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LIVY

BOOK II.

EDITED
WITH INTRODUCTION AND NOTES

R. S. CONWAY, Litt.D.

PROFESSOR OF LATIN IN UNIVERSITY COLLEGE, CARDIFF,

FORMERLY FELLOW OF GONVILLE AND CAIUS COLLEGE, CAMBRIDGE,

EDITOR OF "THE ITALIC DIALECTS."

STERfififf ftHkL) ,£»tTION

AT THE UNIVERSITY PRESS.
1902

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First Edition 1 90 1 . Reprinted 1 90 2

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PREFACE.

THIS Edition of Book II. differs little in its general
plan from other volumes of the Pitt Press Series. An
effort has been made to meet the needs of more than one
class of students. On the one hand it seemed well, especially
in the earlier chapters, to deal with every point of language
which would cause difficulty to students familiar only with a
book or two of Caesar or Vergil, and for such readers I have
prefaced to the Notes a few "Hints on the Chief Difficulties
of Livy's Style." On the other hand I have had the needs
of University students in view in writing the notes on points
of Constitutional History1 and, especially, in giving the
origin as well as the use of many of the idioms discussed.
My experience leads me to think that a judicious use of
explanations drawn from the historical side of Grammar, far
from complicating the teaching of conventional Syntax, does
much to render it both simpler, — because truer, — and more
interesting — because more suggestive2.

1 Such points happen to be very numerous in the first chapter,
which might well be omitted, on a first reading, by students who have
not read Livy before.

2 For one well-known difficulty, the variation between Primary and
Secondary Subjunctive Tenses in the same passage of Oratio Obliqua,
I have offered in the Appendix an explanation of which I have been
convinced by examining a large number of passages. I hope, ere long,
to deal with the matter at length elsewhere, but meanwhile, any teacher
who has felt the difficulty may be glad to see the limits within which it
is really confined.

■6154

vi PREFACE

In printing the text I have retained the genuine Latin
symbol u for the consonant which had approximately the
sound of English w, instead of the mediaeval and mis-
leading v. In the parallel case of i and / experience has
shown that the " practical difficulties " involved in the use
of the correct symbol were purely imaginary, and I cannot
help thinking that the same will be the case with u. No
doubt those persons who still desire to pronounce dues with
every sound wrong (as if it were an English word spelt
siveez) will find the true spelling a little disquieting ; and if
it should disturb them enough to incline them to consider
the advantages of a rational pronunciation, then a very
trivial change will have pointed the way to a substantial
reform.

It may be well to state also that in the text the colon
has been used only and always for some one of three
definite purposes, — to mark (i) a transition into Oratio
Obliqua (as in c. 3. 3 before regent) ; (2) to separate two
Clauses which are in ' Adversative Asyndeton/ or, as they
may be more simply described, ' Coupled by Contrast '
(as in c. 12. 14 before nunc)) (3) to mark the beginning
of an * Explanatory Asyndeton,' i.e. of a Clause added
without a Conjunction to explain a preceding statement (as
in c. 6. 6 before Valerius),

My chief debt is of course to the Commentary of
Weissenborn and H. J. M tiller; the latter's Critical Ap-
pendix is particularly valuable. Madvig's Emendationes are
still indispensable even though hot everywhere convincing.
Moritz M tiller's notes contain a great wealth of information
on points of Livian usage, and though I have added his
name to remarks which appeared to be the outcome of his
own research, such references by no means exhaust my
debt to his acute scholarship. Occasionally but only rarely

PREFACE vii

I have found his general statements rather too dogmatic
in their wording. On the historical side my notes owe
most to Schwegler's Romische Geschichte and Willem's
Droit Public Romain (Ed. 5). I have not consulted any
English Edition of Book II.

I have to thank my friends Professors J. P. Postgate,
L. C. Purser, W. Ridgeway, E. V. Arnold and R. M. Burrows
for valuable suggestions on different parts of the proof;
Mr Leonard Whibley (on behalf of the Syndics of the Press)
for careful advice as to the general scope and method of
the commentary; above all Professor J. S. Reid, who
generously found leisure to read the whole proof of the
Notes. Nearly every page owes something to his encyclo-
paedic knowledge of Latin usage, and though definite
additions are marked with his initials, they represent only
the lesser part of the improvement due to his criticism.

The readers of the University Press have, as usual,
earned my gratitude by detecting a number of inaccuracies,
some of them serious, which would else have remained
uncorrected.

R. S. C.

Cardiff,

February, 190 1.

Vlll

CONTENTS.

PAGE

Map of Western Central Italy . . to face Title page

Preface ..... v

Introduction ix

Note on the Text and List of Corrections adopted . xx

Map of Early Rome xxiv

Text i

Hints on the Chief Difficulties of Livy's Style • 78

Notes 81

Appendix I. On the Story of Coriolanus .... 182

M II. On the Variation of Sequence in Oratio Obliqua . 187

Index of Matters discussed in the Notes . . . 199

Index of Names and Words mentioned in the Notes . 202

INTRODUCTION.

i. The Value of the Traditions of this Period.

§ i. In passing from the stories of the Kings to those of
the Early Republic we leave the region of Myth and enter one
which is mainly that of Tradition. The narrative is still based
on something very different from an authentic written record ;
yet the difference from the flimsy legends which were of neces-
sity the staple material of Livy's First Book is equally striking.
If by a Myth we mean a popular story which has no foundation
in actual events, then a Myth, though it may be full of interest
to lovers of poetry or to students of Comparative Religion, to
the historian in the narrower sense is mere lumber. And it is
true that such legends often come to be widely believed and
handed down by tradition. But a sober-minded folk rarely gives
a place in its own history to completely fictitious stories unless
they relate to a remote period. A genuine popular tradition,
which comes down to us with the marks of having been current
at a time not far from that of the events which it professes to
record, may be distorted and embellished in a hundred details,
and yet will probably contain a kernel of historical truth which
it is worth our while to disentangle.

A considerable change, indeed, has taken place in recent
years in the views which are commonly held of the value of
well-attested traditions in ancient history. The growth of our
knowledge has made it possible to explain and interpret a great
deal that it was formerly only possible to reject as it stood.

C. L. II. I,

x LIVY II

Thirty or forty years ago, for instance, the defenders of any
part of the story of the Iliad, or of the opening chapters of
Thucydides, were treated with very scant respect ; but the
excavations of Schliemann and his successors at Hissarlik and
in Argolis have shown that Troy was a real city, destroyed
and re-built more than once; and that the Pelasgian and
Achaean Kings of Mycenae and Argos held no imaginary, but
a very powerful sway in the land named after the Achaean
Pelops. Thirty years ago some scanty and ambiguous traces of
the Etruscans in Alpine valleys were thought sufficient warrant
for rejecting the universal belief of antiquity that they came into
Italy over sea from Asia Minor. But now a steadily increasing
body of both archaeological and linguistic evidence1 is making it
more and more difficult to believe anything else. These, and
many other cases which it would take us too far afield to notice
here, have taught us that it is safer to study carefully than to
despise such traditions as those which make up a great part of
Livy's Second Book2.

§ 2. Their general character has been eloquently described
by a modern writer in a few sentences which will bear quotation
(Schwegler, Rbmische Geschichte, n. p. 66).

"The heroes who appear in this period, Brutus, Porsenna,
Horatius Codes, Mucius Scaevola, are unmistakeably the
characters of popular story, figures robed in the garb of Poetry,
like the Frankish Roland or the Spanish Cid. The sun has not
yet risen on the page of history ; only a tantalising twilight.
Some outlines of fact we can discern from a distance ; but so
soon as we endeavour to come nearer, to grasp their substance
more precisely, they melt into the mist. A gleam of romance
rests on all the persons of the story. The men are greater than
they were in after days ; they transcend the limits of everyday

1 See for example on the linguistic side, Pauli on Eine vorgriechische
Tnschrift von Lemnos. The archaeological evidence is only to be found
in articles scattered over a number of periodicals.

2 See further Prof. Pelham's brief and suggestive treatment of the
traditions in the opening chapters of his Outlines of Roman History.

INTRODUCTION xi

truth. Even the Gods take a visible and active part in the
history of the people of Rome, as they did in the early days of
her foundation. In the battle by the Forest of Arsia, Silvanus1
proclaims to the two armies the decisive intelligence that the
Etruscans have lost one man more than the Romans ; and at
Lake Regillus2 Castor and Pollux appear in bodily presence in
the Roman ranks."

In these stories the proportion of fact to fable is no doubt
discouragingly small. Much of them we must count Poetry
rather than History ; Livy himself marks them off from the
rest by the use of a highly poetical diction3, and explicitly
recognises their character in passing to a later period4. Yet it
is National Poetry that we are reading ; not the fancy of some
one poet at play among old-world stories of Proserpine or
Medea; nor the lively inventions of Greek writers5 eager
to fill the blank pages in their account of the city which had
surpassed the glories of Athens and Syracuse ; but the deeds
which the Romans themselves attributed to their ancestral
heroes, the characters which they loved to think of as having
shaped their national life. " We live by admiration, faith, and
love," and to know what the Romans loved and admired is to
know the most essential part of them. Greek legends, such as
those attached to the names of the early Kings, tell us nothing, or
rather less than nothing, of Roman sentiment ; their miraculous
element Livy dismisses with significant brevity6. But on the
other hand he found nothing incredible in the single-handed
prowess of Horatius (2. c. 10), the iron endurance of Scaevola
(c. 12), or the strength and daring of Cloelia and the chivalrous
tribute paid her by the Etruscan King (c. 13) ; nor even in the

1 c. 7. 2.

2 According to other writers, but not Livy j see the n. on c. 20. 12.
8 See the note on c. 12. 1.

4 Book vi. init.

5 See n. on inuiolati templi, c. 1. 4. "The most important of these
writers was the Sicilian Timaeus (350—256 B.C.) " (Pelham).

6 See esp. 1. 4. 2.

xii LIVY II

consent of Coriolanus1 to betray his allies and face their anger
rather than refuse his mother's petition (c. 40). These stories
we may hesitate to read as literal history ; but it would be hard
to find any truer embodiment of the virtues which made Rome
great.

§ 3. Indeed it may be said that it is to Livy more than any
other Latin writer that we owe our conception of the Roman
national character. In Tacitus we look back upon it as a
vanished ideal ; in Caesar's concise notes of his campaigns it is
taken for granted ; in Vergil and Cicero it is overlaid with
sentiments learnt from other than Roman teachers. But in
Livy, though we may criticise this detail or that, it is the spirit
of ancient Rome that makes the life of the picture. There is,
of course, one other well-known writer of antiquity who has left
us striking portraits of great Roman characters, and his agree-
ment with Livy in his general conception of the Roman ideal of
conduct would be thought remarkable if it were not so familiar.
Most Englishmen owe their first notions of Roman history to
Shakespeare's Roman Plays, that is, ultimately, to North's Trans-
lation of Plutarch's Lives, on which those plays are founded.
Now Plutarch lived more than a century later than Livy,
was a Greek by birth, and, though he lived in Rome, derived
his knowledge almost wholly from other Greek writers. To
Livy he appears to owe nothing at all2 in the biographies of the
early period. And yet when we pass from Plutarch's portraits
to Livy's we are hardly conscious of any change of atmosphere ;
the strong lines of Roman character are conspicuously the same
in both. Every English student can test this statement by
reading Shakespeare's Coriolanus over again and comparing it

1 This story is discussed in Appendix I. It is an excellent example
of the intermingling of genuine history with fictions, the motive and
extent of which are fairly obvious.

2 Thus in the Coriolanus story, according to Plutarch, the mother
and the wife of Coriolanus are Volumnia and Vergilia respectively,
according to Livy, Veturia and Volumnia; and there are many other
even more serious divergences.

INTRODUCTION xiii

with the brief and suggestive narrative of the same events in
this Book. This substantial agreement between two writers
who were trained in such different schools vouches for the truth
of their account ; and there can be no doubt that the elder of
the two has attained what in his Preface (§ 9) he tells us was to ,
him the paramount object of his work : namely to portray the J
characters of the men who made Rome great.

ii. The History of the Period.

§ 4. But many parts of this Book are based upon authentic,
though meagre records. Such are the accounts of the two
constitutional changes that mark the first period of the
Republic, the creation of the Tribunes and of the Comitia
Tributa. In the expulsion of the Tarquins, with which Livy's
First Book concludes, it is clear that the great Nobles were
the prime movers ; and it is probable that most of the
independent population were led to support the Nobles chiefly
through particular acts of tyranny committed by the last King.
Their reward was the Lex Valeria de Prouocatione, which was
passed, according to tradition, in the first year of the Republic1.
Henceforward no Roman citizen could be put to death until he
had been sentenced by the Assembly of his fellows, the Comitia
of the Centuries2.

§ 5. But though the Right of Appeal thus formed a charter
of personal freedom for all who were called citizens, it did
nothing more to equalise the rights of the two different bodies
of people who bore that name. Every other civic right which
the law recognised, save that of serving in the army, was in
practice confined to the Old Citizens, the Patricians, literally
4 the people who had fathers,' whose families were known.
The Plebs, that is, 'the crowd* of New Citizens who had come -*-
to settle in Rome, no one knew whence, were jealously excluded

1 See c. 8. 1 with the note.

2 See c. 18. 4 and 8, with the notes.

xiv L1VY II

from all real share in the Government. To the true-born
Patrician they were essentially aliens1, strangers to the soil,
strange to its gods. No Plebeian could be trusted to find
the will of heaven by the omens : therefore no Plebeian could
command an army. Only Patricians inherited by birth the
sacred knowledge of forms and times and seasons which was a
great part of Ancient Law ; therefore only Patricians could be
judges. No Plebeian could lawfully take part in the household
sacrifices to Patrician deities ; therefore intermarriage between
the orders was a thing to be abhorred. The compromise,
ascribed to Servius Tullius, which had extended to the Comitia
Centuriata, that is, to all the soldiers of the army, Patricians
and Plebeians alike, a voice in electing their Warrior-King
(and therefore his successors, the Consuls) in practice had
conferred this right only on the wealthy, for it rarely happened
that any but the First of the Five Classes in the Comitia were
called upon to vote (see I. 43. n). Thus only the richest
Plebeians exercised even the slender privilege of voting for this
or that Patrician candidate. On the other hand the grievances
of the poorer were such as could be felt. Every power of State,
high or low, was in the hands of the Patricians : for instance, it
was Patrician Consuls who administered the harsh law of debt2.
A poor farmer whose stock had been carried off in one of the
continual forays of Aequians, Volscians, or Sabines could only
replace it by borrowing. If he suffered again in the same way,
he fell into the hands of his creditor ; and since the Patricians
were far the wealthier of the two classes, their interests and
sympathies were generally with the creditor. Hence the dis-
content aroused by the oppressive working of the law took a

1 On the vexed question of the origin of the Plebs I have followed
Schwegler, not because his view is free from difficulties — notably the
strangeness of even a nominal citizenship being granted to aliens — but
because it is the only one known to me which seems to offer a probable
explanation of the gulf between the two Orders in social and religious
life. Mommsen's conjectures on the point are far from convincing.

2 c 23. 1 with the notes.

INTRODUCTION xv

political colour, and came to be felt against the Patricians as a
class. The unequal distribution of the spoils of war, particularly
the land taken from the conquered peoples, which was kept
mainly in Patrician hands, was another standing grievance.

§ 6. For such wrongs as these the Plebs could find but one
remedy, — a Revolution. Their migration to the Sacred Mount1
and their threat to abandon Rome altogether involved no blood-
shed, but it was, none the less, a violent break with the old order
of things. And the curious institution which sprang from it,
the Tribunate of the Plebs, bore through all its history the
stamp of its origin. Tribunes held what was in essence a
Revolutionary power. Though they were legally established
magistrates, it was no part of their business to assist the regular
administration. On the contrary, it was their power and their
express duty to impede and arrest it ; to nullify the law, to block
the whole machinery of government for the benefit of some
individual. Only by such powerful protectors could the Plebeians
be saved, they thought, from the oppression of the Patrician
magistrates. The event justified their demand. After a long
but generally peaceable struggle the Tribunes obtained for their
order complete political equality with the Patricians ; and when
this was once secure, the Tribunes themselves fell into line with
the ordinary policy of the Senate. It was not until after more
than two centuries of stable government, amid the corruption at
home produced by the wealth of a newly won Empire, that the
destructive powers latent in the Tribunes' office were to be
re-discovered by the Gracchi, and finally embodied in the
despotism of the Caesars. In all the inscriptions which Augustus
set up, he dated his reign from the year when he received for
life the powers of a Tribune of the Plebs.

§ 7. But what induced the Patricians to concede such an
office to the Plebeians ? And what, when it was conceded, kept
the officers themselves for nearly four hundred years from any
serious abuse of their tremendous prerogative ? The answer is
twofold. On the one hand it lies in the patriotism and the

1 c. 32.

xvi LIVY II

sound political instinct of the best men of both parties at Rome ;
on the other in the unceasing pressure of enemies without the
gates. As Livy pithily observes1, externus iimor maximum
concordiae uinculum ; an epigram which sums up a great deal
of the history of the first two centuries of the Republic. The
cluster of hills on which Rome stands, rising out of the unhealthy
plain of the Campagna, make a position easy to defend : but it
was a position exposed to attack on no less than five converging
lines. The same roads, which in peaceful times brought
trade (as to-day they bring the railways) to Rome, in the fifth
and fourth centuries B.C. brought perpetual incursions from her
more barbarous neighbours ; — along the two coast roads, from
the valleys of the Trerus, the Anio and the Tiber, an enemy
might at any moment be marching upon Rome2. The city lay
open to these different assaults like iron between hammer and
anvil. Again and again3 we read of the two Consuls despatched
at once to fight two different foes on opposite sides, — Aequians
on the East and Etruscans across the Tiber ; Sabine from the
North, Volscian or Latin from the South. In this hard school
they learnt the lesson of unity against external foes. For two
centuries the Romans had to fight for thefr existence ; and they
emerged from the struggle to enter upon the conquest of the
world.

iii. The Value of Livy to us,

§ 8. Such are some of the broader aspects of the events
recorded in this Book. They were of no small importance in
the growth of Rome. But Livy would still be read, even if the
influence of his imperial city upon the world had been no greater
than that of Holland or Peru. Some epochs in the fortunes of
these states, recorded by writers with only a small part of Livy's
genius, have acquired a noble rank in history ; and it is certain

1 c 39- 7-

2 See further c. 41. 1 n. and the map.
8 For instance c. 43. 5, cc. 59 and 60.

INTRODUCTION xvii

that the story of Rome as Livy has told it will always fill a place
of its own in the imagination of mankind. Even in the limits
of this single Book some of the chief elements of his power can
be felt. Perhaps the greatest is one which, in anything like the
same degree, is shared by only a few of the great writers of
antiquity. In the depth and truth of his human sympathies,
his feeling for and with the men and women whose outer life he
records, no Roman writer but Vergil can well be compared with
him. Sunt lacrwiae rerum et mentem mortalia tangunt.
Artist in words as Livy was, there is no page in his history that
leaves the reader with the feeling that more is said than was
felt. The Consul Brutus watching the execution of his traitorous
sons ; the death of Arruns ; Volero displaying his scars and
appealing for rescue from slavery ; the haughty Appius forced
to yield to the mutineers — these, and many other dramatic
scenes — appeal to us because they appealed to Livy ; they move
us because they moved him. The secret of Livy's wonderful
descriptive power lies not in his sense of the picturesque,
nor in his wealth of noble diction, but in the sympathetic
imagination by which he penetrates to the heart of the story he
has to tell. After nineteen centuries one still hears in his pages
a living, human voice.

§ 9. The sobriety and honesty of Livy's narrative may seem
too necessary a kind of merit in a historian to call for much
admiration. But these qualities were anything but common in
his predecessors and contemporaries, and indeed they are rare
enough in all periods. It is true that they are so obvious in
Livy that it may be superfluous to insist upon them. Often he
censures the conduct of his own countrymen1 or of the Senatorial
party in dealing with the Plebs, though his own political sym-
pathy was with the Senate. In this Book notice the striking
condemnation of the unfair protection given to the money-
lenders through the influence of Senators who were among
their number2. Notice too the feeling with which he portrays

1 e.g. 2. 2. 2 ; Praefatio § 9 ; 3. 20. 5; 9. c. 1 and 2 init., c. n« 12.

2 See c. 30. 2, with the note.

xviii LIVY II

the inhuman arrogance of the Claudian house, or of Coriolanus
before he was banished. The speeches which Livy is at the
pains to compose are so natural, and are so wrapped up with
our earliest conceptions of Roman history, that we are apt
to forget that it is Livy who has drawn the picture. Homo
nempe ipse uidetur Non persona loquu By the regular con-
vention of ancient historians, Livy uses these reconstructed
speeches as the chief means of characterising the men of his
story ; and a most effective means it is. But just as to his
ancient readers no falsehood was implied in the use of the
convention, so on the other hand we must recognise that these
eloquent harangues contain perhaps the most valuable part of
Livy's whole work ; at least, if we attach any value to the
impression made upon a high-minded and enlightened Roman
by the chief events of Roman history. Often enough this
will differ from the judgment of writers who study the same
events with the added experience of nineteen centuries. But
such differences do not make it less worth our while to see what
Livy's point of view was, and thereby to judge of his fairness
and candour. In the same way, we shall find many matters of
detail in which Livy's narrative falls short of the standard of
critical precision to which modern research has accustomed us ;
in particular, thanks to much recent study of Roman Law, many
things in the early history of the Constitution1 are somewhat
less obscure to us than they were to a student under Augustus.
But it would be a fatal mistake to regard such points as implying
any want of truthfulness in Livy, or any feebleness of desire
on his part to ascertain the truth in things which he counted
important. He conceived on a magnificent scale, and by the
devotion of half a lifetime he completed, the history of over
seven hundred years2, full of great events ; and the truth of the

1 See, e.g., the notes on the constitution of the Senate, c. I. IX, and
the law of Volero, c. 56. 2.

2 The 142 Books of which some part or trace remains to us ended
with the death of Drusus in 9 B.C. ; but it seems probable that Livy had
planned to continue the history down to the death of Augustus in

A.D. 14.

INTR OD UCTION xix

great lines of his picture has never been questioned. Every
separate scene, every successive act in this drama of the
centuries he has studied and illumined with the imagination
of a great artist, and the wisdom of a broad and lofty moral
judgment. And if at times our narrower enquiries lead us to
dwell on the imperfections of his vast achievement, we may
remember the protest of a great critic of Livy's own age, a
protest even more timely now than when it was first uttered1 :

"We must decide once for all whether we prefer greatness along
with some failings, or a correct and mediocre uniformity, free from

blunders I know well enough that men of genius have plenty of

faults ; for whereas a habit of precision tends to paltriness, in great
natures, as in great estates, some things must needs go unheeded. And

I suspect it is a law of nature that great men are apt to err by

reason of their very greatness."

1 Longinus' On the Sublime, c. 33. The date of the treatise is
admirably discussed by Proi. Rhys Roberts in the Introduction to his
recent Edition.

xx LIVY II

NOTE ON THE TEXT OF THIS EDITION.

A complete Critical Apparatus would be of very little use
to the students of a single Book, but it is well that the reader
should know something of the sources of the text, and, in
particular, how far it is due to conjectural restorations. All
variant readings which make any important difference to the
meaning or construction are discussed in the Notes ; and there
follows here a list of the chief MSS. and Editions, and also of
all the readings not found in any MS. which have been adopted
in this Edition. For fuller information the student should
consult the works of Madvig, H. J. Miiller, and Frigell men-
tioned below.

The following are the chief MSS. which contain Book II.

F Codex Floriacensis, at Paris in the Bibl. Nationale : X Cent.

P Codex Parisiensis, ibid. X Cent.

U Codex Upsaliensis, at Upsala, in the Univ. Library : X — XI
Cent.

M Codex Mediceus, at Florence, in the Laurentian Library :
XI Cent.

R Codex Romanus, at Rome, in the Vatican: XI Cent.

D Codex Dominicanorum, at Florence, in the Dominican Monas-
tery of S. Mark : XII Cent.

The first printed Edition ('editio princeps') of the First
Decade appeared at Rome about 1469. Among the most
important of subsequent editors and commentators are :

Aldus, Venice, 15 18.

Gruter, Frankfurt on the Main, 1528.

I. F. Gronov, Amsterdam, 1665.

Drakenborch, ibid., 1738.

Crevier, Paris, 1747.

Alschefski, Berlin, 1846.

Madvig, Emendationes Livianae (Ed. 2), The Hague, 1877.

Frigell, Collatio Codd. Livianorum, Lib. 1-3, Upsala, 1878.

Weissenborn and H. J. Miiller, Leipzig, 8th Ed., 1885.

NOTE ON THE TEXT

LIST OF CORRECTIONS ADOPTED IN THE TEXT OF
THIS EDITION.

In the third column (n.) denotes that the reading is discussed in the Notes.

Best

reading given by any of
tlie good MSS.

Text of this Edition

A uthor of
Correction

1.6

posset

possent

Aldus

2-3

offenderit

offenderet

Bauer and
Madv. (n.)

3.6

legati alii alia
(alia alia P)

legati alia

Crevier (n.)

5. I

bonis regis

bonis regiis

Gruter (n.)

ibi uicti

ei uicti

Weissenb.

6. 2

ortum eiusdem

ortum indidem eiusdem

M. Miiller (n.)

7.0

a uobis spectata

uobis spectata

I. F. Gronov

7. 12

Potae est

Potae aedes est

Madv. (n.)

9.6

omni sumptu

omne sumptum

I. F. Gronov

plebe

plebes

I. F. Gronov

lO. 5

pugnae

pugna

I. F. Gronov

12.7

eumue

eumque

Aldus

12. 16

utcunque

ut cuiusque

Madv. (n.)

13. 2

quo

a quo

Heumann and
H.J. Miiller (n.)

15. i

Spurius Publius Lucre-

Spurius Larcius inde et

tius M

Titus Herminius,

\ Madv. (n.)

Spurius Lucretius Titus

P. Lucretius

Ermenius RD

)

15.3

earn... esse uoluntatem

deleted

Hertz (n.)

15.7

fida ita

fida

Ussing (n.)

16.4

cin-(in-)regillo

Inregillo

Weissenb. (n.)

16.5

appellata

appellati

Madv. (n.)
Duker (n.)

16.6

timere possent

timeri posset

17.3

sed uerum nomen

sed utrum

Lipsius (n.)

17.4

relictus

relatus

Duker

maiore bellum

maiore

Edd. ante Aid.

Madv. (n.)
Madv. (n.)

17.6

foede... passim

foeda...passi

18.4

nee quo anno

deleted

quibus facti consulibus

quibus consulibus

Rhenanus

18.7

qui, si (quis in)

quin, si

Lehnert (n.)

19.5

ipsis

ipsi

I. F. Gronov (n.)

IO.7

contra quern

contraque

Madv. (n.)

21.4

secundum quosdam

secundum quos

Crevier (n.)

22.5

traicerent

reicerent

Ed. Froben.
1535 (n-)

XX11

LIVY II

Best reading given by any of
the good MSS.

Text of this Edition

Author of
Correction

23. 3

maiorum

Lipsius

23. 7

tumultus sustinet

tumultus tenet

Madv.

24.5

praeuertisse

praeuerti se

Weissenb. (n.)

28.9

prope

propere

Corrector of M

30. I

putabant sententiam

deleted

Gebhard and
H.J. Muller (n.)

30. 4

imperio suo uehemens

imperio suo uehemens
magistratus

M. Miiller (n.)

31. 2

aciem firmauerant

firmauerant

I. F. Gronov (n.)

31.6

aduersas

auersas

I. F. Gronov

32. 9

consentiant (-tiunt)

consentientia

Heerwagen

33.5

muscamitem

Poluscam item

Sigonius

33. 7

in proxima urbis

in proximo urbis

Edd. before Aldus

abreptum

arreptum

Aldus

33. 8

primo ortu

primum orto

Madv.

qui

cui

Ed. Moguntina,

1518
H. J. Miiller (n.)

33. 9

columna

in columna

33. 10

omnium uita

omni in uita

Jac. Gronov

34. 3

quaesitum

deleted

Crevier (n.)

34. 6

Norbae

Norbam

Duker

35. 6

benigni

benigne

Aldus (n.)

36.3

timorem

deleted

Madv. (n.)

36.6

haud dubie

haud dubio

Aldus

38. 2

Volscorum ut

Volscorum commemo-
rauit. Turn ut

M. Muller (n.)

40. 8

quam mihi miserius

usquam nee mihi mi-

Bekker and

serius

M. Muller (n.)
I. F. Gronov (n.)

40. 12

monumento quoque

monumentoque

41-5

acceperant

acceperint

Ed. Frobeniana,
1 53 1 (n.)

4I.9

munera eius in animis

munera eius

adapted from

hominum

Vielhaber (n.)

42.5

Postumio

a Postumio

Weissenb. (n.)

43. 8

instare instructos

stare instructos

Muretus

45. 7

addenda

abdenda

Gebhard

45. 16

Fabia gens

deleted

Schafer (n.)

47.5

dum

cum

I. F. Gronov (n.)

47. 12

parte

arte

Gruter (n.)

48. 1

bella

belli

Duker (n.)

48.5

proxime in formam

proxime formam

Ed. Froben.
1535

48. 6

moturos se

moturos

Madv. (n.)

49. 4

sperneret egregius

sperneres, egregius

Madv. (n.)

50. I

incursantium(-santesuim)

in incursantes

Goebel (n.)

NOTE ON THE TEXT

xxm

Best

reading given by any
the good MSS.

Text of this Edition

Atithor of
Correction

50. 7

accedebant

accidebant

Ed. Froben. 1535

51. I

esset

est

Crevier (n.)

51.4

proximam pugnae

proxima pugna

I. F. Gronov

Ianiculi

Ianiculo

Madv. (n.)

52. 4

earn oppressit

ea oppressit

I. F. Gronov (n.)

52. 5

MM aeris multam edix-

duorum milium aeris

Reid (n.)

erunt

multam dixerunt

55. 1

sub hac uictoria

sub hanc uictoriam

I. F. Gronov (n.)

56. 7

in accusationem

accusationem

Crevier

57. 2

aduocabantur

auocabantur

Klocke

58. I

addito

additos

Ed. Moguntina,

1518
Weissenb. (n.)

58.5

quod se

quid? se

59.3

alii

alia

Crevier (n.)

60. 3

prae de eadomn

praeda. Ea omnis

Frigell (n.)

65.5

ferebant

reficiebant

Madv.

Early Rome, with the Servian Wall.

TITI LIVI

AB URBE CONDITA
LIBER II.

509 B.C. The uses of the Monarchy in consolidating the new
community ', and the nature of the change made in abolishing
it. Enlargement of the Senate.

1, Liberi iam hinc populi Romani res pace belloque 1
gestas, annuos magistrates imperiaque legum potentiora
quam hominum peragam. quae libertas ut laetior esset, 2
proxumi regis superbia fecerat. nam priores ita regnarunt,
ut haud inmerito omnes deinceps conditores partium certe
urbis, quas nouas ipsi sedes ab se auctae multitudinis
addiderunt, numerentur. neque ambigitur, quin Brutus 3
idem, qui tantum gloriae Superbo exacto rege meruit,
pessimo publico id facturus merit, si libertatis inmaturae
cupidine priorum regum alicui regnum extorsisset. quid 4
enim futurum fuit, si ilia pastorum conuenarumque plebs,
transfuga ex suis populis, sub tutela inuiolati templi aut
libertatem aut certe inpunitatem adepta, soluta regio metu,
agitari coepta esset tribuniciis procellis et in aliena urbe 5

c. l. 11. 1

2 LIFT

cum patribus serere certamina, priusquam pignera coniugum
ac liberorum caritasque ipsius soli, cui longo tempore

6 adsuescitur, animos eorum consociasset ? dissipatae res
nondum adultae discordia forent, quas fouit tranquilla
moderatio imperii, eoque nutriendo perduxit, lit bonam

7 frugem libertatis maturis iam uiribus ferre possent. liber-
tatis autem originem inde magis, quia annuum imperium
consulare factum est, quam quod deminutum quicquam

8 sit ex regia potestate, numeres. omnia iura, omnia insignia
primi consules tenuere : id modo cautum est, ne si ambo
fasces haberent, duplicatus terror uideretur. Brutus prior
concedente collega fasces habuit, qui non acrior uindex

9 libertatis fuerat, quam deinde custos fuit. omnium primum
auidum nouae libertatis populum, ne postmodum flecti
precibus aut donis regiis posset, iure iurando adegit neminem

io Romae passuros regnare. deinde, quo plus uirium in
senatu frequentia etiam ordinis faceret, caedibus regis
deminutum patrum numerum primoribus equestris gradus

1 1 lectis ad trecentorum summam expleuit. traditumque inde
fertur, ut in senatum uocarentur qui patres quique conscripti
essent; conscriptos, uidelicet nouum senatum, appellabant
lectos. id mirum quantum profuit ad concordiam ciuitatis
iungendosque patribus plebis animos.

The institution of the Rex Sacrificulus ; and the expulsion of
the whole family of the Tarquins.

i 2. Rerum deinde diuinarum habita cura, et quia
quaedam publica sacra per ipsos reges factitata erant, necubi

2 regum desiderium esset, regem sacrinculum creant. id
sacerdotium pontifici subiecere, ne additus nomini honos
aliquid libertati, cuius tunc prima erat cura, officeret. ac
nescio an nimis undique earn minimisque rebus muniendo

LIBER II CAP. i, 2 3

modum excesserint. consulis enim alterius, cum nihil aliud 3
offenderet, nomen inuisum ciuitati fuit : nimium Tarquinios
regno adsuesse. initium a Prisco factum; regnasse dein
Ser. Tullium ; ne interuallo quidem facto oblitum tamquam
alieni regni Superbum Tarquinium uelut hereditatem gentis
scelere ac ui repetisse ; pulso Superbo penes Collatinum
imperium esse, nescire Tarquinios priuatos uiuere. non
placere nomen, periculosum libertati esse. hinc primo 4
sensim temptantium animos sermo per totam ciuitatem est
datus, sollicitamque suspicione plebem Brutus ad contionem
uocat. ibi omnium primum ius iurandum populi recitat 5
neminem regnare passuros nee esse Romae, unde periculum
libertati foret. id summa ope tuendum esse, neque ullam
rem, quae eo pertineat, contemnendam. inuitum se dicere
hominis causa, nee dicturum fuisse, ni caritas rei publicae
uinceret. non credere populum Romanum solidam liber- 6
tatem reciperatam esse, regium genus, regium nomen non
solum in ciuitate sed etiam in imperio esse ; id officere,
id obstare libertati. " hunc tu " inquit " tua uoluntate, 7
L. Tarquini, remoue metum. meminimus, fatemur, eiecisti
reges ; absolue beneficium tuum, aufer hinc regium nomen.
res tuas tibi non solum reddent ciues tui auctore me, sed
si quid deest, munifice augebunt. amicus abi, exonera
ciuitatem uano forsitan metu. ita persuasum est animis,
cum gente Tarquinia regnum hinc abiturum." consuli 8
primo tarn nouae rei ac subitae admiratio incluserat uocem ;
dicere deinde incipientem primores ciuitatis circumsistunt,
eadem multis precibus orant. et ceteri quidem mouebant 9
minus : postquam Spurius Lucretius, maior aetate ac digni-
tate, socer praeterea ipsius, agere uarie rogando alternis
suadendoque coepit, ut uinci se consensu ciuitatis pateretur,
timens consul, ne postmodum priuato sibi eadem ilia cum 10
bonorum amissione additaque alia insuper ignominia ac-

1 — 2

4 LIFT

ciderent, abdicauit se consulatu, rebusque suis omnibus
ii Lauinium translatis ciuitate cessit. Brutus ex senatus
consulto ad populum tulit, ut omnes Tarquiniae gentis
exules essent. collegam sibi comitiis centuriatis creauit
P. Valerium, quo adiutore reges eiecerat.

The conspiracy to restore King Tarquin; its detection and
punishment j the terrible duty of the Consul Brutus.

i 3. Cum haud cuiquam in dubio esset bellum ab
Tarquiniis inminere, id quidem spe omnium serius fuit.
ceterum, id quod non timebant, per dolum ac proditionem

2 prope libertas amissa est. erant in Romana iuuentute
adulescentes aliquot neque ei tenui loco orti, quorum in
regno libido solutior fuerat, aequales sodalesque adulescen-

3 tium Tarquiniorum, adsueti more regio uiuere. earn turn,
aequato iure omnium, licentiam quaerentes, libertatem
aliorum in suam uertisse seruitutem inter se conquere-
bantur : regem hominem esse, a quo impetres, ubi ius,
ubi iniuria opus sit; esse gratiae locum, esse beneficio;
et irasci et ignoscere posse, inter amicum atque inimicum

4 discrimen nosse. leges rem surdam, inexorabilem esse,
salubriorem melioremque inopi quam potenti, nihil laxa-
menti nee ueniae habere, si modum excesseris; periculosum

5 esse in tot humanis erroribus sola innocentia uiuere. ita
iam sua sponte aegris animis legati ab regibus superueniunt
sine mentione reditus bona tantum repetentes. eorum
uerba postquam in senatu audita sunt, per aliquot dies
ea consultatio tenuit, ne non reddita belli causa, reddita

6 belli materia et adiumentum essent. interim legati alia
moliri, aperte bona repetentes clam recuperandi regni
consilia struere; et tamquam ad id, quod agi uidebatur,
ambientes. nobilium adulescentium animos pertemptant.

LIBER II. CAP. 2—5 5

a quibus placide oratio accepta est, eis litteras ab Tarquiniis 7
reddunt, et de accipiendis clam nocte in urbem regibus
conloquuntur.

4. Vitelliis Aquiliisque fratribus primo commissa res 1
est. Vitelliorum soror consuli nupta Bruto erat, iamque ex
eo matrimonio adulescentes erant liberi, Titus Tiberiusque.
eos quoque in societatem consilii auunculi adsumunt. 2
praeterea aliquot nobiles adulescentes conscii adsumpti,
quorum uetustate memoria abiit. interim cum in senatu 3
uicisset sententia, quae censebat reddenda bona, eamque
ipsam causam morae in urbe haberent legati, quod spatium
ad uehicula conparanda a consulibus sumpsissent, quibus
regum asportarent res, omne id tempus cum coniuratis
consultando absumunt, euincuntque instando, ut litterae
sibi ad Tarquinios darentur : nam aliter qui credituros eos, 4
non uana ab legatis super rebus tantis adferri ? datae
litterae, ut pignus fidei essent, manifestum facinus fecerunt.
nam cum pridie quam legati ad Tarquinios proficiscerentur 5
cenatum forte apud Vitellios esset, coniuratique ibi remotis
arbitris multa inter se de nouo, ut fit, consilio egissent,
sermonem eorum ex seruis unus excepit, qui iam antea
id senserat agi ; sed earn occasionem, ut litterae legatis 6
darentur, quae deprehensae rem coarguere possent, ex-
pectabat. postquam datas sensit, rem ad consules detulit.
consules ad deprehendendos legatos coniuratosque profecti 7
domo sine tumultu rem omnem oppressere; litterarum in
primis habita cura, ne interciderent. proditoribus extemplo
in uincla coniectis, de legatis paululum addubitatum est,
et quamquam uisi sunt commisisse, ut hostium loco essent,
ius tamen gentium ualuit.

5. De bonis regiis, quae reddi ante censuerant, res 1
integra refertur ad patres. ei uicti ira uetuere reddi, uetuere
in publicum redigi : diripienda plebi sunt data, ut contacta 2

6 LI VI

regia praeda spem in perpetuum cum eis pacis amitteret.
ager Tarquiniorum, qui inter urbem ac Tiberim fuit, con-

3 secratus Marti, Martius deinde campus fuit. forte ibi turn
seges farris dicitur fuisse matura messi. quern campi
fructum quia religiosum erat consumere, desectam cum
stramento segetem magna uis hominum simul inmissa
corbibus fudere in Tiberim tenui fluentem aqua, ut mediis
caloribus solet. ita in uadis haesitantes frumenti aceruos

4 sedisse inlitos limo. insulam inde paulatim et aliis, quae
fert temere flumen, eodem inuectis factam. postea credo
additas moles manuque adiutum, ut tam eminens area
firmaque templis quoque ac porticibus sustinendis esset.

5 Direptis bonis regum damnati proditores sumptumque
supplicium, conspectius eo, quod poenae capiendae minis-
terium patri de liberis consulatus inposuit, et, qui spectator
erat amouendus, eum ipsum fortuna exactorem supplicii

6 dedit. stabant deligati ad palum nobilissimi iuuenes. sed
a ceteris, uelut ab ignotis capitibus, consulis liberi omnium
in se auerterant oculos, miserebatque non poenae magis

7 homines quam sceleris, quo poenam meriti essent : illos
eo potissimum anno patriam liberatam, patrem liberatorem,
consulatum ortum ex domo Iunia, patres, plebem, quidquid
deorum hominumque Romanorum esset, induxisse in ani-
mum, ut superbo quondam regi, turn infesto exuli proderent.

8 consules in sedem processere suam, missique lictores ad
sumendum supplicium. nudatos uirgis caedunt securique
feriunt, cum inter omne tempus pater uoltusque et os eius
spectaculo esset eminente animo patrio inter publicae

9 poenae ministerium. Secundum poenam nocentium, ut
in utramque partem arcendis sceleribus exemplum nobile
esset, praemium indici pecunia ex aerario, libertas et ciui-

iotas data, ille primum dicitur uindicta liberatus. quidam
uindictae quoque nomen tractum ab illo putant; Vindicio

LIBER II. CAP. 5, 6 7

ipsi nomen fuisse. post ilium obseruatum, ut qui ita
liberati essent, in ciuitatem accepti uiderentur.

War with Veii and Tarquinii, the two towns having taken up
the cause of the Tarquins; death of Brutus j victory of the
Romans.

6. His sicut acta erant nuntiatis, incensus Tarquinius 1
non dolore solum tantae ad inritum cadentis spei sed etiam
odio iraque, postquam dolo uiam obsaeptam uidit, bellum
aperte moliendum ratus, circumire supplex Etruriae urbes ;
orare maxume Veientes Tarquiniensesque, ne se ortum 2
indidem eiusdem sanguinis, extorrem egentem ex tanto
modo regno cum libens adulescentibus ante oculos suos
perire sinerent. alios peregre in regnum Romam accitos :
se regem, augentem bello Romanum imperium, a proximis
scelerata coniuratione pulsum. eos inter se, quia nemo 3
unus satis dignus regno uisus sit, partes regni rapuisse,
bona sua diripienda populo dedisse, ne quis expers sceleris
esset. patriam se regnumque suum repetere et persequi
ingratos ciues uelle. ferrent opem, adiuuarent; suas quoque
ueteres iniurias ultum irent, totiens caesas legiones, agrum
ademptum. haec mouerunt Veientes, ac pro se quisque 4
Romano saltern duce ignominias demendas belloque amissa
repetenda minaciter fremunt. Tarquinienses nomen ac
cognatio mouet : pulchrum uidebatur suos Romae regnare.
ita duo duarum ciuitatium exercitus ad repetendum regnum 5
belloque persequendos Romanos secuti Tarquinium. Post-
quam in agrum Romanum uentum est, obuiam hosti
consules eunt : Valerius quadrato agmine peditem ducit, 6
Brutus ad explorandum cum equitatu antecessit. eodem
modo primus eques hostium agminis fuit, praeerat Arruns
Tarquinius, films regis ; rex ipse cum legionibus sequebatur.

8 LIV1

7 Arruns ubi ex lictoribus procul consulem esse, deinde
iam propius ac certius facie quoque Brutum cognouit,
inflammatus ira "ille est uir" inquit "qui nos extorres
expulit patria. ipse en ille nostris decoratus insignibus

8 magnince incedit. di regum ultores adeste." concitat
calcaribus equum atque in ipsum infestus consulem derigit.
sensit in se iri Brutus, decorum erat turn ipsis capessere

9 pugnam ducibus, auide itaque se certamini ofifert ; adeoque
infestis animis concurrerunt, neuter, dum hostem uolneraret,
sui protegendi corporis memor, ut contrario ictu per parmam
uterque transfixus, duabus haerentes hastis moribundi ex

io equis lapsi sint. simul et cetera equestris pugna coepit,
neque ita multo post et pedites superueniunt. ibi uaria
uictoria et uelut aequo Marte pugnatum est: dextera

ii utrimque cornua uicere, laeua superata. Veientes, uinci
ab Romano milite adsueti, fusi fugatique; Tarquiniensis,
nouus hostis, non stetit solum, sed etiam ab sua parte
Romanum pepulit.
i 7. Ita cum pugnatum esset, tantus terror Tarquinium
atque Etruscos incessit, ut omissa inrita re nocte ambo
exercitus, Veiens Tarquiniensisque, suas quisque abirent

2 domos. adiciunt miracula huic pugnae : silentio proximae
noctis ex silua Arsia ingentem editam uocem — Siluani
uocem earn creditam — , haec dicta: uno plus Tuscorum

3 cecidisse in acie ; uincere bello Romanum. ita certe
inde abiere Romani ut uictores, Etrusci pro uictis. nam
postquam inluxit, nee quicquam h ostium in conspectu
erat, P. Valerius consul spolia legit, triumphansque inde

4 Romam rediit. collegae funus quanto turn potuit apparatu
fecit; sed multo maius morti decus publica tint maestitia,
eo ante omnia insignis, quia matronae annum ut paren-
tem eum luxerunt, quod tarn acer ultor uiolatae pudicitiae
fuisset.

LIBER II CAP. 6, 7 9

Valerius disarms popular suspicion and enacts the Law of
Appeal. His colleague dedicates the temple of Jove on the
Capitol.

Consuli deinde, qui superfuerat, lit sunt mutabiles uolgi 5
animi, ex fauore non inuidia modo sed suspicio etiam cum
atroci crimine orta. regnum eum adfectare fama ferebat, 6
quia nee collegam subrogauerat in locum Bruti, et aedifi-
cabat in summa Velia : ibi alto atque munito loco arcem
inexpugnabilem fieri, haec dicta uolgo creditaque cum 7
indignitate angerent consulis animum, uocato ad concilium
populo summissis fascibus in contionem escendit. gratum
id multitudini spectaculum fuit, summissa ibi esse imperii
insignia, confessionemque factam populi quam consulis
maiestatem uimque maiorem esse, ibi audire iussis consul 8
laudare fortunam collegae, quod liberata patria in summo
honore pro re publica dimicans, matura gloria necdum se
uertente in inuidiam, mortem occubuisset. se supersti-
tem gloriae suae ad crimen atque inuidiam superesse, ex
liberatore patriae ad Aquilios se Vitelliosque recidisse.
"numquamne ergo" inquit "ulla adeo uobis spectata 9
uirtus erit, ut suspicione uiolari nequeat? ego me, ilium
acerrimum regum hostem, ipsum cupiditatis regni crimen
subiturum timerem? ego, si in ipsa arce Capitolioque 10
habitarem, metui me crederem posse a ciuibus meis, tarn
leui momento meara apud uos famam pendere? adeone
est fundata leuiter fides, ut, ubi sim, quam qui sim,
magis referat? non obstabunt Publi Valeri aedes libertati 11
uestrae, Quirites, tuta erit uobis Velia. deferam non in
planum modo aedes, sed colli etiam subiciam, ut uos supra
suspectum me ciuem habitetis. in Velia aedificent, quibus
melius quam P. Valerio creditur libertas." delata confestim 12
materia omnis infra Veliam, et, ubi nunc Vicae Potae aedes
est, domus in infimo cliuo aedificata.

io LI VI

i 8. Latae deinde leges, non solum quae regni suspicione
consulem absoluerent, sed quae adeo in contrarium uerter-

2 ent, at popularem etiam facerent. inde cognomen factum
Publicolae est. ante omnes de prouocatione aduersus
magistratus ad populum sacrandoque cum bonis capite
eius, qui regni occupandi consilia inisset, gratae in uolgus

3 leges fuere. quas cum solus pertulisset, ut sua unius in
his gratia esset, turn deinde comitia collegae subrogando

4 habuit. creatus Sp. Lucretius consul, qui magno natu non
sufficientibus iam uiribus ad consularia munera obeunda

5 intra paucos dies moritur. suffectus in Lucreti locum
M. Horatius Puluillus. apud quosdam ueteres auctores
non inuenio Lucretium consulem, Bruto statim Horatium
suggerunt; credo, quia nulla gesta res insignem fecerit
consulatum, memoriam intercidisse.

6 Nondum dedicata erat in Capitolio Iouis aedes. Valerius
Horatiusque consules sortiti, uter dedicaret. Horatio sorte

7 euenit : Publicola ad Veientium bellum profectus. aegrius,
quam dignum erat, tulere Valerii necessarii dedicationem
tarn incliti templi Horatio dari. id omnibus modis inpedire
conati, postquam alia frustra temptata erant, postern iam
tenenti consuli foedum inter precationem deum nuntium
incutiunt, mortuum eius nlium esse, funestaque familia

8 dedicare eum templum non posse, non crediderit factum,
an tantum animo roboris fuerit, nee traditur certum nee
interpretatio est facilis. nihil aliud ad eum nuntium a
proposito auersus, quam ut cadauer efiferri iuberet, tenens

9 postern precationem peragit et dedicat templum. Haec
post exactos reges domi militiaeque gesta primo anno,
inde P. Valerius iterum T. Lucretius consules factL

LIBER II. CAP. 8, 9 1 1

508 B.C. King Porsinna of Clnsium takes up the cause 0/ the
Tar quins. The Senate secures the loyalty of the Plebeians
by conciliatory measures.

9. lam Tarquinii ad Lartem Porsinnam, Clusinum 1
regem, perfugerant ibi miscendo consilium precesque
nunc orabant, ne se, oriundos ex Etruscis, eiusdem sanguinis
nominisque, egentes exulare pateretur; nunc monebant 2
etiam, ne orientem morem pellendi reges inultum sineret.
satis libertatem ipsam habere dulcedinis. nisi quanta ui 3
ciuitates earn expetant, tanta regna reges defendant, aequari
summa infimis, nihil excelsum, nihil quod supra cetera
emineat, in ciuitatibus fore; adesse finem regnis, rei inter
deos hominesque pulcherrimae. Porsinna, cum regem esse 4
Romae turn Etruscae gentis regem amplum Tuscis ratus,
Romam infesto exercitu uenit. non umquam alias ante 5
tantus terror senatum inuasit ; adeo ualida res turn Clusina
erat, magnumque Porsinnae nomen. nee hostes modo
timebant, sed suosmet ipsi ciues, ne Romana plebs, metu
perculsa, receptis in urbem regibus uel cum seruitute pacem
acciperet. multa igitur blandimenta plebi per id tempus 6
ab senatu data, annonae in primis habita cura, et ad
frumentum conparandum missi alii in Volscos alii Cumas.
salis quoque uendendi arbitrium, quia inpenso pretio uenibat,
in publicum omne sumptum, ademptum priuatis; portori-
isque et tributo plebes liberata, ut diuites conferrent, qui
oneri ferendo essent : pauperes satis stipendii pendere, si
liberos educent. itaque haec indulgentia patrum asperis 7
postmodum rebus in obsidione ac fame adeo concordem
ciuitatem tenuit, ut regium nomen non summi magis quam
infimi horrerent, nee quisquam unus malis artibus postea 8
tarn popularis esset, quam turn bene imperando uniuersus
senatus fuit.

12 LI VI

Siege of Rome by Porsinna : how Horatius kept the bridge (10) ;
the strategy of Publicola (i i) ; the stories of Mucins Scaevola
and Cloelia ( 1 2).

1 10. Cum hostes adessent, pro se quisque in urbem ex
agris demigrant, urbem ipsam saepiunt praesidiis. alia

2 muris, alia Tiberi obiecto uidebantur tuta. pons sublicius
iter paene hostibus dedit, ni unus uir fuisset, Horatius Codes:
id munimentum illo die fortuna urbis Romanae habuit.

3 qui positus forte in statione pontis, cum captum repentino
impetu Ianiculum atque inde citatos decurrere hostes
uidisset, trepidamque turbam suorum arma ordinesque
relinquere, reprehensans singulos, obsistens obtestansque,

4 deum et hominum fidem testabatur, nequiquam deserto
praesidio eos fugere; si transitum pontem a tergo reli-
quissent, iam plus hostium in Palatio Capitolioque quam
in Ianiculo fore, itaqoe monere, praedicere, ut pontem
ferro, igni, quacumque ui possint, interrumpant : se
impetum hostium, quantum corpore uno posset obsisti,

5 excepturum. uadit inde in primum aditum pontis, insig-
nisque inter conspecta cedentium pugna terga obuersis
comminus ad ineundum proelium arrnis, ipso miraculo

6 audaciae obstupefecit hostis. duos tamen cum eo pudor
tenuit, Sp. Larcium ac T. Herminium, ambos claros genere

7 factisque. cum his primam periculi procellam et quod
tumultuosissimum pugnae erat parumper sustinuit. deinde
eos quoque ipsos exigua parte pontis relicta, reuocantibus

8 qui rescindebant, cedere in tutum coegit. circumferens
inde truces minaciter oculos ad proceres Etruscorum nunc
singulos prouocare, nunc increpare omnes, seruitia regum
superborum, suae libertatis inmemores alienam oppugnatum

9 uenire. cunctati aliquamdiu sunt, dum alius alium, ut
proelium incipiant, circumspectant. pudor deinde com-
mouit aciem, et clamore sublato undique in unum hostem

LIBER 77. CAP. 10, n 13

tela coniciunt. quae cum in obiecto cuncta scuto haesissent, 1 o
neque ille minus obstinatus ingenti pontem obtineret gradu,
iam impetu conabantur detrudere uirum, cum simul fragor
rupti pontis simul clamor Romanorum, alacritate perfecti
operis sublatus, pauore subito impetum sustinuit. turn 11
Codes "Tiberine pater" inquit, "te sancte precor, haec
arma et hunc militem propitio flumine accipias ! " ita sic
armatus in Tiberim desiluit, multisque superincidentibus
telis incolumis ad suos tranauit, rem ausus plus famae
habituram ad posteros quam fidei. grata erga tantam 12
uirtutem ciuitas fuit : statua in comitio posita, agri quantum
uno die circumarauit datum, priuata quoque inter publicos 13
honores studia eminebant; nam in magna inopia pro
domesticis copiis unusquisque ei aliquid fraudans se ipse
uictu suo contulit.

