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THE   LOEB  CLASSICAL  LIBRARY 

FOUNDED     BY    JAMES    LOEB,    LL.D. 

EDITED     BY 
tT.    E.    PAGE,    C.H.,    LITT.D. 

CAPPS,  PH.D.,  LL.D.      W.  H.  D.  ROUSE,  litt.d. 
A.  POST,  M.A.  E.  H.  WARMINGTON,  m.a. 

F.R.HIST.SOC. 


LIVY 

VIII 
BOOKS  XXVIII— XXX 


^-JLV^^!^ 


LIVY 

WITH  AN   ENGLISH  "translation 
IN  FOURTEEN  VOLUMES 

VIII 
BOOKS   XXVIII— XXX 

TRANSLATED    BY 

FRANK    GARDNER    MOORE 

PROFESSOR  EMERITUS  IN  COLUMBIA  UNIVERSITY 


Vr-yw   H 


50352 


3o  .  1  -Si 


I 


LONDON 

WILLIAM    HEINEMANN    LTD 

CAMBRIDGE,     MASSACHUSETTS 

HARVARD     UNIVERSITY     PRESS 

MCMXLIX 


Printed  in  Great  Britain 


TRANSLATOR'S   PREFACE 

The  completion  of  this  Vlllth  volume  closes  a  long- 
standing gap  between  the  early  years  of  the  Second 
Punic  War  and  the  beginning  of  the  Fourth  Decade 
in  Vol.  IX,  published  in  1935.  Events  narrated  in 
Books  XXVIII-XXX  fall  within  the  years  207-  201 
B.C.  A  few  chapters  only  in  Book  XXVIII  are  given 
to  campaigns  in  Greece  against  Philip,  much  more 
space  to  Scipio's  success  in  driving  the  Carthaginians 
out  of  Spain,  not  without  a  mutiny  in  his  own  army ; 
and  in  the  next  year  comes  the  threat  of  another 
invasion  of  Italy,  this  time  by  Mago  from  the  Ligurian 
coast.  Book  XXIX,  completing  the  conquest  of 
Spain,  includes  the  introduction  of  the  worship  of 
Cybele,  the  brutal  treatment  of  Locri  by  Pleminius, 
Scipio's  sailing  from  Sicily,  his  landing  on  African 
soil,  together  with  a  digression  on  the  adventures  of 
Masinissa  in  exile.  In  Book  XXX  we  have  pre- 
liminary engagements  resulting  in  defeat  for  Has- 
drubal  son  of  Gisgo,  and  in  captivity  for  Syphax, 
with  a  tragic  end  for  Sophoniba ;  then  the  failure  of 
Mago's  plans,  followed  by  his  death  on  shipboard; 
Hannibal's  departure  at  last  from  Italy  and  landing 
in  Africa;  the  disastrous  "  Battle  of  Zama,"  and  his 
flight  to  the  coast;  finally  the  peace,  and  Scipio's 
return  in  triumph  to  Rome — a  triumph  for  which 
Livy  can  spare  but  two  words  of  description.  So  ends 
the  Third  Decade. 


TRANSLATOR'S   PREFACE 

In  editing  the  text  no  change  of  method  has  been 
made  from  that  employed  in  the  two  preceding 
volumes.  Obligations  to  the  facsimile  of  P  and  to 
previous  editors  remain  the  same,  with  special 
indebtedness  to  Conwav  and  Johnson's  text,  Vol.  IV, 
1935. 

The  publishers  of  the  Cambridge  Aficient  History 
have  again  kindly  permitted  us  to  base  several  maps 
upon  theirs  in  Vols.  \TII  and  IX,  ^nth  such  alterations 
as  were  required  for  our  purposes.  As  for  Africa 
and  Numidia,  the  campaign  of  1943  has  so  stimulated 
interest  in  the  geography  of  Tunisia  that  it  seemed 
only  proper  to  use  a  map  \\i\h  modern  names,  many 
of  them  still  fresh  in  memory,  and  to  add  ancient 
names  onlv  where  required  by  readers  of  Livy,  or  for 
other  reasons  desirable.  We  have  accordingly  de- 
pended chiefly  upon  French  originals,  military  and 
archaeological,  including  the  Atlas  archeologiqiie, 
cited  several  times  in  the  Appendix.  To  the  Director 
of  the  American  Geographical  Society,  Dr.  John  K. 
Wright,  we  are  indebted  for  the  friendly  help  of  a 
specialist.  On  this  map,  in  place  of  Livy's  un- 
supported Maesulii  for  Slasinissa's  people,  we  have 
followed  the  usual  practice  of  substituting  the 
Massvlii  of  Polybiiis.  Appian  and  the  Periochae  of 
Livy's  Books  XXIV,  XXVIII.  XXIX.  reinforced  by 
Strabo's  Moo-vXtets,  and  ^lao-rXets  cited  from  a  frag- 
ment of  Polybius,  not  to  mention  poets  from  Virgil 
to  Claudian.  It  is  to  be  regretted  that  military 
operations  in  Tunisia  could  not  have  shed  some  ray  of 
light  upon  the  problem  of  Zama-Margaron-Xarag- 
gara,  which  is  here  relegated  to  an  Appendix. 


I 


THE   MANUSCRIPTS 

P  =  codex  Puteanus,  Paris,  Bibliotheque 
Nationale  5730,  5th  century,  our  prin- 
cipal source  for  the  text  of  XXI-XXX. 
But  as  it  is  defective  at  the  beginning,  so 
it  fails  us  at  the  end  of  the  decade.  In 
the  closing  words  of  XXX.  xxxviii.  2 
this  MS.  comes  abruptly  to  an  end,  the 
remainder  having  been  lost  as  early, 
apparently,  as  the  11th  century,  possibly 
earlier.  There  is  a  serious  lacuna  also 
between  xxx.  14  and  xxxvii.  3  of  the 
same  book. 

From  the  Puteanus  are  descended  the  following  : 

C  =  Colbertinus,  Paris,  Bibliotheque  Nationale 
5731,  10th  century. 

R  =  Romanus,   Vatican   Library,  9th  century. 

This  fails  us  at  XXX.  v.  7. 
M  =  Mediceus,  Florence,   Laurentian   Library, 
10th  century,  ending  at  XXX.  xxvi.  10. 

B  =  Bambergensis,  Bamberg,  11th  century. 

D  =  Cantabrigiensis,  Trinity  College,  Cam- 
bridge, 12th  century,  ending  at  XXX. 
xh.  3. 

A  =z  Agennensis,  British  Museum,  13th  century. 

A^  ==  Laurentianus  Notatus,  Florence,  13th 
century. 

vii 


THE   MANUSCRIPTS 

Arabic  numbers  in  parentheses  indicate  the  agree- 
ment of  MSS.  derived  from  P.  Thus  (1)  = 
CRMBDA,  and  (3)  =  three  or  more  of  the  same 
list. 

A  different  text  tradition  was  represented  by  a 
codex  Spirensis,  11th  century,  now  lost  with  the 
exception  of  one  leaf.  This  codex  was  copied  from 
a  MS.  of  which  some  leaves  were  loose  and  separated 
from  their  context.  It  is  known  to  us  from  the  single 
extant  leaf  and  from  many  citations  of  its  readings. 
Thus  in  Books  XXVI-XXX  we  have  in  addition  to 
deal  with  another  tradition  of  the  text  : 

S  =  Spirensis,  11th  century- ;  now  only  a  single 
foliimi  at  Munich,  covering  XXVIII. 
xxxix.  16  to  xli.  12. 

Sp  =  readings  of  .S  cited  by  Rhenanus  in  Froben's 
2nd  edition,  1535  {Sp  ?  if  not  expressly 
cited). 

Ta  =  two  foUa  no  longer  extant  of  book  XXIX 
from  a  Turin  palimpsest  of  the  5th 
century;  cf.  Vol.  \TI,  p.  x.  Insigni- 
ficant as  these  fragments  are,  they  carry 
us  back  six  centuries  earlier  than  S. 

Some  of  the  MSS.  derived  from  P  were  altered  or 
supplemented  by  scribes  who  had  compared  another 
MS.  descended  from  S.  Hence  A«  and  N^  will 
indicate  changes  thus  made  (14th  and  13th  century 
respectively). 

Corrections  thought  to  be  by  the  original  scribe 
are  marked  e.g. :  P^,  those  by  later  hands :  P^,  P^, 
etc. ;  corrections  which  cannot  be  thus  distinguished : 
P^  (chiefly  deletions) ;  and  so  for  other  MSS. 

viii 


THE   MANUSCRIPTS 

Of  MSS.  partly  derived  from  P  and  partly  from  S 
two  are  cited,  both  of  the  15th  century  and  in  the 
British  Museum : 

J  =  Burneianus     198,     and     K  =  Harleianus 

2781. 

Further  to  be  noted  are : 

^  =  an  inferior  MS.  or  MSS.,  15th  century,  or 
rarely  14th.  But  for  the  meaning  of 
P*,  A^  etc.,  see  above. 

i/  =  late  correction  or  addition  in  a  MS.,  e.g. 
Ay. 

z  =  early  editor  or  commentator.  Aldus  and 
Froben  are  usually  cited  expressly, 
Froben  {sic)  standing  for  the  agreement 
of  his  two  editions. 

For  details  the  Oxford  text  of  Conway  and  John- 
son, Vol.  IV,  should  be  consulted. 


IX 


CONTENTS 


PAGE 
translator's  preface V 

THE    MANUSCRIPTS vii 

BOOK  xxvrn 2 

SUMMARY    OF   BOOK   XXVIH 200 

BOOK  XXIX 206 

SUMM.ABY    OF    BOOK    XXIX 360 

BOOK  XXX 366 

SUMMARY    OF    BOOK   XXX 640 

APPENDIX  :     THE    ZAMA   PROBLEM 543 

[NDEX    OF   NAMES 655 

MAPS — 

1.  North  Italy  At  end 

2.  Central  Italy 

3.  Latium  and  Campania 

4.  South  Italy  and  Sicily 

5.  Greece  and  Macedonia 

6.  Central  Greece 

7.  Spain 

8.  Africa  and  Numidia 

9.  Utica  and  Carthage 


XI 


LIVY 

FROM   THE    FOUNDING  OF   THE   CITY 

BOOK  XXVIII 


VOL.  VIII. 


T.    LIVI 
AB  URBE  CONDITA 

LIBER    XXVIII 

I.  Cum  transitu  Hasdrubalis,  quantum  in  Italiam  ^ 
declinaverat  belli,  tantum  levatae  Hispaniae  videren- 

2  tur,  renatum  ibi  subito  par  priori  bellum  est.  His- 
panias  ea  tempestate  sic  habebant  Romani  Poenique : 
Hasdrubal  Gisgonis  filius  ad  Oceanum  penitus  Gades- 

3  que  concesserat ;  nostri  maris  ora  omnisque  ferme 
Hispania  qua  in  orientem  vergit  Scipionis  ac  Romanae 

4  dicionis  erat.  Novus  imperator  Hanno  in  locum  Bar- 
cini  Hasdrubalis  novo  cum  exercitu  ex  Africa  trans- 
gressus  Magonique  iunctus,  cum  in  Celtiberia,  quae 
media  inter  duo  maria  est,  brevi  magmmi  hominum 

5  numerum  armasset,  Scipio  adversus  eirni  M.  Silanum 
cum  decem  baud  amplius  ^  milibus  militum,  equitibus 

6  quingentis   misit.     Silanus    quantis   maximis   potuit 

1  Italiam  JK  Froben  2  :  italia  P{l)N  Aldtis. 

^  haud  amplius  Conway :  haud  plus  Oronovius,  Eds.  : 
iliauoplus  P  :  seu  plus  {'preceded  by  milia)  P^{l)N  om. 
A'N^  Aldus,  Froben. 


1  Hasdrubal's  attempt  to  aid  his  brother  Hannibal  by  a 
second  invasion  of  Italy  had  ended  in  disaster  at  the  Metaurus ; 
XXVII.  xlvii.  ff.  The  narrative  now  reverts  to  Spain,  where 
a  third  brother,  Mago,  was  in  command  of  an  army. 


LIVY 

FROM  THE   FOUNDING  OF  THE   CITY 
BOOK    XXVIII 

I.  While  the  passage  of  Hasdrubal,^  by  shifting  b.o.  207 
the  war  to  Italy,  was  felt  to  have  lightened  in 
proportion  the  burden  for  Spain,  suddenly  a  war  as 
dangerous  as  the  former  broke  out  again  in  that 
country.  Spanish  territory  was  at  that  time  occupied 
by  Romans  and  Carthaginians  as  follows  :  Hasdrubal 
son  of  Gisgo  had  retired  all  the  way  to  the  Ocean 
and  Gades ;  the  coast  of  Our  Sea  and  nearly  all  of 
Spain  facing  eastward  were  under  Scipio  and  Roman 
rule ;  a  new  commander,  Hanno,^  as  successor  to 
Hasdrubal  Barca  had  crossed  over  from  Africa 
with  a  new  army,  and  uniting  with  Mago,  had 
promptly  armed  men  in  large  numbers  in  Celtiberia, 
which  lies  directly  between  the  two  seas.  Where- 
upon Scipio  sent  Marcus  Silanus  ^  with  not  more  than 
ten  thousand  infantry  and  five  hundred  cavalry 
against  Hanno.     Silanus  made  his  marches  as  long 

-  When  a  second  descent  upon  Italy  was  first  planned  nine 
years  earlier,  Hasdrubal  had  urged  the  authorities  at  Carthage 
to  send  out  another  army  with  a  general  to  take  his  place  in 
Spain;  XXIII.  xxvii.  12.  A  new  commander  has  now 
arrived,  but  this  Hanno  is  soon  captured  and  sent  to  Rome; 
ii.  11 ;  iv.  4. 

