1467 came the Duke Galeazzo of Milan. He was
fighting against Bartolomeo of Bergamo in the Romagna, who
was vexing our State. By his own wish he lodged in our house,
although the Signory had prepared everything for him in
S. Maria Novella.
In February or in March of the same year Sarzana,
Sarzanelle, and Castelnuovo were bought by the aid of our
father Piero from M. Lorenzo and M. Tommasino da Campo-
fregoso ; notwithstanding that we were engaged in hot war
the payment was made by Francesco Sassetti, our confidential
agent, at that time one of the managers of the Monte.
I, Lorenzo, took to wife Clarice, daughter of the Lord
Jacopo Orsini, or rather she was given (i.e. betrothed) to me
in December 1468, and the marriage was celebrated in our
house on June 4, 1469. Till now I have by her two children,
a girl called Lucrezia, of ... years, and a boy named Piero,
of ... months. Clarice is again with child. God preserve
her to us for many years and guard us from all evil. Twin boys
were born prematurely at about five or six months old, they
lived long enough to be baptized.
In July 1469 I went to Milan at the request of the
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Illustrious Duke Galeazzo to stand godfather as proxy for
Piero our father to his firstborn child. I was received with
much honour, more so than the others who came for the same
purpose, although they were persons more worthy than I. We
paid our duty to the Duchess by presenting her with a necklace
of gold with a large diamond, which cost near 2000 ducats.
The consequence was that the said Lord desired that I should
stand godfather to all his children.
To do as others had done I held a joust in the Piazza
S. Croce at great expense and with great pomp. I find we
spent about 10,000 ducats dl suggetto, and although I was not
highly versed in the use of weapons and the delivery of blows,
the first prize was given to me ; a helmet fashioned of silver,
with Mars as the crest.
Piero, our father, departed this life on July 2nd, aged . . .
having been much tormented with gout. He would not make
a will, but we drew up an inventory and found we possessed
237,988 scudi, as is recorded by me in a large green book
bound in kid. He was buried in S. Lorenzo, and we are still
at work to make his and his brother Giovanni's tomb as worthy
to receive his bones as we can. God have mercy on their souls.
He was much mourned by the whole city, being an upright
man and exceedingly kindly. The princes of Italy, especially
the principal ones, sent letters and envoys to condole with us
and offer us their help for our defence.
The second day after his death, although I, Lorenzo, was
very young, being twenty years of age, the principal men of
the city and of the State came to us in our house to condole
with us on our loss and to encourage me to take charge of the
city and of the State, as my grandfather and my father had
done. This I did, though on account of my youth and the
great responsibility and perils arising therefrom, with great
reluctance, solely for the safety of our friends and of our pos-
sessions. FOR IT IS ILL LIVING IN FLORENCE FOR THE RICH
UNLESS THEY RULE THE STATE. Till now we have succeeded with
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LORENZO DI PIERO DE' MEDICI
honour and renown, which I attribute not to prudence but to
the grace of God and the good conduct of my predecessors.
I find that from 1434 till now we have spent large sums of
money, as appear in a small quarto note-book of the said year
to the end of 1471. Incredible are the sums written down.
They amount to 663,755 florins for alms, buildings, and taxes,
let alone other expenses. But I do not regret this, for though
many would consider it better to have a part of that sum in
their purse, I consider that it gave great honour to our State,
and I think the money was well expended, and am well pleased.
In the month of September 1471 I was elected to go as
ambassador for the coronation of Pope Sixtus, and was treated
with great honour. I brought back the two antique marble
heads, portraits of Augustus and Agrippa, given to me by the
said Pope Sixtus, and also our cup of chalcedony incised, and
many other cameos which I then bought.
The following adjunct is written on the fly-leaf of a small
codex in the archive in Florence without any date, but pro-
bably in 1483-5, containing a list of letters written by Lorenzo
to various people, and above is written Ricordi di Lorenzo de" 1
Medici. All the first part is in a codex in the Nazionale
Library, a copy of Lorenzo's Ricordi, the original of which seems
no longer to exist. It differs somewhat from the version given
by Roscoe, which he says was in Lorenzo's own handwriting.
On the 19th day of September [1483] came the news that
the King of France by his own free will had given to our
Giovanni the Abbey of Fonte Dolce. On the 31st we heard
from Rome that the Pope had ratified this and declared him
capable of holding benefices, being seven years of age, and had
created him a Protonotary. On the 1st June our Giovanni
came from Poggio [a Caiano] and I with him. On his arrival
he was confirmed by our Monsignore of Arezzo [Gentile Becchi]
who gave him the tonsure, and thereafter he was called Messer
Giovanni. These ceremonies took place in our own chapel,
and in the evening we returned to Poggio. On the 8th June
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LETTERS OF THE EARLY MEDICI
Jacopino, the courier from France, arrived about twelve of the
clock with letters from the king, who has bestowed on our
Messer Giovanni the Archbishopric of Aix en Provence, and
after vespers the man was despatched to Rome about this
business, with letters from the King of France to the Pope and
the Cardinal of Macon, and to Count Girolamo, to whom we
sent at the same hour letters by the courier Zenino to Forli.
God grant that all will be well.
On the llth Zenino returned from the Count with letters
for the Pope and the Cardinal of S. Giorgio, and we forwarded
them to Rome by the Milan post. God grant that all will be
well. On the same day after Mass in the chapel the daughters
and sons of the house were confirmed, with the exception of
Messer Giovanni.
On the 15th, at six in the evening, came letters from Rome
saying that the Pope raised difficulties about giving the arch-
bishopric to Messer Giovanni on account of his youth, and the
courier was at once sent on to the King of France.
On the 20th came news from Lionetto that the Arch-
bishop was not dead.
On March 1, 1484 (1485), the Abbot of Pasignano died
and we at once sent off an express messenger to Messer Giovanni
d'Antonio Vespucci, our ambassador at Rome, to do all he
could to obtain this abbey for our Messer Giovanni. On the
2nd we took possession of the estate under the seal of the
Signoria, by reason of the reservation made by Pope Sixtus to
our Messer Giovanni, confirmed by Innocent during the visit of
our Piero to Rome to do obeisance. 1
AGNOLO POLIZIANO to LORENZO DE' MEDICI
Magnificent Lorenzo, to whom heaven has given charge of
the city and the State, first citizen of Florence, doubly crowned
with bays lately for war in S. Croce amid the acclamations of
1 Arch. Med. ante Prin., Filza 63.
156
LORENZO DI PIERO DE' MEDICI
the people [alluding to the tournament] and for poetry on
account of the sweetness of your verses, give ear to me who
drinking at Greek sources am striving to set Homer into Latin
metre. This second book which I have translated (you know
we have the first by Messer Carlo d' Arezzo) l comes to you
and timidly crosses your threshold. If you welcome it I pro-
pose to offer to you all the Iliad. It rests with you, who can,
to help the poet. I desire no other muse or other Gods but
only you ; by your help I can do that of which the ancients
would not have been ashamed. May it please you therefore at
your leisure to give audience to Homer. The young trans-
lator, if assailed by a Zoilus, commends himself to you.
Your servant, AGNOLO POLIZIANO, 1470. 2
Lorenzo, poet and fine critic, at once sent for the youth,
installed him in his palace in Via Larga and bade him continue
his work. This is the first letter Poliziano wrote to Lorenzo. 3
The following letter to Contessina, Lorenzo's grandmother,
1 Marsuppini. * Florentia, Isidore del Lungo, p. 119.
3 Agnolo Poliziano, born in 1454, was the son of Benedetto de' Cini, com-
monly called Ambrogini, a lawyer. He dropped his family name and took
that of Poliziano from his native town Montepulciano (Mons Politianus).
His father was murdered when he was a child of eight and he was sent to
Florence to live with an uncle, Cino di Mattei, a poor man who lived near
Piazza-3. Spirito in Via Saturno. Poliziano studied rhetoric under Cristofero,
Landino, and Andronico, philosophy under Argiropulos and Marsilio Ficino, in
the Florentine Studio from his fifteenth to his twentieth year. Lorenzo de'
Medici, after reading his translation of Homer, provided for his education,
and he became one of Lorenzo's most intimate friends, tutor to his children
and his librarian. Poliziano took his degree as Doctor of Law, and entering
the Church was made a Canon of the cathedral of Florence. He wrote
scholia and notes to Ovid, Catullus, Statius, Suetonius, Pliny the Younger,
and the Historicce Augustce ; translated the History of Herodian, the Manuel
of Epictetus, the Aphorisms of Hippocrates, some Dialogues of Plato, and
other works from Greek into Latin. His Miscellanea, published in Florence
in 1489, were arranged for the press at Lorenzo's request. Poliziano's Italian
poetry, particularly the Stanze per la Giostra, or Tournament, of Giuliano de'
Medici is beautiful, and his Sylvoe, odes, epigrams, and other short Latin
poems are celebrated. He also wrote Panepistemon, a category of the various
branches of knowledge, and when quite a lad the Or/eo, one of the earliest
Italian operas. So popular was the Orfeo that it was printed either separately
or with the SUinze twenty times between 1494 and 1541, and thirteen times
between 1541 and 1565. For the use of the common people a redaction in
octave stanzas was published in Florence in 1558 called La Historia t Pavda,
d'Orfeo alia dolce lira. The last reprint was in 1860.
157
LETTERS OF THE EARLY MEDICI
written in 1471 when Lorenzo and five other eminent Floren-
tine citizens went to Rome to pay their respects to the newly
elected Pontiff, shows how men turned to the Medici for aid,
and that the women of the family had more influence than is
generally supposed. Sixtus IV. named Lorenzo treasurer to
the Holy See and gave him the two busts mentioned in his
Ricordl. He was also able to buy many fine medals, cameos,
&c., as the Pope knew nothing and cared less about art, and
only thought of turning the collection made by Paul II. into
money. It was probably during this visit that the nomination
of Giuliano de"* Medici to the cardinalate was broached, and
Sixtus and Lorenzo, who were afterwards implacable foes,
parted the best of friends.
The next letter is from the poet Luigi Pulci who was sent
to treat with King Ferrante about establishing a branch of the
Medici bank at Naples, but in order not to arouse the jealousy
of the Duke of Milan he ostensibly went to get fine horses.
The King gave him two for Lorenzo, but turned a deaf ear
to the gentle hints about allowing Garetto, probably a stud
groom, to enter Lorenzo's service. Soon after Pulci's return
he accompanied Clarice to Rome for the marriage of one of her
brothers, which was however put off.
A. ALEXANDER DI CONIO to CONTESSINA DE' MEDICI
MAGNIFICENT AND NOBLE LADY, It is a usual thing when
in need to address those in whom one has firm faith. Having
therefore heard that the Magnificent Lorenzo has been named
ambassador to His Sanctity our Holy Father, and having two
sons of nearly the same age who are only desirous to do what
is pleasing to you, I send one to you, praying with all my heart
that it may please him to take the lad with him as his page, or
attendant, or relation, or in any position he chooses. And as
there is no recommendation like a mother's I send him to you,
beseeching you in God's name to arrange that he should, if
possible, take him instead of some stranger. If he be already
provided, then may it please you to give him to your Giuliano
or to whomso else you think fit, so that he may acquire some
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LORENZO DI PIERO DE' MEDICI
knowledge by your help, for he is apt : if he remains here
he will learn nothing. I grieve to give you so much trouble,
but I grieve more to see him anxious to learn and not to be
able to help him, save through your being moved to take com-
passion on him. I beg you for the love of God not to abandon
him, for he has a good nature and a desire to do well, and God
in His grace will repay you for me. I know you are aware of
my condition and so do not recall it to you ; have no regard
for his nobility, if you cannot place him as I said, he will
always be well pleased. I give him to you entirely, and as you
would accept a dog as a gift you can accept a human creature
who is more faithful. I entreat you to deal with him in every
way according to your wishes.
May God Almighty preserve and keep you in happiness.
In Conio, on the 2nd day of September 1471.
A. ALEXANDER DI CONIO.
LUIGI PULCI to LORENZO DE' MEDICI at Florence
Magnifice et generose vlr et major honorande, &c. I know
not if thou hast received my two letters from Naples. By the
replies I doubt it, and therefore repeat some portions. In the
last I told thee that H.M. the King, hearing that thy liking
for his Pals'* Amico and Abruzzese still continued, has decided
to send them both. 1 I know this because as soon as I returned
to Naples the other day Count Matalona said to Gostino
Billiotti, who went to see his garden, " Our Lord the King has
ordered two fine horses to be sent to your Magnificent Lorenzo,
and says if he wishes for others he is to say so, for finding that
he takes pleasure in them, the King intends to keep him
supplied, and that nothing would give him greater pleasure than
to be asked for others, or for anything else." We thanked him,
and also sent thanks to H.M. the King, adding that the sooner
they were sent the more welcome they would be. Yesterday
1 Horses J^orenzo may have seen when he was at Naples in 1468,
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LETTERS OF THE EARLY MEDICI
we saw the Count again, and he told us that Messer Antonio
Cicinello was to take the horses : he is to leave in two days,
and to go to thee as ambassador. So the horses will be there
in twelve days, and as I think thou wilt like them I am well
pleased. In Rome I heard from Garetto that thy wish is to
take him into thy service, so we have dropped gentle hints of
this to H.M. the King, and now let them work. Messer
Marino has done this skilfully, but the drum must not be
beaten too hard, for he has been more glad to give thee these
horses than thou art to have them. During these last days he
talked of thee for several hours with Garetto in the presence of
the Count and asked much about Giuliano, what he was like
and what were his favourite pursuits. He showed such a desire
to see him that one of these days thou wilt have to grant him
permission to come here, where he will be received with such
pleasure, and with so much honour, that all at home will be
astonished : I am not exaggerating. Thou canst believe me as
thou knowest, and when I return I will tell thee things that
will please thee.
Hadst thou done as I said, and written a line, thou wouldest
have had Garetto. Certes thou hast not done this, but we will
do what we can ; he never tires praising thee, and wishes to
live and die in thy service.
A large army is being collected here against the Turks, but
the King's ambassador writes that he has small hope of any
help from thee. I trust God may convert thee during Lent,
and cause thee to behave as a Christian. I shall soon be with
thee. My poor Bernardo has I know need of thine aid at the
Monte about his dower, which cost us 5 per cent, with the
sister-in-law who appeared to be our friend, Luca's dower. 1
Bernardo is timid by nature, and not enterprising like me ; so
I pray thee to give him the help he asks if thou canst.
All thy doings are much discussed here, with us thou art
in good hands, and above all thou art the darling of our Lord
1 Bernardo and Luca were brothers of Luigi Pulci,
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LORENZO DI PIERO DE' MEDICI
the King. May God preserve thee. I commend myself to
thee. Naples, February 27, 1471 (1472).
To Giuliano and to all I commend myself and send greet-
ings. Written in haste.
Put Dionigi on Abruzzese, so that he may, like Francesco
de" Pazzi, regain his lady's love ; but do not keep him shut up
as on the day of S. John.
Post Scriptum. The Duke has told Gostino that the horses
are to leave to-morrow with one of his own men, who will not
be Garetto ; but early in the morning I will try whether by
means of Count Matalona it cannot be arranged. A handsome
and good horse, much admired here, is also being sent for our
Gugliemo de"* Pazzi, who will be pleased. 1 Commend me to
him. THY LUIGI PULCI.
CLARICE DE' MEDICI to her husband LORENZO
Magnifies vir et coniux amantissime, By the present you
will know what has occurred since we left. The first evening
we reached Figline and stayed at S. Cerbone with Giovanni
d** Antonio, who received us with great honour, and treated us
with still more, as did the women of his family and some
of his sisters-in-law. Then by his andFilippo's advice, after a
rest at Levane, on the second evening we arrived at Arezzo, and
Morello that is, Antonio da Pantaneto greeted us with such
honour that we were much moved. We were visited by the
Captain and the Podesta and those of the Commune with
such things as they deemed would do us honour, and at our
arrival and departure we were accompanied by many men of
worth with diverse instruments. Before starting, the Podesta
of Castiglione sent a special messenger, and begged and en-
treated us to dine the following morning with him, which we
did with the more pleasure as we heard he was much attached
1 Brother-in-law of Lorenzo de' Medici.
- Lettere di Luigi Pitlri, op. cit. 47.
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LETTERS OF THE EARLY MEDICI
to your Magnificence. Then we were visited by those of the
Commune, and this evening we shall be in Cortona with the
Captain, who hearing from Braccio of our arrival sent as far
as Castiglione to meet us. Here we have been received with
joyous faces and great honour by the Captain and the Com-
mune. We shall continue our journey with gladness, as we
have done till now, if by your letter we hear that you have
commended us to Mona Contessina and Mona Lucrezia, and
that my Lucrezia and Piero are well. Commend me to Bianca
and Nannina. If you have any news which you deem it is not
necessary to keep secret we pray you not to consider it too much
trouble to write me a line : it would give us great pleasure.
No more at present. April 24, 1472. 1 CLARICE.
LUIGI PULCI to LORENZO DE' MEDICI
Ardito will have given thee my letter from Sabina. From
thence we went for some days to Monte Rotondo, 2 and were
received with much honour. Yesterday we entered Rome in
pomp with about eighty horse. Our Madonna Clarice does
thee great honour everywhere, and much is paid to her. In
two days I shall return to the Marches, and then to thee.
According to my idea the stay here will be short I mean thy
wife's for as thou knowest the wedding is put off. In this
case we only lose time and reputation, besides which Lucrezina
and Pierino draw us back to them like magnets. Thou wouldst
do well to advise a quick return. Whenever great personages,
men or women, stay for long in one place they are pestered and
taken as targets. Besides, some of us will be useful to thee for
the feast of S. Giovanni ; more than a year has passed since
the last, and I know that without us things will lag. Enough
that if I have the hope that as usual festaiuoli 3 are to be
1 Donne Medtcec, op. cit.
2 A castle and townlet belonging to the Orsini.
3 Directors of feasts. Festaiuoli still go about in the villages in Tuscany
to collect money for processions and church festivals.
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LORENZO DI PIERO DE' MEDICI
appointed, I shall whisper something into the ear of one of
them that will delight him. I rather wonder at thy letting
this feast pass with so little recognition, being so good a citizen
and lover of thy country, whose protector is S. Giovannni ; we
should therefore do him honour. If by any mischance we are
not back in time, thou wilt see how ill they get on without
us. I have said enough to be understood, believe in one who
has sharp eyes and can speak the truth. Send for us. We
take the road by Siena, and shall look out for falls, but at last
we shall arrive triumphantly.
To-day there is strange news from Volterra. They say
H.M. the King [of Naples] has sent word to the Count of
Urbino that he is to march and do what he can. All the
follies I said unfortunately turn out to be prophecies. Now act
so that things may go well. Morisignor of Pavia speaks only of
thee. If I understand anything he is thy true friend. No more.
Farewell. Rome, May 6, 1472. THY LUIGI PuLCi. 1
LORENZO DE' MEDICI to SIXTHS IV. 2
Sanctissime et Beatissime Pater, To avoid troubling your
Beatitude I have written to Giovanni Tornabuoni and told
him to talk with you about the long-standing desire of our
house to have a Cardinal. Although I have such entire faith
in Your Sanctity that I am sure it is needless again to solicit
what was so freely promised, nevertheless as there is a report
that Cardinals are soon to -be created I thought it best to re-
mind your Beatitude of this our desire ; supplicating with all
humility that to our other everlasting obligations your Beati-
tude will deign to add this one, which will be the greatest and
the most prized, as Giovanni will explain. I beg Your Beatitude
to accord him the same confidence as though I was speaking
1 Laurentii Medic is Vita, &c., op. cit. ii. 27.
2 This and the letters from the Cardinal of Pavia (pp. 167-171) relate to
Lorenzo's desire that his brother Giuliauo should be created a cardinal in
order to have a voice in the Consistory. What he was unable to achieve for
his brother he afterwards obtained for his son Giovanni.
163
LETTERS OF THE EARLY MEDICI
with Your Holiness, at whose feet I commend myself and
my affairs with all humility. Florence, November 21, 1472.
Humilis Servus, LAURENTIUS DE MEDicis. 1
The following letter was written after Lorenzo's visit to
Volterra. The city had rebelled against Florence in conse-
quence of a dispute between a company in which Florentine
shareholders were interested, and the Commune of Volterra
about an alum mine. The Commune alleged that the lease
was illegal and seized the mine, whereupon the company
appealed to the Signoria of Florence. Volterra had already,
in 1429, attempted to rise against the imposition of the
catasto, and the Florentines now determined to take severe
measures. 2 Duke Federigo of Urbino, the Florentine general,
in command of some six thousand men, including contingents
from the Pope and the Duke of Milan, attacked the city.
Her mercenaries refused to fight, and she capitulated after a
1 Laurcntii Medicis Vita, op. cit. ii. 62.
2 The catasto of 1427 was a register or list of all who were bound to pay
taxes to the Commune of Florence. It runs : " 1. Ten officials are to be
appointed to compile the register. 2. All families liable to be taxed are to
be inscribed in four books ; their number, ages, health, capacity, and occupa-
tion. 3. All their possessions, movable and immovable, are to be inscribed,
whether within the confines of the State or abroad, monies in existence, or
what is owing to them, their slaves and whatever belongs to them. 4. In
the same way other partial catasti shall be drawn up, as of peasants, uni-
versities, and guilds, foreigners and other persons not generally liable to be
taxed. 5. The income of each separate possession is to be noted, so that the
capital value may be ascertained, and 100 florins shall be taken as the valua-
tion for every 7 florins of income. 6. From such valuation shall be deducted
the inherent expenses, rent of houses, of shops, the price of horses for per-
sonal use, and 2 florins per head. 7. The net income being thus reduced,
10 golden soldi are to be paid on every 100 golden florins, equal to the tenth
part of a percentage at 5 per cent. 8. On every person deducted as above,
between eighteen years of age and sixty, an arbitrary tax shall be imposed,
not to exceed 2 florins. 9. It is left to the discretion of the officials, in case no
surplus remains after the above deductions, to impose a tax to be arranged
with the persons taxed. 10. Whoso declares a false income shall have his
possessions confiscated. 11. Should any contention arise the decision of the
officials is final ; they may not diminish the amount of the tax, save for the
repayment of a dower, until the new catasto, without the approbation of the
Great Council, but they may augment it. 12. The catasto is to be corrected
and compiled anew every three years. 13. All taxes are henceforward to be
regulated by the catasto" Oiscrvatore Fiorentino, i. 91. Signer A. Rabbini,
DdV accertamento eatastale, &c., defines the catasto as at present existing as
" a public document serving as an absolutely legal and fundamental base for
the imposition of taxes on landed property and a guide in judicial or adminis-
trative procedure involving the settlement of questions regarding landed
property and the rights and obligations of the owners thereof."
LORENZO DI PIERO DE' MEDICI
siege of twenty-five days. When the troops entered there was
an uproar, caused it is said by a mercenary in the service of the
city, which was sacked and the inhabitants were brutally mal-
treated in spite of the efforts of the Florentine commanders. 1
Many historians have accused Lorenzo of being the prime
instigator of the attack on Volterra in order to get control
of the alum mine. But his name is not in the list of share-
holders and the deposit of alum was too small to compete with
the mines of Tolfa of which he was the lessee (see pp. 98-99),
and was soon afterwards abandoned.
INGHERAMI DI VOLTERRA, Apostolic Scribe, to
LORENZO DE' MEDICI
Magnifice vir et protector mi singularis commendatione
premissa, &c., I derived great consolation from the visit of
Your Magnificence to Volterra. With your own eyes you
should see and judge far better than by listening to the
accounts of others of the public and private despair and misery
here. You have seen the afflicted and faithful friends and
servants of Your Magnificence naked, despoiled of all their
goods, robbed without mercy, for everything was taken during
the sack of the city ; and I doubt not that Your Magnificence
with your kindly nature was moved to great compassion.
Your arrival and seeing with your own eyes has been the sole
hope of this people and has consoled and comforted them
greatly. Therefore by this present and by other letters I
have written to Your Magnificence (I know not whether you
received them), I beg and pray of you not to allow them to be
deprived of that hope, and to show them your justice and
1 Luca Landucci in his Diary (1450-1516) notes: "On June 18, 1472,
came a horseman with the olive branch [from Volterra] announcing the
capitulation ; the people and their property to be respected. Great was the
rejoicing. But when we entered the city one of their officers, a Venetian,
shouted " Pillage," and our men began to pillage and we could not stop them
or observe the articles of capitulation. The Count Federigo d'Urbino caused
the Venetian and a Sienese to be hung." Diario Fiorentino di Luca Lan-
ducci. Firenze, 1883. See also La Vita Italiano nd Rinascimento, Lorenzo
de' Medici, E. Masi, i. 31. Milano, 1893.
165
LETTERS OF THE EARLY MEDICI
grace by helping and restoring, and listening to the prayers
of this wretched and miserable city. Now that she belongs
faithfully and devotedly to Your Magnificence and to the
Florentine State she ceases to be an enemy. All now depends
on Your Magnificence. We do not so much expect as feel
certain that we shall receive this help from you ; first from
your own goodness, and then for love of the blessed memory
of the grandfather and father of Your Magnificence, to whom
this poor and miserable city, which always formed part and
parcel of the house of Your Magnificence, showed such rever-
ence. Especially we your partisans, for our affection and
devotion, have been so ill-treated and smitten that we are
reduced to nothing, unless Your Magnificence, who has never
known what it is to be ungrateful or unjust, does not let us
share in your victory as belonging entirely to you, and taking
pity on our unhappy and miserable condition will care for and
guard us, who desire only to live and die under the protection
of Your Magnificence, whom God preserve in happiness.
Volterra, March 10, 1472 (1473). 1
FRANCESCO FILELFO to LORENZO DE' MEDICI 2
Magnifice et Clarissime Vir^ The Magnificent Messer
Ciccho, my compeer, has advised me that I should be better
and more quickly employed in the service of friends of this
1 Laurentii Medicis Vita, op. cit. ii. 63.
2 Francesco Filelfo, born at Tolentino in 1398, was a famous classical
scholar. He studied at Padua, was sent as Secretary of Legation to Con-
stantinople by the Signoria of Venice, and afterwards taught Greek in
Venice, Bologna, Florence, &c. When Cosimo de' Medici was imprisoned
he urged the Signoria to put him to death and poured out abominable
accusations against him and his friends in the Book of Exile. Poggio replied,
accusing Filelfo of the most heinous crimes, and the war of words went on
for years. When Cosimo returned to Florence Filelfo fled to Milan and
allied himself with Albizzi and the other exiles, but soon made abject advances
to Cosimo, which were treated with silent disdain. After Cosimo's death he
sent humble letters to Lorenzo and his brother and wrote Cosmias, a poem
in praise of the man he had abused. Lorenzo at length allowed him to
return to Florence where he died in 1481. He was mean, arrogant, and
intensely vain.
166
LORENZO DI PIERO DE' MEDICI
Illustrious Lord [Duke of Milan] than in Rome or any other
place, and has mentioned the chair which Your Illustrious
Republic has instituted anew at Pisa. Advice was indeed
unnecessary, for I desire nothing better than to be in a place
where I can use my abilities in the service of that renowned
Signoria, and more particularly in yours, to whom I am so
indebted. But considering your laws against rebels, among
whom, thanks to Carlo d^Arezzo and Poggio with their crew,
I was most unjustly included, I have delayed making any
application as I thought it would be useless. Now however
that my beloved compeer has again mentioned it, and remem-
bering the Greek proverb that the potter fixes the handle on
whichever side of the pot seems best to him, I have deter-
mined to write to you and to beg Your Magnificence to con-
sider this, for you well know that in this land you cannot
find another Philelphus or a man more devoted to youself.
Then about my coats which are together with the books
which you have recovered for me. They are three, two of
crimson velvet, the other a cloak of rose-coloured cloth lined
with rose-coloured silk. You would do me a great service if
you would order the cloak to be given back to me as I need it
now the weather is warmer, also it might be spoiled by cock-
roaches, as it is together with those that are lined with fur.
Vale spes mia. Milan, April 23, 1473. 1
JACOPO AMMANATI, Cardinal of Pavia, to LORENZO
DE' MEDICI
LORENZO MINE, Your Donato having provided me with
spectacles to see far and near, I now write to try whether they
are good. And you will have patience if it is not clear, for
nature's laws are inexorable. I will be as brief as possible.
It will not be long before the Holy Father will be obliged
1 Laurentii Mcdicis Vita, op. cit. ii. 75.
167
LETTERS OF THE EARLY MEDICI
to make new Cardinals, particularly for those States which
have none. You, for instance, are without, which for many
reasons is unseemly. There has been much talk here of your
Giuliano, and by fishing at the fountain-head I find he has
been mentioned in the proper quarter. I know not what are
your intentions, and do not pretend to give advice as I am
sure you know the needs of your house better than I. All
I I say is that you must make up your mind. If you do think
of Giuliano I doubt he may be too unpolished at present to
please here ; it would be better for him to assume the surplice
of the Church or of a Protonotary, then I think there would
be no difficulty. If, to avoid any accidents and to preserve
your house or for any other reason, this plan does not please
you (and the suggestion should come from others and not
from yourself), you had better reflect whether the Archbishop
of Pisa * or any one else would suit you, and take measures,
for to remain inert is unwise, particularly as you consider
that a Cardinal would be useful to the city and to yourself.
Choose any one, so he is not a person to be ashamed of. On
my part whatever aid a poor priest can give is yours as is my
bounden duty. For this I have written you these few words,
which accept as from a good friend and a lover of you and of
your country, to which I owe much. Bene Valete. Romce,
April 25, 1473. 2
JACOPO AMMANATI, Cardinal of Pavia, to
LORENZO DE' MEDICI
LORENZO MINE, This is the result of a long conversation
with Giovanni [Tornabuoni]. I am not in the position to
advise you whether it would be well to continue this affair of
your Giuliano, because it depends on the state of things in
1 Filippo de' Medici.
2 Laurentii Medicis Vita, op. cit. ii. 58.
168
LORENZO DI PIERO DE' MEDICI
Florence, with which I am not familiar. You know them better
than I. Only I wished for information in utramque partem,
whether yes or no. To begin with, any possible danger to
yourself or to your house is a matter that must be considered,
for many eyes are upon you both at home and abroad ; a man
sees and hopes to be able to give one blow, who has no hope
of giving two, and thinks that striking one adversary will serve
his purpose ; but the other would remain, and thus his design
would fail. Braccio of Perugia did not attack his enemy,
Messer Pandolfo, until after many months he saw father and
son together in one place ; then having both, he cut the tree
and its roots with one stroke. Besides this danger there is the
other of sickness, which occurs every day. Should it please
God to call you to Himself, and Giuliano were in the position
we are striving for while your children were still young, it seems
to me your house would be in danger to lose the pre-eminence
left by Cosimo to Piero, and by Piero to you, and with the
pre-eminence lose the riches, and thus close the door against
your successors. On the other hand, there is the reputation
which would be acquired by the enhanced dignity of Giuliano,
the aid he might give to your State, and the certainty of
having a trusty person in the College. Then one hopes that,
as danger increases, your watchfulness would also increase, that
God in His mercy will preserve you, and that you may live
long enough to see your children be a support to you, and
finally that they will inherit your high position. But, as I
said before, you must judge according to matters domestic
and public in Florence what is best to be done. Speaking
for myself, nothing would be more pleasing than to have the
company of Giuliano, and we having such a pledge should be
entitled to expect faithful aid from your State. His joyous
nature would make us all jocund and happy.
Let us therefore assume that you say Yes. I will tell you
frankly my opinion how the business ought to be managed. I
consider it necessary that he should be made a Protonotary
169
LETTERS OF THE EARLY MEDICI
and be seen in that dress for at least a month ; for none of us
would venture to suggest that from a layman he should at once
be promoted to so high a position. But I should not let him
take any holy orders until what he desires has been accom-
plished, so that if difficulties arise he may be at liberty to re-
turn to his usual dress, a thing I have seen done quite justifiably
by others. His position would not be that of a full Cardinal ;
videlicet he would only have four or six chaplains in his train, and
eight equerries to precede him. Because, although we are sure
to do much more for him, here humility is much prized. In
reliquis, between Messer Gentile [Bishop of Arezzo] and myself,
for I shall regard him as my son, he shall be so advised as to
gain universal commendation. I see no difficulty, if his Holi-
ness lives, to his attaining the highest honour, for I can pro-
mise for more than one [vote]. Have no uneasiness about the
cardinals who have just been made, as it will be necessary soon
to create others for the Emperor and King Ferdinand, for Rome
and for you Florentines, if you desire it ; it had been arranged
to await Pentecost for their nominations, but certain reasons, as
you will have heard, induced greater haste. In short, Lorenzo,
examine well my advice and that of others who are better
informed, which I think you will have received : et tandem
put your trust in God as to what path to pursue. Take a
courageous course, and tell me what you wish done. It would,
however, be well beforehand to inform the Duke of Milan, et
quidem pro forma, in order that he should not say No to what
you desire ; if you are in doubt ask for his real opinion. For
my own satisfaction I have not contented myself with writing
to Giovanni [Tornabuoni], but have scrawled these lines. I
am fond of you, and I love you, not your position or your
riches. Charity bids me say everything openly, and attribute
everything to her. Dominus Deus sit in corde vestro, et dirigat
gressus vestros in semitam rectam. That He should do this
increase your donations to pious works and cause special
prayers to be made, for in truth the affair is not a light one,
170
LORENZO DI PIERO DE' MEDICI
or of small importance, and all in my judgment depends on
His clemency. Bene Valetc. Rome, May 15, 1473. 1
This letter is inserted to show how all in trouble or distress
turned for help to Madonna Lucrezia, knowing her kindly
disposition, and the great influence she had over her son
Lorenzo.
THE SYNDIC AND ANCIENTS OF GALATEA to
LUCREZIA DE' MEDICI
Magnified ac generosa domino, nostra singularissima, Your
Magnificence is aware how attached and bound to your housse
our community has always been and will be as long as life lasts.
Phis encourages us to turn to you in our necessities and troubles,
and also in those of any of our friends who have need to have
recourse to Your Magnificence who has always been kind to
us and helped us. We hope now more than ever in you on
account of the great faith we all have in your house ; for could
you but know you would find the name of your family written
in the hearts of big and little of our community. Now Magni-
ficent Madonna, after such long and tedious words, we come to
implore aid from Your Magnificence. It is several months since
one Ser Michele, a priest, was seized by the Lords of Vazoca,
they say for coining money, and after suffering much torture
he was put in the Stinche, 2 thus it may be conceived that he
has been sufficiently punished for his sins. Here live some
relations of his, honourable men, who are desirous for the honour
of the world to liberate him from such misery, and we, agree-
ing with him, come to beg Your Magnificence to ask them
[the Lords of Vazoca] to allow him to be released from this
wretchedness so that he should not die in such infamy. Your
Magnificence would be doing a most kind act to this com-
1 Laurcntii Medici* Vita, op. cit. ii. 59.
2 The prison at Florence.
171
LETTERS OF THE EARLY MEDICI
munity for which we shall be ever grateful. We commend him
strongly to you, and also we commend ourselves, offering to
Your Magnificence your ever ready and most faithful servants
the Syndic General Vexillifori et Antiani of the Commune of
Galatea. Ex Galatea, 23rd August 1473. 1
FBA CRISTOFANO D' ANTONIO DI MAST . . . to
LUCREZIA DE' MEDICI
ILLUSTRIOUS MATRON AND LADY, I have not written before,
because I know that my news will have reached you in other
letters. Nevertheless the more good one hears of one^s family
the more contented and happy one is ; let us thank God heartily
with words and acts, as S. Paul says to the Ephesians in the
epistle we shall read on Sunday morning.
To begin with, Mona Contessina is well. Giuliano is as
usual. I have often been to see Mona Bianca 2 who is well,
and her children have been for three days with Mona Contes-
sina to her great delight. Lucrezia still has a little eczema,
otherwise she is well, and is well cared for by Mona Nanna and
she . . . 3 ; little Lucrezia is obedient, like the wise little person
she is. Piero has a fine colour and is happy and full of spirits,
by the grace of God ; he often comes to the side door calling
you all, saying Granny, Papa, and Mamma, so that you would
laugh if you were here. Maddalena is also well and every day
when I return from the house of the Tornabuoni I go to stay
a little with her, and to the wet nurse I say, " Now go, walk a
little ; " so that she may amuse herself and take some exercise,
and thus keep in good health and have better milk. She is
very pleased, and thanks me saying, " I shall pray to God for
you." Of a truth she serves you faithfully and well. Mona
Nannina's 4 Cosimino is well but will not read, saying, " I did
1 Arch. Med. ante Prin., Filza xxix. No. 675.
2 Lorenzo's sister married to Gugliemo de' Pazzi.
3 A piece torn out of the letter.
4 Lorenzo's sister married to Bernardo Rucellai.
172
LORENZO DI PIERO DE' MEDICI
not come into the country to read." This displeases Mona Con-
tessina. In November we will make up for lost time. Galasso l
comes to read with me eveiy morning, and then I go, for love
of the children, back with him. He gives me much trouble,
although it does not seem great to me, because I do it willingly
for the love of God, and for love of Lorenzo, Mona Clarice,
and you, for you know I am yours. I have even for the honour
of God made him learn by heart little by little the Salve Regina,
and part of the introit and of the psalter. Sister Magante has
gone to another world, requiescat in pace. I know that you
must have many petitioners, but when any little thing like this
of small value falls in, think of me, you know my need, and
that you would have a faithful servant. All your relations are
well. Mona Bartolomea and Mona Francesca often go to see
Mona Contessina and the children. The men are well also.
All commend themselves to you. I commend myself to you,
to Lorenzo, to Mona Clarice, and to Mona Nannina. No more.
Christ guard you from ill. September 25, 1473.
YOUR CRISTOFANO D' ANTONIO DI MAST . . .
Priest . . 2
MATTEO FRANCO to LORENZO DE' MEDICI 3
LORENZO MINE, Have mercy. God well knows how and in
what attitude I write to you. A chopping-board on my bed,
whereon lies my paper, my arm bare with the sleeve rolled up,
1 Probably a slave.
2 Arch. Med. ante Prin., Filza xxix. No. 822.
3 Born in Florence of poor parents named Delia Badessa, Matteo, as was
often done in the fifteenth century, adopted his father's Christian name and
became Matteo Franco. As a lad he entered the church, and some of his
first efforts in poetry are sonnets addressed to the Archbishop of Florence
begging in the name of S. Peter for a cloak. He made friends with Angelo
Poliziano who probably introduced him to the Medici. Witty, clever, kind-
hearted, Matteo soon became indispensable to Lorenzo, who speaks of him as
" among the first and best-loved creatures of my house." He repaid Lorenzo's
affection tenfold by his devotion to his daughter Maddalena, whom he ac-
companied to Rome when she married Francesco Cibo. Even Lorenzo's wife
Clarice, always ill at ease among her husband's brilliant friends and at first
173
LETTERS OF THE EARLY MEDICI
I am as a dead man laden with bricks, with a head like a big
onion on an arid heap of cappelline, 1 I seem to be all east
wind. With trembling voice and hands I write, Signer mine,
because the sacristan of Or San Michele has just come to my
bedside to tell me that the priest of my little church, which
Your Magnificence promised me, is dead ; it is at Empoli and
worth twelve or fifteen florins a month, and there are no duties.
Now being vacant, Lorenzo my life and hope, I throw myself
into your arms. I know not what to say. I have but my own
mother-wit and my tongue. Do not judge of me for the love
of God by my writing, but by my affection, my need, and the
straits in which I find myself. I commend myself to you as
heartily as I can and will not again molest you. No more, in
haste, I am sweating as though I were harnessed to a waggon.
God keep you in health and prosperity, and inspire you to do
what is best for the salvation of my soul. April 1, 1474.
YOUR MATTEO FRANCO.
Not most faithful servant, for as yet there is nothing in
which I can be faithful. 2
GIULIANO DE' MEDICI from Pisa to his .mother
LUCBEZIA
THE LADY LUCRETIA DE MEDICI MOST DEAR TO ME, So that
you should know something about us since our departure we
send you word that, thanks be to God, we have arrived safely,
and are all very well. We are in the midst of a thousand fine
doings here, of which you shall hear more by word of mouth
suspicious of Matteo's tongue, soon discovered his many excellent qualities,
and he became her treasurer, her almoner, and at length her attorney. He
taught all Lorenzo's children to read, and in one of his sonnets feelingly
describes the trouble they gave him. Until lately it was supposed that Luigi
Pulci and Matteo Franco were really friends, and only wrote the ferocious and
biting sonnets which amused all Florence to each other to amuse Lorenzo,
but Signer Volpi proves, I think, that their animosity was real and that
Matteo often had the best in the war of words.
1 Vermicelli.
2 Un Cortigiano di Lorenzo il Magnifico, G. Volpi, Giornale Storico della
Letteratura Italiana, xvii. fasc. 50-51.
174
LORENZO DI PIERO DE' MEDICI
when we return. Yesterday we had dinner with our rector,
which was 'magnificent, and he played the pedant. To-day is
the ball, and to-morrow I shall go my own way, for there is
much to see ; it is a beautiful place. Till now we have not
had a moment without entertainments, which are given in our
honour.
We have no more to say ; if you Avant anything from
here let us know. Pisa, May 16, 1474. 1 JUL. MED.
BERTOLDO DI GIOVANNI to LORENZO DE' MEDICI
MAGNIFICENT LORENZO, &c., This moment I have thrown
away burin, chisel, compasses, square, wax, modelling tools,
architecture, perspective, have given four kicks to that bull,
arid have sent back the clay to the potter, because hideous pots
had been made for me, and because I perceive that the peppered
dishes of our knight of Prato, Messer Luca Calvanese, are more
esteemed by Count Girolamo than all other talents, sciences, or
arts, they having obtained for him knighthood. Now the art
of cooking is not inborn in Luca, but has been obtained by
him in a piggish way solely out of my book, and I believe the
cleanest dish he ever prepared was at Monte Guffoni, when he
gave you two plates full of beccafichi a cooked by hand. So I
have determined to abandon all other arts and to take to
cooking, and therefore pray Your Magnificence to recommend
me to the head steward, who is over the cooks, in order that I
may get back my book. I hope that in a short time Messer
Luca of the Pepper will not be able to hold a sieve. I
would to God I had been brought up under Cibacca 3 instead
of under Donatello, for seeing how times go, before I had
made two giacomini 4 or two jellies, the Count would have
created me Prior of Pisa. And I say if they make him head
1 Arch. Med. ante Prin., Filza xxx. No. 394.
2 Sylvia hortensis or garden warbler.
3 A famous cook.
4 A sweet dish.
175
LETTERS OF THE EARLY MEDICI
of the giants, or of something else which had better not be
mentioned, you are the better judge, I being a pupil of Donato.
But above all, before Messer Luca has taken possession of it, I
beg you to get me back my cookery book. Once I have it in
my hands trust me to put him, his pepper-pot, his wantons and
his title, into a pie covered with pepper, without passing them
through a sieve, and then I will make so many pills of it. May
God send all that court to the devil. I pray Him that I may
see the Pope, the Count, and Messer Luca suffocated in a vat
full of pepper, and you, beware of their treachery. From the
castle of S. Anthony in the Wilderness. [No date.] From
your servant
In 1475 everything was peaceful in Italy. Lorenzo was
able to give his attention to the reconstruction of the University
of Pisa, in which town he spent some months, to devote himself
to poetry and philosophy, and often to indulge in his love of
outdoor sports. Niccolo Roberti, Duke Borso d'Este's ambas-
sador to Florence, wrote to his master in January :
MOST ILLUSTRIOUS LORD, There is no news to send save that
near Pisa, where Lorenzo is enjoying much sport with the
King^s [Ferrante of Naples] hawkers, two of the falcons sent
to him by H.M. have been lost, and they are the two best.
Your Excellency must not wonder at my sending such news,
because here little else is talked about. Idleness is so universal
in Italy that if things do not change there will be more to write
of battles between birds and dogs than of armies and gallant
deeds. January 22, 1474 (1475).
In this same year was held Giuliano de' Medici^s magnifi-
cent and costly tournament, which would however be forgotten
1 Michelangelo Buonarroti, Quellen und Forschungen zu seiner Geschichte und
Kunst, Karl Frey, i. 77. Berlin, 1907. Bertoldo di Giovanni was born between
1410-1420, and two days after his death Bartolommeo Dati wrote : " Bertoldo,
an admirable sculptor and medallist, who made many fine works and was
always with the Magnificent Lorenzo, has died after two days' illness at
Poggio a Caiano (December 28, 1491). He is a great loss and much regretted
by Lorenzo, for in all Tuscany and perhaps in all Italy there is none other of
such talent and worth."
176
LORENZO DI PIERO DE' MEDICI
had not Poliziano written his immortal Stanze per la Giostra
del Magnifico Giuliano di Piero de* Medici, "a masterpiece,"
writes Symonds, " which blent the ancient and the modern
world in a work of art glowing with Italian fancy. . . . Each
stanza of La Giostra is a mimic world of beauty, art, and
scholarship ; a painting where the object stands before us
modelled with relief of light and shade in finely modulated
lines. , .*
AGNOLO POLIZIANO at Pisa to CLARICE DE' MEDICI
Magnifica Domina mea, I did not write yesterday to
Your Magnificence because Lorenzo sent me to Lucca. I have
just come back and take up my pen to keep faith with you.
Lorenzo is well and in good spirits. Yesterday as there was
but little wind he went hawking ; but they had not much luck
because the young falcon belonging to Pilato, called the
Mantuan, was lost. This morning they went out again, but
the wind was not favourable, nevertheless we saw some fine
flights, and Maestro Giorgio flew his Peregrine falcon which
came back to the lure most obediently. 2 Lorenzo is quite in
love with it. Of a truth he is not wrong, for Maestro Giorgio
says he never saw a handsomer or a better, and declares he will
make of him the finest falcon in the world. While we were in
the fields Pilato came back from the river with his lost falcon,
so Lorenzo was doubly pleased. If I knew what to write I
should be glad : but I can only give you news of his hawking
as we do nought else in the fore- and the afternoon. This
evening I hear that on Monday Lorenzo intends to hunt roe
deer and then to return at once to Florence. Please God we
may find you well and with a boy in your arms. 3 I commend
myself to Your Magnificence. In Pisa, December 1, 1475.
1 Renaitsance in Italy, J. A. Symonds, iv. 354. Smith, Elder & Co., 1898.
2 An instrument used in falconry, made of leather and feathers in the
shape of a wing.
3 Giovanni (afterwards Pope Leo X.) was born on the llth December.
177 M
LETTERS OF THE EARLY MEDICI
Make my excuses to Madonna Lucrezia if I have not written
to her, but I have nought to say save what I write to you.