11. Porsinna primo conatu repulsus cohsiliis ab op- 1
pugnanda urbe ad obsidendam uersis, praesidio in Ianiculo
locato ipse in piano ripisque Tiberis castra posuit, nauibus 2
undique accitis et ad custodiam, ne quid Romam frumenti
subuehi sineret et ut praedatum milites trans rlumen per
occasiones aliis atque aliis locis traicerent ; breuique adeo 3
infestum omnem Romanum agrum reddidit, ut non cetera
solum ex agris sed pecus quoque omne in urbem com-
pelleretur, neque quisquam extra portas propellere auderet.
hoc tantum licentiae Etruscis non metu magis quam consilio 4
concessum. namque Valerius consul, intentus in occasionem
multos simul et effusos improuiso adoriundi, in paruis rebus
neglegens ultor grauem se ad maiora uindicem seruabat.
itaque, ut eliceret praedatores, edicit suis, postero die 5
frequentes porta Esquilina, quae auersissima ab hoste erat,
expellerent pecus, scituros id hostes ratus, quod in obsidione
et fame seruitia infida transfugerent. et sciere perfugae 6
indicio, multoque plures, ut in spem uniuersae praedae,

i4 LI VI

7 flumen traiciunt. P. Valerius T. Herminium cum modicis
copiis ad secundum lapidem Gabina uia occultum considere
iubet, Sp. Larcium cum expedita iuuentute ad portam
Collinam stare, donee hostis praetereat, inde se obicere,

8 ne sit ad flumen reditus. consulum alter T. Lucretius
porta Naeuia cum aliquot manipulis militum egressus, ipse

9 Valerius Caelio monte cohortes delectas educit. hique
primi apparuere hosti. Herminius ubi tumultum sensit,
concurrit ex insidiis, uersisque in Valerium Etruscis terga
caedit; dextra laeuaque hinc a porta Collina illinc ab

i o Naeuia redditus clamor: ita caesi in medio praedatores,

neque ad pugnam uiribus pares, et ad fugam saeptis omnibus

uiis. finisque ille tarn effuse uagandi Etruscis fuit.

i 12. Obsidio erat nihilo minus et frumenti cum summa

caritate inopia, sedendoque expugnaturum se urbem spem

2 Porsinna habebat, cum C. Mucius adulescens nobilis, cui
indignum uidebatur populum Romanum seruientem [cum
sub regibus esset] nullo bello nee ab hostibus ullis obsessum
esse, liberum eundem populum ab isdem Etruscis obsideri,

3 quorum saepe exercitus fuderit — ; itaque magno audacique
aliquo facinore earn indignitatem uindicandam ratus, primo

4 sua sponte penetrare in hostium castra constituit : dein
metuens, ne, si consulum iniussu et ignaris omnibus iret,
forte deprehensus a custodibus Romanis retraheretur ut
transfuga, fortuna turn urbis crimen adfirmante, senatum

5 adit. M transire Tiberim " inquit, " patres, et intrare, si
possim, castra hostium uolo, non praedo nee populationum
in uicem ultor: maius,*si di iuuant, in animo est facinus."
adprobant patres. abdito intra uestem ferro proficiscitur.

6 ubi eo uenit, in confertissima turba prope regium tribunal

7 constitit. ibi cum stipendium militibus forte daretur, et
scriba cum rege sedens pari fere ornatu multa ageret,
eumque milites uolgo adirent, timens sciscitari, uter Porsinna

LIBER II. CAP. n, 12 15

esset, ne ignorando regem semet ipse aperiret quis esset,
quo temere traxit fortuna facinus, scribam pro rege ob-
truncat. uadentem inde, qua per trepidam turbam cruento 8
mucrone sibi ipse fecerat uiam, cum concursu ad clamorem
facto comprehensum regii satellites retraxissent, ante tri-
bunal regis destitutus turn quoque inter tantas fortunae
minas metuendus magis quam metuens, "Romanus sum"
inquit " ciuis, C. Mucium uocant. hostis hostem occidere 9
uolui, nee ad mortem minus animi est quam fuit ad caedem :
et facere et pati fortia Romanum est. nee unus in te ego 10
hos animos gessi ; longus post me ordo est idem petentium
decus. proinde in hoc discrimen, si iuuat, accingere, ut
in singulas horas capite dimices tuo, ferrum hostemque
in uestibulo habeas regiae. hoc tibi iuuentus Romana 11
indicimus bellum. nullam aciem, nullum proelium timueris; 12
uni tibi et cum singulis res erit." cum rex simul ira infensus
periculoque conterritus circumdari ignes minitabundus iu-
beret, nisi expromeret propere, quas insidiarum sibi minas
per ambages iaceret, "en tibi" inquit, "ut sentias, quam 13
uile corpus sit eis, qui magnam gloriam uident " : dextram-
que accenso ad sacrificium foculo inicit. quam cum uelut
alienato ab sensu torreret animo, prope attonitus miraculo
rex cum ab sede sua prosiluisset, amouerique ab altaribus
iuuenem iussisset, " tu uero abi" inquit, "in te magis quam 14
in me hostilia ausus. iuberem macte uirtute esse, si pro
mea patria ista uirtus staret : nunc iure belli liberum te
intactum inuiolatumque hinc dimitto." tunc Mucius quasi 15
remunerans meritum "quando quidem" inquit "est apud
te uirtuti honos, ut beneficio tuleris a me, quod minis ne-
quisti : trecenti coniurauimus principes iuuentutis Romanae,
ut in te hac uia grassaremur. mea prima sors fuit; ceteri, 16
ut cuiusque ceciderit primi, quoad te opportunum fortuna
dederit, suo quisque tempore aderunt."

1 6 LI VI

i 13. Mucium dimissum, cui postea Scaeuolae a clade
dextrae manus cognomen inditum, legati a Porsinna Romam

2 secuti sunt ; adeo mouerat eum et primi periculi casus, a quo
nihil se praeter errorem insidiatoris texisset, et subeunda
dimicatio totiens, quot coniurati superessent, ut pacis

3 condiciones ultro ferret Romanis. iactatum in condicionibus
nequiquam de Tarquiniis in regnum restituendis, magis
quia id negare ipse nequiuerat Tarquiniis, quam quod

4 negatum iri sibi ab Romanis ignoraret. de agro Veienti-
bus restituendo impetratum, expressaque necessitas obsides
dandi Romanis, si Ianiculo praesidium deduci uellent. his
condicionibus conposita pace exercitum ab Ianiculo deduxit

5 Porsinna et agro Romano excessit. patres C. Mucio
uirtutis causa trans Tiberim agrum dono dedere, quae
postea sunt Mucia prata appellata.

6 Ergo ita honorata uirtute feminae quoque ad publica
decora excitatae. et Cloelia uirgo, una ex obsidibus, cum
castra Etruscorum forte haud procul ripa Tiberis locata
essent, frustrata custodes, dux agminis uirginum inter tela
hostium Tiberim tranauit, sospitesque omnes Romam ad

7 propinquos restituit. quod ubi regi nuntiatum est, primo
incensus ira oratores Romam misit ad Cloeliam obsidem

8 deposcendam : alias haud magni facere ; deinde in admira-
tionem uersus supra Coclites Muciosque dicere id facinus
esse, et prae se ferre, quem ad modum, si non dedatur
obses, pro rupto foedus se habiturum, sic deditam intactam

9 inuiolatamque ad suos remissurum. utrimque constitit
fides : et Romani pignus pacis ex foedere restituerunt,
et apud regem Etruscum non tuta solum sed honorata
etiam uirtus fuit, laudatamque uirginem parte obsidum se

io donare dixit ; ipsa quos uellet legeret. productis omnibus
elegisse inpubes dicitur, quod et uirginitati decorum et
consensu obsidum ipsorum probabile erat earn aetatem

LIBER II. CAP. 13, 14 17

potissimurn liberari ab hoste, quae maxime opportuna
iniuriae esset. pace redintegrata Romani nouam in femina 1 1
uirtutem nouo genere honoris, statua equestri, donauere :
in sumrna Sacra uia fuit posita uirgo insidens equo.

The custom of selling King Porsiunds goods ; the King departs
to attack Aricia^ but is defeated. He dismisses the
Tarquins.

14. Huic tarn pacatae profectioni ab urbe regis Etrusci 1
abhorrens mos, traditus ab antiquis, usque ad nostram
aetatem inter cetera sollemnia manet, bona Porsinnae regis
uendendi. cuius originem moris necesse est aut inter 2
bellum natam esse neque omissam in pace, aut a mitiore
creuisse principio, quam hie prae se ferat titulus bona
hostiliter uendendi. pioximum uero est ex eis, quae 3
traduntur, Porsinnam discedentem ab Ianiculo castra opu-
lenta conuecto ex propinquis ac fertilibus Etruriae aruis
commeatu Romanis dono dedisse, inopi turn urbe ab
longinqua obsidione ; ea deinde, ne populo inmisso diripe- 4
rentur hostiliter, uenisse, bonaque Porsinnae appellata,
gratiam muneris magis significante titulo quam auctionem
fortunae regiae, quae ne in potestate quidem populi Romani
esset.

Omisso Romano bello Porsinna, ne frustra in ea loca 5
exercitus adductus uideretur, cum parte copiarum filium
Arruntem Ariciam oppugnatum mittit. primo Aricinos 6
res necopinata perculerat. arcessita deinde auxilia et a
Latinis populis et a Cumis tantum spei fecere, ut acie
decernere auderent. proelio inito adeo concitato impetu
se intulerant Etrusci, ut funderent ipso incursu Aricinos.
Cumanae cohortes, arte aduersus uim usae, declinauere 7
paululum, effuseque praelatos hostes conuersis signis ab
C. u 11. 2

1 8 LI VI

tergo adortae sunt; ita in medio prope iam uictores caesi

8 Etrusci. pars perexigua duce amisso, quia nullum propius
perfugium erat, Romam inermes, et fortuna et specie
supplicum, delati sunt, ibi benigne excepti diuisique in

9 hospitia. curatis uolneribus alii profecti domos nuntii
• hospitalium beneficiorum, multos Romae hospitum urbisque

caritas tenuit. his locus ad habitandum datus, quern deinde
Tuscum uicum appellarunt.
i 15. Spurius Larcius inde et Titus Herminius, P.
Lucretius inde et P. Valerius Publicola consules facti.
eo anno postremum legati a Porsinna de reducendo in
regnum Tarquinio uenerunt. quibus cum responsum esset
missurum ad regem senatum legatos, missi confestim hon-

2 oratissimus quisque e patribus : non quin breuiter reddi
responsum potuerit non recipi reges, ideo potius delectos
patrum ad eum missos quam legatis eius Romae daretur
responsum, sed ut in perpetuum mentio eius rei fmiretur,
neu in tantis mutuis beneficiis in uicem animi sollicitarentur,
cum ille peteret, quod contra libertatem populi Romani
esset, Romani, nisi in perniciem suam faciles esse uellent,

3 negarent, cui nihil negatum uellent. non in regno populum
Romanum, sed in libertate esse, ita induxisse in animum,
hostibus potius portas quam regibus patefacere ; ea esse uota
omnium, ut qui libertati erit in ilia urbe finis, idem urbi sit.

4 proinde, si saluam esse uellet Romam, ut patiatur liberam

5 esse, orare. rex uerecundia uictus " quando id certum atque
obstinatum est " inquit, M neque ego obtundam saepius eadem
nequiquam agendo, nee Tarquinios spe auxilii, quod nullum
in me est, frustrabor. alium hinc, seu bello opus est seu
quiete, exilio quaerant locum, ne quid meam uobiscum

6 pacem distineat." dictis facta amiciora adiecit. obsidum
quod reliquum erat reddidit, agrum Veientem foedere ad

7 Ianiculum icto ademptum restituit. Tarquinius spe omni

LIBER II. CAP. 14—16 19

reditus incisa exulatum ad generum Mamilium Octauium
Tusculum abiit : Romanis pax fida cum Porsinna fuit.

War with the Sabines; the migration of the Claudii to Rome.
War with the Aur unci and {two accounts of) their piuiish-
ment.

16. Consules M. Valerius P. Postumius. eo anno 1
bene pugnatum cum Sabinis ; consules triumpharunt. ma- 2
iore inde mole Sabini bellum parabant. aduersus eos et ne
quid simul ab Tusculo, unde etsi non apertum, suspectum
tamen bellum erat, repentini periculi oriretur, P. Valerius
quartum T. Lucretius iterum consules facti. seditio inter 3
belli pacisque auctores orta in Sabinis aliquantum inde
uirium transtulit ad Romanos. namque Attus Clausus, 4
cui postea Appio Claudio fuit Romae nomen, cum pacis
ipse auctor a turbatoribus belli premeretur, nee par factioni
esset, ab Inregillo magna clientium comitatus manu Romam
transfugit. his ciuitas data agerque trans Anienem ; uetus 5
Claudia tribus, additis postea nouis tribulibus, qui ex eo
uenirent agro appellati. Appius inter patres lectus haud
ita multo post in principum dignationem peruenit. con- 6
sules infesto exercitu in agrum Sabinum profecti cum ita
uastatione dein proelio adflixissent opes hostium, ut diu
nihil inde rebellionis timed posset, triumphantes Romam
redierunt. P. Valerius, omnium consensu princeps belli 7
pacisque artibus, anno post Agrippa Menenio P. Postumio
consulibus moritur, gloria ingenti, copiis familiaribus adeo
exiguis, ut funeri sumptus deesset; de publico est datus.
luxere matronae ut Brutum. eodem anno duae coloniae 8
Latinae, Pometia et Cora, ad Auruncos deficiunt. cum
Auruncis bellum initum; fusoque ingenti exercitu, qui se
ingredientibus fines consulibus ferociter obtulerat, omne

2o LIFT

9 Auruncum bellum Pometiam conpulsum est. nee magis
post proelium quam in proelio caedibus temperatum est :
et caesi aliquanto plures erant quam capti, et captos passim
trucidauerunt ; ne ab obsidibus quidem, qui trecenti accepti
numero erant, ira belli abstinuit. et hoc anno Romae
triumphatum.

i 17. Secuti consules Opiter Verginius Sp. Cassius
Pometiam primo ui, deinde uineis aliisque operibus oppug-

2 narunt. in quos Aurunci magis iam inexpiabili odio quam
spe aliqua aut occasione coorti cum plures igni quam ferro
armati excucurrissent, caede incendioque cuncta complent.

3 uineis incensis, multis hostium uulneratis et occisis consilium
quoque alterum — sed utrum auctores non adiciunt — graui

4 uolnere ex equo deiectum prope interfecerunt. Romam
inde male gesta re reditum. inter multos saucios consul
spe incerta uitae relatus. interiecto deinde haud magno
spatio, quod uolneribus curandis supplendoque exercitui
satis esset, cum ira maiore turn uiribus etiam auctis

5 Pometiae arma inlata. et cum uineis refectis aliaque mole
belli iam in eo esset, ut in muros euaderet miles, deditio

6 est facta, ceterum nihilo minus foeda, dedita urbe, quam
si capta foret, Aurunci passi : principes securi percussi, sub
corona uenierunt coloni alii ; oppidum dirutum ; ager ueniit.
consules magis ob iras grauiter ultas quam ob magnitudinem
perfecti belli triumpharunt.

501 B.C. The quarrel is revived by the Sabines but allowed
to drop on both sides. The first Dictator.

1 18. Insequens annus Postumum Cominium et T.

2 Larcium consules habuit. eo anno Romae cum per ludos
ab Sabinorum iuuentute per lasciuiam scorta raperentur,

3 concursu hominum rixa ac prope proelium fuit, paruaque

LIBER II. CAP. 16— 18 21

ex re ad rebellionem spectare res uidebatur [supra belli
Latini metum]. id quoque accesserat, quod triginta iam
coniurasse populos concitante Octauio Mamilio satis con- ■
stabat. in hac tantarum expectatione rerum sollicita 4
ciuitate dictatoris primum creandi mentio orta. sed nee
quibus consulibus, quia ex factione Tarquiniana essent —
id quoque enim traditur — , parum creditum sit, nee quis
primum dictator creatus sit, satis constat, apud ueterrimos 5
tamen auctores T. Larcium dictatorem primum, Sp. Cas-
sium magistrum equitum creatos inuenio. consulares legere;
ita lex iubebat de dictatore creando lata, eo magis adducor 6
ut credam Larcium, qui consularis erat, potius quam M'.
Valerium M. filium Volesi nepotem, qui nondum consul
fuerat, moderatorem et magistrum consulibus appositum.
quin, si maxime ex ea familia legi dictatorem uellent, 7
patrem multo potius M. Valerium spectatae uirtutis et
consularem uirum legissent.

Creato dictatore primum Romae postquam praeferri 8
secures uiderunt, magnus plebem metus incessit, ut inten-
tiores essent ad dicto parendum. neque enim ut in con-
sulibus, qui pari potestate essent, alterius auxilium, neque
prouocatio erat, neque ullum usquam nisi in cura parendi
auxilium. Sabinis etiam creatus Romae dictator eo magis, 9
quod propter se creatum crediderant, metum incussit.
itaque legatos de pace mittunt. quibus orantibus dicta- 10
torem senatumque, ut ueniam erroris hominibus adules-
centibus darent, responsum, ignosci adulescentibus posse,
senibus non posse, qui bella ex bellis sererent. actum n
tamen est de pace; impetrataque foret, si quod inpensae
factum in bellum erat, praestare Sabini — id enim postulatum
erat — in animum induxissent. bellum indictum : tacitae
indutiae quietum annum tenuere.

2 2 LI VI

War with the Latins j the wonderful battle of Lake Regillus.
Death of King Tarquinj Sigma re-colonised ; the 21 tribes
(495 B.C.)-

1 19. Consules Seruius Sulpicius Manius Tullius ; nihil
dignum memoria actum ; T. Aebutius deinde et C. Vetusius.

2 his consulibus Fidenae obsessae, Crustumeria capta, Prae-
neste ab Latinis ad Romanos desciuit. nee ultra bellum

3 Latinum, gliscens iam per aliquot annos, dilatum. Aulus
Postumius dictator Titus Aebutius magister equitum magnis
copiis peditum equitumque profecti ad lacum Regillum

4 in agro Tusculano agmini hostium occurrerunt ; et quia
Tarquinios esse in exercitu Latinorum auditum est, sustineri

5 ira non potuit, quin extemplo confligerent. ergo etiam
proelium aliquanto quam cetera grauius atque atrocius
fuit. non enim duces ad regendam modo consilio rem
adfuere, sed suismet ipsi corporibus dimicantes miscuere
certamina. nee quisquam procerum ferme hac aut ilia
ex acie sine uolnere praeter dictatorem Romanum excessit.

6 in Postumium prima in acie suos adhortantem instruen-
temque Tarquinius Superbus, quamquam iam aetate et
uiribus erat grauior, equum infestus admisit, ictusque ab

7 latere concursu suorum receptus in tutum est. et ad alterum
cornu Aebutius magister equitum in Octauium Mamilium
impetum dederat, nee fefellit ueniens Tusculanum ducem,

8 contraque et ille concitat equum ; tantaque uis infestis
uenientium hastis fuit, ut brachium Aebutio traiectum sit,

9 Mamilio pectus percussum. hunc quidem in secundam
aciem Latini recepere : Aebutius cum saucio brachio tenere

10 telum non posset, pugna excessit. Latinus dux nihil deter-
ritus uolnere proelium ciet, et quia suos perculsos uidebat,
arcessit cohortem exulum Romanorum, cui Lucii Tarquinii
filius praeerat. ea, quo maiore pugnabat ira ob erepta bona
patriamque ademptam, pugnam parumper restituit.

LIBER II CAP. 19, 20 23

20. Referentibus iam pedem ab ea parte Romanis £
M. Valerius Publicolae frater, conspicatus ferocem iuuenem
Tarquinium ostentantem se in prima exulum acie, domestica 2
etiam gloria accensus, ut, cuius familiae decus eiecti reges
erant, eiusdem interfecti forent, subdit calcaria equo et
Tarquinium infesto spicule- petit. Tarquinius retro in 3
agmen suorum infenso cessit hosti. Valerium, temere
inuectum in exulum aciem, ex transuerso quidam adortus
transfigit; nee quicquam equitis uolnere equo retardato
moribundus Romanus labentibus super corpus armis ad
terram defluxit. dictator Postumius postquam cecidisse 4
talem uirum, exules ferociter citato agmine inuehi, suos
perculsos cedere animaduertit, cohorti suae, quam delectam 5
manum praesidii causa circa se habebat, dat signum, ut
quern suorum fugientem uiderint, pro hoste habeant. ita
metu ancipiti uersi a fuga Romani in hostem, et restituta
acies. cohors dictatoris turn primum proelium iniit. in- 6
tegris corporibus animisque fessos adorti exules caedunt.
ibi alia inter proceres coorta pugna. iuiperator Latinus, 7
ubi cohortem exulum a dictatore Romano prope circum-
uentam uidit, ex subsidiariis manipulos aliquot in primam
aciem secum rapit. hos agmine uenientes T. Herminius 8
legatus conspicatus, interque eos insignem ueste armisque
Mamilium noscitans, tanto ui maiore, quam paulo ante
magister equitum, cum hostium duce proelium iniit, ut 9
et uno ictu transfixum per latus occiderit Mamilium, et
ipse inter spoliandum corpus hostis ueruto percussus, cum
uictor in castra esset relatus, inter primam curationem
exspirauerit. turn ad equites dictator aduolat obtestans, 10
ut fesso iam pedite descendant ex equis, et pugnam
capessant. dicto paruere : desiliunt ex equis, prouolant
in primum, et pro antesignanis parmas obiciunt. recipit it
extemplo animum pedestris acies, postquam iuuentutis

24 LI VI

proceres aequato genere pugnae secum partem periculi
sustinentes uidit. turn demum inpulsi Latini perculsaque

12 inclinauit acies. equiti admoti equi, ut persequi hostem
posset ; secuta et pedestris acies. ibi nihil nee diuinae
nee humanae opis dictator praetermittens aedem Castori
uouisse fertur, ac pronuntiasse militi praemia, qui primus,

13 qui secundus castra hostium intrasset ; tantusque ardor
fuit, ut eodem impetu, quo fuderant hostem Romani,
castra caperent. hoc modo ad lacum Regillum pugnatum
est. dictator et m agister equitum triumphantes in urbem
rediere.

1 21. Triennio deinde nee certa pax nee bellum fuit.
consules Quintus Cloelius et T. Larcius, inde A. Sempro-

2 nius et M. Minucius. his consulibus aedis Saturno dedicata,
Saturnalia institutus festus dies. Aulus deinde Postumius

3 et T. Verginius consules facti. hoc demum anno ad
Regillum lacum pugnatum apud quosdam inuenio ; A.
Postumium, quia collega dubiae fidei fuerit, se consulatu

4 abdicasse ; dictatorem inde factum, tanti errores inplicant
temporum aliter apud alios ordinatis magistratibus, ut nee
qui consules secundum quos, nee quid quoque anno
actum sit, in tanta uetustate non rerum modo sed etiam
auctorum digerere possis.

5 Ap. Claudius deinde et P. Seruilius consules facti.
insignis hie annus est nuntio Tarquinii mortis, mortuus
Cumis, quo se post fractas opes Latinorum ad Aristodemum

6 tyrannum contulerat. eo nuntio erecti patres, erecta plebes.
sed patribus nimis luxuriosa ea fuit laetitia: plebi, cui ad
earn diem summa ope inseruitum erat, iniuriae a primoribus

7 fieri coepere. eodem anno Signia colonia, quam rex
Tarquinius deduxerat, suppleto numero colonorum iterum
deducta est. Romae tribus una et uiginti factae. aedes
Mercuri dedicata est idibus Maiis.

LIBER A yftWl^^ j 25

War threatened by the Volscij the Latins give timely
warning of this and are rewarded,

22. Cum Volscorum gente Latino bello neque pax 1
neque bellum fuerat ; nam et Volsci comparauerant auxilia,
quae mitterent Latinis, ni maturatum ab dictatore Romano
esset, et maturauit Romanus, ne proelio uno cum Latino
Volscoque contenderet. hac ira consules in Volscum 2
agrum legiones duxere. Volscos consilii poenam non
metuentes necopinata res perculit. armorum inmemores
obsides dant trecentos principum a Cora atque Pometia
liberos ; ita sine certamine inde abductae legiones. nee 3
ita multo post Volscis leuatis metu suum rediit ingenium :
rursus occultum parant bellum Hernicis in societatem
armorum adsumptis ; legatos quoque ad sollicitandum
Latium passim dimittunt. sed recens ad Regillum lacum 4
accepta clades Latinos ira odioque eius, quicumque arma
suaderet, ne ab legatis quidem uiolandis abstinuit : con-
prehensos Volscos Romam duxere. ibi traditi consulibus,
indicatumque est Volscos Hernicosque parare bellum
Romanis. relata re ad senatum adeo fuit gratum patribus, 5
ut et captiuorum sex milia Latinis remitterent, et de
foedere, quod prope in perpetuum negatum fuerat, rem ad
nouos magistratus reicerent. enimuero turn Latini gaudere 6
facto, pacis auctores in ingenti gloria esse. coronam
auream Ioui donum in Capitolium mittunt. cum legatis
donoque, qui captiuorum remissi ad suos fuerant, magna
circumfusa multitudo uenit. pergunt domos eorum, apud 7
quern quisque seruierant, gratias agunt liberaliter habiti
cultique in calamitate sua, inde hospitia iungunt. num-
quam alias ante publice priuatimque La tin urn nomen
Romano imperio coniunctius fuit.

26 LI VI

Distress at Rome and agitation against the oppressive
law of debt; the Senate is divided.

i 23. Sed et bellum Volscum imminebat, et ciuitas
secum ipsa discors intestino inter patres plebemque flagrabat

2 odio, maxime propter nexos ob aes alienum. fremebant se
foris pro libertate et imperio dimicantes domi a ciuibus
captos et oppressos esse, tutioremque in bello quam in
pace, et inter hostis quam inter ciues libertatem plebis
esse ; inuidiamque earn sua sponte gliscentem insignis unius

3 calamitas accendit. magno natu quidam cum omnium
malorum suorum insignibus se in forum proiecit. obsita
erat squalore uestis, foedior corporis habitus pallore ac

4 macie perempti. ad hoc promissa barba et capilli efferaue-
rant speciem oris, noscitabatur tamen in tanta deformitate,
et ordines duxisse aiebant, aliaque militiae decora uolgo
miserantes eum iactabant ; ipse testes honestarum aliquot
locis pugnarum cicatrices aduerso pectore ostentabat.

5 sciscitantibus, unde ille habitus, unde deform itas, cum
circumfusa turba est prope in contionis modum, Sabino
bello ait se militantem, quia propter populationes agri
non fructu modo caruerit, sed uilla incensa fuerit, direpta
omnia, pecora abacta, tributum iniquo suo tempore im-

6 peratum, aes alienum fecisse. id cumulatum usuris primo
se agro paterno auitoque exuisse, deinde fortunis aliis,
postremo uelut tabem peruenisse ad corpus : ductum se
ab creditore non in seruitium sed in ergastulum et carni-

7 ficinam esse, inde ostentare tergum foedum recentibus
uestigiis uerberum. ad haec uisa auditaque clamor ingens
oritur, non iam foro se tumultus tenet, sed passim totam

8 urbem peruadit. nexi, uincti solutique, se undique in
publicum proripiunt, inplorant Quiritium fidem. nullo
loco deest seditionis uoluntarius comes, multis passim

LIBER II CAP. 23, 24 27

agminibus per omnes uias cum clam ore in forum curritur.
magno cum periculo suo qui forte patrum in foro erant in 9
earn turbam inciderunt. nee temperatum manibus foret, 10
ni propere consules P. Seruilius et Ap. Claudius ad con-
primendam seditionem interuenissent. at in eos multitudo
uersa, ostentare uincnla sua deformitatemque aliam. haec n
se meritos dicere, exprobrantes suam quisque, alius alibi,
militiam ; postulare multo minaciter magis quam suppliciter,
ut senatum uocarent, curiamque ipsi futuri arbitri modera-
toresque publici consilii circumsistunt. pauci admodum 12
patrum, quos casus obtulerat, contracti ab consulibus :
ceteros metus non curia modo sed etiam foro arcebat.
nee agi quicquam per infrequentiam poterat senatus. turn 13
uero eludi atque extrahi se multitudo putare, et patrum
qui abessent, non casu, non metu, sed inpediendae rei
causa abesse, et consules ipsos tergiuersari, nee dubie
ludibrio esse miserias suas. iam prope erat, ut ne consulum 14
quidem maiestas coerceret iras hominum, cum incerti,
morando an ueniendo plus periculi contraherent, tandem
in senatum ueniunt ; frequentique tandem curia non modo
inter patres sed ne inter consules quidem ipsos satis
conueniebat. Appius, uehementis ingenii uir, imperio 15
consulari rem agendam censebat : uno aut altero adrepto
quieturos alios. Seruilius, lenibus remediis aptior, concitatos
animos flecti quam frangi putabat cum tutius turn facilius
esse.

The Volscians seize the opportunity for an attack; by the
wisdom of the Consul Servilius the people are appeased
and consent to fight. Defeat of Volscians, Sabines and
Aurunca?is.

24. Inter haec maior alius terror : Latini equites cum 1
tumultuoso aduolant nuntio, Volscos infesto exercitu ad

28 LI VI

urbem oppugnandam uenire. quae audita — adeo duas ex
una ciuitate discordia fecerat — longe aliter patres ac plebem

2 adfecere. exultare gaudio plebes, ultores superbiae patrum
adesse dicere deos. alius alium confirmare, ne nomina darent,
cum omnibus potius quam solos perituros. patres militarent,
patres arma caperent, ut penes eosdem pericula belli, penes

3 quos praemia essent. at uero curia maesta ac trepida
ancipiti metu et ab ciue et ab hoste, Seruilium consulem,
cui ingenium magis populare erat, orare, ut tantis circum-

4 uentam terroribus expediret rem publicam. turn consul
misso senatu in contionem prodit. ibi curae esse patribus
ostendit, ut consulatur plebi. ceterum deliberationi de
maxima quidem ilia, sed tamen parte ciuitatis, metum pro

5 uniuersa re publica interuenisse. nee posse, cum hostes
prope ad portas essent, bello praeuerti se quicquam ; nee,
si sit laxamenti aliquid, aut plebi honestum esse, nisi
mercede prius accepta arma pro patria non cepisse, neque
patribus satis decorum, per metum potius quam postmodo
uoluntate adflictis ciuium suorum fortunis consuluisse.

6 contioni deinde edicto addidit fidem, quo edixit, ne quis
ciuem Romanum uinctum aut clausum teneret, quo minus
ei nominis edendi apud consules potestas fieret, neu quis
militis, donee in castris esset, bona possideret aut uenderet,

7 liberos nepotesue eius moraretur. hoc proposito edicto et
qui aderant nexi profiteri extemplo nomina, et undique
ex tota urbe proripientium se ex priuato, cum retinendi ius
creditori non esset, concursus in forum, ut sacramento

8 dicerent, fieri, magna ea manus fuit, neque aliorum magis
in Volsco bello uirtus atque opera enituit. consul copias
contra hostem educit, paruo dirimente interuallo castra
ponit.

i 25. Proxima inde nocte Volsci discordia Romana freti,
si qua nocturna transitio proditioue fieri posset, temptant

LIBER IL CAP. 24—26 29

castra. sensere uigiles, excitatus exercitus, signo dato
concursum est ad arma; ita frustra id inceptum Volscis
fuit; relicum noctis utrimque quieti datum, postero die 2
prima luce Volsci fossis repletis uallum inuadunt. iamque 3
ab omni parte munimenta uellebantur, cum consul, quam-
quam cuncti undique, et nexi ante omnes, ut signum daret
clamabant, experiendi animos militum causa parumper
moratus, postquam satis apparebat ingens ardor, dato
tandem ad erumpendum signo militem auidum certaminis
emittit. primo statim incursu pulsi hostes ; fugientibus, 4
quoad insequi pedes potuit, terga caesa, eques usque ad
castra pauidos egit. mox ipsa castra legionibus circum-
datis, cum Volscos inde etiam pauor expulisset, capta
direptaque. postero die ad Suessam Pometiam, quo 5
confugerant hostes, legionibus ductis, intra paucos dies
oppidum capitur, captum praedae datum, inde paulum
recreatus egens miles, consul cum maxima gloria sua 6
uictorem exercitum Romam reducit. decedentem Romam
Ecetranorum Volscorum legati, rebus suis timentes post
Pometiam captam, adeunt. bis ex senatus consulto data
pax, ager ademptus.

26. Confestim et Sabini Romanos territauere; tumultus 1
enim fuit uerius quam bellum. nocte in urbem nuntiatum
est exercitum Sabinum praedabundum ad Anienem amnem
peruenisse ; ibi passim diripi atque incendi uillas. missus 2
extemplo eo cum omnibus copiis equitum A. Postumius,
qui dictator bello Latino fuerat; secutus consul Seruilius
cum delecta peditum manu. plerosque palantes eques 3
circumuenit ; nee aduenienti peditum agmini restitit Sabina
legio. fessi cum itinere turn populatione nocturna, magna
pars in uillis repleti cibo uinoque, uix fugae quod satis esset
uirium habuere.

Nocte una audito perfectoque bello Sabino, postero 4

3o LI VI

die in magna iam spe undique partae pacis legati Aurunci
senatum adeunt, ni decedatur Volsco agio, bellum indicentes.

5 cum legatis simul exercitus Auruncorum domo profectus
erat. cuius fama haud procul iam ab Aricia uisi tanto
tumultu conciuit Romanos, ut nee consuli ordine patres,
nee pacatum responsum arma inferentibus arma ipsi capientes

6 dare possent. Ariciam infesto agmine itur, nee procul inde
cum Auruncis signa conlata proelioque uno debellatum est.

The debtors demand the fulfilment of the consul's promises;
he is hindered by his colleague Ap. Claudius and the
Senate. The agitation continues into the next year (494 B.C.)
and the people again refuse to serve in the army. The
Senate is again divided.

1 27. Fusis Auruncis uictor tot intra paucos dies bellis
Romanus promissa consulis fidemque senatus expectabat,
cum Appius et insita superbia animo, et ut collcgae uanam
faceret fidem, quam asperrime poterat ius de creditis pecuniis
dicere. deinceps et qui ante nexi fuerant creditoribus trade-

2 bantur, et nectebantur alii, quod ubi cui militi inciderat,
collegam appellabat. concursus ad Seruilium fiebat ; illius
promissa iactabant, illi exprobrabant sua quisque belli merita
cicatricesque acceptas. postulabant, ut aut referret ad
senatum, aut ut auxilio esset consul ciuibus suis, imperator

3 militibus. mouebant consulem haec, sed tergiuersari res
cogebat; adeo in alteram causam non collega solum prae-
ceps erat, sed omnis factio nobilium. ita medium se gerendo
nee plebis uitauit odium, nee apud patres gratiam iniit.

4 patres mollem consulem et ambitiosum rati, plebes fallacem ;

5 breuique apparuit adaequasse eum Appii odium, certamen
consulibus inciderat, uter dedicaret Mercuri aedem. senatus
a se rem ad populum reiecit : utri eorum dedicatio iussu

LIBER II CAP. 26, 27 31

populi data esset, eum praeesse annonae, mercatorum
collegium instituere, solerrmia pro pontiflce iussit suscipere.
populus dedicationem aedis dat M. Laetorio, primi pili 6
centurioni ; quod facile appareret non tarn ad honorem
eius, cui curatio altior fastigio suo data esset, factum, quam
ad consulum ignominiam. saeuire inde utique consulum 7
alter patresque, sed plebi creuerant animi, et longe alia
quam primo instituerant uia grassabantur. desperato enim 8
consulum senatusque auxilio, cum in ius duci debitorem
uidissent, undique conuolabant. neque decretum exaudiri
consulis prae strepitu et clamore poterat, neque, cum
decresset, quisquam obtemperabat. ui agebatur, metusque 9
omnis et periculum [libertatis], cum in conspectu consulis
singuli a pluribus uiolarentur, in creditores a debitoribus
uerterant. super haec timor incessit Sabini belli; dilectuque 10
decreto nemo nomen dedit, furente Appio et insectante
ambitionem collegae, qui populari silentio rem publicam
proderet, et ad id, quod de credita pecunia ius non dixisset,
adiceret, ut ne dilectum quidem ex senatus consulto haberet.
non esse tamen desertam omnino rem publicam, neque 11
proiectum consulare imperium ; se unum et suae et pa-
trum maiestatis uindicem fore, cum circumstaret cotidiana 12
multitudo licentia accensa, arripi unum insignem ducem
seditionum iussit. ille cum a lictoribus iam traheretur,
prouocauit. nee cessisset prouocationi consul, quia non
dubium erat populi iudicium, nisi aegre uicta pertinacia
foret consilio magis et auctoritate principum quam populi
clamore; adeo supererant animi ad sustinendam inuidiam.
crescere inde malum in dies non clamoribus modo apertis 13
sed, quod multo perniciosius erat, secessione occultisque
colloquiis. tandem inuisi plebi consules magistratu abeunt,
. Seruilius neutris, Appius patribus rnire gratus.

32 LI VI

i 28. A. Verginius inde et T. Vetusius consulatum
ineunt. turn uero plebs incerta, quales habitura consules
esset, coetus nocturnos, pars Esquiliis pars in Auentino,
facere, ne in foro subitis trepidaret consiliis, et omnia temere

2 ac fortuito ageret. earn rem consules rati, ut erat, perni-
ciosam, ad patres deferunt, sed delatam consulere ordine
non licuit ; adeo tumultuose excepta est clamoribus undique
et indignatione patrum, si, quod imperio consulari exse-
quendum esset, inuidiam eius consules ad senatum reicerent.

3 profecto, si essent in re publica magistrates, nullum futurum

4 fuisse Romae nisi publicum concilium : nunc in mille curias
contionesque [cum alia in Esquiliis, alia in Auentino fiant
concilia] dispersam et dissipatam esse rem publicam. unum
hercule uirum — id enim plus esse quam consulem — , qualis
Appius Claudius merit, momento temporis discussurum illos

5 coetus fuisse. correpti consules, cum, quid ergo se facere
uellent, nihil enim segnius molliusue quam patribus placeat
acturos, percunctarentur, decernunt, ut dilectum quam

6 acerrimum habeant : otio lasciuire plebem. dimisso senatu
consules in tribunal escendunt; citant nominatim iuniores.
cum ad nomem nemo responderet, circumfusa multitudo in

7 contionis modum negare ultra decipi plebem posse; num-
quam unum militem habituros, ni praestaretur fides publica ;
libertatem unicuique prius reddendam esse quam arma
danda, ut pro patria ciuibusque, non pro dominis pugnent.

8 consules, quid mandatum esset a senatu, uidebant ; sed
eorum, qui intra parietes curiae ferociter loquerentur,
neminem adesse inuidiae suae participem. et apparebat

9 atrox cum plebe certamen. prius itaque quam ultima
experirentur, senatum iterum consulere placuit. turn uero
ad sellas consulum propere conuolare minimus quisque
natu patrum, abdicare consulatum iubentes et deponerc
imperium, ad quod tuendum animus deesset.

LIBER IL CAP. 28, 29 33

29. Vtraque re satis experta turn demum consules : 1
"ne praedictum negetis, patres conscripti, adest ingens
seditfo. postulamus, ut ei, qui maxime ignauiam increpant,
adsint nobis habentibus dilectum. acerrimi cuiusque arbi-
trio, quando ita placet, rem agemus." redeunt in tribunal, 2
citari nominatim unum ex his, qui in conspectu erant, dedita
opera iubent. cum staret tacitus, et circa eum aliquot
hominum, ne forte uiolaretur, constitisset globus, lictorem
ad eum consules mittunt. quo repulso turn uero indignum 3
facinus esse clamitantes qui patrum consulibus aderant
deuolant de tribunali, ut lictori auxilio essent. sed ab 4
lictore, nihil aliud quam prendere prohibito, cum conuersus
in patres impetus esset, consulum intercursu rixa sedata est,
in qua tamen sine lapide, sine telo plus clamoris atque
irarum quam iniuriae fuerat. senatus tumultuose uocatus 5
tumultuosius consulitur quaestionem postulantibus eis, qui
pulsati fuerant, decernente ferocissimo quoque non sententiis
magis quam clamore et strepitu. tandem cum irae resedis- 6
sent, exprobrantibus consulibus nihilo plus sanitatis in curia
quam in foro esse, ordine consuli coepit. tres fuere sen- 7
tentiae. P. Verginius rem non uolgabat; de eis tantum
qui fidem secuti Publii Seruilii consulis Volsco, Aurunco
Sabinoque militassent bello, agendum censebat. Titus 8
Larcius non id tempus esse, ut merita tantummodo ex-
soluerentur; totam plebem aere alieno demersam esse,
nee sisti posse, ni omnibus consulatur; quin, si alia
aliorum sit condicio, accendi magis discordiam quam
sedari. Ap. Claudius, et natura inmitis et efferatus hinc 9
plebis odio illinc patrum laudibus, non miseriis ait sed
licentia tantum concitum turbarum, et lasciuire magis
plebem quam saeuire. id adeo malum ex prouocatione 10
natum; quippe minas esse consulum, non imperium, ubi
ad eos, qui una peccauerint, prouocare liceat. "agedum" n
c. l. 11. x

34 LIVJ

inquit " dictator em, a quo prouocatio non est, creemus.
12 iam hie, quo nunc omnia ardent, conticiscet furor, pulset
turn mihi lictorem, qui sciet ius de tergo uitaque sua penes
unum ilium esse, cuius maiestatem uiolarit."

At length a dictator is appointed, from the Valerian house.
By renewing Servilius3 promises he raises an army and
defeats the Volsci and Aequi. When the Senate refuse
to cai'ry out his proposals, he resigns the dictatorsJiip.

i 30. Multis, ut erat, horrida et atrox uidebatur Appii
sententia ; rursus Verginii Larciique exemplo haud salubres,
utique Larcii, quae totam fidem tolleret. medium maxime

2 et moderatum utroque consilium Verginii habebatur; sed
factione respectuque rerum priuatarum, quae semper offecere
officientque publicis consiliis, Appius uicit, ac prope fuit,

3 ut dictator ille idem crearetur; quae res utique alienasset
plebem periculosissimo tempore, cum Volsci Aequique et

4 Sabini forte una omnes in armis essent. sed curae fuit
consulibus et senioribus patrum, ut imperio suo uehemens

5 magistratus mansueto permitteretur ingenio. M\ Valerium
dictatorem, Volesi filium, creant. plebes etsi aduersus se
creatum dictatorem uidebat, tamen, cum prouocationem
fratris lege haberet, nihil ex ea familia triste nee superbum

6 timebat. edictum deinde a dictatore propositum confirmauit
animos Seruilii fere consulis edicto conueniens. sed et homini
et potestati melius rati credi, omisso certamine nomina de-

7 dere. quantus numquam ante exercitus, legiones decern
effectae; ternae inde datae consulibus, quattuor dictator
usus.

8 Nee iam poterat bellum differri. Aequi Latinum agrum
inuaserant. oratores Latinorum ab senatu petebant, ut aut
mitterent subsidium, aut se ipsos tuendorum finium causa

LIBER II. CAP. 29—31 35

capere arma sinerent. tutius uisum est defendi inermes 9
Latinos quam pati retractare arma. Vetusius consul missus
est. is finis populationibus fuit. cessere Aequi campis,
locoque magis quam armis freti summis se iugis mon-
tium tutabantur. alter consul in Volscos profectus, ne et 10
ipse tereret tempus, uastandis maxime agris hostem ad
conferenda propius castra dimicandumque acie exciuit.
medio inter castra campo ante suum quisque uallum in- 1 1
festis signis constitere. multitudine aliquantum Volsci
superabant, itaque etfusi et contemptim pugnam iniere.
consul Romanus nee promouit aciem, nee clamorem reddi 12
passus defixis pilis stare suos iussit; ubi ad manum
uenisset hostis, turn coortos tota ui gladiis rem gerere.
Volsci cursu et clamore fessi cum se uelut stupentibus 13
metu intulissent Romanis, postquam inpressionem sensere
ex aduerso factam, et ante oculos micare gladios, haud
secus quam si in insidias incidissent, turbati uertunt terga ;
et ne ad fugam quidem s^tis uirium fuit, quia cursu in
proelium ierant. Romani contra, quia principio pugnae 14
quieti steterant, uigentes corporibus facile adepti fessos et
castra impetu ceperunt, et castris exutum hostem Velitras
persecuti uno agmine uictores cum uictis in urbem inrupere.
plusque ibi sanguinis promiscua omnium generum caede 15
quam in ipsa dimicatione factum, paucis data uenia, qui
inermes in deditionem uenerunt.

31. Dum haec in Volscis geruntur, dictator Sabinos, 1
ubi longe plurimum belli fuerat, fundit fugatque, exuit
castris. equitatu inmisso mediam turbauerat hostium 2
aciem, quam, dum se cornua latius pandunt, parum apte
introrsum ordinibus firmauerant; turbatos pedes inuasit.
eodem impetu castra capta debellatumque est. post 3
pugnam ad Regillum lacum non alia illis annis pugna
clarior fuit. dictator triumphans urbem inuehitur. super

3—2

36 LIVI

solitos honores locus in circo ipsi posterisque ad specta-

4 culum datus, sella in eo loco curulis posita. Volscis
deuictis Veliternus ager ademptus, Velitras coloni ab

5 urbe missi et * colonia deducta. cum Aequis post aliquanto
pugnatum est inuito quidem consule, quia loco iniquo
subeundum erat ad hostes; sed milites extrahi rem
criminantes, ut dictator, priusquam ipsi redirent in urbem,
magistratu abiret, inritaque sicut ante consulis promissa
eius caderent, perpulere, ut forte temere in aduersos montis

6 agmen erigeret. id male commissum ignauia hostium in
bonum uertit, qui, priusquam ad coniectum teli ueniretur,
obstupefacti audacia Romanorum, relictis castris, quae
munitissimis tenuerant locis, in auersas ualles desiluere ;
ubi satis praedae et uictoria incruenta fuit.

7 Ita trifariam re bello bene gesta de domesticarum rerum
euentu nee patribus nee plebi cura decesserat; tanta cum
gratia turn arte praeparauerant feneratores, quae non modo

8 plebem sed ipsum etiam dictatdrem frustrarentur. namque
Valerius post Vetusi consulis reditum omnium actionum in
senatu primam habuit pro uictore populo, rettulitque, quid

9 de nexis fieri placeret. quae cum reiecta relatio esset, " non
placeo" inquit "concordiae auctor. optabitis, me dins
fidius, prope diem, ut mei similes Romana plebes patronos

io habeat. quod ad me attinet, neque frustrabor ultra ciues
meos, neque ipse frustra dictator ero. discordiae intestinae,
bellum externum fecere, ut hoc magistratu egeret res publica ;
pax foris parta est, domi inpeditur; priuatus potius quam
dictator seditioni interero." ita curia egressus dictatura se

ii abdicauit. apparuit causa plebi, suam uicem indignantem
magistratu abisse. itaque uelut persoluta fide, quoniam per
eum non stetisset, quin praestaretur, decedentem domura
cum fauore ac laudibus prosecuti sunt.

LIBER II CAP. 31, 32 37

494 B.C. The First Secession of the Plebs. Menenius A grip pets
parable. Terms of reconciliation — the institution of the
inviolable Tribunes of the Plebs.

32. Timor inde patres incessit, ne, si dimissus exercitus 1
foret, rursus coetus occulti coniu ration esque fierent. itaque,
quamquam per dictatorem dilectus habitus esset, tamen,
quoniam in consilium uerba iurassent, sacramento teneri
militem rati, per causam renouati ab Aequis belli educi ex
urbe legiones iussere. quo facto maturata est seditio. et 2
primo agitatum dicitur de consilium caede, ut soluerentur
sacramento; doctos deinde nullam scelere religionem
exsolui, Sicinio quodam auctore iniussu consulum in Sacrum
montem s-ecessisse. — trans Anienem amnem est, tria ab
urbe milia passuum. ea frequentior fama est quam cuius 3
Piso auctor est, in Auentinum secessionem factam esse. —
ibi sine ullo duce uallo fossaque communitis castris quieti, 4
rem nullam nisi necessariam ad uictum sumendo, per aliquot
dies neque lacessiti neque lacessentes sese tenuere. pauor 5
ingens in urbe metuque mutuo suspensa erant omnia,
timere relicta ab suis plebes uiolentiam patrum, timere
patres residem in urbe plebem, incerti, manere earn an
abire mallent. quamdiu autem tranquillam quae secesserit 6
multitudinem fore ? quid futurum deinde, si quod externum
interim bellum existat? nullam profecto nisi in concordia 7
ciuium spem reliquam ducere : earn per aequa per iniqua
reconciliandam ciuitati esse, sic placuit igitur oratorem 8
ad plebem mitti, Menenium Agrippam, facundum uirum
et, quod inde oriundus erat, plebi carum.

Is intromissus in castra, prisco illo dicendi et horrido
modo nihil aliud quam hoc narrasse fertur : tempore quo 9
in homine, non ut nunc, omnia in unum consentientia,
sed singulis membris suum cuique consilium, suus sermo

38 LIVI

fuerit, indignatas reliquas partes sua cura, suo labore ac
ministerio uentri omnia quaeri, uentrem in medio quietum

i o nihil aliud quam datis uoluptatibus frui; conspirasse inde,
ne manus ad os cibum ferrent, nee os acciperet datum,
nee dentes quae conficerent. hac ira dum uentrem fame
domare uellent, ipsa una membra totumque corpus ad

n extremam tabem uenisse. inde apparuisse uentris quoque
haud segne ministerium esse, nee magis ali quam alere
eum redden tern in omnis corporis partes hunc, quo uiuimus
uigemusque, diuisum pariter in uenas maturum confecto

12 cibo sanguinem. conparando hinc, quam intestina corporis
seditio similis esset irae plebis in patres, flexisse mentes
hominum.
i 33. Agi deinde de concordia coeptum, concessumque
in condiciones, ut plebi sui magistratus essent sacrosancti,
quibus auxilii latio aduersus consules esset, neue cui patrum

2 capere eum magistratum liceret. ita tribuni plebei creati
duo, C. Licinius et L. Albinus. hi tres collegas sibi
creauerunt. in his Sicinium fuisse seditionis auctorem j

3 de duobus qui fuerint minus conuenit. sunt qui duos
tantum in Sacro monte creatos tribunos esse dicant, ibique
sacratam legem latam.

493 B.C. Treaty with the Latins. Another Volscian War.
Story of Cn. Marcius Coriolanus at Corioli. Death of
Menenius Agrippa.

Per secessionem plebis Sp. Cassius et Postumus Co-

4 minius consulatum inierunt. eis consulibus cum Latinis
populis ictum foedus. ad id feriendum consul alter Romae
mansit; alter ad Volscum bellum missus Antiates Volscos
fundit fugatque ; conpulsos in oppidum Longulam persecutus,

5 moenibus potitur. inde protinus Poluscam item Volscorum

LIBER II. CAP. 32—34 39

cepit, turn magna ui adortus est Coriolos. erat turn in
castris inter primores iuuenum Cn. Marcius, adulescens et
consilio et manu promptus, cui cognomen postea Coriolano
fuit. cum subito exercitum Romanum Coriolos obsidentem 6
atque in oppidanos, quos intus clausos habebat, intentum
sine ullo metu extrinsecus inminentis belli Volscae legiones
profectae ab Antio inuasissent, eodemque tempore ex oppido
erupissent hostes, forte in statione Marcius fuit. is cum 7
delecta militum manu non modo impetum erumpentium
retudit, sed per patentem portam ferox inrupit, caedeque
in proximo urbis facta ignem temere arreptum inminentibus
muro aedificiis iniecit. clamor inde oppidanorum, mixtus 8
muliebri puerilique ploratu, ad terrorem, ut solet, primum
orto, et Romanis auxit animum et turbauit Volscos, ut-
pote capta urbe, cui ad ferendam opem uenerant. ita fusi 9
Volsci Antiates, Corioli oppidum captum. tantumque sua
laude obstitit famae consulis Marcius, ut, nisi foedus cum
Latinis in columna aenea insculptum monumento esset,
ab Sp. Cassio uno, quia collega afuerat, ictum, Postumum
Cominium bellum gessisse cum Volscis memoria cessisset.

Eodem anno Agrippa Menenius moritur, uir omni in 10
uita pariter patribus ac plebi cams, post secessionem carior
plebi factus. huic interpreti arbitroque concordiae ciuium, n
legato patrum ad plebem, reductori plebis Romanae in
urbem, sumptus funeri defuit. extulit eum plebs sextanti-
bus conlatis in capita.

Dearth of corn; sufferings of the people ; cruel proposal of
Coriolauus ; his trial and banishment ; he joins the Volsci.

34. Consules deinde T. Geganius P. Minucius facti. 1
eo anno cum et foris quieta omnia a bello essent et domi
sanata discordia, aliud multo grauius malum ciuitatem 2

40 LI VI

inuasit, caritas primum annonae ex incultis per secessionem

3 plebis agris, fames deinde, qualis clausis solet. uentumque
ad interitum seruitiorum utique et plebis esset, ni consules
prouidissent, dimissis passim ad frumentum coemendum
non in Etruriam modo, dextris ab Ostia litoribus, laeuoque
per Volscos mari usque ad Cumas, sed in Siciliam quoque ;
adeo finitimorum odia longinquis coegerant indigere auxiliis.

4 frumentum Cumis cum coemptum esset, naues pro bonis
Tarquiniorum ab Aristodemo tyranno, qui heres erat,
retentae sunt, in Volscis Pomptinoque ne emi quidem
potuit; periculum quoque ab impetu hominum ipsis fru-

5 mentatoribus fuit. ex Tuscis frumentum Tiberi uenit; eo
sustenta est plebs. incommodo bello in tarn artis com-
meatibus uexati forent, ni Volscos iam mouentes arma

6 pestilentia ingens inuasisset. ea clade conterritis hostium
animis, ut etiam, ubi ea remisisset, terrore aliquo tenerentur,
et Velitris auxere numerum colonorum Romani, et Norbam
in montis nouam coloniam, quae arx in Pomptino esset,
miserunt.

7 M. Minucio deinde et A. Sempronio consulibus magna
uis frumenti ex Sicilia aduecta, agitatumque in senatu,

8 quanti plebi daretur. multi uenisse tempus premendae
plebis putabant recuperandique iura, quae extorta seces-

9 sione ac ui patribus essent. in primis Marcius Coriolanus,
hostis tribuniciae potestatis, " si annonam " inquit " ueterem
uolunt, ius pristinum reddant patribus. cur ego plebeios
magistratus, cur Sicinium potentem uideo, sub iugum

i o missus, tamquam ab latronibus redemptus? egone has
indignitates diutius patiar quam necesse est ? Tarquinium
regem qui non tulerim, Sicinium feram? secedat nunc,
auocet plebem ; patet uia in Sacrum montem aliosque
colles. rapiant frumenta ex agris, quern ad modum
tertio anno rapuere. fruantur annona, quam furore suo

LIBER II. CAP. 34, 35 41

fecere. audeo dicere hoc malo domitos ipsos potius 1 1
cultores agrorum fore, quam ut armati per secessionem
coli prohibeant." haud tam facile dictu est, faciendumne 12
fuerit, quam potuisse arbitror fieri, ut condicionibus laxandi
annonam et tribuniciam potestatem et omnia inuitis iura
inposita patres demerent sibi.

35. £t senatui nimis atrox uisa sententia est, et 1
plebem ira prope armauit : fame se iam sicut hostes peti,
cibo uictuque fraudari; peregrinum frumentum, quae sola
alimenta ex insperato fortuna dederit, ab ore rapi, nisi
Gnaeo Marcio uincti dedantur tribuni, nisi de tergo plebis
Romanae satisfiat. eum sibi carnificem nouum exortum,
qui aut mori aut seruire iubeat. in exeuntem e curia 2
impetus factus esset, ni peropportune tribuni diem dixissent.
ibi ira est suppressa : se iudicem quisque, se dominum
uitae necisque inimici factum uidebat. contemptim primo 3
Marcius audiebat minas tribunicias : auxilii non poenae
ius datum illi potestati, plebisque non patrum tribunos
esse, sed adeo infensa erat coorta plebs, ut unius poena
defungendum esset patribus. restiterunt tamen aduersa 4
inuidia, usique sunt qua suis quisque, qua totius ordinis
uiribus. ac primo temptata res est, si dispositis clientibus
absterrendo singulos a coitionibus conciliisque disicere
rem possent. uniuersi deinde processere — quidquid erat 5
patrum reos diceres — precibus plebem exposcentes, unum
sibi ciuem, unum senatorem, si innocentem absoluere
nollent, pro nocente donarent. ipse cum die dicta non 6
adesset, perseueratum in ira est. damnatus absens in
Volscos exulatum abiit, minitans patriae hostilesque iam
turn spiritus gerens. uenientem Volsci benigne excepere,
benigniusque in dies colebant, quo maior ira in suos
eminebat crebraeque nunc querellae nunc minae per-
cipiebantur. hospitio utebatur Attii Tullii. longe is turn 7

42 LI VI

princeps Volsci nominis erat, Romanisque semper infestus.
ita cum alterum uetus odium, alterum ira recens stimularet,
8 consilia conferunt de Romano bello. haud facile credebant
plebem suam inpelli posse, ut totiens infeliciter temptata
arma caperent. multis saepe bellis, pestilentia postremo
amissa iuuentute fractos spiritus esse; arte agendum in
exoleto iam uetustate odio, ut recenti aliqua ira exacer-
barentur animi.