3  Cf.  XXVI.  xix.  10;  XXVII.  vii.  17;  xxii.  7. 

3 


l.U.C. 
64J 


LIVY 

itineribus — inpediebant  autem  et  asperitates  viarura 
et  angustiae  saltibus  crebris,  ut  pleraque  Hispaniae 
sunt,  inclusae — ,  tamen  non  solum  nuntios  sed  etiam 
famam  adventus  sui  praegressus,  ducibus  indidem  ex 

7  Celtiberia  transfugis  ad  hostem  pervenit.  Eisdem 
auctoribus  conpertum  est,  cum  decem  circiter  milia 
ab  hoste  abessent,  bina  castra  circa  viam  qua  irent 
esse ;  laeva  Celtiberos,  novum  exercitum,  supra 
novem  milia  hominum,  dextra  Punica  tenere  castra. 

8  Ea  stationibus,  \igiliis,  omni  iusta  militari  custodia 
tuta  et  firma  esse ;  ilia  altera  soluta  neglectaque,  ut 
barbarorum  et  tironum  et  minus  timentium,  quod  in 
sua  terra  essent. 

9  Ea  prius  adgredienda  ratus  Silanus  signa  quam 
maxime  ad  laevam  iubebat  ferri,  necunde  ab  stationi- 
bus Punicis  conspiceretur ;  ipse  praemissis  specula- 
toribus  citato  agmine  ad  hostem  pergit.  II.  Tria 
milia  ferme  aberat  cum  hauddum  quisquam  hostium 
senserat ;  confragosa  loca  et  obsiti  virgultis  tegebant  ^ 

2  colles.  Ibi  in  cava  valle  atque  ob  id  occulta  con- 
sidere  militem  et  cibum  capere  iubet.  Interim  ^ 
speculatores  transfugarum  dicta   adfirmantes   vene- 

3  runt ;  tum  sarcinis  in  medium  coniectis  arma  Romani 
capiunt  acieque  iusta  in  pugnam  vadunt.  Mille 
passuum  aberant  cum  a  bhoste  conspecti  sunt  trepi- 
darique  repente  coeptum ;   et  Mago  ex  castris  citato 

1  tegebant    Kreyssig,    Eds.  :     tenebant    A'N'JK     Aldus : 
tenebatP(l).V. 

2  interim  A'S'JK  Aldus,  Froben  :  om.  P{l)N. 

4 


BOOK  XXVIII.  I.  6-II.  3 

as  possible,  being  hampered,  however,  both  by  rough  b.c.  207 
roads  and  narrow  passes  frequently  hemmed  in  by 
wooded  mountains,  as  is  usual  in  Spain.  Nevertheless 
he  outstripped  not  only  messengers  reporting  his 
approach  but  even  rumours  of  it,  and  guided  by 
deserters  from  the  same  Celtiberia  he  made  his  way  to 
the  enemy.  From  the  same  informants  it  was  learned, 
when  they  were  about  ten  miles  from  the  enemy, 
that  there  were  two  camps,  one  on  each  side  of  the 
road  along  which  they  were  moving;  that,  on  the 
left  lay  the  Celtiberians,  a  new  army,  over  nine 
thousand  men,  on  the  right  the  Carthaginian  camp ; 
that  this  was  strongly  defended  by  outposts,  sen- 
tries and  all  the  protection  usual  in  the  field,  while 
the  other  camp  was  lax  and  carelessly  guarded,  as 
belonging  to  barbarians  who  were  raw  recruits  and 
less  afraid  because  they  were  in  their  own  country. 

Silanus,  thinking  this  camp  must  be  attacked  first, 
ordered  the  standards  to  move  as  far  to  the  left  as 
possible,  for  fear  he  might  be  seen  from  somewhere 
by  the  Carthaginian  outposts.  He  sent  scouts  in 
advance  and  himself  proceeded  towards  the  enemy 
with  a  swiftly  moving  column.  II.  He  was  some 
three  miles  away  when  not  one  of  the  enemy  had 
yet  noticed  them ;  a  rugged  terrain  and  brush- 
covered  hills  kept  them  concealed.  There  in  a 
deep  valley  that  was  consequently  unseen  he  bade 
his  soldiers  sit  down  and  take  food.  Meantime 
came  the  scouts  confirming  the  deserters'  reports. 
Then  the  Romans  piled  their  light  baggage  in  the 
centre,  took  up  their  arms  and  advanced  to  fight 
in  regular  line  of  battle.  They  were  a  mile  away 
when  they  were  seen  by  the  enemy,  who  suddenly 
began    to    show    alarm.        Mago    too,    leaving    his 


LIVY 

equo  ad  primum  clamorem  et  tumultum  advehitur. 

i  Erant  in  Celtiberorum  exercitu  quattuor  milia  scutata 

et   ducenti   eqiiites ;    banc  iustam   legionem — et  id 

ferme   roboris   erat — in  prima   acie   locat ;    ceteros, 

5  levem  annaturam,  in  subsidiis  posuit.  Cum  ita  in- 
structos  educeret  e  castris,  vixdum  in  egressos  vallo 

6  eos  ^  Romani  pila  coniecerunt.  Subsidunt  Hispani 
adversus  emissa  tela  ab  hoste,  inde  ad  mittenda  ipsi 
consurgunt ;  quae  cum  Romani  conferti,  ut  solent, 
densatis  excepissent  scutis,  tum  pes  cum  pede  con- 

7  latus  et  gladiis  geri  res  coepta  est.  Ceterum  asperi- 
tas  locorum  et  Celtiberis,  quibus  in  proelio  concursare 
mos  est,  velocitatem  inutilem  faciebat,  et  baud  iniqua 

8  eadem  erat  Romanis  stabili  pugnae  adsuetis,  nisi 
quod  angustiae  et  internata  virgulta  ordines  diri- 
mebant  et  singuli  binique  velut  cum  paribus  conse- 

9  rere  pugnam  cogebantur.  Quod  ad  fugam  impedi- 
mento  bostibus  erat,  id  ad  ^  caedem  eos  velut  vinctos 

10  praebebat.  Et  iam  'ferme  omnibus  scutatis  Celti- 
berorum interfectis  levis  armatura  et  Cartbaginienses 
qui  ex  alteris  castris  subsidio  venerant,  perculsi  cae- 

11  debantur.  Duo  baud  amplius  milia  peditum  et 
equitatus  omnis  vix  inito  proelio  cum  Magone 
effugerunt ;  Hanno,  alter  imperator,  cum  eis  qui 
postremi   iam    profligato    proelio    advenerant    \'ivus 

12  capitur,  Magonem  fugientem  equitatus  ferme  omnis 
et  quod  veterum  peditum  erat  secuti,  decimo  die  in 

^  eos  P{l)X  :  in  eos  M'A'X'JK  :  am.  Aldus,  Frohen,  Con- 
way. 

*  id  ad  P{1)XJK  :  am.  Sp  :  et  ad  Rhenanus. 
6 


BOOK   XXVIII.  II.  3-12 

camp  at  the  first  shouting  and  uproar,  rode  up  at  a  b.o.  207 
gallop.  In  the  army  of  the  Celtiberians  there  were 
four  thousand  men  with  long  shields  and  two  hun- 
dred horsemen.  This  complete  legion — and  they 
were  the  best  of  his  troops — was  placed  in  the  front 
line.  The  rest,  the  light-armed,  he  posted  as  re- 
serves. While  he  was  leading  the  men  in  that  order 
out  of  their  camp  and  they  had  scarcely  got  beyond 
the  rampart,  the  Romans  hurled  their  javelins  at  them. 
The  Spaniards  squatted  down  to  meet  the  enemy's 
volley ;  then  they  in  turn  rose  to  hurl  their  weapons. 
After  the  Romans  in  dense  array,  as  usual,  had  re- 
ceived these  on  their  shields  held  close  together,  men 
fought  at  close  quarters  and  began  to  use  swords. 
But  the  roughness  of  the  ground  made  nimbleness 
of  no  use  to  the  Celtiberians,  whose  custom  it  is  to  be 
skirmishers  in  battle,  and  at  the  same  time  it  was 
not  unfavourable  for  the  Romans,  accustomed  to  a 
static  order  of  battle,  except  that  restricted  spaces 
and  intervening  thickets  broke  up  their  ranks,  and 
they  were  forced  to  engage  now  singly,  now  in 
couples,  as  though  with  men  paired  against  them. 
Whatever  hampered  the  flight  of  the  enemy  exposed  ' 
them  to  slaughter,  as  if  they  were  fettered.  And 
now  that  nearly  all  the  Celtiberian  heavy  infantry 
had  been  slain,  the  light- armed  and  the  Cartha- 
ginians who  had  come  to  their  aid  from  the  other 
camp  were  being  routed  and  cut  down.  Not  more 
than  two  thousand  infantry  and  all  the  cavalry  escaped 
with  Mago  almost  at  the  beginning  of  the  battle. 
Hanno,  the  second  in  command,  was  captured  alive 
with  those  who  had  been  the  last  to  arrive  when 
the  battle  was  nearly  over.  Almost  all  the  cavalry 
and  such  old  soldiers  as  there  were  in  the  infantry 


Gaditanam  pro\-inciam  ad  Hasdrubalem  pervenerunt ; 
Celtiberi,  novus  miles,  in  proximas  dilapsi  silvas  inde 
domos  diffugerunt. 

13  Peropportuna  victoria  nequaquam  tantum  iam 
conflatum  bellum,  quanta  ^  futuri  materia  belli,  si 
licuisset  iis  Celtiberorum  gente  excita  et  alios  ad 

14  arma  sollicitare  populos,  oppressa  erat.  Itaque  con- 
laudato  benigne  Silano  Scipio  spem  debellandi,  si 
nihil  earn  ipse  cunctando  moratus  esset,  nactus,  ad  id 
quod    reliquum    belli    erat    in    ultimam    Hispaniam 

15  adversus  Hasdrubalem  pergit.  Poenus  cum  castra 
turn  2  forte  in  Baetica  ad  sociorum  animos  continendos 
in  fide  haberet,  signis  repente  sublatis  fugae  magis 
quam  itineris  modo  penitus  ad  Oceanum  et  Gades 

16  ducit.  Ceterum,  quoad  continuisset  exercitum,^  pro- 
positum  bello  se  fore  ratus,  antequam  freto  Gades 
traiceret,^  exercitum  omnem  passim  in  civitates 
divisit,  ut  et  muris  se  ipsi  et  armis  muros  tutarentur. 

III.  Scipio,    ubi    animadvertit    dissipatum   passim 

bellum,  et  circumferre  ad  singulas  urbes  arma  diutini 

2  magis  quam  magni  esse  operis,  retro  vertit  iter.     Ne 

tamen  hostibus  eam  relinqueret  regionem,  L.  Scipio- 

1  quanta.  A' J K  Aldus,  Frohen  :  quantum  P(1)A'. 
-  turn  P(l,  exrept  D)X  Aldus  :    sua  SpA'X'JK  Frohen  2  : 
om.  D. 

'  exercitum  .  .  .  traiceret  P(l)yxJ^  :  om.  Sp,  Jour  lines. 

1  The  son  of  Gisgo,  mentioned  just  above,  i.  2;  of.  iii.  3. 
8 


BOOK  XXVIII.  II.  I2-III.  2 

followed  Mago  in  flight  and  on  the  tenth  day  reached  b.  c.  207 
Hasdrubal  ^   in   the   region   of  Gades.     The   newly 
recruited  Celtiberians  sHpped  away  into  the  neigh- 
bouring forests  and  thence  scattered  to  their  homes. 

This  very  timely  victory  had  made  a  sudden  end, 
not  so  much  indeed  of  the  war  already  in  progress, 
as  of  the  resources  for  some  subsequent  war,  had 
it  been  possible  for  the  Carthaginians,  after  call- 
ing out  the  Celtiberian  nation,  to  entice  other  tribes 
also  to  take  up  arms.  Accordingly  Scipio  praised 
Silanus  in  generous  terms  and  cherished  the  hope  of 
ending  the  war  if  only  he  should  not  retard  the 
fulfilment  by  his  own  delaying.  Aiming  to  finish 
what  remained  of  the  war  he  proceeded  into  the 
farthest  part  of  Spain  against  Hasdrubal.  The 
Carthaginian,  in  order  to  ensure  the  loyalty  of  his 
allies,  had  his  camp  at  that  time,  as  it  happened,  in 
Baetica.2  Nevertheless  he  suddenly  took  up  his 
standards  and  with  the  appearance  of  a  flight  rather 
than  of  a  march  led  his  men  all  the  way  to  the  Ocean 
and  Gades.  But  before  taking  ship  along  the  strait 
to  Gades,  thinking  he  would  be  the  object  of  attack 
so  long  as  he  kept  his  army  together,  he  scattered 
his  entire  force  among  the  cities  in  every  direction, 
that  they  might  defend  themselves  by  walls  and  at 
the  same  time  defend  walled  cities  by  their  arms. 

III.  Scipio,  observing  that  the  field  of  operations 
was  widely  extended,  and  that  to  attack  the  cities 
one  after  another  would  be  a  protracted  task,  if  not 
a  great  one,  turned  back.  Not  to  leave  the  region, 
however,  to  the  enemy,  he  sent  his  brother  Lucius 

2  Here  not  the  later  (Augustan)  province  of  that  name,  but 
a  vague  term  for  the  southernmost  part  of  Spain,  including 
Gades  and  most  of  the  valley  of  the  Baetis  (Guadalquivir). 