Commend me to her. Your servant,
AGNOLO DA MoNTEPULCiANo. 1
AGNOLO POLIZIANO to CLARICE DE' MEDICI
Magnified Domina mea> Yesterday after leaving Florence
we came as far as San Miniato [al Tedesco], singing all the
way, and occasionally talking of holy things so as not to forget
Lent. At Lastra [a Signa] we drank zappolino, which tasted
much better than I had been told. Lorenzo is brilliant and
makes the whole company gay : yesterday I counted twenty-
six horses of those who are with him. When we reached San
Miniato yester evening we began to read a little of S. Augustine,
then the reading resolved itself into music, and looking at and
instructing a certain well-known dancer who is here. Lorenzo
is just going to Mass. I will finish another time. At San
Miniato, April 8 (1476). Servitor.
YOUR AGNOLO. 2
CLARICE DE' MEDICI to her husband LORENZO
at Florence
By the bearer we send you seventeen partridges which your
falconers took to-day. I should have been glad had you come
to enjoy them with us ; we have expected you until the third
hour [an hour before sunset] for the last three evenings. I
was astonished you did not come and fear something extra-
ordinary must have happened to keep you. I beg that if it is
so you will let me know, for surely it is in any case better we
should be together than one in France and the other in Lom-
bardy. I expect you at all events to-morrow and pray if it is
1 Prose Volgari inedite, &c., di Angelo Ambrogini Poliziano, Isidore Del
Lungo. Barbera, Firenze, 1867.
2 Ibid., op. cit.
178
LORENZO DI PIERO DE' MEDICI
possible that we should not await you in vain. The children
are well and so are all the rest of the family. I commend
myself to you, and beg you to come and to bring Madonna
Lucrezia. Cafaggiuolo, August 20, 1476.
LUCREZIA DE' MEDICI, from Bagno a Morba,
to her son LORENZO
By the grace of God we have arrived safely and well at
Bagno a Morba, I trust He will keep you the same. Of the
riding horses we have kept here the ambling palfrey and the
chestnut as best suited to this place. So have patience if we
have not sent back the palfrey as you desired : none of the
others stood the journey well, and it seemed best to me to
keep these so that should anything happen we should not be
forced to go afoot. But if you want him, tell me, and send
us another horse instead. They shall be well looked after here.
Of the honours paid us and the amusing things that have hap-
pened you shall hear in my next, as the bearer of this has one
foot in the stirrup. To begin with, the rooms are like those
of an alchemist [i.e. small, dark, and hot] and the bugs are as
big as capons. Lionardo and Sano can testify to this, they
were the first to begin the hunt. Valete. In haste. On the
10th day of May 1477.
L. DE MEDICIS, at Bagno a Morba. 1
This letter was dictated to some secretary, and the hand-
writing is plain enough. Whenever Lucrezia dictates evidently
the writer did not think it respectful to use thou, which she
always uses when writing with her own hand.
LUCREZIA DE' MEDICI, from Bagno a Morba,
to her son LORENZO at Pisa
Salutem, &c. I send you sixteen flasks of good old Greek
wine : eight of Poggibonsi, marked with ink : and eight of
1 Del Bagno a Morba , Ricordi Storici e Letterari, Luigi Righetti. Roma.
179
LETTERS OF THE EARLY MEDICI
Colle. To us they seem good, you must however choose, and
four torte besse (cakes made at Siena). I do this because I
think that with the arrival of the Madama l you may need them,
although I doubt not you have made every provision. Yet as
I had these and they seemed to me good I send them, for I
think they may please you. Do not let the carrier return here
empty. Oranges, biscuits, and marino 2 would be met with
banners flying. No more at present. I am well and hope for
good results from the baths. God be thanked, may He keep
you well. In haste. On the 23rd day of May 1477.
YOUR LUCREZIA DE' MEDICI
at Bagno a Morba. 3
LUCREZIA DE' MEDICI (Lorenzo's daughter, bom 1470)
to her grandmother LUCREZIA at Bagno a Morba
MAGNIFICENT GRANDMOTHER MINE, Let me know how you
are and when you began your baths. It seems to me a thousand
years since you left, and every day I say a Pater noster and
an Ave Maria for your return well and happy. Send me that
basket of roses you promised. We are all well here, all we
children with Mona Clarice. Mona Bartolomea and all her
family are here too, tell Leonardo that they are well and com-
mend me to him. We often go up to your little spring, and
there we talk of you. Lorenzo has gone to Pisa, may God
accompany him, he will come back to us soon.
I pray you to be careful and of good cheer for love of me,
so that you may return well and bright, it seems a thousand
1 The Duchess of Ferrara, wife of Ercole, Duke of Ferrara, and daughter
of Ferrante I. , King of Naples. She passed through Pisa on her way to Naples
to attend her father's marriage with Giovanna d'Aragona.
2 The meaning of this word is obscure. Some suggest that it is a kind of
fish, others that it is the name of a wine. I think Lucrezia jokingly asked
her son to send her some cool sea-wind. The peasants still call the west wind
which blows from the sea marino.
3 4rcA. Med. ante Prin., Filza xxxiv. No. 133.
ISQ
LORENZO DI PIERO DE' MEDICI
years to me. If I can do aught for you here, command me.
Written on May 24, 1477. No more. May Christ guard
you.
YOUR LUCREZIA DE' MEDICI, CareggL 1
AGNOLO POLIZIANO to LUCREZIA DE' MEDICI
at Bagno a Morba
Magnified Domina mea honoranda, The family are all well.
Lorenzo has informed us of the honours paid to Madama of
Ferrara at Pisa, so I do not repeat what no doubt you have
heard from others. She left evidently well pleased.
There is again talk about the affairs at Milan and the
Lord Ruberto [Count of San Severino]. You will have heard
how he went to Milan with Messer Obietto, and it appears
the Illustrious Madonna Duchess heard of some understanding
between them. Donato del Conte, who was also in the secret,
was sent for and imprisoned. Upon which it seems the Lord
Ruberto took arms with his followers and attempted to raise
the city together with some of the Duke's brothers. Then
seeing there was no hope he fled, and with him went Messer
Obietto, who they say to-day has been taken ; of the Lord
Ruberto there is as yet no news. The Duke's brothers have
implored the Duchess to forgive them, alleging as an excuse
that they feared for their lives. The Lord Ottaviano is
reported to have been drowned while flying from his pursuers.
There is also the affair of Messer Antonio Ridofo, who was
attacked by some soldiers of Pietra Santa and Melia on his
way from the Riviera of Genoa. After a skirmish of several
miles his mounted crossbow-men showed good fight and
wounded and killed those soldiers with great honour to them-
selves, and Messer Antonio arrived here safe and sound.
Your Piero and Lucrezia and the other children are well
1 Affetli di Famiglia net Quattrocento, Gugliemo Volpi, Vita Nuova, No. 503.
181
LETTERS OF THE EARLY MEDICI
and commend themselves to Your Magnificence. I have not
been able to write to you because I am at Careggi, and there-
fore have no means of sending letters. Madonna Clarice,
Bianca and Nannina, and all our people are well. I com-
mend myself to Your Magnificence. Florence, the last day of
May 1477. Your Magnificence's servant,
ANGELUS PoL. 1
LUCREZIA DE' MEDICI, from Bagno a Morba, to
her son LORENZO
Salvus sis, mi suavissime Jiiii, To-day I have received a
letter in thy name which has caused me much rejoicing, par-
ticularly as thou sayest thou art well and also the others.
I am delighted to hear of the marriage arranged between
Cosimino Rucellai 2 and the daughter of the Marquess Gab-
brielle. Quite an unexpected piece of news. Coming from
so good a source it must be good ; and having been settled
by so excellent a person, excellent. We are celebrating it
with great rejoicings, and so are all the people of the Bagni.
To so fortunate and good a beginning may God grant a joyous
and happy ending, et suffit. By the grace of God I am well
and have nearly finished my baths. I have decided, if it
pleases God, to leave this on the 21st, that is Saturday week,
and to stay the night with Madonna Tita, widow of Messer
Antonio Cortesi, at San Gemignano. She has been with me
here for several days and entreated me to do this ; then she
sent her son, who left this morning, to settle about the visit.
So because of her entreaties, and because she is a widow, I
have been forced to promise without awaiting thy assent. We
shall go quietly and stay little, and on Monday the eve of
S. John [23rd June] we shall be at home. I do not see my
way to come before, as I am still weak from the effects of the
1 Prose Volgari, &c., op. cit.
2 Son of her daughter Nannina, wife of Bernardo Rucellai,
182
LORENZO DI PIERO DE' MEDICI
baths. But should any necessity arise for me to come sooner,
let me know and I will leave all. Send the horses, if it suits
thee, to arrive here on the 19th, so that they can rest on the
20th, and as I have said, we start early on the 21st. Seven
horses must be sent, nought else is wanted. May Christ keep
you all. I commend myself to thee. In haste on the 8th
day of June 1477. THY LUCREZIA.
I have given orders to Maso of Fiesole for the donkeys and
mules he is to send. 1
LUCREZIA DE' MEDICI to her son LORENZO, from
Bagno a Morba
Karissime jilii salutem, &c., To-day the 18th the horses
have arrived, two days before the time ; I suppose by the over-
zeal of whoever was charged to send them. It does not
matter, although there is a dearth of stabling, straw, and oats,
but we have sent them where they will be well cared for and
fed until we leave as I said on the 21st. I cannot leave before
as I am very weak and have not yet finished my baths. But
to keep my word and be with thee on S. John's day I shall
leave, although if I remained another eight days it would be
more necessary than superfluous. However now it is settled.
We shall not be at Florence before Monday for the reasons
already given. So that if thou hast sent the horses before
the time fixed in order that I might be home earlier, forgive
me : if I had received a letter from thee urging me to return
I should have left at once without considering my own con-
venience and well-being. Nought else. I commend myself to
thee and pray God to keep thee well and happy. Salute the
family and tell them I shall be at home on the vigil of
S. John, if it pleases God, for I never expected to live so long
In haste, in haste, on the 18th day [of June] 1477.
THY LUCREZIA at Bagno a Morba. 2
1 Del Bagno a Morba, op. cit. 2 Ibid.
183
LETTERS OF THE EARLY MEDICI
PIERO MALEGONNELLE (Vicar of Pomerance) to
LUCREZIA DE' MEDICI
HONOURED AS A MOTHER, Being here at Bagno a Morba,
and hearing that what I always desired has been accomplished, 1
it is only my duty to congratulate you, not so much because
of your satisfaction, as for the good of what otherwise would
never have risen again to its ancient reputation. May God
be pleased to give you grace to enjoy it for a long, long time.
There is the same quantity of water in the baths as before,
but with the new cistern we have made there will be more and
of a better quality, as Riccio, the bearer of this letter, can
fully explain when he sees you. Riccio and his brother under-
stand such works, as you know. I recommend them to you
most heartily in case you need their services here.
As the one necessary thing is to try and conduct as much
water as possible to the baths, having to remain near here this
winter, which I take to be the best time for searching for the
springs, if you send an efficient and able man I offer, as is my
bounden duty, to aid him in every way. It only remains for
me to place myself at your disposal and to commend myself to
you. May the Almighty keep you in health and happiness.
Bagno a Morba, on the 16th day of September 1477. Your
servant, PJERO MALEGONNELLE. 2
PIERO MALEGONNELLE (Vicar of Pomerance) to
LUCREZIA DE' MEDICI
MOST HONOURED AS A MOTHER, As I shall leave at the end
of my service here and am expecting my successor from day to
day, I have not written about the baths. I went there last
Friday and found the water had increased rather than dimin-
1 Lucrezia de' Medici had just bought Bagno a Morba from the Commune
of Florence.
2 Arch. Med. ante Prin., Filza Ixxxv. No. 203.
184
LORENZO DI PIERO DE' MEDICI
ished, and that it was extremely hot. The trench is finished
from where the water rises under the building as far as the
baths which have been rebuilt, and are twelve in number. The
cistern is also finished, except covering in the roof, according
to the designs sent ; and as far as my poor judgment goes all
seems to me well done, saving that the water will enter the
cistern at only one place and then will have to flow 12} yards,
so that I fear the baths will be too hot to be borne where the
water enters and not hot enough at the other end. I think
the water ought to be brought into the cistern by two conduits.
This might still be easily arranged by dividing the channel in
two when it reaches the room where the shower baths are,
and digging another trench 19 yards long 2} yards further in.
This can always be done if necessary. There has been some
difficulty in the work, as just under the hill where the water
comes out they have been obliged to underpin the ground and
then to cut through the rock from whence the water comes.
But the rock is hard and 3 yards 30 inches thick, and a channel
2 feet long has to be cut in order that the water may have
sufficient fall to flow under the small palace to the baths. In
two or three days I think it will be finished. The lime has
been burnt and they say it is good, about eighty bushels for
twenty soldi ; and in the fields opposite the trench they have
found earth fit for making tiles and bricks. The levellers are
at work making them and a Lombard has undertaken to bake
them, so they will cost four lire or less the thousand. They
are now in the kiln and this will be a great saving to you.
The room for the shower baths, 4J yards wide and 12} yards
long, is partly finished, and the bath at the side also. They
say they need certain slabs which are made on purpose for
shower baths, and they want them at once. Riccio has been
dismissed from the inn and Giovanni di Pace has taken it and
says that he has orders for rooms from Volterra, Florence, and
elsewhere, and that in addition to what he has he needs all
the things noted in the enclosed list. The orchard has been
185
LETTERS OF THE EARLY MEDICI
planted in a way that will please you when you see it. I say
no more but commend myself to you and may God preserve
you in happiness. Ex Castro di Pomarancii, March 25, 1748.
PETRUS DE MALEGONNELLIS, Vicarius, &C. 1
The following letters from Louis XL, from Lorenzo, and
from Sixtus IV., relate to the famous Pazzi conspiracy when
Giuliano de" Medici was murdered and Lorenzo wounded in the
cathedral of Florence. Antagonism and rivalry had for some
time existed between the two great families, although Lorenzo^s
favourite sister Bianca was married to Gugliemo de 1 Pazzi, who
had been regarded by Piero almost as his own son, and is often
mentioned in these letters as the companion of the Magnificent
on hunting excursions and visits to foreign courts. Gugliemo's
brother Francesco, head of the Pazzi bank at Rome, worked
incessantly against Lorenzo^s uncle Giovanni Tornabuoni,
manager of the Roman branch of the Medici bank, and
eventually succeeded in depriving him of the business of the
Holy See given to Lorenzo in the first days of Sixtus 1 rule.
The third brother, Giovanni de' Pazzi, was married to Beatrice
Borromeo, who on the death of her father without having made
a will claimed, according to the existing laws, the whole of his
property. His nephews, however, intimate friends of the two
young Medici, contested her right, and in 1476 a retrospective
law of intestacy was passed setting aside the claims of females
to the estate of a father who died intestate, and giving it to
the nearest male relative. Machiavelli, Nardi, and Guicciardini,
all accuse Lorenzo of instigating the drafting of "this law
made for the occasion," as Nardi calls it. Roscoe maintains
that it was passed more than ten years before, but the proofs
he adduces are quite illusory. Without extraneous aid it is
however very improbable that the Pazzi would have dared to
attempt the assassination of the two brothers Medici. This
aid they obtained from the Pope. Sixtus IV. had, as Dr.
Creighton says, " elevated nepotism into political principle . . .
he took his nephews, men of no position and little capacity,
and placed at their disposal all the resources of the Roman
See." Giuliano della Rovere and Piero Riario were created
cardinals in total disregard of the regulations of the Conclave,
1 Arch. Med. ante Prin., Filza xxxiv. No. 312.
186
LORENZO DI PIERO DE MEDICI
while for Piero's brother, Girolamo, he bought Imola from the
Duke of Milan, at the same time arranging a marriage between
him and Caterina Sforza, the Duke's illegitimate daughter.
Florence had long coveted Imola, and Lorenzo tried to prevent
the purchase by raising difficulties about advancing the neces-
sary money to the Pope. Francesco de' Pazzi then seized his
opportunity and was appointed Treasurer to the Holy See in
Lorenzo's place.
Another grievance Sixtus had against Florence was the
indirect aid given to Niccolo Vitelli, who had taken the side of
Todi and Spoleto when they rose against the Pope, by despatch-
ing troops to Borgo San Sepolcro when the Cardinal Giuliano
della Rovere laid siege to Citta di Castello. The appointment
of the anti-Medicean Francesco Salviati, as Archbishop of Pisa
in the place of the late Filippo de 1 Medici, in spite of a pre-
vious promise that no archbishop or bishop should be appointed
within Florentine territory save by the consent of the Signory
of Florence, was deeply resented by Lorenzo. Though unable
to prevent the nomination he succeeded in keeping Salviati out
of his archbishopric and consequently without his emoluments
for three years. In 1477 the Pope's anger against Lorenzo
rose to fever-heat. He suspected, unjustly as it appears, that
Florence had aided Carlo Fortebraccio in his endeavour to seize
Perugia. The attempt failed and Fortebraccio overran the
territory of Siena, which at once appealed to the Pope and
the King of Naples, at the same time arrogantly summoning
Florence to immediately recall the condottiere. Fortebraccio
was in Venetian service, so the Florentines answered that they
had nothing to do with him and only wished he would keep
quiet.
The murder of Galeazzo Sforza, Duke of Milan, had further
complicated matters. Girolamo Riario was astute enough to
realise that if the Pope died, the change of government in
Milan might expose him to the resentment of Florence, and
determined to try and overthrow the Medici. Francesco de'
Pazzi and Archbishop Salviati were easily persuaded to join,
but shrewd old Jacopo de' Pazzi, who lived in Florence and
knew the hold the Medici had over the people, gave them no
encouragement. Promises of foreign aid and the assurance of
the assent of the Pope however at last won him over. An
Abruzzese, Giovan Battista da Montesecco, a captain in the
187
LETTERS OF THE EARLY MEDICI
service of Girolamo Riario, was selected as a man to be trusted ;
his confession 1 is curious reading but too long to give in
extenso. When he met Francesco de 1 Pazzi in the Archbishop
Salviati^s house at Rome he expressed grave doubts. " Have
a care, gentlemen, what you are undertaking. Florence is no
small matter, and Lorenzo, I hear, is very popular." The
Archbishop answered that they knew better how it stood with
Lorenzo, that it was their affair and he was only the instru-
ment. Montesecco then asked what the Pope would say, and
was assured he hated Lorenzo and would follow their advice.
Moreover he would receive the captain. Plans were then dis-
cussed. It was arranged that troops were to be held in readi-
ness by Giovanni Francesco da Tolentino from Imola, Lorenzo
Giustini from Citta di Castello, and Napoleone Orsini from
Todi and Perugia, to enter Florence as soon as the assassins
had done their work. Soon afterwards Montesecco was sum-
moned to the Vatican. " I will have no bloodshed," said the
Pope, " it is not consistent with my office to cause the death of
any man. Lorenzo has behaved shamefully and iniquitously
towards us, but I do not desire his death, though I do desire a
change of government. 11 Girolamo Riario promised that every-
thing should be done to prevent bloodshed, but asked the
Pope to pardon any man who was forced to commit murder.
" Thou art a stupid fool," answered the Pope. " I tell thee
I will have no man killed, but I desire the government to be
changed^ To you, Giovan Battista, I repeat that I wish the
government of Florence to be changed and Lorenzo to be over-
thrown, for he is an undutiful and a bad man who defies us.
When he is out of the way we can deal as we choose with the
Republic which will be most convenient to us. 11 Riario and
the Archbishop agreed to this and added, " Then Your Holi-
ness is content that we should take every means to bring this
about ? " Sixtus repeated, " Again I say I am not. Go and
do what you will, as long as no blood is shed. 11 As they left
Salviati turned to the Pope, "Holy Father, are you content
that we steer this boat. We will guide it well. 11 The Pope
answered, " I am. But see to it that the honour of the Holy
See and of the Count does not suffer. 11
The Archbishop now went to Pisa, and Francesco de 1 Pazzi
to Florence. Knowing the hospitable nature of Lorenzo, he
1 Laurentii Medlcis Vita, op. cit. ii. p. 168.
188
LORENZO DI PIERO DE' MEDICI
suggested that Raffaello Sansoni, a nephew of Girolamo Riario
(whose name he adopted), who had just been created Cardinal
of S. Giorgio at the age of seventeen and was studying at Pisa,
should come to the Pazzi villa near Florence. As he expected,
the lad was at once invited to supper at the Medicean villa at
Fiesole, and the conspirators were jubilant. But Giuliano was
ill and did not come, so they were foiled. The young Cardinal,
simply an instrument in the hands of the Pazzi and the Arch-
bishop, then expressed a desire to see the Medici palace in town,
and proposed the Sunday before Ascension day (26th April),
when he was to celebrate High Mass in the cathedral. Lorenzo
asked him to dine afterwards, and it was arranged that the two
Medici brothers were to be killed as they rose from table. It
is singular that no rumour of the plot had got abroad, as so
many were cognisant of it. Besides Jacopo and Francesco
de' Pazzi, the Archbishop and Montesecco, there was Jacopo
Salviati, the Archbishop's brother, and his cousin another
Jacopo, Bernardo Bandini, a dissipated adventurer, and Jacopo
Bracciolini, son of Poggio Bracciolini the humanist, who owed
much to the Medici. Jacopo was deeply in debt and inordi-
nately vain. Two priests, destined to play a prominent part,
were also implicated, Antonio Maffei of Volterra, an Apostolic
scribe, and Stefano da Bagnone, chaplain to Jacopo de" Pazzi.
Montesecco had hired a band of Perugian exiles, and the Arch-
bishop had a large retinue ; these were to aid in seizing the
Palazzo de** Signori. At the last moment Giuliano sent word
that he was not well enough to dine, but would attend Mass.
The conspirators then determined that the deed must be done
in the cathedral, as on that evening Tolentino and Giustini would
be drawing near to Florence with their troops. Francesco
de"* Pazzi and Bernardo Bandini undertook to kill Giuliano,
Lorenzo was entrusted to the abler hands of Montesecco. No
doubt all would have gone as they had planned but for the
scruples of the soldier, who absolutely refused to commit a
murder " where God would see him." The two priests, who
had no such feeling, offered themselves as substitutes and
failed.
Lorenzo accompanied the Cardinal and the Archbishop,
who had come to Florence on the pretext of seeing his invalid
mother, to the cathedral. Suddenly the conspirators saw that
Giuliano had not come. Francesco de 1 Pazzi and Bernardo
189
LETTERS OF THE EARLY MEDICI
Bandini ran across the square and persuaded him to go with
them, affectionately clasping their arms round him to feel
whether he wore a shirt of mail.
The scene in the cathedral is best described in the words of
Filippo Strozzi, who was present : " At the words missa est Ser
Stefano da Bagnone, secretary of Messer Jacopo de 1 Pazzi and
Messer Antonio Maffei of Volterra assailed Lorenzo de' Medici,
while Francesco de 1 Pazzi and Bernardo Bandini fell upon
Giuliano. Both were walking round the choir outside, and
Lorenzo at once understood, drew his sword, leaped into the
choir, rushed across in front of the altar, entered the new
sacristry and ordered the door to be locked. There he re-
mained until aid came from his house. He was only wounded
in the neck, and in a few days was well. Francesco de Pazzi
and Bernardo Bandini sprang at Giuliano, who was walking in
front of the chapel of the Cross, and with ten or twelve blows
laid him dead on the pavement ; they also killed Francesco
Nori, who was with him. The uproar was great in the church.
I was there talking with Messer Bongianni and the other
gentlemen, and we were all struck with astonishment, people
flying now here, now there, while the church resounded with
loud shouts, and arms were seen in the hands of partisans of
the Pazzi who had joined in this matter. The Cardinal was
left all alone by the side of the altar, until some priests came
and led him into the old sacristy, where he remained until two
of the Eight with many soldiers arrived and took him to the
Palace. At the time this was happening the Archbishop of
Pisa, under the pretence of paying a visit to the Signory, was
at the Palace, and hearing the tumult in the city, he tried to
seize it. With him was his brother Jacopo and Jacopo his
cousin, Jacopo Poggio, the Perugians, and others. But the
Signory and their guard defended themselves and sounded the
tocsin, and the citizens rushed armed into the piazza, and forced
a way into the Palace, the door of which had been closed on
the inside, and all were made prisoners."
Poliziano describes the agony of suspense of the small group
in the new sacristy, who thought the church was in the hands
of the Pazzi. "Some feared that the priest's dagger was
poisoned, and Lorenzo's friend, Antonio Ridolfi, a most excel-
lent youth, sucked the wound in his neck. Lorenzo, however,
gave no heed to it, continually repeating, ' Is Giuliano safe ?
190
LORENZO DI PIERO DE' MEDICI
Then came sharp knocks at the door. ' We are friends, we
are relations. Let Lorenzo come out ere the enemy gains a
foothold. ' We were undecided, and shouted, ' Enemies or
friends ? Is Giuliano safe ? ' No answer was given. Then
Sigismondo Delia Stufa, devoted to Lorenzo since his boyhood,
climbed up the ladders into the organ loft, looked down into
the church, and saw the dead body of Giuliano. He recognised
those below as friends, and shouted to us to open the door.
Closing around Lorenzo we led him, so that he should not
come past the dead body, to his house."
How the Archbishop of Pisa, the Pazzi, and Jacopo Brac-
ciolini were hung from the windows of the Palace of the
Signoria, and how the people hunted their adherents through
the streets, shouting, " Palle ! Palle ! down with the traitors and
cut them to pieces," is a matter of history. Montesecco lay
in hiding for some days, and before he was beheaded in the
Palazzo del Podesta, dictated and signed the confession which
throws full light on the participation of Sixtus IV. and his
nephew Girolamo Riario in the plot.
On Ascension Day Giuliano was buried in S. Lorenzo, amid
the grief of the people whose darling he was. " He was tall,"
writes Poliziano, " broad-shouldered, wide-chested, with well-
developed and strong arms, a small waist, powerful thighs, and
well-made legs ; black, sparkling eyes, a dark complexion, with
thick black hair falling on to his shoulders. A fine rider,
j ouster, and dancer, an excellent wrestler and runner, passion-
ately devoted to the chase, submitting patiently to want of
sleep, to hunger, and to thirst, which he often endured for a
whole day. Magnanimous, steady, pious, and without vice, he
delighted in music, painting, and everything connected with
art. He liked poetry, and wrote some good verse in the vulgar
tongue. He spoke well, but was reserved and not quick-witted ;
yet he enjoyed a good joke, and sometimes made one. Liars he
hated and those who nursed vengeance. In dress he was not
extravagant, but always neat and well-clothed. Serious, hand-
some, and dignified, he was most courteous and kind-hearted.
He adored and revered his brother, while his courage and high
spirits endeared him to the people."
Vasari tells in his Life of Verrocchio of three waxen images
of Lorenzo, the size of life, made by order of his friends and
relations to commemorate his escape from the dagger of the
191
LETTERS OF THE EARLY MEDICI
assassin by Arsino, a celebrated worker in wax, with the help
and after the designs of Verrocchio. " The skeleton inside was
of wood, as has been said elsewhere, with a framework of split
canes covered with waxed cloth in handsome folds, so well
arranged that nothing better or more lifelike can be imagined.
The heads, hands, and feet were made of thicker wax, hollow
inside and copied from life, painted in oils, and ornamented
with hair and other necessary things, so natural and so well
made, that they seemed living men and not waxen images, as
can be seen in any of these three. One of them is in the church
of the nuns of Chiarito in Via S. Gallo in front of the miracu-
lous crucifix. This figure is clothed in the very dress Lorenzo
wore when, with his neck bandaged, he showed himself at the
window of his house to the people, who had rushed there to see
whether he was alive, as they hoped, or to avenge him if dead.
The second figure of Lorenzo is clothed in the lucco, the
ordinary dress of the Florentines, and is in the church of the
Servites of the Annunziata above the smaller door, beside
which is the table where candles are sold. The third was sent
to S. Maria degP Angeli at Assisi and placed in front of the
Madonna, where, as has been already said, Lorenzo de 1 Medici
caused the road which goes from S. Maria to the gate of Assisi
and leads to S. Francesco to be laid down in bricks, and at the
same time restored the fountains built by his grandfather
Cosimo at the same place." 1
Louis XI., King of France, to the FLORENTINE
REPUBLIC
BELOVED AND GREAT FRIENDS, We have just heard of the
great and inhuman outrage, opprobrium and injury, which not
long ago has been committed against your Seigneury, against
the persons of our most dear and beloved cousins Lorenzo and
Giuliano de 1 Medici, their friends, relations, servants, and
adherents, by those of the Pazzi Bank and their dependants ;
and of the death of our said cousin Giuliano de' Medici,
whereby we have been and are as much grieved as though it
1 Le Vite de' piu eccdenti Pittori, &c., Giorgio Vasari, iii. 374. Sansoni,
Firenze, 1878.
192
LORENZO DI PIERO DE' MEDICI
had happened to ourselves. Now as your honour and our own
has been so gravely offended, and as the Medici are our relations
and allies, and as we regard this outrage and the death of our
cousin Giuliano as though it had happened to our own person,
and therefore consider the Pazzi guilty of loesos Majestatis, we
cannot permit this deed to go unpunished ; we desire with all
our heart that adequate punishment should follow as an example
to others. We have therefore decided to send to your Excel-
lencies our well-beloved and faithful Councillor and Chamber-
lain, Messire d'Argenton,* Seneschal of our province of Poitou,
who is one of the men in whom we have the utmost confidence,
to inform you at length of our wishes ; he will tell you more
about this matter. We beg you to place the same trust in him
and the same belief in his words as you would in ours, it is for
this that we send him. I pray God, beloved and great friends,
to keep and to guard you. 12th May 1478. 2
Louis XI. to POPE SIXTUS IV.
Copy of our Letter sent to the Pope
MOST HOLY FATHER, We have been fully informed that
wantonly by the hands of Count Girolamo, of one of your
nephews recently promoted to the dignity of the Cardinalate,
of the Archbishop of Pisa, and of members of the Pazzi family
and their adherents, an outrage, insult, and personal attack
has been made on the person of our dear friend Lorenzo de 1
Medici and on Giuliano his brother. That the said Giuliano
and others, his friends, have been killed, murdered, and assas-
sinated in a church in Florence, in which we have been. We
are deeply grieved and still more astonished that such an out-
1 Philippe de Comines, who writes : " I remained about a year in Florence
and her territory as the guest of the Florentines, who treated me well, better
even on the last day of my visit than on the first." Memoires de Messire
Philippe de Comities, Seigneur d'Argenton, i. 395. Brusselle, 1723.
2 Laurentii Medicis Vita, op. cit. ii. 119.
193 N
LETTERS OF THE EARLY MEDICI
rage should have been committed against one of such a House
as is that of the Medici ; renowned in the whole world, and
known as belonging to the Church and filling high offices, such
as that of Cardinal and Archbishop, and in the precincts of
a Church, a sacred place dedicated to God. Therefore, Holy
Father, we are much displeased at so abominable a sin and out-
rage, which we regard as even more grave than if it had been
done to our own person, or to the person of one nearly related
to us, and we hold that your and our honour has been most
deeply offended. On account of the special love we have
always borne, and bear, to the said Lorenzo our cousin and to
all of his House, and of the great friendship, cemented by
loyalty, oaths, and alliance, which in past times existed, and
exists at present, between our predecessors, ourselves, and the
city of Florence, we most affectionately supplicate and pray
Your Holiness that for love of us as well as for love of our
Holy Mother Church, in order that others should not go
unpunished, amends shall be made for this crime by punishing
the delinquents, and all who have aided and participated, in such
way that it may be an example for all men to remember, and that
greater ills shall not arise. Otherwise, by virtue of the said
alliance and confederation existing between us and the said
Florentines, and on account of the love we bear to our said
cousin, we have determined to declare against all those who are
implicated and not to allow this thing to go unpunished. We
pray the Blessed Son of God that Your Holiness may long be
spared to rule our Holy Mother Church. 1
LORENZO DE' MEDICI to TOMMASO SODERINI at Milan*
I wrote to you on the 8th. Since then I have received
yours of the 6th, to which I now reply. I thought it best to
1 Congiura de } Pazzi, narrata in Latino da A. Poliziano volgarizzate con
sue note e illustrazioni da Anicio Bonucci, p. 119. Le Monnier, Firenze, 1856.
2 Lorenzo's uncle by marriage, sent on a special mission to Milan and to
Venice.
194
LORENZO DI PIERO DE' MEDICI
send the last by a special courier, because I have heard that
the troops of the King [of Naples] and of the Pope intend
making a serious attack, so I think it will be necessary to
gather a larger force here than we had asked for, as when the
enemy comes he will probably come in force. By yours and
Orfeo's letters we understand that 1000 men have been engaged
and are ready for our service. If this is correct I think it
will suffice if one half crosses our frontier, the rest being held
in readiness for what I mentioned in my last, the assault of
Imola. It must be remembered that in defending ourselves we
are defending those Illustrious Lords [of Milan], and if we gain
anything for ourselves it will be most unexpected, for these
Venetian ambassadors declare that if peace is not made with
the Turk we can hope for but small aid from them. In ten or
twelve days we shall have 450 men under arms. If there is
a chance of engaging any condottieri it would be an excellent
thing. I think I am sure of Signer Costanzo and do not
believe he will fail me. Those Illustrious Lords have written
to their ambassador here that they will only subscribe 8000
ducats towards the pay of the Romagna troop. It seems to
me they do wrong to state a given sum, as this might put off*
the Venetians, if they say they will subscribe one third for this
troop it can afterwards be settled between ourselves that we
should pay whatever sum is needful beyond the 8000 ducats.
Those Illustrious Lords also seem not to wish to engage Signor
Costanzo, as I heard yesterday. But the negotiation is so far
advanced that not only would it be most unjust to him, but
also my motive in hindering him from serving with the enemy
must be considered. If he only guards and defends his own
territory it seems to me it would be a great advantage to us.
In short these gentlemen must be prepared to disburse the
above-mentioned sum and the troops must be ready to move
as I have said. Above all there must be no delay, as our
adversaries are hastening their preparations ; if they see that
we are strong and able to resist they may change their minds.
195
LETTERS OF THE EARLY MEDICI
From the Venetians I do not think we shall get other help than
those few men on this side of the Po and their contribution
towards the pay of the Romagna troop, which they appear to
give willingly.
Letters from Rome show that although the Pope knows
that Cardinal Riario has been set at liberty, he shows no dis-
position to raise the excommunication or the interdict. 1 This
is a bad sign and makes one believe that he will do all in his
power to injure us. We shall see what will happen and are
determined to defend ourselves as well as we can.
Girolamo left to-day. He came by way of Pontremoli ; I
reminded him of your business and he promised me to do all
he could. If you pass through Ferrara I need not tell you
what to say to the Duke to keep him in the same friendly
mood towards us he now displays. I say no more because I
know these ambassadors are writing at length. June 10, 1478. 2
LORENZO DE' MEDICI to GIOVANNI LANFREDINI,
Florentine Ambassador at Venice
I received yours of the 6th this morning and should have
waited for another letter from you with the answer of the
Signoria [of Venice], but from various sources I have heard that
the forces of the King and the Pope are marching to attack us,
and so I write at once in order that you may hasten any aid
we can get from Venice. Our ambassador there will I think
send our opinion in scriptis to the Signoria, who will have to
consult with him. We have need of more men than those who
1 The young Cardinal was set at liberty on June 5th, and went for a few
days to the Servite monastery in the SS. Annunziata. From there he wrote to
the Pope expressing deep gratitude to the Signoria and to Lorenzo de' Medici
for the kind treatment he had received, and bitterly lamented that His Holi-
ness had not acceded to his prayer that the interdict should be taken off. On
June 12th he left for Siena, and an old chronicler writes that he was still
under the influence of great terror and seemed to feel the rope round his
neck. If at the time of the assassination he had not been well guarded the
exasperated populace would probably have torn him to pieces.
2 Arch. Med. ante Prin., Filza vii. No. 404.
196
LORENZO DI PIERO DE' MEDICI
are on this side of the Po. If the Signoria approve of our
plan of attacking Imola in case war is declared against us, we
should prefer that the above-mentioned men should be em-
ployed there. If they do not approve, then it is imperative
that the men be sent with all haste to guard our territory, and
we will give orders that they are to be allowed to cross our
frontier. We are most anxious about this, not on account of
the number of men, but in order to prove to our adversaries
that we are united, for they count much on our disunion.
Try therefore to settle this one way or the other and reply
quickly, for the affair is in Jieri, and at any moment some
impediment might arise. The Signoria of Venice intimated
that they did not believe the Pope and the King intend to
advance ; now I conceive they understand it is true. We have
set the Cardinal at liberty, but the Pope has shown no sign of
taking off the excommunications or the interdicts ; on the
contrary he maintains them and encourages troops to attack us.
So this is no time for loitering. It would be most harmful to
us if their ambassador left here before his successor was
appointed. We wish this also to be seen to at once. I will
have a copy of the deliberations of the last council sent to
you in order that you may press these matters with all the
tact demanded by the customs there and by the questions
themselves.
I wrote thus far yesterday evening. Afterwards we of the
Pratica met, and it was decided not to send our opinions m
scriptis, but to await the reply to those we have sent. More
particularly as our opinion is as follows. On all sides we per-
ceive signs of incertitude and hesitation in spite of our solicita-
tions to grant us what they can. If this was cleared up we
might hope. If the Venetians will only make a demonstration
in our favour, with small cost to themselves they would do us
a great service, because, as I have already said, our adversaries
believe we are not unanimous in our desire to defend ourselves,
and this makes them more enterprising. We thought at least
197
LETTERS OF THE EARLY MEDICI
that we should receive help which cost little, as for example in
the affair of submission [to the Pope], particularly as these
ecclesiastical censures still continue, and so that the Signoria
must either incur the same interdict if they help us, or break
faith with us, which however" would be absolved by the Bull of
the interdict. As I said before, discover what we can hope
for from there, in order that I may not be again deceived.
Present these questions skilfully so as not to cause any
friction ; rather leave a part unsaid, for our great object is
to maintain the union of our League in appearance and in
reality.
I am writing to our envoy [Tommaso Soderini], who I do
not think can have arrived. If he has, lay everything before
him. June 10, 1478. 1
LORENZO DE' MEDICI to Louis XI., King of France
MOST SERENE KING AND ESPECIALLY MY LORD, The letter
Your Majesty has deigned to write about our unhappy case,
replete with great love and paternal benevolence, shows me how
keenly you felt our misfortune, arid how kindly disposed you
are towards me. Should I even attempt to return adequate
thanks to Your Majesty I should deserve to be called utterly
unfit to understand so great a benefit, because words so full of
love and benevolence coming from Your Majesty to a humble
servant cannot be repaid by any act or word. I can there-
fore only beg Your Majesty specially to accept my heartfelt
declaration of loyalty as a token and a pledge of my gratitude,
trusting that God will repay to Your Majesty the rest of my
debt. As to Your Majesty's wise counsels to bear this calamity
with fortitude, you may rest assured that I do not so much
deplore what has happened to myself as the grave affront to
the Christian name ; because where I hoped, in such bitter
trouble, to receive help, I found instead the fountain-head and
1 Arch. Afcd. ante Prin. , Filza vii. No. 404.
198
LORENZO DI PIERO DE' MEDICI
instigator of all ill. For he, in the presence of many, dared
to confess spontaneously that this crime was caused by him,
and promulgated against me, my children, successors, intimates,
and well-wishers, an iniquitous sentence of excommunication.
Not satisfied with that, he is arming against this Republic, has
instigated King Ferdinand against us, and has urged the King's
eldest son to march against us with a formidable army in order
with violence and arms to destroy him he could not succeed in
utterly ruining by deceit and fraud. For I well know, and
God is my witness, that I have committed no crime against the
Pope, save that I am alive, and having been protected by the
grace of Almighty God have not allowed myself to be mur-
dered. This is my sin, for this alone have I been excommuni-
cated and massacred. But I believe that God, scrutiniser of
hearts and most just Judge, who knows my innocence, will not
permit this and will defend me, whom He saved from those
sacrilegious hands in front of His Body, from such unjust
calumny. On our side we have Canon Law, on our side laws
natural and political, on our side truth and innocence, on our
side God and men. He has violated all these at once, and now
desires to annihilate us. I write these things to Your Majesty
as to a compassionate father, and from you, on account of your
goodness, piety, and greatness of soul, I have no doubt I shall
receive much help, favour, and military aid, if required. For
we cannot believe that any good man can tolerate that he, who
wilfully precipitates himself into such an abyss of crime, should
drag with him the Christian name. May Your Majesty keep
well, to whom I humbly commend myself. Florence, June 19,
1478.1
LORENZO DE' MEDICI to SFORZA DE' BETTINI
SFORZIE DE BETTINIS, I wrote to you this morning. Later
I received yours of the 28th, with news of the arrival of the
1 Laurcntii Mcdicis Vita, op. cit. xi. 131.
199
LETTERS OF THE EARLY MEDICI
Duke of Calabria and the others at Todi. We wrote at once
to all our troops, save to those who are already there, to unite
and join those of the Duchess [of Milan] with all speed, part
are in the Pisan territory, the others are on the march ; to
Giovanni Conti [one of the -Milanese generals], telling him to
advance into the territory of Bologna ; to the Venetian contin-
gent to come into that of Faenza. All the others are to march
on Todi. We have asked for two hundred additional men-at-
arms from Milan besides those that are in readiness, and said
that these two hundred are to be placed at once in our pay.
With this letter is sent the number of men and the names of
the places where they are, so that you can direct them wher-
ever you think best. We have thus done all we can for the
moment. You must try and obtain more certain information
whether what you have written is true or not. If not, you
ought not to lack means to discover the dealings and intentions
of the enemy. I think that among them are several who would
willingly do us a service. If you can contrive to interview the
Cavaliere I think you might learn something. Make every
effort, for I cannot believe that you are unable to defend so just
a cause.
I understand that the Lord Giovanfrancesco has given orders
that the troops he is to send are to be paid, which will be so
much more money. I am astonished that the Lord Virginio
[Orsini, Clarice's brother] should give them an escort after
replying as he did to that trumpeter, however I do not think,
as I said this morning, that we need despair. I have no more
to add save that you must send us frequent news, and as true
news as you can, and use every means to discover as much as
possible of the movements and intentions of our adversaries.
If this arrival of the Duke of Calabria is true it will probably
alter the plans about which we wrote this morning, and we
think it will be necessary to concentrate our forces as you
suggested. Farewell. June 25, 1478. *
1 Arch. Med. ante Prin., Filza xliii. No. 175.
200
LORENZO DI PIERO DE' MEDICI
MESSEB CECCHO, from Milan, to LORENZO DE' MEDICI
Magnifice tanquam Pater honomnde, To yours of the 28th
of last month in reply to mine of the 22nd, I will only refer
by thanking Your Magnificence for accepting my letter in good
part.
As to the Lord of Forli it would seem to me wise to make
every effort to draw him to our side for the honour, advantage,
and reputation of our League ; the said Lord is clever, and I
think, as Your Magnificence says, he will attempt to get as
much money as he can from the Pope, and then cum sua justi-
ficat'ione withdraw : I have lived for many years with these
lords of Romagna and know their nature, but one cannot count
on this, and we must do all we can to get him on our side.
Monsignore de Chiaromonte (Clermont), ambassador of the
King of France, 1 has been here, my Illustrious Masters showed
him great honour, and this morning he left : the Illustrious
Madonna and we counsellors spoke to him with much openness,
and gave him to understand that in favour of that Republic
and of Yourself my Illustrious Masters will give all the aid
this State can usque ad vitam, and we spoke thus as freely as
possible, in order that he might understand that this State
was unum velle et unum nolle with yours. He seemed to me a
worthy man, and one to be cultivated ; this I advise you to do,
and to send to meet him without delay at Bologna, and do
what my Masters have written to their ambadassor there and
this quickly, so that you may be in time.
It seems to me useless to enlarge on other things, only I
beg Your Magnificence to take heed of your person and to be
of good cheer, because I think there is every indication that
things are going well, and that the Republic, our League, and
Your Magnificence, will gain in reputation ; on this side we
shall leave nothing undone.
1 Philippe de Comines.
201
LETTERS OF THE EARLY MEDICI
I beg Your Magnificence not to allow the letters my Illus-
trious Masters have written, or mine about affairs with the
King of France, go into any other hands, but to deliver them
there to Monsignore d'Argenton, 1 with the circumspection and
prudence that I know Your Magnificence possesses, and thus
we shall arrive at obtaining, between my Masters arid H.M.
the King of France, the essence of what is contained in those
letters, which will redound to your honour, reputation, and
advantage, because our League being strong and united, and
helped by the friendship and reputation of France, things cannot
but go well.
Yesterday morning I obtained possession of some letters
from France written by one Lancilotto of Macedonia to King
Ferrante. We find that King Ferrante has at present four of
his people at the French court, this same Lancilotto, Zohan
Copula of Saterno, Tommaso Tarquino, who resides there, and
a Messer Antonio de Alexandro, only just arrived by the route
of Catalonia with instructions and mandates of divers intrigues
and plots. I have informed Hieronimo Morelli, ambassador of
their excellencies the Signoria [of Florence] of all, so that he
may write to Your Magnificence, and I am sure he will have
done so. I do not enlarge on this point, because I am sure
you will understand and form a better judgment than I can.
I entreat of you to keep my letters in your own custody and
in that of no other man, for I would on no account that our
ambassadors or others should see them for certain reasons, which
are legitimate, to avoid rancour, envy, and calumny, &c.
Milan, July 3, 1478. 2
LORENZO DE' MEDICI to MESSER GIOVANNI DI
BENTIVOGLIO at Milan
Magnifice vir, By your letter of the 1st I see what the
Lord of Forli has answered. I cannot understand how this
i Philippe de Comines. 2 Laurentii Mcdicis Vita, op. cit. ii. 187.
202
LORENZO DI PIERO DE' MEDICI
difficulty has arisen, and it is unreasonable. His stipend at pre-
sent is 8000 ducats, so he ought to be satisfied with 20,000.
Perhaps he does not wish to serve and tries to throw the blame
on us. If this is so I do not see what his object is in behaving
thus. We will not give more than 20,000 ducats with the title
of governor of the camp, and the protection of our League. I
have sent again to offer him this, as I had a hint that he w r ould
accept. If he does it will be well, if not I shall cut short the
negotiation, and we will not mention the matter again.
I understand from letters from the Illustrious Lords of
Milan that they encourage Your Magnificence to take steps
to obtain the recall of the Legate. This seems to me perfectly
justifiable, our League being no longer in any way bound to
obey the Pope. His presence can only be harmful and a cause
of suspicion. As I am writing I must say that I heartily
approve the advice of those Illustrious Princes and think Your
Magnificence would do well to get rid of the Legate for your
own good and for your reputation, and in order not to appear
reluctant in following the advice of those Illustrious Lords and
the wishes of our Illustrious League. You will gain in credit
and security. I commend myself, &c. July 4, 1478. 1
LORENZO DE' MEDICI to GIROLAMO MORELLI, Florentine
Ambassador at Milan
Magnifice orator tanquam Pater, Your letter of the llth
tells me many things to which I now reply. First, if you do
not receive news day by day the only reason is that I have so
much to do that it is difficult for me to be exact, not to speak
of my own dilatory nature. But I will make every effort to
inform you of essential matters every day. I will do all I can
and even a little more.