Special games miraculously commanded at Rome.

i 36. Ludi forte ex instauratione magni Romae para-
bantur. instaurandi haec causa fuerat : ludis mane seruum
quidam pater familiae nondum commisso spectaculo sub
furca caesum medio egerat circo. coepti inde ludi, uelut

2 ea res nihil ad religionem pertinuisset. haud ita multo
post Tito Latinio, de plebe homini, somnium fuit uisus
Iuppiter dicere sibi ludis praesultatorem displicuisse ; nisi
magnifice instaurarentur ei ludi, periculum urbi fore; iret,

3 ea consulibus nuntiaret. quamquam haud sane liber erat
religione animus, uerecundia tamen maiestatis magistratuum

4 uicit, ne in ora hominum pro ludibrio abiret. magno illi ea
cunctatio stetit ; filium namque intra paucos dies amisit.
cuius repentinae cladis ne causa dubia esset, aegro animi
eadem ilia in somnis obuersata species uisa est rogitare,
satin magnam spreti numinis haberet mercedem ; maiorem

5 instare, ni eat propere ac nuntiet consulibus. iam prae-
sentior res erat. cunctantem tamen ac prolatantem ingens

6 uis morbi adorta est debilitate subita. tunc enimuero
deorum ira admonuit. fessus igitur malis praeteritis in-
stantibusque, consilio propinquorum adhibito cum uisa
atque audita et obuersatum totiens somno Iouein, minas
irasque caelestes repraesentatas casibus suis exposuisset,

LIBER II. CAP. 35-37 43

consensu inde haud dubio omnium qui aderant in forum ad
consules lectica defertur. inde in curiam iussu consulum 7
delatus eadem ilia cum patribus ingenti omnium admira-
tione enarrasset, ecce aliud miraculum : qui captus omni- 8
bus membris delatus in curiam esset, eum functum officio
pedibus suis domum redisse traditum memoriae est.

The Vols dans flock to Rome to attend them. Their leader
At tins Tullius contrives that they shall be insulted and
inflames their resentment j so they make war npon Rome.

37. Ludi quam amplissimi ut fierent, senatus decreuit. 1
ad eos ludos auctore Attio Tullio uis magna Volscorum
uenit. priusquam committerentur ludi, Tullius, ut domi 2
compositum cum Marcio fuerat, ad consules uenit; dicit
esse, quae secreto agere de re publica uelit. arbitris remotis 3
"inuitus" inquit "quod sequius sit de meis ciuibus loquor.
non tamen admissum quicquam ab eis criminatum uenio,
sed cautum, ne admittant. nimio plus quam uelim nostro- 4
rum ingenia sunt mobilia. multis id cladibus sensimus, 5
quippe qui non nostro merito sed uestra patientia incolumes
simus. magna hie nunc Volscorum multitudo est; ludi
sunt ; spectaculo intenta ciuitas erit. memini, quid per 6
eandem occasionem ab Sabinorum iuuentute in hac urbe
commissum sit. horret animus, ne quid inconsulte ac
temere fiat, haec nostra uestraque causa prius dicenda
uobis, consules, ratus sum. quod ad me attinet, extemplo 7
hinc domum abire in animo est, ne cuius facti dictiue
contagione praesens uioler." haec locutus abiit. consules 8
cum ad patres rem dubiam sub auctore certo detulissent,
auctor magis, ut fit, quam res ad praecauendum uel ex
superuacuo mouit ; factoque senatus consulto, ut urbem
excederent Volsci, praecones dimittuntur, qui omnes eos

44 IIV1

9 proficisci ante noctem iuberent. ingens pauor primo dis-
currentes ad suas res tollendas in hospitia perculit. pro-
ficiscentibus deinde indignatio oborta, se lit consceleratos
contaminatosque ab ludis, festis diebus, coetu quodam
modo hominum deorumque abactos esse.

i 38. Cum prope continuato agmine irent, praegressus
Tullius ad caput Ferentinum, ut quisque ueniret, primores
eorum excipiens querendo indignandoque, et eos ipsos,
sedulo audientes secunda irae uerba, et per eos multitu-

2 dinem aliam in subiectum uiae campum deduxit. ibi in
contionis modum orationem exorsus, ueteres populi Romani
iniurias cladesque gentis Volscorum commemorauit. Tu?n,
"ut omnia " inquit " obliuiscamini alia, hodiernam hanc
contumeliam quo tandem animo fertis, qua per nostram

3 ignominiam ludos commisere ? an non sensistis triumpha-
tum hodie de uobis esse ? uos omnibus, ciuibus peregrinis,
tot finitimis populis, spectaculo abeuntes fuisse ; uestras

4 coniuges, uestros liberos traductos per ora hominum ? quid
eos, qui audiuere uocem praeconis, quid, qui nos uidere
abeuntes, quid eos, qui huic ignominioso agmini fuere obuii,
existimasse putatis, nisi aliquod profecto nefas esse ? quod,
si intersimus spectaculo, uiolaturi simus ludos piaculumque
merituri, ideo nos ab sede piorum coetu concilioque abigi ?

5 quid deinde? illud non succurrit, uiuere nos, quod matu-
rarimus proficisci? — si hoc profectio et non fuga est. et
hanc urbem uos non hostium ducitis, ubi si unum diem
morati essetis, moriendum omnibus fuit? bellum uobis
indictum est, — magno eorum malo, qui indixere, si uiri

6 estis." ita et sua sponte irarum pleni et incitati domos inde
digressi sunt, instigandoque suos quisque populos effecere,
ut omne Volscum nomen deficeret.

LIBER II. CAP. 37—39 45

Tidlius and Coriolanus lead the Volscians, after a campaign
of miraculous triumph in Latium, to Rome, where they
reject all entreaties for peace; the Plebs refuse to fight;
but Coriolanus retreats in deference to the entreaties of the
matrons, headed by his mother.

39. Imperatores ad id bellum de omnium populorum i
sententia lecti Attius Tullius et Cn. Marcius, exul Romanus,
in quo aliquanto plus spei repositum. quam spem nequa- 2
quam fefellit,' ut facile appareret ducibus ualidiorem quam
exercitu rem Romanam esse. Cerceios profectus primum
colonos inde Romanos expulit, liberamque earn urbem
Volscis tradidit. inde in Latinam uiam transuersis trami- 3
tibus transgressus Satricum Longulam Poluscam Coriolos
Mugillam, haec Romanis oppida ademit. inde Lauinium 4
recepit, turn deinceps Corbionem Vitelliam Trebium Labicos
Pedum cepit. postremum ad urbem a Pedo ducit, et ad 5
fossas Cluilias quinque ab urbe milia passuum castris positis
populatur inde agrum Romanum, custodibus inter popu- 6
latores missis, qui patriciorum agros intactos seruarent, siue
infensus plebi, siue ut discordia inde inter patres plebemque
oreretur. quae profecto orta esset — adeo tribuni iam ferocem 7
per se plebem criminando in primores ciuitatis instigabant,
— sed externus timor, maximum concordiae uinculum,
quamuis suspectos infensosque inter se iungebat animos.
id modo non conueniebat, quod senatus consulesque nus- 8
quam alibi spem quam in armis ponebant, plebes omnia
quam bellum malebat.

Sp. Nautius iam et Sex. Furius consules erant. eos 9
recensentes legiones, praesidia per muros aliaque, in quibus
stationes uigiliasque esse placuerat, loca distribuentes multi-
tudo ingens pacem poscentium primum seditioso clamore
conterruit, deinde uocare senatum, referre de legatis ad Cn.

46 LI VI

10 Marcium mittendis cocgit. acceperunt relationem patres,
postquam apparuit labare plebis animos ; missique de pace

1 1 ad Marcium oratores. atrox responsum rettulerunt : si
Volscis ager redderetur, posse agi de pace : si praeda belli
per otium frui uelint, memorem se et ciuium iniuriae et
hospitum benencii adnisurum, ut appareat exilio sibi in-

12 ritatos, non fractos animos esse, iterum deinde idem missi
non recipiuntur in castra. sacerdotes quoque, suis insigni-
bus uelatos, isse supplices ad castra hostium traditum est ;
nihilo magis quam legatos flexisse animum.

1 40. Turn matronae ad Veturiam, matrem Coriolani,
Volumniamque uxorem frequentes coeunt. id publicum

2 consilium an muliebris timor fuerit, parum inuenio ; per-
uicere certe, ut et Veturia magno natu mulier et Volumnia
duos parvos ex Marcio ferens filios secum in castra hostium
irent, et, quoniam armis uiri defendere urbem non possent,

3 mulieres precibus lacrimisque defenderent. ubi ad castra
uentum est, nuntiatumque Coriolano est adesse ingens
mulierum agmen, primo, ut qui nee publica maiestate in
legatis nee in sacerdotibus tanta offusa oculis animoque
religion e motus esset, multo obstinatior aduersus lacrumas

4 muliebres erat. dein familiarium quidam, qui insignem
maestitia inter ceteras cognouerat Veturiam, inter nurum
nepotesque stantem, "nisi me frustrantur" inquit "oculi,

5 mater tibi coniunxque et liberi adsunt." Coriolanus prope
ut amens consternatus ab sede sua cum ferret matri obuiae
conplexum, mulier in iram ex precibus uersa " sine, prius-
quam conplexum accipio, sciam " inquit " ad hostem an ad

6 filium uenerim, captiua materne in castris tuis sim. in hoe
me longa uita et infelix senecta traxit, ut exulem te, deinde
hostem uiderem? potuisti populari hanc terrain, quae te

7 genuit atque aluit? non tibi, quamuis infesto animo et
minaci perueneras, ingredienti fines ira cecidit? non, cum

LIBER IL CAP. 39, 40 47

in conspectu Roma fuit, succurrit * intra ilia moenia domus
ac penates mei sunt, mater, coniunx liberique'? ergo ego 8
nisi peperissem, Roma non oppugnaretur ; nisi filium habe-
rem, libera in libera patria mortua essem. sed ego nihil
iam pati, nee tibi turpius z^yquam nee mihi miserius, possum,
nee, ut sum miserrima, diu futura sum : de his uideris, quos, 9
si pergis, aut inmatura mors aut longa seruitus manet."
uxor deinde ac liberi amplexi fletusque ab omni turba
mulierum ortus et conploratio sui patriaeque fregere tandem
uirum. conplexus inde suos dimittit; ipse retro ab urbe 10
castra mouit. abductis deinde legionibus ex agro Romano
inuidia rei oppressum perisse tradunt alii alio leto. apud
Fabium, longe antiquissimum auctorem, usque ad senectu-
tem uixisse eundem inuenio; refert certe hanc saepe eum 11
exacta aetate usurpasse uocem, multo miserius seni exilium
esse, non inuiderunt laude sua mulieribus uiri Romani, —
adeo sine obtrectatione gloriae alienae uiuebatur, — monu- 12
mentoque quod esset, templum Fortunae Muliebri aedifi-
catum dedicatumque est.

Rediere deinde Volsci adiunctis Aequis in agrum
Romanum, sed Aequi Attium Tullium haud ultra tulere
ducem. hinc ex certamine, Volsci Aequine imperatorem 13
coniuncto exercitui darent, seditio, deinde atrox proelium
ortum. ibi fortuna populi Romani duos hostium exercitus
haud minus pernicioso quam pertinaci certamine confecit.

Consules Titus Sicinius et C. Aquilius. Sicinio Volsci, 14
Aquilio Hernici — nam ei quoque in armis erant — prouincia
euenit. eo anno Hernici deuicti, cum Volscis aequo Marte
discessum est.

48 LI VI

488 [more probably 486] B.C. The Agrarian Law proposed by
Sp. Cassius, opposed by his colleagues his trial and con-
demnation.

1 41. Sp. Cassius deinde et Proculus Verginius con-
sules facti. cum Hernicis foedus ictum, agri partes duae
ademptae. inde dimidium Latinis, dimidium plebi diuisurus

2 consul Cassius erat. adiciebat huic muneri agri aliquantum,
quern publicum possideri a priuatis criminabatur. id '
multos quidem patrum, ipsos possessores, periculo rerum
suarum terrebat. sed et publica patribus sollicitudo inerat,

3 largitione consulem periculosas libertati opes struere. turn
primum lex agraria promulgata est, numquam deinde
usque ad hanc memoriam sine maximis motibus rerum

4 agitata, consul alter largitioni resistebat auctoribus patribus
nee omni plebe aduersante, quae primo coeperat fastidire

5 munus uolgatum a ciuibus exisse in socios; saepe deinde
et Verginium consulem in contionibus uelut uaticinantem
audiebat pestilens collegae munus esse, agros illos seruitutem

6 eis qui acceperint laturos, regno uiam fieri, quid ita enim
adsumi socios et nomen Latinum, quid attinuisse Hernicis,
paulo ante hostibus, capti agri partem tertiam reddi, nisi ut

7 eae gentes pro Coriolano duce Cassium habeant ? popularis
iam esse dissuasor et intercessor legis agrariae coeperat.
uterque deinde consul ut certatim plebi indulgere. Ver-
ginius dicere passurum se adsignari agros, dum ne cui

8 nisi ciui Romano adsignentur ; Cassius, quia in agraria
largitione ambitiosus in socios eoque ciuibus uilior erat,
ut alio munere sibi reconciliaret ciuium animos, iubere
pro Siculo frumento pecuniam acceptam retribui populo.

9 id uero haud secus quam praesentem mercedem regni
aspernata plebes; adeo propter suspicion em insitam regni,

to uelut abundarent omnia, munera eius respuebantur. quern,

LIBER II. CAP. 41, 42 49

ubi primum magistratu abiit, damnatum necatumque con-
stat, sunt qui patrem auctorem eius supplicii ferant : eum
cognita domi causa uerberasse ac necasse, peculiumque
filii Cereri consecrauisse ; signum inde factum esse et
inscriptum "ex Cassia familia datum." inuenio apud n
quosdam, idque propius fidem est, a quaestoribus Caesone
Fabio et L. Valerio diem dictam perduellionis, damna-
tumque populi iudicio, dirutas publice aedes. ea est area
ante Telluris aedem. ceterum, siue illud domesticum siue 12
publicum fuit iudicium, damnatur Seruio Cornelio Q. Fabio
consulibus.

Conflicts with the Volsci and Aequij discontent of the
Plebsj condemnation of a Vestal.

42. Haud diuturna ira populi in Cassium fuit. dul- 1
cedo agrariae legis ipsa per se dempto auctore subibat
animos ; accensaque ea cupiditas est malignitate patrum,
qui deuictis eo anno Volscis Aequisque militem praeda
fraudauere. quidquid captum ex hostibus est, uendidit 2
Fabius consul ac redegit in publicum, inuisum erat Fabium
nomen plebi propter nouissimum consulem ; tenuere tamen
patres, ut cum L. Aemilio Caeso Fabius consul crearetur.
eo infestior facta plebes seditione domestica bellum ex- 3
ternum exciuit. bello deinde ciuiles discordiae intermissae.
uno animo patres ac plebs rebellantes Volscos et Aequos
duce Aemilio prospera pugna uicere. plus tamen hostium 4
fuga quam proelium absumpsit; adeo pertinaciter fusos
insecuti sunt equites. Castoris aedes eodem anno idibus 5
Quintilibus dedicata est. uota erat Latino bello a Postumio
dictatore. nlius eius duumuir ad id ipsum creatus dedi-
cauit.

Sollicitati et eo anno sunt dulcedine agrariae legis 6
animi plebis. tribuni plebi popularem potestatem lege
c. l. 11. 4

50 LI VI

populari celebrabant ; patres satis superque gratuili furoris
in multitudine credentes esse, largitiones temeritatisque
inuitamenta horrebant. acerrimi patribus duces ad resis-

7 tendum consules fuere. ea igitur pars rei publicae uicit,
nee in praesens modo, sed in uenientem etiam annum
M. Fabium, Caesonis fratrem, et magis inuisum alterum
plebi accusatione Sp. Cassii L. Valerium consules dedit.

8 certatum eo quoque anno cum tribunis est. uana lex
uanique legis auctores iactando inritum munus facti.
Fabium inde nomen ingens post tres continuos consulates
unoque uelut tenore omnes expertos tribuniciis certaminibus
habitum. itaque ut bene locatus mansit in ea familia
aliquamdiu honos. bellum inde Veiens initum ; et Volsci

9 rebellarunt. sed ad bella externa prope supererant uires,
io abutebanturque eis inter semet ipsos certando. accessere

ad aegras iam omnium mentes prodigia caelestia, prope
cotidianas in urbe agrisque ostentantia minas ; motique
ita numinis causam nullam aliam uates canebant publice
priuatimque, nunc extis nunc per aues consulti, quam haud
ii rite sacra fieri, qui terrores tandem eo euasere, ut Oppia
uirgo Vestalis damnata incesti poenas dederit.

Wars with the Aequi and with Veii. Victo?y of the Consul
Fabius, in spite of the insubordination of his troops,

i 43. Q- Fabius inde et C. Iulius consules facti. eo
anno non segnior discordia domi et bellum foris atrocius
fuit. ab Aequis arma sumpta. Veientes agrum quoque
Romanorum populantes inierunt. quorum bellorum cre-
scente cura Caeso Fabius et Sp. Furius consules fiunt.

2 Ortonam, Latinam urbem, Aequi oppugnabant; Veientes,
pleni iam populationum, Romam ipsam se oppugnaturos

3 minabantur. qui terrores cum conpescere deberent, auxere

LIBER II CAP. 42, 43 51

insuper animos plebis; redieratque non sua sponte plebi
mos detractandi militiam, sed Spurius Licinius tribunus
plebis uenisse tempus ratus per ultimam necessitatem legis
agrariae patribus iniungendae, susceperat rem militarem
imjSediendam. ceterum tota inuidia tribuniciae potestatis 4
uersa in auctorem est; nee in eum consules acrius quam
ipsius collegae coorti sunt, auxilioque eorum dilectum
consules habent. ad duo simul bella exercitus scribitur : 5
ducendus Fabio in Veientes, in Aequos Furio datur. et
in Aequis quidem nihil dignum memoria gestum est;
Fabio aliquanto plus negotii cum ciuibus quam cum hos- 6
tibus fuit. unus ille uir, ipse consul, rem publicam sustinuit,
quam exercitus odio consulis, quantum in se fuit, prodebat.
nam cum consul praeter ceteras imperatorias artes, quas 7
parando gerendoque bello edidit plurimas, ita instruxisset
aciem, ut solo equitatu emisso exercitum hostium funderet,
insequi fusos pedes noluit. nee illos, etsi non adhortatio 8
inuisi ducis, suum saltern flagitium et publicum in praesentia
dedecus, postmodo periculum, si animus hosti redisset,
cogere potuit gradum accelerare, aut, si aliud nihil, stare
instructos. iniussu signa referunt, maestique — crederes 9
uictos — execrantes nunc imperatorem nunc nauatam ab
equite operam redeunt in castra. nee huic tarn pestilenti 10
exemplo remedia ulla ab imperatore quaesita sunt; adeo
excellentibus ingeniis citius defuerit ars, qua ciuem regant,
quam qua hostem superent. consul Romam rediit non n
tarn belli gloria aucta quam inritato exacerbatoque in se
militum odio. obtinuere tamen patres, ut in Fabia gente
consulates maneret: M. Fabium consulem creant, Fabio
collega Gnaeus Manlius datur.

J J VI

Discord is revived by another agrarian proposal, and the levy
is held only by the help of some of the tribunes. The
Etruscans flock to support the Veientines, in the hope of
attacking Rome in the moment of her weakness.

i 44. Et hie annus tribunum auctorem legis agrariae
habuit : Ti. Pontificius fuit. is eandem uiam, uelut pro-
cessisset Sp. Licinio, ingressus dilectum paulisper impediit.

2 perturbatis iterum patribus Appius Claudius uictam tri-
buniciam potestatem dicere priore anno, in praesentia re,
exemplo in perpetuum, quando inuentum sit suis ipsam

3 uiribus dissolui. neque enim umquam defuturum, qui et
ex collega uictoriam sibi et gratiam melioris partis bono
publico uelit quaesitam ; et plures, si pluribus opus sit,
tribunos ad auxilium consulum paratos fore, et unum uel

4 aduersus omnes satis esse, darent modo et consules et
primores patrum operam, ut, si minus omnes, aliquos tamen

5 ex tribunis rei publicae ac senatui conciliarent. praeceptis
Appii moniti patres et uniuersi comiter ac benigne tribunos
appellare, et consulares, ut cuique eorum priuatim aliquid
iuris aduersus singulos erat, partim gratia partim auctoritate
obtinuere, ut tribuniciae potestatis uires salubres uellent

6 rei publicae esse ; nouemque tribunorum aduersus unum
moratorem publici commodi auxilio dilectum consules

7 habent. inde ad Veiens bellum profecti, quo undique ex
Etruria auxilia conuenerant, non tarn Veientium gratia
concitata, quam quod in spem uentum erat discordia in-

8 testina dissolui rem Romanam posse. principesque in
omnium Etruriae populorum conciliis fremebant aeternas
opes esse Romanas, nisi inter semet ipsi seditionibus
saeuiant. id unum uenenum, earn labem ciuitatibus opu-

9 lentis repertam, ut magna imperia mortalia essent. diu
sustentatum id malum partim patrum consiiiis partim

LIBER II. CAP. 44, 45 53

patientia plebis iam ad extrema uenisse. duas ciuitates
ex una factas, suos cuique parti magistratus, suas leges
esse, primum in dilectibus saeuire solitos, eosdem in bello 10
tamen paruisse ducibus. qualicumque urbis statu manente
disciplina militari sisti potuisse; iam non parendi magis-
tratibus morem in castra quoque Romanum militem sequi.
proximo bello in ipsa acie, in ipso certamine consensu 11
exercitus traditam ultro uictoriam uictis Aequis, signa
deserta, imperatorem in acie relictum, iniussu in castra
reditum. profecto, si instetur, suo milite uinci Romam 12
posse, nihil aliud opus esse quam indici ostendique bellum,
cetera sua sponte fata et deos gesturos. hae spes Etruscos
armauerant multis in uicem casibus uictos uictoresque.

War with Veii. Prudent handling of the disaffected army by
the Consuls Manlius and Fabius. At length the soldiers
demand a battle. The bravery of the Fabii.

45. Consules quoque Romani nihil praeterea aliud 1
quam suas uires, sua arma horrebant. memoria pessimi
proximo bello exempli terrebat, ne rem committerent eo,
ubi duae simul acies timendae essent. itaque castris se 2
tenebant tarn ancipiti periculo auersi : diem tempusque
forsitan ipsum leniturum iras sanitatemque animis adla-
turum. Veiens hostis Etruscique eo magis praepropere 3
agere, lacessere ad pugnam primo obequitando castris
prouocandoque, postremo, ut nihil mouebant, qua consules
ipsos qua exercitum increpando : simulationem intestinae 4
discordiae remedium timoris inuentum, et consules magis
non confidere quam non credere suis militibus. nouum
seditionis genus silentium otiumque inter armatos. ad
haec in nouitatem generis originisque qua falsa qua uera
iacere. haec cum sub ipso uallo portisque streperent, haud 5
aegre consules pati. at inperitae multitudini nunc indig-

54 LIVI

natio, nunc pudor pectora uersare et ab intestinis auertere
malis; nolle inultos hostes, nolle successum non patribus
non consulibus ; externa et domestica odia certare in animis.

6 tandem superant externa ; adeo superbe insolenterque hostis
eludebat. frequentes in praetorium conueniunt, poscunt

7 pugnam, postulant, ut signum detur. consules uelut de-
liberabundi capita conferunt, diu conlocuntur. pugnare
cupiebant, sed retro reuocanda et abdenda cupiditas erat,
ut aduersando remorandoque incitato semel militi adderent

8 impetum. redditur responsum inmaturam rem agi, nondum
tempus pugnae esse; castris se tenerent. edicunt inde, ut
abstineant pugna ; si quis iniussu pugnauerit, ut in hostem

9 animaduersuros. ita dimissis, quo minus consules uelle
credunt, crescit ardor pugnandi. accendunt insuper hostes
ferocius multo, ut statuisse non pugnare consules cognitum

to est : quippe inpune se insultaturos, non credi militi arma,
rem ad ultimum seditionis erupturam, finemque uenisse
Romano imperio. his freti occursant portis, ingerunt probra,

ii aegre abstinent, quin castra oppugnent. enimuero non
ultra contumeliam pati Romanus posse; totis castris un-
dique ad consules curritur. non iam sensim, ut ante, per
centurionum principes postulant, sed passim omnes clamor-

1 2 ibus agunt. matura res erat, tergiuersantur tamen. Fabius
deinde, ad crescentem tumultum iam metu seditionis collega
concedente, cum silentium classico fecisset : "ego istos,
Cn. Manli, posse uincere scio; uelle ne scirem ipsi fece-

13 runt, itaque certum atque decretum est non dare signum,
nisi uictores se redituros ex hac pugna iurant. consulem
Romanum miles semel in acie fefellit, deos numquam
fallet." centurio erat M. Flauoleius inter primores pugnae

14 flagitator. "uictor" inquit, " M. Fabi, reuertar ex acie."
si fallat, Iouem patrem Gradiuumque Martem aliosque
iratos inuocat deos. idem deinceps omnis exercitus in se

LIBER II. CAP. 45, 46 55

quisque iurat. iuratis datur signum. arma capiunt; eunt
in pugnam irarum speique pleni. nunc iubent Etruscos 15
probra iacere, nunc armati sibi quisque lingua promptum
hostem offerri. omnium illo die, qua plebis qua patrum, 16
eximia uirtus fuit : Fabium nomen maxime enituit. multis
ciuilibus certaminibus infensos plebis animos ilia pugna sibi
reconciliare statuunt.

Bravery of Q. Fabius and the two Consuls, who secure a
hard-won victory ; the Consul Manlius is slain and his
colleague Marcus Fabius refuses a triumph.

46. Instruitur acies, nee Veiens hostis Etruscaeque 1
legiones detrectant. prope certa spes erat non magis
secum pugnaturos quam pugnarint cum Aequis; maius
quoque aliquod in tarn inritatis animis et occasione ancipiti
haud desperandum esse facinus. res aliter longe euenit. 2
nam non alio ante bello infestior Romanus — adeo hinc
contumeliis hostes, hinc consules mora exacerbauerant —
proelium iniit. uix explicandi ordines spatium Etruscis 3
fuit, cum pilis inter primam trepidationem abiectis temere
magis quam emissis pugna iam in manus, iam ad gladios,
ubi Mars est atrocissimus, uenerat. inter primores genus 4
Fabium insigne, spectaculo exemploque ciuibus erat. ex his
Quintum Fabium — tertio hie anno ante consul fuerat —
principem in confertos Veientes euntem ferox uiribus et
armorum arte Tuscus, incautum inter multas uersantem
hostium manus, gladio per pectus transfigit; telo extracto
praeceps Fabius in uolnus abiit. sensit utraque acies unius 5
uiri casum, cedebatque inde Romanus, cum M. Fabius
consul transiluit iacentis corpus, obiectaque parma "hoc
iurastis " inquit, " milites, fugientes uos in castra redituros ?
adeo ignauissimos hostis magis timetis quam Iouem Martem- 6
que, per quos iurastis ? at ego iniuratus aut uictor reuertar,

5 6 LI VI

aut prope te hie, Quinte Fabi, dimicans cadam." consuli
turn Caeso Fabius prions anni consul: "uerbisne istis, frater,

7 ut pugnent, te impetraturum credis? di impetrabunt, per
quos iurauere. et nos, ut decet proceres, ut Fabio nomine
est dignum, pugnando potius quam adhortando accendamus
militum animos." sic in primum infensis hastis prouolant
duo Fabii, totamque mouerunt secum aciem.

i 47. Proelio ex parte una restituto nihilo segnius in
cornu altero Cn. Manlius consul pugnam ciebat ; ubi prope

2 similis fortuna est uersata. nam ut altero in cornu Q. Fabium,
sic in hoc ipsum consulem Manlium iam uelut fusos agentem
hostis et inpigre milites secuti sunt, et, ut ille graui uolnere

3 ictus ex acie cessit, interfectum rati gradum rettulere; cessis-
sentque loco, ni consul alter cum aliquot turmis equitum in
earn partem citato equo aduectus, uiuere clamitans, collegam
se uictorem fuso altero cornu adesse, rem inclinatam sustinu-

4 isset. Manlius quoque ad restituendam aciem se ipse coram
offert. duorum consulum cognita ora accendunt militum
animos. simul et uanior iam erat hostium acies dum,
abundante multitudine freti, subtracta subsidia mittunt ad

5 castra oppugnanda. in quae haud magno certamine impetu
facto, cum praedae magis quam pugnae memores tererent
tempus, triarii Romani, qui primam inruptionem sustinere
non potuerant, missis ad consules nuntiis, quo loco res
essent, conglobati ad praetorium redeunt, et sua sponte ipsi

6 proelium renouant. et Manlius consul reuectus in castra
ad omnes portas milite opposito hostibus uiam clauserat.
ea desperatio Tuscis rabiem magis quam audaciam accendit.
nam cum incursantes quacumque exitum ostenderet spes
uano aliquotiens impetu issent, globus iuuenum unus in

7 ipsum consulem, insignem armis, inuadit. prima excepta
a circumstantibus tela, sustineri deinde uis nequit. consul

8 mortifero uolnere ictus cadit, fusique circa omnes. Tuscis

LIBER II. CAP. 46—48 57

crescit audacia, Romanos terror per tota castra trepidos
agit ; et ad extrema uentum foret, ni legati rapto consulis
corpore patefecissent una porta hostibus uiam. ea erum- 9
punt ; consternatoque agmine abeuntes in uictorem alteram
incidunt consulem. ibi iterum caesi fusique passim.

Victoria egregia parta, tristis tamen duobus tarn Claris
funeribus. itaque consul decernente senatu triumphum, si 10
exercitus sine imperatore triumphare possit, pro eximia eo
bello opera facile passurum respondit : se familia funesta
Quinti Fabi fratris morte, re publica ex parte orba [consule
altero amisso], publico priuatoque deformem luctu lauream
non accepturum. omni acto triumpho depositus triumphus n
clarior fuit; adeo spreta in tempore gloria interdum cumu-
latior rediit. funera deinde duo deinceps collegae fratrisque
ducit, idem in utroque laudator, cum concedendo illis suas
laudes ipse maximam partem earum ferret, neque inmemor 12
eius, quod initio consulatus inbiberat, reconciliandi animos
plebis, saucios milites curandos diuidit patribus. Fabiis
piurimi dati, nee alibi maiore cura habiti. inde populares
iam esse Fabii, nee hoc ulla re nisi salubri rei publicae
arte.

Caeso Fabins suggests a distribution of public land to the Plebs;
and undertakes ', on behalf of his gens > to carry on the Veientine
war.

48. Igitur non patrum magis quam plebis studiis 1
K. Fabius cum Tito Verginio consul factus neque belli .
neque dilectus neque ullam aliam priorem curam agere,
quam ut iam aliqua ex parte incohata concordiae spe
primo quoque tempore cum patribus coalescerent animi
plebis. itaque principio anni censuit, priusquam quisquam 2
agrariae legis auctor tribunus exsisteret, occuparent patres
ipsi suum munus facere, captiuum agrum plebi quam

58 LI VI

maxime aequaliter darent; uerum esse habere eos, quorum

3 sanguine ac sudore partus sit. aspernati patres sunt, questi
quoque quidam nimia gloria luxuriare et euanescere uiuidum
quondam illud Caesonis ingenium. nullae deinde urbanae

4 factiones mere, uexabantur incursionibus Aequorum Latini.
eo cum exercitu Caeso missus in ipsorum Aequorum agrum
depopulandum transit. Aequi se in oppida receperunt,
murisque se tenebant. eo nulla pugna memorabilis fuit.

5 At a Veiente hoste clades accepta temeritate alterius
consulis, actumque de exercitu foret, ni Caeso Fabius in
tempore subsidio uenisset. ex eo tempore neque pax
neque bellum cum Veientibus fuit : res proxime form am

6 latrocinii uenerat. legionibus Romanis cedebant in urbem :
ubi abductas senserant legiones, agros incursabant, bellum
quiete, quietem bello in uicem eludentes. ita neque omitti
tota res nee perfici poterat. et alia bella aut praesentia
instabant, ut ab Aequis Volscisque, non diutius quam recens
dolor proximae cladis transiret quiescentibus ; aut mox
moturos apparebat Sabinos semper infestos Etruriamque

7 omnem. sed Veiens hostis, adsiduus magis quam grauis,
contumeliis saepius quam periculo animos agitabat, quod

8 nullo tempore neglegi poterat aut auerti alio sinebat. turn
Fabia gens senatum adiit. consul pro gente loquitur :
"adsiduo magis quam magno praesidio, ut scitis, patres
conscripti, bellum Veiens eget. uos alia bella curate,
Fabios hostes Veientibus date, auctores sumus tutam ibi

9 maiestatem Romani nominis fore, nostrum id nobis uelut
familiare bellum priuato sumptu gerere in animo est : res
publica et milite illic et pecunia uacet." gratiae ingentes

io actae. consul e curia egressus comitante Fabiorum agmine,
qui in uestibulo curiae senatus consultum expectantes
steterant, domum redit. iussi armati postero die ad limen
consulis adesse ; domos inde discedunt.

LIBER II. CAP. 48, 49 59

The famous exploit of the Fabii, and its end.

49. Manat tota urbe rumor, Fabios ad caelum laudibus 1
ferunt : familiam unam subisse ciuitatis onus, Veiens bellum
in priuatam curam, in priuata arma uersum. si sint duae 2
roboris eiusdem in urbe gentes, deposcant haec Volscos
sibi, ilia Aequos, populo Romano tranquillam pacem agente
omnes finitimos subigi populos posse. Fabii postera die
arma capiunt, quo iussi erant conueniunt. consul paludatus 3
egrediens in uestibulo gentem omnem suam instructo agmine
uidet; acceptus in medium signa ferri iubet. numquam
exercitus neque minor numero neque clarior fama et ad-
miratione hominum per urbem incessit : VI et CCC milites, 4
omnes patricii, omnes unius gentis, quorum neminem ducem
sperneres, egregius quibuslibet temporibus senatus, ibant,
unius familiae uiribus Veienti populo pestem minitantes.
sequebatur turba, propria alia cognatorum sodaliumque, 5
nihil medium, nee spem nee curam, sed immensa omnia
uoluentium animo, alia publica sollicitudine excitata, fauore
et admiratione stupens. ire fortes, ire felices iubent, in- 6
ceptis euentus pares reddere ; consulatus inde ac triumphos,
omnia praemia ab se, omnes honores sperare. praetereun- 7
tibus Capitolium arcemque et alia templa, quidquid deorum
oculis, quidquid animo occurrit, precantur, ut illud agmen
faustum atque felix mittant, sospites breui in patriam ad
parentes restituant. in cassum missae preces. infelici uia, 8
dextro Iano portae Carmentalis profecti ad Cremeram
flumen perueniunt. is opportunus uisus locus communiendo
praesidio.

L. Aemilius inde et C. Seruilius consules facti. et 9
donee nihil aliud quam in populationibus res fuit, non ad
praesidium modo tutandum Fabii satis erant, sed tota
regione, qua Tnscus ager Romano adiacet, sua tuta omnia,

6o LTVI

io infesta hostium uagantes per utrumque finem fecere. in*
teruallum deinde haud magnum populationibus fuit, dum
et Veientes accito ex Etruria exercitu praesidium Cremerae
oppugnant, et Romanae legiones ab L. Aemilio consule
adductae comminus cum Etruscis dimicant acie ; quamquam

ii uix dirigendi aciem spatium Veientibus fuit; adeo inter
primam trepidationem, dum post signa ordines introeunt
subsidiaque locant, inuecta subito ab latere Romana equi-
tum ala non pugnae modo incipiendae sed consistendi

12 ademit locum, ita fusi retro ad Saxa Rubra — ibi castra
habebant — pacem supplices petunt; cuius impetratae ab
insita animis leuitate ante deductum Cremera Romanum
praesidium paenituit.
i 50. Rursus cum Fabiis erat Veienti populo sine ullo
maioris belli apparatu certamen, nee erant incursiones
modo in agros aut subiti impetus in incursantes, sed ali-

2 quotiens aequo campo conlatisque signis certatum, gensque
una populi Romani saepe ex opulentissima, ut turn res

3 erant, Etrusca ciuitate uictoriam tulit. id primo acerbum
indignumque Veientibus est uisum ; inde consilium ex re
natum insidiis ferocem hostem captandi. gaudere etiam

4 multo successu Fabiis audaciam crescere. itaque et pecora
praedantibus aliquotiens, uelut casu incidissent, obuiam
acta, et agrestium fuga uasti relicti agri, et subsidia arma-
torum ad arcendas populationes missa saepius simulato

5 quam uero pauore refugerunt. iamque Fabii adeo con-
tempserant hostem, ut sua inuicta arma neque loco neque
tempore ullo crederent sustineri posse, haec spes prouexit,
ut ad conspecta procul a Cremera magno campi interuallo
pecora, quamquam rara hostium apparebant arma, decur-

6 rerent. et cum inprouidi effuso cursu insidias circa ipsum
iter locatas superassent, palatique passim uaga, ut fit pauore
iniecto, raperent pecora, subito ex insidiis consurgitur, et

LIBER II. CAP. 49~5i 61

aduersi et undique hostes erant. primo clamor circumlatus 7
exterruit, dein tela ab omni parte accidebant ; coeuntibusque
Etruscis iam continenti agmine armatorum saepti, quo
magis se hostis inferebat, cogebantur breuiore spatio et
ipsi orbem colligere ; quae res et paucitatem eorum insignem 8
et multitudinem Etruscorum multiplicatis in arto ordinibus
faciebat. turn omissa pugna, quam in omnes partis parem 9
intenderant, in unum locum se omnes inclinant. eo nisi
corporibus armisque rupere cuneo uiam. duxit uia in 10
editum leniter collem. inde primo restitere; mox, ut
respirandi superior locus spatium dedit recipiendique a
pauore tanto animum, pepulere etiam subeuntes; uince-
batque auxilio loci paucitas, ni iugo circummissus Veiens
in uerticem collis euasisset. ita superior rursus hostis factus.
Fabii caesi ad unum omnes, praesidiumque expugnatum. n
trecentos sex perisse satis conuenit, unum prope puberem
aetate relictum, stirpem genti Fabiae dubiisque rebus po-
puli Romani saepe domi bellique uel maximum futurum
auxilium.

Fighting with Etruscans. Political trials at Rome.

51. Cum haec accepta clades est, iam C. Horatius et 1
T. Menenius consules erant. Menenius aduersus Tuscos
uictoria elatos confestim missus, turn quoque male pugna- 2
turn est, et Ianiculum hostes occupauere ; obsessaque urbs
foret super bellum annona premente — transierant enim
Etrusci Tiberim — , ni Horatius consul ex Volscis esset reuo-
catus \ adeoque id bellum ipsis institit moenibus, ut primo
pugnatum ad Spei sit aequo Marte, iterum ad portam Colli-
nam. ibi quamquam paruo momento superior Romana res 3
fuit, meliorem tamen militem recepto pristino animo in futura
proelia id certamen fecit.

62 LI VI

4 A. Verginius et Sp. Seruilius consules fiunt. post ac-
ceptam proxima pugna cladem Veientes abstinuere acie.
populationes erant, et uelut ab arce Ianiculo passim in
Romanum agrum impetus dabant. non usquam pecora

5 tuta, non agrestes erant. capti deinde eadem arte sunt,
qua ceperant Fabios. secuti dedita opera passim ad inlece-
bras propulsa pecora, praecipitauere in insidias. quo plures

6 erant, maior caedes fuit. ex hac clade atrox ira maioris
cladis causa atque initium fuit. traiecto enim nocte Tiberi
castra Seruili consulis adorti sunt oppugnare. inde fusi

7 magna caede in Ianiculum se aegre recepere. confestim
consul et ipse transit Tiberim, castra sub Ianiculo com-
munit. postero die luce orta nonnihil et hesterna felicitate
pugnae ferox, magis tamen quod inopia frumenti quamuis
in praecipitia, dum celeriora essent, agebat consilia, temere

8 aduerso Ianiculo ad castra hostium aciem erexit, foediusque
inde pulsus, quam pridie pepulerat, interuentu collegae ipse

9 exercitusque est seruatus. inter duas acies Etrusci, cum in
uicem his atque illis terga darent, occidione occisi. ita
oppressum temeritate felici Veiens bellum.

i 52. Urbi cum pace laxior etiam annona rediit et ad-
uecto ex Campania frumento, et postquam timor sibi cuique

2 futurae inopiae abiit eo, quod abditum fuerat, prolato. ex
copia deinde otioque lasciuire rursus animi et pristina mala,
postquam foris deerant, domi quaerere. tribuni plebem
agitare suo ueneno, agraria lege ; in resistentes incitare patres,

3 nee in uniuersos modo sed in singulos. Quintus Considius
et T. Genucius, auctores agrariae legis, T. Menenio diem
dicunt. inuidiae erat amissum Cremerae praesidium, cum

4 hand procul inde statiua consul habuisset. ea oppressit,
cum et patres haud minus quam pro Coriolano adnisi essent,

5 et patris Agrippae fauor hauddum exoleuisset. in multa
temperarunt tribuni : cum capitis anquisissent, duorum

LIBER II. CAP. 51—53 63

milium aeris damnato multam dixerunt. ea in caput uertit.
negant tulisse ignominiam aegritudinemque ; inde morbo
absumptum esse.

Alius deinde reus Sp. Seruilius, ut consulatu abiit, 6
C. Nautio et P. Valerio consulibus initio statim anni ab
L. Caedicio et T. Statio tribunis die dicta, non ut Menenius
precibus suis aut patrum, sed cum multa fiducia innocentiae
gratiaeque tribunicios impetus tulit. et huic proelium cum 7
Tuscis ad Ianiculum erat crimini. sed feruidi animi uir,
ut in publico periculo ante, sic turn in suo, non tribunos
modo sed plebem oratione feroci refutando exprobrandoque
T. Meneni damnationem mortemque, cuius patris munere
restituta quondam plebs eos ipsos, quibus turn saeuiret,
magistratus, eas leges haberet, periculum audacia discussit.
iuuit et Verginius collega testis productus participando 8
laudes, magis tamen Menenianum — adeo mutauerant ani-
mum — profuit iudicium.

Renewed fighting with Veientines and Sabinesj the Latins repel
a Volsciafi and Aequian foray. Excitement at Rome j two
further trials of ex-consuls stopped by the murder of the
tribune Genucius.

53. Certamina domi nnita. Veiens bellum exortum, 1
quibus Sabini arma coniunxerunt. P. Valerius consul accitis
Latinorum Hernicorumque auxiliis cum exercitu Veios missus
castra Sabina, quae pro moenibus sociorum locata erant,
confestim adgreditur, tantamque trepidationem iniecit, ut,
dum dispersi alii alia manipulatim excurrunt ad arcendam
hostium uim, ea porta, cui signa primum intulerat, caperetur.
intra uallum deinde caedes magis quam proelium esse. 2
tumultus e castris et in urbem penetrat : tamquam Veis captis
ita pauidi Veientes ad arma currunt. pars Sabinis eunt
subsidio, pars Romanos toto impetu intentos in castra

64 LI VI

3 adoriuntur. paulisper auersi turbatique sunt ; deinde et ipsi
utroque uersis signis resistunt, et eques ab consule inmissus
Tuscos fundit fugatque. eadem hora duo exercitus, duae
potentissimae et maximae finitumae gentes superatae sunt.

4 Dum haec ad Veios geruntur, Volsci Aequique in Latino
agro posuerant castra populatique fines erant. eos per se
ipsi Latini adsumptis Hernicis sine Romano aut duce aut

5 auxilio castris exuerunt. ingenti praeda praeter suas reci-
peratas res potiti sunt, missus tamen ab Roma consul in
Volscos C. Nautius. mos, credo, non placebat sine Romano
duce exercituque socios propriis uiribus consiliisque bella

6 gerere. nullum genus calamitatis contumeliaeque non edi-
tum in Volscos est, nee tamen perpelli potuere, ut acie
dimicarent.

i 54. L- Furius inde et C. Manlius consules. Manlio
Veientes prouincia euenit. non tamen bellatum ; indutiae
in annos quadraginta petentibus datae frumento stipendioque

2 imperato. paci externae confestim continuatur discordia
domi. agrariae legis tribuniciis stimulis plebs furebat. con-
sules nihil Meneni damnatione, nihil periculo deterriti Ser-
uilii summa ui resistunt. abeuntes magistratu Cn. Genucius

3 tribunus plebis arripuit. L. Aemilius et Opiter Verginius
consulatum ineunt. Vopiscum Iulium pro Verginio in
quibusdam annalibus consulem inuenio. hoc anno — quos-
cumque consules habuit — rei ad populum Furius et Manlius
circumeunt sordidati non plebem magis quam iuniores pa-

4 trum. suadent, monent, honoribus et administratione rei
publicae abstineant; consulares uero fasces, praetextam
curulemque sellam nihil aliud quam pompam funeris putent;
claris insignibus uelut infulis uelatos ad mortem destinari.

5 quod si consulatus tanta dulcedo sit, iam tunc ita in animum
inducant, consulatum captum et oppressum ab tribunicia
potestate esse; consuli, uelut apparitori tribunicio, omnia

LIBER II CAP. 53—55 6s

ad nutum impenumque tribuni agenda esse, si se commo- 6
uerit, si respexerit patres, si aliud quam plebem esse in re
publica crediderit, — exilium Cn. Marci, Meneni damna-
tionem et mortem sibi proponant ante oculos. his accensi 7
uocibus patres consilia inde non publica sed in priuato
seductaque a plurium conscientia habere, ubi cum id modo
constaret, iure an iniuria, eripiendos esse reos, atrocissima
quaeque maxime placebat sententia, nee auctor quamuis
audaci facinori deerat. igitur iudicii die cum plebs in foro 8
erecta expectation e staret, mirari primo, quod non descen-
deret tribunus ; dein, cum iam mora suspectior fieret, deter-
ritum a primoribus credere, et desertam ac proditam causam
publicam queri ; tandem qui obuersati uestibulo tribuni 9
fuerant nuntiant domi mortuum esse inuentum. quod ubi
in totam contionem pertulit rumor, sicut acies funditur duce
occiso, ita dilapsi passim alii alio, praecipuus pauor tribunos
inuaserat, quam nihil auxilii sacratae leges haberent, morte
collegae monitos. nee patres satis moderate ferre laetitiam ; 10
adeoque neminem noxiae paenitebat, ut etiam insontes fe-
cisse uideri uellent, palamque ferretur malo domandam
tribuniciam potestatem.

At the next levy the agitation is revived by the case of Volet v,
who openly resists the Consuls^ and, on being elected Tribune^
proposes a law concerning the election of Tribunes. The
patricians resist for a year \ but Voter o is re-elected and after
a riot the Consul Ap. Claudius is checked by his colleague
and the Senate^ and the law is passed.

55. Sub hanc pessimi exempli uictoriam dilectus edici- 1
tur ; pauentibusque tribunis sine intercessione ulla consules
rem peragunt. turn uero irasci plebs tribunorum magis 2
silentio quam consulum imperio, et dicere actum esse de
libertate sua, rursus ad antiqua reditum, cum Genucio uno

c. l. 11. 5

66 LI VI

mortuam ac sepultam tribuniciam potestatem. aliud agen-

3 dum ac cogitandum, quo modo resistatur patribus; id autem
unum consilium esse, ut se ipsa plebs, quando aliud nihil
auxilii habeat, defendat. quattuor et uiginti lictores apparere
consulibus, et eos ipsos plebis homines, nihil contemptius
neque infirmius, si sint qui contemnant ; sibi quemque ea

4 magna atque horrenda facere. his uocibus alii alios cum
incitassent, ad Voleronem Publilium, de plebe hominem,
quia, quod ordines duxisset, negaret se militem fieri debere,

5 lictor missus est a consulibus. Volero appellat tribunos.
cum auxilio nemo esset, consules spoliari hominem et uirgas
expediri iubent. "prouoco" inquit "ad populum" Volero,
" quoniam tribuni ciuem Romanum in conspectu suo uirgis
caedi malunt quam ipsi in lecto suo a uobis trucidari." quo
ferocius clamitabat, eo infestius circumscindere et spoliare

6 lictor. turn Volero et praeualens ipse et adiuuantibus aduo-
catis repulso lictore, ubi indignantium pro se acerrimus erat
clamor, eo se in turbam confertissimam recipit, clamitans

7 "prouoco et fidem plebis inploro; adeste ciues, adeste com-
militones. nihil est quod expectetis tribunos, quibus ipsis

8 uestro auxilio opus est." concitati homines ueluti ad proe-
lium se expediunt; apparebatque omne discrimen adesse,
nihil cuiquam sanctum, non publici fore, non priuati iuris.

9 huic tantae tempestati cum se consules obtulissent, facile
experti sunt parum tutam maiestatem sine uiribus esse,
uiolatis lictoribus, fascibus fractis e foro in curiam con-

io pelluntur, incerti, quatenus Volero exerceret uictoriam. con-
ticiscente deinde tumultu cum in senatum uocari iussissent,
queruntur iniurias suas, uim plebis, Voleronis audaciam.

ii multis ferociter dictis sententiis uicere seniores, quibus ira
patrum aduersus temeritatem plebis certari non placuit.
i 56. Voleronem amplexa fauore plebs proximis comitiis
tribunum plebi creat in eum annum, qui Lucium Pinarium

LIBER II. CAP. 55, 56 67

P. Furium consules habuit. contraque omnium opinionem, 2
qui eum uexandis prioris anni consulibus permissurum tri-
bunatum credebant, post publicam causam priuato dolore
habito ne uerbo quidem uiolatis consulibus rogationem tulit
ad populum, ut plebei magistratus tributis comitiis fierent.
haud parua res sub titulo prima specie minime atroci fere- 3
batur, sed quae patriciis omnem potestatem per clientium
suffragia creandi quos uellent tribunos auferret. huic actioni 4
gratissimae plebi cum summa ui resisterent patres, neque,
quae una uis ad resistendum erat, ut intercederet aliquis ex
collegio, auctoritate aut consulum aut principum adduci
posset, res tamen suo ipsa molimine grauis certaminibus in
annum extrahitur. plebs Voleronem tribunum reficit: patres, 5
ad ultimum dimicationis rati rem uenturam, Ap. Claudium
Appii filium, iam inde a paternis certaminibus inuisum infes-
tumque plebi, consulem faciunt; collega ei Titus Quinctius
datur.

Principio statim anni nihil prius quam de lege agebatur. 6
sed ut inuentor legis Volero, sic Laetorius collega eius auctor
cum recentior turn acrior erat. ferocem faciebat belli gloria 7
ingens, quod aetatis eius haud quisquam manu promptior
erat. is, cum Volero nihil praeterquam de lege loqueretur,
insectatione abstinens consulum, ipse accusationem Appii
familiaeque superbissimae ac crudelissimae in plebem Ro-
manam exorsus, cum a patribus non consulem sed carnificem 8
ad uexandam et lacerandam plebem creatum esse conten-
deret, rudis in militari homine lingua non suppetebat liber-
tati animoque. itaque deficiente oratione " quando quidem 0
non facile loquor" inquit, "Quirites, quam quod locutus
sum praesto, crastino die adeste. ego hie aut in conspectu
uestro moriar, aut perferam legem." occupant tribuni tern- 10
plum postero die; consules nobilitasque ad inpediendam
legem in contione consistunt. submoueri Laetorius iubet

68 LIVI

xi praeterquam qui suffragium ineant. adulescentes nobiles
stabant nihil cedentes uiatori. turn ex his prendi quosdam
Laetorius iubet. consul Appius negare ius esse tribuno in

1 2 quemquam nisi in plebeium j non enim populi sed plebis
eum magistratum esse; nee ilium ipsum submouere pro
imperio posse more maiorum, quia ita dicatur " si uobis
uidetur, discedite, Quirites." facile haec contemptim de

1 3 iure disserendo perturbare Laetorium poterat. ardens igitur
ira tribunus uiatorem mittit ad consulem, consul lictorem
ad tribunum, priuatum esse clamitans sine imperio, sine

14 magistratu ; uiolatusque esset tribunus, ni et contio omnis
atrox coorta pro tribuno in consulem esset, et concursus
hominum in forum ex tota urbe concitatae multitudinis fieret.
sustinebat tamen Appius pertinacia tantam tempestatem ;

15 certatumque haud incruento proelio foret, ni Quinctius
consul alter consularibus negotio dato, ut collegam ui, si
aliter non possent, de foro abducerent, ipse nunc plebem
saeuientem precibus lenisset, nunc orasset tribunos, ut con-

16 cilium dimitterent : darent irae spatium, non uim suam illis
tempus adempturum, sed consilium uiribus additurum ; et
patres in populi et consulem in patrum fore potestate.

1 57. Aegre sedata ab Quinctio plebs, multo aegrius

2 consul alter a patribus. dimisso tandem concilio plebis
senatum consules habent. ubi cum timor atque ira in uicem
sententias uariassent, quo magis spatio interposito ab impetu
ad consultandum auocabantur, eo plus abhorrebant a certa-
tione animi, adeo ut Quinctio gratias agerent, quod eius

3 opera mitigata discordia esset. ab Appio petitur, ut tantam
consularem maiestatem esse uellet, quanta esse in concordi
ciuitate posset, dum consules tribunique ad se quisque
omnia trahant, nihil relictum esse uirium in medio, dis-
tractam laceratamque rem publicam ; magis quorum in

4 manu sit, quam ut incolumis sit, quaeri. Appius contra

LIBER II CAP. 56—58 69

testari deos atque homines rem publicam prodi per metum
ac deseri, non consulem senatui, sed senatum consuli deesse,
grauiores accipi leges, quam in Sacro monte acceptae sint.
uictus tamen patrum consensu quieuit. lex silentio perfertur.

471 B.C. The Comitia Tributa now formally constituted, and
Patricians excluded. Humiliation of the Consul Claudius
by his disaffected soldiers, and their punishment. Success
of his more popular colleague.

58. Turn primum tributis comitiis creati tribuni sunt. 1
numero etiam additos tres, perinde ac duo antea fuerint,
Piso auctor est. nominat quoque tribunos, Cn. Siccium, 2
L. Numitorium, M. Duellium, Sp. Icilium, L. Maecilium.

Volscum Aequicumque inter seditionem Romanam est 3
bellum coortum. uastauerant agros, ut, si qua secessio
plebis fieret, ad se receptum haberet. conpositis deinde
rebus castra retro mouere. Ap. Claudius in Volscos missus, 4
Quinctio Aequi prouincia euenit. eadem in militia saeuitia
Appi quae domi esse, liberior, quod sine tribuniciis uinculis
erat. odisse plebem plus quam paterno odio : quid ? se 5
uictum ab ea, se unico consule electo aduersus tribuniciam
potestatem perlatam legem esse, quam minore conatu nequa-
quam tanta patrum spe priores inpedierunt consules ? haec 6
ira indignatioque ferocem animum ad uexandum saeuo
imperio exercitum stimulabat. nee ulla ui domari poterat ;
tantum certamen animis inbiberant. segniter otiose negle- 7
genter contumaciter omnia agere. nee pudor nee metus
coercebat. si citius agi uellet agmen, tardius sedulo ince-
dere ; si adhortator operis adesset, omnes sua sponte motam
remittere industriam. praesenti uoltus demittere, tacite prae- 8
tereuntem exsecrari, ut inuictus ille odio plebeio animus
interdum moueretur. omni nequiquam acerbitate prompta 9
nihil iam cum militibus agere, a centurionibus corruptum

7o LIVI

exercitum dicere, tribunos plebei cauillans interdum et Vole-
rones uocare.