LIVY 

nem   fratrem  cum  decern  milibus  peditum,   mille  ^ 
equitimi  ad  oppugnandam  opulentis'simam  in  iis  locis 

3  urbem — Orongin  barbari  appellabant — mittit.  Sita 
in  Maesessum  finibus  est,  Bastetanae  ^  gentis ;  ager 
frugifer ;  argentum  etiam  incolae  fodiunt.  Ea  arx 
fuerat  ^    Hasdrubali    ad    excursiones    circa    mediter- 

4  raneos  populos  faciendas,  Scipio  castris  prope  urbem 
positis,  priusquam  circumvallaret  urbem,  misit  ad 
portas  qui  ex  propinquo  alloquio  animos  temptarent 
suaderentque  ut  amicitiam  potius  quam  vim  experi- 

0  rentur  Romanorum.  Ubi  nihil  pacati  respondebatur, 
fossa  duplicique  vallo  circumdata  urbe  *  in  tres 
partes  exercitum  dividit,  ut  una  semper  pars  quietis 

6  interim  duabus  oppugnaret.  Prima  pars  cum  adorta 
oppugnare  est,^  atrox  sane  et  anceps  proelium  fuit : 
non  subire,  non  scalas  ferre  ad  muros  prae  incidenti- 

7  bus  telis  facile  erat ;  etiam  qui  erexerant  ad  murum 
scalas,  alii  furcis  ad  id  ipsum  factis  detrudebantur, 
in  alios  lupi   superne   ferrei  iniecti,  ut   in  periculo 

8  essent  ne  suspensi  in  murum  extraherentur.  Quod 
ubi  animadvertit  Scipio  nimia  paucitate  suorum  ex- 
aequatum  certamen  esse,  et  iam  eo  superare  hostem 
quod  ex  muro  pugnaret,  duabus  simul  partibus,  prima 

9  recepta,    urbem    est    adgressus.     Quae   res   tantum 

1  miWe  A'JK:  om.  P{l)N. 

^  Bastetanae    Weissenbom    {from    Zonaras    IX.    viii.    8) : 
Hispanae  P(3)JV  Conway. 

3  fuerat  P(  1  uY  AUus  :  fuit  SpJK  Froben  2. 

*  urbe    Pil)X   Aldus,    Froben  :     urbem    {inth    circumdat) 
SpX'JK. 

*  est   P(l}XJK  :     esset   Riemnnn  :     Convxiy   ivould   prefer 
arlorta  esset,  rejecting  oppugnare. 

1  Probably  the  same  as  Auringis  (or  Aurinx)  in  Andalusia; 
XXIV.  xlii.  '5. 

10 


BOOK  XXVIII.  III.  2-9 

Scipio  with  ten  thousand  infantry  and  a  thousand  : 
cavalry  to  besiege  the  wealthiest  city  in  that  country 
— Orongis  ^  the  barbarians  called  it.  It  is  situated 
in  the  territory  of  the  Maesesses,^  a  Bastetanian 
tribe.  Its  land  is  fruitful;  the  inhabitants  mine 
silver  also.  That  city  had  been  a  stronghold  for 
Hasdrubal  in  making  raids  among  the  tribes  of  the 
interior.  Scipio  pitched  his  camp  near  the  city  and 
before  investing  it  sent  men  up  to  the  gates  to 
sound  the  inhabitants  by  speaking  to  them  from  a 
short  distance,  urging  them  to  test  the  friendship 
of  the  Romans  rather  than  their  power.  When  no 
peaceable  replies  were  forthcoming,  he  surrounded 
the  city  with  a  trench  and  a  double  earthwork  and 
divided  his  army  into  three  parts,  so  that  one  third 
should  always  be  attacking  while  two  thirds  in  the 
meantime  were  resting.  When  the  first  third 
essayed  an  attack  there  was,  to  be  sure,  a  fierce 
battle  and  indecisive.  It  was  not  easy  to  come  near 
the  walls  for  the  shower  of  missiles,  nor  to  bring  up 
ladders.  Some  who  had  succeeded  in  raising  their 
ladders  against  the  walls  were  pushed  down  by  forks 
made  for  that  very  purpose,  others  had  iron  grap- 
pling-hooks  lowered  upon  them  from  above,  so  that 
they  were  in  danger  of  being  caught  up  and  dragged 
to  the  top  of  the  wall.  When  Scipio  noted  that 
owing  to  the  greatly  inferior  number  of  his  men  the 
struggle  was  evenly  balanced,  and  that  the  enemy 
had  an  advantage  already  in  fighting  from  the  wall, 
he  attacked  the  city  with  two  thirds  of  his  men  at 
the  same  time,  having  recalled  the  first  third.     This 

2  Mention  of  silver  mining  places  this  lesser  tribe  in  the 
mountains,  while  the  Bastetani  proper  occupied  the  south 
coast. 

It 


LIVY 

pavoris  iiiiecit  fessis  iam  cum  primis  pugnando,  ut  et 
oppidani  moenia  repentina  fuga  desererent,  et  Puni- 
cum  praesidium  metu  ne  prodita  urbs  esset  relictis 
stationibus  in  unum  ^  se  colligeret. 

10  Timor  inde  oppidanos  incessit  ne,  si  hostis  urbem 
intrasset,  sine  discrimine  Poenus  an  Hispanus  esset 

11  obvii  passim  caederentur  ;  itaque  ^  patefacta  repente 
porta  frequentes  ex  oppido  sese  eiecerunt,  scuta  prae 
se  tenentes,  ne  tela  procul  conicerentur,  dextras 
nudas   ostentantes,   ut   gladios   abiecisse   appareret. 

12  Id  utrum  parum  ex  intervallo  sit  conspectum  an 
dolus  aliquis  suspectus  fuerit  incompertum  est ; 
impetus  hostilis  in  transfugas  factus,  nee  secus  quam 
adversa  acies  caesi;    eademque  porta  signa  infesta 

13  urbi  inlata.  Et  aliis  partibus  securibus  dolabrisque 
caedebantur  et  refringebantur  ^  portae,  et  ut  quisque 
intraverat  eques,  ad  forum  occupandum — ita  enim 

14  praeceptum  erat — citato  equo  pergebat.  Additum 
erat  et  triariorum  equiti  praesidium;  legionarii 
ceteras  partis  urbis  pervadunt.  Direptione  et  caede 
obviorum,  nisi  qui  armis  se  tuebantur,  abstinuerunt. 

15  Carthaginienses  omnes  in  custodiam  dati  sunt,  oppi- 
danorum  quoque  trecenti  ^  ferme  qui  clauserant 
portas ;    ceteris    traditum    oppidum,  suae    redditae 

16  res.     Cecidere   in  urbis  eius  oppugnatione   hostium 

^  unum  P(l)X  :  unum  locum  SpA'J  {and  with  locum  at 
the  end  K). 

2  itaque  A'X'{altern.)  :   adque  P  :   atque  (1)^^. 

3  et  refringebantur  A'JK  Aldus,  Frohen,  John-son  :  after 
portae  X'  Conicay  :   om.  P{l}X,  one  line. 

*  quoque  trecenti  A*?X*JK  :   con  P  {for  ccc)  :  om.  P\\)N. 

^  The  seasoned  infantry,  here  on  special  duty,  not  in  the 
formal  battle  line  with  its  ordines  (as  in  XXVI.  xlvi.  7).  Cf. 
VIII.  viii.  9fiF. ;  X.  5;    Polybius  VI.  xxi.  7flF. 

12 


BOOK  XXVIII.  III.  9-16 

inspired  so  much  alarm  among  men  already  spent  in  b.o.  207 
fighting  with  the  first  to  attack  them  that  the  towns- 
men in  sudden  flight  abandoned  the  walls  and  for 
fear  the  city  had  been  betrayed  the  Carthaginian 
garrison  also  left  their  posts  and  gathered  in  one 
place. 

Then  the  men  of  the  town  were  possessed  by  the 
fear  that,  if  the  enemy  should  enter  the  city,  those 
whom  they  happened  to  meet  anywhere  would  be 
slain  with  no  distinction  between  Carthaginian  and 
Spaniard.  Accordingly  they  suddenly  opened  a  gate 
and  dashed  out  of  the  town  in  large  numbers,  hold- 
ing their  shields  in  front  of  them  for  fear  weapons 
might  be  hurled  at  long  range,  but  displaying  their 
right  hands  empty,  so  that  it  should  be  clear  that 
they  had  thrown  away  their  swords.  Whether  this 
was  not  seen  owing  to  distance,  or  whether  some 
ruse  was  suspected,  has  not  been  ascertained.  The 
Romans,  making  an  attack  upon  the  deserters,  cut 
them  down  like  an  opposing  battle-line ;  and  by  the 
same  gate  hostile  units  entered  the  city.  Elsewhere 
also  gates  were  being  hewed  to  pieces  and  broken 
open  with  hatchets  and  pickaxes,  while  a  cavalryman 
on  entering  would  ride  ahead  at  full  speed  to  seize  the 
forum;  for  such  were  their  orders.  A  detachment 
of  triarii  ^  also  had  been  assigned  to  support  the 
cavalry.  The  legionaries  made  their  way  through 
the  other  quarters  of  the  city.  They  refrained  from 
plundering  and  from  slaying  those  they  met,  except 
when  men  defended  themselves  with  arms.  The  C,ar- 
thaginians  were  all  put  under  guard,  also  about  three 
hundred  of  the  citizens  who  had  closed  the  gates. 
The  town  was  handed  over  to  the  rest  and  their 
property    restored.     About    two    thousand    of   the 

13 


duo    milia     ferme,     Romanorum     haud     amplius  ^ 
nonaginta. 

IV.  Laeta  et  ipsis  qui  rem  gessere  urbis  eius  ex- 
pugnatio  fuit  et  imperatori  ceteroque  exercitui ;  et 
speciosum  adventum  suum  ingentem  turbam  captivo- 

2  rum  prae  se  agentes  fecerunt.  Scipio  conlaudato 
fratre  cum  quanto  poterat  verborum  honore  Cartha- 
gini  ab  se  captae  captam  ab  eo  Orongin  aequasset, 

3  quia  et  hiems  instabat,  ut  nee  temptare  Gades  nee 
disiectum  passim  per  provinciam  exercitum  Hasdru- 
balis    consectari    posset,    in    citeriorem    Hispaniam 

4  omnes  suas  copias  reduxit ;  ^  dimissisque  in  hiberna 
legionibus,  L.  Scipione  fratre  Romam  misso  et 
Hannone  hostium  imperatore  ceterisque  nobilibus 
captivis  ipse  Tarraconem  concessit. 

o  Eodem  anno  classis  Romana  cum  M.  Valerio 
Laevino  proconsule  ex  Sicilia  in  Africam  transmissa 
in  Uticensi  Carthaginiensique  agro  late  populationes 
fecit.     Extremis  finibus  Carthaginiensium  circa  ipsa 

6  moenia  Uticae  praedae  actae  sunt.  Repetentibus 
Siciliam  classis  Punica — septuaginta  erant  longae 
naves — occurrit ;  septemdecim  ^  naves  ex  iis  captae 
sunt,  quattuor  in  alto  mersae,  cetera  fusa  ac  fugata 

7  classis.  Terra  marique  victor  Romanus  cum  magna 
omnis  generis  praeda  Lilybaeum  repetit.  Tuto  * 
inde  mari  pulsis  hostiimi  navibus  magni  conmeatus 
frumenti  Romam  subvecti. 

'  amplius  P{3)M*X  Aldus  :   plus  Sp?JK  Froben  2. 

*  omnes  (or  -nis)  suas  copias  reduxit  P^  or  P^l)NJK  Aldus 
(sua  P  :   redixit  D)  :   recipit  exercitum  Spz  Froben  2. 

'  septemdecim,  P  has  decem  et  septem  and  so  {or  numerals) 
the  re.it  :    cf.  Vol.  VII,  p.  186,  crit.  note  6. 

♦  Tuto  P{l)N  Aldus  :  toto  SpX'{altem.)JK  Froben  2. 

^  See  p.  3,  n.  2. 
14 


BOOK  XXVIII.  III.  16-1V.  7 

enemy  were  slain  in  the  siege  of  the  city,  of  the  b.c.  207 
Romans  not  more  than  ninety. 

IV.  The  storming  of  that  city  brought  joy  not  only 
to  those  who  took  part  in  the  exploit  but  also  to 
the  commander-in-chief  and  the  rest  of  his  army ; 
and  the  troops  made  their  approach  an  impressive 
sight,  as  they  drove  before  them  a  great  crowd  of 
captives.  Scipio  warmly  praised  his  brother,  with 
the  highest  possible  compliment  placing  his  capture  of 
Orongis  on  the  same  level  as  his  own  capture  of  (New) 
Carthage.  Thereupon,  and  because  winter  was  at 
hand,  so  that  he  was  unable  either  to  attack  Gades 
or  to  follow  up  Hasdrubal's  army,  widely  scattered 
throughout  the  province,  he  led  all  his  forces  back 
into  Hither  Spain.  After  sending  the  legions  away 
to  their  winter  quarters  and  his  brother  Lucius  Scipio 
to  Rome,  and  with  him  Hanno,^  a  general  of  the 
enemy,  and  the  rest  of  the  noble  captives,  he  himself 
retired  to  Tarraco. 

The  same  year  a  Roman  fleet  under  Marcus 
Valerius  Laevinus,  the  proconsul,  was  sent  over 
from  Sicily  to  Africa,  and  in  the  territory  of  Utica 
and  Carthage  they  ravaged  the  country  far  and 
wide.  Along  the  edge  of  the  Carthaginian  territory, 
close  to  the  very  walls  of  Utica,  booty  was  carried  off. 
On  their  return  voyage  to  Sicily  a  Carthaginian  fleet 
of  seventy  warships  encountered  them.  Seventeen 
of  these  were  captured,  four  sunk  at  sea,  the  rest  of 
the  fleet  routed  and  put  to  flight.  Victorious  on 
land  and  sea,  the  Romans  returned  with  ample 
plunder  of  every  kind  to  Lilybaeum.  Thereafter, 
as  the  sea  was  safe  in  consequence  of  the  discom- 
fiture of  the  enemy's  ships,  great  supplies  of  grain 
were  brought  to  Rome. 