I understand what the Magnificent Messer Ceccho and
Orfeo told you, and with regard to the affair of Messer
1 Arch. Med. ante Prtn., Filza vii. No. 413.
203
LETTERS OF THE EARLY MEDICI
Ruberto am exceedingly sorry that by no fault of mine they
and I have such perpetual annoyance and vexation. Your
answer was wise and true. In this business I have never
thought or done anything without first referring to them.
Whether these ambassadors, who have written what I never
charged them to write, have stated the truth I know not. As
soon as I heard the news, and that at Bologna they doubted
whether Signor Ruberto's father-in-law would give this money,
I wrote to Messer Giovanni and sent you the copy, and I showed
these ambassadors the admirable reply made by Signor Giovanni.
Thus those Illustrious Lords will see that from that moment,
for this and many other reasons, Signor Ruberto was the enemy
of those Illustrious Lords, as he was mine. I desire to clear
this matter up once for all and to settle it, for added to all my
other worries it is too much for me to bear.
As to Signor Taddeo we are quite willing to do as you
say, but as yet we have not settled with the Lord of Forli, as
he demands more than we can well give. We were willing to
pay him 25,000 ducats and to give him the title of Captain-
General of our forces. Now he wants double in time of war,
besides making many other dishonest demands. We are willing
to grant anything he asks when he is employed in fighting out-
side of Romagna, but not otherwise, and are expecting his answer.
If he does not accept we shall break off negotiations, as we
should lose in money and in reputation. Once this is settled
we can treat with Signor Taddeo, to whom I will write in the
meanwhile and find out what he wants. He is now secretly in
Bologna.
We have replied in general terms to King Rene's mandate,
as he wrote to us. But privately we have given him to under-
stand that events may take a course favourable to his designs.
I am sure that if the League decides to undertake anything in
that quarter what we have done here concerning his mandate
will be of service to him. I think he intends to return by
Milan in order to see Messer Ceccho, at least so he wrote to me,
LORENZO DI PIERO DE' MEDICI
and I advised him to do so. From what we hear from the
camp the enemy makes no sign of life. If they do not receive
strong reinforcements, or hopes of some treaty, I think they
will do us little harm. But you had better hurry our contin-
gent there, for whom you have the money, and see that they
are ready and fit to march ; though we hope even without them
soon to be as strong as the enemy is at present. Let us know
if our contingent from Brescia has passed through, they ought
to arrive soon.
We had told Signer Giovanni Conte to come here ; but he
probably left this morning for the camp as Giovanni di Sapone
and Messer Alberto Visconti are both ill, so he was wanted.
His men are following to join the others. When necessary to
send all to him we can do it from here . . . l meanwhile those
who are ill may recover. But it is absolutely essential to arrange
about a Captain-General who is much needed, although until
now there is perfect order and unity in the camp.
You already know from others my desire about Genoese
affairs, and that I do not think other matters should be im-
perilled for them. I know it was unnecessary, but I cannot
have done wrong in saying what I thought. I am still of the
same opinion that other people should not be placed in a
dangerous position unless one is sure of success.
The Office has I believe written to you as to the affairs of
the camp and of Montepulciano, as well as about a Brief from
the Pope and the answer to it, so I say no more. I commend
myself to you. Florence, July 15, 1478.
LAURENTIUS DE MEDICIS.
SIXTUS IV. to the DUKE FEDERIGO of Urbino
Carlmme fill noster et affbiis salutem et Apostollcam bene-
dictionem, We have received your letter written manu propria
1 A piece torn out of the letter.
* Arch. Med. ante Prin., Filza xxxi. No. 31.
205
LETTERS OF THE EARLY MEDICI
and were rejoiced to hear your health was good, which is what
I desire above all things and for which I pray to God, for
nothing is more desirable to us. The letter written by the
Florentines, full of contempt of Christ and of His unworthy
Vicar does not alarm us, but causes us to think that God has
destroyed their intellect and their judgment as a punishment
for their sins. We trust that God, whose honour and glory
is at stake, will grant you victory in everything, especially
as our intentions are straightforward and just. For we make
^ war on no one save on that ungrateful, excommunicated, and
heretical Lorenzo de' Medici ; and we pray to God to punish
him for his iniquitous acts, and to you as God's minister
deputed to avenge the wrongs he has iniquitously and without
cause committed against God and His Church, with such in-
gratitude that the fountain of infinite love has been dried up.
To the Venetians we have replied in proper terms that if
they act unjustly God is above all, and will requite every one
according to his acts.
We have sent many Nuncios with our justification to the
King of France and to other princes, such as the Emperor, the
Kings of Hungary and Spain, and all the others.
Moreover our Bull which has been printed and published
to the whole world will justify us ; but allowing that every-
thing goes wrong we shall rejoice in dying as a martyr and
bear every persecution for love of the Church of God of which
we are the unworthy head. We are sure that when you reflect
on what merit you will acquire before God for defending His
Church you will act as a true Christian Prince, and that my
son the Duke of Calabria, together with yourself, will obtain
glory with God and men ; the Church will support you who
support a just cause, &c. I am told that some, from ignorance
or malignity, depict me as of hell ; this I do not refute, but
only despise their words, confiding in thy fidelity who wilt not
abandon God and me, who trust in thee, so I let who will talk.
These French ambassadors are, they say, coming to us,
206
X Al nome di Dio.
Domine et maggiore mio, ieri ebbi una tua per quella m'avisi del
governo mio intorno a fatti del bangno ero diliberato far tanto quanto
m' avisi per la letera tua et <|uanto per maestro Giovanni mi sara ri-
cordato et non mi para faticha ne disagio niuna chosa per la santa la
quale credo, gratia di dio, che n'ara a seguire per modo che credo che
tutti ne sarete ben chontenti.
Vego ti se' purgato et vaitene in villa che mi piace et chonfortoti a
stare sano et non ti dare manichonia che tornerd guarita. Al maestro
Giovanni faremo onore e buona chonpagnia perche 'llo merita.
La venuta tua se sara con achoncio et chontentamento di te 1'aro
molto charo, ma sendoti disagio et schoncio son chontetta la lasci istare,
piacemi la Bianca Maria si sia rifatta et chosi priego idio perseveri come
il chontentamento vostro e il mio e del marito, lacero pensare a te, a
Maria Nanna et a Filippo ho fatte le salutatione e rachomandasi a te
e a tutti voi e rachomandami a Chosimo e mona Ginevra e Giovanni
e saluta Pier Francesco e bacia la Bianca Maria per mia parte. Ne' altro
per ora. Xpo ci guardi in Petriuolo.
Se si puo con tuo chontentamento et achoncio per questo resto del
tempo lascianci Francescino 1' are molto charo perche ee utile ai bisogni
mia in questo luocho nondimeno ogmni tuo chontentamento ee mio.
per la tua LUCRETIA,
ti si rachomanda. 1
1 The letter is addressed in a different handwriting: Spettabili viro Piero di
Chosimo de' Medici, Magnifico onorando in Firenze. (Arch., &c., Filza 13, No. 20.)
/ '
a^T- Ir* ft #]'}*
am i~^ M i%~
'
LORENZO DI PIERO DE' MEDICI
let us hope that God may inspire us with suitable answers, all
which shall be notified to you. Salute my illustrious son
the Duke of Calabria cordially from me. For him, as for you,
we pray continually to God. I wish thee good health, most
beloved cousin. July 25, 1478.
They threaten schism and disobedience. God's will be
done : but it might be desirable that you write to the King
of England, and that King Ferdinand should write to his
colleagues and to the King of France, as he in his prudence
will know how to do in proper terms. 1
LORENZO DE' MEDICI to GIROLAMO MORELLI,
Florentine Ambassador at Milan
I hear from Naples that the King continues to molest me
and my affairs as much as he can by not allowing me to
encash and desiring me to pay. I fear that as soon as the
Pope hears of these attempts to provoke disobedience he will
make some move against my affairs at Rome. Although I
think the imminent peril has passed over as I have very con-
siderable credit there, yet I wish that with the utmost caution
and care, and so secretly that none but Messer Ceccho should
know, you would find out whether I can count upon 30,000
or 40,000 ducats for six or seven months in case of need.
I do not expect they will be wanted because, as I said, I think
all the ill that could be done to me there has been done, and
till now I have been able to provide for everything. Yet, for
my own tranquillity I should like to know this, and I have not
the least fear that it will be refused. See that you find out
at once and let me know, acting with all the caution and
secrecy necessary in such business. I have in Rome Antonio
and the Portinari, nevertheless I confide this to you alone, and
have written with my own hand in order that none should
1 Laurentii Medicis Vita, &c., op. cit. ii. 131.
207
LETTERS OF THE EARLY MEDICI
know. I wish, as I said, that you should arrange this with
Messer Ceccho without either he or you conferring with others.
I shall be able to face the many troubles I have with much
more courage if I know that I can count on this help. If I
do need it I will give every obligation and bond. In Florence
on the 25th July 1478. YOUR LORENZO DE' MEDici. 1
In 1478, after the Pazzi conspiracy, when the Pope was
stirring up war against the Medici he hated, Lorenzo sent his
wife and children to Pistoja, where they were the guests of the
Panciaticchi, for safety. With them went Angelo Poliziano
as tutor to Piero the eldest boy, then about six years of age.
The stiff, proud Roman, Madonna Clarice, had never known
how to gain her husband's love, and did not get on well with
his brilliant, sarcastic, rather Bohemian friends. She particu-
larly disliked Poliziano's growing influence over Piero, and
at the end of the year there was an open rupture, when she
dismissed him with scant courtesy. One pities them both.
Clarice, already far gone in consumption, was irritable and
anxious about her husband, whose attitude towards the Holy
See she, with her education, could not approve ; while Poli-
ziano, used to the brilliant talk in the Medici palace, where he
measured his wit with Luigi Pulci, Matteo Franco, Marsilio
Ficino, Pico della Mirandola, &c., and Lorenzo himself, was
bored to death and always longing to be back in Florence.
The letters from the little boy to his father show how simple
was the family life of the Magnificent Lorenzo, indeed he is
blamed by Machiavelli for joining in childish games with his
children and for being seen playing with them.
AGNOLO POLIZIANO at Pistoja to LORENZO DE' MEDICI
in Florence
Magnifice mi patrone, I hope and trust Your Magnificence
has not been disturbed by my letter written this morning
under the influence of anger ; the want of patience is my
1 Arch. Med. ante Prin., Filza cxxiv. No. 2.
208
LORENZO DI PIERO DE' MEDICI
great fault. I hope in bonam partem acceperis rebusque nostris
prospectum curaUs.
Madonna Clarice sends you three pheasants and a par-
tridge. She says you are to beware as though they came from
an enemy because she does not know the man who brought
them ; he is the father of your Pisan courier who broke his leg.
By the bearer I send you the opinion of Messer Barto-
lommeo Sozzino. Every hour I have been entreating him to
finish it and found a copyist who made all the haste he could,
but it was impossible to get it done quicker. 1
Piero is well and I take every care of him, all the others
are also in good health ; but I get all the kicks ; yet te propter
Libyeae? I am longing for news that the plague has ceased
on account of my anxiety for you and in order to return and
serve you ; for I hoped and I thought to be with you ; but
as you have, or rather my evil fortune has assigned to me this
post in the service of Your Magnificence, I endure it, quamvis
durum, nee levins fit patientia. I commend myself to Your
Magnificence. Pistoja, August 24, 1478. 3
AGNOLO POLIZIANO at Pistoja to LORENZO
DE' MEDICI
Magnifice mi Domine, &c., Madonna Clarice is well and
so are all the others. Here we knew nothing of the tumult
until the bearer of this gave me Franco's letter and calmed our
1 After the Pazzi conspiracy the Republic engaged in war with Sixtus
IV. and the King of Naples. The Pope excommunicated Florence, as he
declared out of hatred of the Medici, whose exile he demanded. The
Signoria answered by appointing twelve trusty men to be Lorenzo's body-
guard. " Then," writes Ammirato, " they obtained the opinion of Barto-
lonimeo Sozzino (probably what Poliziano refers to), Francesco Aretino,
Lancillotto Decio, Bulgarino, Andrea Panormita, Pier Filippo Cornio and
other masters of canon law and theology, who advised that notwithstanding
the Pope's censures, by whom they had been excommunicated, they, by
appealing to the future Council, might cause Divine service to be celebrated
in their city," which was done.
1 This is one of several letters alluding to Clarice's dislike of him.
3 Lfturentii Medicis Vita, &c., op. cit. ii. 183.
* Matteo Franco, chaplain and devoted adherent of Lorenzo.
209 o
LETTERS OF THE EARLY MEDICI
fears which were aroused by his former one ; Madonna Clarice
suspected that things were more serious and that you de in-
dustrm made light of them. So now she is comforted et
acquievit. We want for nothing ; only we grieve sorely over
your worries, which are of a truth great. God will help us.
Spes enim in vims est, desperatis mortui.
If you have not absolute need of Giovanni Tornabuoni
Madonna Clarice wishes you would send him here, she is lonely
without him, and for many reasons she thinks it would be well
if he came.
I look after Piero and incite him to write ; in a few days
I think he will write to you in a fashion that will astonish
you, we have here a master that teaches writing in fifteen days,
he is excellent at his trade. The children play about more
than usual and are in splendid health. God help them and
you. Piero never leaves me or I him. I wish I had to serve
you in some greater thing, but as this has fallen to my lot
I do it willingly. Rogo tamen, ut aliquid aut literarum aut
nuntii hue perlatum ivi cures, desque operam, ne quidquid est in
me auctorttatis, patriaris exolescere, quo et puerum facilius in
officio teneam, et meo munere, ut par est defungar. Sed hcec si
commodum ; fin minus, quod fors feret, feremus cequo animo.
Be of good cheer and take courage, for great men are formed
by adversity. Durate, et vosmet rebus servate secundis. I
commend myself to you. Pistoja, August 26, 1478. Your
servant, ANG. PoL. 1
AGNOLO POLIZIANO at Pistoja to LORENZO
DE' MEDICI
Magnifice mi Domine, All the family here are well. Piero
studies but little, every day we go out enjoying the country.
We visit the gardens of which the town is full, and sometimes
1 Prose Volyari ineditc, &c., op. tit. p. 59.
210
LORENZO DI PIERO DE' MEDICI
the library of Maestro Zambino, in which I have found several
good things, both in Greek and in Latin. Giovanni is on his
pony all the day, and all the people run after him. Mona
Clarice is very well ; but takes little pleasure in aught save
any good news we get from Florence. She rarely goes out.
We want for nothing. Presents we refuse, save salad, figs, and
a few flasks of wine, some beccqfichi or things of that sort.
These citizens would bring us water in their ears. From
Andrea Panciaticchi we have received so much kindness that
we are all indebted to him. We keep good watch and have
begun to put a guard at the gates. Be of good cheer and
conquer ; and when you have time come and see your family
who expect you with open arms. I commend myself to Your
Magnificence. Pistoja, August 31, 1478. *
AGNOLO POLIZIANO at Pistoja to LORENZO DE' MEDICI
at Florence
Magnifice Domine mi, Madonna Clarice has not felt very
well since yesterday evening. . . . Piero went out to meet the
Lord 2 this morning, and was the first to greet him. He spoke
a few words of the sentence you wrote for him very well, and
the Lord set him on his horse before him and thus entered
Pistoja. Mona Clarice sent him a fine bunch of partridges,
and this evening we all go to visit him at twenty-two of the
clock, it being now nineteen. Giovanni Tornabuoni was with
Piero and finished his little speech. Judging from what his
people say, the Illustrious Lord is most anxious to do himself
honour and to satisfy the Most Excellent Signoria and especially
Your Magnificence.
Clarice sends you I know not how many partridges of those
given to her to present to this Lord. I shall see how things
1 Prose Volgari ineditt, &c., op. cit. p. 61.
2 Ercole d'Este, Duke of Ferrara, who had been named Captain of the
Florentine troops.
LETTERS OF THE EARLY MEDICI
go and as in duty bound shall inform Your Magnificence, whom
God preserve. I commend myself to you. Pistoja, September
7, 1478. AGNOLO PoL. 1
AGNOLO POLIZIANO at Pistoja to LORENZO DE' MEDICI
My letters cannot but be acceptable to you, for I only
write to give you news of your family. All, by the grace of
God, are well ; Piero continues to learn to write and will soon
be so good a penman that I hope he will relieve me of the
trouble of writing sine argumento as I do now to you, so that I
am ashamed of myself. But may it please God that I shall
always have to write the same words to you, which are that we
are all well. Madonna Clarice is much happier and better in
health. We keep good guard and watch here, but we are
anxious about you, God keep you, for it seems to me that all
depends upon that. Have no fear about us, for we are very
careful. As far as I am concerned neither care nor goodwill
shall be wanting. I know how much I owe to Your Magni-
ficence, and the love I bear to Piero and to your other children
is hardly second to your own. If anything unpleasant and
unkind does sometimes happen I shall endeavour to bear it for
love of you, cum omnia debeo. I commend myself to you.
Pistoja, September 20, 1478. AGNOLO PoLiziANo. 2
PIERO DE' MEDICI (fcom 1472) to his father
MEDICI
Magniflce Pater mi, &c., I write this letter to tell you
we are well, and although I do not as yet know how to write
well, I will do what I can. I shall try hard to do better in
the future. I have already learnt many verses of Virgil, and I
1 Laurentii Medicis Vita, op. cit. ii. 184.
2 Prose Volgari ineditc, op. cit. p. 64.
Alinari
PIERO DI LORENZO DE ? MEDICI.
Detail from the fresco by Dnmenico
<rhh-l(indaio in the Church of S. Trinita,
Ptormae.
LORENZO DI PIERO DE' MEDICI
know nearly the whole of the first book of Theodoro by heart ; l
I think I understand it. The master makes me decline and
examines me every day. Giovanni comes to mass sometimes
with the master. Madonna Clarice and the others are well. I
commend myself to you. Pistoja, September 21, 1478.
V. M. FILIUS PETRU DE MEDicis. 2
In October or November of 1478 Clarice and the children
left Pistoja and went to the great fortress-villa Cafaggiuolo in
the Mugello, which in winter must have been terribly cold and
dreary.
CLARICE DE' MEDICI to LUCREZIA
Magnifice Mater honoranda, On account of the bad
roads and the much rain we have not sent in the carrier for
three days. Now either he or another will go to you with
this : because I wish to know how you and Lorenzo are, and
the others. I beg of you to write and tell me. We, by God's
grace, are all quite well but in the water above our heads.
We remain all day in the house, and nothing gladdens us so
much as letters and news from you all. I commend myself to
you. Cafaggiuolo, December 16, 1478. 3
AGNOLO POLIZIANO to LUCREZIA DE' MEDICI
Magnified Domina mea, The news we can send you
from here are these. That the rain is so heavy and so con-
tinuous that we cannot leave the house and have exchanged
hunting for playing at ball, so that the children should have
exercise. Our stakes are generally the soup, the sweet, or the
1 The grammar of Theodoro Gaza, a Greek, was the favourite one in those
days.
2 Lcttcrine d'un Bambino Fiorentino, Nozze Bemporad-Vita. Firenze, 1887.
Ediz. di 150 esemplari.
a Vita Nuova, op. cit. No. x. p. 2, Gugliemo Volpi.
213
LETTERS OF THE EARLY MEDICI
meat ; and he who loses goes without ; often when one of my
scholars loses he pays tribute to Sir Humid. 1 I have no other
news to give you. I remain in the house by the fireside in
slippers and a greatcoat, were you to see me you would think I
was melancholy personified. Perhaps I am but myself after all,
for I neither do, nor see, nor hear anything that gives me
pleasure so much have I taken our calamities to heart. Sleep-
ing and waking they haunt me. Two days ago we began to
spread our wings for we heard the plague had ceased ; now we
are again depressed on learning that it still lingers. When at
Florence we have some sort of satisfaction, if nought else that
of seeing Lorenzo come home in safety. Here we are in per-
petual anxiety about everything. As for myself I declare to
you that I am drowned in weary sloth, such is my solitude. I
say solitude because Monsignore 2 shuts himself up in his room
with only his thoughts for company, and I always find him so
full of sorrow and apprehension that my melancholy is only
increased in his company. Ser Alberto di Malerba mumbles
prayers with these children all day long, so I remain alone, and
when I am tired of study I ring the changes on plague and
war, on grief for the past and fear for the future, and have
no one with whom to air my phantasies. I do not find my
Madonna Lucrezia in her room with whom I can unbosom
myself and I am bored to death. Our sole relief is in letters
from Florence, from Malerba, who has written these last few
days, but I must tell you he generally sends good news which
we believe for a little while, such is our desire that they may
be true. But these plums usually turn into sloes. However I
am trying to arm myself with hope and cling to everything
in order not to sink to the bottom. I have nought else to
say. I commend myself to Your Magnificence. Cafaggiuolo,
December 18, 1478. Servitor ANGELUS. S
1 A saying still used when a child cries.
2 Probably Gentile Becchi, Bishop of Arezzo.
3 Prose Volgari incdite, op cit. p. 67.
214
LORENZO DI PIERO DE' MEDICI
LORENZO DE' MEDICI to the KING OF SPAIN
MOST SERENE AND EXCELLENT LORD MY KING : after
humble recommendation, &c., I have been informed during
the last few days that your Majesty wrote me a letter full of
affection and benevolence at that terrible time when my beloved
brother Giuliano was so cruelly torn from me in the centre of
the church, and when I was wounded. This letter, I know not
why, never reached me ; would to God it had, for the emotion
evinced by so great a King would have been a great comfort to
me when I was oppressed by such a terrible sorrow. Had I
only known that the letter had been sent by your Majesty and
delayed in the journey, it would have been no small comfort,
and I should have at once thanked your Majesty for such a
proof of kindly feeling towards me. Even now I send most
heartfelt thanks and express my deep obligation. I desire
nothing more than that an opportunity may arise for me to
show my devotion to your Majesty. It is far beyond my power
to repay not alone the letter, but even the slightest sign from
so great a King, all I can do is to place myself entirely at your
Majesty 's orders. I commend myself ever to your Majesty O
my Lord and King, and beg to be taken under the shadow of
your wings. Your Majesty is I know fully acquainted with
our affairs. We are preparing for war and working hard to
be able to resist the forces of the enemy. Resist we shall, as I
hope, because we shall not fail to ourselves, and I trust God
will aid the good cause. Again I commend myself to your
Majesty, whom may God preserve in happiness. Florence,
April 3, 1479. Your Serene Majesty's most devoted servant,
LORENZO DE' MEDici. 1
1 Laurentii Medicis Vita, op. cit. ii. 132.
215
LETTERS OF THE EARLY MEDICI
POLIZIANO, from Cafaggiuolo, to LORENZO
DE' MEDICI at Florence
AGNOLO POLIZIANO to his patron LORENZO DE" MEDICI greeting.
Our little friend Piero writes you about what is happening
here at Cafaggiuolo ; it is my part to explain that his last letter
was not, like the previous ones, submitted to me for suggestions
while he composed it and then a fair copy made. It was com-
pleted in one sitting, as the saying is, and by himself alone. I
only suggested in course of conversation what he should write
about. The words and the composition are all his own.
I am training him in such a way that I have no fear but
that he will fulfil the expectations I have formed of him,
although you fear his excessive impetuosity.
As for Giovanni, you will have seen for yourself. His
mother has taken it upon herself to change his course of read-
ing to the Psalter, a thing I did not approve of. While she
was absent he had made wonderful progress. He was already
able to select, without any help from me, all the letters and
syllables in his exercise in composition.
My only petition to God is that I may be able to prove to
you some day my loyalty, diligence, and patience. This I
would willingly purchase even at the expense of death.
I omit much lest I should weary your busy mind.
Farewell and remember me with all the rest. From
Cafaggiuolo, April 6, 1479. 1
PIERO DE' MEDICI to his father LORENZO
Magnifice pater mi honorande, &c., Till this day I have not
written to you because nothing of importance has happened.
A few days ago three well-armed boats arrived in the port
of Cafaggiuolo from the village of Mozzete to offer us their
1 Laurentii Medicis Vita, op. cit. ii. 186.
216
LORENZO DI PIERO DE' MEDICI
services, and we made them welcome. We do not know what
to do ; I wish you would send us the best sporting dog that can
be had. Nothing more. We all commend ourselves to you, I
above all. I beg you will guard yourself from the plague and
that you will remember us because we are little and have need
of you. We are all well, thanks be to God, and so is Giuliano.
I attend to my studies and the master commends himself to
you. Cafaggiuolo, April 16, 1479. x
AGNOLO POLIZIANO to LORENZO DE* MEDICI
Magniftce mi Domine, I am here at Careggi, having left
Cafaggiuolo by command of Madonna Clarice. The cause and
the manner of my departure I should wish, indeed I beg of you
as a grace, to explain by word of mouth, it is too long to write.
When you have heard me I think you will admit that all the
fault is not mine. Out of respect, and not wishing to come to
Florence procter jtcssa tua, I am here to await the commands of
your Magnificence as to what I am to do, because I am yours
even if the whole world was against me. If I have had but
small success in serving you it was not that I did not serve
with all my heart. I ^commend myself to Your Magnificence,
at whose commands I am most entirely. Careggi, May 6, 1479.
Ever Your Magnificence's servant, ANGELUS PoL. 1
PIERO DE' MEDICI at Cafaggiuolo to his father LORENZO
(in Latin)
MAGNIFICENT FATHER, Lucrezia and I are trying who can
write best. She writes to grandmother Lucrezia, I, my father,
to you. The one who obtains what he asks for will win. Till
now Lucrezia has had all she wished for. I, who have always
written in Latin in order to give a more literary tone to my
1 Lettcrinc d'un Bambino Florentine, op. cit.
'- Prose Volgari tncdite. &c., op. cit. p. 70.
217
LETTERS OF THE EARLY MEDICI
letters, have not yet had that pony you promised me ; so that
I am laughed at by all. See to it therefore, Your Magnificence,
that she should not always be the winner. J The war as far
UsT understand goes in our favour this year, but we do not
quite understand how the sword that wounded us is to be
broken if only the sheath is hit. For if the enemy makes war
on us even outside his own country, on what does he rely for
again attacking us another year when tired out. We only
hope for peace through victory. Scipio is to be driven to
Carthage in order to get Hannibal out of Italy. We beseech
you, we your children, to have the more care for yourself the
more you see that the enemy rather lays hidden snares than
dares open warfare.
I commend Martino to you, who aids me not to forget my
Greek and to improve my Latin. 1 He would have been named
chaplain of S. Lorenzo by his patrons, Antonio and Lorenzo
Tornabuoni, had not Your Magnificence recommended another.
It is but just that they should bestow their patronage on their
own people, and not be prevented in so doing by you, who in
general give to others what is yours. I hope therefore to have
letters recommending my Martino to those to whom he has
already recommended himself. God save you. 26th May
1479. YOUR SON PiERo. 2
CLARICE DE' MEDICI to her husband LORENZO
Magnifice Conjux^ &c., I hear the plague is committing
more ravages in Florence than usual. Your wife and children
pray with all their might that you will take care of yourself,
and if you can, with due precaution, come here and see the
festival we should be greatly consoled. I should be glad not
1 Martino della Comedia, tutor to the Tornabuoni children, took Poliziano's
place for a while after he had been dismissed by Madonna Clarice.
2 Letterine d"un Bambino Florentine, op. cit. The letter is undated, but on
it is written, " From Piero de' Medici, 26th May 1479."
218
LORENZO DI PIERO DE' MEDICI
to be turned into ridicule by Franco, as was Luigi Pulci, and
also that Messer Agnolo [Poliziano] should not be able to say -?
that he will live in your house whether I like it or no, and
that you have put him into your own room at Fiesole. You
know I told you that if you wished him to remain I was per-
fectly content, and although I have endured a thousand insults
if it has been by your permission I will be patient, but this I
can hardly believe. I quite understand that Ser Niccolo has
entreated me to make peace with him. The children are all -
well and long to see you, I long even more, for I have no other
torment than that you should be at Florence during such times.
I commend myself always to you. Cafaggiuolo, May 28, 1479. 1
LORENZO DE' MEDICI to his mother LUCREZIA
in Florence
MOST BELOVED MOTHER, You will have heard from Ser
Niccolo that there has been a case of plague at Cafaggiuolo, I
have nothing more to add. For precaution sake we left there
at once and came to Trebbio. I enclose a list of things Messer
Stefano has prescribed in order to be prepared should anything
happen. Please God it may all end in nothing. Do not be at
all anxious. No more. Trebbio, May 31, 1479.
YOUR LORENZO.
Send the things here quickly. 2
PIERO DE' MEDICI at Cafaggiuolo to his father
LORENZO
MAGNIFICENT FATHER MINE, That pony does not come,
and I am afraid that it will remain so long with you that
Andrea will cause it to change from a beast to a man, instead
of curing its hoof.
1 Laurentius Medicis Vita, &c., op. cit. ii. 288. *
2 Arch. Med. ante Prin., Filza xxxvii. No. 389.
219
LETTERS OF THE EARLY MEDICI
We are all well and studying. Giovanni is beginning to
spell. By this letter you can judge where I am in writing ;
as for Greek I keep myself rather in exercise by the help of
Martino than make any progress. Giuliano laughs and thinks
of nothing else ; Lucrezia sews, sings, and reads ; Maddalena
knocks her head against the wall, but without doing herself any
harm ; Luisa begins to say a few little words ; Contessina fills
the house with her noise. All the others attend to their duties,
and nothing is wanting to us save your presence. We hear
that things are better than last year, and hope that you being
well there will be nought but victory in the future. Strong
and brave men are not good at subterfuges but shine in
open warfare. Thus we confide in you, as we well know that
besides your goodness and valour you bear in mind the heri-
tage left to us by our ancestors, and the injury and outrages
we have endured. God save you. 1479.
YOUR SON PlERO. 1
PIERO DE' MEDICI at Cafaggiuolo to his father
LORENZO
MAGNIFICENT FATHER MINE, I fear that some misfortune
as happened to that pony, for had it been well I know you
would have sent it to me as you promised. I beg of you there-
fore as a grace that you will take this fear from me ; for I
think of it night and day, and until the pony comes I shall
have no peace. In case that one cannot come be pleased to
send me another. For, as I have already written to you, I am
here on foot, and sometimes it is necessary for me to go
in the company of my friends. See to this therefore, Your
Magnificence.
I am studying hard, and all here attend to their duties.
It only needs that you should diligently guard yourself from
1 Lcttenne d'un Bambino Florentine, op. cit.
LORENZO DI PIERO DE' MEDICI
the plague and from every other danger of death, and that
you should come here sometimes to see us. God save you.
1479. YOUR SON PiERO. 1
PIERO DE' MEDICI at Gagliano to his father
LORENZO
Magnifico Patri meo, I cannot tell you, Magnificent Father,
how glad I am to have the pony, and how his arrival incites
me to work. If I desire to praise him, Ante diem clause com-
ponet vesper Olympo. He is so handsome and so perfect that
the trumpet of Maronius would hardly suffice to sing his praises.
You may think how I love him ; particularly when his joyous
neighs resound and rejoice all the neighbourhood. I owe you
and I send you many thanks for such a fine gift, and I shall
try and repay you by becoming what you wish. Of this be
sure. I promise you that I shall try with all my heart. We
are all well, and we all long for your arrival. God save you.
1479. 2 YOUR SON PIERO at Gagliano. 3
ANTONIO Pucci to LORENZO DE' MEDICI at
Cafaggiuolo
Magnifice Prater honorande, That priest from Imola has
been interrogated. He says Count Girolamo [Riario] sent him
here to offer, on the pretext that he had been badly treated, to
poison the Count ; thinking that we, desiring the Count's
death, would entrust him with poison. We were then to be
accused to the Pope, and in the Consistory, and the Count was
to show the poison, saying, "See, Lorenzo de 1 Medici has
attempted to poison me." He also offered to consign into our
hands one of the gates of Imola in order to accuse us before
the Pope and the Cardinals so that they might imagine that
1 Letterine d'un Bambino Fiorentino, op. cit. 2 Ibid.
3 In the Val di Sieve, not far from Cafaggiuolo.
LETTERS OF THE EARLY MEDICI
we were going to make war on the Pope. He has been
tortured and shall be put to the question again in order
to get every thing out of him. God guard thee. Florence,
June 18, 1479.
Till to-day there have been eighteen deaths and fourteen
new cases [of plague]. Benedetto Nori is one. 1
LUCREZIA DE' MEDICI (daughter of Lorenzo) to her
grandmother LUCREZIA
MAGNIFICENT AND LOVED AS A MOTHER, I send you news
that we are all well ; and I hope you are so too, may God
keep us so. I long to see you and pray you to come, for it
seems to me a thousand years since I last saw you. Mona
Lucrezia mine, I wish you would send me a sash of the palio of
Sancto Giovanni, or better still that one from Volterra which
was given to you when you stood godmother to me. Piero
and Maddalena commend themselves to you and Giovanni begs
you to send him some sugar-plums, he says that last time you
sent very few. I pray you to answer, for reading your letters
is a great comfort to me. No more. Christ guard you from
all ill. Written on July 7, 1479.
YOUR LUCREZIA in Cafaggiuolo. 2
NANNINA RUCELLAI to her mother LUCREZIA
MEDICI
To the honoured hands of the Magnificent LADY LUCREZIA
DE' MEDICIS at Careggi.
DEAREST MOTHER, I must tell you that Bernardo has
dismissed the tutor to my great sorrow, as I do not know
where to send him. At Figline, from whence he comes, the
plague is very bad ; in his house two of his brothers are dead
1 Laurentii Medici s Vita, op. cit. ii. 199.
2 Affetti di Famiylia, &c., op. cit.
LORENZO DI PIERO DE' MEDICI
and his father is ill. Vincenzo has not a farthing, if he had
anything he spent it here in clothes, and now we repay him
with " Go in peace." Nothing could be more displeasing to me.
Whoso wants to do as they wish should not be born a woman.
I should be so glad if you will ask Lorenzo, if not inconvenient,
to give him shelter where he would not be in the way for two
or three months until the plague has ceased. I do not think
he is capable of teaching any save the little ones, whom he
might look after and teach. You could not do me a greater
pleasure, as it will show that I have some one who is willing to
oblige me ; there are others who do the reverse. If during this
time he should be in need of a little money for his clothes I
will provide it from my own pocket, for he seems to me in a bad
plight. Here I could give him nothing as I had no money. I
should be glad if any small sum comes into your hands or any
small living you would help him, for I do not like to repay him
with ingratitude. We are all well. I commend myself to you,
commend me to Lorenzo and kiss Giulio for me. Christ
guard you and see that you guard yourself. In Casentino,
July 12, 1479. YOUE NANNINA'.
BIANCA DE' PAZZI to her mother LUCREZIA DE' MEDICI
at Careggi
DEAREST AND MOST HONOURED MOTHER, I have had a letter
from you which has greatly consoled me as I see you are
all in good health, particularly you and Lorenzo, I pray God
to keep you so for many years. I have not written before as I
feared to importune you and also because I have sent often to
your house to Marco for malvasy and for the book of St.
Margaret, all of which I have received ; and from him I heard
news of you. I should have sent to you [at Careggi] but
thought that on account of the plague you would keep close
1 Arch. Meet, ante Prin., Filza xxx. No. 70.
223
LETTERS OF THE EARLY MEDICI
guard. We have had it near here, but by the grace of God it
is now finished. So I did not send as I ought to have done.
As I told you in Florence I mean to lie in here for I know you
have enough on your hands, and I want for nothing. If I am
worse than usual which I do not expect as by the grace
of God I am very well, I am in the ninth month now and
as I said well, should anything unforeseen happen there is
Maestro Giorgio close by who fled here from the plague. So
be in no anxiety about me for I feel sure God will assist me as
ever, if it so pleases Him. Of the family in the Mugello I hear
good news, which rejoices me, and also of Nannina, 1 who they
tell me passed along the road going to the Casentino. I am so
glad you are all of you well, which is not little to say in such
times as these, for I was and I am anxious about you as you
said you had to see so many people. I wonder you were not
somewhat afraid, but our Lord God will not abandon us
entirely. Do persuade Lorenzo to take more care, for I hear
he has no fear at all 2 . . . on all sides, and also to beware of
his enemies. Until this sickness is past he ought to put his
pleasures on one side ; if he lives he will . have more than now,
for I trust God will recompense him for the ill he has received.
I commend myself to him, as do these children, and Guglielmo
commends himself to you and to Lorenzo. By the grace of
God we are all well. Alia Torre, July 15, 1479.
YOUR BlAKCA. 3
AGNOLO POLIZIANO to LUCREZIA DE' MEDICI
at Careggi
MAGNIFICENT MADONNA MINE, By Tommaso I send back
your lauds, sonnets, and poems in terza rima, which you lent
me when I was with you the other day. All these women were
1 Married to Bernardo Rucellai
2 The paper is torn.
3 Carteggio Medicis, Filza di document! fuori posto, No. 73,
LORENZO DI PIERO DE' MEDICI
delighted with them and Madonna Lucrezia, or rather Lucrezia,
has learnt all the lauds and many sonnets of the Lucrezia by
heart. 1 There is also a little white book in manuscript which
I beg you to give to your and my good Giovanni Tornabuoni,
it contains certain rules his children asked me to give them. I
am also writing to Giovanni, to the children, and to their
master. I pray you to give him the letters and to commend
me to him, for I set great store and count much on the affec-
tion he shows me. I have been to see Lorenzo several times
and cannot describe how well he received me. Do try and
discover what are his intentions with regard to me ; it would
surprise me if Piero were allowed to lose time, it would be
a great pity. I hear that Messer Bernardo, brother of Ser
Niccolo, is with him, but I do not know how his teaching will
combine with mine. 2 If he is to remain permanently, then of a
truth I can assume that the bubble has burst. But I cannot
believe it, and therefore beg you to find out what are
Lorenzo's intentions, then I shall know whether I am to arm
for a joust only or for war. It will be easy for you and I shall
always be at the beck and call of Lorenzo as I am sure he
knows better than I, and that he will put me in an honourable
position as he always has done and as my fidelity and good
services merit. I am working hard. Till now I have not been
able to send you the promised book as one copy is at Florence
and the other at the binder's who has kept it a long time. As
soon as I have it I will send it. I commend myself to you and
I pray you to commend me to Lorenzo. Fiesole, July 18, 1479.
Your Magnificence's servant, ANGKLUS POLIZIAXUS. S
1 Lucrezia, to whom Poliziano grudges the title of madonna, was Lorenzo's
daughter, afterwards the wife of Jacopo Salviati. She was much attached to
her grandmother Lucrezia.
2 Bernardo Michelozzi, son of the great architect and sculptor, brother of
Lorenzo's chancellor. He was known as Bernardo Rhetor on account of his
learning and eloquence. Giovanni de' Medici, afterwards Leo X., to whom he
was tutor, made him Cameriere segreto, and in 1516 Bishop of Forli, and
allowed him to assume the name and the arms of the house of Medici.
3 Prote Volgari incditf, &c., op. cit. 72.
225 p
LETTERS OF THE EARLY MEDICI
The following extracts from Vespucci's letters to the
"Ten" allude to the one victory gained by the Florentine
troops over the Prefect of Rome, nephew of Pope Sixtus IV.,
near Lake Trasimene during the war between Florence and the
Pope with his ally the King of Naples, in 1479. But the
fortune of war soon changed. The Florentines were beaten at
Poggibonsi, within sixteen miles of Florence, by the Duke of
Calabria. Fortunately for her, Duke Alfonso stopped to lay
siege to the small walled town of Colle which held out for two
months and inflicted considerable loss on his army. Mean-
while the summer, generally considered in the fifteenth century
to be the only proper time for fighting, was over ; the Duke
offered a three months' truce, withdrew his troops to winter
quarters, and Florence was saved.
GUIDANTONIO VESPUCCI, Legatus in Epistolis at Paris,
to the TEN OF THE BALIA in Florence
When the King of France heard the news he gave signs of
great joy, kneeling as is his wont three times and kissing the
ground, thanking God. All that day he talked of nought else
with his people, saying : " My friends the Florentines and my
cousin Lorenzo de 1 Medici will have their revenge this year. . . ."
You heard how the King's Majesty had received news of the
glorious victory of our troops near Perugia and how delighted
he was, so that according to what I hear from court he showed
extreme pleasure both by actions and in words, to the great
content of the Magnificent Monsignor of Argenton * who, as
though he had been a born Florentine, continually tamquam
tuba exprobando the acts of the Pontiff and of King Ferrante,
goes about Paris proclaiming our victory ; particularly to those
ecclesiastics whom I have met sometimes at supper with his
Lordship.
Vespucci adds that Louis XL refused to receive a certain
Raffaello Ballerini sent by the Pope to explain his actions, and
1 Philippe de Comines.
226
LORENZO DI PIERO DE' MEDICI
that when King Ferrante asked that his galleys might use the
ports of Nice and Provence for the purpose of attacking the
Florentines, the Duke of Savoy by command of the King of
France refused his consent. 1479. 1
LORENZO DE' MEDICI to GIROLAMO MORELLI,
Florentine Ambassador at Milan
Yours of the 8th and 9th tell me that everything goes
well there. It is useless for me to say much as we must wait
to see how affairs shape themselves and try to turn them in our
favour. I cannot believe that the Lord Lodovico being all-
powerful and an absolute ruler will consent to our undoing,
because it would be against his interest. He is by nature
kindly and has never received any injury from us either public
or private. It is true that he obtained power by the King's
favour, but I think he is even more beholden to the help given
him by others and to his own qualities. From the little I
know of His Lordship he seems to me capable of understanding
what is right and willing to execute what he understands.
Therefore as soon as you can it would be well to see His Lord-
ship and demonstrate to him that on account of ancient friend-
ship we expect nothing but good from him, there being no
reason for antagonism, and according to my view it will be his
interest. Impress upon him that this city desires to go hand
in hand with the State of Milan, that is with His Lordship,
and for this reason beg and encourage him to inform you in some
measure of his intentions so that we may act in conformity
with his wishes. Explain our difficulties to him, and how they
react upon that State, and the remedy which is in his own
hands. This is what I have to say at present. As soon as I
received your first intimation I despatched Niccolo d'Antonio
Martelli, who is very intimate with His Lordship, it was
1 Laurentii Medici* Vita, op. cit. ii. 196.
227
LETTERS OF THE EARLY MEDICI
through him that formerly I transacted all important affairs
with His Lordship. I send him to you to whom he will show all
his despatches. He will soon be with you, as to-day he must
be at Bologna. It appears to me that we must now throw
ourselves entirely into the arms of His Lordship and discover
as soon as possible what are his ideas and his intentions
towards us, and this quickly, for I have had no letter from him.
I have thought it better to write to him and enclose the letter,
but I rely more on your interview with him, when you can tell
him as much as you think fit of what I have written. I com-
mend myself to you. Florence, September 11, 1479.
I must remind you of what I wrote yesterday about the
Marquis of Mantua. If he is deposed that country will im-
mediately be included among our enemies, it would be our
ruin. LAURENTIUS DE MEDicis. 1
In November Niccolo Martelli, the trusted friend of Lorenzo,
was still in Milan, and on the 12th Lodovico Sforza (il Moro)
told him to inform Lorenzo that the King of Naples would be
willing to listen to overtures of peace, and that he strongly
advised him to strike while the iron was hot. Ten days later
he told the same thing to Pier Filippo Pandolfini, the Floren-
tine ambassador, adding that Lorenzo ought not to trust Venice
who thought only of her own interests, and would leave Florence
in the lurch. He could himself promise little or nothing as
Milan was sore pressed, and he wished Lorenzo to know this,
in order to avoid future recrimination. He advised immediate
action, and was ready to undertake negotiations with Naples.
It is clear that Lodovico had been charged by King Ferrante
to sound Lorenzo. On November 24th Filippo Strozzi, who
had lived long in Naples and knew the King well, left Florence
on a secret mission. " I was to tell the King," he writes in his
journal, " that Lorenzo placed himself in the King^s hands, and
would willingly do all the King desired if he only gave peace
to Florence, and restored to her the towns she had lost. I
found H.M. at Arnone [at the mouth of the Volturno] hunting,
and when I delivered my message he answered that he had later
1 Arch. Med. ante Prin., Filza vii. No. 369.
228
LORENZO DI PIERO DE' MEDICI
news ; that Lorenzo was coming in person, and so we would
wait and see what his visit would bring forth." l
The following letter from Lorenzo to the Signoria was
written after he had started for Naples. Many in Florence
feared that he might meet the same fate as Piccinino, who had
been invited to Naples and foully murdered by the King's
orders.
To the SIGNORIA of Florence, from LORENZO
DE' MEDICI
MOST ILLUSTRIOUS MY LORDS, It is not from presumption
that I did not notify the reason of my departure to Your
Illustrious Excellencies, but because it seemed to me that the
agitated and disturbed condition of our city demands acts and
not words. I conceive that she desires, and indeed has extreme
need of peace. Seeing that all other endeavours have been
fruitless, I have determined to run some peril in my own person
rather than expose the city to disaster. Therefore, with the
permission of Your Excellencies of the Signoria, I have decided
to go openly to Naples. Being the one most hated and per-
secuted by our enemies I may by placing myself in their hands
be the means of restoring peace to our city. One of two things
is certain, either His Majesty the King loves our city as he has
asserted and some have believed, and is attempting to gain our
friendship by affronting us rather than by despoiling us of liberty ;
or His Majesty really desires the ruin of this Republic. If his
intentions are good there is no better way of testing them than
by placing myself voluntarily in his power, and I make bold to
say that this is the only way to make peace and to render the
condition of our city stable. If His Majesty the King intends
to attack our liberty it seems to me well to know the worst
quickly, and that one should be injured rather than the many.
I am most glad to be that one, for two reasons : first, because
1 Vita di Filippo Strozzi il Vecchio scritta da Lorenzo suo figlio, Giuseppe Bird
e Pietro Bigazzi, p. 55. Florence, 1851.