1 59. Nihil eorum Volsci nesciebant instabantque eo
magis, sperantes idem certamen animorum aduersus Appium
habiturum exercitum Romanum, quod aduersus Fabium

2 consulem habuisset. ceterum multo Appio quam Fabio
uiolentior fuit ; non enim uincere tantum noluit, ut Fabianus
exercitus, sed uinci uoluit. productus in aciem turpi fuga
petit castra, nee ante restitit, quam signa inferentem Volscum

3 munimentis uidit foedamque extremi agminis caedem. turn
expressa uis ad pugnandum, ut uictor iam a uallo sub-
moueretur hostis, satis tamen appareret capi tantum castra
militem Romanum noluisse, alia gaudere sua clade atque

4 ignominia. quibus nihil infractus ferox Appii animus cum
insuper saeuire uellet contionemque aduocaret, concurrunt
ad eum legati tribunique monentes, ne utique experiri uellet
imperium, cuius uis omnis in consensu oboedientium esset.

5 negare uolgo milites se ad contionem ituros, passimque
exaudiri uoces postulantium, ut castra ex Volsco agro mo-
ueantur. hostem uictorem paulo ante prope in portis ac
uallo fuisse, ingentisque mali non suspicionem modo sed

6 apertam speciem obuersari ante oculos. uictus tandem,
quando quidem nihil praeter tempus noxae lucrarentur,
remissa contione iter in insequentem diem pronuntiari cum
iussisset, prima luce classico signum profectionis dedit.

7 cum maxime agmen e castris explicaretur, Volsci, ut eodem
signo excitati, nouissimos adoriuntur. a quibus perlatus ad
primos tumultus eo pauore signaque et ordines turbauit ut
neque imperia exaudiri neque instrui acies posset, nemo

8 ullius nisi fugae memor. ita effuso agmine per stragem
corporum armorumque euasere, ut prius hostis desisteret

9 sequi quam Romanus fugere. tandem collectis ex dissipato
cursu militibus consul, cum reuocando nequiquam suos

LIBER IL CAP. 58—61 71

persecutes esset, in pacato agro castra posuit; aduocataque ic
contione inuectus haud falso in proditorem exercitum mili-
taris disciplinae, desertorem signorum, ubi signa, ubi arma
essent, singulos rogitans, inermes milites, signo amisso signi- 1 1
feros, ad hoc centuriones duplicariosque, qui reliquerant
ordines, uirgis caesos securi percussit; cetera multitudo
sorte decumus quisque ad supplicium lecti.

60. Contra ea in Aequis inter consulem ac milites 1
comitate ac benefices certatum est. et natura Quinctius
erat lenior, et saeuitia infelix collegae, quo is magis gauderet
ingenio suo, effecerat. huic tantae concordiae ducis exer- 2
citusque non ausi offeree se Aequi uagari populabundum
hostem per agros passi. nee ullo ante bello latius inde acta
praeda. ea omnis militi data est. addebantur et laudes, 3
quibus haud minus quam praemio gaudent militum animi.
cum duci turn propter ducem patribus quoque placatior
exercitus redit, sibi parentem, alteri exercitui dominum
datum ab senatu memorans.

Varia fortuna belli, atroci discordia domi forisque annum 4
exactum insignem maxime comitia tributa efficiunt, res maior
uictoria suscepti certaminis quam usu ; plus enim dignitatis 5
comitiis ipsis detractum est patribus ex concilio submouendis,
quam uirium aut plebi additum est aut demptum patribus.

The ex-consul Claudius is brought to trial by two Tribunes
but dies before it is completed. Desultory fighting for
three years with Aequians and Sabines, and also with
the Volscians.

61. Turbulentior inde annus excepit L. Valerio T. 1
Aemilio consulibus, cum propter certamina ordinum de lege
agraria, turn propter iudicium Appi Claudii, cui acerrimo 2
aduersario legis causamque possessorum publici agri tam-
quam tertio consuli sustinenti M. Duillius et Cn. Siccius

72 LIVT

3 diem dixere. numquam ante tarn inuisus plebi reus ad
iudicium uocatus populi est, plenus suarum, plentis pater-

4 narum irarum. patres quoque non temere pro ullo aeque
adnisi sunt : propugnatorem senatus maiestatisque uindicem
suae, ad omnes tribunicios plebeiosque oppositum tumultus,
modum dumtaxat in certamine egressum, iratae obici plebi.

5 unus e patribus ipse Ap. Claudius et tribunos et plebem et
suum iudicium pro nihilo habebat. ilium non minae plebis,
non senatus preces perpellere umquam potuere, non modo
ut uestem mutaret, aut supplex prensaret homines, sed ne
ut ex consueta quidem asperitate orationis, cum ad populum

6 agenda causa esset, aliquid leniret atque submitteret. idem
habitus oris, eadem contumacia in uoltu, idem in oratione
spiritus erat, adeo ut magna pars plebis Appium non minus

7 reum timeret, quam consulem timuerat. semel causam
dixit, quo semper agere omnia solitus erat, accusatorio
spiritu ; adeoque constantia sua et tribunos obstupefecit et
plebem, ut diem ipsi sua uoluntate prodicerent, trahi deinde

8 rem sinerent. haud ita multum interim temporis fuit ; ante

9 tamen, quam prodicta dies ueniret, morbo moritur. cuius
cum laudationem tribuni plebis impedire conarentur, plebs
fraudari sollemni honore supremum diem tanti uiri noluit,
et laudationem tarn aequis auribus mortui audiuit, quam
uiui accusationem audierat, et exsequias frequens celebrauit.

i 62. Eodem anno Valerius consul cum exercitu in
Aequos profectus cum hostem ad proelium elicere non
posset, castra oppugnare est adortus. prohibuit foeda tem-

2 pestas cum grandine ac tonitribus caelo deiecta. admira-
tionem deinde auxit signo receptui dato adeo tranquilla
serenitas reddita, ut uelut numine aliquo defensa castra op-
pugnare iterum reiigio fuerit. omnis ira belli ad populationem

3 agri uertit. alter consul Aemilius in Sabinis bellum gessit.
et ibi, quia hostis moenibus se tenebat, uastati agri sunt.

LIBER II. CAP. 61—64 73

incendiis deinde non uillarum modo sed etiam uicorum, 4
quibus frequenter habitabatur, Sabini exciti cum praeda-
toribus occurrissent, ancipiti proelio digressi postero die
rettulere castra in tutiora loca. id satis consuli uisum, cur 5
pro uicto relinqueret hostem, integro inde decedens bello.

63. Inter haec bella manente discordia domi consules 1
Titus Numicius Priscus A. Verginius facti. non ultra uide- 2
batur latura plebes dilationem agrariae legis, ultimaque uis
parabatur, cum Volscos adesse fumo ex incendiis uillarum
fugaque agrestium cognitum est. ea res maturam iam sedi-
tionem ac prope erumpentem repressit. consules coacti 3
extemplo ab senatu ad bellum, educta ex urbe iuuentute
tranquilliorem ceteram plebem fecerunt. et hostes quidem 4
nihil aliud quam perfusis uano timore Romanis citato ag-
mine abeunt. Numicius Antium aduersus Volscos, Verginius 5
contra Aequos profectus. ibi ex insidiis prope magna
accepta clade uirtus militum rem prolapsam neglegentia
consulis restituit. melius in Volscis imperatum est : fusi 6
primo proelio hostes fugaque in urbem Antium, ut turn res
erant, opulentissimam acti. quam consul oppugnare non
ausus Caenonem, aliud oppidum nequaquam tarn opulen-
tum, ab Antiatibus cepit. dum Aequi Volscique Romanos 7
exercitus tenent, Sabini usque ad portas urbis populantes
incessere. deinde ipsi paucis post diebus ab duobus exer-
citibus, utroque per iram consule ingresso in finis, plus
cladium quam intulerant acceperunt.

The Consul Servilius punishes the Sa&ines, and his colleague
Quinctius defeats the Volscians and captures Antium.

64. Extremo anno pacis aliquid fuit, sed, ut semper 1
alias, sollicitae pacis certamine patrum et plebis. irata
plebs interesse consularibus comitiis noluit : per patres 2
clientesque patrum consules creati T. Quinctius Q. Seruilius.

74 LI VI

similem annum priori consules habent, seditiosa initia, bello

3 deinde externo tranquilla. Sabini, Crustuminos campos
citato agmine transgressi, cum caedes et incendia circum
Anienem flumen fecissent, a porta prope Collina moeni-
busque pulsi ingentes tamen praedas hominum pecorumque

4 egere. quos Seruilius consul infesto exercitu insecutus
ipsum quidem agmen adipisci aequis locis non potuit;
populationem adeo effuse fecit, ut nihil bello intactum relin-

5 queret, multiplicique capta praeda rediret. et in Volscis
res publica egregie gesta cum ducis turn militum opera,
primum aequo campo signis conlatis pugnatum ingenti caede

6 utrimque, plurimo sanguine, et Romani, quia paucitas damno
sentiendo propior erat, gradum rettulissent, ni salubri men-
dacio consul, fugere hostes ab cornu altero clamitans, con-
citasset aciem. impetu facto, dum se putant uincere, uicere.

7 consul metuens, ne nimis instando renouaret certamen,

8 signum receptui dedit. intercessere pauci dies uelut tacitis
indutiis utrimque quiete sumpta ; per quos ingens uis homi-
num ex omnibus Volscis Aequisque populis in castra uenit,

9 haud dubitans, si senserint, Romanos nocte abituros. itaque
io tertia fere uigilia ad castra oppugnanda ueniunt. Quinctius

sedato tumultu, quern terror subitus exciuerat, cum manere
in tentoriis quietum militem iussisset, Hernicorum cohortem
in stationem educit, cornicines tubicinesque in equos im-
positos canere ante uallum iubet sollicitumque hostem ad
ii lucem tenere. relicum noctis adeo tranquilla omnia in
castris fuere, ut somni quoque Romanis copia esset.
Volscos species armatorum peditum, quos et plures esse
et Romanos putabant, fremitus hinnitusque equorum, qui
et insueto sedente equite et insuper aures agitante sonitu
saeuiebant, intentos uelut ad impetum hostium tenuit.
i 65. Ubi inluxit, Romanus integer satiatusque somno
productus in aciem fessum stando et uigiliis Volscum primo

LIBRR IT. CAP. 64, 65 75

impetu perculit ; quamquam cessere magis quam pulsi hostes 2
sunt, quia ab tergo erant cliui, in quos post principia in-
tegris ordinibus tutus receptus fuit. consul, ubi ad iniquum
locum uentum est, sistit aciem. miles aegre teneri, clamare
et poscere, ut perculsis instare liceat. ferocius agunt equites, 3
circumfusi duci uociferantur se ante signa ituros. dum
cunctatur consul, uirtute militum fretus, loco parum fidens,
conclamant se ituros ; clamoremque res est secuta. rlxis in
terram pilis, quo leuiores ardua euaderent, cursu subeunt.
Volscus effusis ad primum impetum missilibus telis saxa 4
obiacentia pedibus ingerit in subeuntes, turbatosque ictibus
crebris urget ex superiore loco, sic prope oneratum est
sinistrum Romanis cornu, ni referentibus iam gradum consul
increpando simul temeritatem simul ignauiam pudore metum
excussisset. restitere primo obstinatis animis ; deinde, ut 5
obtinentes locum uires reficiebant, audent ultro gradum
inferre, et clamore renouato commouent aciem. turn rursus
impetu capto enituntur atque exsuperant iniquitatem loci,
iam prope erat, ut in summum cliui iugum euaderent, cum 6
terga hostes dedere, effusoque cursu paene agmine uno
fugientes sequentesque castris incidere. in eo pauore castra
capiuntur. qui Volscorum effugere potuerunt, Antium petunt. 7
Antium et Romanus exercitus ductus, paucos circumsessum
dies deditur nulla oppugnantium noua ui, sed quod iam
inde ab infelici pugna castrisque amissis ceciderant animi.

PERIOCHA LIBRI II.

Brutus iure iurando populum adstrinxit neminem regnare Romae
passurum. Tarquinium Collatinum collegam suum propter adfinitatem
Tarquiniorum suspectum coegit consulatu se abdicare et ciuitate cedere.
bona regum diripi iussit, agrum Marti consecrauit, qui campus Martius
nominatus est. adulescentes nobiles, in quibus suos quoque et fratris
filios, quia coniurauerant de recipiendis regibus, securi percussit. seruo
indici, cui Vindicio nomen fuit, libertatem dedit ; ex cuius nomine
uindicta appellata. cum aduersus reges, qui contractis Veientum et
Tarquiniensium copiis bellum intulerant, exercitum duxisset, in acie
cum Arrunte filio Superbi commortuus est, eumque matronae anno
luxerunt. P. Valerius consul legem de prouocatione ad populum
tulit. Capitolium dedicatum est. Porsinna Clusinorum rex bello pro
Tarquiniis suscepto cum ad Ianiculum uenisset, ne Tiberim transiret
uirtute Coclitis Horati prohibitus est, qui, dum alii pontem sublicium
rescindunt, solus Ettuscos sustinuit, et ponte rupto armatus in flumen
se misit, et ad suos transnauit. accessit alterum uirtutis exemplum a
Mucio, qui cum ad feriendum Porsinnam castra hostium intrasset,
occiso scriba, quern regem esse existimauerat, conprehensus impositam
manum altaribus, in quibus sacrificatum erat, exuri passus est, dixitque
tales trecentos esse, quorum admiratione coactus Porsinna pacis con-
diciones ferre bellum omisit acceptis obsidibus. ex quibus uirgo una
Cloelia deceptis custodibus per Tiberim ad suos transnauit, et cum
reddita esset, a Porsinna honorifice remissa, equestri statua donata
est. aduersus Tarquinium Superbum cum Latinorum exercitu bellum
inferentem Aulus Postumius dictator prospere pugnauit. Ap. Claudius
ex Sabinis Roraam transfugit : ob hoc Claudia tribus adiecta est.
numerus tribuum ampliatus est, ut essent uiginti una. plebs cum
propter nexos ob aes alienum in Sacrum montem secessisset, consilio

PERIOCHA LIBRI II 77

Menenii Agrippae a seditione reuocata est. . idem Agrippa cum deces-
sisset, propter paupertatem publico impendio elatus est. tribuni plebis
quinque creati sunt, oppidum Volscorum Corioli captum est uirtute et
opera Cn. Marci, qui ob hoc Coriolanus uocatus est. T. Latinius, uir
de plebe, cum in uisu admonitus, ut de quibusdam religionibus ad
senatum perferret, id neglexisset, amisso filio pedibus debilis factus
postquam delatus ad senatum lectica eadem ilia indicauerat, usu pedum
recepto domum reuersus est. cum Cn. Marcius Coriolanus, qui in
exilium erat pulsus, dux Volscorum factus exercitum hostium urbi
admouisset, et missi ad eum primum legati, postea sacerdotes, frustra
deprecati essent, ne bellum patriae inferret, Veturia mater et Volumnia
uxor impetrauerunt ab eo, ut recederet. lex agraria primum lata est.
Spurius Cassius consularis regni crimine damnatus est necatusque.
Opillia uirgo Vestalis ob incestum uiua defossa est. cum uicini Veientes
incommodi magis quam graues essent, familia Fabiorum id bellum
gerendum depoposcit, misitque in id trecentos sex armatos, qui ad
Cremeram praeter unum ab hostibus caesi sunt. Appius Claudius
consul, cum aduersus Volscos contumacia exercitus male pugnatum
esset, decimum quemque militum fuste percussit. res praeterea ad-
uersus Volscos et Hernicos et Veientes gestas, et seditiones inter patres
plebemque continet.

HINTS ON THE CHIEF DIFFICULTIES
OF LIVY'S STYLE.

Students who are reading Livy for the first time should
notice carefully the following points.

i. Livy's style is rich, i.e. he is fond of adding to his
main thought a good many points which help to fill out its
meaning and make the picture more complete. Yet for the
sake of brevity and force he condenses these details into the
same sentence. Hence whenever any statement seems long or
complex,

A nalyse the sentence carefully before translating it

After finding the main Verb, and its Subject and Object, if
it has one, in the usual way, sort out clearly the other
words and phrases, noticing especially three points :

{a) If there is an Ablative Absolute, or a Participle
agreeing with some Noun in the sentence , then see whether
any other words depend on the Noun or Participle, making up
a phrase complete in itself inside the main sentence.

(b) If there is a Relative Pronoun or a Conjunction like
cum, ubi, ftostqua?n, which needs a Verb after it, find out this
Verb, and then remember that all the words between belong to
this Conjunction-clause, and not to the main Verb of the
sentence.

(c) If there is an et, ac or -que, ascertain exactly what two
words it connects. Generally the two words connected are of
the same kind, Noun and Noun, Verb and Verb, and so on,

HINTS ON LIVY'S STYLE 79

and in the same construction, e.g. Dative and Dative, or
Subjunctive and Subjunctive.

Thus take the first long sentence of the Book, § 4 of c. i :

Quid enim futurum fuit, si ilia pastorum conuenarum que plebs,
transfuga ex suis populis, sub tut e la inuiolati templi aut libertatem
aut certe impunitatem adepta, soluta regio metu, agitari ooepta esset
tribuniciis procellis et in aliena urbe cum patribus severe certa?nina,
priusquam pignera coniugum ac liberorum caritasqut ipsius soli,
cui longo tempore adsuescitur, animos eorutti consociasset?

1. What is the main Verb? futurum fuit. The Subject? quid.

2. Conjunction si, with what Verb? coepta esset. What Subject?
ilia pastorum conuenarumque plebs. But there are other Nominatives ;
they must be therefore attached to plebs — transfuga, adepta, soluta ;
each has words depending on it. What is the Object of coepta esset?
The Infinitive agitari.

3. What does et connect? What is the construction of serere?
Joined by et to agitari.

4. Conjunction priusquam, with what Verb? consociasset. What
Subject? pigne?-a caritasque, the latter attracting consociasset into the
Singular, each with words dependent on it. What Object ? animos.

5. Relative cui, with what Verb? adsuescitur. What Antecedent?
soli.

If the long sentences are treated in this way, they will either become
clear at once, or else, which is almost as good, you will know exactly
where the difficulties are.

2. Livy's style is compact. He conveys a great deal of
his meaning by the careful order in which he places his words
and clauses. Hence in construing

Never depart from the order of the words unless it is
impossible to find a constructio7i for them without doing so.

Thus in the first line of c. 1, pace belloque are put in between res...
gestas and must be taken with them, i.e. the Abl. depends upon gestas.
Six lines below ab se comes in between sedes and auctae multitudinis ,
and must therefore be taken with auctae.

On the other hand ipsi, though it agrees with the subject of
addiderunt, is thrown in between nouas and sedes in order to emphasize
nouas (so adorti between fessos and exules in c. 20. 6, in order to emphasize
fessos). Such exceptions will soon be easily recognized. There are a

8o HINTS ON LIVYS STYLE

few cases, especially at the end of Clauses, where the natural order is
abandoned for the sake of sound merely and the variation makes no
difference to the sense, e.g. qui ex eo uenirent agro instead of qui ex eo
agro uenirent ; but these are not likely to cause any difficulty.

3. Livy's style is antithetic, i.e. he is fond of contrasts.
Very often the meaning of a sentence or clause will be doubtful
until you find out what it is contrasted with (see c. 6, § 2, note).
And often two clauses or phrases are coupled simply by
contrast, where an Englishman would connect them by 'but'
and a Greek by c/xei/...Se.' See the note on c. 1. 8.

4. Livy's style is periodic, i.e. he is fond of grouping
several facts round one and thus describing them all in one
sentence, with several clauses subordinate to one principal
Verb which comes as a climax at the end. It often happens
that one such Period includes events which happened
successively, so that the last and chief event is a good deal
later in time than the first ; e.g. c. 59. 6, uictus tandem.,,
remissa condone, iter in insequente?n diem pronuntiari cum
iussisset, prima luce classico signum profectionis dedit. This
sentence begins with the General's change of mind which led to
his giving orders for the march next day, and ends with the
actual beginning of the march next morning. So c. 62. 4.

Now in such cases, in first construing the Latin we must
follow the construction literally, but

To translate a long period into idiomatic English it is often
necessary to split it up into several independent sentences.

The most useful expedient is to substitute a main Verb in
English followed by an 'and' for a Latin Participle, or for a
clause depending on cum. Thus the following is not too free
a rendering of the sentence just quoted : ■ Appius was at last
convinced. Abandoning his intention of addressing the troops,
he bade marching orders be given for the next morning, and
at daybreak he let the trumpet be sounded for the start.'

NOTES.

Two Latin Grammars are frequently referred to in these Notes:
Postgate's New Latin Primer, 2nd Ed., Cassell & Co., 1898 {N. L. P.),
and Allen & Greenough's Latin Grammar, Ginn, Heath & Co., 1889.

Chap. 1, page i.

§ 1 Liberi. Livy begins with the word which marks the character of
the epoch to be described in this book as contrasted with the last. In
English the emphasis must be given by an inversion : ' It is the history
of the people of Rome under a free government that I have hence-
forward to trace, in peace and in war....'

2 proxumi means simply 'nearest in order,' and the context determines
whether it refers to the next preceding, 'the last,' as here, or to the
next following.

ita regnarunt, ut...numerentur. The rules of Sequence of Tenses
do not apply to sentences expressing a Consequence. The Tense of the
Subjunctive is fixed simply by the time at which the Consequence takes
place.

nouas and sedes, both in Apposition to quas : ' which they them-
selves had newly added as abodes for (lit. ' of) the etc' On the order,
see Hints on Livy's Style, p. 79 sup.

3 Superbo exacto rege, 'by driving out King Tarquin the Cruel.'
This is the earliest use of the Abl. Absol., where the action it
describes is an Instrument towards the action of the main Verb, and
is done by the Subject of the main Verb. It is safe to assume|that
this is so, unless the context shows, as it occasionally does, that the
action was done by some one else. What is generally counted the
literal translation ■ the King having been driven out ' gives the relation

C. L. II. 6

82 L1VY II. NOTES c. 1. 3, 4

between the Noun and the Participle, but it does not represent the close
connexion which is implied in the Ablative between the action described
in the phrase and the action of the main Verb of the sentence.

pessimo publico, another Abl. Absol. in which publico is the Noun
and pessimo the Predicate; 'with the public interest very badly off,' 'to
the great detriment of the public interest.' The neut. publicum is often
used as a Noun, e.g. Tac. Ann. 3. 70 egregium publicum, l an excellent
record of public service.' The Abl. denotes here not the Instrument but
the Accompaniment of the action of the main Verb, an early meaning
of the Case (cf. the two meanings of Eng. with) ; in this phrase it
has come to express Result.

facturus fuerit after neque ambigitur quin replaces fecisset in a
Direct Statement. When it is necessary to make a main statement that
is already in the Subjunctive subordinate to another Verb, it is done by
means of the Future Participle. For faciam, 1 1 should do,' substitute
facturtis sum, *I am likely to do,' for facerem, fecissem, 'I should now
be... doing, should have done,' facturus fui, *I was likely to do.'
Then the Mood and Tense of sum or fui can be adjusted to express the
subordination. In such a sentence as this fecisset is first changed to
facturus fuit, and then font becomes fuerit by the regular rules after
neque ambigitur quin. If the governing Verb is one which takes the
Ace. and Inf., facturus fuit would become facturum fuisse ; see e.g.
ch. 2. § 5 dicturum fuisse, representing dixisset in Or. Recta.

It is, of course, only Main Statements in the Subjunctive that are so
treated. The Apodosis of a Conditional Sentence will be thus con-
verted, but never the Protasis.
4-5 quid enim...consociasset. For an analysis of this sentence, see

Hints on Liv/s Style, p. 79 sup.
4 futurum fuit, si...coepta esset. The Fut. Parte, with fuit 'was
likely to happen ' here replaces fuisset * would have happened ' although
there is no subordination ; this is not uncommon.

transfuga ex suis populis. The Substantive is used in apposition
to plebs with the force of an Adjective ; cf. phrases like nemo senator
where we should say 'no one of the Senators.' The phrase refers to
the way in which Romulus was said (Liv. 1. 8. 6) to have peopled
Rome by inviting all sorts and conditions of men, including even slaves
and criminals, to migrate thither and become citizens ; and it suggests
the irregularities likely to occur in the conduct of a miscellaneous crowd
of people, cut oif from the restraints of the laws and social usage to
which they had been accustomed in their old homes. In the ancient

LIVY II NOTES c. 1. 4—7 83

world men's conceptions of duty were closely connected with the place
and class in which they were born, and even in Livy's time very few
Romans supposed that a stranger or foreigner was entitled to expect
from you the same just conduct as your own fellow-citizens did.

inuiolati templi, the so-called ' asylum inter duos lucos? identified
with a primitive temple of Vejove between the twin summits of the
Capitoline Hill (cf. Verg. Aen. 8. 348). The story that Romulus
founded an a<rv\ov or ' sanctuary of refuge ' is one of many parts of the
legend of the foundation of Rome which was invented by the Greeks
who first professed to write Roman history. As the word itself shows,
the right of taking refuge in holy places was a Greek custom, though
it was ultimately recognized by Roman Emperors and so descended
to the Christian Churches of the Middle Ages. [Yet Cic. Leg. Agr. 1.
§ 36 and the matter of course way in which slaves take refuge at the
altar in Plautus' plays (based though they were on Greek originals)
suggest that the custom was not altogether foreign to Italy. J. S. R.]

regio metM—metu regum, where regum is an Objective Genitive.

coepta esset. By a natural attraction this Verb is commonly
(though not always, e.g. c. 29. 6) put in the Passive when the Infin.
which depends on it is Passive. With serere supply coepisset.

tribuniciis procellis, e.g. those related in cc. 42. 6, 43. 3, 44. 1.

Page 2.

5 pignera coniugum etc., ■ family ties,' i.e. the pledges of their loyalty
created by or consisting in their families, pignus is often thus used
to denote some loved object the possession of which binds one to life as
a whole or to some particular duty, such as the detence of one's country,
or, as here, to loyal conduct towards one's fellow-citizens.

adsuescitur. Impersonal Pass., equivalent to homines adsuescunt,
just as sic uiuitur=sic ho?? lines uiuunt.

6 dissipatae...forent. The Parte, is separated from its Verb in order
to be placed first in the sentence, so as to connect it with the preceding
one by putting first the emphatic word of the answer to the question
quid futurum fait?

res nondum adultae, ' the infant commonwealth.'
eo(que)...ut, 'to such a point that, until.'

7 inde...ciuia, lit. ' (you may count as beginning) from this fact, that,'
i.e. ' (you may attribute) to the fact that.'

quia... factum est, quam quod deminutum...sit. The real reason,

6—2

84 LIVY II. NOTES c 1. 7— 11

alleged by the writer himself, is put in the Indicative, generally with
quia as here ; the wrong reason, given by the writer as that alleged or
imagined by others, and therefore really a quotation ('Virtually Oblique')
is put into the Subjunctive, generally with quod.

8 omnia iura... : id modo cautum est. These two clauses are
connected by what is known as Adversative Asyndeton, which may be
more simply called a 'Coupling Contrast.' Latin leaves the Contrast
to be implied simply by the meaning and by the absence of any
connecting particle ; in English the clauses must be joined by 'but.'

id modo...ne si...haberent,...uideretur. The actual prohibition
is left to be implied in the reason given for it. It was of course that
the two consuls should not both be preceded at the same time by the
lictors with 'fasces,' i.e. bundles of rods with axes for chastising
criminals, the symbol of supreme power. The Consuls enjoyed this
dignity in alternate months. For further detail see n. on dictator ■,
c. 18. 4, and cf. c. 55. 2 n. id cautum est means literally, 'this was
provided against.'

Brutus, i.e. Lucius Junius Brutus, who founded the Republic by
expelling the Tarquins (Liv. I. 59-60).

9 iure iurando...neminem...passuros. Supply se as Subject to
passuros (esse), of which neminem regnare is the Object, se denotes the
people who took the oath, the poptdus, which Livy frequently treats as
though it were a plural word like dues.

10 equestris gradus, v. note on ple&is in § 11.

11 qui patres quique conscripti. This explanation of the phrase patres
conscripti is given also by Festus (p. 254 M.). If it is correct, the phrase
is an example of the Latin preference for using no word to mean ' and '
in an enumeration, especially in short standing phrases like clam palam,
'in secret and in public,' sarta tecta, 'wind-proof and water-tight.' On
this view the phrase ' conscript fathers ' would be historically incorrect ;
but since the distinction which Livy asserts, if it ever existed, entirely
died out in the later Republic, when the whole Senate was conscriptus
by the Censors, and the phrase meant simply 'members of the Senate,'
we may well retain the old English rendering. Cicero actually uses the
singular pater conscriptus (Phil. 15. 13. 28) which shows that he did not
recognize the view of the phrase which Livy adopts. And since the
Senate must have been conscriptus ' chosen ' by the King from the
earliest times, we should expect a new set of members to be called
adscripti 'added,' rather than by a name which would apply equally to
new and old. It seems from Livy and Festus that the herald's formula

LIVY II. NOTES c. 1. n 85

for summoning the Senate was 'Qui patres, qui conscripti, in curiam
ite.' This in old legal Latin might well mean 'All who are both heads
of families and enrolled, come to the Senate,' but might easily have been
misunderstood in later times in the sense which Livy gives to it.
Several examples of such double Relatives referring to the same class of
persons or things which is thus doubly limited, may be found in the
statutes that have come down to us, e.g. in the decision of the Minucii,
C. I. L. 1. 199, 11. 5 — 6, qua ager pr hiatus... Vituriorum est, quern
agrum eos uendere... licet, is ager elc.

mirum quantum profult. The construction we should expect in
ordinary usage would be mirum est quantum id profuerit. But the
custom of using the Subjunctive in all Indirect Questions had not grown
up in early Latin (Plautus and Terence use the Indicative) , and even in the
classical period the Indicative survives in cases where the subordination
of the question was not clearly felt, i.e. where the introductory phrase
was short and by constant use had come to sound more like a mere
Adverb of Exclamation (like Eng. 'Hark,' or 'Think') than a real
sentence. So mirum quantum meant to a Roman 'wonderfully much,'
uider? ut (literally 'do you see how...?') meant 'look, lo!,' and both
regularly take the Indicative.

iungendos patribus plebis animos. This phrase shows that Livy,
with other ancient authorities, supposed that the new members of the
Senate were Plebeian; this they might be although they belonged to
the equester gradus (§ 10), which only implies that they were included
in the wealthiest class of the Comitia Centuriata. But throughout this
period the Senate showed itself the bitter enemy of the Plebeians, and
no change took place in its policy until after the laws of 367 B.C. when
Plebeians began to be frequently admitted ; and no Plebeian is men-
tioned as taking part in any of its proceedings until the year 400 B.C.,
when we are expressly told that the Plebeian Publius Licinius Calvus
was a member (Liv. 5. 12). Hence it seems probable that the Senate
contained none but Patricians till 400 B.C. and that Livy's view is an
example of the very common mistake of attributing to early times the
political relations of a later epoch. Since Livy's theory is clearly con-
nected by him with the view he takes of patres conscripti, it throws
further doubt on that view ; see above.

86 LIVY II NOTES c. 2. 1—3

Chap. 2.

1 ne-cubi, 'lest anywhere,' like si-cubi 'if anywhere' and si-cundet
probably shows the old form of the Interrogative, Relative and
Indefinite words beginning with u-. -cubi, -cunde would come from
*quobi *quonde just as cum from quom. But negatives like ne-cuter
'neither of the two,' ne-cunquam 'never,' and also si-cuti 'so as'
(containing O. Latin *si 'so') were wrongly divided as though they
were compounded with nee (from neque) and sic (from si-ce), and so
the «-forms arose. So in English a noi'ange became an orange, etc.

regem sacrificulum, officially, and far more commonly, known as
rex sacrorum. The title is an example of the Roman love for a legal
fiction by which, when a change had taken place, it was concealed by
the retention of the old name. The King had been the head of the
State religion ; hence his office is preserved in name in the ritual of the
Republic, in order that he may perform just such duties as the King
had been wont to do in person. A similar fiction served to reconcile
the Patricians to the admission of the Plebeians to the Consulship
in 367 B.C. (Liv. 6. 42. 11). The highest magistrates had till then
been called Praetors ; and the office of Praetor was still confined to
Patricians, though all its duties, except the business of the Law-courts,
were transferred to the new Consuls.

Page 3.

2 modum excesserint, ' passed beyond the line, exceeded the (proper)
limit.' Remember that modus means 'limit'; phrases like hoc modo
originally meant 'with this limit,' or 'along this line,' and so came to
mean little more than 'in this way,' but outside these adverbial phrases
modus must not be used for 'way.'

3 consulis alterius, i.e. L. Tarquinius Collatinus, the husband of the
unhappy Lucretia, see Book 1. 57.

cum, ' although.' The MSS. read offenderit, which some editors
retain, but, as Madvig points out, it is doubtful whether another example
of the Perf. Subj. could be found in a statement which covers a number
of different occasions. [Is offenderit really strange, especially with the
negative? Even in Cicero non putaui may mean ' I never did at any
time think.' J. S. R.]

adsuesse. The Ace. and Inf. depends on the notion of complaint
or censure suggested by inuisum ciuitati, and gives what the citizens
said against Collatinus.

ne Interuallo quidem facto oblitum...regni. The negative extends

LIVY II NOTES c. 2. 3— 11, 3. i 87

over the whole phrase : ' not even after this interval forgetting (his
ambition for) the throne, as (a man would forget) a thing outside his
own sphere.'

nescire...priuatos uiuere = nescire artem uiuendi ut priuati uiuunt.

4 nine primo sensim...sermo. hinc may mean either 'from this
source,' i.e. 'from among those who thought thus,' or 'from such
beginnings, with such suggestions.' Some editors change hinc to hie
which would agree with sermo and make a smoother link with what
precedes; but the change is not absolutely necessary.

plebem here, as often in Livy, means the mass of the citizens
generally, not the Plebeians merely.

5 nee esse Bomae is parallel to regnare and depends on passuros.
unde is substituted for a quo, an idiom greatly loved by Latin writers.
So in the next sentence the Adv. eo takes the place of ad id.

dicturum fuisse. See the n. on fac turns fuerit 1. 3.
7 absolue, 'complete,' 'crown.' This metaphorical use of the word is
very common in the Parte, absolutus 'finished off,' 'perfect,' 'absolute.'

non solum... sed. Livy often puts sed for sed etiam, especially
where, as here, the second clause contains something of a contrast as
well as an addition to the first; cf. e.g. 1. 10. 1.

amicus abi. Note the predicate Nom. (not Voc).
9 ceteri quidem...: postquam Sp. Lucretius... timens consul etc.
These two clauses are Coupled by the Contrast; ct. n. on c. 1. 8.

alternis for alternis uicibus, as often in Livy.

ut uinci se...pateretur. The context shows that se refers to the
subject of paterettir, i.e. Collatinus, not to the subject of coepit; cf.
c. 6. 2, n. on ne se ortum.

Page 4.
11 comitiis centuriatis creauit P. Valerium. creare is often used of
the populus who ' elected ' such and such an officer ; but more often, as
here, of the officer who presided at an election, and after inviting and
receiving the votes for duly qualified candidates 'declared to be elected'
such and such a one (or more) of them.

Chap. 3.

1 spe omnium serius, 'later than any one expected.' This colourless
meaning of spes, applying to bad or good prospects equally, is especially
common in this phrase; so spem jallere may mean 'to disappoint' or
'to surprise pleasantly.' serius is best taken as an Adverb

88 LIVY II NOTES c. 3. 1—5

since the phrase sero est is fairly common, whereas the Comparative of
the Adjective does not seem to occur elsewhere in Livy, Cicero or
Caesar.

2 adulescentes aliquot neque ei tenui loco orti, 'several young men,
and those of no ignoble birth.' In negative phrases neque is or neque
We, in positive phrases idem or et ipse is thus used to emphasize a
particular epithet by detaching it from its noun and making it into a
separate phrase.

libido, 'high-handed conduct'; the word denotes a wilful satisfaction
of one's own desires or caprices without respect to one's duty or to other
people's rights.

3 aequato iure omnium explains turn, 'then, when the legal rights of
all men had been made equal.'

impetres...sit. The Latin Historians very frequently retain the
Primary Tenses used in Or. Recta after a past governing Verb in Or.
Obliqua. Cicero prefers to enforce the regular Sequence. Note that
impetres would have been Subjunctive, even in Or. Recta, after a quo,
a ' Relative of Essential Definition ' (cf. N. L. P. 400 c).

ubi ius, ubi iniuria opus sit. opus est originally took the instru-
mental Abl. meaning 'there is something to be done by means of,' and
hence 'there is need of,' '(so and so) is necessary.' When this meaning
was completely established, the origin of the idiom was forgotten, and
the Nominative came also to be used, though it never quite ousted the
Ablative ; the latter is always used in the participial construction opus
est hoc facto 'this must be done.'

gratiae, 'personal influence.' The word is derived from gratus
1 pleasing ' and means ' the being pleasing to ' some other person ; it
denotes a feeling in one man's mind regarded as another man's property;
gratia mea apud te means the feeling of gratitude or obligation you have
towards me regarded as a possession of mine, in other words, the
influence I have with you.

4 in tot humanis erroribus. Not ' amid ' but 'in view of, considering.'
Their plea is that since it is so common (and easy) a thing to do wrong,
it is dangerous to have no protection but one's own limited power of
keeping out of mischief. Livy sketches their hard case with gentle
humour.

sola innocentia uiuere. The Abl. is like that in uenatu uiucre,
expressing the means by which one is kept alive.

5 ea consultatio = cons, de ea re, a use of the pronoun is which is
frequent in the historians; cf. is rumor, is nuntius (c. 21. 6).

II VY II NOTES c. 3. 5, 6, 4. 2—5 89

tenuit intrans. 'continued, lasted.' Cp. tenet f am a 1. 4. 6, tenet
no??ien 1. 17. 6.

non reddita...reddita, a Coupling Contrast. The Parte, as often,
replaces an ' if '-clause.

legati alia moliri. All but one MS. insert alii before alia ; it is
clearly not wanted ; there is no trace of more than one plan among the
envoys. The corruption may have arisen as an attempt to improve on
an accidental ' dittography ' (double writing) of alia which one MS.
actually gives.

Chap. 4, page 5.

2 quorum uetustate memoria abiit, 'the remembrance of whose
names has been lost in antiquity.5 Unless quorum is governed by
uetustate as well as by me7noriai the position of the first noun is slightly
unusual, but may have been chosen by Livy for that very reason, for
variety's sake.

3 sententia, quae censebat. This Noun is often so personified by
Livy, cf. 41. 1. 2 uicit sententia quae diem non proferebat. And so
4. 6. 7.

quod spatium...sumpsissent. If you do not see why this verb is
in the Subjunctive, see the n. on quod deminutum sit c. 1. § 7.

ut litterae sibi ad Tarquinios darentur. The regular phrase
for despatching a letter : do litteras (tabellarz'o) ad T. ' I give the
messenger a letter to take to T.' But the Dative is also used of
the person to whom the letter is addressed, after mitto, though never
after do.

4 datae litterae, ut pignus fidei essent, manifestum facinus fecerunt,
'the letter which was given (by the young nobles) in order to serve as a
pledge of their good faith, caused the detection of their crime.5

5 ut fit, ' as usually happens, as men naturally do.' In Pro Mil. 10.
§ 28 Cicero is trying to show that his client left Rome on a certain
occasion very late in the day, and among other things which he sug-
gests that Milo had to wait for, is dum se uxor, ut fit, comparat,
'while his wife was getting herself ready for the journey, as ladies
do,5 i.e. with great deliberation.

excepit, 'caught up,' 'overheard.' The Prep, has a similar, partly
hostile, meaning in efferre sermonem, 'to publish a (private) remark.5
[Cf. rather exaudire, 'to catch a distant sound.' J. S. R.]

9o LIVY II NOTES c. 4. 7, 5. 1—3

7 deprehendendos. The Consuls acted on the information forthwith,
in virtue of the imperium which was the highest prerogative of their
office.

oppressere, * caught and crushed.' The word always implies taking
one's enemy by surprise, and generally that he is unable to resist.

commisisse, ut...essent, 'to have allowed themselves to become,' a
fairly common construction. Cp. 25. 6. 17 commisimus ut...Romanus...
superesset, ' the escape of the Romans was due to our action.'

ius gentium, 'the Law of Nations,' i.e. the regular practices re-
cognised equally by different nations; especially, if not always, used in
regard to their dealings with one another, e.g. 21. 10. 6, 21. 25. 7. The
point here observed was that the persons of envoys were inviolable.

Chap. 5.

1 bonis regiis. mss. regis, but bonis regum in § 5 makes this slight
correction desirable : in the next sentence some editors retain the ibi
of the mss., but ei seems needed.

quae reddi...censuerant. The Ace. and Pres. Inf. (both Active and
Passive) after censeo is frequent in Livy, on the pattern of the construction
of iubeo, though he more often still uses esse with the Gerundive, with
same sense as the Pres. Inf. Pass.
I in publicum redigi. The phrase covers both an actual confiscation

and its formal entry in the books of the public Exchequer.

2 contacta, Nominative; cf. o?nnia coniacta societate peculatus 38. 55. 4.

Page 6.

cum eis, i.e. the Tarquins. The phrase is boldly attached to pads to
serve as an adjective ; cf. meam uobiscujn pacem c. 15. 5.

3 dicitur fuisse...uis hominum fudere...aceruos sedisse. This
variation between a report given at second hand and a direct statement
is quite in Livy's half-poetical manner; cf. 1. 39. 2-4. It is clear that
the use of the Indicative is merely a matter of style ; Livy avoids the
cumbrousness and formality of a long passage in Or. Obi., but does not
mean to vouch for one part of the story any more positively than for the
rest.

religiosum erat. This phrase and its older equivalent religio erat
both take the Infinitive to denote the act which is forbidden by religion.
The literal rendering of the Adj. phrase is 'it was an act involving
religious difficulty,' of the Noun-phrase 'there was a religious difficulty

LIVY II NOTES c. 5. 3-5 91

in doing* ; the latter shows a more primitive use of the Infinitive, which
in origin is not a Nominative but the Locative (in the Passive, the
Dative) Case of a Verbal Noun, religio means properly 'a tying back
or down,' 'something which ties one.'

simul immissa, i.e. in segetem. Notice the lapse of time between
the action of immissa and of the main verb fudere, and see the Hints on
Livy's Style p. 80.

fudere. This Plural Verb after a Collective Noun {magna uis
hominum) is very common in all Latin writers; but when the Verb
follows immediately upon the Singular forms it is generally put in the
Singular.

4 insulam, i.e. the Insula Tiberina, sacred to Aesculapius and con-
taining temples dedicated to him and to more genuinely Italian deities
like Jupiter and Faunus.

inde...et aliis, i.e. ex his aceruis et aliis rebus.

manuque adiutum (esse), ut. This apparently Impersonal use is
commoner with Verbs which take a Dative like subuenire; but perhaps
the clause ut...esset should be counted the real subject of the Passive.

tarn eminens, 'as high above the river (as it now is).'

firma templis...sustinendis. Elsewhere Jirmus takes ad, but this
Dative (of Work Contemplated, Allen and Greenough § 299) is common
after ualidus.

5 With this section compare the magnificent account of the scene in
the prophecy of Anchises Verg. Aen. 6. 8176°.

supplicium, the penalty of scourging and beheading; the word
means literally the 'kneeling on bended knees' to suffer it, from sub
and plicare to fold or bend. The Adj. supplex and the Verb supplicare
denote only the more usual object of kneeling, i.e. to make an entreaty.

qui spectator erat amouendus, ' whom, had he been (even) a (mere)
onlooker, one would have wished away,' or more freely 'whom one
would have wished to keep away even from the sight of the execution.'
This striking use of the Verbal Nouns in -tor, giving in a single word
the meaning of a whole clause, is a favourite turn in both Livy and
Tacitus ; here it is an ^"-clause that is thus condensed; in c. 12. 5 (ultor)
and 18. 6 {nioderatorem) the Nouns replace a Clause of Purpose, which
is perhaps the commonest use (as Verg. Aen. 2. 96). The regular
Future tense in Sanskrit is formed simply by combining this same
Verbal Noun with the Present of the verb to be, 'he is a giver' being put
for ' he will give.'

dedit, 'set,' 'put,' 'made,' a common meaning of dare in old Latin,

92 LIVY II NOTES c. 5. 5—10

preserved in poetry (e.g. Verg. A en. 9. 323 uasta dabo — uastabo) and
greatly loved by poetical writers of prose like Livy and Tacitus ; cf.
sermo per ciuitatem datus c. 2. 4 sup. So in the compounds condo, abdo
« etc. [Is not dedit 'allotted,' as in Cic. Verr. 2. 4. 90? J. S. R.]

6 auerterant, 'had attracted away from everyone else to '; cf. Gr. airo-
in &iro(3\£TT€iv ets n, and c. 45. 2 n.

7 illos subject to induxisse in ani?num, put first for emphasis.

eo potissimum anno, ' in that year of all others.' This Adv. always
implies a choice of one thing out of several others, and is very common
with Demonstratives, as here.

quidquid deorum etc. An old and half colloquial formula for omnes
deos etc. ; cf. Hor. Epode 5. 1 at 0 deorum quidquid in caelo regit, and for
the use of quidquid with other words in everyday speech, cf. Catullus
37. 4 quidquid est puellarum. It is no doubt used here intentionally to
suggest the phrases actually used by the folk looking on at the time.

infesto, • threatening,' ' dangerous,' especially common in the phrase
^ infesto agmine (inuadere) 'marching with active hostility,' i.e. ravaging
as you go, the opposite of pacato agmine ' doing no harm. '

8 pater uoltusque et os eius. The que adds by way of explanation
the particular point in the father's demeanour to which everyone looked.
uoltus like English ' look ' denotes especially the expression of the eyes,
os includes the forehead and the whole countenance. The Singular
Verb is regular (Allen and Gr. § 205 b) after more than one Subject
of kindred meaning, expressing different aspects of the same notion,
especially with Abstract Nouns, e.g. 21. 35. 7 cum pigritia et desperatio
in omniu?n uoltu emineret.

eminente animo patrio, ' since the natural feelings of a father could
be clearly read in his face.'
10 uindicta liberatus. uindicta meant originally 'the assertion of
v forcible control ' (uim dicere) over some person or thing, and hence ' the
act of making a claim.' But this more general meaning was expressed
by the word uindicatio and uindicta was commonly used only in connexion
with a particular kind of claim, viz. that made for the freedom of some
person by a friend (called the assertor) as against any one who claimed
him for his slave. The assertor professed to be claiming the man as a
slave of his own and expressed this by touching his head with a rod, to
which, as it was the most conspicuous feature of the ceremony, the name
uindicta was given. Where the owner of a slave consented to his
liberation, so that there was in reality no dispute, the ceremony was
still performed before the praetor, and the rod was held merely by one

LIVY II. NOTES c. 5. io, 6. i, 2 93

of the praetor's lictors who represented the imaginary friend. For
further details see Diet. Antiqq. s. v. Manumissio.

nomen tractum ab illo putant. This is a good example of what is
called an aetiological myth, i.e. a story invented to give the reason for a
name or a custom (from aMo ' cause '). Thus the story of the seizure
of the Sabine women by Romulus' young men (Livy 1. 9) was originally
devised to explain the custom in Roman marriages by which the bride-
groom pretended to seize the bride by force. So the legend of the
discovery of the human head (1. 55. 5) on the site of the Capitol, no
doubt was created to explain the name. In this case the story has just
reversed the truth : the name Vindicius is a mere shadow of the word
uindieta.

Page 7.

ita liberati, i.e. by this formal ceremony. There were other simpler
methods {e.g. one called inter amicos) which did not confer the emit as.

Chap. 6.

1 dolo, Dative with obsaeptam.

moliendum. The word means to set about contriving something
which is difficult, and generally something which is regarded by the
writer describing it as wrong or at least hostile, cf. c. 3. 6 legati alia
moliri, where, as often, the word has a further notion of underhand
action. Both in derivation (motes, an artificial embankment, like a
breakwater or rampart) and use it is parallel to the Eng. colloquial
phrase 'to engineer' (a rebellion or the like).

Etruriae urbes...Veientes Tarquiniensesque. Veii and Tarquinii
were members of the ' Etruscan league ' of twelve cities.

2 no se ortum indidem...perire sinerent. The ms. reading is simply
ne se ortum eiusdetn etc., which some editors endeavour to justify by
taking se as Abl. and referring it to the Tarquinienses, the subject of
sinerent (to which of course suos later on does refer). But besides the
difficulty that the Noun or Pronoun agreeing with ortum is then left to
be supplied by the reader, H. J. Miiller shows from a number of
passages that when Livy places se first in a subordinate sentence he
means it to refer, if there is any ambiguity, to the subject of the main
sentence (here the speaker King Tarquin), not to that of the subordinate
sentence ; cf. e.g. the precisely parallel sentence c. 9. 1 ne se, oriundos
ex Etruscis, eiusdem sanguinis nominisque, egentes exulare pateretur,

94 LIVY II NOTES c. 6. 2—6

and also 1. 26. 9; 4. 41. w ; 43. 2. 2. Contrast c. 2. 9 where the se
referring to the subject of the subord. clause is carefully placed after
uinci. Hence some emendation is necessary, and the suggestion of
m M. Muller ne se ortum indidem eiusdem etc. accounts best for the MS.
reading, since the first of the two words ending in the same syllable is
often overlooked by copyists.

eiusdem sanguinis. To such descriptive phrases in the Gen. or
Abl. Cicero regularly adds a colourless Noun — homo, femina etc. as
the case may be — in Apposition to the word denoting the person
described. This 'peg- word,' as it may be called, is often wanting in
Livy, as here, and e.g. 4. 41. 12 exactae iam aetatis Capitolinus, and
regularly omitted by Tacitus, e.g. Agric. 4. 1.

extorrem, egentem. This phrase and the thought of the sentence
were perhaps suggested by Verg. Aen. 1. 384 ipse ignotus, egens, and
that passage generally; on such parallelisms see c. 50. 9m

modo, Adverb, 'but now, only recently,' attached to the phrase
ex tanto regno as though it contained a Verb {tanto regno modo exuto).

alios... : se regem etc. Coupled by Contrast, see c. 1. 8n. The
Plur. alios alludes rhetorically to the single example of the Sabine
Numa, 1. 34. 6.
•7L augentem bello R. imp. i.e. besieging Ardea 1. 57.

3 quia...uisus sit...rapuisse...dedisse, ne quis...esset. We have
already had an example of the retention of the Primary Tenses of the
Or. Recta in subordinate clauses of Or. Obliqua in c. 3. 3. Here the
Secondary tense esset is due to that of dedisse. In Or. Recta we should
have had: quia nemo . . .uisus est...rapuerunt ; . . .dederunt ne quis... esset,
so that the Tenses are preserved in Or. Obi. without change. So
c. 44. 8 ; 10. 24. §§ 9 and 13 ; Caes. B. G. 1. 34. 2 and frequently.

ferrent. . .adiuuarent. . .irent. After a Secondary governing Verb the
Imperative of the Or. Recta becomes the Imperfect Subjunctive, and
this is regularly the case even when Primary Tenses of the Subjunctive
appear beside it retained from the Or. Recta without change ; cf. the
last note, and for other examples c. 44. 4 darent, conciliarent, after uelit
and sit ]ust before; 45. 8 ; 48. 2 ; 3. 50. 8 etc.
6 quadrato agmine, 'in defensive formation,' i.e. with the line of
march so arranged that it could immediately change into line of battle
(acies) ; it was not always square. See the Die. Antiqq. II, p. 807.

primus eques. Livy is exceedingly fond of this picturesque use of the
Sing, for Plur. in naming bodies of men : so pedes, mites, and in § 11
below Tarquiniensis, Romannm.

LIVY II NOTES c. 6. 7—10, 7. 1—3 95

Page 8.

7 ultores adeste. On this use of the Nouns in -tor v. c. 5. 5 n.

8 derigit. According to the best mss. in the bulk of the occurrences,
this, and not dirigere, is the Verb used by Livy in the sense of * direct.'

turn, ' in those (primitive) times,' so in c. 7. 4 inf.

9 dum. . .uolneraret, ' if only he could wound, ' representing ' dum (modo)
uolnerem' in the thought of the combatants. The meaning is that
they rode straight at each other, without any swerving to escape a blow.

10 neque ita multo post. Like the parallel Eng. idiom 'not so very,'
non multus implies a following clause : ' not so long after (as one might
have expected).'

uelut aequo Marte. aequo Marie is such a common phrase that in
itself it does not need the apologetic uelut ('as it were, so to speak') ;
uelut here means ' roughly speaking, practically, almost.'

Chap. 7.

1 suas quisque... domos quisque for uterque as frequently; it refers
to either army as a whole, domos probably to the homes of the
individual soldiers. Livy commonly uses the Ace. PI., like the Ace.
Sing., without in, meaning 'to their homes,' but he also uses in, and in
other authors domos alone in this sense is comparatively rare.

2 adiciunt. The subject is vague, 'people' or 'historians,' as often,
esp. with Verbs of saying. On this story see the Introd.

silua Arsia, not far from Rome, towards the N.E.

Siluani. To this 'god of the woodland,' also called Faunus and
identified with the Greek Pan, the wild, fun-loving god of the mountains,
was attributed the power of uttering cries which caused a sudden fright
(iravacbs <p6(3os) in an army. It is very doubtful whether Silvanus had
this character before he was identified with Pan.

uno plus Tuscorum, scil. quam Romanorum.

\unceTe = uictorem esse, as often, cf. the regular phrases uincere
iudicioy uincere sponsione.

3 postquam illuxit, nec.erat. The Perfect denotes the single event
of the dawn, the Impf. a state of things which lasted some time ; the
Impf. is frequently thus used by Livy after postquam and other Temporal
Conjunctions, cf. postquam satis apparebat c. 25. 3, ut nihil mouebant
c- 45- 3-

96 LIVY II NOTES c. 7. 3—10

quicquam nostrum, a very common use of the Neut. Pron., cf.
quicquid deorum c. 5. 7 n. quisquam has rather better MS. authority,
but is less likely to have been changed by a copyist than the neuter.
4 morti for mortuo. Abstract for Concrete : cf. Cic. Phil. 9. 3
mortem eius non monumento sed luctu publico esse ornandam putarem.
Propertius goes still further 2. 13 b. 4 (3. 5. 6) using the word of the
dead body itself: nee sit in Attalico mors mea nixa toi'o.

annum. A year of mourning was the regular period after the loss
of a husband, wife, or parent : but it consisted of only 10 months,
which was the original length of the Calendar year at Rome, and still
survived in this religious usage.

Page 9.

6 alto atque munito loco. The Velia was a piece of rising ground of
no great height, connecting the Palatine and Esquiline hills and shutting
in the former at its N.E. end ; many centuries later it was levelled out
of existence for the new buildings of the Flavian Emperors. The real
objection to its use was probably that it had been previously the

^ residence of one of the Kings ('Tullus Hostilius' Cic. Rep. 2. 31. 53),
and so was thought to point to royal ambitions in Valerius ; cf.
c. 8. 3 n.

7 indignitate, ■ because of the shamefulness of the charge.'
summissis fascibus, i.e. he acknowledged that his authority was

conferred on him by the populus whom he was addressing.

in contionem escendit, the regular phrase for mounting some point
of vantage from which to address an assembly in the forum ; in later
times generally the rostra.

8 ad Aquilios Vitelliosque, • to the level of such people as the A. and
V.'; see c 4. 1 ; and for the Plur. cf. Coclites Muciosque c. 13. 8n.