^5 


LIVY 

V.  Principio  aestatis  eius  qua  haec  sunt  gesta 
P.  Sulpicius  proconsul  et  Attalus  rex  cum  Aeginae, 
sicut  ante  dictum  est,  hibernassent,  Lemnum  inde 
classe  iuncta — Romanae  quinque  et  viginti  quinque- 
remes,  regiae  quinque  et  triginta  ^ — transmiserunt. 

2  Et  Philippus  ut,  seu  terra  seu  mari  obviam  eundum 
hosti  foret,  paratus  ad  omnes  conatus  esset,  ipse 
Demetriadem  ad  mare  descendit,  Larisam  diem  ad 

3  conveniendum  exercitui  edixit.  Undique  ab  sociis 
legationes  Demetriadem  ad  famam  regis  convenerunt. 

4  Sastulerant  enim  animos  Aetoli  cum  ab  Romana 
societate   turn   post   Attali   adventuni,   finitimosque 

5  depopulabantur.  Nee  Acarnanes  solum  Boeotique 
et  qui  Euboeam  incolunt  in  magno  metu  erant,  sed 
Achaei  quoque,  quos  super  Aetolicum  bellum  Ma- 
chanidas  etiam  Lacedaemonius  tyrannus  haud  procul 

6  Argivorum  fine  positis  castris  terrebat.  Hi  omnes 
suis  quisque  urbibus  quae  pericula  terra  marique 
portenderentur  ^  memorantes  auxilia  regem  orabant. 

7  Ne  ex  regno  quidem  ipsius  tranquillae  nuntiabantur 
res :  et  Scerdilaedum  Pleuratumque  motos  esse,  et 
Thracum  maxime  Maedos,  si  quod  longinquum 
bellum  regem  occupasset,  proxima  Macedoniae  in- 

^  triginta,  after  this   Ussing  inserted  erant  {Madvig  after 
quinqueremes). 
2  portenderentur  Sp?A'J  Frohen2:    -haintxiT  P{1)X  Aldus, 

^  Since  Roman  progress  in  Greece  had  been  slow  Livy  is 
summarizing  events  of  208  and  207  B.C.  in  that  theatre  under 
the  latter  year.  Cf.  XXVII.  xxix.  9  ff.  (Vol.  VII.  p.  330,  n.  2). 
Polvbius  is  the  source  (X.  xU.  f.)  for  the  events  which  follow. 

2'/.e.  XX^^I.  xxxiii.  5. 

l6 


BOOK  XXVIII.  V.  1-7 

V.  At  the  beginning  of  the  summer  in  which  these  b.c.  207 
events  took  place  ^  PubHus  Sulpicius,  the  proconsul, 
and  King  Attalus,  after  wintering  at  Aegina,  as  has 
been  stated  above, ^  sailed  across  to  Lemnus  with 
their  combined  fleets,  twenty-five  Roman  and  thirty- 
five  royal  quinqueremes.  And  Philip,  to  be  prepared 
for  every  effort  of  the  enemy,  whether  he  must  be 
met  on  land  or  on  sea,  came  down  himself  to  the  sea 
at  Demetrias  ^  and  appointed  a  day  for  the  army  to 
assemble  at  Larisa.  From  his  allies  all  around  depu- 
tations gathered  at  Demetrias  on  the  first  report  of 
the  king's  coming.  For  the  Aetolians  in  consequence 
of  their  alliance  with  the  Romans,  and  particularly 
after  the  arrival  of  Attalus,  had  been  emboldened 
and  were  laying  waste  their  neighbours'  lands.  And 
not  only  were  the  Acarnanians  and  Boeotians  and 
the  inhabitants  of  Euboea  greatly  alarmed  but  also 
the  Achaeans,  who  in  addition  to  the  Aetolian  war 
were  further  terrified  by  Machanidas,*  tyrant  of 
Sparta,  who  had  pitched  his  camp  not  far  from  the 
Argive  frontier.  All  these  delegations  stated  the 
dangers  impending  by  land  and  sea  for  their  several 
cities  and  were  imploring  the  aid  of  the  king.  Even 
from  his  own  kingdom  the  report  was  of  no  peaceful 
conditions :  that  Scerdilaedus  and  Pleuratus  had 
taken  the  field ;  also  that  of  the  Thracians  the 
Maedi  ^  in  particular  were  ready  to  invade  the 
nearest  part  of  Macedonia  if  some  distant  war  should 

^  At  the  north  end  of  the  Sinus  Pagasaeus  (Demetriacus  in 
§  18),  it  was  the  chief  trade  centre  of  Thessaly ;  cf.  Vol.  VII. 
p.  342,  n.  2. 

4  Cf.  XXVII.  xxix.  9;  below,  vii.  17. 

5  Between  Thrace  and  Paeonia,  in  the  upper  valley  of  the 
Strymon  and  eastward ;  XXVI.  xxv.  6,  8. 

17 


LIVY 

8  cursuros.  Boeoti  quidem  et  interiores  Graeciae 
populi  Thermopylariim  saltum,i  ubi  angustae  fauces 
coartant  iter,  fossa  valloque  intercludi  ab  Aetolis 
nuntiabant,  ne  transitum  ad  sociorum  urbes  tuendas 
Philippo  darent. 

9  Vel  segnem  ducem  tot  excitare  tumultus  circumfusi 
poterant.     Legationes  dimittit  poUicitus,  prout  tem- 

10  pus  ac  res  sineret.  omnibus  laturum  se  auxilium.  In 
praesentia  quae  maxime  urgebat  res,  Peparethum 
praesidium  urbi  mittit,  unde  allatum  erat  Attalum 
ab  Lemno  classe  transmissa  omnem  circum  urbem 

11  agrum  depopulatum.  Polyphantam  cum  modica 
manu  in  Boeotiam,  Menippum  item  quendam  ex 
regiis   ducibus   cum   mille    peltatis  ^ — pelta   caetrae 

12  baud  dissimilis  est — Chalcidem  mittit;  additi  quin- 
genti  ^  Agrianum,  ut  omnes  insulae  partes  tueri 
posset.     Ipse  Scotussam  est  profectus,  eodemque  ab 

13  Larisa  Macedonum  copias  traduci  iussit.  Eo  nuntia- 
tum  est  concilium  Aetolis  Heracleam  indictum  re- 
gemque  Attalum  ad  consultandum  de  summa  belli 

14  venturum.     Hunc    conventum    ut    turbaret    subito 

15  adventu,^   magnis   itineribus   Heracleam   duxit.     Et 

^  saltum  JK  :  saltus  P{l)N  Aldus,  Froben. 

2  peltatis  P{1}XJK  Weissenbom,  Conway:  peltastis  J<xc. 
Gronovius,  Eds. 

3  quingenti  {or  d)  PA'X^JK  :  om.  PHl)X. 

*  hunc  conventum  .  .  .  adventu  A'X'JK  Aldus,  Froben  : 
om.  P{l)X,  two  lines. 

1  Cf.  vii.  3 ;  Strabo  IX.  iv.  12  fF. 

•  Of  the  same  name  as  the  island,  and  destroyed  by  Philip ; 
XXXI.  xxviii.  6. 

'  Paeonian  auxiliaries  (archers)  of  the  Macedonians; 
XXXIII.  xviii.  9;  Thucydides  II.  96;  Polybius  II.  Ixv; 
X.  xlii.  3 ;  Strabo  VII.  fr.  36  f. 

i8 


BOOK  XXVIII.  V.  7-15 

engage  the  king's  attention.  In  fact  the  Boeotians  b.c.  207 
and  inland  Greek  states  reported  that  the  pass  of 
Thermopylae,^  where  a  narrow  entrance  hems  in  the 
road,  was  being  closed  with  a  ditch  and  an  earthwork 
by  the  Aetolians,  that  it  might  not  allow  Philip  a 
passage  in  order  to  defend  the  cities  of  his  allies. 

Even  a  general  lacking  in  spirit  might  have  been 
aroused  by  so  many  alarms  from  all  sides.  Philip 
sent  the  deputations  away  with  a  promise  that  he 
would  lend  aid  to  them  all  as  time  and  circumstances 
might  permit.  As  the  urgency  of  the  moment 
required,  he  sent  to  Peparethus  a  garrison  for 
the  city ,2  from  which  had  come  the  news  that 
Attalus,  sending  his  fleet  over  from  Lemnus,  had 
ravaged  all  the  country  round  the  city.  Philip  sent 
Polyphantas  with  a  force  of  moderate  size  into 
Boeotia;  also  one  of  his  own  generals,  Menippus,  to 
Chalcis  with  a  thousand  peltasts,  whose  shield  is  not 
unlike  the  caetra.  Five  hundred  of  the  Agrianes  ^ 
were  added,  to  enable  Menippus  to  protect  all  parts 
of  the  island.  The  king  himself  set  out  for  Scotussa 
and  ordered  that  the  Macedonian  troops  should 
march  across  from  Larisa  to  the  same  place.  There 
the  report  reached  him  that  a  council  had  been 
appointed  for  the  Aetolians  at  Heraclea,*  and  that 
King  Attalus  would  attend  for  a  consultation  on  the 
issues  of  the  war.  To  break  up  this  gathering  by 
his  sudden  arrival  Philip  led  his  men  by  forced 
marches  to  Heraclea.     He  arrived  indeed  after  the 

'*  Above  Thermopylae,  to  the  west  of  the  pass  and  com- 
manding the  road  to  it;  XXXVI.  xvi.  4  f . ;  xxii.  1,  4  f. ; 
Thuc.  III.  92 ;  Strabo  IX.  iv.  13 ;  Polybius  X.  xlii.  4.  From 
Scotussa,  in  eastern  Thessaly,  to  Thermopylae  the  distance 
was  about  50  Roman  miles;  cf.  vii.  3. 

19 


LIVY 

concilio  quidem  diinisso  ^  venit ;  segetibus  tamen, 
quae  iam  ^  prope  maturitatem  erant,  maxime  in  sinu 
Aenianum  evastatis  ScotiLssam  copias  reducit.  Ibi 
exercitu  omni  relicto,  cum  cohorte  regia  Demetriadem 

16  sese  recipit.^  Inde  ut  ad  omnes  hostium  motus 
posset  occurrere,  in  Phocidem  atque  Euboeam  et 
Peparethum  mittit  qui  loca  alta  eligerent  unde  editi 

17  ignes  apparerent ;  ipse  in  Tisaeo — mons  est  in  alti- 
tudinem  ingentem  cacuniinis  editi — speculam  posuit, 
ut  ignibus  procul  sublatis  signum,  ubi  quid  molirentur 
hostes,  momento  temporis  acciperet. 

18  Romanus  imperator  et  Attalus  rex  a  Peparetho 
Nicaeam  traiecerunt :  inde  classem  in  Euboeam  ad 
urbem  Oreum  tramittunt,  quae  ab  Demetriaco  sinu 
Chalcidem    et    Euripum   petenti    ad   laevam    prima 

19  urbium  Euboeae  posita  est.  Ita  inter  Attalum  ac 
Sulpicium  convenit,  ut  Romani  a  mari,  regii  a  terra 
oppugnarent.  VI,  Quadriduo  post  quam  adpulsa 
classis  est,  urbem  adgressi  sunt.  Id  tempus  occultis 
cum  Platore,  qui  a  Philippo  praepositus  urbi  erat, 

2  conloquiis  absumptum  est.  Duas  arces  urbs  habet, 
unam  imminentem  mari,  altera  urbis  media  *  est. 
Cuniculo  inde  via  ad  mare  ducit,  quam  a  mari  turris 

^  dimisso,  folloued  hij  iam  in  P{l)XJK  Eds.  :  Conivay 
rejects  iam. 

2  iam  A*N*JK  Eds.  :  om.  Pyl)X. 

^  recipit  Sp?K  Frohen  2  :   recepit  P{l)NJ  Aldus,  Conway. 

^  media  P{3)  :  medio  AX  Aldus  Frohen. 

1  I.e.  the  Sinus  Maliacus  (XXVII.  xxx.  3),  for  the  Aenianes 
lay  to  the  west  of  that  gulf. 

2  Plainly  visible  from  Demetrias  across  the  gulf.  The 
height  of  the  mountain  is  2112  ft.     Cf.  Polybius  X.  xlii.  7. 

3  For  signalling  by  fires  cf.  XXIX.  vi.  8,  10.  Polybius  has 
an  excursus  of  several  pages  on  the  subject,  including  im- 
provements he  had  himself  made ;  I.e.  xUii-xlvii.    The  Romans 

20 


BOOK  XXVIir.  V.  15-V1.  2 

council  had  been  dismissed ;  but  he  destroyed  crops  b.c.  207 
which  were  now  almost  ripe,  especially  along  the 
Gulf  of  the  Aenianes,^  and  led  his  troops  back  to 
Scotussa.  There  he  left  the  whole  army  and  with 
his  cohort  of  guards  returned  to  Demetrias.  From 
there,  in  order  that  he  might  meet  every  movement 
of  his  enemies,  he  sent  men  into  Phocis  and  Euboea 
and  to  Peparethus,  to  select  heights  from  which 
signal  fires  might  be  visible.  For  himself  he  placed 
a  watch-tower  on  Mount  Tisaeus,^  whose  peak  rises 
to  a  great  height,  so  that  by  fires  ^  on  distant  heights 
he  might  in  an  instant  receive  a  message  as  to 
where  his  enemies  were  active. 