229
LETTERS OF THE EARLY MEDICI
being the principal object of our enemies'* hatred I can more
easily and better explain all to the King, as it may be that
our enemies only seek to injure me. The other reason is that
having a greater position and larger stake in our city, not only
than I deserve but probably than any citizen in our days, I
am more bound than any other man to give up all to my
country, even my life. These are the feelings with which I
go, for perchance our Lord God desires that this war, which
began with the blood of my brother and my own, should be
put an end to by me. My ardent wish is that either my life
or my death, my misfortunes or my well-being, should con-
tribute to the good of our city. I shall therefore carry out my
idea. If it succeeds according to my wishes and hopes I shall
be most glad to benefit my country at the risk of my life and
at the same time to save myself. Should evil befall me I shall
not complain if it benefits our city, as it certainly must ; for if
our adversaries only aim at me, they will have me in their hands :
if they want aught else it will be patent to all. I am certain
that our citizens will unite to protect their liberty, so that
by the grace of God it will be defended as was always done by
our fathers. I go full of hope, and with no other object than
the good of the city, and I pray God to give me grace to per-
form what is the duty of every man towards his country. I
commend myself humbly to Your Excellencies of the Signoria.
From San Miniato on the 7th day of December 1479. Your
Excellencies'* Servant, LAURENTIUS DE MEDicis. 1
LORENZO DE' MEDICI to ANTONIO MONTECATINO, Ambas-
sador to Florence of the Duke of Ferrara
Magnijke tanquam Pater, From S. Miniato I wrote to
tell you the reason of my departure, but as a note from you
does not mention my letter, perhaps you will have had it later.
1 Muratori, ix. 533.
230
LORENZO DI PIERO DE' MEDICI
Anyhow I reply briefly to assure you that your affairs and those
of your and my Illustrious Lord are most dear to me, and that
at present and in the future they are and ever will be more so.
I know my obligations towards His Excellency, and know what
is my duty, which I shall perform. Wherever Lorenzo de 1
Medici intervenes Your Lordship may be sure that there is one
of your most faithful servants. His Excellency will know this
from the effects if I succeed in doing what I wish. Meanwhile
this is to inform Your Magnificence that I hope to leave here
to-night and to join the galleys, which arrived this evening, at
dawn. On board is Ser Giantommaso CarafFa, son of the Count
di Matalone, and Prinzivalle di Gennaro, whose position at
the court of the Duke of Calabria I think you are aware of.
They have come to bear me company, though a far greater man
than I am would be much honoured by their companionship.
I pray God may lead me there and bring me back in safety,
having accomplished something. I beg you to let Your Illus-
trious Lords and Madonna know what I have written, and I com-
mend myself to their Excellencies and to you. Pisa, the 10th
day of December 1479. FILIUS LAURENTIUS DE MEDicis. 1
BARTOLOMMEO SCALA, Secretary of the Florentine
Republic, to LORENZO DE' MEDICI at Naples
Magnifice Pater mi, I send herewith a duplicate of the
mandate in case the first has not reached you, your primary
instructions and the letter of credit. I think however that you
will have received them as Poccia had a safe-conduct from the
Duke.
As you are to use them I hope they are according to your
wishes. If anything is wanting I beg you to send me the
formula you desire and it shall be sent.
i Lettere e Notizie di Lorenzo de' Medici. From the Archivio Palatine of
Modena, published in a pamphlet by Antonio Cappelli. (This letter has been
published before but not correctly.)
231
LETTERS OF THE EARLY MEDICI
I also send you a cipher if you want to write anything
secret.
How things go at Sarzana owing to the return of Ser Ales-
sandro you will see by the letter of the 10th. The Duke of
Calabria continues the same line of conduct with letters and
mandates drawn up like an agreement for peace. It does not
seem to me to promise well. Deal with it as you think best.
We have more adversaries in this matter than is pleasant, and
maybe he who ought to favour us does not do so, but craftily
acts against us in the interests of others. I cannot now write
more openly, another time I will explain at greater length in
cipher.
Your letter of the 18th rejoiced us all, and peace seemed
imminent. That of the 22nd altered the outlook and gave
rise to grave thought in those who heard it. The reply was
debated on for several days. You will see what was decided.
Only to you would such large powers be given in so important a
matter. It is the first time a white sheet [unlimited authority]
has been given, for it amounts to that. But as it is to you that
such a commission is sent no one doubts that good will come of
it. I, as your devoted friend, point out that whatever was
not carried through here at once has been completed by the
authority given to you in the last paragraph of your letter.
Peace would be most welcome here, but if the conditions are
not honourable you know our nature ; we praise or we blame
according to which way the wind blows or our feelings move us.
We do not trouble to reason. The Milanese appear favourable
but there [at Naples] you will know better about this. Venice
will I think not be satisfied with anything which would be dis-
pleasing to us. But you understand all this better than I can
explain it so I will not enter into more particulars, as I know
you are kept minutely informed by others. I commend myself
to you. Florence, January 1, 1479 (1480). 1
1 Laurentii Medicis Vita, &c., op. eit. ii. 200.
232
LORENZO DI PIERO DE' MEDICI
BABTOLOMMEO SCALA, Secretary to the Florentine
Republic, to LORENZO DE' MEDICI at Naples
Magnifies Benefactor mi, I take the keenest delight for
many reasons in your letters, both in those you write to me and
in those written to the Ten. In primis for the hope you give
both in public and in private of good results. God will not
frustrate your work et ricordabitut servi sui. You are satisfied
with the mandate so I am content. In former times things
pertaining to knighthood were much prized there [at Naples].
This is why I acted as I did. I am not at all vexed, how could
I be with anything you do with regard to public things or with
regard to myself, who owe everything to you and to whom I
would give my life ?
The affairs of Milan have put new life into some people
here, they are well known and much discussed. You will see
by the copies the Office sends what has arrived here. But there
are those who do not put much faith in words when gainsaid by
deeds. Nevertheless the general opinion is that they desire to
keep that duck and make it grow, because reason and duty
must at last prevail. I tell you this in order that you should
insist as much as you can on honourable conditions of peace, so
that no one here will be able to say that your going to Naples
has made things worse, as a few have already tried to induce
others to believe and say : You know how many we are, but
boys, &c.
Enclosed is a mandate from the Lord of Faenza. He has
talked to me and displays great faith in you, nevertheless I see
he is much alarmed, and suspicious of that prince [Duke of
Milan ?]. A Venetian ambassador is at Faenza with 200
soldiers as a guard. I had the same suspicion, and suspected
others as well, as I have told you before, and now it is increased
by what has happened at Rimini. Although Pesaro has always
followed our lead, yet suspicions and State jealousies have great
233
LETTERS OF THE EARLY MEDICI
influence on men's minds. We must carefully consider what
security can be given to pacify them, particularly as lies are
told about everything as one knows is always the case in such
important affairs.
Your dealings with H.M. the King about the restitution of
Sarzana is much commended. If it can be obtained before
peace is concluded, for every one here had lost all hope and
even doubted that peace would be made, you would gain much
honour and all would be attributed to you.
Here everything goes on as when you left, there is still
some ill-humour, but it is I think a good sign that it is less
apparent than when you were here. Your reputation seems to
have increased and if all ends as we desire and you give us
hopes nihil supra. I commend myself to you. From the
Palace [Florence], January 12, 1479 (1480).
News has reached here written from there [Naples] to
private individuals in Rome, by, I have been told, persons in
your suite, sunt pleni rimarum written by them in Naples. If
you think this matters admonish them, but without mentioning
me, for as you know we live in glass houses." 1
BARTOLOMMEO SCALA, Secretary of the Florentine
Republic, to LORENZO DE' MEDICI at Naples
Magnifice Pater benefactor mi, We are all hoping against
hope for the conclusion of this affair which has delayed so long,
as you will see by the letter of the Ten. Letters from Rome
come often to our merchants which addle our brains, not only
do they vary every time, but are contradictory. The Pope will
never consent. The Count agrees to everything. The Pope
agrees, the Count will not hear of it, &c. The news is crumbled
into a thousand bits. Messer Lorenzo da Castello has gone to
lay the land waste, also he has gone to set things right, also to
1 Laurcntii Mtdicis Vita, &c., op. cit. ii. 202 et scq.
234
LORENZO DI PIERO DE' MEDICI
clear up matters, in short infinite are the opinions and the whims.
For the love of God get us out of this by the good offices
of him [King of Naples] on whom we are to depend in future ;
for his power and authority are such that finally every one will
have to do as he pleases. The Ten desire your return either
with peace or without, but more with peace. This long delay
is grievous to them and to all, especially to your friends.
Yet, notwithstanding, hope and faith in H.M. the King grows
day by day and affection towards you. And as it appears agat
partes nostras in this treaty of peace against our other adver-
saries, I encourage this opinion as much as I can, because it
seems to me beneficial to our public and private needs. Every-
thing here is quiet and in the same condition as when you
left, as I told you before. If there is peace you will see how
the city will flourish. I commend myself to you. Florence,
January 15, 1479 (1480), quam raptim." 1
DOCTOR OLIVEBIO, from Bagno a Morba, to LUCREZIA
DE' MEDICI
MAGNIFICENT AND HONOURED Domina, humili commenda-
tione premissa, salutem, In my last I informed Your Magnifi-
cence that the spring called Cacio cotto 2 gave about six
barrels 3 a day and that we are now searching for an in-
creased supply. Being anxious to meet your wishes and
to prevent the said water from escaping from whence it
rises as I found had been the case, whereby much of its
virtue is lost, I caused the building made for Giovanni di
Pace to be demolished, and at the bottom, nearly in the centre
of the Bath, I found another spring and several smaller ones
which will give much water, and are exactly the same
as that of Caccio cotto, which 4 . . . give twenty barrels,
or more. 5 The ingredients contained in the said water are
1 Ibid. ii. 204. a Cooked cheese. 3 Three hectolitres.
4 Letter torn. 6 Ten hectolitres.
235
LETTERS OF THE EARLY MEDICI
sulphur and some alum. It is excellent for scabies and for
asthma, it is a dissolvent, heals all ills in the body and pains in
the joints and the nerves. Many other virtues are contained in
it as I will demonstrate to Your Magnificence. Also of the
other springs, particularly that of the principal bath, you shall
have exact descriptions, for I am analysing the said waters with
all diligence, and in three days I hope to finish this work en-
trusted to me. I commend myself to Your Magnificence.
The 28th April 1480. OLIVERIUS MEDicus. 1
IPPOLITA MARIA D'ABAGONA, Duchess of Calabria, to
LORENZO DE' MEDICI
Magnifice Domine amice specialissime, If Giocacchino had
arrived at Florence without any letter from me Your Magni-
ficence would have had every right to complain. To avoid this
therefore I write ; and also to satisfy H.M. the King, who
often asks how I stand with my confederate, that is with you.
This letter however is not that of a confederate, nor is it
political, but only to tell Your Magnificence how continually
we think of you. But we are not at all sure that you often
think of our walk, which is in great beauty with all the flowers
out, in truth it does not wish to be visited by a crowd in order
to put forth tender shoots. Anyhow the walk and ourselves
both bear Your Magnificence in our memories. Giovacchino,
the bearer of this, is our very good friend, and we recommend
him to Your Magnificence, not only in a general way but etiam
in things which touch his honour and reputation, praying that
you will grant him, for love of us, every aid and thus give us
much pleasure. Naples, July 3, 1480. 2
CASTELLO CAPUANO.
1 Carte Medicee, &c., Filza xxxiv. No. 320
2 Vita Laurcntii Medicis, op. cit. ii. 223.
236
LORENZO DI PIERO DE' MEDICI
PAPINIO DI ARTIMINO to LUCBEZIA DE' MEDICI
Magnified Domina post humilissima comendamenta vestra,
For some time I have not written to Your Magnificence, now I
write to tell you : that this evening news has come from H.M.
the King [of Naples] that the Turkish army has arrived in
Apulia and has already seized more than twenty towns and
castles, and taken prisoners more than fifteen thousand inhabi-
tants, whom they have butchered in most cruel fashion. They
are said now to be encamped before a port called Oitontoto
[Otranto], where they have disembarked ten thousand men and
more than four thousand horses, and have planted many mortars
with which they are bombarding the walls. The opinion of
those who have been there is that by now the town is lost.
This news has made a great sensation here and is held to be
very serious. God help us in our need : for I see it will cause
the affairs of Italy to be forgotten. 1
Then there is also a report that H.M. the King has
spontaneously ceded all our castles and has ordered M. Giovan
Battista Bentivoglio to consign them to the Florentines ; this
is good news.
I shall have your yarn on the 10th of this month, it has
been spun at Naples and Benedetto Salutati writes that you
have been well served, so, if you wish, as soon as I get it I can
send it on to you. I delayed, if you remember, until my
return. Tell me what to do and your commands shall be
obeyed. I think we shall be here all September. I have no
more to say save that I commend myself to Your Magnificence,
and if any friend of yours is at present Vicar of San Giovanni,
1 The fall of Otranto mentioned in this letter was such a godsend to
Lorenzo that he was suspected of being in league with the Turk. It forced
the King of Naples to recall his son, the Duke of Calabria, from Siena, where
he had aided the nobles to overthrow the popular government, and the Pope
to cancel the interdict and make peace with Florence. In November an
embassy, with old Luigi Guicciardini at its head, went to Rome and were
solemnly reprimanded by Sixtus and then blessed. The only condition he
imposed was the equipment of fifteen galleys to serve against the Turk.
237
LETTERS OF THE EARLY MEDICI
I beg you to keep me in mind, for I should do you honour.
Valete. In Rome, August 4, 1480. Your servant,
PAPINIO DI ARTIMINO, Cancellarius. 1
PAPINIO DI ARTIMINO, from Rome, to LTJCREZIA
DE' MEDICI
Magnified atque honestissima Domina, post reconMndationem
&c., In my last of the 2nd instant I replied to a letter of
Your Magnificence of the 26th of last month, and informed
you of what had happened until now.
Now I must tell Your Magnificence that this morning while
visiting the ambassador of H.M. the King to hear whether
there was any fresh news, he told me that he had heard from
the Venetian ambassador that the Turkish camp which was at
Rhodes had been broken up, and the army had returned to
Constantinople, the Venetian ambassador said he had letters to
this effect. If true, this seems to me good news.
On Monday morning a school-building here fell and it was
feared that more than twenty boys had been killed. But only
the master perished, which is looked upon as a great miracle.
The loud screams of the fathers and the mothers cannot be
described. God, at that moment, shielded innocence. He
continues to work great wonders. Let us pray that He will
not look at our great sins.
Messer Antonio Ridolfi, the ambassador of our Republic,
bears himself in such guise that all the citizens are much
indebted to him, he never ceases day or night to solicit and
press forward their affairs. I have hopes in Almighty God
and His glorious Mother the Virgin Mary that he may return
with great honour and an end be put to so much tribulation.
May God be pleased to do this.
By my letter of the 23rd of last month I suggested, in case
you and the Magnificent Lorenzo approved, that His Magnifi-
1 Arch. Med. ante Prin., Filza xxxiv. No. 367.
238
LORENZO Dl PIERO DE' MEDICI
cence should write a letter to the Cardinal of Milan and one to
the Cardinal of Portugal advising and begging them to acce-
lerate this holy enterprise ; for although they are well disposed
yet I know it would help matters much. I see their Seig-
neuries often and they are favourably inclined. Valete. Ex
Roma, die 3 Octobris 1480. V ester servitor jidelissimus.
PAPINUS DE ARTIMINUS, Cancellarius. 1
LORENZO DE' MEDICI to the DOGE OF VENICE
I cannot refrain from thanking Your Serenity for deigning
to write to one of your servants, by whom your letters on any
subject are so highly valued and esteemed. This is the case
now that Your Serenity informs me that the Magnificent
Messer Andrea Cappello and his brothers are satisfied. I do
not feel that I need trouble Your Serenity with any explana-
tions about this business as I have written to Giovanni
Frescobaldi [Florentine ambassador at Venice] to explain some
points by which Your Serenity will see that I have fulfilled
ad unquem the obligations imposed on me by those known to
Your Excellency. I beg humbly that you will deign to listen
favourably to the reasons Giovanni will state in my defence and
to rest assured that as I have never yet broken faith with any
man I shall not be found wanting in far more important affairs
than those now under discussion by those Magnificent Citizens.
I trust that the friendship that has always existed between us
will be preserved by the intervention of those who have con-
cluded this business between us and will enable me to continue
to act according to my precepts. I confide in the great good-
ness and clemency of Your Serenity when you hear my justifica-
tion, and I desire and hope to retain the good opinion and the
friendship of Your Excellency, which has been gained by the
1 Lucrezia Tornaluoni, op. cit.
239
LETTERS OF THE EARLY MEDICI
long service of my ancestors and myself to that Illustrious State
and to Your Serenity. 1480. To whom, &C. 1
To ALBINO, dear to me as a brother, Secretary of the
Illustrious DUKE OF CALABRIA, from LORENZO DE'
MEDICI 2
ALBINO MY DEAR AND GOOD BROTHER, I cannot decide
whether your letters of 2nd and 8th May give me more pleasure
than pain. With the strongest desire for the fame of our
Lord Duke, which has begun so well by the good beating of
those Turkish dogs on the 18th, comes a fear that His Lord-
ship may not come to some harm by his courage. Those
skirmishes which you describe, at which His Lordship often
assists, made me turn pale more than once, for I have read
and re-read your letter. If possible, my Albino, send us news
often, and implore His Lordship to be cautious. I will say no
more because I feel nervous as I write. Bid him to take care
of his person for the sake of God and himself, and for us his
servants, and do what is needful at the peril of others and not
of his own. You, who are by his side, must see to this even
at the price of your own life, and if you do not on your own
account do it for mine, if you love me. Commend me to His
Lordship. I anxiously await your reply to hear whether this
my friendly recommendation has any effect without hindering
what I look upon as certain, and that is that His Lordship will
return from the expedition wreathed with laurels. So I expect
from day to day to have your news. Florence, May 18, 1481.
LAURENTIUS DE MEDici. 3
These and other extracts from despatches of the various
Ferrarese ambassadors are inserted as they give such vivid
1 Arch. Med. ante Prin., Filza, No. 43, inside No. 150.
2 Giovanni Albino, a Neapolitan, historian and politician, and a great
friend of Lorenzo.
3 Laurentii Medicis Vita, op. cit. ii. 216.
240
LORENZO DI PIERO DE' MEDICI
pictures of Lorenzo and of the condition of Florence. Day by
day rumours, gossip, and their own conversations with Lorenzo
were noted down for the information of their master Ercole
d'Este, Duke of Ferrara and Modena.
From BARTOLOMMEO SGNIPPI, Clerk of the Embassy, to
ANTONIO MONTECATINO, Ambassador of the Duke
of Ferrara (who had gone to Ferrara for a fe^o
days) to the Florentine Republic
MAGNIFICENT AMBASSADOR, I make known unto you that
the day before yesterday in the evening a certain Moroto
Baldovinetto was arrested, and yesterday morning Battista
Frescobaldi, who were about to assassinate the Magnificent
Lorenzo de' Medici with poisoned daggers. Their ancestors
were great people, but these fellows are of no standing. Moroto
was at Rome several days with Count Girolamo (Riario) and
has only just returned ; as yet it is not known whether the
Count is mixed up in the affair . . . June 3, 1481. 1
The confession of these two ruffians who wanted to
assassinate the Magnificent Lorenzo and who were hung this
morning at eleven o'clock in the palace of the Bargello, is that
Baptista Frescobaldi, the man who arrested Bernardo Bandini
at Constantinople, 2 told the Magnificent Lorenzo that he had
spent so much for the said arrest and that he did not consider
the Magnificent Lorenzo had paid him secundum eius rationem
and claimed more money, which was refused. Seeing that he
could not revenge himself in any other way six months ago he
determined to murder the said Magnificent Lorenzo. Being at
Rome he spoke about it to Neri Acciaiuoli who encouraged
him to do the evil deed. Moroto being at the same time at
1 Lettere t Notizie di Lorenzo de' Medici, Archivio Palatina di Modena,
published in a pamphlet by Antonio Cappelli.
2 Bernardo Bandini was one of the men who assassinated Giuliano de'
Medici in the cathedral of Florence. He fled to Constantinople and was
arrested by permission of the Sultan through the agency of Frescobaldi,
Florentine ambassador to the Porte.
241 Q
LETTERS OF THE EARLY MEDICI
Rome the two began to talk about the government of Florence.
Knowing Moroto to be a man of great courage, Neri persuaded
him ad idem scelsus. Aware that such an undertaking could
not succeed without accomplices he brought Moroto and
Battista together and thus it was settled. They suggested
telling Count Girolamo, 1 but Neri said it would be better to
say nothing as the Count, having been blamed enough already,
would certainly refuse to join. But he would undertake to
provide quod ille nunquam deficeret, et etiam would get Obietto
(del Fiesco) to lend them men-at-arms, and when everything
was ready, would come to Castellina and double the pay for
every eventuality in Romagna. He hinted at help from other
people and said he had influential and well-known citizens at
his back. Now though all this was told to them by Neri, in
their confession they declared they did not much believe in
him, but thought he did it to encourage them. Through him
they obtained a few arms and some money, for it appears that
Moroto on being asked whether he had arms said he had a
cuirass in pawn. "They were given certain chain mail, and
stuff for poisoning daggers which he brought to them in a
small phial with soap on the top. When they arrived here they
tried, following their instructions, to persuade a few hot-headed
opponents of the government, &c., to join, but without enter-
ing into particulars, save with Francesco Balducci. To him
they unbosomed themselves and he promised every help.
Balducci having fled, his brother, to whom he had told the pro-
ject, was arrested. It seems that post multas cogitationes tandem
they settled to do the deed on one of the three days of the
coming feast of the Holy Spirit in the church of S. Liberata,
and afterwards to take refuge in some safe house until part
of the people had risen. Then, with a banner taken from a
church with the arms of the Commune, to parade the streets
crying " Viva il Popolo" &c., et prcesertim in the lower parts of
1 Count Girolamo Riario, the Pope's nephew, was implicated in the Pazzi
conspiracy to murder the two brothers Lorenzo and Giuliano de' Medici.
LORENZO DI PIERO DE' MEDICI
the city to broach casks of wine for the poor. Battista was
deputed to give the blow, the other two were to defend him.
It appears Moroto only joined, persuaded by the words of
Neri, for the honour and glory of the thing. They are con-
sidered hominis insani. The shirts of mail belonging to them
were found. This is all that is known of their confession
and they say no one else is implicated either here or abroad.
Three have been hung, Francesco Baldovinetto, Moroto, and
the brother of Francesco Balducci. Florence, June 6, 1481. 1
The ambassador hastened back to Florence and wrote to
the Duke.
I arrived here on the 6th, at one of the night, and found
that the three who had conspired to assassinate Lorenzo had
been hung that morning. ... It is stated that they had no
sympathisers in the city but acted like reckless and desperate
men . . . though they sounded many they found none willing
to listen. I believe people were afraid : but if the deed had
succeeded everything would have been topsy-turvy of this I
have no doubt. They showed great hopes and determination.
When told they were to die next morning several citizens
visited them and exhorted them to take courage. They
answered laughing that they feared not death, but that they
were grieved not to have been able to free them from such
servitude and had only done what any other citizen ought to
do, and that if they were only given two hours of freedom they
would show what they could do. It is supposed, although not
admitted, that others in the city are implicated. They say
it does not appear that they had friends abroad, but from
what D. Bernardo said to Girolamo it is thought that Neri
Acciaiuoli was agreed with Count Girolamo, but did not confide
in others. Here, however, they pretend not to believe this ;
but suspect it the more because so many of their enemies have
left for Rome. . . . Your Excellency must know that these
men ought dejure not to have been hung, for as they committed
1 Lettere e Notizie, &c., op cit. t Arch. Pal. di Mudena.
243
LETTERS OF THE EARLY MEDICI
no overt act they did not deserve death. So the Signoria,
together with the Seventy, determined that it was crimen lesce
maiestatiS) alleging that they had tried to curtail liberty and
change the government which depended upon Lorenzo ; so it
was declared that whoever attacked Lorenzo commits crimen
lesce maiestatis, thus giving to him great honour. Some say
this will rather injure than benefit him, because the more he
is elevated above others the more enemies he will have. . . .
June 9, 1481. 1
LORENZO DE' MEDICI to the DUCHESS ELEONORA
D'ARAGONA D'ESTE at Ferrara
Illma. Domina mea, The duty I owe Your Excellency
compels me to communicate to you the terrible and disastrous
blow that has to-day befallen me through the death of my
most beloved mother Madonna Lucrezia. This leaves me
utterly desolate as Your Excellency can think, for I have lost,
not only a mother, but the only person I could turn to in
many vexations and who aided me in many troubles. It is
true that we ought to submit patiently to the will of God,
but in this case my heart refuses to be comforted. I pray He
may perhaps send me patience and comfort, and grant her
peace and happiness. Your Excellency to whom I thus pour
out my grief for such a loss, and to whom I turn for comfort in
such sorrow, will understand the state in which your attached
servant, who commends himself to you with all his heart,
finds himself. Florence, March 25, 1482. Your Excellency's
Servant, LAURENTIUS DE MEmcis. 2
LORENZO DE' MEDICI to the DUKE ERCOLE D'ESTE
Illme. Domme mi, Although in tears and in great grief
I cannot but inform Your Excellency of the terrible loss I
1 Lettere e Notizie, &c., Arch. Pal. di Modena, op. cit. 2 Ibid.
LORENZO DI PIERO DE' MEDICI
have sustained by the death of my most dear mother Madonna
Lucrezia ; who to-day quitted this life. I am more full of
sorrow than I can say, as besides losing a mother, at the mere
thought of whom my heart breaks, I have lost the counsellor
who took many a burden from off me. It has pleased God
that this should be and we neither can nor ought to contest
His will. Much I grieve that I have not the necessary con-
stancy nor strength of mind, but I pray our Lord God to grant
me patience and to her soul peace, as I firmly hope He will
on account of her upright life. I write in order that Your
Excellency may know the condition in which is one of his
good servants who commends himself to you with all his heart.
Florence, March 25, 1482. Your Excellency's Servant,
LAURENTIUS DE MEDicis. 1
The peace of November 1480 did not last long. Sixtus
IV., entirely under the influence of his nephew Girolamo
Riario, had deposed Antonello Ordelaffi in order to give
Forli to Riario, who was known also to covet Faenza. This
was a direct menace to Florence whose road to the Adriatic
would have been cut off. Ferrara likewise attracted him ; he
visited Venice, where he was received like a king and made a
patrician of the Republic, to plan an attack on Duke Ercole.
Venice was to take the Duchy of Modena, which belonged to
the Duke, while Riario added Ferrara to his other possessions.
A pretext was easily found. The Venetians claimed the sole
right of supplying salt to North Italy from Cervia and sum-
moned the Duke to cease collecting it at Comacchio. He
refused and war was declared in May 1482. Preparations
for resisting Riario and Venice, and defending Ferrara, were
pushed forward in feverish haste, as is shown by the letter
from the Duke of Urbino to Lorenzo, while those from
Ugolino Baccio relate to that simple-minded, scatter-brained
Slav, Andrea Zuccalmaglio, a Dominican Archbishop of Krain.
Sent to Rome in 1479 as ambassador by the Emperor Frede-
rick III. he was intensely shocked by what he saw and did not
hide his feelings. The Pope showed his displeasure and the
1 Ibid.
245
LETTERS OF THE EARLY MEDICI
Archbishop was recalled. Before he could leave Rome he was
imprisoned in Castel S. Angelo, and on his release went to
Basel determined to proclaim a Council. He assumed the
titles of Cardinal and Papal Legate, and made a clever notary
of Trier, Peter Numagen, his secretary, who in his Gesta
Archiepiscopi Crayneris describes his master as touched in the
brain. On March 25th he denounced Sixtus IV. during ser-
vice in the cathedral and solemnly proclaimed a Council. On
July 20th he cited the Pope thus : " Francesco of Savona, son
of the devil, you entered your Office not through the door,
but through the window of simony. You are of your father
the devil and labour to do your father's will." Sixtus excom-
municated him and laid Basel under an interdict, of which no
notice was taken. He was both angry and alarmed as he
suspected the Emperor of secretly abetting the Archbishop,
while Milan and Florence sent envoys to see how matters
stood. The Florentine evidently at first sided hotly with the
Archbishop, and believed in the possibility of a reforming
Council. But Lorenzo was cautious. He left Baccio's letters
unanswered, to the poor man's discomfiture. The Archbishop
was disavowed by the Emperor, and the magistrates refusing
to give him up to the papal Legate he was imprisoned in
Basel, and hanged himself in his cell in November 1484.
FREDERICK, Duke of Urbino, to LORENZO DE' MEDICI
Magnifice f rater carissinw, By the copy of a letter I have
written to the Illustrious Duke of Ferrara which I send to
the Honourable Eight of the Balia, Your Magnificence will
see that I have had news of the loss of the fortress of Melara.
The enemy evidently means to join that force with their navy
and to follow the course of the river to attack Ferrara. There
is no doubt that if the Illustrious League does not instantly
provide reinforcements in that quarter they may succeed in
their attempt, because that Illustrious Lord is not strong
enough to resist without help as Your Magnificence knows.
In this state of imminent peril it is imperative that the
Honourable Signoria of Florence should send me in all haste as
246
LORENZO DI PIERO DE' MEDICI
many men-at-arms as possible, particularly from Romagna and
Valle de Lamone, who are nearer, and being better trained men
are more useful than any others. As soon as the Illustrious
Duke of Milan sends me the foot and horse I have asked for,
I shall advance into the Ferrara territory to keep the enemy
in check. If the Illustrious League provide what, for their
own honour and advantage, is necessary to enable me to con-
front the enemy I shall not be found wanting, but there is a
great difference between projecting a thing and carrying it
through. I do not enlarge on this as I know Your Mag-
nificence will understand how important it is, and cum omne
diligentia will give the requisite orders.
I remind Your Magnificence about hastening to despatch
the troops we arranged were to come into the State of the
Signer Constanzio [Sforza] and into Urbino. This is pressing
as I have summoned my men to join me here, but until those
troops arrive they cannot move as our lands cannot be left
defenceless.
My opinion is that the said Signer Constanzio should
advance into Tuscany and take up a position between Arezzo
and Anghiara, which will not only protect the State of the
Honourable Signoria of Florence, but my own and that of
Signor Constanzio and perhaps, if fortune favours us, be a
means of offending the enemy. It would be a good move and
I beg Your Magnificence to send orders from there without
losing a moment. I have already given this same advice to
His Excellency. Rovere, May 4, 1482. 1
UGOLINO BACCIO, from Basel, to LORENZO DE' MEDICI
Magnifice vir, &c., I arrived here on the 14th, and by the
aid of a citizen here, called Giovanni Hermin, very friendly to
your house, was introduced to Craina. 2 I offered him your
1 Laurentii Medicis Vita, op. cit. ii. 236.
2 Andrea Zuccalmaglio, Archbishop of Krain.
247
LETTERS OF THE EARLY MEDICI
help in his undertaking, praising him and alluring him ut moris
est. After exchanging many sweet speeches (chiaverini) we
came at last to essential matters, to which, although he
enlarged et vultu et verbis as much as he could, I do not attach
more faith than is necessary unless he adduces better evidence.
He shows nothing from the Emperor [Frederick III.], which
proves there is no great eagerness in that quarter. He talks
much about France and other countries, particularly about
Savoy, but I believe what I see ; there are many ruffians to be
found, but I am a cut-throat.
Who does please me is the chief personage. In capacity,
talent, and doctrine, he seems to be fit for any great enterprise,
et quad magis me movet has great knowledge and experience of
the world, for many, many years he has been employed in grave
affairs and honourable legations.
Accedit he is a friar, which is the summit, or the adorn-
ment, of all his other qualities, and he has so confident and
fearless an air that he would make a man dance a gagliarda 1
against his will, whoever he might be.
Secondly the town chosen pleases me. It is convenient,
handsome, healthy, and there is ample accommodation for
congresses, vehicles, and ships.
Thirdly the citizens are most well-disposed, which pleases
me most of all. I have proof of this because they will not
permit their priests to observe the interdict and support the
Archbishop quantum possunt. Yesterday they despatched their
Chancellor to the Emperor to complain of the Pope propter
interdictum, and to remind him not to allow the Council to
depart, as if it is not held in Basel it will be transferred else-
where to his loss and shame, &c.
Another of their ambassadors went to the Emperor a month
ago and a courier later with letters. There is as yet no news
of either, but they expect an answer from day to day. The
Milanese envoy and I are idly waiting and do not know what
1 An old Italian dance.
248
LORENZO DI PIERO DE' MEDICI
to do with ourselves. We came here as private persons with-
out any show and have not kept our attendants with us, in
order not to spend much money in case nothing comes of this
business, and so we shall remain for the present.
If a favourable answer comes we shall present ourselves
officially to the Commune. Perhaps I shall do so before,
without the Milanese, as a guarantee to our persons in omnem
eventum ; particularly as they know through Craina that I am
here for this affair, and it might rather cause suspicion and
give them a bad opinion of me if I do not announce myself
openly and show that I am informed of what is going on. But
I have not yet made up my mind and shall follow God^s
inspiration.
If, owing to the Emperor, the Council is not held here, we
have talked of transferring it to Pisa or elsewhere in Italy.
His Paternity does not think the idea a "bad one. Consider
about this and let me know. Pisa would be convenient to the
Spaniards and to many other kingdoms, who perhaps would
serve our purpose better than Germany. His Paternity is
ready to do anything to upset the Pope and the Count
[Girolamo Riario]. I have said enough.
I do not write at any length so that you may not be bored.
If you desire to know more, ask the Eight to show you what
I have written to them with far more details. I commend
myself to Your Magnificence. Basel, September 20, 1482. 1
UGOLINO BACCIO to LORENZO DE' MEDICI
MAGNIFICENT LORENZO, By the Milanese courier who left
this on the 20th I wrote very fully to the Eight and also
to Your Magnificence, of what had occurred.
Since then nothing of any importance has happened ; things
seem more favourable than otherwise. The adverse Legates
1 Laurtntii Mcdicis Vita, op. cit. ii. 227.
249
LETTERS OF THE EARLY MEDICI
have made no sign, they are still in a Swiss town called Torego,
alias Suringg, a long day^s journey from here. We suppose
they do not like to risk coming here on account of the anger
excited by the interdict, and that they are feeling their way
how to approach without danger. This is the opinion of the
Council. Perhaps they have other designs and are waiting in
order to give us a heavier blow. Who knows their secrets ?
We have no fear of them, if they have of us ; but this is
uncertain. The fact is they have not come, and as things are
they would only arrive here in pieces.
The citizens are strongly in favour of the Council, and
unless forced by the Emperor I do not think they will let it
drop, particularly as it brings them great gain and honour.
The ambassador sent to Duke Sigismondo has returned
bringing, they say, a most favourable reply. I know no par-
ticulars as yet, for these people are much more taciturn than
we are, and very strict observers of public honour. Unfor-
tunately that friend of the house of Medici has been sent on an
embassy, so it is hard fishing for secrets. Tamen si quid erit,
hand diu nos latere potest.
No reply has yet come from the Emperor. But as the
road is long and there is war in the countries the messenger
must traverse this is not to be wondered at. An answer is
expected every day, so it seems to me that pendeant leges et
Prophetoc. Other help appears to me vain. We will see
what God sends, and I shall inform you of all cum diligentia.
I have suggested Pisa to Monsignore several times in case Basel
fails us, but at present he hopes in Caesar. Think well about
this so that (quod Dii prohibeant) we are not left with our feet
out of both stirrups.
Monsignore has told the people here that we have come in
favour of their cause, and as on account of the delay of these
envoys I feared they might draw back seeing Monsignore
unsupported, I informed the town council that I was sent
officially by our Signoria, presented the letters, &c., and made
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LORENZO DI PIERO DE' MEDICI
a long oration in favorem Consilii, praising the holy enterprise
and Craina, and condemning the Sixtine government, and show-
ing the necessity for a Council ; all which they heard with
great pleasure, particularly as I offered not only help and
favour, and embassies and prelates from the Florentines, but
promised to confirm this in their name and in that of the
League.
I am sure that in their perplexione propter ventures Legato
Ponti/iciis this has comforted their minds, juxta Terentianum
illud, dum in dubis est animus, &c.
They promised to reply post consultationem. Sic res se
habent mine. To-day I await them in my house and shall hear
their answer.
Post scripta. Four of the members have just been here
and in the name of the Senate praised my speech, and thank
the Florentines for their offers which they reciprocate.
As to the Council they declare that they are well-disposed
towards the Apostolic See if the Church is reformed pro
Religlone et fide Christi, quam vident in magno periculo vel
potius ruina. They also affirm that they initiated nothing,
but only acted according to the wishes of the Emperor, from
whom an explicit answer is expected in a few days. When it
arrives they will tell me at once so that I can write to my
Signoria who can then send prelates and ambassadors as I have
promised. For this I thanked them with opportune words. I
see that I am everything in their eyes, besides which Craina
depends entirely on me and has not been happy since he
entered into this business until I spoke officially. He will not
let me out of his sight, either to go to the Emperor or else-
where. A thousand times a day he raises his hands to heaven
thanking God for sending me to him. You have no idea how
intently these Doctors of the University read the documents I
have published. What can I say more ? The Pope is more
hated here than he is with us, and if the Emperor does not
spoil our game non sum sine spe to arrive at something.
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LETTERS OF THE EARLY MEDICI
This is all I write to-day as I send this by a man who is
passing through in haste. Will Your Magnificence be good
enough to make my excuses to the Eight ? your letter was
begun and there is no time to write another. This must
serve also for their Excellencies. I commend myself to Your
Magnificence. Basel, September 30, 1482. 1
UGOLINO BACCIO to LORENZO DE' MEDICI
Magnijice vir, &c., By my last of the 24th to the Honour-
able Eight Your Magnificence will have seen my hopes and
designs, and nothing has occurred since to alter my opinion
about the Council, although there are doubts as to where it is
to be held and as to Craina himself, on account of the great
opposition made by our enemies against God and justice. I
am in great tribulation at not receiving any reply from
Florence to my many letters, sent by trustworthy messengers
so long ago that there has been ample time to send an answer
to the first three.
Had I only received a hint from Your Magnificence as to
the choice of Pisa about which Craina made me write, I should
know which way the wind blows and how to steer this unsteady
bark. But without any reply, although I know the intentions
of Your Magnificence up to a certain point, I do not know
them absolutely, as happens to those who, like me, have several
affairs in hand.
Although Craina hopes for success here he is feeling his
way elsewhere ; if he fails here and can extricate himself he will
throw himself into the arms of him who promises most. Till
now I have only been able to give assurances of my personal
aid, promising him support and favour from the League in
order to pacify him. But how do I know what will be my
fate ? Perchance the League will have nought to do with the
Council save at Basel, or has some other plan of which I know
1 Laurentius Medicis Vita, ii. 229.
LORENZO DI PIERO DE' MEDICI
nothing. So that although I have a general mandate to do all
I can to help forward the Council, which I, although you do
not write, am doing, yet I do wish for your own particular
views, otherwise I grope in darkness.
However now we are here making every effort that things
should go forward, and though we found the foundations rather
weak we have so propped the house that we do not fear it will
fall at every small stroke. But if, through the Emperor or the
Swiss, Basel was shut to us, I do not see why the League after
such a beginning should abandon the enterprise. I gave the
reasons in other letters, but the decision lies with others who
perhaps are of a contrary opinion.
I have written a detailed account of what happens to the
Eight. My own impressions, such as they are, I write to Your
Magnificence, to whom I can explain things with more freedom
than to such eminent magistrates. You can therefore guess at
the truth ; to me it appears that although there is danger
there is also hope.
Exitus in Diis est : tamen if a month after our arrival here
a bishop had declared for us things would not be so backward
or so ill looked on as they are ; even if one was now on the way
here so as not to delay giving medicine to the corpse ! At
inquies. Either the Emperor has not manifested his approval,
what then ? or he has not openly turned against the enterprise.
For my designs it would be sufficient to stay here long enough
for things to make a little progress, and then I would gladly
pay ready money for a valid impediment in order to transfer all
to a more convenient spot. I pray Your Magnificence to take
the follies I have written for what they are worth and to judge
and command according to your own wishes. Egojussa ex-
equar and to that I commend myself. Basel, October 25, 1482. 1
Sixtus IV. had been thoroughly frightened by the threatened
Council at Basel and had also fallen under the influence of his
1 Lorenzo de Medicis Vita, op. cit. ii. 232.
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LETTERS OF THE EARLY MEDICI
nephew Cardinal Giuliano della Rovere, who feared the grow-
ing power of Venice and was friendly to the Medici. In
December 1482 he hurriedly made peace with Naples and
Ferrara, and received the Duke of Calabria in the Vatican.
Alfonso then started for Ferrara, passing through Florence
early in January, where he stayed three days in the house of
Giovanni Tornabuoni. Venice refused to obey the Pope's
commands to make peace with Ferrara, and the city was in dire
straits. It was only the encouragement and advice of Bongianni
Gianfigliazzi, the Florentine ambassador, that prevented Duke
Ercole from quitting Ferrara and taking refuge at Modena,
A Congress of the Allies was summoned at Cremona, to which
Lorenzo went early in February 1483, in spite of strong opposi-
tion from his fellow-citizens, who feared he might be assassinated
by his arch-enemy Girolamo Riario. Louis XL shared these
fears as is seen in his letter. The Congress at Cremona con-
sisted of the Cardinal Legate Gonzaga, Alfonso Duke of Cala-
bria, Lodovico and Ascanio Sforza, Ercole d'Este Duke of
Ferrara, Federigo Gonzaga Marquis of Mantua, Giovanni
Bentovoglio of Bologna, Girolamo Riario, 1 Lorenzo de 1 Medici,
and various envoys. 2
Louis XL, King of France, to LORENZO DE' MEDICI
MY COUSIN, By your letter of January 30th I learn
your wishes regarding your son Giovanni, if I had only known
this before the death of the Cardinal de Rohan I should have
done all in my power to please you. I will gladly do whatever
I can when a benefice falls vacant. As to Ferrara, where you
have promised to go, I should have advised you to abstain, and
to be very careful about your personal safety, for I do not know
the people or the place you will be in. I would gladly have
sent an ambassador from here to excuse you. However as you
1 Guicciardini throws some doubt on Riario's presence.
2 For a full account of the Ferrarese war see Lorenzo de' Medici, Alfred von
Reumont, ii. 249 et seq.; A History of the Papacy, &c., Dr. Creighton, iv. 100
et seq. ; Lorenzo de 1 Medici, &c., E. Armstrong, M.A , 182 et seq.
254
LORENZO DI PIERO DE' MEDICI
have promised I leave it to you, to good fortune, and to God.
-Written at Plessis du Pare, February 17, 1482 (1483).
Luv. 1
The following tale and poem in Latin (which I have done
into prose) were sent to Lorenzo by Bartolommeo Scala, 2 who
prided himself on his literary conceits and on his pure Latinity.
I insert them as they are typical of the conceits of the fifteenth
century.
BARTOLOMMEO SCALA to LORENZO DE' MEDICI
at Bagno a Morba
MY PATRON, greeting, Last September when I was at
Morba, where you now are, for my gout, I composed a conceit
on the nymph Amorba, childish enough perhaps. If you have
time to read this it may not displease you. Trifles of this
kind sometimes give pleasure. Indeed those who have been
with you inform me that you have sought anew the society of
the Muses and are their constant boon companion. Of a truth
they can heal our diseases much more pleasantly than any
baths.
This indeed is attested with perhaps a certain neatness by
an apologue of mine. It is as follows.
Once upon a time Immortality and Old Age were quar-
relling. The cause was small, the quarrel was and still is a
grievous one. Immortality had reared from the nest a tame
jackdaw, cunning, thievish, clever, with a power of imitating
our language not unmusically. She had kept it in luxury for
ninety years. The neighbours actually approved of it in their
1 Laurentii Medicis Vita, &c., op. cit. ii. 298.
2 Bartolommeo Scala, born at Colle 1430, was the son of a miller. " I came
to the Republic," he wrote, " bare of all things, a mere beggar, of the lowest
birth, without money, rank, connections, or kindred. Cosimo, the Father of
his country, raised me up by receiving me into his family." He became
Chancellor of Florence and is known for his feud with Poliziano.
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LETTERS OF THE EARLY MEDICI
enjoyment of the constant jesting and laughter which it caused.
For it used secretly to steal from the tailor's workboxes rings
and needles and other implements, arid then, when the fancy
seized it, all of a sudden gave them back. How the onlookers
used to laugh and applaud when it brought a modest blush to
a maiden's cheek as she walked along the road by calling with
a gentle chuckle & ^oprj tca\ij l (it had learnt Greek as well as
Latin) l H\iov &>9 6fj,oi,<p <&m'. 2 But Old Age was envious and
sent disease, her frequent minister, and killed the jackdaw. So
was war kindled. Then when Old Age had taken many towns,
and sacked many cities, she forced Immortality at length to
take refuge in her citadel.
Her citadel stands on a high mountain. Its walls and
battlements are of brass, but the rooms of its inner chambers
of sweetest-smelling cedarwood. The enemy is held at bay
(and this no one who did not know would easily believe) by
maidens alone, by three maidens with their songs and verses.
Now, could you but extract the harmonies of these maidens
from the letters in which they are written and manage to
apply them to your bare breast and heart, there is nothing so
health-giving against all diseases of body and mind. I com-
mend myself to you. Farewell. Florence, April 15, 1484.
THY BARTOLOMMEO SCALA. S
" In Amorpham Nympham" Latin poem by BARTOLOM-
MEO SCALA, sent to LORENZO DE' MEDICI at Bagno
a Morba, April 25, 1484
Thou askest who I am, what is my name, and whence
comes this hot and health-giving water that springs perennial ?
Once I was the loveliest nymph of these woods. Apollo loved
me and gave me the power of curing all ills. Fleeter of foot
1 O lovely maiden.
2 Thou art as fair as the light of the snn.
3 Arch, di Stato Carte Strozziane, Filza cxxxviii. No. 57.
256
LORENZO DI PIERO DE' MEDICI
than the stag or the roe, I was the most renowned and the
most welcome of the Oread sisters or the Dryads. But we
have long known how cruel and potent is fate, and how un-
stable are all things here below. When wandering one day,
bow in hand, my quiver on my shoulder, O unhappy nymph !