9 timerem ? Unreal Deliberative Question in Past Time, ' the Sub-
junctive of Imagination,' N. L. P. § 383.

10 tarn leui momento etc. ' or believe that my good or ill repute should
turn on so slight a circumstance.' momentum, lit. ' that which makes to
move,' is properly the weight whose addition turns the scale ; hence often
metaphorically as ' the decisive factor.'

meam...famam pendere. pendere has less MS. authority than
pendet, but its construction is slightly less obvious and it is therefore
more likely to have been altered. The sign for final -m is constantly
omitted, and often wrongly added in mss., so that it hardly amounts
to a correction to write meant famam instead of mea fama. The

LIVY II. NOTES c. 7. 10—12, 8. 1, 2 97

reason is that final -m hardly existed in sound in the spoken language ;
even in the Classical period it was only heard as a 'nasal colour' to the
vowel, which it made long. Hence in Inscriptions and in good mss. it
is often denoted by a straight line over the vowel {mea famd), but this
is very frequently omitted.

11 supra suspectum, a play on the literal meaning of the Parte,
'glanced at from underneath,' i.e. with furtive looks of suspicion.
Remember the totally different meaning of the Verb suspicere, in all its
other forms ('to look up to, respect '). No doubt suspectus was in use
as an Adj. long before the compound Verb as a whole was made (and
made on the pattern of aspicio, respicio). This is often the case with
(so-called) Participles, but is of course disguised by the ordinary arrange-
ment of our dictionaries. Compare ignotus, argutus and others whose
meanings diverge from those of the corresponding Verbs.

melius... creditur libertas = melius est credi libertatem, slightly
ironical. Or, less probably, melius may =plenius 'with more con-
fidence from you.' The first rendering is confirmed by c. 30. 6 et
homini et potestaii melius rati credi.

12 aedes seems a necessary restoration. The preceding ~ae and following
es- would make its loss easy by 'haplography,' i.e. the mistake of writing
a particular letter or set of letters once only when they ought to be
repeated. It is good Latin to say eo ad Veiieris ' I am going to Venus'
temple,' but there seem to be no examples of such a phrase as ubi
Veneris estt except in the architectural writer, Vitruvius.

Chap. 8, page 10.

1 uerterent, intrans., as very commonly in the meaning 'turn in a
certain direction, end in a certain way.'

2 Publicolae. The older spelling Poplicola was more correct, but the
name was altered to be like publicus, which itself had been changed
from the older poplicus (also derived in fact from populus) because it
was popularly connected with pubes ' the manhood of the state,' especially
perhaps with the phrase pube praesente ' in presence of the people.'

de prouocatione. This law has been called the Magna Charta of the
Roman citizen ; it was the foundation of all his personal liberty, enacting
that no magistrate could inflict on him sentence of death, or a sentence
affecting his status as a citizen, without allowing time to appeal to
the whole people. Such appeals had no doubt been occasionally or

C. L. II. 7

98 LIVY II NOTES c. 8. 2—8

customarily allowed by the Kings, as acts of grace (1. 26. 8). A Dictator
was the only magistrate who was not bound by this law (c. 18. 8).
[Later on even a Dictator was subjected to it, probably in 300 B.C.
J. S. R.] Either by this law or by later ones (the dates of the
various enactments are uncertain) the right of appeal was granted also
against sentences of scourging, and to citizens at a distance from Rome.
The nature of the right was so familiar to every Roman that Livy feels
it superfluous even to state it here. In 450 B.C. a regulation of the
XII Tables fixed the Comitia Centuriata as the proper body to hear
these * appeals,' which henceforward were regarded as the real trial of
the offence, the sentence of the magistrate being merely a formal
preliminary: de capile cutis nisi per comitiatum maximum... ne ferunto
(Cic. De Leg. 3. 4. 11). And since every Roman citizen had the ius
exulandi, or right of going into exile to escape an impending sentence
of death, the right of Prouocatio meant that no Roman citizen could be
legally put to death.

sacrandoque, 'laying under a curse,' literally 'devoting to the gods
(as a victim).' The legal effect of such a sentence was that the offender
became an outcast who could be killed with impunity ; his guilt of
course had first to be established before the Comitia Centuriata.

3 ut sua unius in his gratia esset. On gratia see c. 3. 3 n. This
sentence brings out strikingly the almost royal position of Valerius, and
the preponderance of his family in the early years of the Republic
appears throughout Livy's narrative ; — in the first six years a consul was
five times chosen from this powerful house.

4 Sp. Lucretius, the father of Lucretia (1. 58).

7 foedum, 'dire,' 'ill-omened.'

foedum...nuntium incutiunt. It is noteworthy that Livy does not
stop to tell us whether the announcement was true or false, — presumably
therefore it was true. It is an interesting example of ancient sentiment,
which Livy himself shares, that the announcement of the bereavement
at this particular time should seem a more grievous matter than the
bereavement itself.

funesta familia. The Adj., which is derived from fimus, funeris
(orig. funesis), has its literal sense, 'provided with, under the shadow of,
a death.'

8 tantum...roboris, scil. ut a dedicatione non deterreretur.

nihil aliud...auersus, quam ut, 'suffering himself to be no further
interrupted than to.' This Adverbial use of the Ace. is frequent in
Pronouns, cf. c. 10. 3.

LIVY II. NOTES c. 8. 8, 9, 9. 1—6 99

iuberet. By this answer he implied that the matter did not require
his own attention, and therefore need not interrupt the ceremony he was
then performing.
9 Mommsen inserts another pair of consuls (as given by Dion. Hal.
5. 21); but see c. 15. 1 n.

Chap. 9, page 11.

1 Porsinnam appears to be the spelling most common in the best
MSS. of Livy : Por senna in Verg. Aen. 8. 646, but Poi'sena Hor. Epod.
16. 4.

Clusinum regem. Clusium seems at this time (and perhaps later
5. 33 fT.) to have been chief of the 12 Etruscan Cities, since its King
is appealed to as the leading power in Etruria.

orabant, ne se...pateretur. On the position and meaning of se see
c. 6. 2 n.

oriundos, like secundus 'following' from sequor, and uoluenda [dies)
'rolling (time),' shows an old use of the forms in -ndus as Pres. Parte.
Pass, or Deponent.

2 — 3 sineret defendant. Verbs in the Subjunctive, depending directly

on a Past main Verb which serves to introduce a passage in Or. Obi.,
regularly follow the ordinary rules of Past Sequence, even though, in the
sentences that follow, the Primary Tenses of the Or. Recta (see c. 3. 3 n.)
may be retained : cf. c. 57. 3 uellet and posset^ with trahant in the next
sentence ; also c. 59. 4 ; 24. 48. 3 and often.

4 cum regem esse Romae tum...amplum Tuscis ratus. It was no
doubt to the interest of the Etruscan lords that Rome also should be
governed by a despot, but was hardly an 'honour' to them ; so that, if
the text is sound, we must understand from amplum, which properly
only applies to the /wzrc-clause, some word meaning 'best' or 'expedient';
I suspect however that tutum may have fallen out before turn.

Etruscae... Tuscis. We do not know enough about the Etruscans
to explain even the two forms of their name (except that the second
originally contained r as much as the first, Umbrian Turskum, Gr.
Tvpa-yvol, whence in Attic TvpprjvoL).

6 blandimenta plebi...ab senatu data. This is typical of the attitude
of the Plebs in the early days of the Republic. It was not the common
folk, but the nobles, like Valerius, who had expelled the Tarquins
(cf. c. 8. 3 n.), and the Senate, representing the Patricians (c. 1. n n.),

7—2

ioo LIVY II NOTES c. 9. 6

had to face the danger that the Plebs might side with the deposed
monarch.

j. salis uendendi arbitrium, 'the monopoly of the sale of salt' — the

one necessary article of food difficult to obtain in primitive communities
(as in the villages of India to-day), so that special regulations came to
be made for its provision : it is a curiously early example of the policy
of granting monopolies of the sale of necessaries to private individuals,
which has been tried again and again by all sorts of governments, and
always ends badly.

portoriisque et tribute portoria are properly dues levied on

*t goods imported or exported, but here the word stands for taxes on
merchandise generally, as 32. 7. 3 ; 38. 44. 4. tributum was a special
tax levied on citizens according to their property to meet the expenses
of war. [In theory it was only a loan. J. S. R.]

qui oneri ferendo essent, 'who were (as they reflected) equal to
bearing the tax'; lit. 'were for bearing.' It is an old use which

/* commonly occurs only in a few set phrases like soluendo esse ' to be by
way of paying, be solvent,' usui esse 'to be (fit) for use.' It was no
doubt regarded by the Romans as akin to the Dat. of Work Contem-
plated (e.g. decemuir sacris faciendis) ; Livy has also igni restinguendo
(30. 6. 3), tolerando certamini (10. 5. 5) and a few other exx. The
Gerund-forms like soluendo are in origin not Datives at all, but com-

Tr pounds of a Post-position -do (as in quan-do, and no doubt originally
7)ixtTepov-$G)) identical with Eng. to, added to the Ace. of the same
Verbal Noun as that whose Dative furnished the Passive Inf., so that
soluem-do (the original of soluendo) meant orig. 'towards paying, in
paying.' When -do ceased to be commonly used, these forms were
counted Datives and Ablatives and the rest of the Gerund formed on
their analogy. Whatever the origin of the Gerundive, its ordinary use
/ was certainly modelled on that of the Gerund, cf. Roby, Lat. Gram.
Vol. 2, Preface.

pauperes satis... pendere. The Ace. and Inf. clause gives the
reason felt by the Senate for their liberal policy towards the Plebeians ;
the ^/-clause suggests the reference to their thoughts.

stipendii properly used (1) of a soldier's pay, and hence of the
period of time for which he receives it, 'a campaign,' and (2) of tribute
j„ paid in money by a conquered enemy (opposed to uectigal, tribute in
kind). Hence the second use is metaphorically applied to the contri-
bution made by parents to the State in rearing sons to fight for it.

educent. This, the reading of all mss., may I think be retained :

LIVY II NOTES c. 9. 6—8, 10. i, 2 101

the Present Subj. in the Or. Obi. after Imperfects in preceding Depen-
dent Clauses is quite in Livy's manner, see above § 2 n. educare refers
to physical rearing quite as often as to 'education' in the modern sense
(to which of course there is no reference here), e.g. Varro says educit
obstetrix, educat nuirix, instituit paedagogus, docet magister (ap. Non.
447- 33)> cf' Hor. Epist. t. 15. 22. On the other hand the allusion to
the care and expense of rearing a family seems more in place here than
the meaning of educere which refers properly only to the first stages of a
child's life. The two Verbs are not so strictly separated in use as to
make educerent a bad reading, if the mss. gave it : but as they give
educent I see no reason to alter it.

For the sentiment compare the idea underlying the word proletarii,
and Hor. Od. 3. 6. 37 flf.
8 nee quisquam unus, stronger than nee quisq. alone, cf. nemo unus
c. 6. 3, and the common use of unus with Superlatives {Rhipens ius-
tissinius unus Qui fuit in Teucris Verg. A en. 2. 426).

Chap. IO, page 12.

1 Tiberi obiecto, 'by the barrier of the Tiber,' lit. 'by the Tiber
thrown in front of them in the way (of the enemy).' The ancient wall
of Servius ran down to the bank of the Tiber at two points and there
ceased ; see the map. The wall on the W. of the Tiber which included
the Janiculum was not at this time in existence.

2 pons sublicius, the bridge on sublicae or piles of wood, long the only
bridge over the Tiber ; see the map. It was first built at a time when
metal nails were unknown, and even in the days of Augustus it was still
repaired, when necessary, by pegs of wood (Dion. Hal. 5. 24) : this was
due to the religious veneration with which it was regarded, see the
Diet. Ant.

iter paene...dedlt, ni unus uir fuisset. This is an example of the
very common idiom by which for the true Apodosis is substituted an
unconditional statement of a kindred fact, which suggests the Apodosis,
and adds something to the narrative ; ■ but for one man, the bridge
(would have afforded and in fact) almost did afford a passage.'
So the well-known numeros memini si uerba tetierem (Verg. Eel. 9. 45)
'I remember the tune (and I could sing the song) if only I could
recollect the words'; cf. c. 22. 1 Volsci comparauerant an x ilia ni
maturatum ab dictaiore Romano esset. N. L. P. 417 c.

102 LIVY II. NOTES c. 10. 2—9

Codes means 'one-eyed' (Varro L. L. 7. 71), and it is probably
borrowed from the Greek kvkKw^ [which Ennius uses it to translate
J. S. R. ] ; words taken over orally from another language are often dis-
torted— paXaveia (pi.) becomes balneae {tem.)y asparagus 'sparrow-grass,'
and so on. It was very likely connected popularly with oculus ; the
termination was assimilated to the common ~es -itis. Possibly, however,
it is a genuine Latin word meaning 'with his two eyes in one' from
co(m)- and oculus. The possession o( this name does not imply that this
particular Horatius had only one eye, though Dionysius (5. 23. 2) seems
to have thought so.

id munimentum = eum {i.e. Horatiuni) pro munimento, and shows
the regular attraction of a Pronoun into the gender of the Predicate
(Direct or Oblique), cf. hoc opus, hie labor est Verg. Aen. 6. 129.

3 deum et hominum fidem, l the conscience of gods and men/ i.e. he
called on them to bear witness truthfully to what they knew, fides has
here its active sense of the qualities which win confidence in oneself
from others. So in the common phrase imploro fidem ' I beseech the
(loyal) aid of; c. 23. 8 inf.

4 praesidio in a local sense ' their post ' (so c. 50. 11); but oftener, as
in § 1 above, it includes the sentries themselves.

transitum pontem, rhetorically stronger than transeundum (kostibus),
'the bridge and the enemy (as they will be) on your side of it.' Others
take tr. reliquissent as transissent et reliq., which is less effective.

itaque monere, praedicere. Historic Infin. of events which move
rapidly — its commonest use.

ut pontem . . . quacumque ui possint , interrumpant : se . . . , quantum
...posset..., excepturum. The variation of the Tenses here is striking,
but we have no right to alter the text (to possit) in view of passages like
c. 39. 11: airox responsum rettulerunt : si Volscis ager redderetur,
posse agi de pace ; si praeda belli per otium frui uelinti...se...adnisu-
rum, ut appareat etc. See Appendix II.

5 uadit, 'strode.' This Verb always has the meaning of free, un-
hampered motion over a clear space ; so also in the compounds inuado,
euado.

7 reuocantibus (illis), abl. absol.

8 seruitia, more contemptuous than seruos, 'tools,' 'chattels'; in
apposition to illos understood. The clause from seruitia to uenire is
Or. Obi., containing Horatius' taunts.

9 alius alium...circumspectant shows the regular construction of
such Pronoun phrases, Singular in apposition to a Plur. subject.

LIVY II. NOTES c. 10. 10 — 13, 11. 1—5 103

Page 13.

10 obiecto cuncta scuto. By placing cuncta next to obiecto Livy gives
prominence to the chief point of the picture ; ingenti and gradu, just
below, are separated with the same object; 'his feet firmly planted,
wide apart.'

cum simul fragor...sustinuit. Note that this 'Inverted raw-con-
struction ' always takes the Indie. Like the similar arrangement in Eng.
it introduces some sudden event breaking in on what was going on
before.

alacritate perfecti operis, ' in their glee at having completed their
task.' The Gen., I think, is best called Subjective ; 'glee inspired by.'

11 propitio flumine. The Adj., which (except in termination) is
identical with Gr. irpo-Trer-ris 'moving towards, inclined towards, prone,' «
has here a half-literal sense, like secundo jliimine, ' with current moving

in the desired direction'; render 'with favouring stream.' The address
is modelled on the prayer of Aeneas to the Tiber which Vergil {A en.
8. 72) has borrowed from Ennius. See c. 50. 9 n.

ita, ' thereon,' so c. 31. 10 and often at the close of a speech.

sic armatus, lit. 'so armed,' i.e. 'armed as he was'; cf. sic nudos
Cic. Rose. Am. 26. 71.

plus famae quam fldei, a skilfully chosen phrase which neither
asserts nor denies Livy's own belief in the story he has so splendidly
recorded.
13 studia, 'enthusiasm'; properly 'feelings of eagerness.'

in magna inopia. The Prepn. means 'in face of, in spite of,' as
often; cf. c. 3. 4.

Chap. 11.

1 ripis, 'along the bank'; the Plur. is often used of several points
along one bank, e.g. 1. 17. 11.

3 infestum, 'dangerous, full of marauders'; see c. 5. 7 n. y,
propellere, scil. pecus.

4 in paruis rebus... seruabat, 'careless of avenging petty injuries,
reserved the weight of his punishment for more serious encroachments.'
ultio is vengeance springing from personal feeling, uindicta public
redress.

5 porta Esquilina. See the map for this and the other spots men-
tioned in this chapter. The result of Valerius' strategy was to lure the

104 L1VY II NOTES c. 11. 5—10, 12. 1, 2

enemy over to the E. side of the city, the furthest from their camp, and
to attack them on four sides simultaneously ; Lucretius coming upon
them from the South, Valerius from the city directly West of them,
Herminius from his ambush behind them two miles to the E., and
Larcius cutting off their flight round the city to the North.
6 et sciere. et at the beginning of a sentence is always somewhat
emphatic; here, as often, it means 'and in fact,' confirming what has
gone before, a meaning especially common in the phrases et certe, et
hercle. Sometimes, as in c. 28. 8, it means 'and besides'; sometimes, as
in c. 64. 6, 'and on the other hand.' For still another use cf. c. 38. 5 n.

Page 14.

9 dextra laeuaque hinc.illinc. hinc regularly refers to the last
of two contrasted points, here therefore to laeua, so that 'right' and
' left ' are written from the Romans' point of view, looking East.
10 uagandi, so Madvig for euagandi of the mss. The compound
denotes digression on either side of a fixed course, especially the regular
manoeuvres of squadrons of cavalry, and is not appropriate to strag-
gling bodies of plunderers. The corruption came from ' dittography '
of the last -e of the preceding effuse*

Chap. 12.

1 cum C. Mucius. There is no Verb, strictly speaking, to this cum ;
the sentence is broken by a long parenthesis, and resumed by itaque
in §3-

C. Mucius. This story with those of Horatius and Cloelia, as well as
much of the detail of the exploits of the Valerii, is no doubt derived
from family traditions. These were of course originally handed down
orally, and until they were reduced to writing tended to be perpetually
embellished by the custom of reciting them in the orations delivered at
the funerals of members of the family. Livy recognises their half-
poetical character, and gives them always in half-poetical diction ; cf.
c. 10. 11 n. and § 8 nn. below. See also Livy's own statement 8. 40. 4.

2 [cum sub regibus esset]. These words add nothing to the meaning
and destroy the balance of sound between this clause and the following
(liberum eundem etc.), to which it is Coupled by Contrast ; they seem to
me a gloss to seruicntem which has crept into the text.

LIVY II. NOTES c. 12. 2—10 105

fuderit represents fudit in O. Recta, the tense being retained : see
c. 10. 411.

4 forte deprehensus = si forte deprehensus esset.

fortuna turn urbis crimen adfirmante. This depends on the
preceding si . . .retraheretur and the crimen (transfugicndi) is merely
hypothetical : * since the position in which the city then lay would
confirm such a charge.'

5 populationum in uicem ultor, ■ to avenge their raids in our turn ' ;
see n. on spectator c. 5. 5. in uicem is used practically as an Adj., cf.
c. 44. 12 multis in uicei7i casibus.

populationum. Note that the word populari means not 'to de-
populate,' but 'to fill with folk, to overrun,' and hence 'to plunder.'

6 tribunal in a Roman camp was a raised platform of turf on the left
of the General's tent, from which he addressed the soldiers, gave
judgment on offences and the like.

7 pari fere ornatu, 'in much the same style of dress.' Note that
ornare and its derivatives do not imply the notion of mere superfluities,
which is suggested by the Eng. 'ornament,' but relate to attire or outfit
as a whole ; cf. the phrase ornare nauem to supply a ship with sails etc.

Page 15.

semet...aperiret quis esset, like the Greek oXM <re Saris el ' I know
thee who thou art ' ; but the construction is not so regular in Latin,
though common enough.

8 uadentem, see c. 10. 5 n. ; the bystanders at first fled before him.
trepidam turbam cruento mucrone, picturesque and poetical

language. The word mucro (except in the literal sense of ' point ') and
two ornamental epithets so close together would be out of place in prose
narrative at the ordinary level of feeling.

destitutus, ' placed, a solitary prisoner.' The Verb always implies >•>
being left alone, and generally helpless, like a ship stranded high and
dry.

fortunae minas, another poetical phrase ; the reader is now prepared

for the poetical simplicity and nobility of the speech which follows.

10 et facere et pati, a common antithesis, softening the slight 'Zeugma'

in the use of fortia which goes strictly only with facere'. render it 'what

a brave man should.'

in singulas horas, 'for each successive hour ' 'from hour to hour ' ^

7*
cf. in singulos annos 3. 15. 4. The phrase does not imply, like in diesy

an increase of intensity in the action.

io6 LIVY II. NOTES c. 12, 12—16

12 nullum proelium timueris. Until recently the Perf. Subj. has
been counted the regular Tense in Prohibitions. But in the best period
it only occurs colloquially — e.g. in the Dramatists and Cicero's
Letters ; in serious Prose it is replaced by periphrases {noli, cane etc.).

\r Here the colloquial idiom is used to make the speech more life-like ; so
21. 44. 6. The Perf. Subj. refers to a Single Act, and is hence especially
common in peremptory prohibitions like ne me uno digito attigeris
'don't lay a finger on me' (Plaut. Persa 793), and it was probably felt
to be too curt for polished language. See Delbriick VergL Syntax
II. p. 376.

sibi, i.e. Porsinnae; on its position see c. 6. 2 n.

13 accenso...foculo, Dat. after the compound Verb inicit.

uelut alienato ab sensu...animo, 'as though his consciousness were
completely severed from the physical sensation/ There is a similar use
of alienare in 26. 14. 3 ; 3. 48. 1 shows a different construction.

torreret, 'suffered to burn.'

altaribus, poetical Plur. for Sing. ; originally used of things which
consisted of several parts, like ora (lips, eyes etc. hence) 'face,' pectora
(the organs of the breast, hence, metaphorically) 'heart, soul,' aequora
4 waters, sea ' ; so here ' the altar and the fire on it. ' This use of the
Plur. died out in prose, but in poetry it was preserved as an archaism,
and by imitation extended until almost any Noun denoting a thing
could be put into the Plur. instead of the Sing, if the poet chose.

14 macte uirtute esse, the Or. Obi. for made uirtute esto, an old
phrase meaning ' Well done, bravo,' lit. ' be blest with your valour.'
mactus is from the same root as Gr. fi&Kap, happy, macte is most easily
explained as an Adv. ; cf. bene est mihi, male est mihi ' 1 am well (or
* badly ') off.' Some however regard it as a Vocative, on the strength of
readings like macti este Liv. 7. 36. 5 ; but since in Or. Obi. we have
macte and not maciwn, these supposed examples of the Plural are
probably corrupt.

, iure belli liberum, ■ free from the laws of war,' i.e. from the power

which the state of war between us lawfully gives me over you.

15 ut...tuleris. The Perf. Subj. represents the act as single or forthwith
completed : ' in order that you may find yourself to have gained in a
moment.' The clause depends on some phrase like ' learn ' or ' I may
tell you,' which is easily understood before the main statement. It may
be called a clause of Prefatory Purpose,' cf. ne...negetis c. 29. I.

16 ceteri, ut cuiusque cec. primi, ' the rest in order, as each man's lot
may next have fallen.' This is Madvig's correction of the reading of

LIVY II. NOTES c. 12. 16, 13. 2—4 107

the best MSS. ukunque...primi. Inferior ones give ut cuique...primo>
whence some scholars read utcunque...primo, giving to ceciderit the
meaning of 'turn out, result,' and supplying as its subject sors, not in
the sense of 'lot ' which it has just above, but in that of ■ fortune.' Madvig
is clearly right ; for the meaning he assigns to cadere cf. Ter. Adelph.
4. 7. 22.

Chap. 13, page 16.

2 mouerat eum... casus. Note the Latin idiom by which an event or
feeling which affects men is made the Subject of the sentence, the
person or persons being the Object ; it is very common with Verbs
like mouere, incendere, afficere, stimulare {e.g. c. 6. 4). In English
substitute the Passive: 'he was so troubled both by '

a quo. The mss. give simply quo, but the nearest parallels quoted
{e.g. qua in c. 38. 2) do not really justify the bare Abl. here, and editors
generally insert a.

texisset...superessent. Oblique, expressing Porsinna's reflexions.
Cf. uellent in § 4.

subeunda dimicatio, 'the prospect of having to face a perilous
contest (for his life).'

ferret = offerret, as often in Livy. This half-poetical use of simple
Verbs in a 'strong' sense instead of their compounds is a favourite
idiom in Livy, and still more in Tacitus.

3 magis quia...nequiuerat...quam quod...ignoraret. Indie, and
Subjunc. as regularly, e.g. c. 1. 7.

4 agro Veientibus restituendo, i.e. that which according to the
legends Romulus and Ancus had taken from the Veientines (1. 15. 5
and 1. 33. 9).

expressa...Romanis. These words go together, Rom. being Dat.
after the Compd. Verb, but put at the end of the phrase, in spite
of the awkwardness of its coming next to da?idi, in order to make
clear that Rotnani is to be supplied as subject to uellent.

his condicionibus composita pace. But Pliny {Nat. H. 34. 39. 139)
adds that the Romans were obliged to hand over their arms and to
pledge themselves to use iron for agriculture only; and Tacitus {Hist.
3. 72) speaks of the city as having been 'surrendered.' It is clear
therefore that the traditions which Livy is following (see c. 12. 1 n. on
C. Mucius) have embellished the actual events. At the same time it is
clear also that the Romans gained their point so far as to keep the

108 LIVY II NOTES c. 13. 4— 11

Tarquins out, — perhaps because, as Livy seems to suggest, Porsinna
himself was not very anxious to see them in power again.

Ianiculo...deduci followed by ab Ian. ded. in the next sentence,
merely for variety. Here the case is AbL, as appears from tota
Graecia deducere 32. 35. 12 with other examples {e.g. 37. 35. 9), but
a Prepn. is more commonly added.

5 agrum..., quae...prata, for the attraction of the Pron. cf. c. 10. 211.

6 publica decora, 'glorious deeds for their country.'

Romam and ad propinquos both depend on the notion of 'bringing
back ' easily supplied from sospites and restituit, just as in c. 49. 7 inf.

7 deposcendam, the regular word for demanding the surrender of some
particular person, especially of one who has committed some breach of
a treaty.

alias for ceteras, as often in Livy (e.g. 1. 7. 3) ; it is Object to facere,
which is probably, like the following dicere, Historic Inf., Porsinna
being represented as himself uttering the message he sent by his envoy.

8 Coclites Muciosque, 'men like Codes and Mucius,' a common use of
the Plur., cf. Volerones c. 58. 9.

quern ad modum...habiturum. In comparisons, the clauses intro-
duced by quern ad modum and ut are often allowed to fall into the Ace.
and Inf. in Or. Obi., though the Subjunc. is more usual. Cf. Cic.
Cluent. 49. 138 ut mare uentorum ui agitari . . .sic pop. Romanum etc.

intactam inuiolatamque. Unless the -que is a corruption due to
some scribe who did not see that deditam stood for si dedita sit, some
word like intactam, — a word which is very commonly combined with
inuiolatus (e.g. c. 12. 15), — must be restored: it may easily have fallen
out between the other two Partcc. in -tarn.

9 ex foedere, 'in accordance with the treaty,' a common meaning of ex.

10 quod is probably a Relative Pronoun, referring to Cloelia's action,
stated in the preceding clause; the Ace. and Inf. aetatem...liberari is
then added in loose Apposition to quod.

probabile, with consensu, ' likely to be approved by.'

Page 17.

potissimum with earn, see c. 5. 7 n.

11 There is no other example of an equestrian statue to a woman, and
this part of the story seemed strange to the Romans themselves (e.g.
Plin. 34. 6. 29). Modern scholars conjecture that the statue was really
one of the Equestrian Venus and, like many ancient statues, unlabclled,
so that it came to be popularly attributed to a human heroine*

LIVY II NOTES c. 14. i— 6 109

Chap. 14.

1 profectioni. . .abhorrens is said to be the only example of a Dat. after
this Verb ; the regular construction is with ab.

bona Porsinnae regis uendendi. Plutarch (Poplic. 19) tells us that
in selling property on behalf of the Treasury, — property which would be
either booty taken in war or confiscated from some public offender — the
auctioneer began by calling out ' The Goods of King Porsinna.' Livy's
explanation of the origin of the custom is not very convincing, but, so
far as I know, no better has been yet suggested.

2 uendendi, explanatory Gen., after titulus.

4 uenisse, shortened form of Perf. Inf. from ueneo.

in potestate...esset. Here and in half-a-dozen other passages in
Livy and other authors the best mss. give in potestatem with esse, which
some would defend by comparing the very different construction adesse in
with Ace. meaning ■ to have arrived at.' But the Abl. is incomparably
more frequent in our present phrase, and the authority of the MSS. on
such a point in a small number of passages is worth very little — especially
when, as here, some respectable MSS. give the Abl., cf. c. 7. 10 n. The
defence offered by the archaising grammarian in Gellius 1. 7 is not
convincing, though it shows that the variant had arisen as early as
the second cent. A.D. [The construction must be admitted in legal
language ; esse in uadimonium in Cic. Quinct. § 22 is probably genuine.
J. S. R.]

6 a Cumis. This town was the most ancient of all the Greek colonies
in Italy, and from it the chief arts of civilisation, including that of writing,
spread to the more barbarous peoples of the country. Both the Etruscan
and the Roman alphabets were taken directly from that of Cumae in the
course of the vi century B.C. The Etruscans were masters of the rich
Campanian plain, of which Capua was the centre, down to 424 B.C., when
it was taken by the Samnites (Liv. 4. 37), and in the century before that
date they were more than once at war with their Greek neighbours. In
524 B.C. they were in alliance with the Ausones and men of Nola, and
defeated by Aristodemus of Cumae; and again in 475, in a naval battle,
by Hiero of Syracuse who was in alliance with the Cumaeans (It. Dial.
p. 83). The assistance they lent to Aricia was therefore an incident in
a standing quarrel.

se intulerant Etrusci. The Pluperf. describes an action instan-
taneously accomplished ; cf. c. 46. 6 and 32. 12. 3 postquam...recepere

no LIVY II. NOTES c. 14. 6—9, 15. 1, 2

se regit, ucrterat periculum in Romanos and Verg. Aen. 2. 257 fla?nmas
cum regia puppis Extulerat. N. L. P. § 180.
7 "pia.ela.toa=praeter/atos as often in Livy, e.g. 1. 45. 6.

Page 18.

9 Tuscum uicum. See the map of Rome. Jordan [Rihn. Top. 1. 274)
suggests more probably that the name was derived from the body of
Etruscan artizans who were employed to build the temple of Jupiter on
the Capitol (1. 56. 1, and c. 8 sup.).

Chap. 15.

1 Sp. Larcius inde etc. This restoration of Madvig's accounts best for
the curious jumble of names which the MSS. present, the best giving three
names, others two or two and a half, Larcius alone being absent from
them all, but being given as Consul with Herminius, in the 4th year of
the Republic, by Dion. Hal. 5. 36. But the same writer (5. 21) places
the third consulship of Poplicola in the 3rd year, and Mommsen prefers
to expel the name here, and insert it with the other name given by Dion,
for that year, at the end of c. 8.

2 non quiii... ideo potius . missos (esse). The Ace and Inf. depends
on the notion of a message implied in the preceding missi.

non quin...potuerit. This construction often replaces non quod non
with the Subjunctive in denying a supposed motive (e.g. 32. 32. 6).

non recipi reges, Present emphatically put for Fut., especially
common in the Infin., e.g. 5. 18. 2 omnes deinceps refici apparebat, so
1. 18. 5 inclinari.

potius... missos quam...daretur, 'they had sent to him... instead of
giving his envoys a reply in Rome.' This construction of potius quam
with the Subjunc. to compare two alternative courses of action, of which
the first is adopted and the second thereby excluded, is common in Livy,
(e.g. 3. 21. 6), sometimes ut is inserted after quam (e.g. 4. 12. 11). The
Subjunc. is one of Purpose, like that after priusquam, both idioms
meaning 'so as to prevent.'

cum ille peter et...Romani...negarent, two clauses equally depen-
dent on cum, Coupled by Contrast, see the Hints on Livy^s Style, p. 80.

nihil negatum uellent. On this participial construction see
c. 44. 3 n.

LIVY II. NOTES c. 15. 3—7 in

3 ea esse uota. To this phrase some reader added as a * gloss, ' i. e.
an explanatory note, in the margin of the archetype of our MSS., earn
esse uoluntatem ; hence in some MSS. these words are added to, in others
they are curiously intermingled with ea esse uota. Hertz rightly removed
them.

qui... exit... finis. This retention of the Indie, in a dependent clause
which is part of a speech reported indirectly is a license which appears
several times in Livy (e.g. 3. 2. 3 quam...dederat). The Indie, is of
course regular in clauses which are not a part of the speech, but
merely direct statements of the present writer inserted in parenthesis ;
and since in some cases (e.g. c. 32. n hunc sanguinem, quo uiuimus
uigemusque) it makes little difference to the meaning whether an ex-
planation is given by the writer himself or as a quotation from the
speaker he is reporting, these cases set the type for the use of the Indie,
even where, as here, the clause is certainly a part of the report. No
doubt Livy was encouraged to extend the use by the far commoner
retention of the Indie, in Greek.

4 proinde, si...uellet..., ut patiatur...orare. On the usual view this
variation of tenses is purely capricious, but see Appendix II.

5 obtundam, scil. uos, * lest I be importunate (to you) ' ; the omission
of the Object, as after moror in a similar sense, is colloquial; so Cic.
Verr. 4. 49. 109.

meam uooiscum pacem. The prepositional phrase is used as an
Adj., as any Adverb or adverbial phrase may be when it can be shut
up between a Noun and a preceding Adj. ; cf. in uicetn c. 12. 5. And
further, a prepositional phrase is often, especially by Livy and later
writers, attached to a Noun even when there is no other qualifying
word to enclose it, e.g. clamor sup?'a caput, ' the noise overhead.'

distineat, ' delay, hinder ' ; the prefix has the same force of ' separa-
tion from the present time ' in differre.

6 agrum Veientem. See c. 13. 4. The story represents the King
of Clusium as disposing at will of the belongings of the other Etruscan
cities, in virtue of his supreme command over their armies.

Page 19.

7 After fida most MSS. add ita which Ussing and Madvig rightly
excised as springing from a dittography of the three preceding letters. Its
position would be exceedingly strange, and it is much more in Livy's
style to couple the two clauses by the Contrast between Tarquinius and
Romanis,

LIVY II. NOTES c. 16 i-

Chap. 16.

1 M. Valerius, a brother of. P. Valerius Poplicola.

2 P. Valerius quartum T. Lucretius iterum. See c. 15. 1 n.

4 Attus Clausus, cui postea Appio Claudio etc. The attraction of the
name Ap. Claudio into the Case of the preceding Pronoun {cui) is very
common (N. L. P. 301. 4). The statement is just the converse of the

k truth so far as the form of the Gentile name is concerned ; Claudius is
the original, Clausus derived from it, by the regular assibilation of
dentals before consonant i in almost all the non-Latin dialects of Italy,
e.g. the gens Mussedia became Musesa (at Sulmo), the town Bantia (in
Apulia) was called by its own citizens Bansa, but the converse change
never appears. There is no doubt therefore that it was at some date
after the migration of Appius Claudius, and in Sabine territory, not at
Rome, that one branch of the Claudii became Clausi : but the Sabine
and Roman branches no doubt maintained some friendly connexion and
were conscious of their original identity, and it was natural that the
form of the name which existed in Sabine territory in Livy's day should
be regarded by the Romans as the more original. What the relation
may be between Appius and Attus we have, unfortunately, no means of
determining. Some MSS. give Attius.

Inregillo. The Consular Fasti (C. /. L. i1. 444) give this form also,
but it is probably an early corruption for Regillo (cf. Lacus Regillus)
in the Fasti themselves, see Mommsen ad loc. The actual tables we
possess were inscribed in the time of Augustus, and were no doubt an
amplification of older records of the Pontifices. But those earlier than
390 B.C. perished in that year when the Gauls burnt Rome, and in the
restoration which was afterwards made, by memory or conjecture, many
errors might arise. Livy seems rarely to have consulted the Fasti him-
self, but they were of course used by the earlier writers on whom he
depends. One MS. here has simply Rigillo but the best put cin or cil
before it, which seems best explained as a corruption of In-. [It may
be doubted whether these pontifical lists would have been any more
trustworthy if Rome had not been burnt at all. J. S. R.]

5 trans Anienem, i.e. N. of the Anio, see the map. Note the de-
clension of this Noun. It is the only one in Latin in which the old
variation in the vowel of this suffix (-<?«- : -on-) between the Nom. and
the Oblique cases is preserved.

uetus Claudia tribus...appellati. 'In later times when fresh

LIVY II. NOTES c. 16. 5—8 113

members were added to the tribe, these people, since they came up
(to Rome, for elections) from this district across the Anio were called
the Old Claudian Tribe.' uenirent is virtually Oblique ; folk gave
them this name because they saw them coming from this district.

The number of the tribes reached 35 in 241 B.C., and they then
included about half the whole territory of Italy. After this date their
number was never afterwards increased, but any fresh territory (as in
89 B.C.) was added to one or more of the old 35 tribes, so that many of
these included voters from widely scattered parts of Italy. In this case
the people who came from the district which was the nucleus of the
Claudian tribe were said to belong to the ' Old Claudian.'

The meaning therefore, with this reading appellati, which is due to
Madvig, is perfectly clear. The mss. give appellata. Some would
render this in the same way, supposing it attracted to the Gender and
Number of tribus, but such an attraction is hardly possible when the
subject (ei) qui... uenirent is so very much nearer the Verb than tribus
is; cf. 1. 43. 2 prima classis omnes appellati. Others endeavour to
defend appellata by taking ex eo agro — ex eodem agro, i.e. Inregillum,
tribulibus as antecedent to qui and supposing that the ' Old Claudians '
were simply a certain number of families, known as the oldest settlers,
but living in just the same district ' across the Anio ' as those ' who
came (later) from Inregillum.' This sounds a far less probable inter-
pretation of the name Vetus CI. Hence I think Madvig's correction is
necessary. The corruption to -ta was no doubt made by a scribe who
took qui .. .uenirent with tribulibus.

haud ita multo post. This vague phrase indicates that the date of
the migration of the Claudii was unknown, the fact being probably
preserved merely in the traditions of the family.

6 infesto exercitu, c. 5. 7 n.

timer! posset, mss. timere possent, corr. Duker. The Active gives
a much weaker sense by narrowing the statement to a particular number
of persons, and the Passive is regular in this phrase in Livy.

7 copiis. . .adeo exiguis, ut etc. But Plutarch (Poplic. 1) represents him
as very wealthy (iirKpavrjs 5ia \6yov icai ttXoutov) which indeed is clear
even from Livy's narrative (e.g. c. 7. 5 ff.). Hence it seems that Livy
has mistaken the object of the public funeral, which must have been
simply to do honour to Publicola.

8 coloniae Latinae. After the great Latin war in 340 B.C. the phrase
ius Latinum was used to describe the special terms of alliance granted
by Rome to Latin cities, and to colonies which were inferior in status to

C. L. II. 8

ii4 LIVY II NOTES c. 16. 8, 9

coloniae Romanae. At this date the name coloniae Lat. can imply
little more than the fact of alliance with Rome, though possibly
some Roman citizens may have been settled in these towns after some
earlier conquest by Rome, as they are said to have been at Fidenae
(1. 27.9).

Pometia et Cora. Both these towns are represented by our
authorities as having been Volscian and Latin at different times, and it
is impossible to determine exactly the dates at which they changed their
allegiance. Pometia may have originally belonged to the Volscians,
from whom it was captured by Tarquin according to Livy 1. 53 ; Cora
was probably originally Latin (Dion. Hal. 3. 34). It was certainly one
of the thirty cities which formed the Latin League (Dion. 5. 61), with
which Rome made war, and peace in 493 B.C. (c. 33 inf.) ; it lay in the
hills not far from the Volscian Velitrae.

ad Auruncos. This was a small coast tribe in the S. of Latium
closely allied to their neighbours on the S., the Osci of Campania, and
probably also to the Volsci on the N. They were finally conquered by
Rome (Ital. Dial. p. 283) and absorbed in Latium in 313 B.C. Their
own name for themselves was Ausones, whence Ausonia, an old poetical
name for Italy, and Snessa Aurunca from * 'Ausonica.

[There is nothing, I believe, to show the position of Pometia. The
statement that Cora revolted to the Aurunci seems absurd from its
position, unless Aurunci means Volsci ; cf. c. 17 with cc. 22 and 26, and
Dion. 6. 32. J. S. R.]

Page 20.

9 obsidibus..,qui trecenti accept! etc. From the narrative so far we
cannot gather when these hostages were given, nor why they were not
put to death or sold directly the revolt began. But in c. 22. 2 we find
the same towns surrendering the same number of hostages, and then
subsequently revolting ; the fate of the hostages however is there left
unexplained. This alone would suggest that Livy had treated as
separate events what were merely separate and slightly varying accounts
of the same event in different authorities. This hypothesis becomes a
certainty when we find in c. 17 that the town Pometia was absolutely
1 destroyed ' {dirutum) in 502 B.C. only to be again besieged and
plundered in 495 B.C. (c. 25. 5 — 6). As we have seen (§ 4 n.), the
Romans had no trustworthy record of the dates of any events before
390 B.C., and hence it often happened that among the early historians
the same event was assigned to different years. Livy seems to have

LIVY II NOTES c. 16. 9, 17. 1—6 115

had before him three accounts of this campaign against the Volsci and
the taking of Pometia, which dated it in 503, 502 and 495 B.C. respec-
tively; and of which only two mentioned the hostages, one specifying
only their surrender, the other only their execution.

Chap. 17.

1 uineis. These were sheds with slanting roofs, on wheels, under
shelter of which the soldiers could advance close up to the walls of a
town they were besieging in order to bring the battering-ram to bear.
The name was taken from the small slanting roofs projecting downwards
from the top of a wall on which vines were trained, in order to shelter
the grapes from violent rain, just as in English orchards to protect
peaches.

2 odio...spe...occasione, freely used Abl. of Circumstance or Cause.
spe aliqua, ' any definite hope.'

cuncta, ' the whole field ' ; so often omnia, ' the whole landscape. '

3 sed utrum. mss. sed uerum nomen, corr. Lipsius and Freudenberg.
nonien was no doubt an adscript to explain utrum, which crept into the
text and led to the corruption of utrum into uerum.

4 ira maiore. After these words the mss. insert beilum — a gloss to
arma which has crept into the text, and was removed by prae-Aldine
editors.

5 euaderet. See c. 10. 5 n.

6 nihilo minus foeda...Aurunci passi: principes etc. So Madvig
brilliantly corrects the corrupt foede... passim principes of the mss. (the
same corruption of passi appears in c. 60. 2). On final -m in MSS. see
c. 7. 10 n. on meant famam.

dedita urbe. If the city surrendered before the battering-ram
touched the walls, the practice in ancient warfare was (Caes. B. G. 2. 32)
that the inhabitants were left unmolested and the city unplundered.
But if it was taken by storm, they might be put to death- or sold into
slavery, and the whole town 'looted.'

sub corona uenierunt. When prisoners of war were sold as slaves
they were set up on the auctioneer's platform with garlands on their
heads, as a sign that they were the spoils of victory. With the same
significance a spear was set up, and hence hasta came to be used in the
sense of an auction of booty or confiscated property.

ultas. Passive; meritus, emensus, adeptus, expertus are among other
common examples of this double use of Deponent Partcc.

n6 L1VY IL NOTES c. 18. 2—5

Chap. 18.

2 per ludos...per lasciuiam. Wild behaviour at the games, especially
the scenic festivals, was an old tradition that often gave rise to dis-
turbances; cf. e.g. Cic. Plane. 12. 30, Tac. Ann. 14. 17.

Page 21.

3 rebellionem, after the settlement in c. 16. 2. The word always
denotes a renewal of war.

[supra belli Latini metum]. If these words, which I have ventured
to bracket, are retained, the meaning must be 'a rebellion worse than
the fear of a war with the Latins,' the prepositional clause being used
like an Adj., see c. 15. 5 n. on uobiseum paccm. But as no mention has
been made of any such prospect except the brief reference to Tusculum
far back in c. 16. 2, the phrase comes in very awkwardly without an
enim or nam in the next sentence. The best emendation so far
suggested seems that of Duker, who puts the stop at uidebatur and
alters supra to super ('in addition to') and Latini to Sabini. I would
suggest that the phrase, whether with Latini or Sabini, was a gloss to
explain aeeesserat, which has crept into the text.

triginta...populos, the 30 cities of the Latin League, see n. on
Pometia c. 16. 8.

Octauio Mamilio, son-in-law of Tarquin, c. 15. 7.

4 dictatoris primum creandi. The same uncertainty as to the
occasion of this appears in other authorities. Whenever it may have
been first tried in practice, it is probable that in theory the office was
an integral part of the original Republican constitution, being intended
as a temporary revival of the Kingship in exceptional emergencies.
This appears for instance, in the fact that the Dictator's lictors carried
axes (§ 8) with the fasces everywhere, as the Kings had done, whereas
in the Consul's fasces the axes were only allowed outside Rome (a mile
at least from the walls).

sed nee quibus consulibus. After sed Madvig rightly excised the
words nee quo anno as a mere gloss to consulibus ; this is Dative, after
cred. sit.

5 ueterrimos auctores. Fabius and, probably, Piso whom Livy often
quotes and compares {e.g. 1.55. 8). Q. Fabius Pictor was the earliest
Roman historian. We hear of him as a member of the Senate in
216 B.C.; he wrote in Greek. L. Calpurnius Piso, who wrote in Latin,
was Consul in 133 B.C.

LIVY II. NOTES c. 18. 5— n 117

consular es, Ace

legere. The Subject must be the same as that of uellent and
legissent below, i.e. presumably, patres. It is true that in ordering one
of the Consuls to nominate (dicere) a Dictator the Senate frequently
specified some one person (e.g. c. 30. 5, and 4. 17. 8), but in law the
Consul's choice was unfettered (see e.g. Liv. 8. 12. 13 f. and Epitome
19). [I would strike out ita and take legere as Inf. governed by iubebat.
J. S. R.]

ita lex iubebat. This statement again seems to be merely an
inference from the common practice. In the majority of cases the
Dictators and Masters of the Horse were of consular rank ; but not
always, e.g. Aulus Postumius in c. 19. 3, L. Tarquitius 3. 27. 1.

6 M\ Valerium. This sign, which used to denote the praenomen
Man/us, while M. denoted Marcus, is really a survival of the older form
of the letter with five strokes, P, which we know in the oldest
inscriptions.

moderatorem. On this use of the nouns in -tor see c. 5. 5 n.

7 si maxime, * however much.' The mss. give qui si> quis in> corr.
Lehnert. Madvig reads quia si.

8 secures. See n. on dictaloris § 4, and cf. c. 1. 8 with note.

dicto parere means 'to be obedient to orders,' a standing phrase
like dicto audiens, dicto obediens, implying a soldier-like promptness.

neque prouocatio erat. Cp. c. 29. n and c. 8. 1 n.
11 praestare, 'guarantee, make good, pay.' This transitive meaning
o>{ praestare is quite distinct from the intrans. use 'to excel,' which takes
a Dative. The intrans. Verb is a compound of prae and stare and so
means ' I stand in front of, am ahead of. ' The other, as Biicheler has
pointed out, comes from the phrase used in the law-courts by persons
acting as sureties : praes sto, 'I am here as a guarantor,' i.e. 'I under-
take the responsibility.' Hence an Ace. came to be added to this
phrase to denote the thing which the surety answered for, whether a
sum of money, or the performance of some legal duty, and hence
metaphorically, like the Eng. ' go bail for,' it was used in the sense of
'guarantee, undertake.' It appears in no writer earlier than Cicero.
The same legal phrase explains the Adv. praesto, the formula used by
the sureties in answering to their names being taken into familiar use to
mean ' ready, on the spot.'

tacitae indutiae, ' a tacit suspension of hostilities,' without a formal
armistice; so c. 64. 8.

n8 LIVY II. NOTES c. 19. i— 6

Chap. 19, page 22.

1 Vetusius. Between 450 and 350 B.C. s between vowels became r in
Latin, hence the form of this name in the classical period is Veturius.
Similarly Poplicola certainly called his gentile name Valesius, but as he
was not a mere shadow like this Vetusius but a conspicuous figure in the
traditions and often spoken of, especially in the funeral orations of the
noble family descended from him, the name appears always in the form
which it had taken since his day, Valerius. For the same reasons the
heroic Veturia (c. 40. 1) is called by the later form of her name. In
3. 4. 2 and 3. 8. 2 we find competing the contemporary form with s
and the later with r.

2 Crustumeria, Praeneste, see the map. Praeneste had a large
Etruscan element in its population, and hence was likely to act
independently of the purely Latin towns, just as Tusculum did, for the
same reason; see Ital. Dialects, p. 310.

gliscens, 'smouldering.' The root meaning of the word is to glow,
be bright, as appears in the cognate Gr. x^7? * brightness, rich apparel.'
The inceptive termination adds the notion of gradually increasing. Livy
and Tacitus are very fond of the picturesque metaphor contained in the
word.

3 lacum Regillum. This lake seems to have dried up before the
classical period, and its exact site is unknown.

4 ira, Nominative, scil. Romanorum. ^

5 suismet ipsi. So I. F. Gronov, mss. ipsis, a very common corrup-
tion when ipse in the Nom. follows immediately on some case of situs.
How regular this order was may be seen from the Fr. meme, which is a
contraction for met-ipsimtim^ earlier met-ipsissimum, where the enclitic
-met which properly belonged to a preceding suus (or se, or metts etc.)
came to be regarded as a strengthening prefix to the following ipse.

xniscuere certamina, 'joined in conflict,' a poetical, and especially
Vergilian phrase. Equally Vergilian are the construction infestus
admisit (§6), and the phrases proelium ciet (§ 10), dejluxit (c. 20. 3),
rapit (ib. 7), aduolat (ib. 10). The tone of Livy's diction always rises
in heroic scenes.

6 Tarquinius. . .quamquam iam aetate. . .grauior. Heroic deeds in ex-
treme old age are the order of the day in the legends of the Roman Kings:
Ihne reckons {Early Rome, p. 66) that Tarquin himself was at least
70 years old when in a fit of youthful passion he threw his father-in-law

LIVY II. NOTES c. 19. 6—10, 20. 2 119

down the senate-house steps (Liv. 1. 48. 3) and so ascended the throne !
The explanation is that the dates both of the foundation of Rome and of
the expulsion of the Kings were established by fairly strong traditions,
but the number of the Kings was unknown. When seven came to be
regarded as the orthodox number — it must in fact have been far larger —
the lives of the seven chosen individuals had to be stretched (by the
early annalists) in proportion so as to fill up the two and a half centuries.

equum...admisit, 'let his horse go at full speed,' so 25. 19. 3;
immittere and per mitt ere are commoner in this sense.
7 et, 'furthermore, on the other side also ' as in c. 48. 6; see c. n. 6 n.

impetum dederat, an old and probably colloquial phrase, often used
by Livy (e.g. c. 51. 4) for the common imp. facer e; cf. c. 5. 5 m on dedit.

nee fefellit ueniens Tusculanum, a Grecism in imitation of the
constr. of (pOavw and Xavddvco (?<pda<ra <re irpoveXduv 'I anticipated you
in getting there'), very common in Livy, both with and without an Ace.

contraque et ille, mss. contra quern, corr. Madvig ; on final -m see
c. 7. 10 n. If Livy had written quern referring to Aebutius, he would
certainly not have arranged the preceding clause so as to imply that it
referred to Tusc. ducem, i.e. the order would have been nee Tusc. d.
fefellit ueniens.
10 L. Tarquinii Alius, Titus, the only surviving son after the death of
Sextus (1. 60) and Arruns (2. 6. 6 — 9).

quo maiore pugnabat ira. This quo with a Comparative is commonly
followed by eo with either another Comparative or some word like crescere
implying comparison with a previous condition. This eo is often omitted
in Livy and later writers, e.g. c. 45. 9 quo minus... credunt, crescit ardor.
Occasionally the comparative notion has no direct expression in the
second clause, but has to be understood from the context ; e.g. 23. 15. 14
quo frequentior mecum fueris, senties earn rei?i tibi...e?nolumento esse, i.e.
'the more clearly you will perceive,' etc. This is common in Tacitus,
e.g. Hist. 1. 14 ea pars morum, quo suspectior sollicitis, adopt ant i placebat
(Mor. Miiller). Here the comparison lies concealed in restituit, 'he
succeeded in renewing the struggle for a short time.'

Chap. 20, page 23.

2 gloria accensus, ut. The ^-clause depends on the main verb petit,
but it is connected in sense also with the notion of 'hope' implied in
gloria : ' fired with the thought of the distinction that would come to the

i2o LIVY II. NOTES c. 20. 2—12

Valerian house, in the hope that etc.' In this sense si is commoner than
ut.

infesto spiculo, 'with levelled spear' (c. 5. 7n.)

3 infenso cessit hosti, a slight departure from the usual prose order,
for variety's sake. Livy is very fond of parting Substantive from Epithet,
esp. in descriptive passages ; so § 6/essos adorti exules.

temere, 'blindly,' which is almost the literal meaning of the word.
It is Locative from an old noun *t2mus *temeris (Sansk. tamas) meaning
'mist, darkness,' whence tenebra (for *temes-rd) is derived; temu(s)-
lentus comes from another form of the same stem.

nee quicquam. . .retardate For this Adv. use of a Neut. Pron. Ace.
cf. nihil aliud auersus c. 8. 8 n.

defluxit, Vergilian, see n. on miscuere certamina^ c. 19. 5.

4 exules suos, Coupling Contrast (c. 1. 8 n.).

5 metu ancipiti, 'danger on both sides,' lit. 'double-headed* (amb-
and caput) ; so again in c. 24. 3, c. 45. 2.

8 tanto ui maiore. . .ut et. . .Occident. . .et ipse. . .percussus, etc. If ui
is taken in the usual sense of 'force,' the second Verb after ut is in a
Zeugma, since Herminius' death was not the direct result of the force
with which he charged. But it may perhaps mean 'fury,' of which his
recklessness in stopping to spoil his fallen foe was a consequence.

10 dicto paruere, c. 18. 8 n.

pro antesignanis, 'in the place (or, 'in defence') of the first line.'
The signa stood in the front of the second line.

Page 24.

11 impulsi, 'felt, gave way to the shock.'

12 equiti, Collective Sing., c. 6. 6n.

Castori uouisse fertur. Castor, as often, is put for Castor and
Pollux. Livy tacitly rejects the popular legend (Cic. Nat. Deor. 2. 2. 6.)
of the appearance of Castor and Pollux in person to re-inspire the
Roman ranks, which Macaulay's 'Lay' has made familiar to English
readers. The dedication of this temple follows in c. 42. 5. The
Dioscuri were no doubt connected with this battle as being in particular
^ the patrons of the Roman Knights, the fight being mainly fought by the
cavalry.

intrasset, Oblique, for Fut. Perf. in O. R.

LIVY II. NOTES c. 21. 1—5

Chap. 21.

1 triennio, 'in the course of the (next) three years.' This is half-way
between the regular Ciceronian Abl. of 'time within which,' and the
post- Augustan use of the Abl., instead of the Ciceronian Ace. to denote
'time throughout which.'