The  Roman  commander  and  King  Attalus  crossed 
from  Peparethus  to  Nicaea.*  From  there  they 
sailed  over  to  Euboea  in  their  fleet  and  to  the  city 
of  Oreum,^  which  is  the  first  of  the  cities  of  Euboea 
situated  on  the  left  as  one  coming  from  the  Gulf 
of  Demetrias  steers  towards  Chalcis  and  the  Euripus. 
Between  Attalus  and  Sulpicius  it  was  agreed  that 
the  Romans  should  attack  from  the  sea,  the  king's 
forces  from  the  land.  VI.  In  four  days  after  the 
fleet  came  in  they  attacked  the  city.  That  time  was 
spent  in  secret  conversations  with  Plator,  who  had 
been  put  in  command  of  the  city  by  Philip.  The 
place  has  two  citadels,  one  overhanging  the  sea; 
the  other  is  in  the  centre  of  the  city.  From  it  a 
road  leads  down  to  the  sea  through  a  tunnel,  and  at 

seem  to  have  made  no  use  of  so  elaborate  a  system ;   cf.  Riepl, 
Das  Nachrichtenwesen  des  Altertums  61  f.,  74  ff.,  91  ff. 

*  A  stronghold  of  the  Eastern  Locrians  and  a  seaport  2h 
miles  east  of  Thermopylae;  XXXII.  xxxii.  9;  xxxv.  2; 
Polybius  X.  xHi.  4;   XVIII.  vii.  8;   Strabo  IX.  iv.  13. 

6  Cf.  XXXI.  xlvi.  6  ff. ;  Strabo  X.  i.  3  ff .  Earlier  it  had 
been  called  Histiaea. 

21 


quinque     tabulatorum,     egregium     propugnaculum, 

3  claudebat.  Ibi  primo  atrocissimum  contractum  est 
certamen,  et  turre  instructa  omni  genere  telorum, 
et  tormentis  machinisque  ad  oppugnandam  earn  ex 

4  navibus  expositis.  Cum  omnimn  animos  oculosque 
id  certamen  avertisset,  porta  maritumae  arcis  Plator 
Romanes  accepit,  momentoque  arx  occupata  est. 
Oppidani  pulsi  inde  in  mediam  urbem  ad  alteram 

5  tendere  areem ;  et  ibi  positi  erant  qui  fores  portae 
obicerent.      Ita    excliLsi    in    medio   caeduntur   capi- 

6  unturque.  Macedonum  praesidium  conglobatum 
sub   arcis  muro   stetit   nee  fuga   effuse  petita,  nee 

7  pertinaciter  proelio  inito.^  Eos  Plator  venia  ab  Sul- 
picio  impetrata  in  naves  impositos  ad  Demetrium 
Phthiotidis  exposuit,  ipse  ad  Attalimi  se  recepit. 

8  Sulpicius  tam  facili  ad  Oreum  successu  elatus 
Chalcidem  inde  protinus  victrici  classe  petit,  ubi  haud- 

9  quaquam  ad  spem  eventus  respondit.  Ex  patenti 
utrimque  coactum  in  angustias  mare  speciem  intuenti 
primo  gemini  portus  in  ora  duo  versi  praebuerit ;  ^ 

10  sed  baud  facile  alia  infestior  classi  statio  est.  Nam 
et  venti  ab  utriusque  terrae  praealtis  montibus  subiti 
ac  procellosi  se  ^  deiciunt,  et  fretum  ipsum  Euripi 
non  septiens  die,  sicut  fama  fert,  temporibus  statis 

^  proelio  inito  Sp?JK  Froben  2  :  proelium  initium  ^(3), 
corrected  to  initum  P^C'M^B^AX. 

2  praebuerit  Sp?A'X'J  Froben  2:  -buere  PiljX  :  -buit 
K  Aldus. 

^  se  Gronovitis,  Eds.  :  om.  P{l)yJK  Conway. 

22 


BOOK  XXVIII.  VI.  2-10 

the  seaward  end  a  tower  having  five  stories,  a  b.c.  207 
remarkable  defensive  work,  used  to  close  the  road. 
There  at  first  a  very  fierce  engagement  began,  for 
the  tower  was  provided  with  missiles  of  every  kind, 
while  artillery  also  and  engines  had  been  landed 
from  the  ships  for  an  attack  upon  it.  When  that 
conflict  had  diverted  the  attention  and  the  eyes  of 
all,  Plator  admitted  the  Romans  through  a  gate  in 
the  citadel  by  the  sea,  and  in  an  instant  the  citadel 
was  seized.  The  citizens  being  repulsed  hastened 
to  the  heart  of  the  city  and  the  other  citadel ;  and 
men  had  been  posted  there  to  close  the  gates. 
Being  thus  shut  out  they  were  surrounded  and  slain 
or  captured.  The  Macedonian  garrison  stood  in  a 
mass  under  the  wall  of  the  citadel,  having  neither 
taken  to  flight  in  disorder  nor  gone  into  battle  with 
determination.  Plator,  having  gained  permission 
from  Sulpicius,  embarked  his  men  and  landed  them 
at  Demetrium  ^  in  Phthiotis,  while  he  himself  joined 
Attalus. 

Sulpicius,  inspired  by  a  success  so  easily  won  at 
Oreum,  sailed  thence  with  his  victorious  fleet  directly 
to  Chalcis,  where  the  result  by  no  means  matched 
his  expectation.  The  sea,  which  from  a  wide  expanse 
on  both  sides  is  narrowed  into  a  strait,  might  give 
one  at  first  sight  the  appearance  of  a  double  harbour 
facing  two  entrances.  But  hardly  any  other  anchor- 
age is  more  dangerous  for  a  fleet.  For  sudden, 
squally  winds  blow  down  from  very  high  mountains 
on  either  shore,  and  also  the  Euripus  strait  itself 
does  not  reverse  its  direction  seven  times  a  day  at 

^  Two  and  a  half  miles  from  Thebae  Phthiotidea  and  named 
from  a  temple  of  Demeter.  It  was  known  also  as  Pyrasus; 
Strabo  IX.  v.  14. 

23 


reciprocat,  sed  temere  in  modum  venti  nunc  hue 
nunc  illuc  verso  mari,  velut  monte  praecipiti  devolu- 
tus   torrens  rapitur.     Ita   nee   nocte   nee  die   quies 

11  navibus  datui*.  Cum  classem  tarn  infesta  static 
accepit,  turn  et  oppidum  alia  parte  clausum  mari, 
alia  ab  terra  egregie  munitum  praesidioque  valido 
firmatum  et  praecipue  fide  praefectorum  princi- 
pumque,   quae  fluxa   et  vana   apud  Oreum  fuerat, 

12  stabile  atque  inexpugnabile  fuit.  Id  prudenter,  ut 
in  temere  suscepta  re,  Romanus  fecit  quod  circum- 
spectis  difficultatibus.  ne  frustra  tempus  tereret, 
celeriter  abstitit  incepto  classemque  inde  ad  Cynum 
Locridis — emporium  id  est  urbis  Opuntiorum  ^  mille 
passuum  a  mari  sitae — traiecit. 

VII.  Philippum  et  ignes  ab  Oreo  editi  monuerant, 
sed  serius  Platoris  fraude  ex  specula  elati ;  et  inpari 
maritumis  ^  viribus  baud  facilis  erat  in  insulam  classi 

2  accessus  ;  ita  re  ^  per  cunctationem  omissa,  ad  Chalci- 
dis  auxilium,  ubi  signum  accepit,  impigre  est  motas. 
Nam  et  ipsa  Chalcis  quamquam  eiusdem  insulae  urbs 
est,  tamen  adeo  arto  interscinditur  freto  ut  ponte 
continenti  iungatur  terraque  aditum  faciliorem  quam 

3  mari    habeat.     Igitur  *    Philippus    ab    Demetriade 

^  urbis  Opuntiorum,  tJiis  order  indicated  by  P{1)N  Aldus, 
Eds. ;   reversed  in  A'JKz  Froben  2. 

2  maritumis,  before  this  A'X' Aldus,  Conway  have  tum  {om. 
SpJK  Froben  2,  but  possibly  preserved  in  tumvis,  which  P(3) 
have  in  place  of  maritumis. 

3  re  AyJK  Aldus,  Conway  :   res  Sp?  Froben  2  :   o7n.  P(1)X 
*  Igitur  P{l)XJK  :   Rediit  igitur  M.  Miiller. 

1  This  is  the  statement  of  Strabo  I.e.  ii.  8  and  Pliny  N.H. 
II.  219.  Regularity  is  stressed  by  Cicero  N.D.  III.  24,  with- 
out giving  the  number  of  times  daily.  But  the  irregularity 
was  proverbial;  Plato  Phaedo  90  C.  In  actual  fact  the  real 
tides  are  perfectly  regular,  with  four  changes  daOy,  while  in 

24 


BOOK  XXVIII.  VI.  lo-vii.  3 

fixed  times,^  as  report  has  it,  but  with  a  current  that  b.o.  207 
hke  the  wind  changes  irregularly,  now  this  way,  now 
that,  it  races  along  as  a  torrent  dashes  down  from  a 
steep  mountain.  Thus  neither  by  night  nor  by  day 
are  ships  given  rest.  Not  only  was  the  anchorage 
into  which  the  fleet  came  so  dangerous,  but  in  addi- 
tion the  town  was  strong  and  impregnable,  being 
protected  on  one  side  by  the  sea,  on  the  other  side, 
towards  the  land,  extraordinarily  fortified  and 
secured  by  a  strong  garrison  and  in  particular  by 
the  loyalty  of  its  commanders  and  leading  citizens, 
a  quality  which  at  Oreum  had  been  uncertain  and 
delusive.  It  was  wise  on  the  part  of  the  Roman, 
considering  his  rash  undertaking,  that  after  surveying 
the  difficulties,  in  order  not  to  waste  time  for  nothing, 
he  promptly  gave  up  the  attempt  and  with  his  fleet 
crossed  over  to  Cynus  in  Locris,  the  mart  of  the  city 
of  Opus,  which  is  situated  a  mile  from  the  sea.^ 

VII.  Philip  had  been  warned  also  by  fire-signals 
from  Oreum,  but  through  the  treachery  of  Plator  they 
were  set  too  late  on  the  watch-tower.  Also,  since  he 
was  no  match  in  naval  strength,  approach  to  the  island 
by  a  fleet  was  not  easy.  He  let  slip  that  project  by 
delaying,  and,  on  receiving  the  signal  accordingly,  set 
out  with  spirit  to  bring  aid  to  Chalcis.  For  although 
Chalcis  is  likewise  a  city  of  the  same  island,  still  it 
is  separated  by  a  strait  so  narrow  that  the  city  is 
linked  to  the  mainland  by  a  bridge,  and  approach 
by  land  is  easier  than  by  sea.     Accordingly  Philip 

a   strait   so   narrow   very   marked   irregularities   are   due   to 
secondary  causes,  chiefly  winds. 

2  Nearly  two  miles  from  the  sea  according  to  Strabo  IX. 
iv.  2,  and  less  than  eight  east  of  its  port,  Cynus.  Opus  was 
the  chief  city  of  the  Eastern  (Opuntian)  Locrians. 

25 


Scotussam,  inde  de  tertia  vigilia  profectas,^  deiecto 
praesidio  fusisque  Aetolis  qui  saltum  Thermopylarum 
insidebant,  cum  trepidos  hostis  Heracleam  compu- 
lisset,  ipse  uno  die  Phocidis  Elatiam  milia  amplius 

4  sexaginta  contendit.  Eodem  ferme  die  ab  Attalo 
rege  Opuntiorum  urbs  capta  diripiebatur.  Conces- 
serat  earn  regi  praedam  Sulpicius,  quia  Oreum  paucos 
ante    dies    ab    Romano    milite,    expertibus    regiis, 

5  direptum  fuerat.  Cum  ^  Romana  classis  Oreum  sese 
recepisset,^  Attalus  ignarus  adventus  Philippi  pecu- 

6  niis  a  principibus  exigendis  terebat  tempus,  adeoque 
improvisa  res  fuit  ut.  nisi  Cretensium  quidam  forte 
pabulatum  ab  urbe  longius  progressi  agmen  hostium 

7  procul  conspexissent,  opprimi  potuerit.  Attalus 
inermis  atque  incompositus  cursu  effuso  mare  ac 
naves  petit,  et  molientibus  ab  terra  naves  Philippus 
supervenit  *   tumultumque   etiam   ex   terra   nauticis 

8  praebuit.  Inde  Opuntem  rediit.  deos  hominesque 
accusans  quod  tantae  rei  fortunam  ex  oculis  prope 

9  raptam  amisisset.  Opuntii  quoque  ab  eadem  ira 
increpiti  quod,  cum  trahere  obsidionem  in  adventum 
suum  potuissent,  viso  statim  hoste  prope  in  volun- 
tariam  deditionem  concessissent. 

1  ab  Demetriade  .  .  .  profectus,  placed  here  by  Madvig  and 
many  ed>. ;  in  P{1}XJK  AM  us  these  words  follow  deiecto  .  .  . 
insidebant  cum;   i.e.  P  om.  four  lines  and  inserted  them  later. 

2  Cum  PiSiXA'Aldus  :   om.  SpJK  Frohen  2. 

3  recepisset  A*X*CM'  Aldus  :  se  cepisset  P(3).V  :  rece- 
perat  et  SpA'JK  Frohen  2. 

*  supervenit  P(lj-.V  Aldus  :   advenit  SpJK  Frohen  2. 