Cerberus saw me and was inflamed with brutal lust. Of no
avail were my bow, my arrows, or my swift feet. Furiously he
pursued me and deaf to my prayers and tears he seized me, O
unhappy one. In vain I screamed and struggled, and called
upon all the Gods of heaven. Almost vanquished I cried out,
imploring aid : " O you sylvan nymphs, have mercy, hasten
to save me." The goddesses heard, changed me into a hot
stream and thus delivered me from those ferocious hands. As
a spring I still preserve the power bestowed by Apollo of
curing all ills. Phoebus pitied and wept over my fate, and
swore by the Styx to undo thee, O Cerberus. A huge stone,
high as a mountain, surrounded by precipices and broken
rocks, was torn asunder and a yawning and dark cave opened,
whence issued a horrid wind charged with fetid odours. Inside
all was putrid, in festering matter lay the entrails and bones of
oxen which he bore while yet alive into the cave to satiate his
rabid hunger. Whilst intent on devouring the raw flesh and
sucking the stream of hot blood, the highborn Archer wounded
him. His torn and bleeding entrails gushed forth. But as he
could change his form at will, Cerberus became a dog. From
three throats came despairing howls and the vapour of burn-
ing sulphur when Apollo hurled him down from the rock into
deepest hell, where it is rumoured that he still retains the
semblance of a dog. There, where the brute sank, remain
signs of hell, and they say that sinners are there drawn down
to well-deserved punishment. All around are lakes of deep
mud ; mud and sulphur are belched up, and from afar one
still hears the ever-renewed howling of dogs. The rock pre-
served the name and the mountain whence it fell is called
Cerberus. But I remain unknown, no kind Muse remembered
257 a
LETTERS OF THE EARLY MEDICI
me and I waited for one to tell of my woes. Lo he comes,
and here he writes a poem for me. Read it, O pilgrim ; then
thou wilt know that Amorba is the name of the nymph. The
waters will drive away all illness, let the sick come here and
they will find health. 1
Lorenzo ? s great enemy Sixtus IV. died on August 12, 1484,
killed, say contemporaries, by a violent fit of anger at the
proclamation of the peace of Bagnolo. The Cardinals entered
into Conclave on August 26th, and three days later Giovanni
Battista Cibo, born at Genoa in 1 432, was elected Pope under
the name of Innocent VIII.
GUIDANTONIO VESPUCCI, Florentine Ambassador at
Rome, to LORENZO DE' MEDICI at Florence
Magnifice vir, If my letter about the election of the Pope
[Innocent VIII.] was delayed, the fault lies with Antonio
Tornabuoni who sent off the courier without waiting for me.
I was at Mass with the other ambassadors and could not leave
before them. The Milanese courier was despatched by Fran-
cesco da Casale and not by the ambassador. I beg you to
excuse me.
Of the new Pope I will tell you all I have heard. As
Cardinal he passed for a kindly and benign man, and was most
courteous to all, kissing any and all even more than one you
know of. His political experience is small and he is not
learned, though not ignorant. He was always devoted to
S. Pietro in Vincula [Giuliano della Rovere, afterwards Julius
II.] and indeed was made a cardinal by his influence. He is
tall, full in the face, about fifty-five years of age, and very
robust. He has a brother, at least one grown-up bastard son
and some daughters, who are married here. As cardinal he
1 Arch. &c., Carte Strozziane, Filza cxxxviii. No. 58.
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LORENZO DI PIERO DE' MEDICI
did not agree well with the Count [Girolamo Riario, nephew of
the late Pope]. S. Pietro in Vincula is now as good as Pope
and will have more power than under Sixtus if he knows how
to steer. The Pope has a Genoese friar who is said to have a
mistress of the house of Cibo, Guelph of course. Here he has
a nephew, a priest, related to Filippo di Nerone, whose mistress
is a certain Maria Clemenza she was wife to Stoldo Altoviti.
The late Captain of infantry is married to a relation of his.
The Pope seems rather a man in need of advice than one
capable of giving it to others.
The election took place thus. The Rev. Monsignori of
Aragona and Visconti seeing that they could not effect the
election of the Vice-Chancellor and that he stood on the
defence, tried to persuade him to play their game, and ante
omnia reconciled the Camarlingo and Ursino with S. Pietro in
Vincula, towards whom they were beginning to be friendly,
and I think they promised to arrange the affairs of the Count
and of the Camarlingo. Many other promises were made.
First, to the Cardinal of Aragona the Pope gives his own
house ; to Messer di Visconti the house belonging to the
Count, which the Pope will pay for, besides 12,000 ducats, the
legation of the Patrimony, and I know not what besides at
Castello ; to Savello the legation of Bolgna ; to Milan that of
Avignon ; all of which latter legations were held by S. Pietro
in Vincula who consented to everything in order to carry
this business through, he has also renounced certain abbeys
to satisfy others whose names I know not. Colonna will
no doubt also be recompensed, and the Vice- Chancellor has
obtained certain things he wanted in Spain. Noara has had
I know what castle. Of others I have not heard. No doubt
there are many similar cases.
To conclude, this election is attributed entirely to Mon-
signore di Visconti and I think you ought to write to him
that he should help us when I have need of aid in your affairs.
Also send a proper letter to S. Pietro in Vincula for he is the
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LETTERS OF THE EARLY MEDICI
only one I have any fear of in the business of Fonte Dolce, 1
he is the Pope, et plusquam Papa. Believe me that Monsig-
nori Aragona and Visconti will plunder this court at every
election, they are the two biggest scoundrels in the world.
In a few days I shall begin to adjust your affairs and shall
succeed, as in the beginning these princes and popes are usually
very gracious, and His Holiness is well disposed towards you
and has always been very friendly to me. Remember before
the new Signori are named to have my leave arranged as I
want to be at home during September, and I hope you will
grant my desire that my Simone should be made one of the
Eight. Roma, August 29, 1484. Remember also to push on
the enterprise of Sarzana, afterwards there might be danger. 2
According to custom the Republic of Florence sent an
embassy to congratulate Innocent VIII. on his nomination.
With them went Lorenzo's eldest son, Piero, then fourteen
years of age, to whom his father wrote the following letter
containing minute instructions as to his speech and conduct.
From Lorenzo's remark, " Though thou art my son, thou art
but a citizen of Florence," and his impressing upon him to be
polite and not to take precedence of his elders, one sees he
was already anxious about the boy's overbearing, turbulent
temper.
LORENZO DE' MEDICI to his son PIERO in Rome,
November 26, 1484
Thou wilt have only four letters of introduction for Siena,
one to Messer Paulo di Gherardo, one to Messer Cristofano di
Guido, and one to Messer Andrea Piccolomini, whom thou art
to visit at their houses and there deliver the letters to them.
1 The abbey of Fonte Doulce, bestowed by the King of France on Giovanni
de' Medici, Lorenzo's second son, which gift the Pope hesitated to confirm
on account of the child's youth.
2 Laurentii Medicis Vita, op. cit. ii. 256.
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LORENZO DI PIERO DE' MEDICI
Commend me to Their Magnificences, using the same words
to all, thus : that passing through Siena on thy way to Rome
with these ambassadors I charged thee to visit Their Magnifi-
cences whom I love and revere as fathers ; that I hope they "
will regard thee as a son, command thee at any time or in
any place, as I do, and that thou wilt obey them ; and that
as they can dispose of my property, State, and children, of
whom thou art one, thou presentest thyself to them as being
theirs to dispose of according to their pleasure. Use proper
words to this effect without affectation or constraint, and do
not try to appear learned with them or with others, but speak
graciously, pleasantly, and seriously.
Thou wilt have a list of Sienese citizens to whom, if there
is time, thou art to pay visits, using the same words I have
already indicated and offering me to them, as well as to the
three above-named, for the protection of their State, all the
more that our city is of this mind.
When together with other youths of the ambassadors bear
thyself sedately, politely, and kindly, towards thy equals. Be
careful not to take precedence of those who are thine elders, for
although thou art my son, thou art but a citizen of Florence,
as they are. When Giovanni [Tornabuoni] thinks fit to pre-
sent thee to the Pope privately first inform thyself well of all
the needful ceremonies, then when presented to His Sanctity
kiss my letter which will be given thee for the Pope, entreat-
ing him to deign to read it. When it is thy turn to speak,
first place me at the feet of His Beatitude, saying that I am
aware it was my duty to prostrate myself in person at the feet
of His Holiness, as I did at those of his Predecessor of saintly
memory ; but that I trust in his goodness to forgive me, be-
cause at that time I had my brother who was well able to fill
my place, whereas at present I have no man of greater years and
authority than thyself, and therefore I do not think it would
have been pleasing to His Holiness if I had left Florence. Say
that I send thee in my stead as the strongest proof I could
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LETTERS OF THE EARLY MEDICI
give of my desire to go in person. Besides other reasons also
I have sent thee in order that thou shouldst learn early to
regard His Beatitude as thy Father and Lord, and be en-
couraged to continue in this devotion, in which I educate my
other children, whom I would rather not have if they were not
so inclined. Then thou wilt inform His Holiness that I am
firmly resolved not to transgress his commands, because, be-
sides my natural devotion to the Holy See, my devotion to
His Beatitude himself arises from many causes and from obli-
gations which ever since I was in minoribus our house has
received from him. Add that I have experienced how hurtful
it has been to be out of favour with the late Pontiff although,
as it seems to me, I was unjustly persecuted rather for others'
sins than for any insult or offence to him of holy memory.
But I leave this to the judgment of others. Be it as it may
I am firmly determined, not only not to offend His Beatitude
in any way, but to think day and night on what I can do to
please him ; thus I trust that the joy and pleasure which the
nomination of His Beatitude to the Pontificate caused me will
endure for long, and I supplicate His Beatitude to accept me
and my children and all that is mine as his humble sons and
servants, and to preserve to us his grace, inasmuch as we shall
make every effort to deserve his goodwill.
After this thou art to say to His Holiness that having thus
recommended me, brotherly love constrains thee to recommend
also Messer Giovanni, whom I have brought up as a priest, and
endeavour to educate morally and intellectually in such a way
that he should not be put to shame among others. All my
hope in this matter is in His Beatitude who has already, out of
his clemency and humanity, shown him some affection, and as
we are in his good graces I entreat him to continue his benevo-
lence, and to add to the other obligations our house has towards
the Holy See by favouring this affair of Messer Giovanni ; strive
with these and other words to recommend thy brother. I
have now said enough about the Pope. Thou wilt have my
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LORENZO DI PIERO DE' MEDICI
letters to all the cardinals which thou wilt deliver or not
according to Giovannis directions. Commend me to them and
say thou art come to Rome to express my devotion to Their
Most Reverend Lords, and also in order that they may make
acquaintance with him who will continue the devotion of our
house towards them, and that they are to command thee and
make use of thee as of all that is mine, offering thyself, &c.
This thou wilt say to all in general, but to those on the marked
list thou wilt say as follows.
To Cardinal Visconti say that even were he not a Cardinal,
our house has old and innate obligations to all his illustrious
house, and that as my son and by nature an ally of the Sforzas
(Sforzesco), and a devoted servant of His Most Reverend Lord-
ship thou beseechest him to command thee, and to treat thee
as one of his house and accept thee as his servant, as are all of
our house.
To Cardinal d^Aragona say that as I place all my hopes and
trust in H.M. the King his father, it is thy duty as my son to
present thyself to His Most Reverend Lordship, and that thou
and my other sons, besides the many benefits received from
H.M. the King, can never forget the honours paid to me at
Naples and the mode of sending me home, and that thou art
well aware what would have been thy condition and that of
my other children, if things had gone differently. For this
reason His Most Reverend Lordship and all the other sons of
H.M. the King may sell thee, or pawn thee, and treat thee as
a thing belonging to them.
To Cardinal Orsini say that I have sent thee to Rome for
him to see how offshoots of their tree prosper in our soil and
what fruit they bear, and that, such as they are, I send the first-
fruit to His Most Reverend Lordship, and that although an
unworthy son of the house of Orsini thou desirest, such as thou
art, to be a servant of His Reverence, to whom as head of the
house thou art willing and ready, during thy whole life as far
thou canst, to repay the obligations thou art under to his noble
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LETTERS OF THE EARLY MEDICI
house, which are indeed great, as thou owest thy being to it.
For this reason thou art come to beg him as head, &c., to take
thee under his care and to instruct thee, for thy honour and
success will reflect upon him as much as upon me, thy father ;
commend to him Clarice and thy brothers and sisters, &c.
To the cardinals who are related to the Orsini, as I think
are the Savelli, Conti, and Colonna, thou wilt make use of more
familiar language than to the others, saying that besides other
obligations I have towards them, we are, by the grace of God,
related to their noble families, which I consider as one of the
chief ornaments of our house. To Monsignore our Archbishop
of Florence thou art to show all these instructions before
making any visits, which on account of thine age may be very
short ones. I hope that His Lordship, being better informed
and more prudent, will add anything needful, assuring him that
what I say is not merely formal but the truth, and do either
more or less than his Lordship directs, as though it was I who
told thee. At all events thou art to visit all the Orsini who
are in Rome, speaking with due reverence, commending me to
Their Lordships and offering thyself as their son and servant,
they having deigned to become our relations by which thou art
the chief gainer as being of higher birth, and therefore it is but
right thou shouldst strive to repay them. I send thee with
Giovanni Tornabuoni, whom thou art to obey in all things
and not to presume to do aught without him. Be modest and
kindly in manner towards him and every one, and strive to bear
thyself with sedateness, all the more that sedateness is not a
youthful virtue. The honours and flatteries that will be
bestowed upon thee will be a great danger if thou art not
discreet and rememberest who thou art. If Gugliemo [de 1
Pazzi] or his sons or grandsons come to see thee receive them
kindly, but quietly, showing sorrow for their condition and
encouraging them to act well and to hope for better things by
so doing. Should Monsignore our Archbishop think it right
for thee to go to any place outside Rome to visit any of the
264
LORENZO DI PIERO DE' MEDICI
Orsini, thou canst do so ; obey His Lordship in this and in
everything, as I have already said, as thou wouldst obey me.
Tell Gugliemo that Bianca l having written in my name, and
in that of Bernardo Rucellai, to ask him to give up the Canonry
of Pisa to her for a certain exchange she wishes to make, he
ought to do it, particularly as Bernardo offers to serve him and
to help him in whatever way he thinks best. Impress this upon
him.
NICCOLO MICHELOZZI to LORENZO DE' MEDICI at Morba
I send this horseman, not because the enclosed letters are of
any great importance, but because all your people, both those
of your house and your friends, wish to have news of you :
though in all hope is great, yet the desire will only be appeased
by news of you and of good results [from the baths]. Give
orders therefore that your secretaries write often.
Antonio Tornabuoni informs me that this morning the
Captain of infantry was sent to Romagna, we think he will do
well what is necessary, and at Pietrasanta ... 2 to fly from
peril.
The Doge of Genoa writes that a safe-conduct for eight
days has been given to Francesco Centurione, principally
because some persons have an idea that he comes for a purpose
and is not merely passing through. You will be the first to
know whether he is the bearer of anything.
Sassetto tells me he has, by your orders, replied to the
letter from Amaretto in Venice to you, and has told him to
come here.
From the letters from Rome you will understand about the
Pope, who has been trying to trick us.
Pier Filippo tells me that they intend to send a Commissary
1 Lorenzo's sister, married to Gugliemo de' Pazzi.
2 A piece of letter torn out.
LETTERS OF THE EARLY MEDICI
to Pisa who can if necessary also act at Leghorn and at Pietra-
santa, a man of resolution. They think of sending Piero di
Lutozzo and of recalling Piero Capponi and Piero Vettori, who
have both asked to be recalled, particularly Pier Capponi
because Gino is not well ; if you have any one else to suggest
send word, for there is still time.
Alberghetto says he is ready to make those four small
cannon for you if you will give him the materials ; thus he will
not lose his time on public things, in which he has been very
ill-treated ; they don^t pay him, they give him no work, and
they drive him to despair. I have helped him and shall do all
I can for him.
Tell Madonna Clarice that Piero and all the other children
are as well as ever I saw them, and I hope they will continue so.
Do your best to recover and return soon quite cured and in
good health, then everything else will go well.
On "Change money is abundant for everywhere, save Lyons,
for which place all the merchants are buyers, particularly those
who used to be sellers. I think some one must be working to
send supplies by some other channel. But I do not understand
these things, or know whether it is true, still I think you ought
to be informed of everything : if my news bores you, either tell
me, or tell Ser Piero to open my letters and not to show them
to you.
Do order them to write often to us. I commend myself to
you. In Florence the last day of the year 1484 (24th March
1485).
Ser Francesco sends you an abstract of what little there is
of public matters. NICCOLO MiCHELozzi. 1
Arch. Med. ante Prin., Filza xxxix. No. 84.
266
LORENZO DI PIERO DE' MEDICI
MATTEO FRANCO to SER PIERO DOVIZI DA BIBBIENA,
Chancellor of Lorenzo de 1 Medici, ivherever he
may be
Salve, o alter ego.
Good-bye Ser Piero, good-bye Franco, good-bye Lorenzo,
Butti, Franceschi, good-bye, good-bye, &c. We parted at
Capitulo near Bagno a Morba. Florence having quitted Pisa, 1
we came gaily singing and joking to the mill on this side of
Monte Castelli, where we found twenty-five soldiers with shields
and spears whom we had seen from above, when we said to one
another, "Who are those fellows down there ?" and we all shouted
" Polk, Palle" ; they replied, " Palle, Palle e Orso, Orso"and as we
came nearer the shouts of Palle and Orso redoubled. We then
saw they were men sent from Monte Castelli to escort us, &c.
They wanted us to enter the townlet, but we declined, so they
came with us down into the plain where was a crowd of women
with faces as wrinkled as chestnut cakes, but all very merry
and happy with tables spread out with wine, puff pastry, &c.
We drank in haste, and keeping one of the soldiers as a guide
discharged the others, and went on our journey singing and
chatting gaily. Passing by deserted Monte Guidi, half-way
down the hill we met a priest with his frock tucked up and so
out of breath he might have come from Assisi, who said he
was a friend of Donnino, 2 and implored us to dismount at his
church and house, he was so exhausted and ran up and down
so incessantly, that if he did not go and be bled I fear that by
this time he is no more. God help him. We left, or rather
we did not stop, and passed down below Casoli without enter-
ing, and about four miles this side of the village Martino Ghezo
and Martino Moro caught us up, not having been able to keep
1 Lorenzo and his wife were coming .from Bagno a Morba; he went to
Pisa, and she came home to Florence.
2 A favourite groom of Lorenzo de' Medici, mentioned also in La Caccia al
Falcone.
267
LETTERS OF THE EARLY MEDICI
up with us as we rode fast. They told us that on the other
side of Casoli they met the so-much-longed-for Nannina l in a
carriage, and that she asked about Lorenzo and Madonna
Clarice. Hearing that Madonna Clarice had passed, and that
Lorenzo had gone to Pisa, she was, they said, in despair, and
showed great sorrow at not having seen Lorenzo, or even having
been able to talk to Madonna Clarice. When Madonna heard
this she several times lamented the bad luck of their missing
each other, &c.
And thus, till about two miles from Colle di Val d'Elsa,
we continued singing, joking, and talking. Then we became
almost dumb, for nearly all our words migrated into a brother
of Antonio del Pela who came to meet us, and conducted us
into the tumbledown and ruined village of Colle to the house
of the said Antonio. He came forward with such a river and
flood of words that he drowned his brother, and us, and all
who were near, and showed that he was truly the elder and the
better brother. On entering the hall we found about thirty-
five members of his family girls, women, and children. My
bore immediately began : " Madonna Clarice, this is my daugh-
ter, come forward, kiss the lady's hand ; and this is my grand-
daughter, come forward, touch her gown. And this one, and
this one. And these little ones are all my grandchildren ; hold
yourselves up, think of your manners ; this one is to be a priest,
this one a nun, to this one Madonna Lucrezia stood godmother,
this one I have just given in marriage, this one makes Venetian
fringe, that one lace." Plague take him. If I had not pulled
him away he would have cast a spell on us all. But by assert-
ing how tired Madonna Clarice and we all were I managed to
damp his ardour. We arrived about twenty-two or twenty-
three of the clock, and after resting we went to see paper
made, 2 and returned to fetch Madonna Clarice, who thought
1 Lorenzo de' Medici's sister, married to Bernardo Rucellai.
2 Paper-mills were flourishing at Colle in the second half of the fifteenth
century. See Dizionario delict Toscana, E. Repetti, i. 758.
268
LORENZO DI PIERO DE' MEDICI
it a pretty thing, and was much interested in the machines, the
water, the air, &c. Then we went back and supped about one
of the clock : a few wafers, cakes, and trebbiano, 1 salad and
pickles, boiled fowl, and kid : and then young pigeons roasted,
and I know not what preparation of fowl, marzipan, sweets,
and comfits, &c.
Before supper the Commune of Colle made an offering to
Madonna of corn, marzipan, wine, sweetmeats, &c., presented
by eloquent orators, three out of the number. The substance
was that as Lorenzo, whom they had expected, had not come,
they presented all to her as being a second Lorenzo, with many
excuses for the smallness of the gift owing to their poverty,
and begged her to commend them and the town to Lorenzo.
Madonna, by God, replied well and briefly, saying that they
were not friends as they declared, for had they been they would
have known that Lorenzo and herself would protect them with-
out expecting gifts, which were rather things pertaining to
strangers than to good friends. " On the one hand, you com-
plain and ask me to represent to Lorenzo the poverty and
the needs of yourselves and of your town, and then you spend
money in these things. I take the will for the deed and give
all back to you ; for if I kept them I should only give them to
the town for the love of God, so I bestow them on you who are
poorer than I." There was a great ado because they stead-
fastly refused to take the things away, alleging that there were
plots against them, &c. Ser Giovanni Antonio and I sent
them back by some of our people, keeping four flasks of wine
and some marzipan to content them, and to show we wished
them well.
We slept right well, and though Pela broke our heads with
his idle chatter, I must say he received us with great courtesy
and affection : and, after all, a good heart is to be admired
more than other things.
In the evening after supper there appeared a certain Messer
1 A much-prized white Tuscan wine.
LETTERS OF THE EARLY MEDICI
Ricco, an envoy from Siena, who remained with Madonna
Clarice and Messer Giovanni Antonio for half-an-hour, talking
about the rising at Siena. He said that Lorenzo had written
that he was leaving Bagno with his wife, but did not say where
he was going, so he thought to find him here. I know Ser
Giovanni Antonio was satisfied with the report given by the
envoy so I say no more.
Before leaving in the morning Messer Giovanni Antonio
and I paid a visit to the Podesta. Then with a guide we came
to Tavernelle and then to Pasignano, where Donnino had pre-
ceded us ; we reached there about fifteen of the clock. After
resting awhile we dined : liver and lights, boiled kid, broad
beans, curds and good wine, and then we visited the whole
house, the church, and the relics. Madonna Clarice was more
pleased than I can say with the house and with her room.
There we stayed all day seeing different things. Our supper
was salad, an excellent herb pie, fried curds, broad beans and
cheese, &c.
In the morning, that is yesterday morning, we left directly
after mass, coming by the S. Casciano road. Just under Fabrica
a man galloped up, saying : " Your Piero sends me to find out
by which road you are coming, for yester evening he came
out several miles to meet you, and has now gone with Messer
Giovanni and all the others towards S. Maria Impruneta."
We replied that we were bound to S. Casciano. He flew off to
bear the message, and at last on this side of S. Casciano, as we
were crossing the river, we met Jacopo Salviati and his friend
Tommasino de 1 Corbinelli, who greeted us with great joy, and
rode back with us. Then near the Certosa we met paradise
full of festive and joyous angels, that is to say, Messer Giovanni
and Piero, and Giuliano and Giulio on pillions, with all their
attendants. As soon as they saw their mother they threw
themselves from their horses, some without help, others aided
by their people, and they ran forward and were lifted into the
arms of Madonna Clarice, with such joy and kisses and delight
270
LORENZO DI PIERO DE' MEDICI
that a hundred letters could not describe it. Even I could not
restrain myself but got off my horse, and ere they remounted I
embraced them all twice ; once for myself and once for Lorenzo.
Darling little Giuliano said, with a long O, O, O, " Where is
Lorenzo ? " We said, " He has gone to Poggio to find you."
Then he : " O no, never," almost in tears. You never beheld
so touching a sight. He and Piero, who has become a beauti-
ful lad, the prettiest thing, by God, you ever saw, somewhat
grown, with the profile of an angel, and rather long hair which
stands out a little and is charming to see. Giuliano, red and
fresh as a rose, smooth, clear, and bright as a mirror, joyous
and with those contemplative eyes. Messer Giovanni also looks
well, not much colour, but healthy and natural ; and Giulio
has a brown and healthy complexion. 1 All, in short, were
happiness itself. And thus with great joy and delight we went
a happy party by Via Maggio, Ponte a S. Trinita, S. Michele
Berteldi, S. Maria Maggiore, Canto alia Paglia, Via de 1
Martelli, and entered the house, per infinita asecula aseculorum
eselibera nos a malo amen. I then rode to my own house, and
I have not seen them since as I found many things to do.
Nothing more.
Luigi left Florence this morning and went to Calcione or
Balcione or whatever his place is called, and his wife is in
Florence. Tell Francesco di Maestro Antonio, 2 my beloved
and beautiful, that he had his letter, was much pleased by it,
and says he will reply by word of mouth, as there was nought
in it of moment he did not answer, but begs him to forgive
him, he will do it better in person. Take note of this.
To my Andrea de 1 Medici commend me with all thy
might and tell him not to forget my sea-shells. And come
1 The two future Popes, Leo X. and Clement VII. Giulio was the illegiti-
mate son of Giuliano, Lorenzo's brother, murdered in the Pazzi conspiracy.
Lorenzo's second son, Giovanni, destined for the Church, had received the
tonsure at seven years old, and was always spoken of as Messer Giovanni.
2 The Squarcialupi, surnamed degli Organi, great musicians of the fifteenth
century.
271
LETTERS OF THE EARLY MEDICI
back soon for the people can no longer retain their impatience.
In haste. May 12, 1485. FRANCO.
I gave thy garter to the man thou toldest me. I quite
understand that he has not pleased the person who you said
praised him : so that what with this and our conversation in
the fields I think it would be an excellent thing to do
as we decided. By word of mouth we will settle all. Vale
iterum.
Say to Francesco that I went to his house and told his old
woman that he was well and would be at Poggio on Monday,
at which she rejoiced. I also went to the house of my Andrea
de' Medici : his womankind were at vespers, but I saw the
baby girl who was being fed ; the sweetest little fish in the
world, she looks like a rose : and I left word that he was well
and would return on Monday. Commend me to him.
Two of Piero 1 s Sayings
Returning from the festival at the Carmine together we
passed my house, so he came in and had some breakfast, and
when we left as he was putting on his catelano [overcoat] I
said : " Piero, will you not drink a little more ? " When his
coat was well on he said : " Yes, just a little so as not to smell
of Catelano, 11 l which made us all laugh. The other : Passing
near S. Maria Novella the house of that Ser Francesco who
kept a school for boys, and seeing that now a carpenter was
standing at the door which was open so that we could see
wood piled up inside, I said : " Oh dear, Ser Francesco who
kept the school must be dead, 11 and the carpenter answered
that he was. I exclaimed : " The devil ! I am grieved for
him ! " Piero said : " Why ' the devil 1 ? did you wish him to
live more years than a life ? He must have been eighty. 11
1 The boy's play upon words is not easy to understand, it may mean a
Catalonian.
272
LORENZO DI PIERO DE' MEDICI
We laughed all the way to Piazza Madonna. I thought he
had heard this and only repeated it, but looking at him I saw
by his laughing face that he had said it of himself and on
purpose.
Lorenzo declares (and it makes me laugh) that he will not
have Piero bothered, &c. ; the poor lad cannot go outside the
door without all Florence running after him ; it is the same at
home, they all try to make him shine, though with decorum,
on which he insists. But they don't care. It is of no use ;
they are all enthusiastic and cannot hold their tongues.
When Lorenzo goes out he will have to lock the boy in a
cupboard if he does not want to hear questions put to him to
answer. I cannot tell you what charm there is about him, so
that all who talk for a while with him are captivated. 1
LORENZO DE' MEDICI to the DUKE ERCOLE D'ESTE
Illme. Domine mi, Your Excellency has in your library a
book by an historian named Dione, de Romams historiis, which
I have an extreme desire to see, both on account of the con-
solation I derive from history and also because my son Piero,
who has some knowledge of Greek literature, has begged me to
get this book for him to read, which I understand is very rare
in Italy. 2 Your Excellency can understand how grateful I
shall be for the loan of it for a few days, and therefore I beg
you to grant my request and with all eagerness I expect the
1 Un Viaggio di Clarice Orsini de' Medici, &c., Scelta di Curiosith, Letterarie
inedite o rare, Gaetano Romagnoli. Bologna, 1868.
2 This codex had belonged to Battista Guarino and was highly valued and
jealously guarded. The Duke refused to send it to Florence but allowed
Lorenzo to have it copied by a Greek scribe he sent to Ferrara. Three years
later Lorenzo asked the Duke to lend for a few days the translation of the
book by Dione Cassio (Dionysius Cassius) made for the Duke by Niccolo
Leoniceno. Again afraid to trust the manuscript out of his hands, he had a
copy made in all haste by divers scribes, and sent it as a present to Lorenzo,
on the condition that he was neither to lend it nor to allow it to be published.
The translation was printed for the first time in Venice in 1532, the Greek
original in Paris in 1548.
273 s
LETTERS OF THE EARLY MEDICI
book. I commend myself to Your Excellency. Florence,
February 5, 1485 (1486). Your Excellency's servant,
LAURENTIUS DE MEDicis. 1
Lorenzo not only borrowed but lent books in liberal fashion.
Poliziano was his librarian with a certain Meo cartolalo as his
assistant, who bound the manuscripts. Poliziano himself, Pico
della Mirandola, Messer Demetrio the Greek (Chalcondylas),
John Lascaris, and Bernardo Michelozzi, afterwards Bishop of
Forli, were among the most frequent borrowers, and every book
taken out of the library, even by Lorenzo or his sons, was
noted down in his Epistolario. Not only books, but arms,
silver dishes, bowls, goblets, salt-cellars, spoons, and forks,
were lent to various Podesta and to friends, even the Signoria
of Florence occasionally borrowed from him. The silver
Lorenzo took with him on hunting excursions or to the various
baths he visited was carefully recorded.
MESSER GUIDONE ALDROVANDINI, Ambassador to the
Republic of Florence from Ferrara, to DUKE
ERCOLE D'ESTE
Yesterday evening at one of the night the Magnificent
Lorenzo returned and to-day I went to see him. His Mag-
nificence said that during these few days of absence he found
that Milan had made observations about the Signoria having
despatched Ugolino Baccio, a private gentleman of no official
standing, to the Illustrious Duke of Calabria without notify-
ing the fact to the government of Milan ; and that it seemed
to him that Milan and the Lord Lodovico did not remember
that this city called herself the city of liberty, and that she
would be indeed in evil plight if she could not send a man
wherever she chose without the permission of Milan, par-
ticularly when despatched to the Duke of Calabria. Also that
this city made no remark when the Lord Lodovico made a
1 Lettere, &c., Arch. Palatina di Modena, op. cit.
274
LORENZO DI PIERO DE' MEDICI
treaty with Venice without informing this Signoria ... all
these things showed a rancorous and evil disposition. . . .
That if Milan ever needed help from here . . . and in
desperate need turned to this people ... it would be im-
possible to persuade them to listen to her request. He said
that Villa was of no value to Milan, while to this Signoria the
place was of great importance, for if they lose hold of that
district and were at war with Genoa, instead of spending ten
they would have to spend sixty and even more. . . . He could
not understand whence arose the hatred shown by Milan to
this Signoria and the explosion of rage at the acquisition of
a place of no importance. This Signoria did not act thus
towards Milan, nor towards, the Marquis of Mantua, nor
towards Your Lordship ; they have always aided, and spent
much treasure in trying to help all these princes to enrich
themselves at the expense of Venice. If this did not succeed it
was not the fault of this Signoria, who did all they could to aid
in the matter. It therefore seems strange to them that there
should be such grumbling about Villa. I then touched upon
what Your Excellency wrote to me. That it was not thought
that Milan would again demand the restitution of Villa but
would wait until this Signoria decided upon attacking Sarzana,
when Villa would naturally fall to them. . . . His Magnificence
replied : "I will tell you all openly, only beg Your Lord to keep
it secret. This you must know has been thought of, but this
city is not inclined to undertake the enterprise of Sarzana
during the next few years, but to temporise until our affairs
are more prosperous, for we are quite aware that the Lord
Lodovico has made an alliance with Genoa, and that we could
not count on help from him. The Lord Lodovico shows that
he does not understand the spirit that rules this city, which is
this : When we have embarked on an enterprise we continue
with ardour, when we are at peace it needs a great effort to
make us undertake one. Now that the Signoria has sheathed
the sword it will not unsheath it, save for very grave reasons.
275
LETTERS OF THE EARLY MEDICI
We know that 60,000 ducats would not suffice for an attempt
on Sarzana." . . . November 4, I486. 1
DUKE EBCOLE D'ESTE to MESSEB ALDROVANDINI, Am-
bassador of Ferrara to the Republic of Florence
MESSER ALDROVANDINI, As soon as you receive this our
letter contrive to see the Magnificent Lorenzo solus cum solo,
and inform him most secretly that we are advised by our ambas-
sador at Venice that a Genoese envoy has arrived there in
disguise, with secret instructions from his prince, and his ambas-
sador has asked that Illustrious Signoria to enter into a treaty,
and to give counsel and aid against the Magnificent Signoria of
Florence. Not desiring to make this public, but on the con-
trary to keep it secret, they requested the Illustrious Signoria
of Venice to let Signer Roberto [San Severino] enter his service,
to whom his Commune offers 20,000 men for making war against
the Florentines. He complained that the Illustrious Lord
Lodovico kept his ambassadors some time in Milan and sent
them home without concluding anything, on the pretext that
he wanted to reconcile them with the Florentines, towards
whom they say he is too tender. It has been determined not
to give an immediate answer to this envoy but to keep him
amused with hopes until it is known whether the league and
friendship which is now being arranged between the Pope and
the Signoria is concluded. To accelerate this the Signoria of
Venice have sent Antonio Vinciguerra their secretary in all
haste to Rome, who passed through here three nights ago on
his way to Ravenna, where horses were ready to take him to
Rome. With him went a secretary of the Legate, who is at
Venice, sent by the Legate, so that by what we see and hear
the affair is on the point of being concluded unless steps
can be taken to stop it. Of the important results to Italian
1 Letters e Notizie, Arch. Pal. di Modena, op, cit.
276
LORENZO DI PIERO DE' MEDICI
matters, et presentim to our Illustrious League, I leave the
Magnificent Lorenzo to judge. I beg you ex corde to keep this
news secret, for if by chance it was known from whence it came,
besides the danger our ambassador at Venice would run, you
would lose the benefit of being advised of matters which deeply
concern that Illustrious Signoria and His Magnificence.
Ferrara, November 18, I486. 1
MESSER GUIDONE ALDROVANDINI, Ambassador of
Eerrara to the Republic of Florence, to the DUKE
ERCOLE D'ESTE
This evening about 24 of the clock came the letter of Your
Illustrious Lordship. I went at once to the Magnificent
Lorenzo and read him the whole letter, entreating him in
Your Excellency's name to keep it absolutely secret. When
His Magnificence heard it I assure Your Lordship that he
remained for a time without opening his lips from agony and
rage, and then said : " I believe all that is evil of this Pope,
the more so that to-day I heard from Rome that S. Piero in
Vincula is going to Padua on the pretence of fulfilling a vow,
but really in order to conclude a league with the Venetians and
settle everything." Then he added : " This ecclesiastical State
has always been the ruin of Italy, because being ignorant and
not knowing how to govern, the priests put the whole world
in peril. If His Majesty puts an end to the Barons, he will
then teach the Pope to read." About the news that Signer
Roberto was to lead the Genoese against him, &c., he did not
seem to care much, or to hold them in much estimation, saying
that they would need other men than the crews of galleys. He
then said : " If Signer Roberto is to be the instrument of this
it is not serious." By these words I gathered that His Magni-
ficence did not greatly fear Signer Roberto on account of the
1 Ibid, p. 291.
277
LETTERS OF THE EARLY MEDICI
friendship existing between them and that he meant, according
to my poor judgment, that Signor Roberto would not make
war on Florence ; though he did not express himself clearly.
Florence, November 20, I486. 1
LORENZO DE' MEDICI to UGOLINO BACCIO in Apulia
To BACCIO.
I have yours of the 18th, 22nd, and 29th, and now answer
what is most important. As to the understanding between
the Pope and the King I have no fear that it will cause
me trouble ; for if I thought the King did not understand
the difference between one who has seriously offended him and
one who has aided him with all his might, I should not
^ have advised this city to help him. The confirmation of the
custom we have adopted of making princes of the relatives of
Popes displeases me, because I have experienced the evils it
gives rise to, and know that the more esteem one shows for
others the less is shown to oneself, and that one example
entails others. I have come to the conclusion that a union
between Milan, ourselves, and the house of Orsini would be to
our advantage and to theirs, and anything that indicates greater
^ faith in others than in us weakens this bond. But as the Lord
Virginio [Orsini] is of a different opinion I give way, particu-
larly as Messer Gianjacopo [Tpvulzio, Sforza's general], who is
as prudent and expert as Papi Tani, is of his way of thinking.
I do not however repent of having spoken fully and openly
about this, unless the King or the Duke have taken offence, in
which case I had rather have bitten my tongue.
As to the other part of your letter in which you say
you have heard from Milan that the Duke has been told I
am displeased at his seeking to protect himself and obtain
a following, it is false, and no man who speaks the truth can
say it. Give the Duke to understand that if I believed that
1 Letterc c Notizie, &c., Arch. Pal. di Modena, op. cit.
278
LORENZO DI PIERO DE' MEDICI
the frauds and lies of others would find credence with His
Excellency as against my actions, I think I should go and live
with the Turk. The proof of what my desire has been is that
I always counselled the Duke by letter, and in person at
Citerna, to take Colonessi into his service, and persuaded the
Lord Virginio that this was the proper thing. It appears to
me unnecessary to make excuses, as it might give rise to the
idea that I was in fault, of which I am as free as the day I was
born. I am I think known as an upright man and loyal, and
one to be trusted by the Duke as fully as any man alive for
sincerity and a complete lack of prejudice. What I have done
to aid him was done without any design of benefiting the State
or myself, of my own free will and reason. He will see that I
shall not trouble him much or reproach him every hour as will
probably be done by others. If I have asked him for anything,
as for example San Germano, I can truly say it was rather
offered to me than asked for, and whether I get it or not, I shall
continue the same line of conduct without any feeling of anger,
because I was actuated by higher motives which still affect me.
Messer Gianjacopo would do well to send you the Brief which
he mentioned to Pier Capponi as having already arrived, and
which creates more difficulties ; and he would have done still
better not to tell the Pope the intentions of others with regard
to the negotiations for peace. I had given no authority to any
one, and am more than content that love and peace reigns
between the King and the Lord Lodovico : for if a good under-
standing does not exist between us peril and great loss will
ensue. I never consider that any good will come to me from
harm done to others. Perhaps some day God will open the
eyes of all wider. I am glad your expedition meets with the
approval of the person you mention, I will arrange that you
shall find there any news I can give. But as the Pope appears
ill-disposed I have small faith in anything that depends on him.
I am very glad that the Count's affairs at Citerna have been
arranged not only to his satisfaction but in a way honourable to
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myself. Thank Virginio [Orsini] heartily from me, to whom we
owe this. And as I understand he has arranged the affairs and
interests of all the family except those of Organtino [Orsini,
Clarice's eldest brother] entreat him particularly also to arrange
Organtino's satisfactorily, making him understand that I regard
the affairs of His Holiness as being my own. For the love of
God, Baccio, bestir yourself with all your might in this matter,
I am most anxious about it, particularly for love of Clarice. I
long for peace at home as I see small reason to hope for it
abroad. December 3, I486. 1
MESSER GUIDONE ALDROVANDINI, Ambassador from
Ferrara to the Florentine Republic, to the DUKE
ERCOLE D'ESTE
. . . Milan has written the most amiable letters to this
Illustrious Signoria about the affair of Sarzana, saying that they
will expose their State and their persons if necessary in the
service of Florence. These letters are explained by Milan
having heard of the league between the Pope and the Venetians,
and finding that she cannot draw the Pope on her side as she
thought, she now tries to make friends here. The Illustrious
Lodovico has also written a most loving letter to the Magnifi-
cent Lorenzo, saying that they have both erred, and suggesting
that the past be set aside and a clean page begun, when the
Magnificent Lorenzo will see that he will be a true and good
brother ; and that he will not believe the past has been for-
gotten unless some great service is demanded of him. These
letters have been most acceptable to the Magnificent Lorenzo.
. . .Florence, December 10, I486. 2
. . . Sarzana is being bombarded day and night by the
Florentine troops, and it is hoped that S. Francesco will be
1 Arch. Med. ante Pr in., Filza xliii. No. 176.
2 Lettere c Notizie, &c., Arch. Pal. di Modena, op. cit.
280
LORENZO DI PIERO DE' MEDICI
theirs in two days, when Sarzana must fall. Some soldiers and
officers have fled from the town and say the inhabitants are in
great straits and have begun to eat the army biscuits, and that
Messer Ettore Dal Fiesco, the commissary, is hated for his
extreme cruelty. Two of the mortars of this Illustrious Signoria
have burst. The Magnificent Lorenzo is at Pisa urging on
the capture of Sarzana ; he has sent the big mortar from
Pisa, and pioneers in haste to the camp, whom he paid in
advance as otherwise none would go. . . . Florence, June 7,
1487. 1
The Magnificent Lorenzo has gone himself to the camp
before Sarzana to push on matters. S. Francesco has fallen.
. . .Florence, June 9, 1487. 2
The Magnificent Lorenzo arrived here on the vigil of
S. Giovanni (23rd June) and was received with more joy and
caresses by the people than I can describe, as they say they
owe the taking of Sarzana to him more than to others. . . .
Florence, June 26, 1487.
. . . The Magnificent Lorenzo said bitter words to me
about the Illustrious Signer Lodovico (il Moro), particularly
as to the withdrawal of his troops ex abrupto from the camp
(before Sarzana), saying the Signor Lodovico was so puffed up
that he fancied the Genoese would give him Castelletto and
Genoa, but that time would teach him better. . . . Florence,
June 28, 1487. 3
... I again tried to persuade the Magnificent Lorenzo that
he would do well and wisely to let Your Highness try and
dissipate this misunderstanding between the Illustrious Messer
Lodovico and His Magnificence, and that I was sure Your
Highness would be able to arrange matters so that they would
be greater friends than before. His Magnificence was greatly
perturbed and said Your Highness was in a position to know-
how justified were the complaints of this Signoria against the
Signor Lodovico and then turned his back on me. I attempted
1 Ibid. -' Ibid. 3 Ibid.
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LETTERS OF THE EARLY MEDICI
to ask him what this meant but in vain : he would not answer.
I confess I do not know what to infer from this. If Your
Excellency understands, so much the better. A friend told me
that at home His Magnificence talks like a desperate man, and
says that he would like to go for six months to some place
where Italian affairs would never be mentioned, and that your
Excellency cannot imagine what joy His Magnificence showed
at the victory gained by the King of France, and openly said
he hoped to see the King master of all Italy. From this one
can only conceive that His Magnificence is very irate. God
turn his heart to act well. . . . Florence, July 7, 1487. 1
... The Magnificent Lorenzo continues to be desperately
angry with the Illustrious Messer Lodovico. . . . He spoke
most terrible and desperate words saying that Messer Lodovico
was doing all he could to make the Pope and the Florentines
throw themselves at the feet of H.M. the King, and that this
should be done ; that as Messer Lodovico wished Italian affairs
to go to the bad His Magnificence would aid and abet him, c.
What will happen I know not, but I do know that if he were
to act wisely they would come to some good understanding as
did his forefathers, and as Your Highness has told him several
times. His Magnificence sent off special messengers yester eve
to Rome and to Milan. May God guide this business to a
good end, for to me it seems that evil passions are rising here
every day. . . . Florence, July 18, 1487. 2
DUKE EBCOLE D'ESTE to MESSER ALDBOVANDINI, Am-
]bassador of Ferrara to the Florentine Republic
. . . You are informed that the Illustrious Messer Lodovico
[il Moro] is ill ; it seems he is afflicted with certain pains in the
stomach which give him great suffering. Therefore many
friends of his and of ours at Milan who are anxious about his
1 Lettcre e Notizic, &c., Arch. Pal. di Modena, op. cit. 2 Ibid.
282
LORENZO DI PIERO DE' MEDICI
health, have entreated us to beg the Magnificent Lorenzo to
send a certain Maestro Pietro Leoni, an excellent doctor who
is at Florence, to Milan, a man of great knowledge who may
perhaps cure this malady. 1 We therefore desire that as soon
as you receive this you go to the Magnificent Lorenzo and in
our name beg him as heartily as you can, for love of us and for
the interest we believe he takes in the health of the Illustrious
Lodovico, to send the said Maestro Pietro immediately to
Milan. Ferrara, August 31, 1487. 2
MESSER GUIDONE ALDBOVANDINI, Ambassador of Ferrara
to the Republic of Florence, to DUKE ERCOLE D'ESTE
1 ... I hear from a good source that Messer Giovanni
Jacopo de" Trivulzi has been commissioned by the Pope to
tell the Magnificent Lorenzo that he only sleeps with the eyes
of the said Magnificent Lorenzo, that he must advise him, the
Pontiff, wisely and guide him ; if he does so the gain and the
honour will be his ; but if his advice be bad it will lead to the
ruin of both. The Pope complains as high as the third heaven
of the King^s conduct to him. 3 At the same time Messer
Jacopo speaks of the cowardice, misery, and sadness of the
Pope, as one speaks about a blackguard, and says that if he be
not encouraged and helped to keep up his spirits, he will sink
lower than any coward ever sank. To-day comes news that the
King has appealed ad novum Concilium contra Pontificem on
account of his behaviour to H.M. This will I believe frighten
the Pope, for he is a very rabbit. . . . Florence, September 6,
1487. 4
. . . The Pope says the King cannot appeal because at
1 Pietro Leoni was Lorenzo de' Medici's physician, and either drowned
himself or was thrown into a well near Careggi when Lorenzo died.
2 Lettere e Notizie, &c. , Arch. Pal. di Modena, op. cit.
3 Ferdinand, or Ferrante, King of Naples.
* Lettere c Nolizie, &c., Arch. Pal. di Modena, op. cit.
283
LETTERS OF THE EARLY MEDICI
Mantua, when the Diet assembled in the time of Pope Pius, all
the Italian princes promised never to appeal ad futurem Con-
cilium. Item that H.M. expressly promised Pope Sixtus not to
appeal, &c. For these reasons His Sanctity declares that he
can proceed against the King. But I think he will be cautious.
Florence, September 12, 1487. 1
. . . H.M. the King and the Duke of Calabria 2 declare
that neither through the King of Castile, or through Milan or
Florence, have they ever given a promise to pay tribute to the
Pope. Here this declaration is laughed to scorn as being made
by cunning evildoers, cum sit that Milan and Florence made
the promise and the agreement was signed with the Pope, so
H.M. will have to pay the tribute. However like wise men
the Signori of Florence have resolved to ignore the arrogant
message of the King and the Duke, and to drink this bitter
cup. . . . Florence, November 7. 1487. 3
. . . To-day at 22 of the clock Messer Ascanio with four-
teen horsemen passed through here in disguise, riding hard by
post to Milan. It appears he has been summoned by the
Milanese nobles because the death of Messer Lodovico is expected.