2 aedis Saturno dedicata. This temple in later times served as the
public treasury, the office of the Quaestors. It was at the foot of the
Capitol, where eight of its granite pillars are still standing.

aedis. So the mss. here, cf. stirpis 1. 1. 11 ; and this form in -is
is said to be commoner in Livy than the regular -es in this class of Nouns.
But in § 7 we have aedes. Etymologically, -es is original in sedes, nubes,
plebes,pubes, where the original stem ended in -es-, and on the pattern of
these the ending spread to a certain number of -z-stems, resembling
them in sound or meaning (caedes, aedes, tabes, tabes). Hence, as in
other discrepancies due to analogy, the usage* varied, and it is quite
likely Livy wrote now aedis and now aedes.

Saturnalia... festus dies, Dec. 19. It seems likely that this festival,
to the god of Agriculture, merely embodied a primitive feast in honour
of the winter Solstice, when the sun's path begins to rise again in the
sky. Later on several other days were added, the merrymaking lasting
a week or more, see Diet. Antt. s. v. It was the custom to make
presents to one's friends at this festival, and the practice continued when
the Christian festival of Christmas took its place.

3 A. Postumium, c. 19. 3 and 6 ; c. 20. 4.
errores...temporum, 'mistakes about the dates,' a free Gen. of

Contents ; so nominum error 1. 24. t (where there is no question as to
what the names were).

4 implicant, scil. te [tempoi'a inquirentem). "^

On the origin of these difficulties, which Livy so frankly avows, see
c. 16. 911.

secundum quos, so Crevier, mss. quosdam, a corruption due to
some reader who did not understand the use of the double interrogative,
and thought that secundum could mean 'according to the opinion of —
a post-classical use. (Some prefer to read quosnam, but I doubt if this
more emphatic Interrogative would be put in the second place.) For
the Inter rogatives cf. 30. 42. 18 ex quantis opilms quo reccidissent res.

5 Appius Claudius, c. 16. 4.
Cumis...Aristodemum. See c. 14. 6n.

122 LIVY II NOTES c 21. 6, 7, 22. 1-4

6 eo nuntio. See n. on ea consultatio c. 3. 5.

fieri coepere. Here Livy follows the older use (Cic. Brut. 27. 106)
in which fieri was treated as a Deponent ; elsewhere [e.g. in this very
phrase 3. 65. 7) he treats it as a Passive and puts coeptae stmt; see
c. 1. 4 n.

7 tribus una et uiginti factae. These tribes were essentially local
divisions, <pv\al roiriKal as they are called by Greek writers. The
creation of the four first, those comprising the city itself (Suburana,
Esquilina, Collina, Palatina), is attributed to Servius Tullius (Liv. 1. 43),
but it is not known when the next seventeen were added. Cf. the note
on tutus Claudia tribus c. 16. 5.

Chap. 22, page 25.

1 Latino bello. On the Abl. see n. on triennio c. 81. r.
comparauerant . . . ni maturatum . . . esset. C f. iterpaene dedit ni unus

uir fuisset c. 10. 2 n. The clause quae mitterent is of course Final.
Latino Volscoque. Collective Sing., c. 6. 6n.

2 hac irsi — ira hinc orta, cf. eo nuntio c. 21. 6, c. 3. 5 n.
necopinata. In this word, as in neglegens, we have the Old Lat.

Adv. nee meaning simply 'non,' as in the XII Tables si nee escit 'si non
erit.' The second half is not the Conjunction, but the Indefinite or
Generalising -que Gr. re, as in quisqtie, usque, olds re, were etc., so that
this neque meant originally 'not at any time, never.'
obsides...trecentos. See c. 16. 9m

3 Volscis...suum rediit ingenium. suus may be used not merely to
refer to the Subject of the sentence, but to any persons mentioned in the
sentence, provided that the word denoting them is placed in an emphatic
position. It generally precedes both the Subject of the sentence, and
the suus; cf. Syraeusanis suas res restituit (Cic.) ■ he gave the Syracusans
their own property again.' The suus is often in agreement with the
Subject, as here. Cf. c. 33. 1.

ingenium, 'inborn inclination,' explained by the next clause.

Hernicis. The position of this tribe midway between the Volsci and
Aequi (see the map) made their attitude in wars in Latium of great im-
portance to Rome, and the alliance which she made with them in 486 B.C.
(c. 41) finally separated her two worst enemies, and made it impossible
for them to join in an advance upon the city .up the valley of the Trerus.

4 recens, Adv., an old colloquial use, avoided by Cic. and Caes., and
in other authors common only with the Perf. Parte.

LIVY II NOTES c. 22. 4—7 123

clades. Some good mss. read cladis ; if so cf. aedis c. 21. 2 n.

clades...ne ab legatis quidem...abstinuit. This seems a rather
awkward inversion for * excited them as far as even to violate'; the
insertion of ira odioque...suaderet perhaps makes the negative form of the
main Verb somewhat less harsh, accept a clades stands in Latin where we
should say 'the thought of the reverse they had suffered,' cf. mouerat
euin primi periculi casus c. 13. 2, with n. (Should we take the cladis of
some mss. as a Genitive and correct to accept ae cladis... ira^ oditimque
eius etc.? The position of Latinos is scarcely harsher than with the
reading in the text since ira must mean their resentment at the accepta
clades. )

suaderet. Oblique Subjunc. 'any one whom they saw to be urging.'

5 fuit gratum, scil. eos hoc indicasse.

captiuorum sex milia. . .et de foedere. Nothing was told us of these
captives or of the foedus in c. 19 — 20. Livy is here probably following
Valerius Antias, an annalist of Sulla's time who contributed a great deal
to the falsification of Roman history by his rhetorical additions, especially
in the enormous numbers of the killed and the prisoners that he loved to
add to his accounts of battles. Cp. the note on c. 16. 9.

reicerent. So modern editors for the mss. traicerent which does not
seem to be used in the required sense of 'handing over to,' for which, in
relation to official business, reicere is the regular word.

6 enimuero turn, ' then indeed ' ; cf. c. 36. 6 ; this compound shows a
use of enim which died out of the simple form in later Latin, cf. etenim.
In Oscan the particle means ' and, ' in Umbrian the kindred enom means
' then, next, furthermore.'

7 apud quern quisque seruierant. On quisque beside a Plur. Verb
see c. 10. 9 n. on alius alium.

hospitia iungunt, 'form ties of hospitality,' a relation of a more
formal nature in the ancient world than with us, in proportion as the
greater difficulties of travel and communication made the hospitality of
one's friends at a distance far more important. The hospites, or persons
connected by this tie, very often exchanged tokens called tesserae (of
which many specimens have come down to us, some in the shape of a
pair of hands clasped), by which they might identify one another after
long intervals, or might be identified by any third person to whom
either entrusted his tessera by way of introduction.

i24 LIVY II NOTES c. 23. i— 8

Chap. 23, page 26.

1 nexos ob aes alienum. In Roman law a man was called nexus,
* bound,' who had borrowed money on the strength of a pledge he gave
to his creditor, with various solemn formalities, that he would pay him
interest and capital at a stated time; and that else, in default of payment,
he would render personal service to him until he had worked out his
freedom from the debt. If the debtor failed to pay, the creditor had the
right of treating him exactly like a slave. This barbarous law of debt
was not changed until the Lex Poetelia et Papiria of 326 B.C. greatly
modified the creditor's power over the person of his debtor; but the
institution of the Tribunes of the Plebs, by which the present agitation
was brought to an end (c. 33), no doubt served to reduce the hardship
in the worst cases.

2 inuidiam earn, like hac ira c. 22. 2.

3 pallore ac macie perempti, a rhetorical exaggeration, lit. 'dead
with pallor and thinness.' Render: 'his bodily condition was still
more shocking, — pale, shrunken, half-dead.'

4 ordines duxisse, 'had commanded his Company more than once,'
i.e. had been Centurion, the commander of a Century, the military unit.

aliquot locis. Adv. phrase used as an Adj., see n. on meant uobiscum
pacem c. 15. 5.

5 iniquo suo tempore, 'at a time difficult for him,' cf. tempore nostro
aduerso 31. 31. 12 and magno cum periculo suo in § 9 inf. With
imperatum supply fuerit ; it is the last of the clauses depending on
quia.

6 fortunis aliis, i.e. his farm-stock and furniture. aliis=reliquis> cf.
cc. 13. 7 and 59. 3.

ergastulum et carniflcinam, 'place of punishment and torture.'
s erg. was an underground dwelling or prison, for the punishment of
unruly slaves. If, for instance, a slave offended his master in his town
household, he might be sent to work in a gang on his master's estate in
the country, and after hard labour in the day the gang would be shut up
in an ergastu/um at night, carnificina was the prison where the carnifex
strangled criminals, or tortured slaves to extract evidence.
8 uincti solutique, i.e. those who had already been arrested by their
creditors, and those who were still at large but feared to be arrested.
Others understand that both parts of the crowd were in their creditors'

LIVY II. NOTES c. 23. 8—14, 24. 2 125

hands, but that only some wore chains (uincula § 10) — a constraint which
the creditor could legally impose.

implorant Quiritium fidem, c. 10. 3 n.

Page 27.

10-11 ostentare, dicere, postulare. Hist. Inf. of picturesque description.

11 haec se meritos. Ironical, ' these were the rewards they had
earned. '

exprobrantes, scil. consulibus. The word means 'to make a
reproach of,' from probrwn, which (I believe) is from an earlier
*pro-fr-um, a compound of pro- and a form of the root oi fero, 'some-
thing brought forward (against another).'

futuri, ' in order to be ' ; Livy is fond of the use of the Fut. Parte,
to express purpose, a Grecism which rarely if ever appears in Cicero.

12 per infrequentiam. Yet there does not seem to have been any
general rule requiring a fixed quorum in the Senate; we hear even of
decrees being hurried through designedly when only a few Senators
were present (Liv. 38. 44. 6); but for special purposes a quorum was
demanded by various enactments, e.g. in the S. C. de Bacc. of 186 B.C.,
Liv. 39. 18. 9 and C. I. L. 1. 43. But there was always a strong feeling
against business being done in a thin House, and in this case the consul
presiding probably exercised his own discretion and refused to proceed ;
the consuls had the power of fining any senator who absented himself
without excuse (Cic. Phil, 1. 4. § 11 — 12).

13 extrahi, 'put off,' lit. 'prolonged, drawn out.' It is common with
an Obj. of the thing (rem, bellum etc.) but the only passages quoted for
this use with a personal Object are Stat. Theb. 1. 323, 3. 575. Livy
would hardly have used it without eludi to make the meaning clear.

14 tandem . . .ueniunt ; frequentique tandem. This repetition of tandem
may be a merely accidental blemish; — so prope in 1. 14. 4 with other
examples. Madvig would excise it.

Chap. 24, page 28.

2 plebes, nom. sing., treated as a word of Decl. 5 ; hence the gen.
plebei. The word must be identical with Gr. irXijdos but the history of
the suffix in Latin is not clear, nor the relation of this to the shorter
form plebs.

ultores, as c. 11. 4 ; see note on spectator ■ c. 5. 5.

nomina darent, i.e. to the consul who was holding the levy.

126 LIVY II. NOTES c. 24. 2—6

praemia, i.e. the booty, and especially the land taken from the
enemy, from which the Plebeians were commonly excluded; cf. c. 42. 1.

5 nee posse... bello praeuerti se quicquam. This seems to be the
most likely reading to have given rise to the praeuertisse of the mss., in
which neither the use of the Perfect for the Present, nor the Intrans.
use of the Active can well be defended in prose. The Transit, use of the
Deponent is rare, but seems indisputable in 8. 13. 1 coacti consules
omnibus earn rem praeuerti proficiscuntur as well as in one or two
passages in Plautus {e.g. Amph. 3. 2. 39). Madvig however prefers to
cut the knot and read praeuerti (Passive) simply. The Verb means 'to
put, or turn in the first place,' always implying a Comparison;
and its constructions vary remarkably, according to what the things are
which are compared and according as the Verb itself is Transitive or
Intransitive. The ordinary uses, which are given very confusedly by the
Lexicons, are as follows :

I. When two things, generally things to be done, are compared
in importance :

{a) Transit, praeuerto officiui?i huic uoluptati, 'I 'put duty before
this pleasure.' Often the Dat. is omitted, praeuerto hoc ojjicium, f I put
this duty first.'

(b) Pass, (and Intrans. Act.) praeuertor huic rei or ad hanc remt
'I turn myself to this business first (before other business).'

II. When the comparison is between the time of the action of
the Verb and the time of some other intended action, which is fore-
stalled by it {-uertere here meaning ' to turn ' in the sense of ' turn aside,
divert'): praeuerto consilium tuum, 'I anticipate (and prevent) your
design,' lit. ' I turn your design (before you can accomplish it).' So
sometimes praeuerto te, 'I anticipate you.' Hence in Poetry praeuertere
uentos, 'to outstrip the winds.'

As we have seen the Deponent is occasionally used like the Active
in I. (a).
-^ si sit laxamenti aliquid, i.e. any abatement of the danger from the

Volscians.

6 contioni denotes the speech delivered before a gathering of the people,
as often. No one but a magistrate, or those whom he invited to speak,
had a right to address the people.

edicto..., quo edixit. Note the care with which Livy avoids letting
the Dependent clause be attached merely to a Substantive.

posslderet, 'enter upon, take possession of.' In Latin the word,
and its derivatives possfifere, possessio always denote the actual occupation

LIVY II. NOTES c. 24. 6, 7, 25. 1—5 127

of property to which one's legal title may or may not be a good one.
possido denotes the act of beginning the occupation, possldeo the position
of being in it.

liberos nepotesue eius moraretur, ' or interfere with his children or
grandchildren.' According to Roman Law the Head of the Family
{paterfamilias) had the same rights of ownership over his children, and
their children, as over his slaves or cattle ; hence if he failed to pay his
debt, they could be seized upon by his creditors, to be sold into actual
slavery. With this meaning of morari cp. the common phrase nil
moror, lit. ' I make no effort to delay, I suffer to go by me,' hence,
'I care nothing for.'
7 ut Sacramento dicerent, 'that they might utter (the promise of
obedience as soldiers) under (or, in accordance with) the oath.' It
appears that Livy regularly uses the Abl. in this phrase, where other
writers, Caesar for instance, prefer the simpler Ace. , sacramentum dicere.
Cf. sacramento rogare, 'to invite (men) to enlist under the oath,' e.g.
32. 26. ii, and sacramento adigere, 'to compel (men) to pledge them-
selves by an oath.'

Chap. 25.

1 si qua... posset, temptant castra. The Historic Present is often
followed by Secondary Tenses in Subordinate clauses, and as often by
Primary. Some mss. here give possit. On this use of si, cf. c. 20. 2
n. on ut.

Page 29.

3 parum-per, compounded of the Neut. parum, i.e. paruom and the
old Post-position -per, ' for, during,' as in sem-per, ' for once and all,
always' (from sent- *one' = Gr. &>, cf. sem-el), and Old Lat. top-per,
'so long' for *tod-per, *tod being the Neut. of the Pronoun corre-
sponding to the Greek 6, ij, to.

emittit, a good example of the real meaning of mitto, not ' to send '
but • to let go.'

4 pedes... eques. Collective Singulars, c. 6. 6 n.

cum...pauor expulisset. Turn this by the Passive in English, see
11. on mouerat eum casus c. 13. 2.

5 ad Suessam Pometiam. On the nature of this narrative see n. on
obsidibus c. 16. 9.

i28 LIVY II NOTES c. 25. 6, 26. 1—5, 27. 1

6 decedentem Romam. Madvig would remove this second Romam>
but it serves to prevent any possible ambiguity in the decedentem.

Ecetranorum. Ecetra was in the Volscian hills, at that time an
important town.

Chap. 26.

1 tumultus, ' a passing disturbance ' ; the word is regularly applied to
an outbreak of hostilities in a pacified district, especially in Gallia
Cisalpina (Galliots tumultus), which though virtually conquered by
Rome at the beginning of the 2nd century B.C. was not made part of
Italy, i.e. did not completely receive the franchise, until it was given
by Caesar in 49 B.C., the district S. of the Po having already been
enfranchised in 89.

Anienem. On the inflexion see c. 16. 5 n.

3 legio, an archaism for 'troops.' The word comes from legere and
means literally 'a picked body.'

fugae quod satis esset uirium. Subjunctive of Essential Definition
(N. L. P. § 400 a), ' strength such as to enable them to run away.'

Page 30.

4 ni decedatur..., bellum indicentes. The Protasis depends on the
verbal notion implied in bellum indie., 'declaring war (to be waged)
unless etc'

5 consuli ordine. The course of procedure in the Senate was deter-
mined as a rule by seniority. The Consuls presided, and after stating
either briefly or at length the nature of the business to be discussed (rem
ad Senatum referre), they called on the individual Senators in turn to
express their views in the order of their standing (i.e. of their names on
the roll as drawn up by the Censors), save that they gave precedence to
magistrates elect (designati), and that they occasionally complimented
a distinguished member by calling on him before his turn. Of course
the bulk of the members did not speak on any particular occasion but
each when called upon might waive his right.

Chap. 27.

1 fidem senatus, Abstract for Concrete, ■ the evidence of the Senate's
good faith,' i.e. their fulfilment of the Consul's undertaking.

cum Appius. On this ' inverted ^^-construction ' see c. 10. 10 n.
Here it is followed by the Hist. Inf. as in 3. 37. 5 otm interim mentio
comitiorum nulla Jien.

livy ii. toimtst£*r. i-5 129

Insita superbia. The ClaudiarH&s&J#^w«*c distinguished through-
out Roman history as the proudest of all the noble houses, conspicuous
for their bitter hatred of the Plebs and their contempt for public opinion ;
see e.g. Liv. 9. 34. 3, Tac. Ann. 1. 4. [Yet, as extremes meet, a
member of the family sometimes turned demagogue, like Cicero's
enemy, Publius Clodius. J. S. R.]

ius de...dicere, 'began to give judgment in cases of; the regular
phrase describing the duties of the magistrate who presided in a Court
of Law ; it included both the hearing of the case and his announcement
of his decision. At this date the Consuls (or Praetors, as they were
then called) were the supreme judges, as well as the military commanders
of the state; cf. c. 2. 1 n. on regent sacrificulum.

2 exprobrabant, c. 23. 11 n.

sua quisque. On the Sing, see c ro. 9 n.

belli, probably Locative, like domi miliiiaeque.

ut aut...aut ut. Madvig cancels the second ut as a dittograph ;
but it is possible the change of order may have been intentional (as in
Cic. Or. 44. 149) though no other similar case is quoted from Livy. [It is
a variation of a common type ; see my note on Cic. Acad. 2. 12. J. S. R.]

3 mouebant...cogebat. Turn by the Passive (c. 13. 2 n.).
plebis...patres. Livy here identifies the party of the creditors with

the Patricians, the debtors with the Plebs. No doubt the bulk of the
Senate would sympathise with the creditors, but the Plebeians were by
no means all poor. Yet the agitation of the debtors naturally led to an
attack on the Patricians, since the Law Courts, by which the debtors
were handed over to their creditors, were controlled entirely by the
Patricians through the Consuls, who were of course always Patrician
at this date.

4 mollem, ■ weak.' •

ambitiosum, 'courting popularity.' amb-itio literally meant 'going
round ■ to solicit votes for some office, and hence generally any indirect
process of seeking favour and advancement ; often it means ' flattery. '
Notice the two different meanings developed, from the same original,
by this word, and by ambitus ('bribery').

5 Mercuri aedem. This dedication has already been recorded (c. 21.7),
where Livy was following another authority. The story given here
of the reference of the matter to the people is extremely improbable at
this date ; it is probably a guess of one of the annalists of the last
century B.C. (cf. c. 11. 5 n.) when such interferences of the Comitia
were not uncommon.

C. L. II. 9

i3o LIVY II. NOTES c. 27. 5— 12

Page 31.

praeesse annonae. This implied not merely keeping the market
itself clean and orderly, but regulating the prices and securing a regular
supply of corn from the Greek traders of S. Italy and Sicily. Later on
these duties were assigned to the Aediles.

mercatorum collegium. Mercury, as appears even from his name
(it is derived from merx, mercari), was the patron of commerce ; hence
the duty of maintaining his temple and cult is handed over to a formally
established * College ' or ' Guild ' of merchants, called Mercuriales. So
when Augustus arranged for his own worship (in Italy and the Pro-
vinces) it was entrusted to a guild of Freedmen called the Augustales.

pro pontiflce, 'in the presence of the Pontifex Maximus' who
dictated to him the formula of dedication.

6 prlmi pili centurioni, ' a centurion of the highest rank ' (lit. ' of the
first division'), i.e. the senior centurion of the legion. Later on when
the legion was divided into ten cohorts, the ten senior centurions, one
from each cohort, were called primi ordines, and the primipilus as he
was familiarly called was the senior of these ten. These men were
greatly trusted and often summoned to councils of war with their
superior officers, the military Tribunes, by the Commander of the
Legion.

appareret...... factum, 'must have been felt to be intended,' lit.

'would have been evident (to you, had you been there)'; for the Tense
cf. the common diceres, crederes (c. 35. 5, c. 43. 9).

fastigio. The word properly means a sloping roof or gable, and
hence is used metaphorically to denote 'degree of rank.'

7 consilium alter, i.e. Appius Claudius. >c

8 cum...uidissent = the Ciceronian quotiens viderant as the following
Imperfects show. For this Subjunc, which is frequent in Livy, cf. ut
quisque ueniret c. 38. 1.

9 libertatis is omitted by the Medicean, though given by all other
MSS., and Madvig omits it. It seems scarcely appropriate to the
creditors who were threatened only with the loss of their money, and on
the other hand it may be a gloss intended to explain the particular
danger which the debtors had stood.

10 ambitionem. See n. on ambitiosum, § 4 sup.

rem publicam, ■ the interest of the state,' as often.
12 prouocauit, scil. adpopmhtm, c. 8. 2 n.

animi, scil. Appii Claudii.

LIVY II. NOTES c. 28. 1—9 131

Chap. 28, page 32.

1 T. Vetusius, c. 19. 1, with note.

Esquiliis. The names of parts of towns are often used by Livy in
the Loc. or Ace. like the names of towns themselves ; e.g. 26. 10. 1
Esquilias contendit. In § 4 the mss. insert in before this same word,
but Madvig removed it on the ground that the omission of the Preposi-
tion with this word is regular in all authors. See below.

2 delatam consulere. This use of the Ace. of the thing debated with
consulere appears to be a colloquial construction, cf. Plaut. Menaechm.
4. 3. 26 consulam hanc rem amicos, but it does not seem to occur
elsewhere in Livy. Hence some would read delata (Abl. Absol.)
understanding patres after consulere. [Cic. has the Accus. of Neut.
Pron. repeatedly; and consulendis rebus in Diu. 1.3; it is not unnatural
that Livy should go a step farther ; cf. ad earn rem consuliandam Liv.
1. 55 and 5. 25; also ius consulere (like ius respondere) in 39. 40. 6.

I Vergil too has rem consulere. J. S. R.]

I 3 futurum fuisse =fuisset in O. R., see c. 1. 3 n. on facturus fuerit '.

* publicum concilium, a recognised and constitutional assembly, under

the presidency of the regular magistrates, i.e. a contio (c. 24. 6 n.).

4 curias, an ironical exaggeration, * so-called senates. ' [I fancy it is a
corruption of circulos. J. S. R.]

[cum alia... concilia], Wecklein no doubt is right in regarding these
words as a gloss based on § 1, to explain the 'curias contionesque';
a gloss-writer would be likely to insert the un-idiomatic in before
Esquiliis (§ i n.).

5 correpti consules is Subject to percunctarentur, put in front of the
cum for emphasis, as often ; the Subject of decernunt is patres.

Ccum, quid... uellent... percunctarentur. On the Tenses of these
Verbs beside that of placeat in the genuine Or. Obi. see c. 9. 2 n.

6 iuniores, in the technical sense, those still liable for military service,
i.e. those under 46 years of age.

7 praestaretur, 'made good, upheld'; c. 18. 11 n.

8 et apparebat. For this et= 'and indeed,' cf. c. ti. 6 n.

9 prius quam...experirentur. Subjunctive of Purpose, as often after
prius quam : ■ in the hope of avoiding desperate expedients.' It is of

, — course also Oblique.

abdicare consulatum iubentes. This was the utmost they could do
towards deposing them ; for in theory every Consul resigned his office

1 32 LIVY II. NOTES c. 28. 9, 29. 1—7

of his own free will, when his year came to an end. It seems to have
been a legal fiction as though the tenure of office of the supreme
magistrate were still unlimited as it had been with the Kings ; cp.
c. 2. 1 n. on regem sacrifuulum.

The Construction used here and once or twice elsewhere in Livy,
e.g. 5. 49. 9, appears first in Sallust {Cat. 47. 3); Cicero writes always
abdicare se magistratu, and so often Livy, e.g. c. 31. 10.

Chap. 29, page 33.

1 utraque re, i.e. (1) to persuade the Senate to adopt some means of
contenting the people, and (2) to carry out the orders of the Senate and
continue the levy.

experta, Passive, see n. on ultas, c. 17. 6.

ne praedictum negetis, a Prefatory Purpose Clause, i.e. one which
gives the Purpose of the remark to be made, not of the action which it
states; so ut in c. 12. 15, and ne doleas (Hor. Od. 1. 33. 1) which
introduces the whole poem. * Lest you should deny that you had been
warned beforehand (we hereby warn you that).'

2 nominatim unum...dedita opera. They departed intentionally from
the usual practice of calling the names in their order on the roll, so that
they might test the intentions of the crowd by calling on a man whom
they saw to be present.

4 nihil aliud...prohibitO. For this Adverbial Ace. cf. nihil aliud
auersus c. 8. 8 n.

irarum, 'manifestations (cries and gestures) of anger.' Abstract
Nouns often take a concrete sense in the Plur., so gaudia, ignominiae.

5 tumultuosius, i.e. the Senators spoke out of their order, see n. on
or dine c. 26. 5.

quaestionem, a special judicial Commission, implying that the crime
of the rioters was too heinous to be dealt with by the ordinary law.

decernente, i.e. putting forward the proposal (for the inquiry) which
he wished the Senate to adopt ; the Verb is often thus used of individual
Senators.

6 consuli coepit. On the Voice of coepisse with Passive Infinitives see
c. 1. 4 n.

7 P. Verginius. Unless this should be corrected to T. Verginius
(c. 21. 2), it is inconsistent with the ordine consuli of the previous
sentence ; since Livy gives no hint that the ordo observed at this date
differed from that of later times (c. 26. 5 n.) when the consulars were

LIVY II NOTES e. 29. 7—12, 30. 1, 2 133

called upon first, and no P. Verginius has yet been mentioned among
the Consuls.

rem non uolgabat, Conative Impf., ' did not wish the charge to be
spread widely (among a number of persons)'; a principle which has
__ passed into a commonplace of good government all over the world.

C8 nec sisti posse, ni, Impersonal, * there was no help for the situation
- without'; so in a Positive sentence with an Abl., c. 44. 10 qualicumque
urbis statu sisti potuisse, ' they could have come through safely whatever
the constitution (if only etc.).' So .3. 9. 8 and elsewhere.

10 id adeo malum, * Indeed that very evil ' ; adeo is put second in order
to show that it refers in particular to id malum, not to the whole
sentence, but it has its regular meaning ' to such an extent/ ' so true
was it that,' ' indeed.'

Page 34.

11 a quo prouocatio non est, c. 8. 2 n.

12 pulset turn, Rhetorical irony, ' Let a man then strike the lictor (if
he dare), when he will know etc' The Sing, pulset qui sciet is
picturesque, singling out a particular rioter who will be terrified into
silence.

uiolarit, mss. uiolauit, corr. Crevier : the Indie, would state just
what Appius wishes to declare impossible.

Chap. 30.

1 Verginii Larciique, scil. sententiae. F>
exemplo, * because of the precedent they set.'

utique Larcii. After these words the mss. add putabant sententiam,
a cumbrous gloss rightly removed by many editors.

quae totam fidem tolleret, Subjunc. of the Cause Alleged ; Jidem,
* credit,' in the financial sense. When a mass of debt is suddenly
cancelled whether by State interference or merely by the sudden default
of the debtors, people are shy of lending, or even of selling anything
except for ready money, and the ordinary course of business is abruptly
stopped. Such a situation is called a ' financial crisis.'

utroque, Adv. = erga utramque /actionem.

2 respectu rerum priuatarum, * consideration for private interests,'
i.e. those of the capitalists, many of whom were probably members of the
Senate. Livy's comment is in what we are wont to call a thoroughly
modern spirit.

i34 LIVY II NOTES c. 30. 4—12

4 imperio suo uehemens magistrates. Some word, such as that here
inserted (by Moritz Miiller) is needed for Subject to permitieretur', it
may have been abbreviated {magrs. or the like) and so have dropped
out before the ma- of mansueto. Madvig's imperii uis uehemens and
Frigell's imperium sua ui uehemens are both highly probable palaeo-
graphically, but need to be supported by other passages in which uis
and uehemens are together applied to imperium, when it means 'office
of command.' uis in oratione uehementissima (Quintil. 9. 4. 13) might
perhaps be quoted as lending some support to Madvig's conjecture, and

* Liv. 3. 26. 12 uirum ipso imperio uehementiorem (Quinctius, the
dictator) in favour of Frigell's.

5 M\ Valerium. Here and in some passages of other authors the best
MSS. give the praenomen as M simply, but in the Fasti and one or two
inscc. (which represent the tradition of the Valerian house, C. I. L. 1 \
284, 454, 462) it is M\ ( = Manius, c. 18. 6 n.).

creant. On the method of appointment see c. 18. 5 n. on legere*

fratris lege, i.e. Publicolae, c. 8. 1.

niliil...triste nee superbum, 'no stern or cruel treatment.' superbus
always implies a cruel disregard of other people's rights and needs.
Tarquin the Cruel more nearly represents the nickname of the last
King (c. 1. 3) than Tarquin the Proud. The word literally means
'over-bearing,' for super-bhu-os (cf. Gr. {>Tr£p-<pev and ti7rep-<f>(f)-ia\os),
containing the root of Eng. be, Y,2X.fu-i (ama-)bo, etc. for -bhu-o.

6 sed contrasts the success of Valerius with the (final) failure of Ser vilius,
cc. 24. 4; 27. 4.

melius... credi, 'that they could (lit. 'did') trust.. .more safely (than
any other man or office) '; cf. c. 7. 11 n.

7 quattuor, scil. legionibus.

Page 35.

8 capere arma sinerent. Livy implies that the prohibition was a
consequence of the defeat of Lake Regillus (c. 20), just as it was regularly
enforced on the allies of Rome in later times (cf. 53. 5) ; but the
stipulation has not been recorded hitherto, not even where a proposed
'treaty' is mentioned (c 22. 5).

12 nee clamorem reddi passus. The negative in nee belongs only to
passus, but the -que connects promouit with iussit.

pilis, a slight anachronism for hastis, since the pilum is not
mentioned in the Servian armament (1. 43) and even in the Latin War
(Liv. 8. 8. 3 ff.) of 340 B.C. it seems not to have been in use. The hasia

LIVY II NOTES c. 30. 12—14, 31. 2—5 135

was for thrusting ; the pilum, a much longer weapon (with \\ feet of
shaft and the same length of blade), was a pike for hurling, which not
merely wounded your enemy, but pinned him to the ground.
14 adepti, ■ catching up,' the literal meaning of the word.

Velitras, an important town of the Volsci, S. of the Alban Hills,
whence comes the only insc. we possess in the Volscian dialect. It was
the home of the Octavian gens, and Augustus was born there.

Chap. 31.

2 ordinibus firmauerant. Between these words the mss. insert aciem,
which editors have rightly removed as a gloss to quam.

pedes, Coll. Sing., c. 6. 6 n.

3 illis annis, 'in those years,' *.*. about that time.

super solitos honores, 'in addition to,' so c. 27. 10; this use of super
is common in Poetry, and in Livy and later writers, but not in Cicero.

Page 36.

locus in circo. This appears to be the only example in Roman
history of such an honour (similar to the wpoedpla at Athens) being
granted permanently to a particular man or family, but there can be no
doubt of the fact since it is confirmed in the elogium C. I. L. 1 K 284.
This was composed for or by the Valerian family in the classical period
and could not have openly claimed for them a privilege that they did
not possess. This and the other extraordinary honours paid to the
Valerii (e.g. c. 16. 7 ; with the right of burial within the city, Cic. Leg.
2. 23. 58 etc.) were no doubt connected with the half-royal position of
this gens in the first years of the Republic, see c. 8. 3 n.

sella... curulis. The chair of honour, inlaid with ivory, used by all
the higher magistrates, and no doubt by the Kings in their day. It was
so called as being one which could be carried in a chariot (currus)t a
movable emblem of dignity.

4 et * colonia deducta. The name of some colony other than Velitrae
seems to have fallen out after et (Moritz Muller).

5 extrabi, scil. a consule, in order to thwart the dictator's intention
of doing something for the plebs before his office expired.

forte temere, 'by mere haphazard,' a frequent combination (e.g.
23- 3* 3)> SO forte casu, clam furtim. On temere, see c. 20. 3 n.

aginen erigeret, scil. consul; the regular phrase for leading a force
uphill.

136 LIVY JL NOTES c. 31. 6—n, 32. 1, 2

6 ignauia, probably Abl. and uertit Intrans. as in c. 8. 1 n.

ubi, if it is retained, can hardly refer to anything but ualles, though
some edd. connect it also with rastris. Madvig and others correct to
ibi, which would refer to castris.

7 decesserat with Dat. of Persons Interested, as often in Livy,
e.g. 9. 29. 1.

gratia, 'private pressure,' the exercise of personal influence, cf.
c. 3. 3 n.

quae, Nom. PI. Neut., its antecedent being understood as Object to
fraeparauerant.
9 reiecta, ' put off (indefinitely).' The Senate refused to consider the
question.

me dius fidius, i.e. (sic) me deus Fidius (adiuuet, ut uera loquor), an
abbreviated oath (' so may the God of Good Faith bless me, as I speak
truth'), which has become fused into a single word like mehercule
(i.e. me, 0 Heirule, ita adiuues ut etc.), so that the e of deus has sunk
to * in an unaccented syllable just as that of lego in col-ligo. Deus
Fidius is the God of Good Faith, i.e. Jupiter.
11 apparuit, not 'appeared' but, as most commonly, 'was clearly

evident.'
, suam uicem, ' for their sake.' Adverbial (contained) Ace. suam =

plebis.

quoniam per eum non stetisset, quin, ' since it had been no fault of
his that.' Generally quomi?itis and sometimes ne (3. 61. 2) are used after
this phrase, quin only here (M. Miiller).

praestaretur, scil. fides. On the origin of this verb see c. 18. 11 n.

Chap. 32, page 37.

Livy's terse and pregnant outline of this memorable revolution is
* clearly taken from an ancient and therefore trustworthy authority. It is
in striking contrast with the far longer and more elaborate story given
by Dionysius (6. 44 ff.), which is no doubt taken from one of the later
annalists. For example, the person whom Livy calls (§ 2) Sicinius
quidam in Dionysius is elected the leader of the Plebeians and in that
capacity makes a speech in answer to the Patrician exiles (adapting a
well-known reflexion of Thucydides).

1 In consilium uerba, lit. ' into the words,' i.e. after the words dictated
by, the regular phrase for 'swearing obedience to.'

2 rellglonem, 'the binding power of their oath ' ; cf. n. on religiosum
erat c. 5. 3.

LIVY II. NOTES c. 32. 3-8 137

3 Piso, c. 18. 5 n. on ueterrimos auctores.

in Auentinum. Both traditions are strongly supported, cf. e.g.
3. 54. 9 ; Cic. Rep. 2. 58 combines them. But the Aventine was at
this date still covered with wood ace. to Dion. 10. 31, being first peopled
in consequence of the Lex Icilia of 456 B.C. which assigned it to Plebeians.
Hence Schwegler (2. 236) concludes that the mention of the Aventine is
merely due to a confusion with the Second Secession of 449 B.C. when
the Aventine was held, in military fashion, by the plebs (3. 51. 10).

4 sumendo, scil. from the neighbouring farmers. This use of the
Gerund is equivalent in meaning simply to the Nominative of the Pres.
Parte, and its convenience is probably the reason why that case of that
Parte, is so much less frequently used than the other cases. In some of
the Romance languages this form in -ndo has ousted the Pres. Parte,
from use altogether. On the real character of this * Ablative ' form see
c>p. 6 n. on oneri ferendo essent.

5— 6 mallent...secesserit...existat. On the tenses see c. 9. 2 n., and
cf. 28. 5. The Or. Obi. depends on the notion of reflection suggested
by incerti.

6 quamdiu...fore. A 'rhetorical' question, i.e. one whose answer is
clearly foreshadowed (here nullum tempus), and therefore equivalent to
a statement and taking the construction of a statement in Or. Obi., i.e.
the Ace. and Inf.

7 ducere. Perhaps Hist. Inf., like timere\ in any case the subject to
be supplied is patres, whether Nom. or Ace.

8 quod inde oriundus erat. Livy seems to assume, though he does
not state, that Menenius was a Senator as well as a Plebeian. The
former is improbable, see c. 1. 11 n. on iungendos patribus plebis animos.
According to other authorities, including Cic. Brut. 14. 54 and the
Valerian elogium (see c. 31. 3 n.), the peacemaker was the Dictator
himself, M'. Valerius. And so apparently Livy himself thought in
8. 18. 12.

oriundus. On the form see c. 9. in.

prisco illo...et horrido modo, 'in old-fashioned and homely style.'
Compare the picture of this scene in Shakespeare's Coriolanus, 1. 1,
which is based on Plutarch; cf. the Introduction § 3. The fable itself
is very ancient, and has been used on many occasions ; cf. Xen. Mem.
2. 3. 18, and St Paul, 1 Ep. Cor. xii. 12 it

138 L1VY IL NOTES c. 32. 10—12, 33. 1

Page 38.

10 dentes quae conficerent. One good ms. indicates that something
is lost before quae, but no satisfactory suggestion has been made for any
restoration. Most editors eject quae, but how did it get there ? Is it
a remnant of quicquam? But I am not sure that there is anything
wrong. We may render : * when neither the lips would take in the
food offered them, nor the teeth accept what they were (intended) to
dispose of ; — a very common Past-Future use of the Impf. Subj. Cf.
21. 42. 2 se quisque eum optabat quern fortuna legeret and see Hale, The
Anticipatory Subjunctive, pp. 61 ff.

11 quo uiuimus uigemusque. On this Indie, see c. 15. 3 m on erit.

12 comparando, like sumendo § 4 n.

Chap. 33.

1 concessumque in condiciones, cf. in unum consentientia c. 32. 9 :
'an agreement was arrived at upon (lit. * resulting in') the following
terms.'

sui, referring to p/ebi, see c. 22. 3 n.

sacrosancti, lit. 'consecrated by a religious penalty,' i.e. protected
by a sentence of outlawry (from all divine and human privileges) entailed
upon the person who laid violent hands upon them ; such a person was
sacer (see c. 8. 2 n. on sacrando). In 4. 6. 7, Livy describes the Tribunes
as ' quos foedere icto cum plebe sacrosanctos accepissent.1 If this foedus
is to be taken in a literal sense, as an agreement between two com-
munities regarding one another as strangers (Dionysius 6. 89 adds that
it was made by the fetia/es as treaties always were), it would explain the
origin of the religious protection which the Tribunes enjoyed, since a
foedus was always sacrum in Roman Law. This view implies that the
Patricians regarded the Plebeians as essentially foreigners even in 494 B.C.
(cf. c. 44. 10). Niebuhr and Schwegler (2. 249, 283 ff.) held that this
v was the case, and it seems to me the most probable view. It is quite
certain that the Plebeians were at this period jealously excluded from
any share in the State Religion ; for example no auspices were ever
taken for the concilia plebis (see e.g. Li v. 6. 41). If this view of the
origin of the sanctity of the Tribunes be adopted, it involves the rejection
of Mommsen's theory that under the Republic the Plebeians were
always members of the Comitia Curiata, a theory which cannot be
said to have been ever established though it has found its way into
many text-books. [Note that the controversy as to the origin of the

LIVY II. NOTES c. 33. i— n 139

sanctity only relates to the period which ends in 449 B.C., since then the
plebeian privileges became a recognized part of public law. J. S. R.]

3 duos tantum in Sacro monte creatos. The uncertainty is only for
the period from 494 — 471 B.C.; in the latter year (c. 58. 1) and
subsequently the number was certainly five until 457 when it was raised
to ten, which remained to the end of the Republic.

inierunt. So the mss. ; most editors alter to inierant, but the
Perfect seems equally possible.

4 cum Latinis populis. The thirty Latin cities of c. 18. 3, cf. c. 16. 8 n.
on Pometia et Cora.

ad Volscum bellum. On the historical character of this war see the
Appendix. kj&l

J }
Page 39.

5 cui cognomen postea Coriolano. On this title see the Appendix.

6 ab Antio. Livy regularly adds ab to the names of towns to denote
motion from them ; probably the use of the Abl. alone, which is still
regular in Cicero, had become somewhat old-fashioned fifty years later.
For the position of Antium see the map.

8 utpote capta urbe, 'as was natural seeing the city was taken.'
utpote (est) means literally, 'as is possible,' and is frequently used,
like Gr. are, with participial phrases.

9 in columna aenea. The mss. omit the Prepn., which is necessary, -
unless we alter the Abl. into a Dat. The scribe of the archetype seems
to have been very sleepy when he copied these two or three sections
(see the. List of Emendations).

monumento esset. Curiously enough we know from Cicero (Bald.
§ 53) that this monument had been removed some time before the date
of that speech (56 B.C.), so that it was not standing when Livy wrote.
[After the extension of the full Roman franchise in 89 B.C., the insc.
would cease to have any use and would naturally disappear. J. S. R.]
The remark was probably taken over by Livy from the annalist Licinius
Macer, a Tribune after the death of Sulla, who is known to have been an
intelligent student of antiquities. On the real significance of the silence
of this insc. see the Appendix on the story of Coriolanus.

cessisset. The more usual construction would be cessurum fuerit,
see c. 1. 3 n. A similar retention of the independent Mood and Tense ft
in 4. 58. 3 cum succurri si mattiratum esset, potuisset.
11 sumptus funeri defuit. This is probably a misunderstanding of the
object of the public funeral, like that in c. 16. 7.

140 LIVY II. NOTES c. 34. 2—1 1

Chap. 34, page 40.

2 ex incultis per secessionem plebis agris. plebis probably depends
on secessionem ; at this period (cf. § 10) Livydoes not represent the Plebs
as owning much land. On the discrepancy of this statement with
c. 32. 4 see the Appendix. A. J&jT^

qualis clausis solet. 'Madvig would insert esse after qualis, but the
ellipse is defended by 1. 25. 9 tu?n clamore, qualis ex insperato fauentium
solet, Romani adiituant militem suum. Often the Verb after the
Relative is left to be supplied altogether, e.g. 3. 26. 5, 3. 62. 6.

3 per Volscos, ' past the territory of the V.,' which then reached to
the sea. />

sed in Siciliam quoque. After sed the mss. insert quaesitum, which
all editors reject. It has no construction, and may well have been a gloss
written by some reader who took in Sicilia as an Abl. ; see c. 7. ion.

coegerant, scil. Romanos.

4 pro bonis Tarquiniorum. See cc. 5. 2 ; 6. 3.
Aristodemo, c. 14. 6 n. on Cumis.

6 remisisset, Intrans., 'had abated'; Oblique for the Fut. Perf. Indie.
Norbam. See the map ; it lay on the W. edge of the Volscian hills,
where they fall away into the Pomptine marshes.
9 ab latronibus, ' from brigands.'

10 patiar...feram, Deliberative Subjunc.

qui non tulerim, Subj. of Essential Definition {N. L. P. § 400 c.)\
lit. ' I, being one who would not brook,' i.e. * though I would not.'
This sentence seems to imply that Coriolanus took part in driving out
the Tarquins; which contradicts adulescens of c. 33. 5. See Appendix I.

tertio anno. Between these words Wesenberg would insert ante,
on the ground that the Abl. alone cannot be defended by phrases like
his paucis diebus, ' in the last few days,' where the Demonstrative
answers the same purpose as ante. But the Demonstr. is omitted by
some writers, e.g. Sail. Jug. n. 6 ilium tribus proxumis annis adopta-
tione in regnum peruenisse, where, as here, the backward reference is
given merely by the past Verb. If any word is inserted it should be
antehac rather than ante.

Page 41.

11 potius...quam ut...prohibeant, 'instead of preventing,' c. 15. 2 n.
[The argument is that the Patricians may safely abrogate the privileges
of the Tribunes, even if this leads to a new secession ; for the Plebeians

LIVY II. NOTES c. 34. n, 12, 35. 1—3 141

will be convinced by their second experience (if they are not already)
that a secession involves a dearth and consequently suffering for them-
selves ; and hence they will submit. J. S. R.]
12 condicionibus laxandi annonam, 'by the terms they might have
exacted for lowering the price of corn,' lit. ■ by conditions of lowering.'

Chap. 35.

1 ira, Nomin.

fame se...sicut hostes, i.e. the Patricians were trying to starve them
into surrender.

dederit...dedantur...satisfiat. Tenses retained from O. Recta
(dedit, deduntur, satisfit), cf. c. 3. 3 n.

de tergo plefois . . . satisflat, ' unless he is allowed to satisfy his
vengeance on the persons of the Plebeians,' i.e. unless the power of
scourging is restored to the Patrician magistrates — a penalty from which
the Tribunes of the Plebs would protect those who appealed to them.

2 tribuni diem dixissent. Livy does not state before what assembly
this trial took place, but at this date the Tribunes can have had no right
to take proceedings before any body but the Assembly of the Tribes. In
450 B.C. the XII Tables ordained that all capital trials should take place
before the Comitia Centuriata (see the n. on prouocatio, c. 8. 1), and
after this the Tribes dealt only with cases where a fine was proposed.

But how did the Plebeians acquire the right of trying guilty Patricians
at all? It is clear that the Patricians themselves fully recognised its
legality. The answer no doubt lies (Schwegler, II. p. 387 ff.) in the
foedus which embodied the agreement made between the two orders
after the First Secession (c. 33. 1 with note). It was an established
principle of Roman law that persons who were accused of having
violated a treaty, or having instigated others to do so (as Coriolanus had
done by proposing to abolish the powers of the Tribunes, c. 34. 9) were
surrendered to the aggrieved community (dediti, £k5otoL — the latter
word is used of Coriolanus himself by Dionysius). These tried the
accused, after taking an oath to be impartial, as the Plebs did (Dion.
7. 45. 2) on this occasion. [The details of the tribunician prosecutions
which the traditions give before 449, and even down to 367 B.C., are
rather shadowy. The clause of the XII Tables priuilegia ne irroganto
suggests that the method of procedure was by a special Act of ' pains
and penalties.' J. S. R.]

3 unius poena defungendum. poena is Instrum. Abl. and the Gerund
has no object expressed ; ■ the Patricians could only escape (from the

i42 LIVY II NOTES c. 35. 3—8, 36. 1

danger) by means of suffering one man to bear the penalty.' So
8. 19. 14.

4 restiterunt aduersa inuidia, ' in the teeth of the unpopularity they
aroused'; cf. 1. 46. 2 de agro plebis aduersa patrum uoluntate senserat
agi. In a physical sense this use of aduersus is very common ; aduerso

flumine niti, 'to struggle against the stream,' aduerso Ianiculo aciem
erigere, 'to march one's troops up the slope of the Janiculum' (c. 51. 7).
^ qua... qua, 'both... and' — probably an elliptical Relative phrase,
arising in such sentences, as e.g. c. 45. 16 omnium Mo die, qua plebis
qua patrum, eximia uirtus fuil, for uirlus, qua plebis {fuit), qua patrum
(fuit, pariter) eximia fuit\ hence it came to be used for et...et, like the
equally elliptical 'whether... or,' in English ('the valour of the Romans,
whether plebeians or patricians ').

temptata res est, si...possent. On this use of si see c. 20. 2 n. on
ut and cf. c. 25. 1.

5 quidquid erat patrum. On this use of the Neut. Pron. see c. 5. 7 n.
reos. Because, like the accused himself, they dressed in mourning

(sordidati, as in c. 54. 3), in order to arouse public sympathy for him.
This was the regular custom at Rome, when a man felt himself in
danger of being condemned on a serious charge.

diceres, ' you would have said (had you been there),' a common use,
cf. c. 27. 6 n.

6 ipse cum...non adesset. The Subject of the cum-clause is em-
phasized by being put in front of the cum, as c 40. 5 and often.

benigne, mss. -ni, but this poetical use of the Adj. is out of place
here, and all edd. correct to the Adv. Cf. the n. on infestus c. 19. 6
(included in the n. on miscuere certamina, ib. § 5).

percipiebantur, scil. ex Marcio\ parallel to eminebat, not to
colebant.

Page 42.
8 In exoleto iam . odio. For this use of in cf. c. 3.411.

Chap. 36.

1 ex lnstauratione. instaurare literally means 'to set up on props,'
O. Lat. *staurus—Gx. aravp6s, hence 'to make good, set up anew,'
and is regularly used of any ceremony which has to be repeated,
especially when it has been vitiated by some flaw in the religious side
of it.

magni. This seems to have been a technical name for games held

LIVY II NOTES c. 36. 1—3 143

in fulfilment of a vow, which are often called uotiui ; Cicero so describes
these particular games, Diu. 1. 26. 55.

ludis, 'on the day of the games,' Abl. of Time When; cf. gladia-
toribus, * on the day of the gladiator-show.'

sub furca caesum...egerat, so Cic. I.e. seruus per circum, cum
uirgis caederetur, furcam ferens ductus est. The furca was a heavy,
V-shaped, implement of punishment, which projected in front over the >
victim's shoulders, his hands being bound on to the projecting arms.
The infliction of this punishment in the area in which the games were
to be held gave a bad omen for them ; other ancient authorities (e.g.
Dion. Hal. 7. 69) imply that the slave was on his way to be put to
death (as any slave could be by his master) — a still worse omen.
caesum here has the force of a Present Pass. Parte, as often in old or
poetical Latin, cf. Verg. Aen. 8. 407 medio tarn noctis abactae curriculo,
* in the mid-course of departing night ' (not ' departed ') ; cf. uectis, #
Georg. 1. 206, Liv. 30. 30. 19 sperata uictoria, 'the victory one is
hoping for.' Originally the forms in -tus were purely Adjectival (as in
e.g. onustus, ansatus), and even when attached to Verbs, like Gr. 8ot6s,
etc. , had no Past meaning. But when the Perf. Indie. Pass, was formed
in Latin by their aid, and took the meaning of a simple Past as well as
of a Present Perfect, the Parte, also came to be felt as having a Past
sense. As we have seen, many traces are left of the earlier and freer
use.

2 praesultatorem, 'the first of the dancers,' i.e. the unhappy slave; *
the term is chosen in allusion to the procession of the Salii, the priests

of Mars, who on certain occasions danced through the city bearing the
Ancilia (cf. 1. 20. 5). [Cicero calls him praesul. J. S. R.]

ea consulibus nuntiaret. Many editors object to the emphatic
position of ea and excise it as a corruption springing from dittography
of the -et of tret. But the formal preciseness of the Pronoun is not out
of keeping with the solemnity of the occasion.

3 uerecundia tamen...uicit, ne etc., 'but his shyness in approaching
the majesty of the Consuls determined him (to keep silence), for fear
that he should incur public ridicule,' lit. 'come upon men's lips as an
object of ridicule.' This absolute use of uincere, 'be the deciding
motive,' is common, cf. Verg. Aen. 6. 824 uincet amor patriae. For the /
meaning of ora here cf. Ennius' epitaph : uolito uiuu* per ora uirum.
Contrast c. 38. 3 traductos per ora hominum, where ora — oculos.

Before uicit the mss. give timoremi which can hardly stand for
timorem deorum, and is not likely to have been placed so close to ne

i44 LIVY II. NOTES c. 36. 3—8, 37. 1—3

without being connected with it. It is probably a gloss to explain what
it was that was overcome by his verecundia ; but some editors alter to
timorque, which would govern the w^-clause and make excellent sense
(for the Sing. Verb after two abstract Subjects cf. c. 5. 8 n.). But it
is perhaps not so likely to have given rise to the corruption.

4 magno illi...stetit, 'cost him dear.' An idiomatic meaning of
stare, common also in its compound with con-.

namque is said not to appear as second word in any author before
Livy. It is common in Vergil.

aegro animi. This use of the Locative is regular after words
denoting doubt and suspense ; in Cicero only after pendere, angi and
their derivatives ; Livy follows the freer poetical use, attaching it to
many other Adjj. of the same sense, e.g. incertus (1. 7. 6).

haberet...eat...nuntiet. For the change of Tense cf. c. 9. 2 if.

5 praesentior...erat, 'came home to him more nearly.'

6 tunc enimuero, 'then indeed,' cf. eni?nuero turn in c. 22. 6 n. ; the
compound particle most commonly stands first in the sentence.

admonuit, 'taught him its lesson'; so 40. 56. 10; in 28. 44. 1 it
has a similar meaning, but the ' lesson ' is expressed by a Dependent
Clause.

consilio propinquorum adhibito. It was a regular custom at Rome
to hold a formal council of members of one's family or one's friends on
serious questions, and their decision was always quoted as having some-
thing like legal force.

repraesentatas, 'actually embodied, carried out in.' The word
properly means 'to pay down (a sum of money) in cash'; praesens
pecunia is ■ ready money.' Hence metaphorically the Verb means ■ to
make actual, bring into concrete shape,' and sometimes (with uerbis or
the like) ' to bring home to one's mind (by vivid description).'

Page 43.

8 captus, 'ailing,' a common meaning of this Participle, regularly
with the Abl. of the part affected.

Chap. 37.

1 uls magna Volacorum uenit. On this story see the Appendix. ,/L, /Sft

2 priuaquam committerentur. Cf. c. 28. 9 n. "

3 arbitris, 'outsiders, observers,' a picturesque substitute for testibus.
criminatum . . . cautum. Supines.

LIVY IL NOTES c. 37. 3—9, 38. 1, 2 145

quod sequius sit, Subjunc. of Mild Assertion; 'what may seem
somewhat discreditable'; cf. citius defuerit, c. 43. 10.
4 nimio plus quam uelim, 'far more than I should like.' Some
editors alter to uellem, ' than I should have liked,' but the change seems
hardly necessary. The use of nimio with Comparatives (lit. ' by too
much ') is a colloquial pleonasm.
6 per eandem occasionem. For this use of per to mean ' on,' ' on the
occasion of cf. c. 18. 2 per ludos, 23. 12 per infrequentiam senatus.

ab Sabinorum iuuentute, c. 18.2 and n.

temere. See c. 20. 3 n.

8 ut fit. See c. 4. 5 n.

Page 44.

9 in hospitia depends on discurrentes. The Noun Is used in the
concrete sense, ' the houses of their hosts.'

quodam modo, ' in some sense, almost, practically,' modifying the
strong statement contained vahoetu ho milium abactos.

Chap. 38.

1 ad caput Ferentinum. The source of the rivulet Ferentina, in the
hills bounding the Alban Lake to the N., where there was a sacred
grove, close to the later Via Appia ; on this detail of the story see
Appendix I. fi. tyr 4r*£J*f &

ut quisque ueniret. For the Subjunc. 'see c. 27. 8 n. on aim
uidissent. Livy keeps the Ciceronian construction in ut cuique . . .erat
c. 44. 5 where there is no notion of time.

secunda irae uerba, ' words which fed the flame of their anger ' ;
secundus means literally 'following,' an old Parte, of sequor (cf.
oriundusy ' springing,' c. 9. 1 n.), then of streams or winds which carry
one in the desired direction {secundo jlumine, ' with the stream ') ; and
hence generally 'favourable, auspicious/ With Dat., as here, in 5. 49. 4.