26 


BOOK  XXVIII.  VII.  3-9 

hastened  from  Demetrias  to  Scotussa,  whence  he  set  b.o.  207 
out  in  the  third  watch,  dislodged  the  garrison  and 
routed  the  AetoUans  occupying  the  pass  of  Thermo- 
pylae. Then  after  driving  the  enemy  in  alarm  into 
Heraclea,  he  himself  in  a  single  day  covered  a 
distance  of  more  than  sixty  miles  to  Elatia  ^  in 
Phocis.  On  about  the  same  day  the  captured  city 
of  Opus  was  being  sacked  by  King  Attalus.  Its 
booty  had  been  given  up  to  the  king  by  Sulpicius 
because  Oreum  ^  had  been  sacked  by  Roman  soldiers 
a  few  day;s  before,  while  the  king's  troops  had  no 
share  in  it.  When  the  Roman  fleet  had  returned  to 
Oreum,  Attalus,  unaware  of  the  coming  of  Philip, 
was  spending  his  time  in  exacting  money  from  lead- 
ing citizens.  And  so  unexpected  was  the  attack  that 
if  some  of  the  Cretans,  who  happened  to  have  gone 
a  long  distance  from  the  city  to  forage,  had  not 

3  caught  sight  of  the  enemy's  column  in  the  distance, 
the  king  could  have  been  overpowered.  Attains' 
men,  being  unarmed  and  in  disorder,  rushed  pell- 
mell  to  the  sea  and  their  ships ;  and  as  they  were 
struggling  to  cast  off,  Philip  came  upon  them  and  from 
the  shore  caused  further  confusion  among  the  sailors. 
Then  he  returned  to  Opus,  accusing  gods  and  men 
because  he  had  lost  so  great  an  opportunity,  snatched 
away  almost  before  his  eyes.  The  men  of  Opus  also 
were  no  less  angrily  upbraided  because,  although 
they  could  have  dragged  out  the  siege  until  his 
coming,  at  the  first  sight  of  the  enemy  they  had 

01    almost  willingly  surrendered. 

1  The  largest  city  of  Phocis,  commanding  roads  from  the 
north  coast  and  Thermopylae;   Strabo  IX.  iii.  2,  15. 

2  The  name  is  always  masculine  in  our  Greek  sources. 

27 


Compositis  circa  Opuntem  rebus  Thronium  ^  est 

10  profectus.  Et  Attalus  primo  Oreum  se  recepit  ^ ; 
inde,  cum  fama  accidisset  Prusian  Bithyniae  regem  in 
fines  regni  sui  transgressum,  omissis  Romanis  rebus 

11  atque  Aetolico  bello  in  Asiam  traiecit.  Et  Sulpicius 
Aeginam  classem  recepit,^  unde  initio  veris  profectus 
erat.      Haud    maiore     certamine     quam     Opuntem 

12  Attalus  ceperat,  Philippus  Thronium  cepit.  Incole- 
bant  urbem  eam  profugi  ab  Thebis  Phthioticis ;  urbe 
sua  capta  a  Philippo  cum  in  fidem  Aetolorum  per- 
fugissent,*  sedem  lis  Aetoli  eam  dederant  urbis 
vastae   ac   desertae   priore   eiusdem   Philippi   bello. 

13  Tum  ab  Thronio,  sicut  paulo  ^  ante  dictum  est, 
recepto  profectus  Tithronion  et  Drumias,  Doridis 
parva  atque  ignobilia  oppida,  cepit.  Inde  Elatiam, 
iussis  ibi  se  opperiri  Ptolomaei  Rhodiorumque  legatis, 

14  venit.  Ubi  cum  de  finiendo  Aetolico  bello  ageretur — 
adfuerant  enim  legati  nuper  Heracleae  concilio  Roma- 
norum  Aetolorumque — ,  nuntius  adfertur  Machani- 
dam  Olympiorum  sollemne  ludicrum  parantes  Eleos 

15  adgredi  statuisse.  Praevertendum  id  ratuslegatis  cum 

1  Thronium  Glareanus,  Eds.:  Toronen  {or  -em)  P{\)N 
Luchs,  Coniray,  and  similarly  in  §§11  and  13,  requiring  tis  to 
believe  that  Livy  was  wrong  in  his  geography. 

2  se  recepit  X'JK  Aldus,  Frohen,  Conway  :  est  profectus 
P(\)N  :   om.  Gronovius,  Madvig. 

3  recepit  P(l)XJK  Aldus  :   recipit  SpN'  Frohen  2. 

^  perfugissent  P(l)-V  Aldus,  Frohen  :  -venissent  SpA'N* 
{allern.)  JK. 

^  paulo  S'JK:  om.  P(1)^V.  For  recepto  the  MSS.  have 
-cepta  to  agree  with  Torone,  and  the  fern,  was  retained  by 
Alschefski  and  Madvig  with  Thronio. 

1  More  than  two  miles  from  the  sea  (Strabo  IX.  iv.  4),  this 
ancient   town    was    high-perched   at   the   west   end   of    Mt. 
Cnemis.     Hence  the  Locrians  of  this  region  were  called  Epi- 
cnemidian. 
28 


BOOK  XXVIII.  VII.  9-15 

Having  settled  matters  in  the  neighbourhood  of  b.o.  207 
Opus,  he  went  to  Thronium.^  Attalus  also  retired 
at  first  to  Oreum ;  and  then,  when  the  report  reached 
him  that  Prusias,  King  of  Bithynia,  had  crossed  into 
territory  belonging  to  his  kingdom,  he  sailed  over  to 
Asia,  forsaking  the  Roman  cause  and  the  Aetolian 
war.  And  Sulpicius  withdrew  with  his  fleet  to 
Aegina,  from  which  he  had  set  out  at  the  beginning 
of  the  spring.  Philip  captured  Thronium  with  no 
greater  struggle  than  Attalus  had  in  capturing  Opus. 
The  inhabitants  of  the  former  were  refugees  from 
Thebes  ^  in  Phthiotis.  When  their  city  Avas  taken 
by  Philip  they  had  sought  refuge  in  the  protection 
of  the  Aetolians,  whereupon  the  Aetolians  had  given 
them  an  abiding-place  in  that  city,  desolated  and 
abandoned  in  a  previous  war  with  the  same  Philip. 
Then  setting  out  from  Thronium,  which  he  had 
recovered,  as  has  just  been  said,  he  captured  Tithro- 
nion  and  Drumiae,  small  and  unimportant  towns  in 
Doris.  Then  he  came  to  Elatia,  having  bidden  the 
envoys  of  Ptolemy  and  of  the  Rhodians  ^  to  wait  for 
him  there.  While  they  were  there  discussing  how 
to  end  the  Aetolian  war — for  the  envoys  had  recently 
been  present  at  the  council  of  the  Romans  and 
Aetolians  at  Heraclea  * — came  the  news  that 
Machanidas  had  decided  to  attack  the  Eleans,  who 
were  making  ready  to  celebrate  the  Olympic  Games.^ 
Thinking  he  must  make  that  his  first  task,  the  king 

"  A  very  ancient  and  important  city  of  Achaia  Phthiotis, 
on  a  ridge  above  its  port,  Pyrasus,  two  miles  away  on  the 
Sinus  Pagasaeus;    Strabo  IX.  v.  14. 

3  Cf.  XXVII.  XXX.  4. 

*  Cf.  V.  13  f. 

5  I.e.  those  of  the  year  208  b.c.  ;  cf.  XXVII.  xxxv.  3. 

29 


LI\nf 

benigno   responso    dimissis — se  neque   causam  eius 
belli  fuisse  nee  moram,  si  modo  aequa  et  honesta  con- 

16  dicione  liceat,  paci  facturuni — cum  expedite  agmine 
profectus  per  Boeotiam  Megara  atque  inde  Corinthum 
descendit,     unde     commeatibus     sumptis     Phliunta 

17  Pheneumque  petit.  Et  iam  cum  Heraeam  venisset, 
audito  Machanidam  fama  adventus  sui  territum  refu- 
gisse  Lacedaemonem,  Aegium  se  ad  concilium 
Achaeorum  recepit,  simul  classem  Punicam,  ut  marl 
quoque  aliquid  posset,^  accitam,  ibi  ratus  se  inventu- 

18  rum.  Paucis  ante  diebus  inde  Oxeas  ^  traiecerant 
Poeni ;  inde  portus  Acarnanum  petierant,  cum  ab 
Oreo  profectum  Attalum  Romanesque  audissent, 
veriti  ne  ad  ^  se  iretur  et  intra  Rhium — fauces  eae 
sunt  Corinthii  sinus — opprimerentur. 

VIII.  Philippus  maerebat  quidem  et  angebatur, 

cum  ad  omnia  ipse  raptim  isset,  nulli  tamen  se  rei 

in  tempore  occurrisse,  et  rapientem  omnia  ex  oculis 

2  elusisse    celeritatem    suam    fortunam.     In    concilio 

autem  dissimulans  aegritudinem  elate  anime  disseruit, 

^  posset  JK  Aldus,  Froben  :   possit  P{l)N. 

2  Oxeas  Crevier  {cf.  Straho  X.  ii.  19):  uaeas  P{Z)X :  ut  eas 
A  :  phoceas  A'JK. 

3  ad  P{l}X  :   in  JK  Aldus,  Froben,  Conu-ay. 


^  Phllus  lay  south-west  of  Corinth ;  Pheneus  farther  west, 
near  a  lake  of  the  same  name,  at  the  foot  of  Mt.  Cyllene  in 
north-eastern  Arcadia. 

2  In  western  Arcadia,  on  the  river  Alpheus  and  the  road 
to  Olympia.  It  still  belonged  to  the  Macedonian  king.  Cf. 
Pausanias  VIII.  xxvi. 

^  The  Oxeae  were  small  western  islands  off  the  mouth  of 
the  Achelous  and  opposite  Cephallenia.     They  formed  the 

3° 


BOOK  XXVIII.  VII.  15-V111.  2 

sent  away  the  envoys  with  a  friendly  answer :  that  b.c.  207 
he  had  not  been  the  cause  of  this  war,  and  would 
not  delay  making  peace,  provided  it  was  possible  to 
do  so  on  fair  and  honourable  terms.  Setting  out 
with  a  light  column  he  came  down  through  Boeotia 
to  Megara  and  then  to  Corinth,  from  which  he  took 
on  supplies  and  marched  to  Phllus  and  Pheneus.^ 
And  when  he  had  already  reached  Heraea,^  he  heard 
that  Machanidas,  alarmed  by  the  report  of  his  com- 
ing, had  fled  back  to  Sparta.  Thereupon  the  king 
went  to  Aegium  for  the  council  of  the  Achaeans,  at 
the  same  time  thinking  that  there  he  would  find  the 
Carthaginian  fleet  which  he  had  summoned  that  he 
might  be  able  to  accomplish  something  by  sea  as 
well.  A  few  days  earlier  the  Carthaginians  had 
crossed  over  to  the  Oxeae,^  and  then  had  made  for 
the  Acarnanian  ports,  on  hearing  that  Attalus  and 
the  Romans  had  set  sail  from  Oreum.  They  were 
afraid  they  might  be  pursued  and  overpowered 
inside  of  Rhium,^  the  narrows,  that  is,  of  the  Gulf 
of  Corinth. 

VIII.  Philip  was  sorry  indeed  and  vexed  that, 
although  he  had  himself  made  rapid  marches  in  every 
direction,  nevertheless  he  had  not  met  a  single 
situation  at  the  right  moment,  and  that  fortune  had 
mocked  his  speed  by  whisking  everything  out  of  his 
sight.  In  the  council,  however,  concealing  his  vexa- 
tion, he  made  a  proud  speech,  calling  gods  and  men 

southernmost  group  of  the  Echinades  archipelago.    Cf.  Strabo 
Vlll.iii.  26^71.;   X.  ii.  19. 

*  Properly  the  Headland  on  the  south  side  of  the  strait, 
and  its  counterpart,  Antirrhium,  on  the  Aetolian  side,  marking 
the  entrance  to  the  Gulf  of  Corinth;  Thuc.  II.  86;  Strabo 
VIII.  ii.  3;  Pausanias  VII.  xxii.  10  (Frazer).  Also  at  times 
of  the  strait  itself;  so  Livy  here  and  in  XXVII.  xxix.  9. 

31 


LIVY 

testatus  deos  hominesque  se  nuUo  loco  nee  tempore  ^ 
defuisse  quin,  ubi  hostium  arma  concrepuissent,  eo 

3  quanta  maxima  posset  celeritate  tenderet ;  sed  \^x  ^ 
rationem  iniri  posse  utrum  a  se  audacius  an  fugacius  ab 
hostibus  geratur  bellum.  Sic  ab  Opunte  Attalum,sic 
Sulpicium  ab  Chalcide,  sic  eis  ipsis  diebus  Machani- 

4  dam  e  manibus  suis  elapsum.  Sed  non  semper  felicem 
esse  fugam,  nee  pro  difficili  id  bellum  habendum  in 
quo,  si  modo  congressus  cum  hostibus  ^  sis,  viceris. 

5  Quod  primum  esset,  confessionem  se  hostium  habere 
nequaquam  pares  esse  sibi  *  ;  bre\-i  et  victoriam  haud 
dubiam  habiturum,  nee  meHore  eventu  eos  secum 
quam  spe  pugnaturos. 

6  Laeti  regem  socii  audierunt.  Reddidit  inde  Achaeis 
Heraeam  et  Triphuliam,  Alipheram  autem  Mega- 
lopohtis,  quod  suorum  fuisse  finium  satis  probabant, 

7  restituit.  Inde  navibus  acceptis  ab  Achaeis — 
erant  autem  tres  quadriremes  et  biremes  totidem — 

8  Anticyram  traiecit.  Inde  quinqueremibus  septem  et 
lembis  \-iginti  amplius,  quos,  ut  adiungeret  Cartha- 
giniensium  classi,  miserat  in  Corinthium  sinum,  pro- 

^  nullo  .  .  .  tempore  Gronovius,  Madvig,  Conway  :  nuUo 
.  .  .  tempori  P{1)X  :  nulli  .  .  .  tempori  A^K  Luchs  {with 
tempore  J). 

2  vix  P(\)NJK  Aldus,  Froben  :  haud  Rhenanus,  from  id 
of  Spy'iahern.). 

»  hostibus  P[l)X  Aldus,  Eds.  :  hoste  SpJK  Froben  2, 
Comvay. 