The Magnificent Lorenzo and the Milanese ambassador saw His
Excellency, but no one else as it was kept secret and he did not
enter the city. ... Should Messer Lodovico die the Magnificent
Lorenzo will aid Messer Ascanio in every way to become Lord
of Milan. Some time ago he was of a different mind, but now
he will do everything to turn matters in the Pope's favour and
against H.M. the King. . . . From a friend I learn that the
Duke of Lorraine has just been here in disguise and has seen
the Magnificent Lorenzo at night, who at once sent him on to
the Pope. Florence, November 18, 1487. 4
1 Lettere e Notizie, &c., Arch. Pal. di Modena, op. cit.
2 Alfonso, son of the King of Naples.
3 Lettere e Notizie, &c., Arch. Pal. di Modeiia, op. cit.
* Ibid.
284
LORENZO DI PIERO DE' MEDICI
LORENZO DE' MEDICI to INNOCENT VIII.
Sanctissime, ac Beattissime Pater post Pedum oscula Beatorum
Vestorum, From our ambassador I hear that Your Holiness
has seen fit to suspend the affair of Nantes, and to defer
granting the request to the King of France. Although I must
acquiesce in every decision of Your Holiness, yet the reasons
Your Holiness gives for delay cause me to write again ; for if
the Most Christian King obtains his desire he will be even
more beholden to Your Sanctity, while my condition and re-
putation will be enhanced. I am sure if Your Holiness knew the
help and the utility this would be to me, this business would
not be deferred, particularly as the King has in general no need
of my services, and such an occasion as the present comes but
seldom. If the love Your Holiness bears me is not shown in
great matters, it will be ill seen in small. With all humility
therefore I beseech Your Holiness to deign to grant me one
of the greatest boons I could receive, and to do a pleasure
to H.M. the King. A pleasure which will be much esteemed
by H.M., and be most honourable and useful to me. There
will be no difficulty in it, and it cannot be unbecoming in Your
Holiness to satisfy the desire of so great a King, who is so
well-deserving de Ecclesia Dei, and at the same time to content
me, Your humble and devoted servant, who humbly commends
himself at Your Holy Feet. Florence, December 8, 1487.
Humilis servitor, LAURENTIUS DE" MEDICIS.*
MESSER ALDROVANDINI, Ambassador from Ferrara to
the Florentine Republic, to DUKE ERCOLE D'ESTE
. . . The Pope has been much cheered by the assurances
of the Venetian envoys, who openly say that their Signoria
1 Lettere di Lorenzo il Magnifico al Sommo Pontcfice Innocenzo VIII. , Canonico
D. Moreni. Firenze, 1830.
285
LETTERS OF THE EARLY MEDICI
only hastened to make peace with the Germans, in order to
come to the aid of His Sanctity and the honour of the Holy
See . . . and to force His Majesty the King to keep the pro-
mises made to His Sanctity. . . . Milan has written here that
she considers the King ought to be informed that should he
fail to arrange matters with the Pope, and the Pope declares
war, he is not to expect help from either Florence or Milan.
. . . As yet these Signori have not come to any decision, but
I think they will join Milan in this. ... As to the Venetians
I do not believe they would bother themselves with such an
enterprise, unless they saw a chance of gaining something in
addition to the hatred they bear the King. . . . Florence,
December 18, 1487. *
. . . The Magnificent Lorenzo is of opinion that the Pope
should rather be held back than pushed forward, and that the
King should not be irritated, thus His Magnificence thinks we
might have peace and quiet, if the contrary is done he fears
that disaster will ensue. . . . The Magnificent Lorenzo is ex-
tremely discontented with the Pope's behaviour, and thinks
he shows greater folly every day and every hour, particularly
if he insists in launching interdicts against the King ... As
to the letters written from Milan, which I mentioned in mine
of the 18th, the answer was that as allies they could only
applaud the idea of letting the King know that they desired to
stand well with the Pope, &c. The reply was airy : they did
not desire to be explicit.
From a friend I learn that the Magnificent Lorenzo spoke
in different terms to the Milanese ambassador, saying, that as
Messer Lodovico's condition prevents him from attending to
business, it seems to him unwise to irritate the King, parti-
cularly as H.M. has everything ready and is prepared for war,
while the Pope is without troops and with small brains, has
bad advisers, and all the Roman Barons against him. The
worst of all being that neither the Pope, nor Milan, nor
1 Letterc e Notizie, &c., Arch. Pal. di Modena, op. cit.
286
LORENZO DI PIERO DE' MEDICI
Florence, have any commander if they wished to go to war,
&c. . . .Florence, December 28, 1487. 1
. . . The Magnificent Lorenzo is of opinion that the acts
of the Pope will be worse than his words. The ambassadors
of the League have arranged with His Sanctity that Imola
and Forli should go to the Count's sons, 2 but the Magnificent
Lorenzo believes that from what he hears the children have
been poisoned. In this case the Pope has every claim on that
State as being Church property and the Lords invested by the
Church being dead . . . His Magnificence would far rather
see Forli and Imola in private hands than in those of a power-
ful prince. But if they are to belong to a potentate he had
rather it should be Milan than the Church ; for Milan has
several Baronies, and might bestow the State on some lord, as
did Duke Galeazzo, but the Church would never do so, as for
some time she has been a sworn enemy to the Barons and the
Lords, and whatever she seizes she holds. Also the rule of the
Church is so admirable that it does harm to its neighbours !
And although I argued with him to see whether these were his
real convictions he remained staunch, saying that the time
would come when the Church would be more dangerous than
the Signoria of Venice, and that this belief more than anything
else induced him to favour H.M. the King [of Naples]. . . .
Florence, April 25, 1488. 3
1 Ibid.
2 Count Girolamo Riario, nephew of the late Pope Sixtus, cruel and
despotic, had been murdered by his subjects, and his wife Caterina. an ille-
gitimate daughter of Galeazzo Sforza, taken prisoner with her three sons.
The castle of Ravaldino which commanded the town still held out, and the
insurgents allowed her to go to the commandant on the pretence that she
would induce him to surrender, leaving her children as hostages in their hands.
Once inside the castle she defied the people, and when they threatened to
kill her children replied, according to Guicciardini, " Are you not fools, cannot
you see that I can have others ? " Milanese troops were sent by Lodovico Sforza
and the little boys were saved.
3 Lettere e Notizie, &c., Arch. Pal. di Modena, op. cit.
287
LETTERS OF THE EARLY MEDICI
AGNOLO POLIZIANO to LORENZO DE' MEDICI
Magnifice Domine mi, We arrived safely at Acquapen-
dente yester evening at 8 o'clock, I wrote to you also from
Montepulciano. To-morrow we leave for Viterbo. We are all
in high spirits and find good cheer, and all along the road we
pick up new tunes and May songs, which seem to me more
original here than elsewhere, alia Romanesca, vel nota ipsa
vel argumento. I commend myself to Your Magnificence.
Acquapendente, May 2, 1488. Your Magnificence's servant,
POLITIANUS. 1
Poliziano accompanied Piero de' Medici to Rome to meet
his bride Alfonsina Orsini, to whom he had been married by
proxy at Naples in February the year before. His mother
Clarice, who was very ill, had been in Rome since November
hoping, as consumptive people do, that the milder air would
cure her. With her had gone her favourite daughter, " the
eye of her head," Maddalena, affianced to the Pope's illegitimate
son Francesco Cibo. Piero and his wife, Clarice and Madda-
lena, all returned together to Florence, Lorenzo having begged
the Pope and Cibo to allow Maddalena to come with her sick
mother. With her, when she went to Rome, he had sent
Matteo Franco, "one of the dearest creatures of my house,"
he calls him, to keep the young girl company, and to look after
her. How well the humorous, kindly priest fulfilled his trust,
how cordially he disliked both Genoese and Romans, and how
he longed for the brilliant society of the Medici palace is shown
in the following letter. Cibo, a gambler, ignorant and stupid,
had sense enough to recognise how invaluable Franco was, and
although he raised no objection to Maddalena's going with her
mother, he refused to part with Franco.
1 Prose Volgari inedite, &c., op. cit. p. 74.
288
LORENZO DI PIERO DE' MEDICI
MATTED FRANCO, from Stigliano, to SER PIERO DOVIZI
DA BABBIENA, Chancellor to Lorenzo de' Medici, at
Florence
O revered, sweet, and good brother mine, where art thou at
this moment ? what art thou doing ? art thou well ? Hast
thou so soon forgotten thy Franco who eating or sleeping only
dreams of his dear soul Ser Piero ? This I will never believe,
far rather would I imagine that thou art hurt because I have
written so seldom ; that thou art sorry because I am not near
thee, thy companions and affairs ; and above all that thou art
sorry because thou dost not see the expected fruit of thy kind
and loving sowing, of thy many heartfelt letters in my favour,
of all the kind things said about me to my lord and of thy
expectation founded on the esteem and love thou bearest me.
All this gladdens and yet distresses me ; gladdens me because I
rejoice in possessing so good and true a friend ; distresses me
when I think that all thy trouble has been in vain by no fault
of mine. But, sweet Ser Piero, do not lose faith in me, as I do
not lose it in thee, good will come of it all.
Thou must know that till now we have come out of all with
honour, id est thy Franco, as Franco, towards his masters,
towards thee, and towards himself, has done well despite of
malignant, venomous and treacherous, envious, &c. I came,
and on the road and whilst in Rome, with all the love and
economy I was able to employ was so useful to my masters
that they showed their appreciation by words and deeds many
times ; particularly when I stood aloof and they tried others.
Of the money received by me for the expenses, my enemies
twice carefully dissected, like anatomists, my accounts, shop by
shop, day by day, entry by entry ; and everything was in such
order that calumny had a fall, and they were laughed at and
put to shame. Thus my affection, fidelity, and diligence were
established and talked of publicly by them as I heard privately,
289 T
LETTERS OF THE EARLY MEDICI
so that I pardon all. When I made up the final balance only
twenty-eight lire were missing, which must have been forgotten
by the man who buys retail. This would be of small account
if I had not lost so much in brains, soul, and body, instead of
only twenty-eight lire, in all these devilries and persecutions,
&c., so that I even once cursed both thee and Lorenzo who sent
me into this hell. But God has helped us, for of a certain
Lorenzo, thou, and my own good intentions, could not have a
bad ending.
All this, my Ser Piero, must be a comfort to thee as it is
to me. Also I cannot describe the kindness and love shown to
me by Madonna Clarice, twice or thrice she even said that the
Count showed small discretion in taking me from her, exclaim-
ing : " See how I am left, I will not allow any man to have the
spending of my money but Franco ; and I will eat nothing but
what has passed through his hands ; we never intended to give
Franco to him in order that he might be buried alive in a
wood, he would be far more useful to Madonna Maddalena and
to his house if he were here at hand, &c." She talked of this
a hundred times and has already sent for me twice since I have
been at these baths, and kept me two or three days until his
Lordship drove me back to the baths.
It was rumoured that Maddalena was to go to Florence
with Alfonsina and a list was drawn up of things she was going
to ask of the Count for her journey ; among others she desired :
" As chaplain I wish for Franco.
" And some one to write my letters, for this Franco will be
good.
" And I should like Your Excellency's necklace for the
time I am in Florence, and such a dress and such footmen, &c.,
if it please you, &c." The list was given to my lord in the
evening and after reading it he replied : " All thou askest I
give thee willingly, save only Franco and my necklace." The
girl replied : " Madonna Clarice desires that he should come."
" And I desire that he should stay. They have nought more
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LORENZO DI PIERO DE' MEDICI
to do with Franco once Lorenzo has given him to thee, and I
desire that thou leavest him to look after thy interests for the
income of the baths I intend for thee. Thou seest how I am
robbed by all. He has done more in the fifteen days he has
been there than all my other people since I had Cervetri."
These words were repeated to me by my angel mistress and
lady, who has doubtless wept more than once with Madonna
Baccia over my coming to stay here, for Madonna Baccia writes
that she talks of me and calls me every hour. Were it not for
this and for the thought of him there, who is my soul and my
heart, of whom I think in all my tribulations so that by the
true God, Ser Piero, melancholy then flies from me and my
heart is so consoled that my soul is kept in my body. Other-
wise I should have died a hundred times. Enough. I might
go on and tell that every day I hear how my lord praises me,
and I hope from these baths to get great honour, &c., and a
hundred other expectations from friends and models made
in Rome. But as I do not want to break thy head I skip :
enough that I have let off a little bile ; I wanted to tell thee
something about my life. I have been here at the baths of
Stigliano since March 12th, saving the few days Madonna
Clarice sent for me as I said ; and have already arranged the
baths Tuscan fashion. The rooms are disgusting, Bagno a
Morba is a Careggi in comparison ; the air is accursed, the men
are like Turks ; everything as bad as can be. Day and night I
have to struggle with bravi, with soldiers, with swindlers, with
venomous dogs, with lepers, with Jews, with madmen, with
thieves, and with Romans. Now I run to the cook, now to the
baker, then to the tavern, then to clients in the inns ; then I
argue with the discontented, with the sick in the hospital, then
with the pedlar, then with the grocer, then with the chemist ;
then I go to the washerwoman, then to the grooms, then to the
courier, then to the doctor, then to the priest. For I have
transported all these people here ; there were but bare walls
and only half of them standing. In short I have had to bring
291 ,
LETTERS OF THE EARLY MEDICI
from the smallest to the largest thing which may be needful for
perhaps ten thousand people into this forest, so that every man
may have, by paying, every convenience he wants. And I am
alone to manage all. During this month of May never a day
has passed but there have been a hundred or a hundred and fifty
persons ; rooms, beds, even the courtyard, all are full, and some
days there have been more than three hundred. Most of them
stay three days and then go ; and I have to receive them all,
to see to their food, to provide what they want and have not
brought with them, grass, oats, hay, in short, everything.
For all this they have to pay me, so I hope to glean more than
four hundred ducats for Madonna Maddalena if God gives me
health. With cooks, innkeepers, bakers and so on, I have
about twenty-five men in my pay ; and if you could see your
Franco in this tempest and purgatory and whirl, host of this
great inn of the devil, by God you would pity him. They
comfort me by saying that Christ must wish me well if I escape
without a beating, a knife in my ribs, a quarrel, or an illness,
for no one has ever returned whole from here, God be praised
for His mercies. Yet I am of good cheer and have such faith
in my fair dealing that I hope to do myself honour, if it pleases
God. Till now I have pocketed about a hundred ducats, and
all sorts and conditions of men have come. If I have not
gained with the bad ones I have not lost ; most went away
contented. From those of the better sort, couriers, gentlemen,
and the like, I think I have gained affection and esteem, for
since they returned to Rome they have written to me and sent
me presents. Some day I hope to find a great joy, I even
hope in the of Lucifer the Great, serving for the love of
God, of Lorenzo and of what is his. Vale. May 6, 1488.
YOUR FRANCO, fighting at the Baths of Stigliano. 1
The rejoicings for Piero's marriage were suddenly turned to
mourning. Lorenzo's second daughter Luisa, betrothed to her
1 Arch. Stor. Hal., Serie terza, ix. 48, Parte I.
292
LORENZO DI PIERO DE' MEDICI
cousin Giovanni, of the junior branch of the Medici, died at
the age of sixteen, so bride and bridegroom went to Careggi
without entering Florence. Early in June, however, a magnifi-
cent banquet was given in honour of Alfonsina, to which all
the foreign ambassadors and the chief citizens of the city were
invited. Soon afterwards arrived Francesco Cibo, and for the
first time since the Pazzi conspiracy in 1478 the day of S.
Giovanni (24th June) was again celebrated with great magni-
ficence. The peasants flocked into Florence to see the Pope's
son, husband of the gentle Maddalena, and the crowd saluted
him with loud cries of " Cibo e Pallet Serdonati's account of
Lorenzo's home life, apropos of these festivities, is interesting.
"When in 1488 Francesco went to Florence to celebrate
his marriage he took many knights and noble persons with
him, the flower of the Roman nobility. He was received with
great splendour and lodged with all his people right royally.
But soon Lorenzo, taking pleasure in seeing his son-in-law
familiarly, or perchance thinking to gain still more the Pope's
benevolence, continually invited him to dine at his house with-
out ceremony, or as we say alia casalinga. Now it appears that
the Florentines are generally held to be chary of spending their
money, so he thought that those gentlemen who had accom-
panied him to honour his wedding might be treated in like
manner, and was sore troubled, fearing that the city of
Florence and his relations would be held up to ridicule after-
wards in Rome. Afraid to hear what he did not wish, he
dared not ask how they fared. But one day a Roman gentle-
man who was intimate with him saw how full of thought he
was and asked the reason. He answered that although he
knew his father-in-law Lorenzo was a man of great reputation
and worth, yet he felt mortified, because on account of the
usage of the city or for some other reason his friends were
treated in too homely a fashion. He was therefore pained, but
it might be remedied by a speedy departure, and in Rome he
would indemnify them for any discomforts or annoyances they
had undergone. The cavalier, astonished, replied that had the
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LETTERS OF THE EARLY MEDICI
Pope himself been lodged as they were he could not have com-
plained, or been more magnificently entertained, cared for,
served and honoured, and that no one could desire more. So
delighted was Francesco to hear this that he could not contain
himself and recounted all to his father-in-law, who with great
urbanity replied that children, among whom he now reckoned
Francesco, and strangers and noble persons, such as had
accompanied him, were to be treated differently ; the latter
with all magnificence, partly for their own merits, partly out of
respect for him and to do him honour ; but that between him
and his own children he had made no difference. This gave
much pleasure and satisfaction to Francesco and greatly pleased
the Pope when he heard of it, and all admired the wisdom and
prudence of Lorenzo in all things both public and private." 1
MESSER ALDBOVANDINI, Ambassador from Ferrara to the
Florentine Republic, to the DUKE ERCOLE D'ESTE
I have seen Pier Filippo Pandolfini twice, who is the heart
of Lorenzo in the Council and the first citizen of Florence . . .
to tell him according to your Excellency's instructions that we
will do anything rather than break with Milan. He replied
that they would never commit the error of breaking, but etiam
that they would never consent to anything that would dishonour
or disgrace this city. Florence, he said, is neither Cremona nor
Pavia, which are subject to the State of Milan, and he thought
Milan wished to treat the Florentines as though they were her
subjects . . . and that now this Signoria [Florence] had re-
conquered Piancaldoli 2 they would never give it up.
Florence, May 15, 1488. 3
1 Vita e Fatti d'lrmocenzo VIII. , Scritta per Messer Francesco Serdonati,
fiorentino, &c. Milano, Ferrario, 1829, 59 et seq.
2 Ten years before Girolamo Eiario had taken Piancaldoli from Florence
during the war between Sixtus and Lorenzo. Lodovico Sforza was furious at
this success of the Florentine arms, but could do nothing.
3 Lettere e Notizie, &c. , Arch. Pal. di Modena, op. cit.
294
LORENZO DI PIERO DE' MEDICI
. . . The Illustrious Signori Eight sent for me to-day ;
with them was the Magnificent Lorenzo and several citizens,
and they told me the news from Faenza. The imprisonment
of Messer Giovanni [Bentivoglio] and of Madonna, the death
of Count Giampiero del Bergamino [Captain of the Milanese
troops], and that the people insisted that the son of Messer
Galeotto should be installed as their Lord under the protection
of Florence. The Eight had already recalled their Commissary
who had been sent to Castrocaro and he had arrived at Faenza.
This Illustrious Signoria has decided to accept the guardianship
and protection of the State of Faenza for the ward, son of
Messer Galeotto, and has thus written, and has ordered troops
to march towards Faenza, &C. 1 I fear, Illustrious Lord, that
this year is the beginning of the thirteen disastrous months.
All the condottieri who had been dismissed by this Illustrious
Signoria they now show a desire to re-engage, indeed they have
already begun to do so. My own feeling is that never was a
greater need of attempting a reconciliation between the State
of Milan and this Illustrious Signoria, and Your Excellency
must strip to your shirt and use all your wisdom. It is a fact
that Messer Galeotto was a soldier and a raccomandato (under
the protection) of this Signoria, and to them belongs the
guardianship of the State and the boy more than to others,
particularly as the people themselves demand it. Florence,
June 5, 1 488. 2
. . . Yesterday I was with the Magnificent Lorenzo in S.
Liberata [the cathedral] for full two hours talking about setting
the Magnificent Messer Giovanni at liberty. His Magni-
ficence replied that Your Excellency could write to and treat
1 The Manfred! were lords of Faenza, which was under the protection of
Florence. Galeotto Manf redi had been murdered by his jealous wife, Francesca
Bentivoglio, and the citizens, afraid to lose their freedom, had taken her, and
her father who had come from Bologna to her assistance, prisoners, and slain
the Milanese general sent by Sforza. Lorenzo took the part of the murdered
man's young son Astorre, and Giovanni Bentivoglio was kept a prisoner for
some weeks at Modigliana, while his daughter Francesca was sent to Bologna
to her mother.
2 Lettere e Notizie, &c., Arch. Pal. di Modena, op cit.
295
LETTERS OF THE EARLY MEDICI
with this Signoria as you pleased, and also with His Magnifi-
cence, but that he had warned Madonna Ginevra [wife of
Giovanni Bentivoglio] to abstain from begging others to
intercede for his liberation ; hinting broadly to me that
Messer Lodovico [Sforza] should not be asked to interfere . . .
that until matters were arranged at Faenza Messer Giovanni
must take patience, as this Signoria would support the people
of Faenza until everything was in order. 1
This morning the Illustrious Eight sent for me to an-
nounce that the citadel of Faenza had been given up by the
governor and etiam the departure of Madonna Francesca.
Florence, June 9, 1488. 2
. . . After the Magnificent Lorenzo had seen Messer
Giovanni [Bentivoglio], who had been set at liberty and was in
Florence, I went to hear what had passed between them. His
Magnificence told me there had been much talk and that all
the linen had been washed clean. It seemed to him that
Messer Giovanni was quite satisfied and bore no rancour
against this city or against himself, and had promised to
represent matters to Milan so that nothing more would be
said about Faenza. ... At daylight the Magnificent Lorenzo
left to take the baths at Villa (Filetta). His wife is very ill, 3
and there is no hope of her recovery. Florence, July 21,
1488.
LORENZO DE' MEDICI to POPE INNOCENT VIII.
Sanctissime ac Beatissime Pater post Pedurti oscula Beatorum
Vestrorurri) Too often am I obliged to trouble and worry Your
Beatitude with accidents sent by fortune and divine interpo-
sition, which as they are not to be resisted must be borne with
patience. But the death of Clarice, which has just occurred,
1 Lettere e Notizie, &c., Arch. Pal. di. Modena, op. cit.
2 Ibid. 3 Clarice was consumptive.
4 Lettere e Notizie, &c., Arch. Pal. di Modena, op. cit.
296
LORENZO DI PIERO DE' MEDICI
my most dear and beloved wife, has been and is so prejudicial,
so great a loss, and such a grief to me for many reasons, that it
has exhausted my patience and my power of enduring anguish,
and the persecution of fortune, which I did not think would
have made me suffer thus. The deprivation of such habitual
and such sweet company has filled my cup and has made me
so miserable that I can find no peace. Nought is left but to
pray God that He may give me peace, and I have faith that in
His infinite love He will alleviate my sorrow and not over-
whelm me with so many disasters as I have endured during
these last years. I humbly beg Your Beatitude with all my
heart to pray for me as I know how efficacious are such prayers.
I commend myself and place myself at Your Holy Feet.
Filetta, July 31, 1488. Your devoted servant,
LAURENTIUS DE MEDicis. 1
MESSER ALDBOVANDINI, Ambassador to the Republic
of Florence, to the DUKE ERCOLE D'ESTE
... I wrote that Madonna Clarice was ill, she died three
days ago, but I did not send the news at once as it did not
seem to me of much importance. Now that I am despatching
the courier with letters from Naples I inform Your Excellency.
She died last Wednesday at 24 of the clock and was buried
without pomp that evening. The Magnificent Lorenzo is at
Filetta taking the waters and the baths and the doctors advise
him strongly not to come to Florence, also his friends have
written to persuade him to remain and finish his cure, and this
he will do. To-day, according to the custom here, the funeral
service will take place at 21 of the clock. The whole city and
the ambassadors of H.M., of Milan, and myself, have been
invited. But before I received the invitation I went with the
Milanese ambassador to the house of the Magnificent Lorenzo,
1 Lettere di Lorenzo de 1 Medici a Innocenzo VIII., op. cit. 18.
297
LETTERS OF THE EARLY MEDICI
and we condoled with Piero, the Magnificent^ eldest son, in
the names of our Lords in such words as seemed fitted to the
occasion. Florence, August 1, 1488. 1
Lorenzo's grief for the loss of Clarice, to whom he was
sincerely but not passionately attached, was mitigated by the
information that his heart's desire the nomination of his
second son Giovanni, a boy of fourteen, to the cardinalate
would not be long delayed. The lad was already abbot of Font
Doulce, in the gift of the King of France, of Passignano in
Tuscany bestowed on him by the Pope, of Miramondo given by
Lodovico il Moro, and of the great abbey of Monte Cassino
in commendam given to him by Ferrante, King of Naples.
Innocent VIII. had declared he would make no cardinals under
the age of thirty, but in March 1489 he yielded to Lorenzo's
entreaties, on the understanding that the nomination was to be
kept secret for three years, and was exceedingly irate when it
was divulged.
MESSEB ALDBOVANDINI, Ambassador of Ferrara to the
Republic of Florence, to DUKE ERCOLE D'ESTE
. . . Some Corsicans on the pretence of buying wheat from
the Castellan of Monte-acuto, a castle in the Maremma belong-
ing to Siena, entered in, slew the Castellan and seized the
castle. The Sienese have sent a Commissary with troops, and
have applied for help to the Signoria of Florence, who have
ordered the Count of Pitigliano, their captain, to send his men
to the aid of the Sienese. January 10, 1489. 2
... A courier has just arrived from the Count of Pitigliano
to the Magnificent Lorenzo stating that his son has bought the
castle of Monte-acuto from the Corsicans who had taken it, and
he begs that his son, not being a soldier in the pay of this
1 Lettere, &c., Arch. Pal. di Modena, op. cit.
2 Ibid.
298
LORENZO DI PIERO DE' MEDICI
Illustrious Signoria, may be allowed to keep it, because together
with many others in that district it once was the property of his
ancestors. Also that when his own engagement ceases at the
end of February he intends to recuperate the others which are
held by Siena. I wished to know how things really stood from
the Magnificent Lorenzo, and he assured me that the engage-
ment of the Count of Pitigliano would be prolonged and that
he will give up the castle. And this I believe. . . . Florence,
January 21, 1489. 1
STEFANO, a trusted servant of Piero de' Medici, to
LORENZO DE' MEDICI
MAGNIFICENT LORENZO, In my letter of yesterday evening
I described the entry of Madonna the Duchess. 2 Now I tell
you of the marriage. This morning we attended the marriage
mass in the cathedral, a most beautiful and splendid ceremony
as Your Magnificence will understand after reading this. First
all the Court and the guests assembled at the castle. At 1 5 of
the clock the Duke, my Lord Lodovico, the Barons and other
gentlemen, went to fetch Madonna the Duchess, and they all
mounted and left the castle in pairs. At the door was a canopy
of white damask emblazoned with the Duke's arms, borne by
forty doctors all dressed in crimson satin with certain fur round
their necks, and their caps were also garnished with the same
fur. Their Excellencies the Duke and Madonna rode side by
side to the Duomo under the canopy. The mass was sung by
the Duke's choristers and celebrated by the Bishop of Piacenza,
and at the close the Bishop of Sanseverino gave an appropriate
address. Then the Duke gave the ring to the Duchess. When
all was finished the Illustrious Lord Duke knighted our Piero
1 Lettere, &c., Arch. Pal. di Modena, op. tit.
2 Gian Galeazzo Sforza, Duke of Milan,, married his cousin, Isabella of
Naples, daughter of Alfonso, Duke of Calabria. Lorenzo de' Medici was ill,
so Piero, his son, met the Duchess at Leghorn, and then went to Milan to
attend the marriage festivities.
299
LETTERS OF THE EARLY MEDICI
Allamanni 1 and the Magnificent Bartolomeo Calcho, and
bestowed on Piero a robe of golden brocade as rich and
beautiful as can be. Truly a most honourable act. Messer
Galeazzo and the Count di Cajaza buckled on the spurs and
the swords. Then the whole company mounted and returned
to the castle with great rejoicing and pomp. It is calculated
there were about five hundred horses. Thirty-five divers Orders
of friars and priests preceded the procession to the Duomo ;
sixty knights clothed in gold brocade with their collars ; fifty
women, twenty-eight were dressed in gold brocade with pearls,
jewels, and fine necklaces ; sixty- two trumpeters, and twelve
fifers. The distance from the castle to the Duomo is 1200
paces and it was all covered in with white cloth, and the walls
on either side were hung with tapestry and festoons of juniper
and orange. Nothing finer was ever seen. All the doors and
windows were crowded with women and girls splendidly dressed,
and to avoid any crush or tumult all the streets leading into
this principal one were barred, while at every corner stood ten
or twelve guards. In the cathedral square were stationed two
hundred Stradiots (Greek troops) and crossbow-men on horse-
back. Everything was so well managed that there was not the
slightest disorder, a marvellous thing considering the innumer-
able multitude of people in this city. It is true that there was
great rigour about bearing arms ; no one, save our own people
who always went armed, were allowed to carry weapons.
His Excellency the Duke had a vest of raised gold brocade,
richer and finer than can be described, in his cap was a diamond
ornament with a pearl bigger than a hazelnut, quite round, of
great value. On his breast was a pendant with a ruby and a
diamond above it, truly a most admirable thing.
Her Excellency the Duchess also wore brocade, and on her
head was a garland of pearls with very fine jewels. There were
many other women most richly dressed, but I do not write their
names because I do not know them.
1 Florentine ambassador to Milan.
300
LORENZO DI PIERO DE' MEDICI
Messer Annibale had a robe of golden brocade with stripes
of black velvet and where it opened on his breast was an eagle
in pearls which made a good show, though it was not costly,
but rather what one would call pretty.
The Lords Lodovico and Galeotto, the Lord Ridolfo and
the rest of the Sforza family were dressed in brocade, and it is
calculated that there were some three hundred thus clothed in
silver and gold. Of velvet and satin I do not speak because
even the cooks wore them.
The robe of our Piero with the bough embroidered on it l
was much admired and according to my thinking eclipsed all
the others. To-day their Excellencies sent for him, being
desirous to see and examine it, and indeed every one was loud
in their praise. I know I have written confusedly and without
any order : by word of mouth if it pleases God, we will enter
into detail with more leisure than I now have, as I must ride
with Piero to Court. I have no more to say save that I com-
mend myself to Your Magnificence. Milan, February 2, 1488
(1489). 2
PETBUS BONUS AVOGARIUS, artium et medicince doctor,
to LORENZO DE' MEDICI
Magnifice ac poteus domine domine mi singularissime salutem
perpetuam, &c., I have received the letter Your Magnificence
sent me through the Magnificent Aldovrandini, ambassador of
the Duke of Ferrara, and have understood what Your Magni-
ficence writes about the remedy you desire, for in doloribus
juncturarum, entering into details, and when and how, &c. To
1 Piero de' Medici's device, invented by Poliziano, was a broncone or bough
(in Nestor's drawing it looks more like a hurdle) in flames, with the motto,
In Viridi Teneras Flamma Medtilas Exudit, signifying that his love was so
strenuous and incomparable that it would even set fire to green wood.
ffistoire des Hommes Jttustres de la Maiton de Medici. Jean Nestor, 1564.
2 Laurentii Medicis Vita, &c., op. cit. ii. 296.
301
LETTERS OF THE EARLY MEDICI
begin with, ante omnium Your Magnificence must be purged
before the beginning of spring that is, before the middle of
March. Then if pains are felt the part is to be rubbed with
the ointment made according to the recipe I have given to
Messer Aldovrandini, which he will send to Your Magnificence.
The pains will then cease, but should they return, and even if
they do not return, some medicine must be taken to carry off
the offending matter. My medicine is a conserve made up in
solid form called ellescof, half an ounce is to be taken at sun-
rise once a month, particularly when Your Magnificence feels
any pain. In order to prevent the return of these pains you
must get a stone called sapphire, and have it set in gold, so
that it should touch the skin. This must be worn on the
third finger of the left hand. If this is done the pains in the
joints, or gouty pains, will cease, because that stone has occult
virtues, and the specific one of preventing evil humours going
to the joints : ego autem hoc expertus sum in me. Est enim
divina res et miraculosa. Afterwards in the summer, in the
month of August, I will find celandine, which is a red stone
that grows in the stomach of the swallow. I will send it to
Your Magnificence to be tied in a piece of linen and sewn in
your shirt under the left breast at the nipple. This will have
the same effect as the sapphire afore-mentioned, and thus
Deo Duce Your Magnificence will be freed of and secure from
every pain in the joints. Messer Aldovrandini will see Your
Magnificence, and tell you fully about it. In order that Your
Magnificence should be acquainted with the future I send you
herein enclosed my forecast for the year 1488, and commend
myself a thousand times to Your Excellency whom may God
keep in perfect health. Ferrara, February 11, 1488 (1489). 1
1 Laurentii Medicis Vita, &c., op. cit. ii. 394.
302
LORENZO DI PIERO DE' MEDICI
LORENZO DE' MEDICI to PIERO ALAMANNI, Florentine
Ambassador at Rome
Thanks be to God for the good news which I received
yester morning at nine from our Messer Giovanni [Tornabuoni].
It seems to me all the greater because I expected less, and it
is so far more than I deserve, and so difficult of attainment,
that it appeared almost impossible. I have, indeed, reason ever
gratefully to remember him who has worked so hard, and I shall
leave my gratitude recorded for those who come after me, as
this is the greatest honour that has ever befallen our house.
Let it suffice to you that I know this ; most assuredly more
than three-fourths are due to your diligence, industry, and
affection. But we will speak of this another time. To the
Holy Father I have written a letter which is enclosed. I also
write to Bala [Cardinal La Balue] and Ascanio [Cardinal
Sforza], the only ones from whom as yet I have had letters.
From you I expect fall details about various things which are
mentioned below. I know not if our Holy Father was dis-
pleased at the demonstrations of joy which were universal here.
Never have I seen more true and general rejoicing. Much
more would have been done, only I forbade it, but this I could
not prevent. I say this, because Messer Giovanni's promotion
being secret these demonstrations seemed contrary to the inten-
tion, but it was a thing of such public notoriety in Rome that
people here can hardly be blamed for following the example
set there, and I could not refuse to accept the congratulations
of all these citizens, down to the very poorest. If it was
unseemly it was impossible to prevent, and I should be glad
if you can explain this. Also I much wish to know how to
order Messer Giovanni's future life ; how he is to dress, and
what household he is to have, for I do not desire to repay
so great a boon by doing anything against the wishes of our
Holy Father. Meanwhile Messer Giovanni is in our house,
303
LETTERS OF THE EARLY MEDICI
which has been full of people since yesterday. Let me know
therefore what I am to do. Also if he has occasion to write
how is he to sign, and what seal is he to use ? About the Bull
I know you will take all precautions, and send it to me for the
satisfaction of our friends. I send you herein his height, but
he seems to me to have grown since yesterday, and to have
changed. I trust to God that he will do honour to all your
labour, and that our Holy Father will every day be better
pleased with him. I wait to know whether I am to send Piero
as I wrote, for to me it seems this great gift demands that I
should come in person. I shall follow your advice in every-
thing. 1 [March 14, 1489].
LORENZO DE' MEDICI to INNOCENT VIII.
With the greatest reverence I have received a Brief from
Your Sanctity of the 9th, in which you deign to acquaint me
of the promotion of Messer Giovanni (to the Cardinalate).
Having already heard of it through our ambassador I wrote
at once with my own hand to Your Holiness, rather to confess
my inability to give adequate thanks than to demonstrate my
gratitude ; our Lord God can do that better than I. For a
long time Your Sanctity has had the disposal of myself and of
all I possess, so I can only add this great gift to the other
benefits bestowed on Messer Giovanni, whom I give to Your
Holiness as a thing belonging to Your Holiness. Whatever I
have or shall have will always be more Your Holiness 1 than mine.
As to keeping this affair secret I should be much distressed if
the knowledge of it had been made public by me. But Your
Holiness may rest assured that it was immediately known in
Rome, and then divulged by letters to people here, so that
every one came to congratulate me. I can affirm that the news
was not published by me, nor did I cause any demonstration
1 Laurentii Medicis>Vita, &c., ii. 300.
304
LORENZO DI PIERO DE' MEDICI
of joy to be made. In any case, whether by my fault or not,
I am extremely distressed that Your Holiness should have
experienced any annoyance, and can only promise in the future
to carry out to the letter any commands Your Holiness deigns
to give me. I entreat Your Holiness to make Your wishes
known to me, of which I shall be the faithful and diligent
executor, not only in this, but in all things, for no one is more
bound to obey Your Holiness. I commend myself humbly at
the Holy Feet of Your Beatitude. Florence, March 14, 1488
(1489). Humilis Servitor , LAURENTIUS DE MEDicis. 1
MANFREDO DI MANFREDI (a new Ferrarese Ambas-
sador) to DUKE ERCOLE D'ESTE
. . . This evening about one of the night, the Magnificent
Lorenzo and the Illustrious Eight sent to tell me the good
news that that blessed Monte-acuto has been given up. . . .
Florence, April 8, 1489. 2
. . . The Count of Pitigliano will be dismissed because this
Signoria and the Magnificent Lorenzo are very irate at the
obstinacy he has shown about giving up Monte-acuto. ... It
seems that Jacopo Conti will be named in his stead. . . . The
Magnificent Lorenzo is a man who does not waste many words,
and tells his intentions to no one until he is sure of obtaining
what he wants. He never says four until he has it safe in a
sack. . . .Florence, April 25, 1489. 3
Yesterday two men taken at Firenzuola were brought here,
one named Raimo da Gaeta, the other Vincenzo Ragonora ; the
report is that they were going to the baths where the Magni-
ficent Lorenzo now is, in order to poison or murder him. It is
said they were sent by H.M. the King of Naples or by the
Duke of Calabria, although it is affirmed that they have been
1 Letter e di Lorenzo a Innocenzo VI II., op. cit. 14.
2 Lettere e Notizic, &c., Arch. Pal. di Modena, op. cit.
3 Ibid.
305 u
LETTERS OF THE EARLY MEDICI
some time at Bologna. Some hold the report to be unfounded
and that these men came for another purpose. Nevertheless
they have been subjected to such a stringent examination that
it has raised suspicions among the ambassadors. They were
examined by the principal citizens, relations, and intimate
friends of the Magnificent Lorenzo. . . . This evening I hear
that a horseman arrived from Messer Giovanni Bentivoglio, and
I have found out that he was sent to the King's ambassador
by the said Messer Giovanni, who anxiously begs H.M. to take
steps for the release of these prisoners ; the King has written
to say that about six months ago they were sent to him by the
Duke of Calabria with a request that they might be engaged
in his army, and he bids the ambassador to see that they are
set free, being soldiers of the Duke of Calabria and in his pay.
Florence, May 18, 1489. J
. . . Why these men were imprisoned and the results of
their examination have been kept so secret that no one can
find out anything. But Raimo da Gaeta has, they say, been
tortured, so is in anguish and despair. . . . Florence, May 29,
1489. 2
LORENZO DE' MEDICI to POPE INNOCENT VIII.
My ambassador has written to tell me that at last by the
kindness of Your Holiness the contract of the alum works has
been awarded to me, for this I owe infinite thanks to Your
Holiness who has thus added another to the many obligations
I already owe, and hope to enjoy in the future from the liber-
ality and kindness of Your Beatitude. I am exceedingly grate-
ful for and pleased by the paternal charity shown to me every
day by Your Holiness, and should be yet more happy did I not
hear that Your Holiness has been suffering from gout and slight
fever. Although the attack is not a severe one, still, depending
1 Lettere e Notizie, &c., Arch. Pal. de Modena, op. cit. 2 Ibid.
306
LORENZO DI PIERO DE' MEDICI
as I do on Your Holiness, and Your Holiness 1 life being of
such importance, I cannot but feel uneasy even at a small
indisposition, particularly as these attacks come oftener than
one could wish. Your Holiness can rest assured that even as
S. Francis by reason of his stigmate felt the pain of the wounds
of Jesus Christ, thus do I feel every pain and ill suffered by
Your Holiness in my own person and am much molested thereby.
Among other things the condition of our Ser Francesco l touches
me deeply, as well as that of other dependants of Your Holiness,
who by reason of the uprightness and honesty of Your Beatitude
may be said to be still fasting and to have had but a small
share of the great good fortune which our Lord God has
so worthily bestowed on Your Holiness. Should anything
happen to Your Holiness, quod absit, the sepulchre will open
also for them. Although I feel compassion for them all I
am more moved by what ought to touch Your Holiness more
nearly than myself, and that is the sad condition of poor Ser
Francesco, who in the five years of the pontificate of Your
Holiness has never yet had anything he can call his own.
Your Holiness is the best judge of what support he enjoys in
the Sacred College and what office, dignity or means, he has to
enable him to live, even poorly. If Your Holiness studies the
lives of other Popes you will see that there are but few who
during five years of pontifical rule, and some in even less time,
have not manifested their intention of acting as a Pope, and
have not shown the respect for honesty and uprightness dis-
played by Your Holiness, which is justified before God and
man. But speaking as a devoted servant, this honesty might
now be imputed and attributed to another motive. Maybe
I appear presumptuous, but zeal and the duty I owe to Your
Holiness so touch my conscience that I must speak thus openly
and remind Your Holiness that all men are mortal, and that
a Pope is what he wills to be ; he cannot leave the Papacy as
1 Francesco Cib6, the Pope's son, married to Maddalena de' Medici,
Lorenzo's daughter.
307
LETTERS OF THE EARLY MEDICI
a heritage and can only call his own the honours, the glory
and the benefits, he gives to his family. The prudence, ex-
perience and long acquaintance Your Sanctity has of a court,
will I am sure without words from me, recall to Your Holiness
what always happens to the fortune and inheritance of popes,
and seeing that Ser Francesco and the others of Your Holiness"
family are as yet not to be envied but rather merit compassion,
Your Sanctity ought to follow the example of Your Holiness 1
predecessors and place them in such a position that they should
have no need of others, particularly as whatever is bestowed on
them does not diminish the substance of Your Holiness and is
not lost or thrown away. Briefly, with all humility, I entreat
Your Sanctity at last to begin and act as a Pope with regard
to the family of Your Holiness and not to trust so much in
posterity and good health, which can only retard the fulfilment
of what Your Holiness intends to do for them. Delay might
perhaps prevent this being accomplished. Especially do I re-
commend Your and my Ser Francesco and the Lady Maddalena,
who pray that God may grant Your Holiness a long life in
order that their affairs may be properly adjusted, and when
better arranged they will give thanks to God and to Your
Holiness, and have reason to remember and to bless the day
when Your Sanctity was called to the honours and dignity of
the pontificate. It is time, Holy Father, to liberate these Holy
Fathers from limbo, so that it may not happen to them as
to the Jews who awaited the Messiah. I beg Your Holiness'
pardon with all humility and reverence for this my presumption
only caused by reasons which I am sure Your Holiness will
appreciate, and I place myself humbly at Your most holy
feet. 1489. Humilis Servitor,
LAURENTIUS DE MEDicis. 1
1 Letter e di Lorenzo a Innocenzo VIII., op. cit.
308
LORENZO DI PIERO DE' MEDICI
A MANAGER OF THE MEDICI BANK to the DUKE
ERCOLE D'ESTE
To the Illustrious DUKE ERCOLE, &c.
According to the usual custom and rule we advise you that
to-day the Magnificent Lorenzo has lent Pope Innocent 100,000
ducats for a year ; one-third in cash, one-third in silk goods, and
one-third in woollen cloth. As surety he has two-tenths on the
stipends of all newly appointed priests, 70,000 ducats, and for
the rest he will hold Citta di Castello until entirely repaid.
I give you another piece of news : Pope Innocent has given
the Magnificent Lorenzo 30,000 cantara of alum at 1 ducat
the cantaro as payment of what was owing to him by Pope
Sixtus, the 40,000 he received for the war, which is good
news. Florence, 1489. Your servant and particular partisan,
B. DBS. of the Medici Bank. 1
It appears that Lorenzo's share in the bank was one-half,
the other half belonged to various partners. The Duke of
Ferrara wrote on the 20th December 1489 to Giuliano Gondi
announcing that he had arranged a marriage for his daughter
Isabella with the Marquess of Mantua on the 16th February
1490, and begged for a spinel ruby which was in pawn for
4000 ducats with the Magnificent Lorenzo & Co. in order to
wear it during the festivities. He also wrote to Lorenzo
asking that the ruby might be sent, saying that he could not
pay the money at that moment. But Lorenzo answered that
he could only promise for the half as the other belonged to
various merchants. So the Duke again wrote to Gondi and
asked him to go surety for him for 2000 ducats repayable in
April 1492, guaranteed on the salt mines of Modena, &c.
Lorenzo was also a partner in the bank at Lyons with Francesco
Sassetti and others, of which the manager was Leonetto de' Rossi,
husband of Maria de' Medici, Lorenzo's sister. Machiavellfs
statement that Lorenzo had nothing to do with the bank is
contradicted by the above letter.
1 Lettere e Notizie, Arch. Pal. di Modena, p. 315.
309
LETTERS OF THE EARLY MEDICI
LORENZO DE' MEDICI to GIOVANNI LANFREDINI,
Florentine Ambassador at Rome
The Count della Mirandola is here leading a most saintly
life, like a monk. He has been and is now occupied in writing
admirable theological works : commentaries and Psalms ; and
other excellent books on theology. He recites the ordinary
priest's office, observes all fasts and absolute chastity : has
but a small retinue and lives quite simply with only what is
necessary. To me he appears an example to other men. He
is anxious to be absolved from what little contumacy is still
attributed to him by the Holy Father and to have a Brief by
which His Holiness accepts him as a son and a good Christian,
he persevering in a Christian life. I greatly desire that this
satisfaction should be given to him, for there are few men I love
better or esteem more. I feel certain that he is a devout and
faithful Christian, and his conduct is such that the whole city
would vouch for him. Do all you can to obtain this Brief in
such a form that it may content his conscience. This would be
not less agreeable to me than any one of the many services you
have rendered, and for which I am most grateful. June 19,
1489. 1
LORENZO DE' MEDICI, from the Baths of Spedaletto,
to his daughter CONTESSINA
MY DEAR LITTLE CONTESSINA, As I hear that every hour
thou askest after me, how I am, and when I am coming back, I
write to tell thee that thanks be to God I am very well, and
have improved ever since my departure. These continued
baths suit me excellently. So that I hope, if it pleases God,
to return as full of health as ever I was. I shall leave very
1 Laurentii Medicis Vita, op. cit. ii. 293.
310
LORENZO DI PIERO DE' MEDICI
soon and come back to see thee. Let me find thee well and
happy and meanwhile pray to God for me. Be very nice to
Alfonsina [Orsini, wife of Piero, Lorenzo's eldest son] and keep
her company ; tell her from me to take great care of the baby.