2 cladesque...commemorauit. Turn, ut etc. Some such words as
those here inserted by M. Miiller seem to have been lost ; none of the
other attempts to make Latin out of the MS. text are satisfactory.

per nostram ignominiam, 'with (lit. 'amid') ignominy to us,' a
modal use of per greatly beloved, though not first created, by Silver
Latin writers, cf. uinci se per suum aique illorum dedecus 3. 42. 2.

C. L. II. IO

146 LIVY II. NOTES c. 38. 3—6

3 an non sensistis. an regularly implies that the question it asks is
regarded by the questioner as an alternative ('Or have you not
felt?') to some other conclusion: hence it is often used in Indignant
Questions (even where the previous sentence did not contain a question),
and implies : ' Do you not believe what I am saying ? Or (am I to
think that)...?'

traductos, 'made a mock of,' lit. 'led across (the stage) like a
show,' or * through (the city) like captives in a Triumph,' a Livian use,
cf. 36. 40. 11.

per ora hominum =per oculos h. ; cf. c. 36. 3 n.

4 quod...uiolaturi simus depends upon the following ideo \ 'must
they not have thought that it is for this reason (and no other), viz. that
we should defile..., that we are being expelled?'

piaculumque merituri, 'and incur the wrath of heaven,' lit.
'deserve (to have to pay) a penalty for infringing holy rites.' Cf.
supplicium merere 3. 19. 6.

5 succurrit, 'occur to your minds,' so Verg. Aen. 2. 317, and
c. 40. 7 inf.

si hoc profectio. The Neut. Pron. is not always attracted to the
gender of the predicate (as it is e.g. in c. 10. 2 n.), cf. Verg. Aen. 3. 173
nee sopor Mud erat. It is natural that it should keep its own gender
when the identity is denied, as it is here.

et hanc urbem etc. et introducing a question has often the force
of Gr. elra, 'And after all this do you...?' Cf. Verg. Aen. 6. 807 et
dubitamus adhuc uirtutem extendere factis?> following the prophecy of
the great deeds of Augustus.

moriendum...fuit. The Gerundive, like the Fut. Parte, in Active
Verbs, is often put with the Past Indie. Tenses of esse, instead of the
Pluperf. Subjunc. Passive in the Apodosis of Unfulfilled Conditions.
The Potentiality of the statement is expressed entirely by the participial
form ; see c. 1.311.

magno eorum malo, Abl. of Accompaniment, which, in certain
phrases, esp. with bono and malo, comes to express practically a Result ;
cf. pessimo publico c. 1 . 3 n.

6 instigandoque suos quisque. The equivalence of the -do form of
the Gerund to the Nom. of the Pres. Parte, nowhere appears so plainly
as when a Pron. or Numeral is attached to it in the Nom. ; cf. 4. 31. 2
and deponendo tutelam ipse 24. 4. 9, also 22. 34. 10. On the origin of
this form and use see c. 9. 6 n., c. 32. 4n. On the Sing, quisque see
c. 10. 9 n. The Plur. suos seems to be put for suum by a confusion ;

LIVY II NOTES c. 38. 6, 39. 1—3 147

in suas quisque domos c. 7. 1 n. it seems to have a different meaning. It
might conceivably mean here ■ the communities [i.e. villages) nearest to
his own home.' [Livy could have written instig. suos populos without
quisque, and he has a peculiar habit of throwing words like quisque, ipse,
solus into the middle of a sentence and leaving the construction as it
was. J. S. R.] /

deficeret. On this ' revolt ' see Appendix I. f^U I ft"" ->

Chap. 39, page 45.

1 omnium populorum, the different Volscian communities; but see
Appendix I.

2 Cerceios profectus. This town lay on the next considerable pro-
montory of the Latian coast to the S.E. of Antium, whence we may
assume that Coriolanus started, as being then the chief town of the
Volsci (cc. 33. 6; 63. 5; 65. 7). Its communications with Rome can
have been only by sea so long as the Volsci held Antium.

3-4 inde in Latinam uiam etc. The statements of these sentences
contain a geographical error. The first set of towns mentioned
(Satricum etc.) and also Lavinium lie to the S.W. of the Via Appia,
whereas the Via Latina ran considerably to the North of it. On the
other hand the second set of places, Corbio and the rest, lay to the N.
and E. of the Via Latina. Niebuhr cut the knot by transferring the
whole clause in Latinam... transgressus into § 4, after turn deinceps.
This would give excellent sense, but it is very improbable that such a
corruption should have arisen at an earlier date than that of the arche-
type of our mss., and have left no trace of the disturbance in it;
when words have got out of their proper place by accident, different
mss. generally vary somewhat in the point at which they put them back
into the text, and even in a single good MS. there is often some mark of
doubt. It seems likely that we have here a real error, either on the
part of an early editor, or on Livy's, or, more probably still, in the
annalist whom he is here following. See Appendix I.

3 Mugillam, mss. nouellam, which some edd. alter simply to noueLa,
rendering ' these newly acquired possessions (of the Romans) ' as referring
to c. 33. 4 ff. where all but Satricum are mentioned. But this diminutive
adj. seems not to occur elsewhere in Livy (except in a Proper Name in
41. 5. 1), and the meaning given to it is strange. Hence most edd.

148 LIVY II NOTES c. 39. 3—12, 40. 1—3

accept the correction here printed ; Dion. Hal. (8. 36) adds MoyiXaivovs,
which may well stand for Mc^cXXaj'oik, to this group of captured towns,
and Mugillanus was a Cognomen of the Papirian gens. On the other
hand it might be urged that the position of haec unqualified immediately
after the enumeration was unusual.

8 id modo non conueniebat. But this was a serious exception ! On
the real cause of the helplessness of the Romans see Appendix I.

9 Sp. Nautius iam et Sex. Furius. The iam implies that Livy has
omitted to chronicle the Consuls of some intervening years (490 and 489),
and suggests that he was conscious that he was here recording traditions
as to the dates of which it was well not to be too particular (so in
c. 51. 1).

Page 46.

11 responsum rettulerunt: si...redderetur...si...uelint etc. On this
change of Tenses see Appendix II.

12 insignibus, i.e. infulis.

Chap. 40.

1 Veturiam. On the form of the name see c. 19. in. on Vetusius.
A Roman wife was called by the nomen of her father's family;
thus the mother of the Gracchi (Ti. and C. Sempronius Gracchus) was
called Cornelia, being the daughter of P. Cornelius Scipio Africanus.

2 duos paruos ex Marcio ferens Alios. For the position of ferens,
which of course has nothing to do with ex Marcio, cf. c. 20. 2 n. on
infenso cessit hosti.

3 primo, mss. in primo, but Livy only uses the Neut. as a Substantive
in a local sense (eg. c. 20. 10) ; corr. Aldus.

religlone. Cf. the n. on religiosum erat c. 5. 3. Note the
* Chiasmus' in these two clauses, i.e. their arrangement so that the
corresponding parts of each occupy different places in each, the resulting
order being

a\ h

b2 a2
which suggested the name, from the shape of the Greek letter Chi.

obstinatior ..erat, 'showed himself still more obdurate'; the Impf.
is descriptive, indicating the attitude he showed at first.

LIVY II NOTES c. 40. 3—12 149

5 Coriolanus prope ut etc. belongs to aim... ferrety but is put in front
of cum for emphasis, as c. 35. 6 and often.

consternatus goes with ab sede sua, 'driven by amazement from his
seat'; cf. c. ad arma 7. 42. 3 etc.

ferret — offerret, as in c. 13. 2 n.

sine...sciam. Like caue and uelim, sine often takes the Subjunctive
without any intervening particle. The Subjunc. was originally indepen-
dent ('paratactic'), but came to be felt as really governed by the
introductory Impv.
7 quamuis...perueneras is said to be the only example of an Indie,
after quamuis in Livy, who elsewhere uses it with Adjj. or Partcc.
The Indie, occurs in later writers, never in Cicero.

Page 47.

succurrit, as in c. 38. 5.

8 nee tibi turpius usquam nee mini. M. Muller's excellent correction
of the MSS. reading turpius quam mihi, where the quam has been
abandoned by all editors. The us- of tisquam fell out through ■ haplo-
graphy' after turpius ■; the word is slightly more picturesque than
unquam, 'under any circumstances': so 42. 34. 15 cum adulescentes
nihil aduersus '.. .senatus auctoritatem usquam feceritis, nuncquoque etc.

Vte^t ut sum miserrima, 'miserable indeed, as I am,' a reading preserved
only by the Medicean ; the other MSS. all give ut sim, 'even if I were to
be,' which is intelligible but weak after the preceding statement.

9 uideris, Fut.-Perf., as in uiderint di ('the gods must see to it'), cf.
uos uideritis 1. 58. 10; see Roby, Lat. Gr. 2. 1593. An emphatic
future statement about another person often implies a command ; so
bona uenia me audies, fades ut sciam, and the like.

comploratio sui. The Pron. refers to the Subject of the action
implied in the Verbal Noun : ' their bemoaning themselves.'

10 Fabium. On Fabius Pictor see c. 18. 5 n.

11 inuiderunt laude sua mulieribus, a variation, commoner in later
writers, for the more usual laudi mulierum ; Livy also uses the Ace. of the
Thing beside the Dat. of the Person, laude is an Abl. of Circumstance.
The Verb means literally ' to look askance upon. ' u- *£ 3u C> . ACl.

12 monumentoque. So Gronov, no doubt rightly, for the cumbrous
reading of the mss. monumento quoque. This clause explains, as one
added by -que often does, the previous statement {11071 inuiderunt etc.),

ISO LIVY II NOTES c. 40. 12—14, «■• 1—4

by mentioning the proof of this. It does not add a new and distinct
circumstance, monumento is of course Pred. Dat.

Fortunae Muliebri. On the connexion of this temple with the story
see Appendix I. A. ( SrQ
12-14 Rediere deinde Volsci etc. This and the following paragraph seem
from their conciseness to have been taken from some early annals. In
any case it is clear that they come from a different source from that
which furnished the elaborate story of Coriolanus, now concluded.

Chap. 4 1 , page 48.

1 cum Hernicis foedus. This was a most important achievement, a
very early application of the Roman maxim diuide et impera. For the
Hernici dwelt in and above the Trerus-valley which parted the Volscians
from the Aequians. These two dangerous enemies of Rome could no
longer join forces at a safe distance from the city and then make a
combined attack ; and the Hernici were always likely to be able to
warn the Romans of any warlike movement begun by either of their
two neighbours. They generally received generous treatment from
Rome, and Dionysius' account (8. 71, and 77) that they kept their land
sounds far more probable than the statement in the next sentence here,
with which stands or falls also the exact truth of deidcti at the end of
c. 40.

2 posslderi. See c. 24. 6 n. on possideret. The theory that Cassius
intended to take any land which was in the occupation of citizens in
order to give it to the Latins must have been invented by some annalist
of the last century B.C., whose sympathies were with the Italians. Even
C. Gracchus never proposed to hand over land held by citizens to people
who were not citizens at all.

struere, 'was aiming at,' lit. * building up,' always with a notion of
something secret or treacherous ; So c. 3. 6, Verg. Aen. 2. 60.

3 promulgata. From Livy's silence, as well as from the more cir-
cumstantial narrative in Dionysius (8. 75 f.), it appears that the proposal

was never actually passed.

4 munus uolgatum...exisse in socios. The mss. variously give egisse,
isse, esse, of which exisse seems the best correction. The Ace. and Inf.,
I think, is best taken as depending on fastidire (as in 6. 41. 2 qui se
iiispici fastidiat). Madvig puts a stop at uolgatumy treating the next
brief clause as expressing the reflection of the plebs, but this seems

II VY II NOTES c. 41. 4—9 151

somewhat abrupt. I am inclined to think that uolgatum should be
expelled as a gloss which has crept into the text to explain exisse.

5 acceperint, an old correction of the mss. -rant, which, as the whole
arrangement was only in prospect, cannot be justified. Contrast
c. 15. 3 n.

6 quid...adsumi socios. The Infin. clause depends on attimiisse no
less than does Hernicis. . .partem tertiam reddi, the two being connected
by the repetition of quid. This is shown, I think, by the Plur. eae
gentes, which it is difficult to apply to Hernicis only and which must
therefore include the socios et notnen Latinum. But since these latter
folk have nothing to do with the land left to the Hernicans (see § 1), it
follows that the «m-clause must apply equally to both the preceding
questions. For the order cf. Verg. Aen. 9.12 nunc tenipus equos, nunc
poscere currus, where the position of tempus corresponds to that of ita
enim here, securing a balance in sound with the following clause. So
Cic. Rose. Am. § 30 testes in hunc et accusatores huiusce pecunia
comparant, where in hunc and huiusce pecunia apply to both testes and
accusatores. See further my note on 'Interweaving,' Class. Rev. 1900
(Oct.), p. 357.

socios et nomen L. The phrase is a slight anachronism, since at
this date the Romans had no allies save the Latins (and Hernicans,
who were not ' adsumptV in this grant of land).

quid attinuisse. Rhetorical Question, see c. 32. 6 n. If quid
adsumi socios is taken as a question by itself, it is one whose answer is
not quite so immediately foreshadowed, so that one might have expected
the Subjunct. as in quis dux uiae? (Tac. Hist. 4. 62 in Or. Obi.).

8 ambitiosus. Cf. c. 27. 4 n.

pro Siculo frumento, with acceptam\ see c. 34. 7.

9 praesentem mercedem, 'a palpable bribe,' see n. on repraesentatas
c. 36. 6.

suspicionem insitam, 'their instinctive dread.' In the following
clause I have accepted part of a suggestion of Vielhaber's (ap. Weissenb.)
and cut out the words in animis hominum which precede respuebantur
in the mss. The phrase seems to be quite unparalleled with such a
metaphor, and I believe it is simply a gloss (to explain insitam) which
has crept into the text at the wrong place.

uelut abundarent. uelut here and often is put for uehit si, ' just as
if,' cf. cc. 36. 1, 50. 4.

i52 LIVY IL NOTES c. 41. 10, n

Page 49.

10 ubi primum magistratu abiit, for a Roman magistrate was hardly
ever prosecuted while his office lasted, however he abused it.

patrem auctorem. In virtue of the patria potestas the Head of the
Family had the same power of life and death over his children (unless
and until he renounced his rights over them by formal emancipation) as
he had over his slaves (cf. c. 36. 1 n.). In strict law the paterfamilias
was responsible for the acts of his slaves and his children, and therefore
for punishing their misdeeds.

cognita... causa. Cf. n. on consilio propinquorum adhibito c. 36. 6.

peculium denotes the money or property which a slave was permitted
to hold by his master's permission ; in law whatever was his belonged to
his master, but custom protected his hoardings, and a favourite slave
sometimes had a slave of his own (whence the Papal title, denoting the
humblest position conceivable, seruus seruorum). The word was also
g applied to the property of children still ' in patris manu? since the
father had the same rights over them. Like pecunia> the word is
derived from pecus ; cattle was at one time the universal medium of
exchange in Europe, and metallic currency was first devised simply as a
symbol standing for so many cattle.

Cereri consecrauisse. Cf. c. 8. 2 ; it was no doubt in a violation of
the law there recorded that Cassius' treason was held to consist.

11 apud quosdam. This second tradition is amalgamated with the
first by Cic. Rep. 2. 60, who represents the father as a witness against
his son at the trial.

propius fldem. The Advv. prope, propius and proxime, when used
to govern a Case, always take the Ace. (cf. c. 48. 5). But the Adjj.
propior and proximtis regularly take the Dat.

a quaestoribus...diem dictam perduellionls. These officers, who
are more commonly called Iluiri perduellionis, were instituted under
the Kings, no doubt in order to relieve the King himself of the odium of
passing sentence on traitors. The Quaestores Paricidii, who dealt with
cases of murder, are probably equally ancient. After the institution of
the prouocatio (c. 8. 2 n.) these officers, originally judges, became merely
■*> the prosecutors before the Court of the People. They condemned the
accused as a matter of course ; he then appealed to the people, and so
the real trial began. [Note that the Iluiri were appointed for each
particular trial and for that only. J. S. R.]

LIVY II. NOTES c. 41. n, 42. 2—8 153

perduellionis from perduellis, 'a deadly enemy,' and that from
duellum (trisyll.) a bye-form in Old Lat. of *dnellum (disyll.), which
gave the later belhwi by the regular change of initial d+ consonant u
(usually written u) to bf as in bonus from O. Lat. duonus, bis from
*duis.

Chap. 42.

2 redegit in publicum. The technical term for handing over moneys,
with the account of them, to the Treasury.

tenuere, * made good their point,' with the ^-clause for Object, as
23. 20. 10, cf. plura tenuit 4. 10. 9; so obtinuere in c. 43. it, 44. 5.
They did this, probably, in part at least by the aid of the presiding
Magistrate, who was of course a Patrician, and who would obey the
orders of the Senate and declare the election of a particular candidate,
over-riding the votes given, if necessary. Cf. c. 43. 11 n.

patres = patricians as in § 3, see the n. owpatres conscripti, c. 1. 11.

5 Castoris aedes, on the S.W. side of the Forum. It was restored
with magnificence by Augustus, and three of the Corinthian columns
then erected still stand in their places.

uotaerat Latino bello, c. 20. 12 n.

a Postumio. The Prepn., which most editors insert, may easily
have fallen out after the 0 of bello.

6 tribuni plebi. In this phrase the Gen. of plebes is often so written ;
it appears to be a bye-form of the 5th decl. Gen. plebei, which also
appears, in this phrase and in plebei scitum.

Page 50.

celebrabant, ' kept before men's eyes.'

gratuiti, ' spontaneous,' i.e. not stimulated by the hope of grants of
land.

largitiones, i.e. the proposed grants of land.
8 uana lex etc., 'the proposal was brought into contempt, and its
authors also, through etc.' nanus means lit. 'empty,' or 'shown to be
empty.'

uno uelut tenore, a proverbial phrase meaning 'uninterruptedly';
used by Livy, both with and without the apologetic tielut.

locatus, ' well-placed,' a metaphor from the investment of money.

mansit in ea familia. This concentration of power in a few noble
houses continued down to the closing century of the Republic ; Mommsen

154 L1VY II NOTES c. 42. 8— n, 43. i— 8

has pointed out that for about two centuries only some sixteen gentes
are represented in the list of Patrician Consuls. {Rom. Hist. i. 325 n.)
11 tandem eo. So Madvig; the mss. give tamen. If this were genuine
it must mean 'in spite of the general apprehension of having
incurred divine displeasure' (it was only one person who proved
guilty). But this is rather forced, and the contrast is one which would
_ occur more naturally to a modern writer ; to Livy the guilt of a Vestal
would seem a public reproach.

poenas dederit. The penalty was terrible, to be buried alive ; ,cf.
22. 57. 2.

Chap. 43.

1 agrum quoque. They not only threatened war but made a raid.

2 Ortonam. The site of this town is unknown. It must not be
confused with the better known Ortona on the coast of Frentanum.

Page 51.

3 redierat...plebi mos. For earlier refusals see cc. 24. 2, 27. 7, 29. 2.
legis agrariae...iniungendae depends on temp us.
susceperat...impediendam, a concise and somewhat contemptuous

phrase, suscipere with a Gerundive was the Construction used regularly
of contractors who undertook some public work.

4 auxilioque eorum, i.e. the other tribunes protected the Consuls from
arrest by their colleague, who would accuse the Consuls of infringing his
sanctity by continuing the levy in the face of his veto.

6 negotii, ■ trouble,' as in the phrase negotium habere.

unus ille ulr etc. looks like a reminiscence of Aen. 6. 846, written of
a greater Fabius ; tu Maximus ille es Unus qui nobis cunctando restituis
rem ; a line of course taken from the Ennian Unus homo nobis cunctando
restituit rem. Livy's phrase is more like the Vergilian line. Cf. n. on
c. 50. 9.

quantum in se fuit, prodebat, 'was doing its best to betray.' Since
the Indie, fuit gives us a remark of Livy's, not a reflection of the Subject
of prodebat, the se is out of place ; contrast Cic. Phil. 2. § 29 quantum in
ip sis fuit. But Livy occasionally writes se in such cases; cf. c. 55. 6
ubi indignantium pro se acerrimus erat clamor, eo se recipit. So 1. 17. 2
quia...ab sua parte non erat regnatum.

7 pedes. For the Sing. cf. c. 6. 6 n.

8 nee illos. . cogere potuit. This sentence must be inverted and turned

LIVY II NOTES c. 43. 8— n, 44. 1—3 155

by the Passive in English ; * and these soldiers, granting that they might
not be moved by the exhortations of a leader they detested, could not
even be stirred by the sense of their own....* Even this is cumbrous.
The only way to reconcile the sentence with English idiom is to
paraphrase instead of translating it. ('One would have expected that
etc.... But it was not so.')

in praesentia, 'for the moment,' is best regarded as containing a
Neut. PI. of the Parte, as its regular antitheses in Livy are phrases like
in posterum, in pe7petuum (cf. c. 44. 2). [Yet there are passages like
Cic. Tusc. 5. 100, Clu. 10, where it is contrasted with an Abl., and in
these at least it seems hard to deny the same Case to praesentia.
J. S. RJ
9 crederes. Cf. c. 27. 6 n.

10 citius defuerit, 'may often be found wanting.' Subjunc. of Mild
Assertion, cf. c. 37. 311. and 21. 27. 5 ea uix fidem fecerint.

11 obtinuere...ut. Cf. c. 42. 2 n.

creant...datur. Here as in c. 42. 2 and c. 56. 5 inf. the wording
suggests that a kind of bargain was made ; the Patrician presiding over
the election allowed a free choice to the Comitia of the second Consul
(Manlius), but forced through the election of the first, the Patrician
candidate (Fabius), without regard to the votes cast.

Chap. 44, page 52.

1 uelut, as in c. 41. 9 n.

processisset. Impers., 'as if the attempt had been successful.'
Livy generally uses this with res as Subject.

2 in praesentia, as in c. 43. 8. Note the Chiasmus (c. 40. 3 n.).
inuentum sit. On this Retention of Primary Tenses in Or. Obi.

see c. 3. 3 n.

suis ipsam uiribus. Cf. Hor. Epod. 16. 2 suis et ipsa Roma uiribus
ruit.

3 bono publico. Seen, on pessimo publico c. 1. 3.

uelit quaesitam. This is the oldest and most idiomatic construction
after nolo (just as after opus est c. 3. 3 n.) and is no doubt identical
historically with the same in English ('I want this done'). The -to-
Partc. was in use in Indo-Eur. languages many centuries before the
Infinitive was attached to Verbs of wishing or even formed at all (cf. n.
on religiosum erat c. 5. 3).

It was the influence of this old and familiar construction, I believe,
which, when the Inf. came into use, made the Passive Inf. preferred

156 LIVY II NOTES c. 44. 3—12

to the Active after nolo, iubeo and similar Verbs ; iubet parari arma is
better Latin than iubet (mi/ites) parare arma.

si pluribus opus sit. On the constr. of opus est see c. 3. 3 n.

satis esse. Because in Roman usage a magistrate who forbade a
particular step was held to have superior authority to one who com-
manded it.

4 darent. Impf. Subj. as regularly for the Impv., in spite of pre-
ceding Presents; see c. 6. 3m, 10. 4 n. It attracts the following
conciliarent into the same Tense ; see Appendix II.

5 patres is constructed both with uniuersi and with consulares, the
latter being in Apposition and limiting it at the same time.

priuatim aliquid iuris etc., 'any claim upon individual Plebeians in
their private relations with them.' This is meant to include both the
pressure a creditor may exert on his debtor, and more friendly kind of
influence, such as a claim on a man's gratitude for past kindness.

6 nouemque tribunorum depends upon auxilio. The numeral seems
a slip for quattuor, see c. 33. 2 with c. 33. 3 n. ; or perhaps a mere
scribe's corruption of IV into IX.

7 concitata agrees with auxilia.

8 saeuiant, like inuentui?i sit in § 2. The following repertam tit...
essent represents reperta est ut essent in Or. Recta. The phrase recalls
Verg. Aen. 1. 148 cum saepe coorta est Seditio saeuitque animis ignobile
uolgus ; cf. c. 50. 9 n.

Page 53.

9 suos cuique parti magistrates, suas leges. This expresses exactly
what seems to have been the original conception of the Tribunate (cp.
the n. on c. 33. 1), as an office confined to Plebeians counterbalancing
the Consulship, an office confined (at this date) to Patricians.

10 sisti potuisse. See c. 29. 8 n.

11 Aequis. But in c. 43. 6 the Consul Fabius was fighting the
Veientines when his men mutinied. From here to the end of c. 50, as
Weissenborn points out, Livy is following, at first or second hand, some
writer whose object was to glorify the Fabian house. But in c. 43
the tone is somewhat different (see esp. § 10), so that Livy was there
probably drawing from another source. This may account for the
discrepancy ; and that it is a real one appears from the repetition of the
statement about the Aequi in c. 46. 1.

12 suo milite. The pron. Adj. of course refers to Romam, not to the
speakers.

LIVY II. NOTES c. 45. 1—5 157

Chap. 45.

1 pessimi proximo bello exempli, c. 43. 6.

2 tarn ancipiti periculo auersi, * pre-occupied by the thought of so
insidious a danger.' Cf. c. 5. 6 a ceteris omnium in se auerterant oculos,
and 1. 12. 10 auerterat ea res etiam Sabinos tanti periculo uiri, where res
refers to the plight of the Sabine King who had ridden into a morass,
and periculo, as here, is Abl. Instrum. ; so auersi turbatique c. 53. 3.
These and similar examples show that we must not render • averse from
(facing),' which Livy would have expressed by auersi a periculo ; and
which would suggest a slur upon their courage.

forsitan. Used by Livy like fortasse, as a mere Adv. ; cf. c. 2. 7
where it is attached to an Adj. merely, and Praef. 12 where an Indie,
follows {forsitan necessariae erunt).

3 obequitando...prouocando. On this half-Instrumental, half-Cir-
cumstantial use of the Gerund in -do see n. on sumendo c. 32. 4.

qua... qua. See c. 35. 4 n. It is curious that this not very frequent
idiom occurs three times in this chapter.

4 remedium timoris, i.e. an expedient for concealing their cowardice,
magis non confidere quam non credere. The difference between

these Verbs may be seen in such a sentence as confido dextra mea, credo
amico. You have confidence in the strength of an instrument, but in the
loyalty of a friend. Render : ' lacked confidence in their valour rather
than trust in their loyalty.'

nouum seditionis genus. They point in derision to the inactivity of
the Romans, as evidence that the story of their disaffection was untrue.
1 Why don't you murder your officers, if you have mutinied ? ' — is the
Etruscan feeling.

nouitatem generis originisque. Cf. ilia pastorum conuenarumque
plebs, trans fuga ex suis populis c. 1. 4 with n.

Page 54.

5 nolle inultos hostes etc. The Inf. is no doubt Historic, like those
before and after it ; * they began to be unwilling that etc. ' On the con-
struction of inultos see c. 44. 3 n., and on its Passive meaning c. 17. 6n.

successum. Impers. Pass. Parte, the constr. being otherwise
parallel to that of inultos, and having no past meaning ; the Impers.
Active is commoner. The negatives contradict that of nolle ; 'they
were unwilling that the patricians or even the consuls should (still) fail
of success.'

158 LIVY II NOTES c. 45. 6—16

6 eludebat, * plied their ridicule,' absol. as in 1. 48. 2.

8 tenerent. Impf. for Imp v. as in c. 44. 4. The following abstineant
takes its Tense from edicunt.

9 quo minus... credunt. The parallel Comparative phrase is replaced
by crescit ; cf. c. 19. 10 with n.

11 enimuero. Cf. c. 22. 6 n.

12 concedente, ' seeing that his colleague was already inclined to give
way.'

uelle ne scirem ipsi fecerunt, 'they have themselves caused my
ignorance of their wish to do so.' After facere and efficere, ne often
replaces ut non, even where, as here, the notion of Purpose is com-
paratively faint, e.g. Cic. Fin. 4. 10 quae (uia) efficit ne necesse sit, and
Liv. 5. 32. 4.

13 nisi...iurant. In colloquial Latin the Pres. is often put for the Fut.
after si; so 6. 15. 6 nisi facis\ Cic. ad Brut. 1. 13. [In some phrases,
e.g. nisi caues, the Pres. is constant. J. S. R.] This use of the Pres.
for the Fut. occurs in English and many other Indo-Eur. languages, and
it is probably a survival from very early times when neither the Future
nor the Subjunctive had been invented.

14 si fallat governs fidem understood, and depends on the Verb of
punishing implied in iratos inuocat', the construction of this phrase is
like nolle inultos in § 5.

Page 55.

15 armati. So all the best mss. ; the later, followed by many editors,
read armatis, which gives a smoother construction. The -s might have
fallen out, or, with almost equal ease, have been inserted, before
sibi. The Nom. is possible ; the attraction of some word in the
subordinate sentence, which happens to denote the same people as the
Subject of the main sentence, into the Case of that Subject is not
uncommon, e.g. 9. 43. 11 passi for the more logical {sibi) pas sis, {ut qui...
coniungi...passi duos exercitus nihil crederent super esse spei). On the
whole therefore it is best to follow the best mss.

16 Fabium nomen. After this the mss. insert Fabia gens, which most
edd. reject as a gloss. There is hardly a perceptible difference of
meaning between the two phrases; F. nomen is literally 'everyone
called a Fabian.'

LIVY II. NOTES c. 46. 1—7 159

Chap. 46.

1 prope certa spes erat, scil. Etruscis.

pugnaturos, scil. Romanos.

cum Aequis. See c. 44. 1 1 n.

in tarn irritatis animis etc. For this meaning of in cf. c. 3. 4 n.

occasione ancipiti, i.e. the Roman soldiers might be expected
to regard their own leaders as not less hostile to them than were the
Etruscans themselves ; cf. c. 24. 3 ancipiti meiu et ab ciue et ab hoste.
Render, 'and seeing that it was doubtful what they would do in the hour
of battle.'

baud desperandum, scil. sibi, the Etruscans, whose thoughts are
represented by this Or. Obi.

3 pilis. See c. 30. 12 n.

abiectis temere, * thrown away aimlessly.' abicere always means to
cast a thing away from one without any heed where it goes to; so
metaphorically the Parte, abiectus means * cast off, fallen to the ground,
worthless.'

ad gladios, ' a hand to hand fight.'

uenerat. Instantaneous Pluperf., see n. on se intulerant c. 14. 6.
On the 'Inverted <:#w-clause' see c. 10. 10 n.

4 confertos, earlier -ferctos, ixomf arrive compounded with con-.
ferox uiribus etc., * proud of his strength and skill at arms.' Re-
member thaXferox never means ' fierce.'

incautum is equivalent to an Adv., and goes closely with uersantem;
cf. c. 19. 6 infestus admisit.

praeceps...in uolnus abiit, 'fell fainting headlong over his wound ' ;
cf. 1. 58. 12 prolapsa in uolnus moribunda cecidit, and Verg. Aen. 10. 488
corruit in uolnus. abire praeceps is a common phrase for 'falling
headlong.'

5 parma, he small round shield used by horsemen. The Consul has
dismounted, and carries only the parma, though he is now among the
infantry who are armed with the heavy oblong scutum.

Page 56.

7 infensis hastis. So the mss. Some editors alter to in/estis, but it
seems likely enough that infensus, which means lit. 'thrust against,
aimed at' (from *fendo> 'to strike,' Gr. deivw), should be used here some-
what more literally than usual; it is commonly applied to persons,
meaning ' with hostile intent.' [It is applied to weapons by Vergil and
some other poets. J. S. R.]

i6o LIVY 11. NOTES c. 47. i— 10

Chap. 47.

1 pugnam ciebat, ' revived the fight,' a poetical phrase, covering the
notions of (i) stirring one's men to battle, and (2) forcing the enemy to
fight. The first is more prominent here, as in c. 19. 10.

3 cessissent loco. The technical term for * giving ground.' loco is a
pure Abl.

rem inclinatam, 'the tottering fortune of the day,' a favourite
phrase of Livy's. inclinare is to make a thing lean to one side, without
causing it to fall completely.

5 cum praedae magis.. .tererent tempus. So Gronov and Madvig for
dum, which some editors are content to retain, both here and in I. 40. 7.
The examples of dum with the Subj. in precisely the same sense as with
the Indie, are too few to be convincing, and even if there were more of
them, it is extremely unlikely that Livy would use this rare construction
in a clause immediately following one with dum and the regular Indie.
Pres.

triarii Romani. Livy applies this term to the reserve left to guard
the camp, as in later times; it does not imply that the division of
the line into Hastati, Principes, and Triarii (Bk. 8. 8) had yet been
established.

quo loco res essent. Cf. Verg. Aen. 2. 322 quo res summa loco,
Panthu ?

6 quacumque...ostenderet. On this Subjunc. in a General Temporal
Clause see c. 27. 8 n.

8 Tuscis...Romanos. Coupling Contrast, see c. 1. 8 n.

Page 57.

trepidos agit, a poetical phrase, like many others in these chapters
of heroic deeds (e.g. pugnam ciebat § 1, cumulatior § 11).
10 pro eximia eo bello opera. For this adjectival use of a phrase (to
bello) cf. niultis in uicem casibus c. 44. 12; c. 15. 5 n.

facile passurum respondit. The Subject of passurum is of course
st understood, as often, almost regularly, where there is no ambiguity.
But the st of the next clause is emphatic, representing an ego added to
the Verb in Or. R.

familia funesta, as in c. 8. 7 n.

[consule altero amisso]. These words simply repeat the meaning
of the preceding more picturesque phrase, and they are so weak an
addition to it that I venture to bracket them as a gloss. [I hesitate;

LIVY II. NOTES c. 47. 10—12 161

Livy's striving after fulness of expression often leads him into what looks
like weakness. J. S. R.]

lauream, the wreath of bay leaves worn by the general in a Triumph,
which he laid at the feet of Jupiter in the Temple on the Capitol.

11 depositus triumphus, 'his refusal of the triumph.' Qi. prouinciam
deponere, ' to lay aside a provincial governorship,' Cic. ad Fam. 5. 2. 3.

in tempore, 'at a suitable time,' a standing phrase. Contrast in
temfius, ' for the moment,' ad tempus, ' up to time,' or 'at the moment.'
Cicero uses tempore alone = in tempore.

cumulatior, 'with all the greater increase.' Cf. the famous message
of Dido to Aeneas {Aen. 4. 436) (ueniam) Quam mihi cum dederis
cumulatam morte remittam, 'a kindness which I will return... enhanced
by (my own) death.'

rediit, Gnomic Perfect, 'has often been found to come back.' It
s ems unnecessary to alter to reditu as some edd.

laudator. On the use of nouns in -tor see c. 5. 5 n. ; the custom of
laudationes at funerals was typical of the Roman nobility. When the
member of the family who was being buried had done nothing in
particular, and even if he had, the speaker would dwell on the ancient
glories of the house. In this way, by constant repetition, strong family
traditions were developed, and often committed to writing. No doubt
it is some Fabian tradition that Livy is here following, at first or second
hand; cf. c. 44. n n. on Aequis, also c. 19. 1 n. on Vetusius.

concedendo is merely Circumstantial, not Instrumental, i.e. Livy
does not imply that his modesty was assumed on purpose to enhance his
glory. See n. on sumendo c. 32. 4.

12 eius, quod. This use of the Neut. Pron. is comparatively rare in any
Case but the Nom. or Ace, cf. c. 28. 2 quod...exsequendum esset, inuidiam
eius, where, as here, the Relative is in a Case which prevents any am-
biguity.

reconciliandi, in Apposition to eius, a somewhat rare construction ;
cf. 6. 11. 9 and 21. 4. 3 where the Gerund is in App. to res.

nee ulla re nisi salubri reip. arte. The mss. read parte, a
typically stupid corruption ; corr. Gruter. The same scholar, followed
by Madvig, would remove re, so as to make ulla agree with arte, in its
common sense of 'means,' and reip. Dat. after salubri. I do not know
any precise parallel to the phrase reipublicae ars in the sense of reip.
gerendae ars, but I do not feel sure that it is corrupt. [Is not reip.
Dat. after salubri whichever reading be adopted? J. S. R.]

C. L. II. II

162 L1VY JL NOTES c. 48. i— 6

Chap. 48.

K. Fabius, i.e. Caeso Fabins. Though usually spelt with C when
written in full, this praenomen is abbreviated K. Compare the use of
the archaic C {=g) and CN (=gn) for the praenomina which when
written in full are Gaius and Gnaeus respectively.

neque belli. So Duker, rightly, for bella of the mss. bella agere
is nonsense here.

Incohata. This (not inchoatd) is the correct spelling of this word.
The parallel form is preserved in the Osc. Pres. Subj. kahad, meaning
'he may take or attempt' which in point of the vowels stands to
incohare in much the same way as, say, regat to rogare (rogare being
originally only a Frequentative of rego, meaning 'to direct one's self
to a person frequently,' hence 'to question or entreat' him, just as
adire and Eng. 'approach' have come to mean 'make a petition to').
In both cases the derivative verb shows the form of the root which
contains o.

primo quoque tempore, 'at the earliest possible moment' (lit. 'at
any first opportunity'), a regular phrase.

cum patribus for cum patrum animis, a frequent type of abbreviation.
Cf. c. 13. 8 supra Coclites id f acinus > i.e. supra Coclittim facinora.

priusquam...exsisteret. On the Subjunc. see c. 28. 9 n. It is
because of the notion of preventing that quisquam is used.

occuparent...darent... partus sit. See Appendix II.

Page 58.

•uerum esse, 'the straightforward course was,' a common use of
uents, cf. Hor. Epist. 1. 7. 98 metiri se quemque suo modulo ac pede
uerum est.
\ eo cum exercitu, i.e. in Latinum agrum cum ex.

eo nulla pugna. Another use of the same Adv., ' therefore.'
5 in tempore. See c. 47. 11 n.

proxime formam. See c. 41. 11 n.
3 in urbem, i.e. Veios. legionibus is Dat.

eludentes, 'frustrating,' the commonest use of the word ; in the two
phrases bellum means ' active hostilities ' on the Romans' part and on the
Aequians' respectively.
- et alia bella. For this use of et cf. c. 19. 7 n.

LIVY II NOTES c. 48. 6—10, 49. 1, 2 163

non diutius quam...transiret quiescentibus = quos Romani scie-
bant non diutius quieturos quam etc. Hence transiret is Virtually-
Oblique and therefore Subjunc. Tacitus would probably have written
quieturis, but in earlier writers this Parte, is rare in the Abl. Absol. —
one of many proofs that it was invented (out of the originally inde-
clinable Infin. in -urum) at a comparatively late period of Latin.

aut mox moturos. The mss. add se which Madvig rightly excised,
as inserted by a scribe who did not realise how easily a Neut. form may
serve in Latin in one clause as Norn., in the next as Ace, e.g. Cic. de Or.
2. 43 quod et a Crasso factum est et Aristoteles adiunxit, cf. Madvig's
(3rd) edition of Cic. de Fin. p. 650. Madvig's correction gives us the
required antithesis between the two halves of the sentence. [And yet
I do not feel sure of it. aut is so frequently out of place in one of two
alternative clauses (cf. c. 27. 1 n.) that Livy may have only meant aut
alia bella praesentia instabant. J. S. R.]

7 auerti alio. Cf. c. 45. 2 n. ; alio is of course an Adv.

8 uos alia bella... Fabios...Veientibus. Coupling Contrast (c. 1. 8 n.).
auctores sumus tutam...fore, 'we are responsible, we guarantee

that... shall be safe.' The phrase auctorsum with Ace. and Inf. generally
means ' I am responsible for the statement that ' ; here, as the Future
Statement is equivalent to a Promise, a fuller but not unnatural meaning
is forced upon auctor ; no precise parallel is quoted.
10 domos. On this Ace. see c. 7. in.

Chap. 49, page 59.

1 familiam means strictly a ■ household ' including its dependents, but
often in the sense of 'a (noble) house,' as here. This sentence Ovid
neatly reproduces in his versification of the story, Fast. 2. 197

una domus uires et onus susceperat urbis.

2 si sint...deposcant. On the retention of Primary Tenses, c. 3. 3 n.
deposcant is parallel to sint (no connecting particle being needed in this
rapid summary of public feeling) ; the main Verb of the Apodosis is
posse.

postera die. But postero ate c. 48. 10. Livy is fond of playing
with the varying gender of dies. The word was originally Masc, being
identical with Gr. Zetjs, but the influence of the other words of the e-
declension into which it had fallen made it natural to treat it as Fem.
The orig. inflexion was Norn, dius, Ace. diem, Dat. diet. The old Norn,
still appears in nudius tertius, * two days ago ' (lit. ' now it is the 3rd

I J — 2

1 64 LIVY II NOTES c. 49. 2—7

day '), nu being a parallel form of nunc (for *num-ce) as Gr. vv of pup,
yuy (for *vufif *vvfi).

3 paludatus, z>. wearing the military cloak of a General ; it was
generally of purple, trimmed with gold. Although this was a strictly
private expedition, the commander assumes the status of a General
officially commissioned. Livy must, I think, have been conscious that
this is what this sentence would convey to an ordinary Roman reader,
though he may be (Prof. Reid thinks he is) using the word here in its
archaic sense referring to any soldier's cloak (as paludatis lictoribus
41. 10. 7 and 45. 39. 11, and paludamenttmi 1. 26. 2), not the General's
in particular.

signa ferri iubet. On the Passive, see the n. on uelit quaesitam
c. 44. 3.

4 sex et trecenti...omnes patricii. Livy does not here mention the
clients and servants, who according to some authorities (e.g. Dionys. 9.
15) numbered several thousand. [The numbers are very odd in the
Fabian legends. In 7. 15. 9 a Fabius attacks the Tarquinienses and
loses precisely 307 men ; cf. 7. 19. 2. J. S. R.]

quorum neminem ducem sperneres. Reproduced by Ovid (Fasti
2. 200) e quis dux fieri quilibet aptus erat. For the Indef. 2nd Pers. in
this Tense cf. c. 35. 5 and c. 27. 6 n.

egregius quibuslibet temporibus senatus, ■ (a body of men which
would have formed) an admirable Senate at any time.' The remark
no doubt refers to the number as well as to the personal qualities of
the Fabii ; three hundred was the traditional number of the Senate
(c. 1. 11).

The mss. give sperneret and the text is Madvig's brilliant correction.
If the words are Subject to sperneret as the defenders of that reading
suppose, they must mean " the-at-all-times-admirable Senate," at once
a feeble, an exaggerated and an irrelevant commendation, which could
hardly be paralleled elsewhere in Livy ; and the reference to the Senate
at all is quite unnecessary. On the other hand the slight difficulty of
seeing the construction and meaning of the phrase with the true reading
was quite enough to tempt a scribe to corrupt sperneres into sperneret.

5 propria alia...excitata, Coupling Contrast (which of course is
regular with pronouns like alius) with a slightly Chiastic inversion of
order (so below § 9 sua tuta...infesta hostium). publico" of course with
sollicitudine.

6 ab se = a nobis in Or. Rect. -f-

7 praetereuntibus, scil. Fabiis ; probably Abl. Absol., but conceivably

LIVY II. NOISES c. 49. 7—12, 50. 1—3 165

Dat. Comm., giving the persons for whose benefit the people made their
prayers.

quidquid deorum. For the Neut. cf. c. 5. 7 n.

ad paxentes restituant. For ad with restituere cf. c. 13. 6 n.

in cassum missae, 'fell fruitless,' a poetical phrase, like many others
in this chapter.

8 dextro iano. This phrase and one or two others preserve the literal
meaning of ia/ius, 'an arch' (this gate having two). So we have the
summus, imus and medius ianus on the N.E. side of the Forum (Hor.
Epist. 1. 1. 54). As a deity, Janus was represented by a double-faced
head, surmounting an arch through which a street passed.

portae Carmentalis...Cremeram. See the map. The name of the
gate was derived from an ancient altar of the goddess Carmen ta or Car-
mentis which stood hard by.

9 sua tuta...infesta hostium. See § 5 n. ; the contrast with sua,
'their own territory,' makes it possible to use the Gen. hostium — to
mean 'that of the enemy,' as though it were Ace. Neut. PI. of an adj.
meaning ' belonging to the enemy.'

Page 60.

10 quamquam uix...fuit. This use of quamquam to introduce what is
practically an Independent sentence, giving a correction or modification
of a preceding statement, is fairly frequent in Livy, e.g. 3. 11. 13,
21. 19.4.

12 Saxa Rubra. On the Flaminian Road, not far N. of Rome.

ab insita... levitate goes with paenituit, 'thanks to their charac-
teristic fickleness' ; ab gives the inward source of the feeling, as often, cf.
tantus ab imprudent lia... paiior 4. 39. 6.

ante deductum...praesidium, 'before the garrison was withdrawn,'
like post conditam urban, etc.

Chap. 50.

1 impetus in incursantes. The loss (by 'haplography') of the
Preposition which all edd. agree in restoring before incursantes gave rise
to the corruption incursantium, which appears in most, of the mss.

2 opulentissima, ut turn res erant. Dionysius (1. 24) tells us that
Veii was in size comparable to Athens at this date. Before the rise of
Rome it was no doubt the chief mart of the Tiber valley.

3 ferocem, c. 46. 4 n.

1 66 LIVY II. NOTES c. 50. 3—9

gaudere is Hist. Inf., to which supply Veienics as Subject, and take
the following Ace. and Inf. clause as Object.

Fabiis, Dat. Comm., or of the Possessor, after audaciam cresc.
4 uelut as in c. 41. 9 n. As Subject of incidissent supply pecora.
uasti, in its literal meaning, ' empty, unpeopled.'

6 superassent 'had passed beyond,' a common use of the word,
especially of crossing a hill or a narrow pass — the latter is suggested here.

uaga, ut fit pauore iniecto. On ut fit see c. 4. 5 n.

Page 61.

7 et ipsi, like Gr. /ecu avrol, 'on their side too, in response.' Cf.
c. 3. 2 n. on neque ei.

orbem colligere, ' to draw into a ring,' with the same object as the
modern ' forming in square to receive cavalry.'

8 et paucitatem...insignem et multitudinem...faciebat. The
Predicate insignem faciebat belongs to both et Clauses, but is distributed
between them for the sake of rhythm (' Interweaving,' see c. 41. 6 n.).

9 rupere cuneo uiam. The phrase rumpere uiam is highly poetical
and is said not to occur elsewhere in Livy. Cf. Verg. A en. 2. 494

fit uia ui, rumpunt aditus, and 10. 372 ferro rumpenda per hostis Est
uia. When beside these two lines we place Liv. 4. 38. 4 ui uiam

faciunt and the present passage, it is hard to think that the resemblances
are accidental. And we have already seen others in this Book, cc. 19.
5> 38. 5 ; 43- 6 ; 44. 8 ; 47. 5 and 11). Further M. Miiller in the App.
to his edition of this book gives about a score of other parallelisms
between the Aeneid and the First and Third Decades of Livy ; and in
fact every reader of Livy who is at all familiar with Vergil's text will
recognise some resemblance, faint or clear, on nearly every page.

But the Aeneid was not published as a whole till after Vergil's death
in 19 B.C., w*hile Livy in 1. 19. 3 mentions the closing of the temple of
Janus in 29 B.C., but not that of 25 B.C. ; and in 9. 18. 9 he makes no
mention of the restoration of the Roman standards by the Parthians in
20 B.C. Hence some scholars conclude either that Vergil borrowed
from Livy, or (as M. Miiller) that all the parallelisms are due to their
both having borrowed from Ennius. Some resemblances (not included
in those mentioned above) certainly come from Ennius (but cf. c. 43.
6 n.) ; but it is very hard to believe that they all do. Again, similar
resemblances appear in the Fourth Decade of Livy, which was certainly
not even written till after Vergil was dead. And while such vivid

LIVY II. NOTES c. 50. 9— 11, 51. 1 — 3 167

phrases as jit uia ui and animos aequabit Olympo (A en. 6. 783) might
well become the quieter ui uiam faciunt and cuius magnititdini animum
semper aequauit (Liv. 33. 21. 3), the converse process is less likely.
Add to this the far greater probability that a metrical phrase will remain
in one's memory and be reproduced, than a sentence of prose, and we
have, I think, quite satisfactory ground for believing that Livy was
thoroughly familiar with the text of the Aeneid long before it was
published, and must have been included in Vergil's circle of friends.
Even Propertius, who must have been comparatively an outsider (see
Postgate, Select Elegies of Proper this , Introd. p. xxxii), heralded the
appearance of the Aeneid a.s early as 26 B.C. (3. 32. 65 ff.).

10 uincebat...ni...euasisset. As in c. 10. 2 n.

11 prope puberem aetate. The Abl. is Complementary to the Adj.,
like that in maior natu etc. : ' hardly more than a boy in years.' Some
editors alter the text to propter impuberem aetatem, which seems
needless.

This 'boy' became consul a few years later (3. 1. 1), one of many
difficulties in the chronology of this story, placed where it is.

domi bellique. The allusion is probably to Q. Fabius Maximus
(9. 45 ad fin.), who settled a burning question in 304 B.C. by admitting
freedmen-citizens to the four City Tribes and to those only; and to the
Dictator who wore down Hannibal by his policy of refusing to fight
(' Cunctator,' cf. 30. 26. 7 and the lines quoted in the n. on unus ille uir
c. 43. 6).

uel maximum, ' even the greatest, perhaps the very greatest.' This
use of uel shows very clearly its origin as an Impv. of uelle\ literally, it
is 'take it to be greatest, have it the greatest if you like,' or as in
English, 'call it the greatest,' 'say, the greatest.' In the Alternative

use it meant 'take this (or) take that.' In Oscan, heri, the Impv.

of the Verb meaning 'to take, choose,' is used in exactly the same way
to mean ' or.'

Chap. 51.

1 cum...accepta...est, iam. On the significance of this iam at the end
of a story see c. 39. 9 n. The mss. give esset, but Crevier's change to
est seems necessary in a sentence which merely states a date.

3 paruo momento, ' by only a small turn of the scale,' cf. c. 7. 10 n.

1 68 LIVY IL NOTES c. 51. 4-9, 52. 2, 3

Page 62.

4 uelut ab arce Ianiculo. For the (fairly common) omission of the
Prep, with the second noun, cf. Ovid Heroid. 8. no quaque Licet fugio
shut ab hoste uiro. The mss. give Ianiculi, which must mean ' from
their camp, as though they were coming from the stronghold of the
Janiculum.' But since this was in their hands, see § 7, most editors
adopt the slight change to Ianiculo.

impetus dabant. As in c. 1 9. 7 n.

5 dedita opera, 'on purpose,' goes with propu/sd.
praecipitauere, Intrans., in the sense of ' falling unawares into,' for

which, in later Decades, the Passive is commoner ; in the meaning ' hurl
one's self into (intentionally)' se praecipitare is used (M. Muller).
7 et ipse. See c. 50. 7 n.

hesterna felicitate pugnae, 'by yesterday's success in battle,' a
slight variation on the more prosaic hesternae pugnae fel., which is not
uncommon; cf. 4. 10. % pads domesticam curam (instead of domesticac).

ferox, c. 46. 4 n.

quamuis in praecipitia, 'into any plans however headlong,' lit.
* into plans as headlong as you like. '

dum celeriora essent, Virtually Oblique ; 'provided only they were
speedier' was the Consul's thought.

agebat, scil. consulem. Cf. mouerat eut?i casus c. 13. 2 n.

aduerso Ianiculo. See c. 35. 4 n. on aduersa inuidia.

aciem erexit, as in c. 31. 5 n.
9 occidione, 'with a killing,' i.e. 'with great slaughter.'

oppressum. On the meaning of this verb see c. 4. 7 n.

Chap. 52.

2 suo ueneno, the same metaphor as in c. 44. 8. But the addition of
suo gives it a contemptuous turn.

incitare, scil. plebem.

3 diem dicunt. The precise charge is not mentioned; possibly, as
Weissenborn suggests, it was that of having needlessly caused the death
of so many Plebeians in the battle which followed the disaster of the
Cremera (c. 51. 1).

cum baud procul etc. This statement seems to come from a different
source from that whence the account of the actual reverse is taken
(c. 51. 1 Menenius missus).

LIVY II NOTES o. 52. 4—8 169

4 ea oppressit. mss. earn, a common corruption (c. 7. ion.), ea of ^
course = inuidia.

5 in multa temperaxunt may, I think, be rendered 'contented
themselves with a fine ' on the analogy of phrases like consistere in, niti
in, morari in, per sister e in. For the use of temperare without Obj.,
meaning simply 'to restrain one's self,' cf. Plaut. Epid. 1. 2. 8 cum in
amore temperes. Some take in so here also, rendering ' were moderate in
fixing the amount of the fine,' but that is not the sense that seems most
natural to the context, though 2000 asses (see the next note) was only
a moderate fine. For similar clemency on the part of the Tribunes cf.

3. 58. 10. [I think the second interpretation is right. The parallels *»f
consistere in etc. do not seem to me close enough. J. S. R.]

cum capitis anquisissent, 'though they had begun his trial on a
capital charge,' i.e. a charge involving, if proved, the loss of the accused's
caput or status as a citizen.

duorum milium aeris. . .multam dixeront. This [J. S. R.] seems the ^
most probable reading ; the MSS. give multam edixerunt, but the com- '
pound Verb is not so used, but only in the sense of ' to announce a fine
beforehand (in case some expected offence is committed).' The numeral
of course was written originally simply MM.

Page 63.

aeris, 'two thousand (pounds) of bronze,' i.e. 2000 asses, since the
as was originally a rod of bronze weighing a pound.

ea in caput uertit, ' but the punishment (after all) affected his life ' ;
with something like a play on the word, caput is here used to mean
'physical existence,' as in 27. 23. 4 in capita consilium prodigiorum
euentus uertit.

7 exprobrando. On this Verb see c. 23. 11 n.

quibus turn saeuiret, 'who were the instruments of their rage.' «*
When persons are regarded merely as instruments or circumstances, the
word denoting them can be used in the Instrumental Abl.; cf. suo milite
uinci c. 44. 12. Cf. Cic. Mil. § 20. 54 uxore constrictus, 'hampered by
his wife's presence.'

8 iuuit. Notice this method of linking sentences together by beginning
the second with its main verb. It is not infrequent in Livy and very
common in Tacitus. The connexion lies simply in the contrast between
the actions of the two sentences, which is brought out as sharply as
possible when the most significant word of the second stands first in it.

170 LIVY IL NOTES c 53. 1-6, 54. i

Chap. 53.

1 Veiens bellum...quibus. The Antecedent to the Pron. is contained
in the ethnic Adj. , as often.

ut, dum...excurrunt...caperetur. dum has a great affection for the
Pres. Indie, which it continually retains in subordinate sentences, and,
in post- Augustan writers, even in Or. Obliq.

aliSL, Adv. 'by one path.* It is probable that these Fern. Abl. Adv.
arose by omission of uia, just like tt)v raxlffTrjv, ttjp &X\rji> (odor) etc. in
Greek.

2 in urbem, i.e. Veios.

pars...eunt. This construction is exceedingly common in Livy.

Page 64.

3 paulisper. On the Postposition see n. on parumper c. 25. 3. It
seems to have meant very much the same with both Ace. and Abl.

auersi. See c. 45. 1 n.

duae...maximae flnitumae gentes, 'two of the greatest of the
neighbouring races'; cf. 25. 8. 1 duarum nobilissimaitim in Italia
Graecarum ciuitatium, which shows a similar application of a Superlative
to a Noun phrase containing another Adj.

5 mos...non placebat. So a Roman leader was sent to the Latins in
c. 30. 9. This was a fixed principle in Roman politics, and was later
embodied in all their treaties with their " allied " i.e. subject states.

6 calamitatis, i.e. in the shape of injury to their lands and homesteads.