*  sibi  P{l)y  :   eos  SpJK  Froben  2  :   eos  sibi  z  Aldus. 

32 


BOOK  XXVIII.  VIII.  2-8 

to  witness  that  at  no  place  or  time  had  he  failed  to  b.c.  207 
hasten  with  all  possible  speed  to  any  place  where 
the  din  of  enemies'  arms  had  been  heard.  But  it 
could  scarcely  be  made  out,  he  said,  whether  his 
audacity  in  carrying  on  the  war  was  the  greater,  or 
his  enemies'  eagerness  to  run  aw^ay.  So  from  Opus 
Attains  had  slipped  out  of  his  hands,  so  had  Sulpicius 
from  Chalcis,  so  in  those  very  days  had  Machanidas. 
But  not  always  was  flight  successful,  nor  must  that 
be  accounted  a  difficult  war  in  which  you  are  the  victor 
if  you  have  merely  made  contact  with  the  enemy. 
What  was  of  most  significance,  he  said,  he  had  the 
confession  of  his  enemies  that  they  were  by  no  means 
his  equals.  Soon  he  would  likewise  have  no  uncertain 
victory,  and  they  would  fight  against  him  with  a  result 
no  better  than  they  had  hoped. 

The  alhes  rejoiced  when  they  listened  to  the  king. 
Thereupon  he  delivered  Heraea  and  Triphylia^  to 
the  Achaeans,  but  restored  Aliphera  ^  to  Megalopolis, 
because  the  citizens  of  the  latter  gave  sufficient 
proofs  that  it  had  belonged  to  their  territory.  Then 
on  receiving  ships — they  were  three  quadriremes  and 
as  many  biremes — from  the  Achaeans,  he  sailed  over 
to  Anticyra.^  From  there  he  set  sail  with  seven 
quinqueremes  and  more  than  twenty  light  vessels 
previously  sent  by  him  into  the  Gulf  of  Corinth  to  be 
added  to  the  Carthaginian  fleet,  and  made  a  landing  at 

^  Not  actually  given  back  to  Achaia  until  198  B.C. ;  XXXII. 
V.  4.  Cf.  Strabo  VIII.  iii.  3.  For  Heraea  cf.  p.  30,  n.  2. 
Triphylia  lay  south  of  the  Alpheus,  and  reached  the  sea  on 
the  west. 

2  In  Arcadia,  near  the  border  of  Triphylia;  XXXII.  I.e.  ; 
Pausanias  VIII.  xxvi.  5-7. 

3  The  Locrian  Anticyra,  near  the  entrance  to  the  Gulf; 
cf.  Vol.  VII.  p.  100,  n. 

?>Z 
VOL.   VIII.  C 


fectus  ad  Eruthras  Aetolorum,  quae  prope  Eupalium 

9  sunt,  escensionem  fecit.     Haud  fefellit  Aetolos  ;  nam 

hominum  quod  aut  in  agris  aut  in  propinquis  castellis 

Potidaniae  atque  Apolloniae  fuit  in  silvas  montesque 

10  refugit ;  pecora,  quae  inter  festinationem  abigi 
nequierant,  sunt  direpta  et  in  naves  conpulsa.  Cum 
iis  ceteraque  praeda  Nicia  praetore  Achaeorum 
Aegiura    misso,   cum  Corinthum  petisset.  pedestris 

11  inde  copias  per  Boeotiam  terra  duci  iussit.  Ipse  ab 
Cenchreis  praeter  terram  Atticam  ^  super  Sunium 
navigans  inter  medias  prope  hostium  classes  Chalci- 

12  dem  pervenit.  Inde  conlaudata  fide  ac  virtute.  quod 
neque  timor  nee  spes  flexisset  eorum  animos,  horta- 
tusque  in  posterum  ut  eadem  constantia  permanerent 
in    societate,    si    suam    quam    Oritanorum    atque  ^ 

13  Opuntiorum  fortunam  mallent,  ab  Chalcide  Oreum 
navigat,  principumque  iis  qui  fugere  capta  urbe 
quam  se  Romanis  tradere  maluerant  summa  rerum 
et  custodia  urbis  permissa,  ipse  Demetriadem  ab 
Euboea,   unde   primum  ^   ad  opem   ferendam  sociis 

14  profectus  erat,  traiecit.  Cassandreae  deinde  cen- 
tum navium  longarum  carinis  positis  contractaque  ad 
effectum  eius  operis  multitudine  fabrorum  navalium, 
quia  res  in  Graecia  tranquillas  et  profectio  Attali 
fecerat  et  in  tempore  laborantibus  sociis  latum  ab  se 

^  terram  Atticam  P(l)-V  AMus  :  atticen  SpJ{-em)  Froben  2. 
2  in    posterum  .  .  .  atque    A'N'JK    Eds.  :     om.    P{1)N, 
four  or  five  lines. 

^  primum  P(l)iV  Aldus  :   primo  Sp  'iJK  Froben  2. 

^  A  seaport  of  the  Ozolian  Locrians,  on  the  north  shore  of  the 
Gulf,  but  at  this  time  belonging  to  the  Aetolians.  Inland  and 
to  the  north  lay  Eupalium. 

'  Mentioned  by  Thucydides  III.  96 ;  along  the  upper  course 
of  the  Daphnus  river,  north-west  of  Anticjo-a  and  Erythrae. 

34 


BOOK  XXVIII.  VIII.  8-14 

Erythrae,^  in  Aetolia  and  near  Eupaliiim.  He  did  b.c,  207 
not  surprise  the  Aetolians,  for  all  the  men  who  were 
either  on  the  farms  or  in  the  nearest  strongholds, 
Potidania  2  and  Apollonia,  fled  into  the  forests  and  the 
mountains.  Sheep  and  goats  which  in  their  haste 
could  not  be  driven  away  were  seized  and  loaded  on 
the  ships.  With  these  and  the  rest  of  the  booty 
Nicias,  chief  magistrate  of  the  Achaeans,  was  sent  to 
Aegium;  and  when  the  king  had  reached  Corinth, 
he  ordered  his  land  forces  to  march  from  there  over- 
land across  Boeotia.  He  himself  sailing  from 
Cenchreae  along  the  coast  of  Attica  round  Sunium, 
almost  through  the  midst  of  enemy  fleets,  came  to 
Chalcis.  Then,  after  praising  their  loyalty  and 
courage,  in  that  neither  fear  nor  hope  had  swayed 
their  spirit,  and  encouraging  them  to  remain  his 
allies  with  the  same  steadfastness  for  the  future,  if 
they  preferred  their  own  lot  to  that  of  the  men  of 
Oreum  and  Opus^  he  sailed  from  Chalcis  to  Oreum. 
Then  entrusting  the  government  and  defence  of  the 
city  to  leading  citizens  who  had  preferred  to  flee  after 
the  capture  of  the  city  rather  than  to  surrender  to  the 
Romans,  he  himself  crossed  over  from  Euboea  to 
Demetrias,  from  which  he  had  first  set  out  to  bring 
aid  to  his  alUes.  At  Cassandria  ^  he  then  laid  down 
the  keels  of  a  hundred  war-ships  and  brought  together 
a  great  number  of  ship-carpenters  to  complete  the 
task.  Having  done  so,  inasmuch  as  peaceful  con- 
ditions had  been  produced  in  Greece  both  by  the 
departure  of  Attalus  and  by  the  timely  aid  which  he 

Not  far  away  was  a  similar  stronghold,  Apollonia,  not  to  be 
confused  with  any  of  the  better-known  Apollonias. 

3  On  the  Chalcidic  Peninsula ;  formerly  called  Potidaea,  but 
rebuilt  by  Cassander  (founder  of  Thessalonica  also)  in  316  B.C. 
Cf.  XLIV.  xi.  2. 

35 


auxilium,   retro  in  regniun   concessit,   ut   Dardanis 
bellum  inferret. 

IX.  Extremo  aestatis  eius  qua  haec  in  Graecia 
gesta  sunt,  cum  Q.  Fabius  Maximus  filius  ^  legatus  ab 
^I.  Livio  consule  Romam  ad  senatum  ^  nuntiasset 
consulem  satis  praesidii  Galliae  provinciae  credere  L. 

2  Porcium  cum  suis  legionibus  esse,  decedere  se  inde 
ac  deduci  exercitum  consularem  posse,  patres  non 
M.  Livium  tantum  redire  ad  urbem,  sed  conlegam 

3  quoque  eius  C.  Claudium  iusserunt.  Id  modo  in 
decreto  interfuit  quod  M.  Livi  exercitum  reduci, 
Neronis    legiones    Hannibali    oppositas    manere    in 

4  provincia  iusserunt.  Inter  consules  ita  per  litteras 
convenit  ut,  quern  ad  modum  uno  animo  rem  publicam 
gessissent,  ita,  quamquam  ex  diversis  regionibus 
convenirent,  uno  tempore  ad  urbem  accederent ; 
Praeneste  qui  prior  venisset,  collegam  ibi  opperiri 

5  iussus.  Forte  ita  evenit  ut  eodem  die  ambo  Prae- 
neste venirent.  Inde  praemisso  edicto  ut  triduo  post 
frequens  senatus  ad  aedem  Bellonae  adesset,  omni 
multitudine    obviam    effusa    ad    urbem    accessere. 

6  Non  salutabant  modo  universi  circumfusi,^  sed  con- 

^  ^laximus  filius  Alien,  Conivay  [iciih  Maximi  Gronovius, 
Eds.):    maximi  p  [or  p)  P(3) :    maximus  pre  N  :    maximus 

2  senatum,  fdlou-ed  by  missus  in  A'X'JK  Aldus,  Froben  : 
not  so  in  Pi  1  }X. 

^  circumfusi  P(l)NJK  Aldus  :   om.  Froben  2,  Johnson. 

^  For  their  threatened  invasion  cf.  XXVII.  xxxii.  9; 
xxxiii.  1. 

2  The  undefined  region  meant  by  Gallia  was  often  called 
Ager  Gallicus,  or  merely  suggested  by  the  town-name  Ari- 
minum.  There  was  no  province  then  in  the  sense  comparable 
to  '  province  of  Sardinia.'  Cf.  Vol.  VI.  p.  315  and  n.  2 ;  below, 
X.  12;   xxxviii.  13;   XXIX,  xiii.  2;   XXX.  i.  7. 

36 


BOOK  XXVIII.  VIII.  14-1X.  6 

had  himself  borne  to  his  distressed  allies,  he  withdrew  b.c.  207 
into  his  own  kingdom  in  order  to  wage  war  against 
the  Dardanians.^ 

IX.  At  the  end  of  the  summer  in  which  these  events 
took  place  in  Greece,  Quintus  Fabiiis  Maximus 
the  son,  as  an  emissary  of  Marcus  Livius,  the  consul, 
reported  to  the  senate  at  Rome  that  the  consul 
considered  Lucius  Porcius  with  his  legions  a  sufficient 
defence  for  Gaul,  his  own  assignment ;  ^  that  he  him- 
self could  retire  from  it  and  his  consular  army  could 
be  withdrawn.  Thereupon  the  senators  ordered  that 
not  merely  Marcus  Livius  but  also  his  colleague 
Gaius  Claudius  should  return  to  the  city.  The  only 
difference  in  the  decree  was  that  they  ordered  the 
return  of  the  army  of  Marcus  Livius,  but  that  Nero's 
legions  facing  Hannibal  should  remain  in  that  prov- 
ince. Between  the  consuls  an  agreement  was  made 
by  letter  that,  just  as  they  had  carried  on  the  war 
with  one  purpose  only,  so,  although  coming  from 
opposite  directions,  they  should  approach  the  city 
at  one  and  the  same  time.  Whichever  should  first 
reach  Praeneste  was  instructed  to  wait  for  his  col- 
league there.  It  chanced  that  both  reached  Prae- 
neste on  the  same  day.  From  there  they  sent  in 
advance  an  edict  that  three  days  later  the  senate 
should  meet  with  full  attendance  in  the  Temple  of 
Bellona ;  ^  and  with  the  whole  populace  flocking  out 
to  meet  them  they  drew  near  to  the  city.  Not  only 
did  everyone  in  the  surrounding  crowd  greet  them, 

^  This  temple  stood  below  the  Citadel  and  near  the  east  end 
of  the  Flaminian  Circus.  Being  outside  the  pomerium  it  was 
used  by  the  senate  when  returning  generals  were  to  present 
their  claims  to  a  triumph ;  also  when  foreign  ambassadors  were 
to  be  received.  Cf.  xxxviii.  2;  XXVI.  xxi.  1;  XXX.  xxi. 
12;  XLII.  xxxvi.  2. 

37 


tingere  ^  pro  se  quisque  victrices  dextras  consulum 
cupientes,   alii  gratulabantur,  alii  gratias   agebant, 

7  quod  eorum  opera  incolumis  res  publica  esset.  In 
senatu  cum  more  omnium  imperatorum  expositis 
rebus  ab  se  gestis  postulassent  ut  pro  re  publica 
fortiter  feliciterque  ^  administrata  et  deis  immortali- 
bus  haberetur  honos  et  ipsis  triumphantibus  urbem 

8  inire  liceret,  se  vero  ea  quae  postularent  decernere 
patres  merito  deorum  primum,  dein  secundum  deos 

9  consulum  responderunt :  et  supplicatione  amborum 
nomine  et  triumpho  utrique  decreto,  inter  ipsos,  ne, 
cum  bellum  communi  animo  gessissent,  triumphum 

10  separarent.  ita  convenit,  ut,^  quoniam  et  in  provincia 
M.  Li\1  res  gesta  esset,  et  eo  die  quo  pugnatum  foret 
eius  forte  auspicium  fuisset  et  exercitus  Livianus 
deductus  Romam  venisset,  Neronis  deduci  de  pro- 
vincia non  potuisset,  ut  M.  Livium  quadrigis  urbem 
ineuntem  milites  sequerentur,  C.  Claudius  equo  sine 
militibus  inveheretur. 