I hear that Monsignore [Giovanni] and the other children have
gone away, they have done ill to leave thee thus alone, but I
shall be back soon and stay with thee, and they can remain
at the villa at their pleasure. Spedaletto on the last day of
July, 1489.
Greet thy Piero and Niccolo and all the others from me
when thou seest them. 1
LORENZO DE' MEDICI to GIOVANNI LANFBEDINI,
Florentine Ambassador at Rome
To my great vexation I hear how this work of Mirandola's
is abused, and were I not sure that such persecution is dictated
solely by envy and malignity, by my faith, I should not
mention it. The book has been examined by all the most
learned priests here, well-known men of saintly life, and has
been highly approved of by them as a Christian and a mar-
vellous work. I am not so bad a Christian as to remain silent
or to encourage him if I thought otherwise. I am certain that
if he recited the Credo those spiteful men would say it was
rank heresy. If His Holiness had the intelligence to under-
stand this and was not too busy, I am sure these accusations
would fall to the ground and truth would prevail ; but he is
obliged to trust to others. This poor man is unable to defend
himself because they say his premises are against His Holiness.
If he had to contend with them only without the authority of
the Pope to back them I am sure he would soon silence them.
It is his misfortune to have to submit to the judgment of ignor-
ant and malicious men who use the Pope as a shield. I have
1 Arch. Med. ante Prin., Filza xxiv. No. 502.
311
LETTERS OF THE EARLY MEDICI
already told you that I believe all this is done with the intent
to drive him to despair and cause him to lose his head so that
eventually he should turn against the Pope; for believe me,
Giovanni, he is one who could commit either great evil or great
good. His life and character demonstrate this. If they drive
him into another path I shall lose little, as I know that
wherever he may be he will always bear me goodwill because
of my great affection for him. I have never been able to make
you understand this ; and without entering into details, which
I cannot do, I must tell you he has been sorely tempted by
something which might raise a great scandal, and I have always
stopped him. Latterly he has been leading a saintly life here,
and his mind is at rest. These devils with their persecutions
will tempt him. People place far too much faith in them.
In short I can only grieve over all this and beg you again to
use all your cleverness in order to arrange matters, for you
have no idea how it vexes and irritates me. If you knew how
much, you would never rest until you have taken it off my
mind. October 1489. 1
LORENZO DE' MEDICI to MONSEIGNEUB D'AKGENTON
(PHILIPPE DE COMINES)
MY ILLUSTRIOUS LORD, I have received a letter from Your
Seigneury by the same hand that takes this, and am extremely
concerned at the displeasure you express about the last account
sent in by Cosimo Saxetti [Sassetti, head of the Medici bank
at Lyons] to Your Seigneury. It would afflict me still more if
I thought that this might cause you to doubt my gratitude
towards Your Seigneury, to whom I am so much beholden in
infinite ways, that I should indeed deserve to be called a most
ungrateful man if I did not repay you the money I owe for the
many benefits received from Your Seigneury in adversity and
1 Laurentii Medicis Vita, op. cit. ii. 292.
Ali tui i i
LORKNZO DI PIERO DE* MEDICI,
AND THREE MEMBERS OP THE
SASSETI FAMILY. In the fresco by
Domcnico Ghirlandaio in the Church of
S. Tfinita, Florence.
LORENZO DI PIERO DE' MEDICI
in prosperity. But after a strict examination of my con-
science I can assure Your Seigneury bhat neither I nor any of
my house will ever forget this. If therefore anything Cosimo
Saxetti has said about Your Seigneury 's participation has
given such an impression I should be deeply grieved, as it
would be the reverse of the truth and of my intentions. I
confess that for some time, as Your Seigneury well knows, the
losses of our bank at Lyons have been so considerable that it
has been impossible to conceal them, or to avoid lamenting
over them with those who, like Your Seigneury, have been and
are masters of what is mine. The aforesaid Cosimo has thus
perhaps annoyed Your Seigneury, but you may be certain that
I would never raise any question as to a statement of yours,
either what you now write or at any future time. Your
Seigneury can freely dispose not only of the entire sum which
you mention as being a matter of dispute between Your Seig-
neury and Cosimo, but of everything I possess as though it
belonged to you. You may therefore rest assured that all will
be arranged between Your Seigneury and myself so satisfactorily
that no question will ever arise, for I set greater store on the
good graces of Your Seigneury than on the largest sum of
money in the world. December 11, 1489. 1
The following letter from Vettori, Florentine ambassador
at Naples, and the one from Lorenzo to Lanfredini at Rome
(p. 319) show what prudence and patience the Magnificent
exercised in mediating between the Pope and the King of
Naples. Ferrante broke every obligation of his treaty with
Innocent. He exterminated the rebel Barons with ferocity,
he murdered the Papal governor and garrison of Aquila, he
bestowed the Neapolitan benefices on unworthy men without
heeding the remonstrances of the Pope, he repudiated the
tribute due to the Holy See. Innocent was very angry. He
declared the Kingdom to be forfeited for non-payment of the
1 Arch. Med. ante Prin., Filza xliii. No. 157. (The date is uncertain, as
there is a blot of ink on the figure 8. A rough copy in Lorenzo's handwriting. )
313
LETTERS OF THE EARLY MEDICI
tribute, he threatened an interdict and, what particularly
alarmed and displeased Lorenzo, talked about foreign inter-
vention. Against both Lorenzo warned him, at the same time
supporting him in resisting humiliating terms. Had Lodovico
Sforza been trustworthy Lorenzo's task might have been easier,
but he significantly remarks, " I have expressed my opinion of
the Lord Lodovico and have said what I think of him." At
length, shortly before Lorenzo's death, peace was concluded,
Ferrante consenting to pay the tribute on condition of the
investiture of his son and grandson.
PIETRO VETTORI, Florentine Ambassador at Naples, to
LORENZO DE' MEDICI
MAGNIFICENT LORENZO, Since I wrote on the 2nd I have
received yours of February 29th, which arrived most opportunely
as here they were anxious, and suspected you had some secret
understanding with the Pope. As the King was not here I
thought it better to communicate your letter to H.E. the Duke
[Alfonso of Calabria]. So yesterday I went to Castel Nuovo
and took Baccio with me, who had been summoned here by the
Duke. When he had read the letter I added that though you
knew the King and H.E. were convinced of the loyalty of
ourselves and of our city, yet it seemed to me that as these
suspicions had arisen you wished to set matters right, and that
you were the same Lorenzo you had ever been. H.E. answered
he had no doubt of this. That he had summoned Baccio in
order to send him to you at Florence to inform you of his
feelings, as he liked to speak openly and desired others to do so
to him. That it was perfectly known all over Italy what in-
fluence you had with the Pope and that the Florentine ambas-
sador quodammodo governed at Rome. On the other hand the
Pope showed great animosity towards the Neapolitan State and
had only summoned those Spanish ambassadors in order to
protest against H.M. the King and then to publish the excom-
munications which were already ready. H.E. is informed that
314
LORENZO DI PIERO DE' MEDICI
last year and also two years ago everything was being secretly
prepared for this last blow. He appears to have some other
source of information than the usual ones. He added that his
chief occupation now was contradicting those who by word of
mouth or by letters from Rome told him that you are in
league with the Pope, and allow these things to happen, and
that although neither he nor the King believe this all Italy is
convinced of it, to their great detriment. The Pope's be-
haviour shows that he is of the same opinion, for if he thought
that Milan and ourselves were what we ought to be he would
never attempt anything against this State. But one wounds
him here, another caresses him there, and between them all we,
exclaimed H.E., go to the devil. He said he would like to
meet you and the Lord Lodovico in one room and discuss
matters, and did not think it would be difficult to convince you
that this our League must be united not only in deeds but in
demonstrations. That it was evident the Pope did much for
you, he had for instance made your son a cardinal at an un-
heard-of age, and therefore it was thought that if you insisted
things would go differently. He then added that neither he
nor the King had heard anything about the troop of Jacopo
Conti or the Count's dismissal, though Jacopo had written to
him about this a month ago. H.E. said it seemed as if you
suspected him, though he would do all to forward your projects.
I replied it was true that the Pope showed some regard for you
and had acceded to your wishes as to the Cardinalate and one or
two other matters, but that it was possible your influence did
not extend to the affairs of H.M. the King, because although
you could do much you could not do all. Also that Your
Magnificence had been informed that H.E. had greatly en-
couraged the Count not to give up Monte Agutolo, which
was a blow aimed at you ; so that if he heeded not your honour
and interest, he would find others do the same. He had not
yet been told of the Count's dismissal or about Jacopo's troop,
because they were connected together, and it was impossible to
315
LETTERS OF THE EARLY MEDICI
write until affairs were settled. Owing to the disgraceful
conduct of the Count about Monte Agutolo you and all our
citizens had determined to dismiss him, and had not informed
H.M. the King or H.E., as they thought pressure might be
brought to bear on them to retain him and they did not wish
to say no to H.E. I added that as H.E. loved you he ought
to be pleased if the Pope showed you any favour, because he
might be sure that if you had to choose between them you
would leave the Pope and follow H.E. That he was to
consult with H.M. the King as to the particular thing they
wanted and that I was sure you would always be ready to do
anything honourable, but they must not make vague complaints.
Lorenzo does nothing because perhaps Their Excellencies do
not know exactly what they really want, or he could not do
what they desired. But that I was certain that any just and
honourable service he could render H.M. and H.E. he would
do it. H.E. replied that he would consult with H.M., and
give me an answer. I see he wants our ambassador and the
ambassador of Milan to tell the Pope that they will not tolerate
any measures being taken against the King. Then he added
that he had sent a competent man to Barbary to acquire one
or two horses fit for racing, in order to send them to you ; et
alia non occurrunt. I commend myself to you, may God grant
you felicity. Naples, March 9, 1489 (1490). 1
LORENZO DE' MEDICI, from Bagno San Filippo,
to his son PIERO
PIERO, Enclosed is a letter from Baccio ; the bearer is the
man of whom he writes, who is passing through Florence. He
seems to me clever and one who loves to see antique things.
I wish thee to show him all those in the garden, and also what
1 Laurentii Medicis Vita, &c., op. cit. ii. 344.
316
LORENZO DI PIERO DE' MEDICI
we have in the study ; in short, whatever seems best to thee,
and thus to give him pleasure. Bagno San Filippo, May 9,
1490. 1
LORENZO DE' MEDICI to the COMMISSARIES OF
PISTOJA
MAGNIFCENT COMMISSARIES, Two or three days ago I wrote
to Your Magnificences about the liberation of Bastiano di
Nanni, imprisoned by you and in danger of losing his life.
And although I have not had an answer, yet considering the
contents of the enclosed letter from Ser Andrea who lives in
Siena with regard to our Republic, I have determined to write
again to beg you, not in a general way but from my heart, no
longer to delay in acceding to the request of the Magnificent
Signory of Siena, to whom I am under such obligations that
if they do not obtain their desire great blame and dishonour
will fall on me. Your Magnificences are aware that when one
embarks on such an undertaking one spares no effort to accom-
plish it with honour. For the love of God deliver me from
this annoyance, which is considerable, and set the aforesaid
Bastiano free according to their wish, for their character is such
that either good or great evil will result. I do not think you
will wait for another communication from me, delay will greatly
diminish the trust the Sienese have in me. San Filippo,
May 21, 1490, at midday. LAURENTIUS DE MEDicis. 2
LORENZO DE' MEDICI to SER ANDREA at Siena
Early this morning I had your letter telling me about
Dormi and the swelling which began in his body and then
settled in his right knee, and of the remedies applied by those
1 Arch. Med. ante Prin., Filza xviii. No. 19. 2 Ibid., xliii. No. 139.
317
LETTERS OF THE EARLY MEDICI
farriers. You were right to have the horse doctored at once,
and to write fully to me. Wait until the day of the race [the
Palio at Siena], and if the farrier and the jockey think the horse
is not in a fit state to run, we forbid his starting as it might
do him harm, and indeed injure him permanently, even if you
think he could run. I leave it to you, who being on the spot
can judge better than I can here. I am not inclined to send
another horse, we are too near the day of the race, he would
arrive tired, and do us little honour. Florence, July 28,
1490. LAURENTIUS DE MEDicis. 1
LORENZO DE' MEDICI to GIOVANNI LANFREDINI,
Florentine Ambassador at Rome
Two days ago I met by chance the Count della Mirandola
riding in the outskirts of Florence. He is living very quietly
in a villa near by, immersed in his studies. He desires at last
to know what his future is to be, for having obeyed His Holi-
ness hitherto and being decided to obey him implicitly in the
future, he wishes to have some indication that His Holiness
accepts his obedience in the form of a Brief, whereby the Pope
acknowledges him as an obedient son and a good Christian,
which I believe him to be. Among other proofs of this he has
converted a young Jew who has been translating for him from
the Hebrew language, of which he is a perfect master, whom
he has persuaded to become a Christian. This is not the act
of a heretic. I much desire that for the honour of His Holi-
ness and for my own satisfaction this matter should be finished,
and that the virtue and goodness of the said Count Giovanni
should have as great a weight as the calumnies and suggestions
of others. By nature he is devoted to His Holiness and does
not dwell on what is past. Once delivered from this con-
1 Arch. Med. ante Prin., Filza xli. No. 531.
318
LORENZO DI PIERO DE' MEDICI
tumacy he will be the partisan and faithful servant of His
Holiness, who to my thinking will thereby gain much.
August 11, 1490. *
LORENZO DE' MEDICI to GIOVANNI LANFREDINI,
Florentine Ambassador at Rome
By your letter of the 13th I understand that the Pope has
taken umbrage at the note presented by you, so do not proceed
further with it. Anything that vexes His Sanctity annoys me,
and I should be very sorry if he thought that any act or word
of mine was not dictated by a desire for the good of His Holi- |
ness. You can assure him that I am always his servant and
shall ever be. If I advised moderation in these proceedings
against the King [of Naples] I only did so for the aforesaid
reasons. As I wrote the other day, it seems to me necessary
that His Holiness should decide on following one of three
paths : either enforce his will by war against the King, or come
to some agreement, or, if an honourable agreement is not
possible, to temporise and wait for better times. The first
would be the most honourable, but I conceive dangerous and
very costly ; indeed I do not think it possible unless the
Neapolitan dynasty is changed. For this, according to my
views, three things are necessary : either Venice or Milan must
be a party to the enterprise, or the new ruler must be strong
and well supplied with men and money, or the Holy Father
must prepare to assert himself without stint of money or other
1 Laurentii Medicis Vita, op. cit. ii. 293. (By some mistake Fabroni
gives the date as August 1492. Lorenzo died on April 8 of that year. )
During a visit to Eome in 1486 Pico della Mirandola had promulgated nine
hundred theses on theology, philosophy, magic, and the Cabbalah, which he
offered to maintain in public disputation. Heresies contained in them were
pointed out by his enemies and Innocent VIII. issued a Brief against those
considered as dangerous. Pico fled to France and published an apology pro-
testing his orthodoxy, but it was only by Lorenzo's influence that the Pope
was induced to suspend proceedings. Pico then returned to Florence and
Lorenzo, as this and the two former letters show, pressed the Pope hard to
grant his friend a full pardon.
319
LETTERS OF THE EARLY MEDICI
things, to carry the thing through. It is indispensable that
the Pope and the new ruler, whoever he may be, should be
stronger than the King alone, supposing always that Venice
adheres and would prevent Milan from helping the King. If
they were understood with the Neapolitan Barons, or other
such small folk, so much the better. I may be mistaken as
to the first proposition when I dissuaded His Holiness from
following it, but the state of things does not seem to me pro-
pitious. Perhaps I am not enough versed in all the secrets and
therefore see and anticipate wrongly. His Holiness must have
some promises or hopes, for the choice lies between Spain and
France. Spain does not appear to me strong enough, par-
ticularly as regards money. What reliance is to be placed on
France, seeing the French nature, I know not. Supposing she
changed her nature I should agree with our Holy Father that
it would be the best solution, for there would be less danger in
augmenting the power of one of the house of Lorraine than of
Spain, for the Duke of Lorraine is not King of France and we
see by experience that the King of Naples is far more influenced
by Spain than the Duke of Lorraine is by France. It is true
the Kings of Naples and Spain are not friends, and that whoever
is King of Naples would work for his own hand. For all these
reasons, although there may be others I do not understand, I
cannot advise the Pope to undertake such an enterprise now ;
and in that case it is unwise to exasperate the King with cita-
tions and other threats. Even were His Holiness fully pre-
pared to go forward I think he ought to avoid the slightest
sign of ill-will, in order not to incur any danger from what the
King might say or do. This danger seems to me to exist,
therefore he would do better to dissimulate and make secret
preparations, than to show anger before being ready to
strike, which would only give an opportunity to others to make
ready and to attack. So for every reason in the first proposi-
tion I do not think it wise to cite the King. As to the second
I may also be mistaken, because conditions may have been
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LORENZO DI PIERO DE' MEDICI
proposed of which I am not aware, and which may be rendered
feasible by this very citation, if the affair is matured and almost
settled. In this case the assumption of superiority may help
to decide matters. But if there is nothing more than I know
the affair seems embittered and not at all easy of solution ;
therefore such methods might lead to a scandal or even to an
open rupture, instead of to an agreement. The advantages
of temporising cannot, I think, be denied. There can be no
doubt that it is better to arrange matters, having due regard
to the reputation of His Holiness, than to tempt fortune ; for
you know better than I do that the King can do much harm.
But, as I said before, I do not know enough about these
matters so cannot say more. If the Pope has good reasons for
his fearless attitude let me know them to relieve my mind, for
though not of a timid nature I am far more anxious about his
affairs than about my own, because of the trust he reposes in
me. If His Holiness is satisfied, I have such faith in his
prudence and authority that I shall be tranquillised. But
until I hear these reasons I confess that I am uneasy. For the
love of God let me know, as I do not feel at all well. The
Pope must not on any account imagine that I think, do, or act,
in any way against his interests, for the benefits I have received
from His Holiness, and those I hope for, derive from his power
and reputation. My opinion of the Lord Lodovico I have
expressed, and have said what I thought of him. My inten-
tions are loyal, and as I depend much on His Holiness I can only
repeat that if he can come to an honourable understanding
with the King it would be, I consider, better than war. If
there is any difficulty about this I would do my utmost to
arrange matters to the Pope's honour and security ; supposing
always that the above-mentioned conditions, of which I know
nothing, and which would make it possible to act against the
King, are non-existent. If they do exist I am sure the
King would consent to honourable terms because he would
understand what evil might befall him otherwise. But all my
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LETTERS OF THE EARLY MEDICI
suppositions are useless if the Pope has secret information
unknown to me. I do not think my open speaking can offend
His Holiness, for our fortunes are bound up together. I wish
to be allowed to say what I think, but will act according to the
wishes of our Holy Father. Thank him most heartily for the
loving and kindly reply about the Servite Order with regard to
Messer Giovanni. For all these things I am deeply indebted
to His Holiness. I am veiy glad you have been to Cervetri
and S. Severa, and most pleased that you were satisfied with
the way Signor Francesco (Cibo) treats his subjects. God
knows his honour and well-being are as dear to me as my own.
I beg of you to do all you can to induce our Holy Father to
arrange this affair of S. Severa. You see yourself the im-
portance and the necessity of adding this property to that
of Cervetri. I should also like to know about the affair of
Gallese in order to reply to the friend who is coming here soon.
It is urgent that His Holiness should once for all arrange
the affairs of Signor Francesco so that I should not be daily
worried about them, and that we can live in peace and har-
mony. To speak plainly, Signor Francesco has not the position
the nephew of a Pope ought to have, and yet we are now
approaching the seventh year of the Pontificate. More regard
should be shown to the increasing family, which is a valid
reason for our Holy Father's aid. Florence, October 17, 1489. 1
LORENZO DE' MEDICI to the KING OF ENGLAND
SERENE MAJESTY, When this Signory writes to recommend
one of their citizens they have such hope and faith in the
clemency and kindness of Your Majesty, that neither do they
doubt of their gracious reception nor do I consider it necessary
to intervene in their behalf. Yet, to satisfy my conscience,
being in duty bound to help the citizens of this Republic, I
1 Laurentii Medicis Vita, &c., ii. 365 et stq.
LORENZO DI PIERO DE' MEDICI
cannot refrain from recommending with all reverence and
humility to Your Majesty Filippo del Vigna for the affair he
will explain. I assure Your Majesty that no greater token of
interest and clemency towards this city can be given than to
accept the aforesaid Filippo as a faithful servant, and to aid
him to recover his indemnity, and I, for my part, should be
everlastingly grateful.
I commend myself humbly to Your Majesty. 1
AGNOLO POLIZIANO to LORENZO DE' MEDICI in Florence
MAGNIFICENT PATRON, My last letter was from Ferrara.
In Padua I found some good books, i.e. Simplicio, on the Sky ;
Alessandro, on the Topica ; Giovan Grammatico, on the Pos-
teriora and the Syllogism ; a David on Aristotle ; none of
which we have in Florence. I also found a Greek scribe in
Padua and arranged with him at a ducat for every fifteen
pages.
Maestro Piero Leoni showed me his books : among them I
found M. Manlio, an old astronomer and poet, which I have
brought with me to Venice to compare with one I have bought ;
I have never seen a more ancient book. Similiter he possesses
certain books of Galieno de dogmate Aristotelis et Hippocratis
in Greek, of which he will give us a copy in Padua, so we shall
have gained something.
In Venice I have found some books of Archimedes and Eron,
mathematicians, which we have not got, and a Frunuto de Deis,
and other valuable things. So papa Janni 2 will have writing
enough to do for some time.
Niceno's [Cardinal] library we were not able to see. Messer
Aldobrandini, the Duke of Ferrara\s ambassador, in cujus dorno
1 Arch. Med. ante Prin. t Filza xliii. No. 142 (draft of letter in Lorenzo's
handwriting without date).
2 A Greek scribe employed by Lorenzo in copying.
323
LETTERS OF THE EARLY MEDICI
habitamus, went to the Prince but was met with a blunt refusal.
He asked for Count Giovanni [Pico della Mirandola], not for me,
as I thought it better not to mention your name in the affair.
Messer Antonio Vinciguerra and Messer Antonio Pizamanno,
one of the two philosophers who came incognito to Florence to
see the Count, and a brother of Messer Zaccheria Barbaro, are
engaged in trying to overcome this obstinacy ; everything
possible will be tried. This is all I have to say about books.
Messer Piero Leoni has been greatly persecuted in Padua
and has no patients either there or in Venice. Yet he is a good
doctor and held in high esteem. I have caused him to be
sounded by the Count as to coming to Tuscany, but I think it
will be difficult. He does not like Padua and the society does
not please him, ut ipse ait ; negat tamen se elle in Thusciam
agere.
Nicoletto would come to Pisa but wants a benefice, hoc est
one of those canonries. His name stands high in Padua and his
method is good ; but, nisifallor, he is one of these odd fantas-
tical men. He it was who mentioned the benefice to me ;
so I warn you.
This morning I paid a visit to Messer Zaccheria Barbaro
and assured him of your affection &c. ; he replied tearfully et ut
visum est from his heart : all resolved itself into in te uno spem
esse. Ostendit se nosse quantum tibi debeat : so do what you
intended, utfavens ad major a. The Legate, who has returned
from Rome, et qui tecum locutus est Florentine, is not at all of
their way of thinking, ut ajunt.
Messer Zaccheria showed me a very beautiful antique
earthen vase which was sent to him lately from Greece, and
told me that if I thought you would like it he would send it
to you with two smaller ones. I said it was just what Your
Magnificence would admire et tandem it will be yours. To-
morrow morning the box shall be made and I will send it off.
I do not think you have so fine a one in eo genere : it is about
three spans high and four wide.
324
LORENZO DI PIERO DE' MEDICI
The Count [Pico della Mirandola] has bad eyes and has not
been out of the house since he came to Venice.
Item yester evening I paid a visit to the learned Cassandra
Fidele and greeted her in your name. She is no less wonderful,
Lorenzo, in the vulgar tongue than in Latin ; most discreet, et
niels oculis etiam handsome. I came away astounded. To you
she is most partial and talked about you with such understand-
ing quasi te intus et in cute norit. One of these days she intends
to go to Florence to see you, so prepare to do her honour.
I have no more to say at present, save that your causing
Greek books to be copied and the favour you show to learned
men sets you higher in the esteem and honour of the world than
any man has enjoyed for many years. Other particulars I
reserve for my return. I commend myself to Your Magnificence.
I have not yet used the letter of exchange as I have had no need
of it. Venice, June 20, 1491.
The servant of Your Magnificence,
ANGELUS PoLixiANtis. 1
PIER FILIPPO PANDOLFINI, Florentine Ambassador
at Rome, to LORENZO DE' MEDICI
Monsignor d 1 Aries told me yesterday morning that the
Signoria of Venice and all the Venetian gentlemen are very irate
with us for two things. First because, according to them, we
tried through the Soldan to prevent that journey of theirs.
Secondly on account of the agreement about wool from England,
which they have so much at heart that they could not be more
angry and are decided to upset it at any cost. They have
ordered that all ships carrying wool to Pisa, no matter to whom
they belong, are to be prevented from loading in Candia,
Cyprus, or any other place where they have ports, and that no
ship of theirs is to touch at Porto Pisano. I do not know
1 Prose Volyari inedite, &c., op. cit. 78.
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LETTERS OF THE EARLY MEDICI
whether it would be good to inform Tommaso Portinari so that
he might tell the King of England and explain to him the
harm this decision will do to H.M. and to his subjects, and
that the Venetians want to be masters and dictate laws to
them.
Maestro Leoni was here this morning and tells me he is
engaged at Padua for two years certain and one year optional,
at 2000 golden pieces yearly ; and he has accepted with the
intention, if he is not prevented, of practising medicine at Venice.
He has taken this step deliberately and left Pisa with this
intent, but has been idle for some time for his own justification.
At Pisa he thought he was not well treated by the authorities
and told me much about it, and that he was not regarded with
the consideration he considers he had a right to expect. You
he praises highly and says that he perceives that whatever good
he experienced was solely through your influence and not on
account of his own merits. He intends to show what learning
and capabilities he possesses and to leave a name behind him.
Wherever he may be he affirms that he is ever yours. July
1491. 1
PIERO LEONI of Spoleto to LORENZO DE' MEDICI
I have heard what has been ordered to Your Magnificence
as to the water and what the effect has been. First I must
make an examination and Your Magnificence will cease taking
it. It will be better not to wait until winter begins to lay in
the usual provision, and Your Magnificence can take first Morba
for a week and then Villa for another week. The less interval
there is between the two the better. During this time I will
make a trial of the said water which has arrived here in safety.
I have not been able to do so on account of being occupied
with lectures until the first August: then I had to go to
Venice to pay my duty to the Doge and the Signoria. As
1 Laurentii Medicis Vita, &c., op. cit. ii. 90.
326
LORENZO DI PIERO DE' MEDICI
soon as I have settled the Venetian business I shall make a
trial at Padua of that water for a purpose of my own, for I
need it, and according to the effect obtained I shall see whether
we have something different from arzente l water ; if I find it is
different, as I think, when I have tried it, I will see how to
make it suit the case of Your Magnificence. If it be arzente
water, we shall have unmasked it, which will not be at all
unpleasing to me. Your Magnificence can take the Morba
water without further advice, except when the wind is northerly,
for then it is of little or no use. Let us hope the weather will
soon be fine again and then Your Magnificence is to ride fast
and far after drinking the water when fasting, morning and
evening. Beware of cold and damp feet, of moonlight, and of
the air at sunset, and do not eat pears or swallow grape pips.
I received Proculus, which has given me the more pleasure
that I have long wished to possess it, and finding that it is
as excellent as I supposed I shall have it translated. When
finished I will do as Your Magnificence says. I have heard
that Lascari found in Calabria a commentary by Proculus on
the Heraclitus of Plato. I beg Your Magnificence, when you
know where this commentary is, to try and get it, or to tell me
so that I may try. It must be valuable because the matter in
itself is good and the author is the most competent man there
is in such things. No more at present. I commend myself to
Your Magnificence. Padua, August 19, 1491. 2
MATTEO FRANCO at Rome to SER PIERO DOVIZI
at Florence
Ser Piero, you know how long ago I told you of the want
of order in this house and how things went from bad to worse
1 Acqiia arzente in modern Italian is the name given to water with nitrous
acid in it and is used to clean silver. It is poisonous. Piero Leoni evidently
suspected something wrong (perhaps poisonous) in a certain water which had
been recommended to Lorenzo. He advises him to go back to his old waters
until he analyses the new water.
3 Laurcntii Medicis Vita, op. cit. ii. 91.
LETTERS OF THE EARLY MEDICI
so that I gave up fighting ; and how a Florentine was like
a Cross among devils. Also I informed you of Madonna's
[Maddalena] tribulations with regard to divers matters. But
as I suspect you never read my letters to the end, probably
these things will be new to you. With this doubt and also
as a satisfaction to myself, I write, for I am bursting with pent-
up rage, and know not where to turn for advice or help.
When I see such coldness and want of care and affection for
persons of far more importance than Franco, I cease to trouble
about my own affairs, but about theirs I am in despair. No
one, man or woman, ever comes to this house, save once in
a blue moon, to ask whether Madonna is alive or dead. Let
be that they grant her no authority, but they might ask if she
is alive. Ever since our return she has been shut up in the
house, save the two days spent at Cervetri, twice that she went
to see the Pope, and one evening when she supped at the bank.
She is always ailing and there does not seem to be a man living
who takes interest in her. Cursed be that milk-cheese, those
curds, those pears, that flask of trebbiano, that bundle of
fennel and those medlars, that have never, never been sent to
her by you or by anybody. These Genoese with the Pope
have the most beautiful loggia and all the greatest marvels of
the world, let alone other things of more value. While she,
poor patient child, the daughter of such a man and so perfect
and charming in herself, is less esteemed than would be the
daughter of an exile, and as I well know there are always pre-
varications, excuses and justifications, saying that notice must
not be taken of small things and that one day all of a sudden
we shall hear the thunder and see the lightning of some impor-
tant event. We shall see, my Ser Piero, but I have no faith
in excuses, and the conclusion is that if you do not help to
keep this house things you do not expect will happen, for
which you will be sorry.
I have written all this, full of despair and anger, to others
besides yourself. The bad health of Madonna Maddalena and
328
LORENZO DI PIERO DE' MEDICI
the thoughtless behaviour of my Lord in keeping her up, for
all this winter he has gambled every night, supping at six or
seven and coming to bed at daylight, and she will not, and
cannot, eat or sleep without him. Thus she has lost sleep and
appetite and has become as thin as a lizard, as I told you. To
the ambassador and Noferi and Ser Niccolo and to Christ, I
have told this every day and kept them informed. The am-
bassador replies : " It is your business to write to Lorenzo,
what can I do in the matter ? Write, and let me act." And
Noferi says : " I fear this girl will not live long, and my Lord
says and does &c., and they ought to be warned at Florence,
&c." Ser Niccolo, whom I asked about either summoning
Maestro Piero Leoni or describing her symptoms to him and
sending him the prescriptions of the doctors here, for the girl
has great faith in Maestro Leoni as he treated her mother and
herself and knows her constitution, made me copy out all
the recipes of the doctors and said it would be well to write
and that he would do so. Then he got immersed in grand
doings and all has come to nought. Poor Franco runs here
and runs there angered inside and out, and his heart is burst-
ing. The worst is that he has not enough authority or brains
to set things right.
Madonna's illness is caused by sitting up too late at night,
eating at hours she is not used to, and remaining shut up in
the house all day without taking any exercise ; then, like her
mother, she is melancholy, thin, and pensive, and takes every
caprice and folly of her husband's to heart. She thinks and
dreams of nought else, so great is her love of him. She is
slowly pining away and this seems to me the most alarming
symptom, for nothing she eats or drinks does her any good or
gives her any pleasure. . . .
Ser Piero, I beg you as earnestly as I can to excuse me and
with clasped hands I entreat you to get me away from here.
First because, as I have told you several times, I cannot bear it
any longer, and then because I get small honour and less gain.
329
LETTERS OF THE EARLY MEDICI
I know what I say. Madonna can do little for me and I can
do even less for her in the state to which they have reduced
her. I always told you none but a Franco would have endured
this life. No more at present. Let us study to find a remedy
for what is more important, and see that this girl should be
served rather like the daughter of her father than the wife of
him she has married. Let the rest go as it will. I commend
myself to you. Rome, January 16, 1492.
YOUR FRANCO. 1
Lorenzo's end was fast approaching. The following extracts
from Manfredi's letters show how terribly he suffered, and
with what fortitude he bore extreme pain. From his last
words to Filippo Valori and Andrea Cambini, who accom-
panied the young Cardinal Giovanni to Rome, " I entrust the
youth of my son to you, you will not see me again," it is
evident he knew death was near. But in the long letter to his
son at Rome he makes no allusion to his own health, as though
he did not wish to cloud the lad's first entrance into life. It is
full of political wisdom, knowledge of the world, and fatherly
foresight. After Giovanni's departure Lorenzo rallied a little,
and on March 21st was carried to Careggi, attended by his
favourite sister Bianca, his daughter Lucrezia, his eldest son
Piero, and the faithful Poliziano.
MANFREDO DI MANFREDI, Ambassador from Ferrara to
Florence, to the DUKE ERCOLE D'ESTE
. . . The Magnificent Lorenzo has not been able to see any
of the ambassadors on account of his gout which gives him
great pain. . . . Florence, January 16, 1492. 2
. . . Since several days the Magnificent Lorenzo is very ill
and much tormented with pain all over the body save in the
head. His agony is such that est res miranda how he can live.
It is true the doctors do not think it is an mfirmltas ad mortem,
1 Un Cortigia.no di Lorenzo il Magnifico, Gugliemo Volpi. Estratto del
Giornale Storico della Letteratura Italiana, 1891, xvii. 229.
2 Lcttcre e Notizie, &c., Arch. Pal. di Modena, op. cit.
330
LORENZO DI PIERO DE' MEDICI
but he is very weak from want of rest. May God restore him
to his usual health, for it really moves one's compassion to hear
the state he is in. . . . Florence, February 11, 1492. 1
. . . For three days the Magnificent Lorenzo has been in
such pain that no one could see him. . . . Florence, March 5,
1492. 2
. . . Since two days the Magnificent Lorenzo is better
though he still has attacks of pain. It is thought that this
perverse and very cold weather affects him. . . . Florence,
March 8, 1492. 3
I have nought to report to Your Excellency save that yester-
day the Most Rev. Cardinal de' Medici [Giovanni, Lorenzo's
second son] left for Rome. Last Saturday he received the hat in
a certain abbey, called the Abbey of Fiesole, and then in his
Cardinal's robes, accompanied by us ambassadors, many bishops,
and a large number of citizens, made a triumphal entry into the
city. Dismounting at the palace of the Signoria he paid them
a visit. He mounted again and we accompanied him to his
father's house. Next day, with the same following he went to
S. Liberata [the cathedral] to hear mass, which was celebrated
by eight bishops with great solemnity, and at which the Illus-
trious Signoria assisted. At the close the Cardinal took leave
of the Signoria in the church and accompanied by us went to
his father's house where a magnificent banquet was prepared, at
which we ambassadors assisted (having been previously invited)
and sixty of the principal citizens of this State. The house
was most richly adorned. Before we rose from table a great
number of chiselled silver vases were presented to the Cardinal
on behalf of the Signoria. A stupendous sight, for the vases
were large and well ornamented. They were valued at 10,000
ducats or more, which may well be, as they weighed more than
1000 pounds. We ambassadors then went with His Illustrious
Reverence to his room and rich and handsome silver vases were
1 Lettere e Notizic, &c., Arch. Pal. di Modena, op cit.
8 Ibid. 3 Ibid.
331
LETTERS OF THE EARLY MEDICI
brought by the various Communes, and the Jews of the city,
but His Lordship would not accept them and gave them back
to the donors with fair words of thanks. Likewise he accepted
nothing from any citizen save from his relations, who gave him
splendid gifts. The Magnificent Lorenzo, though in pain,
came into the hall where we were dining to see the Cardinal
and us ambassadors, and has begun to ride again, although
often seized with pain. . . . Florence, March 13, 1493. 1
LORENZO DE' MEDICI to his son, CARDINAL GIOVANNI,
at Rome, in March 1492
MESSER GIOVANNI, You are much beholden to our Lord
God, as we all are for your sake, as besides many benefits and
honours our house has received from Him it has pleased Him
to bestow on you the highest dignity our family has yet
enjoyed. Great as this is it is much enhanced by circumstances,
particularly your youth and our condition. Therefore my first
recommendation is that you endeavour to be grateful to our
Lord God, remembering every hour that it is not by your own
merits or solicitude that you have attained the Cardinalate,
but by the grace of God. Show your gratitude to Him by
leading a saintly, exemplary, and honest life. You are the
more bound to do this because during your youth you have
shown a disposition which gives hope of good fruit. It would
be indeed most shameful, contrary to your duty, and to my
expectations if at a time when others generally acquire more
reason and a better understanding of life, you should forget the
good precepts learned as a boy. It is incumbent on you to try
and lighten the burden of the dignity you have attained by
leading a pure life and persevering in the studies suitable to
your profession. I was greatly pleased last year to learn that
without being reminded by any one you had been several times
1 Lettcre e Notizie, &c., Arch. Pal. di Modena, op. ciL
332
LORENZO DI PIERO DE' MEDICI
to confession and to communion, for I conceive there is no
better way of obtaining the grace of God than by habituating
oneself to persevere in these duties. This seems to me the best
advice I can begin with. I know, as you are now going to
Rome, that sink of all iniquities, that you will find some
difficulty in following it, as bad examples are always catching,
and inciters to vice will not be wanting. Your promotion to
the Cardinalate, as you may imagine, at your age and for the
other reasons already mentioned, will be viewed with great envy,
and those who were not able to prevent your attaining this
dignity will endeavour, little by little, to diminish it by lower-
ing you in public estimation and causing you to slide into the
same ditch into which they have themselves fallen, counting on
success because of your youth. You must be all the firmer in
your stand against these difficulties, as at present one sees such
a lack of virtue in the College. I recollect however to have
known a good many learned and good men in the College,
leading exemplary lives. It will be well that you should follow
their example, for by so doing you will be the more known and
esteemed as being different from the others. It is imperative
above all things that you should avoid as you would Scylla and
Charybdis the reputation of being a hypocrite and of evil fame.
Be not ostentatious, and have a care to avoid anything offensive
in conduct and in conversation, without affecting austerity or
severity. These are things you will in time understand and
practise better, I conceive, than I can write them. You know
how important is the position and the example of a Cardinal,
and that the world would be far better if the Cardinals were what
they ought to be, for then there would always be a good Pope,
from whom emanates, one may say, peace for all Christians.
Make every effort therefore to be this, if others had done so we
might hope for universal good. Nothing is more difficult than
to hold converse with men of various characters, and in this I
can ill advise you ; only recollect when with the Cardinals and
other men of rank to try and be charitable and respectful in
333
LETTERS OF THE EARLY MEDICI
your conversation, weighing your reasons well without being
influenced by the passions of others ; for many desiring what
they cannot attain turn reason into abuse. Satisfy your con-
science therefore by taking care that your conversation with
every man should be devoid of offence. This seems to me a
general rule most applicable in your case, for should passion by
chance make an enemy, as his enmity would have no reasonable
cause he may sometimes return with more ease to the old
friendship. It will be better I think on this, your first visit to
Rome, to use your ears more than your tongue. To-day I have
given you entirely to our Lord God and to Holy Church ;
it is therefore essential that you become a good ecclesiastic,
cherishing the honour and the State of Holy Church and of the
Apostolic See above aught else in this world, and devoting
yourself entirely to their interests. While doing this it will
not be difficult for you to aid the city and our house, for the
city being united to the Church you will represent the solid
chain, and our house is part of the city. Although it is im-
possible to foresee what may happen I think it is likely that
a way will be found to save, as the proverb says, the goat
and the cabbages, always keeping steadfastly to your above-
mentioned duty of setting the interests of the Church above all
else. You are the youngest Cardinal, not only of the College, but
the youngest that has hitherto been made, it is therefore most
necessary that where you have to compete with the others you
should be the most eager and the humblest, and avoid making
others wait for you in Chapel, in Consistory, or in Deputation.
You will soon learn who has a good or an evil reputation.
With the latter avoid any great intimacy, not only on your
own' account, but for the sake of public opinion ; converse in a
general way with all. I advise you on feast-days to be rather
below than above moderation, and would rather see a well-
appointed stable and a well-ordered and cleanly household than
magnificence and pomp. Let your life be regular and reduce
your expenses gradually in the future, for the retinue and the
334
LORENZO DI PIERO DE' MEDICI
master being both new at first it will be difficult. Jewels and
silken stuffs must be used sparingly by one in your position.
Rather have a few good antiques and fine books, and well-bred
and learned attendants, than many of them. Ask people to
your own house oftener than you accept invitations to theirs,
but do both sparingly. Eat plain food and take much exercise,
for those who wear your habit, if not careful, easily contract
maladies. The rank of Cardinal is as secure as it is great, men
therefore often become negligent ; they conceive they have done
enough and that without exertion they can preserve their
position. This is often prejudicial to character and to life, and
a thing against which you must guard ; rather trust too little
than too much in others. One rule I recommend to you above
all others, and that is to get up betimes ; besides being good
for health one can meditate over and arrange all the business
of the following day, and in your position, having to say the
office, to study, to give audiences &c. you will find it most useful.
Another thing absolutely necessary to one in your station
is to reflect, particularly at this, the commencement of your
career, in the evening on all you have to do next day, so that
an unforeseen event may not come upon you unawares. As to
speaking in the Consistory, I think it would be more seemly and
becoming if you refer all that comes before you to His Holiness,
alleging that as you are young and inexperienced you consider
it your duty to submit everything to the most learned judgment
of His Holiness. You will probably be asked to intercede in
various matters with our Holy Father. Be cautious however
at the beginning to ask as few favours as possible and not to
bother him ; the disposition of the Pope is to be grateful to
those who do not break his ears. Bear this in mind in order
not to annoy him. When you see him, talk about amusing
things, and if you have to beg, do it with all humility and
modesty. This will please him and be in accordance with his
nature. Keep well. Florence. 1
1 Laurentii Medicia Vita, op. cit. ii. 308 et seq.
335
LETTERS OF THE EARLY MEDICI
your conversation, weighing your reasons well without being
influenced by the passions of others ; for many desiring what
they cannot attain turn reason into abuse. Satisfy your con-
science therefore by taking care that your conversation with
every man should be devoid of offence. This seems to me a
general rule most applicable in your case, for should passion by
chance make an enemy, as his enmity would have no reasonable
cause he may sometimes return with more ease to the old
friendship. It will be better I think on this, your first visit to
Rome, to use your ears more than your tongue. To-day I have
given you entirely to our Lord God and to Holy Church ;
it is therefore essential that you become a good ecclesiastic,
cherishing the honour and the State of Holy Church and of the
Apostolic See above aught else in this world, and devoting
yourself entirely to their interests. While doing this it will
not be difficult for you to aid the city and our house, for the
city being united to the Church you will represent the solid
chain, and our house is part of the city. Although it is im-
possible to foresee what may happen I think it is likely that
a way will be found to save, as the proverb says, the goat
and the cabbages, always keeping steadfastly to your above-
mentioned duty of setting the interests of the Church above all
else. You are the youngest Cardinal, not only of the College, but
the youngest that has hitherto been made, it is therefore most
necessary that where you have to compete with the others you
should be the most eager and the humblest, and avoid making
others wait for you in Chapel, in Consistory, or in Deputation.
You will soon learn who has a good or an evil reputation.
With the latter avoid any great intimacy, not only on your
own' account, but for the sake of public opinion ; converse in a
general way with all. I advise you on feast-days to be rather
below than above moderation, and would rather see a well-
appointed stable and a well-ordered and cleanly household than
magnificence and pomp. Let your life be regular and reduce
your expenses gradually in the future, for the retinue and the
334
LORENZO DI PIERO DE' MEDICI
master being both new at first it will be difficult. Jewels and
silken stuffs must be used sparingly by one in your position.
Rather have a few good antiques and fine books, and well-bred
and learned attendants, than many of them. Ask people to
your own house oftener than you accept invitations to theirs,
but do both sparingly. Eat plain food and take much exercise,
for those who wear your habit, if not careful, easily contract
maladies. The rank of Cardinal is as secure as it is great, men
therefore often become negligent ; they conceive they have done
enough and that without exertion they can preserve their
position. This is often prejudicial to character and to life, and
a thing against which you must guard ; rather trust too little
than too much in others. One rule I recommend to you above
all others, and that is to get up betimes ; besides being good
for health one can meditate over and arrange all the business
of the following day, and in your position, having to say the
office, to study, to give audiences &c. you will find it most useful.
Another thing absolutely necessary to one in your station
is to reflect, particularly at this, the commencement of your
career, in the evening on all you have to do next day, so that
an unforeseen event may not come upon you unawares. As to
speaking in the Consistory, I think it would be more seemly and
becoming if you refer all that comes before you to His Holiness,
alleging that as you are young and inexperienced you consider
it your duty to submit everything to the most learned judgment
of His Holiness. You will probably be asked to intercede in
various matters with our Holy Father. Be cautious however
at the beginning to ask as few favours as possible and not to
bother him ; the disposition of the Pope is to be grateful to
those who do not break his ears. Bear this in mind in order
not to annoy him. When you see him, talk about amusing
things, and if you have to beg, do it with all humility and
modesty. This will please him and be in accordance with his
nature. Keep well. Florence. 1
1 Laurentii Medicis Vita, op. cit. ii. 308 et >eq.
335
LETTERS OF THE EARLY MEDICI
CARDINAL GIOVANNI DE' MEDICI to his father LORENZO
MAGNIFICO VIRO LAURENTIO DE MEDICI PATER
OPTIMO
Salvus sis, In case . . . J (I) did not tell you of some
things. On Friday morning I was given a public reception
and went accompanied by all the Cardinals, nearly the whole
court, and very heavy rain, from S.M. del Popolo to the
palace and from the palace to Campo di Fiore. Our Holy
Father received me most graciously : I hardly spoke to him.
The following day the ambassadors waited on our Holy Father ;
their audience was most satisfactory. The Pope desired to
hear me the day after, which is to-day. I have been, and His
Holiness spoke as lovingly as was possible to me, and reminded
me, and advised me, to do something when I visited these
Cardinals, and I have begun to do so with those to whom as
yet I have paid visits. Another time I will tell you who they
are. All professed the greatest good-will towards you. Of
former things I know that you have been told. Of myself I
have nought to say save that I will try hard to do you honour.