Chap. 54.

1 prouincia was the technical term for the external duties assigned to
any Magistrate who possessed the imperium (i.e. the Consuls, and the
Praetors when in command of an army ; also the Dictator, and in later
times Proconsuls and Propraetors). It was especially often applied to
the duty of conducting a particular war, and in later times, to a particular
conquered territory which it required military force to administer, a
'province.' The word is probably derived from ztincere, meaning
originally 'what a man goes on (or 'forth') to conquer'; cf. prospectus,
' what a man can see before him.'

euenit takes its Number from the adjacent predicate Subst. ; so
cc. 40. 14 ; 58. 4 ; cf. 1. 35. 9 ludicrum fuit equi.

LIVY II. NOTES c. 54. i— 10 171

frumento stipendioque imperato. Note the meaning of this Verb
when Transitive ; * to impose, enjoin upon.'

2 arripuit, 'brought into Court, put on their trial,' as in 3. 58. 7 ; it is
more commonly used of the actual arrest. Their offence was probably
some unconstitutional violence in resisting the Tribunes' proposal.

3 rei...sordidati, see n. on reos diceres c. 35. 5.

4 abstineant...putent depend directly on suadent, monent by 'Para-
taxis ' (c. 40. 5 n.), and take the same Tense.

consulares uero fasces. Here, as often {e.g. 4. 1. 3), tiero denotes
a climax.

infulis uelatos, like victims at the altar.

Page 65.

6 exilium Cn. Marci, see c. 35. 6.

Meneni damnationem, c. 52. 5. Note the Chiasmus (c. 40. 3 n.) in
these two phrases.

7 iure an iniuria. In these half-parenthetic clauses an, which is
properly used in questions, Direct or Indirect, comes to be used instead
of sine. Cf. 28. 43. 3 ea suspicio, uitio orationis an rei, hand sane
purgata est. If nihil curabant, or incertum erat, were inserted here
before inre an iniuria we should have a perfectly regular Indirect
Question in a parenthesis, the Verb of the Dependent Clause {eriperentur)
being at once supplied from eripiendos esse.

quamuis audaci, like quamuis in praecipitia c. 51. 7.

8 suspectior. On this Adj. see c. 7. 11 n.

9 domi mortuum...inuentum. Livy, like people at the time, assumes
that Genucius died by foul play. But so little was commonly known of
disease at Rome that it is extremely probable that many sudden deaths
which were supposed to be murders were really due to natural causes,
e.g. those of Scipio the younger and Germanicus.

quam nihil auxilii, cf. quant nihil in Hannibale auxilii 26. 16. 13 ;
* how absolutely powerless to protect them were.'

sacratae leges, c. 33. 3.
10 noxiae 'guilt, guilty deed.' This is the proper meaning of the
word, being the Abstract Noun corresponding to the Adj. noxius 'guilty,'
though our mss. occasionally give it in place of noxa, ' injury, harm
suffered.' This latter word however, derived directly from the root of
noceo (as Gr. 86£a from that of doK^oS), has a broader use, like Eng. harm
or *//, including also (1) the pain of punishment (as in c. 59. 6), and
(2) active harm, evil-doing.

172 LIVY II. NOTES c. 54. 10, 55. 1—5

malo, ' by chastisement,' as in c. 34. 1 1 hoc malo domitos. Compare
the stolid retort of the noble Metelli to Naevius' epigram (which
asserted Fato [i.e. not by merit) Metelli Romae fiunt consules). They
replied in a single Saturnian

At Naeiiio poetae dabunt malu?ti Metelli,
and put him in prison forthwith.

Chap. 55.

1 sub hanc.uictoriam, 'immediately after this victory.' The MSS.
give sub hac uictoria, which some defend giving sub the sense 'under
the shadow of; but the only passages quoted for this (where there is
no mention of the persons who are submitting, suffering, or the like)
are all (e.g. 25. 15. 8) with Ablatives which can be changed (and are
changed by most edd.) into Accusatives by the mere addition of -m (see
c. 7. 10 n.).

pessimi exempli, ' of disastrous omen,' 'ominous.'

Page 66.

2 resistatur...defendat with the Presents in the following sentence
are ' retained,' as in c. 3. 3 n.

3 quattuor et uiginti lictores, '24 lictors (and no more).' Livy here
implies that each Consul was regularly attended by his lictors, although,
according to c. 1. 8, it was only in alternate months that the lictors of
a particular Consul carried fasces; according to Dionys. (5. 2) the
Consul who was not acting as senior for the month had fasces, but
without the axes in them — a view which seems to be supported by Liv.
3. 36. 4.

apparere, ■ were in attendance on,' a meaning from which is derived
the word apparitor, 'official attendant.'

nihil contemptius, ' no force could be more contemptible ' ; for this
adjectival use of Partcc. cf. optalus, ' desirable,' conspectus, 'conspicuous,'
inuiolatus, ' inviolable. '

si sint qui contemnant = j-z sunt qui contemnant in O. Recta.

4 quod ordines duxisset, see c. 23. 4 n. This was Volero's plea,
militem, scil. gregariiun, a soldier of the rank and file.

5 appellat tribunos...'prouoco...ad populum.' Note this, the regular
difference in the use of the two words meaning to ' appeal.'

spoliari, i.e. itudari, as often, e.g. 8. 32. 10.
uobis, i.e. the Patricians.

LJVY II. NOTES c. 55. 6—10, 56. 1, 2 173

6 ubi...pro se...erat. See c. 43. 6 n.
fidem plebis imploro. See c. 10. 3 n.

8 omne discrimen adesse, * that everything was in peril, ' lit. ' that
every kind of peril was at hand ' ; discrimen denotes especially the kind
of crisis produced when established principles or institutions are
challenged. With this sinister use of omnis cf. phrases like omnia
turbare, \ to overthrow the whole constitution,' and the like.

non publici fore, non priuati iuris, 'Interweaving/ see cc. 41.
6 n., 50. 8 n.

9 parum. For the derivation of this word see n. on parumperc. 25. 3.
exerceret uictoriam, 'would push his victory'; as 6. 22. 4.

10 in senatum uocari, scil. patres. For the Passive after iubeo cf. 49. 3 ;
44. 3 n.

Chap. 56.

1 tribunum plebi. On the form of the Gen. see c. 42. 6 n.

Page 67.

2 permissuFum tribunatum, 'would devote his year of office as a
tribune to ' — a construction of ptrmittere which seems to occur nowhere
else. The metaphor is from giving a horse the rein. In the mss. the
gloss administraturum is inserted in the text.

post...habito. This use of habere... post... for the compound post-
habere is said not to occur elsewhere in Livy. It appears also in Tacitus
(Hist. 3. 64 ad fin.), probably by imitation.

ut plebei magistrate tributis comitiis fierent. Livy does not
say how the Tribunes had been previously elected. After the struggle
of 494 B.C. (c. 32 f.) it is simply inconceivable that the Plebeians should
have allowed their newly created defenders to be elected by any one but
themselves ; nor is it even clear by whom Livy conceived them to have
been first elected. What then was the object of the Lex Publilia? In
c. 60. 5 Livy describes its effect in the phrase patribus ex concilio sub-
mouendis, and Dionysius (9. 43) adds that the Law also empowered the
Tribes to pass formal resolutions under the presidency of the Tribunes.
Hence it is inferred (by Schwegler 2. 553 ff.), and rightly, I think, that
the real object of the law was to give precise form and legal recognition
to the Comitia Tributa, so that it was not a mere assemblage {concilium)
of chance persons, but a regular body (Comitia), parallel to the Comitia

174

LIVY IT. NOTES c. 56. 2—10

Centuriata. And one of the regulations to secure this would naturally
** be that Patricians had no right to be present, cf. § ro and 3. 11. 4.
Later on (e.g. Liv. 5. 30. 4) when the Plebeians had learnt to trust to
their numerical superiority, and still more after 339 B.C., when in con-
sequence of the Leges Publiliae the distinction between the Orders had
lost all political importance, the prohibition dropped out of notice.

Schwegler's view seems to me clear and probable so far as it goes.
For a discussion of the difficult questions that remain in the early history
of the Plebeian assembly (or assemblies) the student may be referred to
Willems, Droit Publ. Rom.> Ed. 5, pp. 165 and 293, and the authorities
he cites.

4 quae una uis ad resistendum. For this construction after uis
cf. 5. 9. 7 inuentam esse uim maiorem ad coercendos magistrates ; so
30. 16. 3. For the fact cf. cc. 43. 4 ; 44. 2.

^ ex collegio, scil. tribunorum.

in annum, * over the whole year.'

5 a paternis certaminibus. See c. 27. ^k

inuisum infestumque, * hateful to and hating,' a common com-
bination.

consulem faciunt; collega...datur. See c. 43. n n.

7 aetatis eius haud quisquam, ' no one of that day. ' %

8 rudis in militari etc. 'his untrained soldier's tongue could not
keep pace with his audacity and indignation.'

9 non facile loquor...quam. The omission of tarn in the first half of
^ the Comparison before facile (where Madvig wished to insert it) is

paralleled by many other cases in Livy, which like this seem to be all
negative; e.g. 25. 15. 9 non ?ni litem Jiducia...quam iuuentutis
Thurinae. But cf. Verg. G. 3. 309 where there is no negative.
-k praesto, * make good ' ; on the origin of this use see c. 18. 1 1 n.

10 occupant, in its regular meaning, 'seized (before any one else could).'
templum, i.e. the rostra in the Comitium from which assemblies of
the people were regularly addressed ; the same term is applied to this
platform in 8. 14. 12. It denotes properly any space (of ground, or
even in the sky) which has been marked off by the regular augural
ceremonies (augurato), so it is regularly applied to the Curia Hostilia
where the Senate met. But aedes denotes a building used for religious
purposes only.

LIVY II NOTES c. 56. 12—16, 57. 2—4 175

Page 68.

12 ilium ipsum, i.e. magistratum populi, such as a Consul.

pro imperio, ' in virtue of his office, ' in the ordinary exercise of his
power. Even a Consul requested (not commanded) the people to
disperse.

14 concursus hommum...multitudinis, Madvig would excise howinum,
but it hardly seems likely to have been added as a gloss, and multi-
tudinis can be taken in Apposition.

15 saeuientem. . .lenisset. Elsewhere Livy seems generally to use lenire
with an Abstract Noun like iram as Object ; but cf. Verg. Ae?i. 4. 393
lenire dolentem.

16 non uim suam illis. The Possessive Adj. refers to illis, not to
tempus though it is the subject of the clause. See c. 22. 3 n. illis
would have been put before uim suam but that the latter phrase had to
follow the Negative directly, and Negatives are by preference put at the
beginning of their clause.

Chap. 57.

2 sententias uariassent, 'produced conflicting opinions'; cf. 23. 5. 8
variante fortuna euentum.

quo magis goes with auocabantury the phrase spatio interp. giving
the reason for their change of mind.

eius opera, 'by his efforts, thanks to him,' a convenient substitute for
ab eo.

3 petitur, ut...uellet... posset. The Hist. Pies, takes Past Sequence,
as often.

tantam, 'only so great.' esse uelleti * would consent to leave.'
duin...trahant...sit...sit. On these Primary Tenses Retained even

after the introductory Imperfects in the Purpose Clause, see Appendix II.
nihil relictum... in medio, because the two contending parties wasted

the whole strength of the community in their contentions.

Page 69.

4 in Sacro monte. See cc. 32 f.

176 II VY II NOTES c. 58. 1— 8, 59. 1—3

Chap. 58.

1 perlnde ac, for perinde ac si, like uelut for iiehit si c. 36. r.
duo. See c. 33. 3 n. %
Piso. See c. 18. 5 n.

3 uastauerant...ut, 'they had been laying waste... in the hope that.'
The reason for their hope was not the ravaging of the fields, but the
nearness to Rome which it implies. The Volscians hoped that as they
were so near the Plebs might come over to them, and leave the Patricians
in Rome at their mercy.

4 prouincia. See c. 54. in.
eadem...saeuitia...esse...odisse, Hist. Infinitives.

5 quid ? ' nay, indeed...? ' This conjecture of Weissenborn's seems the
best correction of the MSS. quod.

electo aduersus, * chosen on purpose to resist.'

quam...impedierunt. So the mss. Editors generally change to
impedierint, which may be right, but the retention of the Indie, seems
scarcely any harsher here than in qui erit finis c. 15. 3, ubi v. n.

6 ira indiguatioque...stimulabat. On the Singular Verb see c.
5- 8 n.

poterat, scil. exercitus.

certamen. In an abstract sense % spirit of contentiousness ' ; so in
c. 59. 1.

7 si...uellet...si...adesset. This use of the Subjunctive in General
Conditions {si=iif ever') is a mark of Silver Latin and hardly appears
in Cicero. Cf. 3. 36. 8 si collegam appellasset, ita discedebat ut paeniteret,
' if ever a man appealed from Appius to one of the other Decemvirs, he
always went away regretting it.' [A few examples must be admitted
even in Cicero, e.g. De Or. 1. § 232. J. S. R.]

8 praesenti. Dat.of Disadvantage : ' they would not look him in the
face when he stood before them.'

taclte goes, probably, with exsecrari, * under their breath.'

Chap. 59, page 70.

1 nihil eorum = ». earum rerum.

2 Appio...Fabio. Dat. Incomm., like praesenti c. 58. S. Their
treatment of Fabius was related in c. 43. 6 ff.

3 expressa uis, ' an effort was wrung from them.'

alia... sua clade, ' in any other kind of defeat they suffered,' =a//a

II VY II NOTES c. 59. 3— 11, 60. 1 177

reliqua, as in c. 23. 6. This is Crevier's correction of the mss. alii.
Others read alibi which is simpler, but less likely to have been cor-
rupted.

4 infractus, Parte, of infringo.

ne utique, ' not in any case, by all means not.' Whatever else he
did, he must not rely upon the soldiers' obedience to any command
bidding them execute punishment on their fellows.

5 negare . . .milites . . . exaudiri . . . fuisse, etc. Or. Obi., the reasons urged
by Appius' advisers. On the Retained Present moueantur see App. II.

6 quando quidem...lucrarentur, Oblique, the reason Appius gave for
yielding.

noxae —pocnae, see n. on noxiae c. 54. 10. "1

rcmissa contione, 'abandoning his project of haranguing them.'

Cf. remittere iustitiumt intercesswnem.

iter... cum iussisset, prima luce. On the leap in this sentence from

one day to the next see the Hints on Livy's Style, p. 80 sup. On the

postponement of cum see c. 40. 5 n.

7 cum maxime, * just when.'

ullius, Neut., like eorum in § 1, and eius in c. 47. 12, ubi v. n. ^
This is a rare use of ttllum.

8 ita...euasere, ■ with such speed did they rush out of the battle.'

9 reuocando...persecutus esset. The Gerund = reuocatis, or ut reuo-
caret, see c. 32. 4 n. on sumendo.

Page 71.

10 signo amisso signiferos, 'standard-bearers who had lost their
standards.' Abl. of Description. Beware of rendering it here by
'with.'

11 duplicarios. Because these specially privileged soldiers ought to
have set a better example to their fellows. A man was so called when
he was allowed double rations, in reward for some special act of valour.

sorte decumus quisque. The motive of this grim institution
('decimation' in the strict sense) is explained by Cicero {pro Chient. ^h
46. 128) ut metus ad omnes, poena ad paucos pcrucnirct.

Chap. 60.
1 contra ea, ' on the other hand,' cf. inter-ea, post-ea etc., which ^
preserve the original length of the -a of the Neut. PI.

quo is magis. With the Comparative magis, quo takes the place of
ut after effecerat. is is of course Quinctius.

C. L. II. 12

i7cS L1VY 11. NOTES c. 60. 1—5, 61. 1—4

gauderet, i.e. indulge, give the rein to.

2 acta praeda. ea omnis. This (Frigell's) seems certainly the right
interpretation of the reading of M prae de eadomn (at the end of a line).
The vulgate actae praedae [plur.] omnis [sing.] can hardly, I think, be
defended.

3 quibus...gaudent. Not Hist. Pres., but a general observation.

4 maior uictoria...quam usu, 'more important because it marked the
victory in a set combat than in its practical effects.'

5 patribus ex concilio submouendis. Since the Plebeians always
outnumbered the Patricians in the Assembly of the Tribes, where the
voting, in each Tribe, was by heads, it made no difference in the
majority of votes whether Patricians were present or not. But no doubt
the poorer Plebeians escaped some terrorising. On the nature of the
change legally, see c. 56. 2 n.

Chap. 61.

1 excepit, 'followed,' used absolutely, as in 25. 23. 8 alia sub'uule spest
postquam haec uana euase7'ati excepit. But more commonly an Ace. is
added, as in nox diem excepit and the like.

2 possessorum publici agri. See c. 24. 6 n. on possideret.
tamquam tertio consuli. When the Verb of a Comparative Clause

after uty tamquam or the like is left to be supplied, the Subject of that
Verb is regularly attracted into the case of the word which denotes the
thing or person compared to that Subject : cut... tamquam terlius consul
esset (qui hoc fe.cissei) is abridged into cut... tamquam tertio consuli.

Page 72.

3 ad iudicium...populi. On the right of the Tribes to try such cases
see c. 35. 2 n.

plenus suarum, etc. ' laden with the grudges cherished against both
himself and his father.' The Adjj. represent Obj. Genitives.

4 dumtaxat, 'strictly speaking, only.' The Adv. is taken from an old
legal phrase limiting the amount of fines which one could impose
(taxare) under a particular law. The formula ran generally thus ; ' For
a breach of this statute the magistrate may inflict any fine he chooses
provided that he (only) levies (dum taxat) such and such a pro-
portion of the guilty person's property.' Hence the phrase came to be
attached to particular words meaning 'so far forth as (so and so),' '(so

LIVY II. NOTES c. 61. 4—9, 62. 2—5 179

and so) in its strict sense.' Hence it has a double colour, sometimes, as
here, ' no more than,' ■ only ' ; sometimes ■ no less than,' ' at least,' as in
Hor. Sat. 2. 6. 42 Maecenas me coepit habere suorum In numero,
d unit ax at ad hoc, quern tollere reda Vellet, iter fact ens, 'at least so far
as this, that I was one he liked to have with him on a journey.'
Prof. Reid connects taxare with Osc. tanginom 'sententiam' and O. Lat.
tongere, tongitio, Eng. think etc., which is quite possible phonetically
and gives a better sense than the usual derivation from tangere ■ to
touch ' : ' provided he estimates the fine at (less than half etc.).'

5 non modo...sed ne...quidem, 'not only not. ..but not even so much
as to,' the regular use of non modo when ne...quidem follows, modo
means literally 'by the limit' and hence 'just, exactly'; non modo
therefore may mean either 'I do not say (so much as) this, not only not
this,' or 'I do not say (so little as) this, not only this.'

uestem mutaret. See c. 35. 5 n. on reos.

6 spiritus, ' lofty tone. ' /

7 diem...prodicerent, 'adjourned the trial to another day,' lit. 'an-
nounced the day for trial onwards.' In this phrase dies is always Fern.,
see c. 49. 2 n.

trahi, 'drag on indefinitely.' rf
9 supremum diem, ' the day of the burial,' as often (e.g. Cic Mur. § 75).
But it often means ' the last day of life,' e.g. Cic. Phil. 1. § 54.

Chap. 62.
2 religio fuerit, with Inf., see c. 5. 3 n.

Page 73.

4 quibus frequenter habitabatur, Impers., 'in which the folk lived
not far from one another'; cf. 9. 28. 5 frequenter ibi habitabatur, and
for the Abl. 8. 22. 5. When the Verb is used transitively (e.g. 1. 30. 1)
it has a somewhat different sense, ' inhabit,' instead of ' live (after such
and such a fashion).'

postero die. For the change of time in this sentence cf. c. 59. 6 n.

5 pro uicto, 'as vanquished'; cf. pro uictis c. 7. 3.
integro...bello, ' with the war not yet begun.'

180 L1VY II. NOTES c. 63. 2—7, 64. 1—6

Chap. 63.

2 ultima uis, i.e. open civil war; so 3. 17. 9.

4 nihil aliud quam. For the Advl. Ace. cf. c. 8. 8 n.

perfusis uano timore, lit. ' bathed in ' ; render ' with no other result
than to plunge the Romans into empty terror.'

5 ex insidiis = 0£ hoste ex insidiis erumpente.

6 Caenonem, the port of Antium, somewhat to the E. of that town.

7 tenent, 'occupy, employ.'

populantes. On the literal meaning of this word see c. 12. 5 n.

Chap. 64.

1 interesse consularibus comitiis. The Consuls were elected by the
Comitia Centuriata, of which the Plebeians were, of course, members :
each man ranked in one or other of the five Classes according to his
property. On this occasion they refused to vote.

Page 74.

3 Crustuminos campos, the former territory of Crustumeria, captured,
according to the tradition, in 501 B.C. (c. 19. 2) ; see the map.

a porta prope Collina, 'from (what was) almost the Colline gate,'
i.e. from a point hard by that gate. [Cf. 1. 14. 4 hi ipsis prope portis,
so 27. 18. 3 ; 30. 30. 8. J. S. R.]

4 fpsum quidem agmen. . .populationexn. . .fecit. Coupled by Contrast,
but with quide??i ( = Greek fxev) added to the first clause, to emphasise
its real subordination in sense to the second: 'although he did not
succeed in yet he pushed his ravages so far afield...'

adipisci, 'catch up,' as in c. 30. 14 n.

multiplici...praeda, 'many times the quantity of booty (previously
lost).'

5 et in Volscis. For this emphatic use of et, 'and indeed,' cf.
c. 28. 8 n. and see c. n. 6 n. In § 6 just below it has a slightly different
colour, implying more contrast ; ' and the Romans for their part.'

caede... sanguine denote the killed and the wounded respectively.

6 paucitas damno sentiendo propior erat, ' their small numbers made
them more quickly conscious of their loss,' lit. 'were nearer to feeling
their loss (than the large army of the enemy).'

dum se putant uincere, uicere. Perhaps suggested by the famous
possunt quia posse uidentur, Verg. Aeu. 5. 231 (cf. c. 50. 9 n.).

LIVY II. NOTES c. 64. 8—10, 65. 2—7 181

8 baud dubitans...abituros. Livy frequently puts the Ace. and Inf.
after haud dubito, non dubito {e.g. 1. 23. 7) in the sense of * I do not
doubt (a fact),' a colloquial construction for which quin with the
Subjunc. is regular in earlier prose writers.

9 ueniunt. It appears from what follows that they did not come
right up to the camp, but halted some little distance off.

10 Hernicorum cohortem. The Hernici were bound by their treaty
(c. 41. 1) to send auxiliary troops when Rome was at war.

in stationem, 'to a picket,' which must have been just outside the
camp. ^

Chap. 65, page 75.

2 post principia, 'under shelter of the front ranks.' These stood
their ground and kept off the enemy, while the rest of their own army
moved backward up the hillside in good order {integris ordinibus).

3 euaderent, 'surmount,' with Ace. as often in Livy {e.g. 7. 36. 2) in
this sense ; cf. Verg. Aen. 4. 685. It is commoner however in its
ordinary use with in as in § 6.

4 simul...simul, 'now. ..now,' 'both. ..and'; a poetical use very
common in Livy, cf. Verg. Aen. 1. 631.

pudore metum excussisset. excutere is a strong and picturesque
metaphor ; one may perhaps render ; 'stung them out of their cowardice
by rousing their shame.'

5 ut ootinentes locum, etc. ■ as, while holding their ground steadily,
they gradually recovered their strength.'

6 prope erat, nt, 'it had nearly come about that,' 'almost,' as in
c. 23. 15.

7 Antium. The capture of the chief town of the Volscians makes a
fitting end to a Book in which they have appeared as the most dangerous
enemies the Romans had to face after King Porsenna's retreat.

i82

APPENDIX.

I. ON THE STORY OF CORIOLANUS. (cc. 33—40.)

In looking back on this story as a whole it is worth while
to separate its central features from the rest. Probably everyone
would agree to include among these the proud and tyrannous
character of Coriolanus, his hatred of the Plebs, his trial and
banishment ; his march upon Rome, the danger of the city, and
his retreat in deference to his mother's entreaties. If this much
is given us, we have nearly all that our imagination values.
Now in these things thus barely stated there is no reason for
doubt1; none of them are at all inconsistent either with one
another or with our general knowledge of Rome and the
surrounding tribes in the V Century B.C. But the story as
the tradition presents it is wrapped up in a mass of details
which it is difficult to accept, such as the marvellous number of
towns which Coriolanus captured in a single campaign (c. 39.
3 — 4), and the even more marvellous complacency with which
the Volscian army first accepted a Roman commander, and

1 An exception should perhaps be made of the trial, which, as has
been recently pointed out by the distinguished Italian historian Prof.
Pais (Sloria di Roma, 1. 1. p. 498, indicated to me by Prof. Reid),
presents many strange features (cf. Prof. Reid's n. on c. 35. 2). But,
if I have rightly understood Prof. Pais' ultra-sceptical treatment of the
whole story (as a fiction based upon the worship of Mars at Rome and
Corioli), it appears to me to involve a far greater number of improbable
assumptions than those it professes to remove.

APPENDIX 183

then sacrificed the fruit of all their fighting and turned back
from Rome when it lay within their grasp, because their leader
listened to the entreaties of his mother and the other Roman
matrons. One can hardly doubt that an army of half-barbarous
Volscians, if it had really followed Coriolanus to the walls of
Rome, would have made very short work of his filial scruples.
The truth is, as we shall presently see in detail, that the mythical
elements in the story all spring from the part these Volscians
play in it ; and it is extremely probable, as Schwegler conjectures
in his brilliant analysis of the tradition1, that they were brought
into it by early Roman annalists from patriotic motives. Now
in the Great Volscian Wars, lasting from 466 to 441 B.C.
(see Book III. passim), the Romans did suffer a whole series of
defeats ; once the Volscians advanced to within three miles
of the walls (3. 6. 7)2. But the story of these reverses would
be much less offensive to a Roman ear if they could be
represented as having been due to the prowess of an exiled
Roman, not of the Volscians unaided ; and the story of
Coriolanus gave just the handle which a patriotic historian
desired for such a shift. It is reasonable, therefore, to infer
that the descent of Coriolanus upon Rome and the series of
defeats which the Romans suffered from the Volscians were
entirely distinct events ; and that the troops which were led to
Rome and away again were not the Volscian army but some
force raised by Coriolanus and entirely dependent upon him.

This theory is rendered very probable by the double account
which Dionysius gives of Coriolanus5 exploits. One of his
versions (8. 17 — 56) corresponds on the whole to Livy's much
shorter and soberer narrative; the other (8. 12) represents
Coriolanus as making a preliminary descent on Rome at the
head of a band of volunteers and ravaging only the lands of
Plebeians. Now in the struggles between the Orders such
banishments as his were frequent (cc. 52, 54 and 3. 66. 2) ; and
one may well accept Schwegler's conjecture that the troops he

1 Rom. Geschichte, II. p. 349 fif.

2 We may note that both in this year 466 B.C., and in 453, Rome
was crippled by a pestilence (3. 2. 2, and 3. 22. 2).

1 84 LIVY II

was leading consisted in fact of other exiled nobles like himself,
with their dependants. Appius Herdonius, a Sabine, put himself
at the head of just such a band in 460 B.C. (3. 15. 5), and seized
the Capitol. The return of a band of political outlaws was
always dreaded, as a source of fresh conflict, in ancient com-
munities {e.g. at Corcyra in 432 B.C.) ; and this theory would
account very well for the willingness of the Romans to stoop to
entreaties when Rome was at the mercy of Coriolanus, and for
the retreat of the troops at his command : — an act which is
natural enough in a band of men linked together only by their
leader, and partly, perhaps, touched by the same feelings as
he, but altogether incredible when attributed to such bitter
enemies of Rome as the Volscians.

All the confusions due to the interpolation of these Volscians
become worse confounded by the reference of the whole story
to the years 493 — 488 B.C. This was probably due, as we shall
see, to its supposed connexion with the temple of Fortuna
Muliebris, which was completed in 488.

It is of course quite possible that Coriolanus may have had
some kind of understanding with the Aequians and Volscians,
who were, no doubt, at war with Rome at the time of his raid.
As Schwegler points out, Cicero refers to the story in a way
which suggests this view; bellum Volscorum illud grauissimum
cut Coriolanus exsul interfuit {Brut. 10. 41) is a phrase which
would more naturally have been worded otherwise if Cicero had
conceived of Coriolanus as actually commanding the Volscian
Army.

We may now take one by one the points in Livy's story
which call for comment.

33. 4. ad Volscum bellum. This war, with the capture of
Corioli, is clearly mythical. Corioli was actually one of the thirty
Latin cities included in the league mentioned in the preceding sentence
(Schwegler 11. p. 363, 326). See the next note.

5. cui cognomen postea Coriolano. Livy seems to imply that the
hero owed this name to his exploit in capturing the town. It seems
probable that the converse is the truth, i.e. that this exploit was put
down to him to explain his name (which, like Collatinus, RegilUnsis

APPENDIX 185

and many more, probably implies no more than that his family once
migrated from the town to Rome). At all events there is no other
example of such a name being taken by any one but the General in
command of the whole army, nor any other example of such a title at all
until more than a century later; according to Liv. 30. 45. 7 Africanus
was the first.

9. memoria cessisset. This shows that there was no record of
this Volscian War in the Fasti. Livy, accepting the tradition of its
having been waged in this year, infers that Cominius conducted it,
merely from his not being mentioned in the treaty with the Latins.

34. 2. ex incultis per secessionem plebis agris. But in c. 32. 4,
where Livy was probably following a different and older authority, the
length of the Secession is given only as aliquot dies. The reason given
for the famine, if not the famine itself, is no doubt one of the mythical
additions to the story ; and the details bear a suspicious resemblance to
those given of the famines in 433 and 411 (Liv. 4. 25. 4, and 4. 52).

37. 2. iris magna Volscorum uenit. The constructors of the
composite tradition which Livy is following found nothing incredible in
this friendly visit of the Volsci to Rome immediately after the loss of
Corioli (c. 33. 5) and their refusal to sell corn to Roman envoys
(c. 34. 4) !

38. 1. caput Ferentinum was a place of assembly for Latins
(1. 50 and 51), not Volscians; see the map. The scene of this mythical
oration must have been fixed at a later date, when there was no
distinction, much less any enmity, between Latins and Volscians.

6. deficeret. The Volscians were in no sense allies of Rome at
this date, so that one does not expect to hear of their * revolting.' But
no doubt some such phrase appeared in the traditional account of this
" Volscian War," which was unencumbered by dates.

39. 1. omnium populorum. The phrase probably comes ulti-
mately from some account which reckoned the Aequi among the
followers of Coriolanus (cf. c. 40. 13); the towns enumerated in §4
are in or near Aequian territory. See below. The election of a
Roman exile by the Volscians as their leader is of course one of the
most incredible points in the story. Tribal feeling was bitterly strong
in ancient Italy, and there is no other example of such a ciioice in all
its history.

3 — 4. When we compare the account in Dionysius, it is not hard
to conjecture a possible source for the confusion which these sections
exhibit in the mind of a writer in whose day there were no maps in our

j 86 LIVY II

sense of the word, and when all the towns mentioned, save Pedum and
Labici, if they still existed at all, had sunk to small hamlets, so that
their exact position would not be familiar to him. Dionysius (8. 17 — 36)
enumerates the two sets of conquests in the reverse order; and it is
conceivable that the account which underlies our text began with a
phrase taken from the tradition which Dionysius accepts, and then went
on to follow the other version without the writer's being conscious that
his prefatory phrase was inconsistent with the rest. It can hardly be an
accident that we should find a confusion in Livy's narrative exactly
where we know the traditions varied.

But why did the traditions vary on just this point? Because of the
attempt to ascribe to Coriolanus two separate series of defeats which,
no doubt, the Romans did suffer, rather later on, at the hands of (1) the
Volscians, who would take the S. group of towns, and (2) the Aequians,
who would take the N.E. group. The fiction betrays itself by its
extravagance as well as by this discrepancy of order ; for in no
historical war in ancient Italy were so many towns captured in one
campaign.

40. 12. templum Fortunae Muliebri. But there was also a
temple to Fortuna Virilis, ascribed to Servius Tullius, and its feminine
counterpart was probably not less old. A temple in commemoration of
Volumnia's success should have been to Pietas Muliebris, not Fortuna ;
and, in fact, this particular temple did not stand at the Fossae Cluiliae,
where Coriolanus is said to have halted (c. 39. 5), but a mile nearer
Rome (Fest. p. 242 M.). Hence Schwegler concludes (11. 382) that
the connexion of Volumnia with this temple was a popular myth.

But the date of the first sacrifice at this altar, Dec. 1, 48S B.C.,
was recorded in the Commentaries of the Pontifices (Dion. 8. 55) ;
and this is probably the reason why this date was taken for the march
of Coriolanus by the annalists, who were concerned to bring his
story by hook or by crook into the course of recorded history. We
have seen already that this date is certainly too early. It was not till
some twenty- five years later that Rome was so reduced by the Aequian
and Volscian wars, and by pestilence (463 B.C.), as to have been at the
mercy of an invader.

APPENDIX 187

II. ON THE VARIATION OF SEQUENCE
IN ORATIO OBLIQUA.

§ 1. Every reader of Livy is familiar with the curious
alternation of Secondary with Primary Tenses of the Sub-
junctive in passages in the Oratio Obliqua where what is called
repraesentatio is admitted ; that is, where some at least of the
Primary Tenses which would have stood in Oratio Recta are
retained in spite of their subordination to a Past Verb of saying
or thinking. We have found a number in this Book, for
example :

2. 39. n. Atrox responsum rettulerunt: si Volscis ager
redderetur^ posse agi de pace: si praeda belli per otiutn frui
uelint,...se...adnisurum, ut appareat etc.

In Cicero this variation is practically1 unknown, and the sen-
tence just quoted, had it been written by Cicero, would certainly
have shown uellent and appareret. But in the Historians we
find very frequent variation. Caesar sometimes uses the
Secondary Tenses continuously in a passage of some length
(e.g. B. Gall. I. 13), but in Livy this uniformity is extremely
rare ; — for example, I can find no case of it in either Book I.2 or
Book II. It is clear, then, that although the use of Secondary
Tenses throughout a Reported Speech was established as an
intelligible idiom before Livy began to write, Livy himself did
not regard it as either obligatory or beautiful. What we need
to have made clear is the principle or principles which he
followed in using both Primary and Secondary Tenses in the
same passage.

§ 2. No tenable explanation, so far as I know, has been
offered ; after disproving with ease a conjecture of Kiihnast's,

1 See B. (3) below (p. 190) for the solitary type of variation in
Cicero.

2 The largest sets of Secondary Subjunctive Tenses in Book I. are
such passages as 17. 9, 40. 4, 47. 6, in each of which all the Verbs are
included in one sentence; in none is any actual speech reported.

LIVY II

Draeger (i. p. 279 ff.) is content to suggest that the Tenses are
changed to secure variety of endings. But an examination of a
very large number of passages (including all those in Books I.
and II.) has convinced me that the secret of the variation lies in
the poverty of the Subjunctive in Tense-forms. It has no
Tenses which can reflect precisely the Future or Future-perfect
of the Indicative, nor the Imperative ; so that if one started, as
I believe Livy did, with a desire to retain precisely the Tenses
of the Oratio Recta, that principle could not be carried out in
these three cases, and in default of it, it was natural that the
ordinaiy custom of Sequence in single dependent Clauses should
influence his choice. The general principle which represents
Livy's use, may, I believe, be stated as follows :

A. In passages of Or. Obliqua in which Livy is using
Primary Tenses after a Past governing Verb, the Primary
Tenses appear, as a ride, only where they are actually retained
fro?n the Or. Recta j i.e. (1) all i-etainable Tenses are retained
with great regularity j but (2) where a cha?ige of Tense is
u?iavoidable (as in converting the Imperative and the Future
of the Or. Recta), there Livy^s usage varies but the Tense chosen
is most often Secondary : eg. 1 . 40. 3.

Livy's text (Or. Obliqua).

Turn impensius eis indignitas
crescere (Hist. Inf.) si ne ab
Tarquinio quidem ad se
rediret regnum sed...ad
seruitia caderet, ut...quod
Romulus ipse tenuerit reg-
num donee in terris fuerit,
id seruus serua natus possi-
deat. ...id domus suae de-
decus fore si...seruis etiam
regnum Romae pateret."

The same in Or. Recta.

" [Etiam foedius nobis erit)

si ne ab

T. quidem ad nos redibit reg-
num, sed ad seruitia cadet^

ut... quod R. ipse ten u it regnum
donee in terris eu/t, id seruus

serua natus possidea t, id

domus nostrae dedecus erit si

seruis etiam

patebit"

In this passage it is surely incredible that after ut Livy
should suddenly fall into Primary Tenses unless there were
some reason for it. Such a theory can only be properly tested by
the examination of a very large number of examples, and to discuss

APPENDIX 189

all those I have noted in Livy and other authors would take us
far beyond the limits of an Appendix. All I can do here is to
present a prima facie case for my contention ; to deal with all
the constructions which bear upon it, favourably or otherwise,
occurring in Book II.; and to show the reason for such a rule in
the origin of the construction. I shall be content if the reader
is persuaded of two things : (1) that in order to understand a
Tense in Or. Obliqua it is absolutely necessary to consider what
it represents in the Or. Recta — an elementary precaution which
Draeger and others have singularly disregarded1; and (2) that
the distinction between what may be called 'retainable' and
1 non-retainable ' Tenses which is laid down by the canon I
propose gives us a fair working hypothesis by which to explain
the great mass of the examples in question, and from which to
start in dealing with the cases that remain over, the number of
which, though in itself it is considerable, is very small when
compared to the rest.

§ 3. One or two limitations to the rule may be stated at
once.

B. (1) The Subjunctives which depend directly upon the
Main Verb which introduces the Oratio Obliqua, take the
regular Sequence; thus, they are Seco?idary after a Past Tense,
whether or not the Primary Tenses are retained in the body of
the speech itself, e.g.

2. 28. 5 : Correpti consules cum quid ergo se facere uellent
— nihil enim segnius...quam patribus placeat acturos...percunc-
tarentur, decernunt ut dilectum...habeant.

Here uellent takes its Tense from percunctarentur on which
it depends and which is the ordinary Past Subjunctive after a
Circumstantial cum. But placeat reproduces placet of the O.R.
The Historic Present decernunt is treated as a Primary Tense,
a very common construction.

So in c. 9. 1 — 2 : Nunc orabant nc.pateretur, nunc.ne...
sineret. Nisi quanta ui ciuitates (libertatem) expetant tanta
regna reges defendant, aequari summa infimis.

1 Though it seems to be implied, for instance, by Postgate, N. L. P.
§43° (10).

ICJO

LIVY II

This in O. R. would be Nisi qtianta...expetu nt, la/da...
defendant^ aequantur, etc. Other examples are in cc. 32. 5 ;
57- 3; 59- 4—5; see below.

(2) Similarly the Imperfect Subjunctive which is regularly
used to give a Past Command throws any Verbs that may
depend upon it into Secondary Tenses; and this influence
sometimes extends eve?i into the next sentence, e.g.

6. 39. 6 — 12. After seven Primary Subjunctive Tenses the
Command appears in the Impf. Proinde ipsi primum statu-
erent...quid uellent, dcindc.declararent. This seems to
infect the two Subjunctives of the next sentence (si uellent...
esse quod eosdem reficerent), after which the Primary Tenses
are resumed.

2. 48. 2. Itaque principio anni censuit priusquam quisquam...
tribunusexsisteret,occuparent patresipsi suum munusfacere,
captiuum agrum plebi...darent. Verum esse habere eos quorum
sanguine.. .partus sit.

Many other examples will be found below.

I may add, though no example appears in Book II., this further
clause.

(3) A Clause of Purpose depending upon another such Clause which,
though relating to the past, is in the Present because depending directly
upon a Main Verb in the Historic Present, is often, perhaps regularly,
put into a Secondary Tense.

28. 31. 4. Nuntios ad Senatum mittit qui...hortentur ut auxilia
mitterent, quibus...imperium Hispaniae repeti posset. Compare
Verg. Aen. 1. 298 Demittit...Ut terrac.pateant, ne...Dido Finibus
arceret.

Draeger (1. p. 235) recognises this as a common construction in
Cicero, e.g. Verr. 2. 2. 50 Agrigentini...mittunt qui eum leges
doceant...ut intelligeret, etc.

Here the decisive factor is probably the degree of nearness to the
Historic Present of the Main Verb.

§ 4. We may now consider some examples of the Re-pre-
sentation from other Books than the Second. In order that
the truth of the canon may be easily tested, I add in a parallel
column what I believe to have been the Oratio Recta of each
extract.

APPENDIX

191

Livy's Text.
j. 51. 4 — 6. Ab Turno...sibi
et primoribus populomm parari
necem ut Latinorum solus im-
perium ten eat. aggressurum
fuisse hesterno die in concilio ;
dilatam rem esse, quod auctor
concilii afuerit quern maxime
peteret. inde illam absentis
insectationem esse natam, quod
morando spemdestituerit. non
dubitare, si uera deferantur,
quin prima luce, ubi uentum in
concilium sit, instructus...arma-

tusque uenturus sit id uanum

necne sit, extemplo sciri posse,
rogare eos ut inde secum ad
Turnum ueniant.

Equivalent in Or. Recta.

Ab Junto

mi hi

paralur mors ut..

solus imperium teueat. aggres-

sus esset her I

dilata res cst> quod

auctor concilii afu i% quern maxime

petebat. inde

est nata, quod

spem destitui. non dubiio,

si uera deferuntur, quin

ubi uentum in concilium

s it , ius/ructus uenturus

sit id uanum necne

sit sciri potest, rogo

uos Ut ad Turnum

ueniatis.

This extract gives us 9 examples of A. (1) (p. 188 sup.).

11. 34. 4 — 11. Ab hominibus
nobilibus per multos annos bellum
quaerentibus Hannibalem in Ita-
liam adductum ; ab eisdem, cum
debellari possit, fraude bellum
trahi. cum quattuor legionibus
uniuersis pugnari prospere posse
apparuisset, eo quod M. Mi-
nucius absente Fabio prospere
pugnasset, duas legiones hosti
ad caedam obiectas, deinde ex ipsa
caede ereptas, ut pater patronusque
appellaretur, qui prius uincere
prohibuisset Romanos quam
uinci. consules deinde Fabianis
artibus, cum debellare possent,
bellum traxisse. id foedus inter
omnes nobiles ictum, nee finem
ante belli habituros, quam con-

A b horn in ibus nobilibus

Hannibal

adductus

est; ab eisdem, cum debellari
possit) fraude bellum trahifur.

cum quattuor legionibus

pugnari prospere posse

apparuisset^ eo quod M. Mi-

nucius prospere

p tcgn asset, duae legiones

obiectae sunt, deinde

ereptae, ut pater

appellaretur, qui prius uincere

prohibuisset quam

uinci. consules deinde

cum debellare possent, bellum

traxere. id foedus inter omnes
nobiles ictum, nee finem ante
belli habebitis, quam consulem uere

192

LIVY II

sulem uere plebetum fecis-

sent. nam plebeios nobiles iam
eisdem initiatos esse sacris et con-
temnere plebem, ex quo contemni
a patribus desierint, coepisse.
cui non apparere, id actum et
quaesitum esse ut interregnum
iniretur, ut in patrum potestate
comitia essent? id consules
ambos ad exercitum morando
quaesisse ; id postea, quia inuitis
eis dictator esset dictus comiti-
orum causa, expugnatum esse ut
uitiosusdictatorperauguresfieret.
habere igitur interregnum eos ;
consulatum unum certe plebis
Romanae esse, et populum liberum
habiturum ac daturum ei qui
mature uincere quam diu imperare
malit.

plebetum fece-

ritis. nam plebei nobiles iam...

contemner e plebem,

ex quo contemni a patribus
desierunt, coepere. cui non ap-
parel, id actum

esse tit interregnum

iniretur , ut in patrum potestate

com itia essent? id consules

quaes i ere; id

postea, quia inuitis eis dictator

erat dictu s ,

expugnatum eft ut uitiosus

fieret. habent igitur

interregnum ei; consulatus units

certe plebis

est, et populus liberum

habebit ac dabit ei qui mature

uincere

mauolt.

This extract gives us 12 examples of A. (1), 1 example of
A. (2), fecissent=feceritis.

In the long speech reported in Book IV. c. 2 there are 30
Subjunctives, and of these none are in Secondary Tenses except
(1) those which represent the same Secondary Subjunctive
Tenses of Or. Recta (e.g. si duanassent in § 9) ; (2) Imperfects
representing Imperatives with the Subjunctives directly depending
on them (§§ 4 and 8); and (3) donee... essent= donee... erunt{\ 4).
And the remaining Subjunctives equally conform to the rules
here given, whether the two Perfects in § 12 be taken to represent
the Future Perfect, or, as I am inclined to prefer, the Perfect
Indicative1.

1 Other passages which show what I believe to be the regular use
without any exceptions are the Speeches which begin in 1. 46. 8; 1. 53.
7; 3. 50. 8; io. 24. 8; 24. 33. 8; 28. 32. 4. On the other hand the
Speeches in 3. 24. 4 — 5 and 3. 56. 9 each present one exception
(coniecisset and abisset), i.e. a Secondary Tense in place of one which
might have been retained (A. (1) sup.). For these I believe there is a

APPENDIX

193

§ 5. We can now deal briefly with the cases occurring in
Book II. For convenience all those that I have noted are
cited here, though for such as have been already discussed,
the reference will be enough.

Livy's Text.

2. 6. 3. Eos inter se, quia
nemo unus satis dignus regno
uisus sit, partes regni rapuisse...
...ne quis expers sceleris esset.
...ferrent opem, adiuuarent;
suas quoque . . . iniurias ultum i r e n t .

2. 9. 1 fF. See p. 189 sup.

2. 10. 4. Deum...fidem testa-
batur nequiquam...eos fugere. si
transitum pontem a tergo reli-
quissent, iam plus hostium in
Palatio...quam in Ianiculo fore,
itaque monere, praedicere, ut
pontem ferro, igni, quacunque ui
possint, interrumpant; se im-
petum hostium, quantum corpore
uno posset obsisti, excepturum.

Equivalent in Or. Recta.

Ei inter se, quia nemo

uisus est, partes regni rapuerunt,

ne quis esset

ferte opem, adiuuate ; uestras
quoque .. .iniurias ultum ite.

Deum...fidem testor nequiquam

uos fugere, si

reliqueritisf iam plus hostium

in Palatio erunt.

itaque moneo

ut pontem

qtiacimque ui

potestis, inter rumpatis; ego...

quantum corpore

uno poterit obsisti, excipiam.

The present possint would probably have been used after inter-
rumpant even if it represented a Future as it may (conceivably a Pres.
Subj.), though the Pres. Indie, seems more natural in this brief and
energetic call to action. But I think the Impf. posset points definitely
to a Future in the Recta, as in the closely parallel pair of Tenses in
1. 26. 1 : imperat Tullus uti iuuentutem in armis habeat; usurum se
eorum opera si bellum...foret. The Future after si is more formal,
less colloquial, and somewhat less confident a Tense than the Present.

2. 12. 2. Indignum uidebatur
populum R....cum sub regibus
esset nullo bello...obsessumesse:
liberum eundem ab...Etruscis ob-
sideri quorum saepe exercitus
fuderit.

Indignum est si populus

cum

esset, nullo bello obsessus

est: liber obsidetur

ab Etruscis quorum

fudit.

definite reason; but I cannot do more here than state it dogmatically;
the Perf. Subj. in these passages represents a Past Aorist, the
Pluperfect represents a True Perfect.

C. L. II. 13

194

LIVY II

**• I5' 3 — 4* Ea esse uota...ut
qui libertati erit... finis, idem urbi
sit. Proinde si saluam esse
uellet Romam, ut patiatur
liberam esse orare.

Ea sunt uota

ut qui erit finis ; idem

urbi sit. Proinde si saluam esse
u is Romam, ut patiar is liberam
esse, oramus.

The Impf. uellet in spite of sit and patiatur seems to be due to the
influence of proinde, which is closely associated in Or. Obi. with the
Impf. Subj. of a Past Command (e.g. 6. 39 sup.), for which the orare
ut is here substituted. Prof. L. C. Purser thinks si uellet '= si uoles
1 if you will be pleased that Rome be safe ' ; this would of course fall in
with my canon better, but si uis is so much commoner than si uoles that
I hesitate.

2. 28. 5. See above, p. 189.

2. 32. 6. Quam diu...tran-
quillam, quae secesserit, multi-
tudinem fore? Quid futurum
deinde siquod...bellumexsistat?

Quam diu...franquilla quae
sec ess it, multitudo erit? Quid
futurum est deinde si quod. ..bellum
ex sis tat (or exsistet, or, less pro-
bably, exsistit).

The preceding mallent falls under B. (1) p. 189 sup.

2. 32. 9. fuerit=0. R.fuit. The remaining Subjunctives down to
the end of the speech would have stood as they are in O. R., except
dum 11 client... uenisse in § 10 =dum uolunt . . .uenerunt in O. R., where the
conversion is not surprising, since uenerunt is a Past Aorist, contrast
c. 57. 3 inf.

2. 36. 4. haberet falls under B. (1) p. 189. instare ni eat ac nuntiet
= 0. R. instat ni is ac nuntias (cf. nisi caues and n. on c. 45. 13).

2. 39. n. Atrox responsum
rettulerunt: si Volscis ager red-
deretur, posse agi de pace: si
praeda belli per otium frui uelint,
...se...adnisurumutappareatetc.

Si reddetur ('if

the land is to be restored '), potest

agi de pace: si frui uoltis,

adnitar ut appareat etc.

The Impf. redderetur might be ascribed to its nearness to rettuleruntt
but the parallelism of the two Clauses, which are Coupled by Contrast,
seems to suggest that there must be some other reason for the difference
between redderetur and uelint. [Certainly. L. C. P.]

APPENDIX 195

2. 41. 5. Consulem uelut

uaticinantem audiebat agros

illos seruitutem eis qui accepe-

rint laturos quid attinuisse

Hernicis capti agri partem

tertiam reddi, nisi ut pro Co-

riolano duce Cassium habeant?

Agri illi seruitutem eis qui

acceperunl ferent quid

attinuit Hernicis

.partem tertiam reddi ',

nisiut

habeant?

acceperint here, I think, represents a Perfect, not a Future Perfect,
because the Perfect in quid attinuisse reddi ('what was the good of
restoring?') seems to shew that the speaker is rhetorically describing
the proposal as already enacted, ut habeant was Present in the Recta
to denote a Purpose that still continued.

2. 44. 2 — 4. quando inuentum sit = quando inuentum est*
defuturum qui uelit=.deerit qui uelit.

si opus sit, fore— si opus est (or erit)f erunt.
darent operam ut conciliarent — date . . .ut concilietis (B. (2) sup.).

2. 44. 8. nisi saeuiant=- nisi saeuiunt.

repertam ut essent=reperta est ut esset,

2. 45. 8. tenerent—tenete.

{Edicunt inde...) si...pugnauerit (Perf. Sub). )= si... pugftauerit (Fut.
Perf.). Note that the governing Verb is Hist. Pres.

2. 48. 2. See above, p. 190.

2. 54. 4 — 7. The speech begins with two Imperatival Subjunctives
depending directly on a Historic Pres. (suadent, monent. . .abstineant.. .
putent) and the same Tense is maintained in the next two commands
(§ 5 inducant, § 6 proponant) although they are in separate sentences.
Note that no Secondary Tense has intervened. In § 5 quod si... sit
= quod si... est. In § 6 we have 3 Perf. Subj. = Fut. Perf.

2* 55* 2 — 3» resistatur, defendat, contemnant would have stood in
O. R. quando habeat— quando habet. nihil contemptius si sint qui
contemnant = n. c. si sunt ('whenever there are') or si sint ('if only
there were '), rather, I think, than si erunL [sint, I think. L. C. P.]

2. 57. 3. uellet, posset fall under B. (1). dum trahant '.. .nihil
relictum esse = dum trahunt nihil relictum est (i.e. reslat, contrast c. 32.
10 sup.).

quorum sit, ut sit as in O. R.

ib. 4. quam acceptae sint = quam acceptae sunt.

2- 59- 4"~5« uellet, esset, B. 1. ut moueantur, as in O. R.

13—2

196

LIVY II

§ 6. In Book II. therefore we have found only 2 at all
likely exceptions to A. (1) {uellet c. 15. 4, uellent c. 32. 10)
against at least 34 regular examples, not counting the
doubtful cases like c. 44. 3 {sit) where the Pres. or Perf. Subj.
is ambiguous. Of the non-retainable Tenses (A. (2)) we have
found (again excluding the ambiguous cases)

Secondary.
7 Imperfects for Imperatives.
2 ,, depending on a pre-

ceding Imperfect.
2 ,, for Futures.

1 Pluperfect for Fut. Perfect.

Primary.
4 Presents = Imperatives,

and
4 Perfects = Fut. Perfects,
but all these 8 examples depend
upon Main Verbs in the Hist.
Present.

In the passages previously quoted from other Books (not
including any cited in the footnote to p. 192) there were

4 Imperfects = Futures.

1 Pluperfect = Fut. Perfect.

1 doubtful Perfects.

Several Imperfects = Imperatives.

§ 7. After the evidence we have seen, the origin of the
variation is clear, namely, the influence of the Tenses actually
used in the speech when it was made. Where Livy could
actually reproduce these, he felt free to do so except in certain
definite cases (B. (1) and B. (2)). It remains to ask, why did he
feel that these cases, the Subjunctives immediately dependent
on the Introductory Verb, and the Past Command (which, as we
have seen, is very regularly indeed given by the Imperfect) —
stood on a different level? The answer is one of some im-
portance in Historical Syntax. In these cases Livy was using
an idiom which he felt to be fixed, which he could not depart
from; in the other, though he was aware of the Ciceronian
practice, he did not feel it binding; in other words — the
extension of the Rules of Sequence over the whole area of a
Reported Speech was a much later development than the
growth of the Rules in single Dependent Clauses, and a
development which was in truth never completed. But we can

APPENDIX 197

go further than this. levy's use shows the points from
which the extension started ; not merely Clauses of Purpose
and Indirect Question depending on a Past Main Verb, but
the Imperfect Subjunctive of Past Commands, which, like the
Plautine non redderes 'you ought not to have paid it,' was
felt to be really an Independent Past Tense. In the Ciceronian
use the Secondary colour spreads from these Verbs over the
whole of the Speech ; in Livy what we may call the earlier
stratum of the Secondary Tenses remains remarkably distinct,
though we can discern the points of difficulty and uncertainty
outside this stratum which inclined more precise writers to
abandon the Primary Tenses altogether. More extended enquiry
will very likely reveal further principles which guided Livy
where at present his usage appears to vary without reason ; but
it will be admitted, I think, that our investigation has already
confined the apparent " irregularity " to very narrow limits, and
by so doing has vindicated Livy's character as a writer from a
tacit but somewhat serious reproach.

199

INDEX I
SUBJECTS DISCUSSED IN THE NOTES.

{The first number indicates the chapter ', the second the section?)

Abdication of Consuls 28 9
Ablative Case

Absolute 1 3

of Accompaniment = Result 1 3,
38 5

of Circumstance 17 2, 30 1, 31 6

of Description 59 10

Instrumental, of Persons 52 7

of Place, without in (Esqtiiliis)
28 1

of Time in the course of which
21 1
Abstract for concrete 7 4
Accusative Case

Adverbial 8 8, 31 11, 63 4 (see
also Pronouns, Neuter)
Adjective for Adverb 19 6, 46 4
Adversative Asyndeton 1 8 (see

Coupling Contrast)
Aetiological Myth 5 10
Annalists, inventions of 22 5, 27 5,

32 init., 41 2

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