De me proloqui ulterius, nefas. The news that you are so much
better has been a great joy to me and I have no other wish
than to hear this often. For this I send thanks to Ser Piero
[Leoni, the doctor]. I commend myself to you. No more at
present. Rome, March 25, 1492. Jo. Fious. 2
In a letter to Jacopo Antiquario, Poliziano describes the
malady from which Lorenzo had been suffering and then
continues :
. . . The day before his death, being at his villa of
Careggi, he grew so weak that all hope of his recovery vanished.
1 Paper torn.
2 Life of Leo X., W. Roscoe, Appendix i. 408. H. G. Bohn, London,
1853.
336
LORENZO DI PIERO DE' MEDICI
Perceiving this, like a wise man he called for the confessor to
purge himself of past sins. This same confessor told me after-
wards that he marvelled to see with what courage and con-
stancy Lorenzo prepared himself for death ; how well he
ordered all things pertaining thereunto, and with what faith
and religious feeling he reflected on the world to come.
Towards midnight while he was quietly meditating he was
informed that the priest bearing the Holy Sacrament had
arrived. Rousing himself he exclaimed, " It shall never be
said that my Lord who created and saved me shall come to me
in my room raise me, I beg of you, raise me quickly so
that I may go and meet Him." Saying this he raised himself
as well as he could and, supported by his servants, advanced
to meet the priest in the outer room. There crying he knelt
down.
Poliziano gives a long prayer recited by Lorenzo and then
continues :
These and other things he said sobbing, while all around
cried bitterly. At length the priest ordered that he should
be raised from the ground and carried to his bed, in order
to receive the Viaticum in more comfort. For some time
he resisted, but at last out of respect for the priest he con-
sented. In bed repeating almost the same prayer, with much
gravity and devotion he received the body and blood of Christ.
Then he devoted himself to consoling his son Piero, for the
others were not there, and exhorted him to bear this law of
necessity with courage, feeling sure that the aid of Heaven
would be vouchsafed to him, as it had been to himself in many
and divers occasions, if he only acted wisely. Meanwhile your
Lazarus, the doctor from Pavia, arrived, most learned as it
seemed to me, but summoned too late to be of any use. Yet to
do something he ordered various precious stones to be pounded
together in a mortar for I know not what kind of medicine.
337 Y
LETTERS OF THE EARLY MEDICI
Lorenzo thereupon asked the servants what the doctor was
doing in his room and what he was preparing, and when I
answered that he was composing a remedy to comfort his
intestines he recognised my voice, and looking kindly as is his
wont : " Oh Angiolo, he said, art thou here ? " and raising his
languid arms took both my hands and pressed them tightly.
I could not stifle my sobs or stay my tears though I tried
to hide them by turning my face away. But he showed no
emotion and continued to press my hands between his. When
he saw that I could not speak for crying, quite naturally he
loosened my hands, and I ran into the adjoining room where
I could give free vent to my grief and to my tears. Then
drying my eyes I returned, and as soon as he saw me he called
me to him and asked what Pico della Mirandola was doing.
I replied that Pico had remained in town fearing to molest
him with his presence. " And I," said Lorenzo, " but for the
fear that the journey here might be irksome to. him would be
most glad to see him and speak to him for the last time before
I leave you all." I asked if I should send for him. " Cer-
tainly, and with all speed," answered he. This I did, and Pico
came and sat by the bed, whilst I leaned against his knees
in order to hear the languid voice of my lord for the last time.
With what goodness, with what courtesy, I may say with what
caresses, Lorenzo received him. First he asked his pardon for
thus disturbing him, begging him to regard it as a sign of the
friendship the love he bore him, assuring him that he died
more willingly after seeing so dear a friend. Then introducing,
as was his wont, pleasant and familiar sayings, he joked also
with us. " I wish," he said to Pico, " that death had spared me
until your library had been complete." Pico had hardly left
the room when Fra Girolamo [Savonarola] of Ferrara, a man
celebrated for his doctrine and his sanctity and an excellent
preacher, came in. To his exhortations to remain firm in his
faith and to live in future, if God granted him life, free from
crime, or if God so willed it to receive death willingly, Lorenzo
338
LORENZO DI PIERO DE' MEDICI
answered that he was firm in his religion, that his life
would always be guided by it, and that nothing could be
sweeter to him than death, if such was the divine will. Fra
Girolamo then turned to go when Lorenzo said : " Oh Father,
before going deign to give me thy benediction." Bowing
his head, immersed in piety and religion he repeated the
words and the prayers of the friar, without paying any
attention to the grief now openly shown of his attendants, j
It seemed that all, save Lorenzo, were going to die, so calm
was he. He gave no signs of anxiety or of sorrow ; even in
that supreme moment he showed his usual strength of mind
and his fortitude. The doctors who stood round, not to seem
idle, worried him with their remedies and assistance. He
submitted to everything they suggested, not because he thought
it would save him, but in order not to offend any one, even in
death. To the last he had such mastery over himself that he
joked about his own death. Thus when given something to
eat and asked how he liked it he replied : " As well as a dying
man can like anything." He embraced us all tenderly and
humbly asked pardon if during his illness he had caused annoy-
ance to any one. Then disposing himself to receive extreme
unction he commended his soul to God. The Gospel con-
taining the Passion of Christ was then read and he showed that
he understood by moving his lips, or raising his languid eyes,
or sometimes moving his fingers. Gazing upon a silver crucifix
inlaid with precious stones and kissing it from time to time, he
expired. . . . Fiesole, May 18, 1492. 1
This is Poliziano's account of the last hours of Lorenzo.
The authority for the following by Fra Pacifico Cinozzi, is Fra
Silvestro, the adherent of Savonarola who went to the stake
with him, and who professed to have heard it from the lips of
his master. To say the least it would be unusual for a dying
man who had already confessed and received the Viaticum to
wish to make a second confession, and to receive absolution from
1 Laurentii Medicis Vita, op cit. i. 199 et seq.
339
LETTERS OF THE EARLY MEDICI
another priest. Again, had Savonarola left Careggi as described
by Fra Pacifico, Lorenzo's body would hardly have been carried
to S. Marco before the funeral and the burial in S. Lorenzo.
" Now it pleased God that Lorenzo fell ill, and becoming
worse and nigh unto death he sent for the said Father Fra
leronimo, using these very words : ' Go for the Father Fra
leronimo, for I have never found one save him who was an
honest friar. 1 Thus going to Careggi, where Lorenzo was, he
entered and after a few words Lorenzo said he desired to make
his confession. Fra leronimo answered he was willing, but
before hearing the confession he wished to mention three
things, if these were acceded to no doubt whatever his salva-
tion was assured. Lorenzo replied he was willing and would
do what was asked. The Father said : ' Lorenzo, it is needful
for you to have great faith, 1 and he answered : * Father, that I
have/ Fra leronimo then added the second : ' Also it is
needful that you restore what has been wrongfully taken.'
After reflecting for a while he answered : ' Father, I will do so,
or I will cause my heirs to do it if I cannot.' The Father
then said : ' It is needful for you to give back to the Republic
the liberty of the city, and to see that she returns to her
ancient state.' To these words he gave no reply. Thus the
said Father departed without further confession, and not long
after Lorenzo died. These words I heard from Fra Silvestro
who died together with Fra leronimo ; and I believe he knew
and heard them from Father Fra leronimo." l
Popular opinion in Florence at the time certainly seems to
favour Poliziano's account. Bartolommeo Cerretani, who noted
1 Epistola di Fra Placido Cinozzi in Scelta di Prediche e Scritti di Fra
Girolamo Savonarola, con nuovi documenti intorno alia sua vita, P. Villari e
E. Casanuova. G. C. Sansoni, Firenze, 1898, p. 16. The Biographia Latino.
of Savonarola follows Cinozzi's account, citing Fra Silvestro and Fra Domenico,
an ardent adherent of Savonarola, as authorities. The same story, with
additions, is given by the biographers of Savonarola, Pico della Mirandola
(a nephew of Lorenzo's friend) and Burlamacchi. " There is," says Creighton,
" no evidence that Pico, the earliest of them, had written his book before
1520; whether Burlamacchi wrote independently or merely re-edited Pico is
a question open to discussion."
340
LORENZO DI PIERO DE' MEDICI
events carefully in his chronicle, wrote on April 7, 1492 :
" About the fifth hour Lorenzo received the Sacraments." A
few days later Benedetto Dei wrote the following letter to his
uncle, who was an adherent of the Medici and often went to
foreign lands on their commercial business. Curious readers
will find the discrepancies between the two narratives discussed
in Creighton's History of the Papacy, Villari's Life and Times
of Savonarola, and Horsburgh's Lorenzo the Magnificent.
BARTOLOMMEO DEI to his uncle BENEDETTO DEI, tvith
Machiavelli in Eerrara
DEAREST UNCLE, On Saturday last the 7th I wrote in
answer to your letter giving you full accounts of our private
affairs, of the house, and of everything, which I conclude you
received. Giannotto was too busy to write, and probably will
not even have time to-day, being so occupied with that busi-
ness you know of; it is in danger in consequence of the sad
event of which you have heard. I did not write to you before
on account of the universal grief and tribulation, so that not
only writing but even thinking about it was difficult. It is
true that on Saturday I wrote you word that the Magnificent
Lorenzo was at Careggi for change of air, not well, and in pain
it was said. In the evening after my letter had gone it was
reported that he had a slight fainting fit, but no one was
alarmed, chiefly because of that accursed Maestro Piero Leoni
of Spoleto, who to the very last insisted that he could not die
of that malady. On Saturday arrived the doctor from Milan,
who at once saw that he had been wrongly treated, and pre-
pared many remedies, but it was too late. He ought to have
had cold things and he was given hot. Finally on Sunday,
after the fourth hour of night, according to the will of Him
who rules the world, he quitted this life in the flower of his
age, and most assuredly far too soon, to the great and bitter
sorrow of the whole city ; and with every reason, for no doubt
we have lost the splendour not only of Tuscany but of all Italy,
341
LETTERS OF THE EARLY MEDICI
Every day we shall learn more what we have lost. As yet it
cannot be calculated, but time will show.
The other terrible event is the insane death of Maestro
Piero Leoni, who when he saw his lying science had deceived
him, which some say was allied to necromancy, went out of his
mind, and was taken to the house of the Martelli near by,
that is to say at S. Gervasio, where he was well treated, and
passed the night full of melancholy and without speaking or
answering any one. In the early morning he called for a towel
and washed his face at a well, and asked a peasant how deep
the water was. He was left leaning against the edge, and a
short time afterwards a woman went to draw water, and found
him head downwards in the well ; half of his body was above
water. She gave the alarm, and then was seen the miserable
end of a man of such erudition who had used his science ill.
This created a great stir among the people who were already
much troubled by what had happened. But when it was
proved that madness alone had impelled the deed accusations
made by idle tongues ceased, and people said it served him
right that he should have taken his own life. There was no
bruise or hurt on the handsome body, and to those who saw, it
was a sad spectacle. For a day it lay there by the well, and was
then buried in a field like those who elect to die thus.
On Monday evening at one of the clock [an hour after
sundown] the body of Lorenzo was borne by the Company of
the Magi into the sacristy of S. Lorenzo in the coffin wherein
it had been brought from Careggi the night before, with many
torches and tapers. The next day, that is Tuesday, the 10th,
the funeral took place without much pomp, as had always been
the custom of their ancestors, without banners. There were
but three Orders of friars and one of priests ; in truth, great
pomp could not be shown, for the greatest splendour would
have been small for such a man. But wonderful was the num-
ber of citizens and nobles, in long black robes touching the
ground, who came to do him honour ; it was a fine spectacle,
342
LORENZO DI PIERO DE' MEDICI
and touching to see such manifest signs of sadness and of
sorrow.
The visits to Piero have been many of the whole city, and
by common accord all agree in maintaining him in the position
of his father. As a commencement a motion was carried by
acclamation in the Council which is to be published on Monday,
declaring that Piero is to be one of the Seventy in his father's
place, and is eligible for all offices, the Council of Eight, the
Twelve procurators, the Accopiatori, the Operai of the Palace,
and so on, which the Magnificent Lorenzo filled or might have
filled, and this notwithstanding his being under age. It was
a great thing and carried unanimously, and all united together
to do him honour with the hope that he will be a worthy heir
of all his father's virtues.
Lorenzo lived forty-three years three months and six days,
having been born on January 2, 1448. 1 He died so nobly and
with such patience, understanding, and reverence towards God,
as the most religious man and divine soul could show ; with
such holy words on his lips that he seemed another S. Jerome.
God be merciful to him. Florence, April 14, 1492. Your
servant, BARTOLOMMEO
Lorenzo was buried by the side of his brother Giuliano
under the sarcophagus fashioned by Verrocchio for Cosimo
and Piero in the Old Sacristy of S. Lorenzo, but in 1559 the
coffins were removed and placed in a vault under the statue
of the Madonna by Michelangelo in the New Sacristy. No
epitaph, not even his name, marks the spot where the Magni-
ficent Lorenzo lies. King Ferrante's words when he heard of
his death were prophetic : " This man has lived long enough
for his own immortal fame, but not for Italy. God grant that
now he is dead men may not attempt that which they dared
not do while he was alive. 1 '
1 Dei gives wrong dates. Lorenzo was born on January 1, 1449 (1450).
2 Archivio Storico Itcdiano, Serie v. Tomo iv., Dispensa 5 e 6 del 1889,
p. 258.
343
INDEX
Acciaiuoli, Agnolo, 19, 57 ; reason of
his hatred of the Medici, 83, 84;
letter from, to Piero de' Medici, 105 ;
secretly recalled by Piero de' Medici,
142 ; 153
Alamanni, Piero, Florentine ambas-
sador at Rome ; letter to, from
Lorenzo de' Medici on Giovanni's
nomination to the Cardinalate, 303
Alberti, Alberto de', letter from, to
Giovanni de' Medici on the state of
* Rome, 47
Albino, Giovanni, letter to, from
Lorenzo de' Medici, 240
Albizzi, Rinaldo degl', 13, 19, 20, 26,
28
Aldrovandini, Guidone, Ferrarese am-
bassador to Florence, letter from, to
the Duke Ercole d'Este, 274 ; letter
to, from the Duke, 276 ; letter from,
to the Duke about Lorenzo de'
Medici and the state of Florence,
277, 280, 281, 282, 283, 284, 285,
286, 287, 294, 295, 297, 298
Alum, monopoly of, given to the
Medici, 98 ; 104, 306
Ammanati, Jacopo, Cardinal of Pavia,
163 ; letters from, to Lorenzo de'
Medici on the Cardinalate for
Giuliano, 167, 168
Ammirato, Scipione, quoted, 7
Angouleme, Marguerite d', Queen of
Navarre, 1 14
Antonino, Archbishop, on slavery, 29
Aragona, Don Federigo d', meets
Lorenzo de' Medici at Pisa, 87 ;
letter to, from Lorenzo de' Medici
on the old Tuscan poets, 88 ; 94^,
146
Cardinal d', 259, 260, 263
Artimino, Papiniodi, letters to Lucrezia
de 1 Medici on the Turkish army in
Apulia, 237, 238
Avogarius, Doctor Petrus Bonus, letter
from, to Lorenzo de' Medici, 301
Baccio, Ugolino, 245 ; letters from, to
Lorenzo de' Medici about the Arch-
bishop of Krain, 247, 249, 252 ; 274 ;
letter to, from Lorenzo de' Medici,
278 ; 314, 316
Baldovinetti, quoted, on slaves, 30
Basel, CEcumenical Council of, trans-
ferred to Ferrara and Florence, 41,
42 ; Archbishop of Krain at, 247,
249, 252
Becchi, Gentile, of Urbino (Bishop of
Arezzo), in, 133; letter from, to
Clarice de' Medici describing Lor-
enzo's journey to Milan, 138 ; 143,
155, 170,214
Bentivoglio, Giovanni di, letter from,
to Piero de' Medici about the League
against Venice and the Pope, 135 ;
letter to, from Lorenzo de' Medici,
202
Cafaggiuolo, Villa of, 4, 19, 60, 74;
Clarice de' Medici and her children
at, 213, 216, 217, 218, 219, 220,222.
Caiano, Poggio a, Villa of, flood at,
described in Ambra, 147 ; 155
Calabria, Alfonso, Duke of, 59, 200,
206, 207, 231, 232, 240, 254, 274,
284
Ippolita Maria d' Aragona,
Duchess of, 87, 93^; letter from,
to Lorenzo de' Medici, 236
Cambi, Giovanni, quoted, 56, 6l
Capponi, Marquess Gino, quoted, 150.
Careggi, Villa of, 27 ; Count of Pavia
at, 61 ; last months of Cosimo de'
Medici at, 73, 74, 75 ; death of
Cosimo de' Medici at, 78; 81, 84,
137; death of Piero de' Medici at,
142; 152, 181, 217, 223, 291, 336;
death of Lorenzo de' Medici at, 339,
340, 341
Catasto, 5 ; description of the, i64
Cavalcanti, Giovanni, quoted, 6
INDEX
Ceccho, Messer, letter from, to Lor-
enzo de' Medici, 201 ; 203, 204, 207,
208
Cinozzi, Fra Pacifico, 339; account of
the death of Lorenzo de' Medici by,
340
Comines, Philippe de, I49w, I93
202, 226; letter to, from Lorenzo
de' Medici, 312
Creighton, Dr., quoted, 150
Cristofano d' Antonio, Fra, letter from,
to Lucrezia de' Medici about her
grandchildren, 172
Dei, Bartolommeo, letter from, to his
uncle on the death of Lorenzo de'
Medici, 341
Dennistoun, J., quoted, 136^
Dovizi da Bibbiena, Piero, letters to,
from Matteo Franco, 289, 327
Este, Duke Borso d', 176
Eleonora d', Duchess of Ferrara,
letter to, from Lorenzo de' Medici on
the death of his mother, 244
Ercole d', Duke of Ferrara, 135,
241 ; letter to, from Lorenzo de'
Medici on his mother's death, 244 ;
254; letter to, from Lorenzo de'
Medici, 273 ; letter to, from his am-
bassador Aldrovandini, 274 ; letter
from, to Aldrovandini, 276 ; letters
to, from Aldrovandini, 277, 280,
282, 283, 285, 294, 297, '298 ; letters
to, from his ambassador Manfredi,
35> 309, 330
Eugenius IV., Pope, 26n ; arrival
of at Florence for (Ecumenical
Council, 41 ; Lorenzo de' Medici
(brother to Cosimo) sent to Ferrara
to, 42
Ferrante, or Ferdinando, King of
Naples, 53, 125, 128, 129, 135, 158,
159, 160, 163, 170, 176, 195, 196,
197, 199. 202. 227. 228, 229;;,
230, 234, 235, 236, 237, 238, 283,
284, 286, 298, 305, 313, 314, 315,
316, 319, 320; words of, on hearing
of the death of Lorenzo de' Medici,
343
Festival on St. John's Day, 95
Ficino, Marsilio, selected to preside
over the Platonic Academy, 57 ;
letter to, from Cosimo de' Medici,
73 ; letter from, to Lorenzo de'
Medici describing his grandfather
Cosimo, 76 ; 143
Filelfo, Francesco, letter from, to
Lorenzo de' Medici, 166
Florence, Signoria of, letter to, from
Lorenzo de' Medici announcing his
departure for Naples, 229
Fortebraccio, Niccolo, letter from, to
Cosimo de' Medici, 34 ; 36, 37, 39,
40
France, King of, see Louis XI.
Franco, Matteo, letter from, to Lorenzo
de' Medici, 173 ; letters from, to
Piero Dovizi describing Clarice's
journey from Morba, 267 ; from the
baths of Stigliano, 289 ; from Rome,
327
Frederick II., Emperor, entry of into
Florence, 56; 248, 249, 250, 251,
253
G
Gibbon, Edward, quoted, 7
Innocent VI II., Pope, election of, 258 ;
261, 262, 265, 283, 284; letter to,
from Lorenzo de' Medici, 285 ; 286,
287, 294 ; letter to, from Lorenzo
de' Medici on the death of his wife,
296 ; 298, 303 ; letter to, from Lor-
enzo de' Medici on the promotion of
his son Giovanni to the Cardinalate,
304 ; letter to, from the same on the
condition of F. Cibo, 306 ; 310, 311,
313, 314, 315, 3i6, 318, 319, 320,
321, 322, 328, 335, 33 6
J
John XXII., Pope, 7
K
Krain, Archbishop of, 245 ; proclaims
a Council at Basel, 246 ; 247, 249,
252
L
Landucci, Luca, quoted, 165;*
Lanfredini, Giovanni, Florentine am-
bassador at Venice, then at Rome,
letter to, from Lorenzo de' Medici on
the war with the Pope and Venice,
196 ; letters to, from the same about
Pico della Mirandola, 311, 318, 319
346
INDEX
Lapini, quoted, on slave girls, 30;*
Leoni, Doctor Piero, 283, 323, 324 ;
letter from, to Lorenzo de' Medici
on various waters, 326 ; 329, 336 ;
suicide of, 342
Louis XL, King of France, 84 ; letter
from, to Piero de' Medici creating
him a privy councillor, 85 ; document
from, granting Piero de' Medici the
privilege of quartering the Lily of
France on his arms, 86 ; 152, 155, 156,
1 86; letter from, to the Florentine
Republic on the Pazzi conspiracy,
192 ; letter from, to Sixtus IV., on
the same, 193 ; letter from, to Lor-
enzo de' Medici, 198 ; 206, 226, 227 ;
letter from, to Lorenzo de' Medici,
254 ; 285
Lucca, war against, 13, 15, 16, 18 ;
end of war against, 19 ; war renewed
against, 33
M
Machiavelli, Girolamo, 58
Niccolo, quoted, 7, 28, 33, 82,
105, 145, 186, 208
Malegonnelle, Piero, letters from, to
Lucrezia de' Medici about Morba,
184
Manfredi, Manfredo di, Ferrarese
ambassador to Florence ; letters
from, to Duke Ercole d'Este, 3os,
330
Medici, ancestors of the, I
Ardingo de', 2
Averardo de', fabulous, I
Gonfalonier of Justice in
1314, 2
(cousin of Cosimo), letters to,
from Cosimo, 7, n, 13, 15, 16, 18,
20, 21, 23, 26
Bank of the, manager of the, to
Duke Ercole d'Este, 309
Bernardo de', 17, 23
Bianca de', 7, 109; letter from,
to her mother Lucrezia, 223 ; 265,
33
Bonagiunta de', 2
Carlo de' (illegitimate son of
Cosimo), 38, 132
Chiarissimo de', 2
Clarice de', 128 ; marriage festivi-
ties of, 129 ; letter to, from Rinaldo
Orsini, 134 ; letter to, from Gentile
Becchi, 138 ; letter to, from Lorenzo,
161 ; 173 ; letters to, from Poliziano,
477, 178; letter from, to Lorenzo,
178; 209, 210,211, 212,213, 217,'
letter from, to Lorenzo on Poliziano,
218 ; 266, 268, 270, 288, 290, 291 ;
death of, 296, 297 ; 298
Contessina de', letter from, to her
husband Cosimo, 10 ; letter from, to
her son Giovanni, 14; letters from,
to her son Piero, 48, 50 ; letters from,
to her son Giovanni, 51, 53, 54, 55 ;
letter from, to Ginevra, 58 ; letter
from, to her son Piero, 62 ; letter
from, to her son Giovanni and his
wife, 62 ; 71, 74, 80, 109, in, 113 ;
letter from, to Lucrezia, 117 ; 125,
141, 157 ; letter to, from A. de'
Conio, 158 ; 162, 172, 173
Contessina de', daughter of Lor-
enzo, 220 ; letter to, from her father,
310
Cosimo de' (Pater Patriae), 6 ;
description of by Machiavelli, 7 ;
generosity of, to men of letters, 8 ;
Vespasian o on, 9 ; letter to, from his
wife, 10 ; letter from, to his cousin
Averardo on Milanese matters, 1 1 ;
letters from, to the same on the war
with Lucca, 15, 16, 18 ; diary of, 19;
return of, from exile, 28 ; letter from,
to his son Piero at Venice, 31 ; goes
to Venice, 33 ; letter to, from Niccolo
Fortebraccio, 34 ; letter to, from his
brother Lorenzo, 3 5 ; letters to, from
Count Francesco Sforza about Forte-
braccio and the Duke of Milan, 36,
38, 39, 41 ; letter to, from the same
about Foligno, 44 ; 50, 5 1 ; letter
from, to his son Giovanni on the war
between Venice and Milan, 52 ; 53,
54, 56, 57 ; speech of, to Luca
Pitti, 58 ; letter from, to his son
Giovanni, 59 ; 60 ; home life of, 61 ;
62 ; letter from, to his son Giovanni,
63 ; letter to, from Pius II. on the
death of Giovanni, 64 ; letters from,
to Pius II., 65, 66; letter from, to
his son Piero, 70 ; assistance given
by, to Francesco Sforza, 71 ; docu-
ment from Francesco Sforza bestow-
ing privileges on, 71 ; letter from, to
Ficino, 73 ; last illness of, 74 ;
character of, by Ficino, 76 ; memor-
andum on death of, by his son Piero,
77 ; note of expenses for funeral of,
79; declared Pater Patriae, 81 ; 82,
83, 84 ; praise of, by Pius II., 84 ;
condolence on death of, by Louis XL,
85; 144, 151, 152
Filigno di Conte de', Diary of, 2
INDEX
Medici, Filippo de', Archbishop of Pisa,
letter from, to Piero about the
marriage contract of Clarice Orsini,
1 20; letter from, to Lorenzo an-
nouncing marriage by proxy with
Clarice Orsini, 127 ; 168
Giambuono, progenitor of the, i
Ginevra de' (Cavalcanti), wife of
Lorenzo, Cosimo's brother, 10, 41,
80
Ginevra de' (degl' Alessandri),
wife of Giovanni, son of Cosimo,
letter to, from Contessina, 62 ; 80
Giovanni de', surnamed Bicci,
popularity of, 5 ; advice to his sons
on his deathbed, 6 ; 1 5 1
Giovanni de', son of Cosimo, 14;
letter to, from his mother, 46 ; letter
to, from Alberto de' Alberti from
Rome, 47 ; letters to, from his
mother, 47 4-8, 5 i, 53, 55, 5 8 , 62 ;
letters to, from his father, 59, 63 ;
death of, 63 ; 65, 151, 152
Giovanni de', son of Lorenzo, 145 ;
receives the tonsure, is declared
capable of holding benefices at seven
years of age, 155 ; 156, 216, 220, 222,
270, 271 ; promotion of, to the
Cardinalate, 303, 304; receives the
Cardinal's hat, 331 ; letter of advice
to, from his father, 332 ; letter from,
to his father, 336
Giuliano de', 69, 70, 80, 109,
in, 125, 1 34 ; tournament of, 166;
172 ; letter from, to his mother, 174;
1 86, 189; murder of, 190; descrip-
tion of, by Poliziano, 191 ; 192, 193,
2I 5
Guccio de', 2
Lorenzo de', son of Giovanni
Bicci de', 6, 18, 21, 23, 26; letter
from, to his brother Cosimo, 35 ; 40 ;
sent to Ferrara to Eugenius IV. about
transferring CEcumenical Council to
Florence, 42 ; 151
Lorenzo de', the Magnificent,
letter to, and Giuliano, from his
father, 74 ; letter to, from Marsilio
Ficino, 76 ; 87 ; letter from, to
Federigo d'Aragona on the old
Tuscan poets, 88 ; letter to, from his
father, instructions as to his behaviour
at Milan, 93 ; 98, 99 ; letter to, from
Luigi Pulci, 100; letters to, from
his father on the death of the Duke
of Milan, 102, 105 ; letter to, from
Luigi Pulci, 107 ; 1 10 ; letters from,
to his mother, 115, 116; letters to,
348
from Luigi Pulci, 118, 119; 120;
letters to, from his uncle about
Clarice Orsini, 122, 123; letters to,
from Clarice Orsini, 123, 125 ; tour-
nament of, 126; letter to, from
Rinaldo Orsini, 126 ; letter to, from
Maddalena Orsini, 127 ; letter to,
from the Archbishop of Pisa, 127 ;
wedding festivities of, 129; 137;
journey of, to Milan, 138; letter
from, to his wife, 140 ; letter from,
to his father, 141 ; education of, 143 ;
description of, by Valori, 144 ;
nature of, by Symonds, 144; inter-
ference of, with deposits in the Monte,
145 ; influence of L. B. Alberti on,
146 ; poetry of, 146 ; Dr. Creighton
on, 149 ; Marquess GinoCapponi on,
150 ; Ricordi of, 150 ; letter to from
Poliziano, 156; letter to, from Pulci
at Naples, 159; letter to, from his
wife, 161 ; letter to, from Pulci,
162; letter from, to Sixtus IV.,
about making Giuliano a cardinal,
163 ; letter to, from Ingherami, 165 ;
letter to, from Filelfo, 166 ; letters
to, from the Cardinal of Pavia about
the Cardinalate for Giuliano, 167,
1 68 ; letter to, from Franco, 173 ;
letter to, from Bertoldo, 175 ; hawk-
ing of, at Pisa, 176, 177 ; letter to,
from his wife, 178 ; letters to, from
his mother at Morba, 179, 182, 183 ;
Pazzi conspiracy against, 186; waxen
images of, 191, 192 ; 193 ; letter from,
to Soderini, 194 ; letter from, to
Lanfredini, 196 ; letter from, to Louis
XL, 198 ; letter from, to Bettini,
199 ; letter to, from Messer Ceccho,
201 ; letter from, to Bentivoglio,
202 ; letters from, to Morelli, 123,
207 ; letters to, from Poliziano at
Pistoja, 208, 209, 210, 211, 212;
letter from, to the King of Spain,
215 ; letters to, from Poliziano at
Cafaggiuolo, 216, 217 ; letters to,
from his son Piero, 216, 217 ; letter
to, from his wife on dismissal of
Poliziano, 218 ; letter from, to his
mother, 219 ; letters to, from his son
Piero, 219, 220, 221 ; letter to, from
Pucci, 221 ; 223, 224, 225, 226 ;
letter from, to Morelli about the
Duke of Milan, 227 ; 228 j letter
from, to the Signoria of Florence on
his departure for Naples, 229 ;
letter from, to Montecatino, 230;
letters to, from Scala, 231, 233, 234 ;
INDEX
letter to, from the Duchess of Cala-
bria, 236 ; letter from, to the Doge
of Venice, 239 ; letter from, to
Albino, 240 ; 241, 244 ; letters from,
to the Duke and Duchess d'Este on
his mother's death, 244 ; 246 ; letter
to, from Federigo of Urbino, 246 ;
letters to, from Baccio at Basel, 247,
249, 252 ; letter to, from Louis XL,
254 ; letter to, from Scala, with a
poem, 255 ; letter to, from Vespucci
about the election of Innocent VIIL,
258 ; letter from, to his son Piero at
Rome, 260 ; letter to, from Michel-
ozzi, 265,; letter from, to Duke
Ercole d'Este, 273 ; 274, 276, 277 ;
letter from, to Baccio, 278 ; 280, 281 ;
anger of with Lodovico Sforza, 282,
283, 284 ; letter from, to Innocent
VIIL, 285 ; 286, 287 ; letter to, from
Poliziano, 288 ; 290, 291, 292, 293,
294, 295 ; letter from, to Innocent
VIIL on the death of his wife, 296 ;
297 ; letter to, from Stefano, 299 ;
letter to, from Doctor Avogaiius,
301 ; letter from, to Alamanni about
Giovanni's nomination as cardinal,
303 ; letter from, to Innocent VIIL
on his son Giovanni's nomination as
cardinal, 304 ; 306 ; share of, in the
Medici bank, 309 ; letters from, to
Lanfredini, Florentine ambassador at
Rome, about Pico della Mirandola,
310, 311, 318, 319; letter from, to
his daughter Contessina, 310 ; letter
from, to P. de Comines, 312 ; letter
to, from Vettori, Florentine am-
bassador at Naples, 314 ; letter from,
to his son Piero, 316 ; letter from, to
the Commissaries of Pistoja, 317 ;
letter from, to Andrea about a race-
horse, 317 ; letter from, to the King
of England, 322 ; letter to, from
Poliziano, 323 ; letter to, from Pan-
dolfini, Florentine ambassador at
Rome, 325 ; letter to, from Doctor
P. Leoni about various waters, 327 ;
fortitude of, in bearing pain, 330,
331 ; last letter from, advice to his
son Cardinal Giovanni at Rome,
332 ; letter to, from his son Cardinal
Giovanni, 336
- Lucrezia de', 48; character of,
49; letter from, to her husband, 50; 51,
59 ; letters from, to her husband, 60,
6 1, 69, 74, 107 ; letters from, to her
husband describing Clarice Orsini,
108, 109, 1 10, in ; buys the baths
of Morba, 113, 114; letters to, from
her son Lorenzo, 115, 1 16 ; letter to,
from her husband, 1 1 5 ; letter to,
from her mother-in-law, 117 ; letter
to, from her husband, 117; 125, 130;
letter to, from her husband on Lor-
enzo's journey to Milan, 137; 141,
143, 151, 162 ; letter to, from the
Syndic of Galatea, 171 ; letter to,
from Fra Cristofano about her grand-
children, 172 ; letter to, from her
son Giuliano, 174; letters from, to
her son Lorenzo from Morba, 179!;
letters to, from her grandchild
Lucrezia, 180, 222 ; letter to, from
Poliziano, 181 ; letters from, to her
son Lorenzo about her departure from
Morba, 182, 183 ; letters to, from
Vicar of Pomerance, 184; letter to,
from Clarice, 213; letter to, from
Poliziano at Cafaggiuolo, 213; letter
to, from her son Lorenzo, 219; letter
to, from her daughter Nannina
Rucellai, 222 ; letter to, from her
daughter Bianca de Pazzi, 223 ; letter
to, from Poliziano, 224 ; letter to,
from Doctor Oliverio, 235 ; letters to,
from Papinio, 237, 238 ; death of,
244
Lucrezia de', daughter of Lorenzo,
172 ; letter from, to her grandmother
Lucrezia, 1 80; 181, 217, 220 ; letter
from, to her grandmother, 222 ; 225
Nannina de', marriage of, 106,
140 ; letter from, to her mother, 222
Piero de', 14 ; letter to, from his
father Cosimo, 31 ; letters to, from
his mother, 40, 48, 49 ; letter to,
from his wife, 50; 5 1 * 55 J goes to
Milan to salute Duke Francesco
Sforza, 56 ; letters to, from his wife,
60, 69 ; letter to, from his father, 70 ;
letter from, to his sons on Cosimo's
last illness, 74 ; memorandum by, on
his father's death, 84; letter to, from
Louis XL on death of his father, 85 ;
privilege given to, by Louis XL to
quarter the Lily of France on the
Medici arms, 87 ; letters from, to his
son Lorenzo at Rome, 102, 103 ;
letter to, from Acciaiuoli, 105 ; letter
from, to Acciaiuoli, 105 ; letters to,
from his wife, describing Clarice
Orsini, 108, 109, in ; letters from,
to his wife, 115, 117 ; letter to, from
Cardinal Latino Orsini, 1 20 ; letter
to, from the Archbishop of Pisa, 1 20 ;
letter from, to his wife, 137; letter
349
INDEX
to, from his son Lorenzo, 141 ; illness
and death of, 142; 151, 154
Medici, Piero de', son of Lorenzo, 153,
172, 209, 210, 211 ; letters from,
to his father, 212, 216, 217, 219,
220, 225 ; letter to, from his father,
260 ; goes to Rome to meet his bride,
288 ; at Milan for the wedding of
Duke Gian Galeazzo Sforza, 299 ;
letter to, from his father, 316 ; at his
father's deathbed, 337 ; declared
eligible for all offices, 343
Pier Francesco de', 10, 50, 55, 63,
151, 152
Salvestro de', leads the Florentine
army against Giovanni Visconti, 4 ;
advocates excluding the Guelph
nobles from power, 5
Michelozzi, Niccolo, letter from, to
Lorenzo de' Medici, 265
Milan, Dukes of, see Visconti (to p. 56)
then Sforza
Mirandola, Pico della, 208 ; letters
about, from Lorenzo de Medici, 310,
311, 318 ; 319*, 324, 325 ; at the
deathbed of Lorenzo de' Medici, 338
Montecatino, Antonio, letter to, from
Lorenzo de' Medici, 230
Montefeltro, Count Guido di, 1 3
Montesecco, Giovanni Battista da, 187 ;
confession of, 188 ; refusal of, to
murder Lorenzo de' Medici in a
church, 189
Morba, baths of, in; description of,
112 ; 115, Il6, 117, 179, 1 80, 182 ;
bought by Lucrezia de' Medici, 184 ;
2 35. 2 ?5 5 poem on, by Scala, 256 ;
265 ; Franco describes journey from,
267; 291
Morelli, Girolamo, Florentine ambas-
sador at Milan, letters to, from
Lorenzo de' Medici about the war
with Sixtus IV. and Naples, 203, 207,
227
N
Naples, King of, see Ferrante, or Ferdi-
nando
Neroni, Diotisalvi, tries to ruin Piero
de' Medici, 82 ; 83, 84, 99
Niccoli, Niccolo de', library of, 8
Oliviero, Doctor, letter from, to Luc-
rezia de' Medici about Morba, 235
Orsini, Alfonsina, 288, 290, 293, 311
Clarice, description of, by Lucrezia
de' Medici, 108, 109, no ; letters
from, to Lorenzo de' Medici, 123,
125 ; marriage of, by proxy, 127; 128 ;
marriage festivities of, at Florence,
129
Latino, Cardinal, 108 ; letter from,
to Piero de' Medici, 120; 263
Maddalena, 108, 124 ; letter from,
to Lorenzo de' Medici, 127
Rinaldo, letter from, to Lorenzo
de' Medici, 126; letter from, to
Clarice, 134
Virginio, 278, 279, 280
Pandolfini, Pier Francesco, Florentine
ambassador at Rome, letter from, to
Lorenzo de' Medici, 325
Parentucelli, Tomasso, Bishop of Bo-
logna, catalogues Niccoli's library, 8
Pavia, Cardinal of, see Ammanati
Pazzi, conspiracy of the, 186; letter
of Louis XI. on, to the Florentine
Republic, 192 ; letter from Louis XI.
on, to Sixtus IV., 193
Bianca de', letter to her mother
Lucrezia de' Medici, 223
Gugliemo de', 71, 153, 265
Pisa, 69, 70 ; meeting of Lorenzo de'
Medici and Don Federigo d'Aragona
at > 87 > 9 2 J meeting of Luigi Pulci
and Duke of Calabria at, 118, 119 ;
Giuliano de' Medici at, 1 74 ; Lorenzo
de' Medici hawking at, 176, 177
Pitti, Luca, 56, 57 ; Gonfalonier of
Justice in 1458, 58; Cosimo de'
Medici's speech to, 58
Pius II., Pope, on Cosimo de' Medici,
58 ; entry of, into Florence, 61 ;
letter from, to Cosimo de' Medici on
his son's death, 64 ; letter to, from
Cosimo de' Medici, 65 ; letter from,
to Piero de' Medici on his father's
death, 84
Poliziano, Agnolo, quoted, 9, 57 ; first
letter from, to Lorenzo de' Medici,
1 56 ; life and works of, 1 567* ; letters
from, to Clarice de' Medici, 177, 178 ;
letter from, to Lucrezia de' Medici,
181 ; scene in cathedral when Giu-
liano de' Medici was murdered
described by, 190; Giuliano described
by, 191 ; letters from, to Lorenzo de'
Medici from Pistoja, 208, 209, 210,
211, 212; letter from, to Lucrezia
de' Medici from Cafaggiuolo 213 ;
letters from, to Lorenzo de' Medici
350
INDEX
216, 217 ; letter from, to Lucrezia
de' Medici, 224 ; letter from, to
Lorenzo de' Medici, 288 ; letter
from, to the same from Padua, 323 ;
330; letter from, to Jacopo Anti-
quario, describing the death of
Lorenzo de' Medici, 336
Pope Eugenius IV., 26 ; arrival of,
in Florence for the CEcumenical
Council, 41 ; 42, 43, 44, 45, 46, S 2 ,
53
Innocent VIII., election of, 258 ;
260, 261, 262, 265 ; Lorenzo de'
Medici on, 277 ; 280, 282 ; cowardice
of, 283 ; 284; letter to, from Lorenzo
de' Medici, 285; 286, 287, 294;
letter to, from Lorenzo de' Medici
on the death of his wife, 296 ; 298 ;
letter to, from Lorenzo de' Medici on
the nomination of his son to the
Cardinalate, 304 ; letter to, from the
same about Francesco Cibb, 306; 309,
310, 311, 312, 313, 314, 316, 318,
319, 320, 321, 322, 335, 336
Paul II., 102, 104, 135
Pius II., 56 ; entry of, into
Florence, 61 ; letter from, to Cosimo
de' Medici, 64 ; letters to, from
Cosimo de' Medici, 65, 66 ; letter
from, to Piero de' Medici on his
father's death, 84
Sixtus IV., 155, 156, 167; impli-
cated in the Pazzi conspiracy, 186,
187, 188; letter to, from Louis XI.
on the Pazzi conspiracy, 193 ; 196,
I97i 199; letter from, to the Duke of
Urbino, 205 ; 208, 22 1, 222, 234, 245,
248, 253 ; death of, 258
Pucci, Antonio, letter from, to Lorenzo
de' Medici, 221
Puccio, prudence and sagacity of,
7; 8
Pulci, Bernardo, ioo, 118
Luca, ioo, 125
Luigi, letter from, to Lorenzo de'
Medici, about going to Rome, 100;
letter from, to the same, 107 ; letters
from, to the same from Pisa, 1 18, 1 19;
150; letter from, to the same from
Naples, 159 ; letter from, to the same
from Rome, 162
R
Riario, Girolamo, nephew of Sixtus IV.,
*75> joins in the Pazzi conspiracy,
187, 1 88; accused by Louis XI. of
aiding in the murder of Giuliano de'
Medici, 193 ; 242,243 ; plans attack on
the Duke of Ferrara, 243 ; 254
Piero, 1 86, 187
Ricordi, or Diary, of Filignode" Medici, 2
of Cosimo de' Medici, 19
of Lorenzo de' Medici, 128, 141,
!50
Roberti, Niccolo, letter to the Duke
Borso d'Este, 176
Robbia, Luca della, 84
Rovere, Giuliano della, see Vincula, S.
Piero in
Rucellai, Bernardo, marries Nannina
de' Medici, 106 ; 140, 265
Giovanni, 107
Nannina, letter to her mother
Lucrezia de' Medici, 222
Sacchetti, Francesco, 5 ; on the sale
of Christian slaves, 29
Salviati, Francesco, Archbishop of Pisa,
joins in the Pazzi conspiracy, 187,
1 88, 189 ; tries to seize the Palace of
the Signoria, 190 ; is hung, 191
Sansoni, Raffaello, Cardinal of S.
Giorgio, involved in the Pazzi con-
spiracy, 189, 190, 196
Savonarola, Fra Girolamo, 338, 339 ;
at the deathbed of Lorenzo de'
Medici, 340
Scala, Bartolommeo, letters from, to
Lorenzo de' Medici at Naples, 231,
2 33. 2 34 5 letter from, to the same at
Morba, 255 ; poem by, 256
Sforza, Count Francesco, 32,33 ; letters
to Cosimo de' Medici, 36, 38, 39, 44 ;
becomes Duke of Milan, 56 ; 58, 60 ;
document from, conferring privileges
on the Medici, 71 ; 87 ; death of, 99;
letters from Piero de' Medici to his
son Lorenzo on the death of, 102, 103
Galeazzo Maria, entry of, into
Florence, 60 ; speech of, to the Sig-
noria of Florence, 60 ; describes a
dinner at Careggi, 61 ; 94 ; succeeds
his father as Duke of Milan, 99 ; 104,
J 53 I7o; murder of, 187
Lodovico (II Moro), 227, 228, 274,
275, 276, 279, 280, 281, 282, 283,
284, 286, 287, 314, 315
Gian Galeazzo, Duke of Milan,
marriage of, 299
Sgnippi, Bartolommeo, letter from, to
Montecatino, Ferrarese ambassador
to Florence, on an attempt to assasi-
nate Lorenzo de Medici, 241
351
INDEX
Silvestro, Fra, 339, 340
Sixtus IV., Pope, 149, 186; grievances
of, against Florence, 187 ; participa-
tion of, in the Pazzi conspiracy, 188 ;
letter to, from Louis XL about the
Pazzi conspiracy, 193 ; 196, 197, 203 ;
letter from, to the Duke of Urbino,
205 ; 208, 245, 246, 249, 253 ; death
of, 258
Slaves in Florence in fourteenth and
fifteenth centuries, 29
Soderini, Tommaso, influence of, 144 ;
letter to, from Lorenzo de' Medici on
engaging condottieri for the war
against the Pope and Naples, 194
Spain, King of, letter to, from Lorenzo
de' Medici, 215
Strozzi, Filippo, quoted, on the Pazzi
conspiracy, 190
Symonds, John Addington, quoted, 8,
9. 92, 144, 177
Tolfa, or Tofa, La, alum mines of, 98
Tornabuoni, Francesco, 17, 49
Francesco, letters from, to Lorenzo
de' Medici about Clarice Orsini, 122,
123
Giovanni, 49, 102, 103, 104, 107,
108, 109, 116, 120, 122, 123, 124,
134, 163, 168, 170, 186, 210,211,
225, 261, 263, 264, 303
Tournament of Lorenzo de' Medici,
123, 124, 125
of Giuliano de' Medici, 176
U
Urbino, Count and Duke of, Federigo,
104, 136^, 141, 163, 164; letter to,
from Sixtus IV. abusing Lorenzo de'
Medici, 205 ; letter from, to Lorenzo
de' Medici asking for reinforcements,
246
Valois, Marguerite de, 112
Valori, Niccolo, 49 ; quoted, 144
Vasari, Giorgio, quoted, 84, 191
Verrocchio, Andrea, 191 ; designs
waxen images of Lorenzo de' Medici,
192
Vespasiano da Bisticci, quoted, 8, 9
Vespucci, Guidantonio, letter from,
from Paris to the Ten of the Balia,
226 ; letter from, to Lorenzo de'
Medici from Rome on the election
of Innocent VI II., 258
Vettori, Pietro, Florentine ambassador
at Naples, letter from, to Lorenzo de'
Medici, 314
Vincula, S. Piero in, Cardinal, see
Rovere
Visconti, Filippo Maria, Duke of Milan,
ii, 13. 33, 3 6 , 37, 3.8, 39, 56
Giovanni, Archbishop and Lord
of Milan, 4
W
Waxen images of Lorenzo de' Medici,
192
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