11  Ita  consociatus  triumphus  cum  utrique,  tum  magis 
ei    qui    quantum    merito    anteibat,   tantum   honore 

12  conlegae  cesserat,  gloriam  auxit.  Ilium  equitem 
aiebant  sex  dierum  spatio  transcurrisse  longitudinem 

^  contingere  A*JK  Aldus,  Froben  :  om.  P{1):  prospicere  N. 
2  feliciterque  P(1)N  Aldus  :  fideliterque  SpA'JK  Froben  2. 
^  ut  P{1}XJK  Aldus,  Eds.  :  om.  Sp  Froben  2,  Conivay. 

^  Since  the  consuls  had  commanded  on  alternate  days,  only 
one  of  them  had  both  xmperium  and  auspices  on  the  day  of 
the  battle. 

38 


BOOK  XXVIII.  IX.  6-12 

but  vying  with  one  another  in  their  desire  to  grasp  b.c.  207 
the  victorious  right  hands  of  the  consuls  some  were 
congratulating  them,  others  were  offering  thanks 
because  by  their  services  the  state  was  safe.  In  the 
senate  after  the  manner  of  all  commanders-in-chief 
they  stated  their  achievements  and  demanded  that 
for  a  brave  and  successful  conduct  of  the  war  honour 
should  be  paid  to  the  immortal  gods ;  likewise  that 
they  themselves  should  be  permitted  to  enter  the 
city  in  triumph.  Whereupon  the  senators  replied 
that  they  did  indeed  decree  the  granting  of  their 
demands  with  due  recognition  first  of  the  gods, 
and  then  next  to  the  gods,  of  the  consuls.  After  a 
thanksgiving  had  been  decreed  in  honour  of  them 
both  and  a  triumph  also  to  each,  in  order  that  they 
should  not  have  separate  triumphs  after  conducting 
the  war  with  a  common  purpose,  they  came  to  an 
agreement  as  follows.  Inasmuch  as  the  battle  had 
been  fought  in  the  province  of  Marcus  Livius,  and 
on  the  day  of  the  battle  the  auspices  also,  as  it  hap- 
pened, had  been  his,^  and  inasmuch  as  Livius'  army 
had  been  brought  back  to  Rome,  while  Nero's  could 
not  be  brought  back  from  his  province,  they  agreed 
between  them  that  Marcus  Livius  should  enter  the 
city  in  a  four-horse  chariot  with  his  soldiers  following 
him,  and  that  Gaius  Claudius  should  ride  on  horse- 
back without  his  soldiers. 

This  sharing  of  the  triumph  added  indeed  to  the 
glory  of  both,  but  even  more  so  for  the  one  who  had 
yielded  to  his  colleague  in  honour  to  the  same  degree 
that  he  surpassed  him  in  his  achievement.  That 
man  now  on  horseback  in  the  space  of  six  days  had 
traversed  the  whole  length  of  Italy,  men  kept  saying, 
and  had  fought,  standards  against  standards,  with 

39 


Italiae,  et   eo  die  cum  Hasdrubale  in  Gallia  signis 
conlatis  pugnasse  quo  eum  castra  adversus  sese  in 

13  Apulia  posita  habere  Hannibal  credidisset.  Ita  unum 
consulem  pro  utraque  parte  Italiae  adversus  duos 
exercitus,^  duos  imperatores,  hinc  consilium  suura, 

14  hinc  corpus  opposuisse.  Nomen  Neronis  satis  fuisse 
ad  continendum  castris  Hannibalem ;  Hasdrubalem 
vero  qua  alia  re  quam  adventu  eius  obrutum  atque 

15  exstinctum  esse  ?  Itaque  iret  alter  consul  sublimis 
curru  multiiugisj  si  vellet,  equis  ;  uno  equo  per  urbem 
verum  triumphum  vehi,  Neronemque.  etiam  si  pedes 
incedat,  vel  parta  eo  bello  vel  spreta  eo  triumpho 

1,6  gloria  memorabilem  fore.  Hi  sermones  spectantium 
Neronem  usque  in  Capitolium  prosecuti  sunt. 
Pecuniae  ^    in  aerarium  tulerunt  sestertium  triciens, 

17  octoginta  ^  milia  aeris.  Militibus  M.  Livius  quin- 
quagenos  senos  asses  divisit ;  tantundem  C.  Claudius 
absentibus    militibus    suis    est    pollicitus,    cum    ad 

18  exercitum  redisset.  Notatum  est  *  eo  die  plura 
carmina  militaribus  iocis  in  C.   Claudium  quam  in 

19  consulem  suum  iactata ;  equites  L.  Vcturium  et  Q. 
Caecilium  legatos  magnis  tulisse  laudibus  hortatosque 
esse  plebem  ut  eos  consules  in  proxumum  annum 

20  crearent ;  adiecisse  equitum  praerogativae  auctori- 
tatem  consules  postero  die  in  contione  quam  forti 
fidelique  duorum  praecipue  legatorum  opera  usi  essent 
commemorantes. 

^  exercitus  Luchs,  M.  MuiUr  {rf.  xxviii.  9;  xxxviii.  3): 
duces  P{1)NJK.  Koch  and  Madvig  (1886)  would  substitute 
duas  acies  for  duos  duces,  which  Conivay  considers  corrupt. 
Anaphora  is  defended  by  the  balanced  structure. 

2  Pecuniae  PSplA'JK  Froben  2:  -iam  P^(3)Aldus  :  -ia 
BDN. 

^  octoginta  P{l)NSpl  Aldus,  Froben  :  nonaginta  A'{Tnarg.) 
and  in  numerals  J K. 

40 


BOOK  XXVIII.  IX.  12-20 

Hasdrubal  in  Gaul  on  a  day  on  which  Hannibal  had  b.c.  207 
beheved  the  consul  had  his  camp  established  facing 
his  own  in  ApuHa.  Thus  a  single  consul  in  defence  of 
both  regions  of  Italy  had  confronted  two  armies 
and  two  generals,  here  with  his  strategy  and  there  in 
person.  Nero's  name  had  been  enough,  they  said, 
to  keep  Hannibal  within  his  camp.  As  for  Hasdrubal, 
what  else  than  Nero's  arrival  had  overwhelmed  and  de- 
stroyed him  ?  Thus  let  the  other  consul  drive  stand- 
ing erect  in  a  chariot  drawn,  if  he  wished,  by  many 
horses.  The  truly  triumphant  progress  through  the 
city  was  on  a  single  horse  ;  and  Nero,  even  if  he  went 
on  foot,  would  be  memorable,  be  it  for  the  glory  won 
in  that  war,  or  for  his  contempt  of  it  in  that  triumph. 
Such  was  the  talk  of  the  spectators  who  accompanied 
Nero  all  the  way  to  the  Capitol.  As  for  money, 
the  consuls  carried  into  the  Treasury  three  million 
sesterces  and  eighty  thousand  asses.  To  his  soldiers 
Marcus  Livius  apportioned  fifty-six  asses  apiece. 
Gains  Claudius  promised  the  same  amount  to  his 
absent  soldiers  when  he  should  return  to  the  army. 
It  has  been  remarked  that  in  the  jesting  of  the  sol- 
diers on  that  day  more  of  their  songs  were  levelled  at 
Gains  Claudius  than  at  their  own  consul;  that  the 
knights  highly  extolled  Lucius  Veturius  and  Quintus 
Caecilius,  the  lieutenant-generals,  and  urged  the  com- 
mons to  elect  them  consuls  for  the  following  year ;  also 
that  to  the  knights'  preliminary  choice  the  consuls 
on  the  next  day  added  their  authority  by  an  address 
to  the  people,  stating  what  brave  and  faithful  service 
they  had  had  in  particular  from  their  two  lieutenants. 


est  A'N»JK  :   om.  P{Z)N  Aldus,  Froben. 

41 


A.u.c.  X.  Cumcomitiorumtempus  adpeteret  et  per  dicta- 

547 

torem  comitia  haberi  placuisset,  C.  Claudius  consul 
M.  Livium  conlegam  dictatorem  dixit,  Livius  Q.  Cae- 

2  cilium  magistrum  equitum.  A  M.  Livio  dictatore 
creati  consules  L.  Veturius  Q.  Caecilius,  is  ipse  qui 

3  turn  erat  magister  equitum.  Inde  praetorum  comi- 
tia habita ;  creati  C.  Servilius  M.  Caecilius  Metellus 
Ti.  Claudius  Asellus  Q.  Mamilius  Turrinus,  qui  turn 

4  aedilis  plebis  erat.  Comitiis  perfectis  dictator 
magistratu  abdicato  dimissoque  exercitu  in  Etruriam 
provinciam    ex    senatus    consulto    est    profectus    ad 

5  quaestiones  habendas  qui  Etruscorum  Umbrorumve 
populi  defectionis  ab  Romanis  ad  Hasdrubalem  sub 
adventum  ^  eius  consilia  agitassent  quique  euni 
auxiliis    aut    commeatu    aut    ope    aliqua    iuvissent. 

6  Haec  eo  anno  domi  militiaeque  gesta. 

Ludi  Romani  ter  toti  instaurati  ab  aedilibus  curuli- 
bus   Cn.   Servilio   Caepione   Ser.   Cornelio   Lentulo ; 

7  item  ludi  plebeii  semel  toti  instaurati  ab  aedilibus 
plebis  M.  Pomponio  Mathone  et  Q.  Mamilio  Turrino. 

A.u.c.       8      Tertio  decimo  anno  Punici  belli,  L.  Veturio  Phi- 
lone  et  Q.  Caecilio  Metello  consulibus,  Bruttii  ambo- 
bus,  ut  cum  Hannibale  bellum  gererent,  provincia  de- 
9  creta.      Praetores   exinde  sortiti  sunt   M.   Caecilius 

^  adventum  P[\)XSp':JK  Froben  2  :    -tu  x  Aldus  {and  so 
in  §  12). 

42 


BOOK  XXVIII.  X.  1-9 

X.  Inasmuch  as  the  time  for  elections  was  approach-  b.o.  207 
ing  and  it  had  been  decided  that  the  elections  should 
be  conducted  by  a  dictator,  the  consul  Gaius  Claudius 
named  his  colleague  Marcus  Livius  dictator,  and 
Livius  named  Quintus  Caecilius  master  of  the  horse. 
The  consuls  elected  were  announced  by  Marcus 
Livius  as  dictator,  namely,  Lucius  Veturius  and 
Quintus  Caecilius,  the  same  being  at  the  time  master 
of  the  horse.  Then  the  elections  of  praetors  were 
held.  Elected  were  Gaius  Servilius,  Marcus  Caecilius 
Metellus,  Tiberius  Claudius  Asellus,  Quintus  Mami- 
lius  Turrinus,  who  was  at  the  time  a  plebeian  aedile. 
The  elections  being  completed,  the  dictator,  abdi- 
cating his  office  and  discharging  his  army,  set  out  in 
accordance  with  a  decree  of  the  senate  for  Etruria 
as  his  province,  to  conduct  an  investigation  as  to  what 
communities  among  the  Etruscans  or  Umbrians  had 
discussed  plans  to  revolt  from  the  Romans  to  Hasdrubal 
upon  his  arrival,  and  which  states  had  aided  him  with 
auxiliaries  or  supplies  or  any  kind  of  assistance. 
Such  were  the  events  at  home  and  in  the  field  that 
year. 

The  Roman  Games  were  repeated  three  times 
completely  by  the  curule  aediles,  Gnaeus  Servilius 
Caepio  and  Servius  Cornelius  Lentulus.  Likewise 
the  Plebeian  Games  were  completely  repeated  once 
by  the  plebeian  aediles,  Marcus  Pomponius  Matho 
and  Quintus  Mamilius  Turrinus. 

In  the  thirteenth  year  of  the  Punic  war,  the  consul- 
ship of  Lucius  Veturius  Philo  and  Quintus  Caecilius 
Metellus,  the  land  of  the  Bruttii  was  assigned  by 
decree  to  them  both  as  their  province,  to  carry  on  war 
with  Hannibal.  The  praetors  then  received  their 
assignments  by  lot,  Marcus  Caecilius  Metellus  the 

43 


.C.  206 


Metellus  urbanam,  Q.  Mamilius  peregrinam,  C.  Ser- 

10  villus  Siciliam,  Ti.  Claudius  Sardiniam.  Exercitus 
ita  divisi :  consulum  alteri  quem  C.  Claudius  prioris 
anni  consul,  alteri  quem  Q.  Claudius  propraetor — 
eae   binae  legiones    erant — habuissent  ^   exercitura  ; 

11  in  Etruria  duas  volonum  legiones  a  C.  Terentio  pro- 
praetore    M.    Livius   proconsul,   cui   prorogatum   in 

12  annum  imperium  erat,  acciperet ;  et  Q.  Mamilius  ut 
collegae  iurisdictione  tradita  Galliam  cum  exercitu 
cui  L.  Porcius  praetor  ^  praefuerat  obtineret  decretum 
est,  iussusque  popular!  agros  Gallorum  qui  ad  Poenos 

13  sub  adventum  Hasdrubalis  defecissent.  C.  Servilio 
cum  Cannensibus  duabus  legionibus,  sicut  C.  Mami- 

14  lius  tenuerat,  Sicilia  tuenda  data.  Ex  Sardinia  vetus 
exercitus,  cui  A.  Hostilius  praefuerat,  deportatus ; 
novam  legionem  quam  Ti.  Claudius  traiceret  secum 

15  consules  conscripserunt.  Q.  Claudio  nt  Tarentum, 
C.  Hostilio  Tubulo  ut  Capuam  provinciam  haberet, 

16  prorogatum  in  annum  imperium  est.  M.  Valerius 
proconsul,  qui  tuendae  circa  Siciliam  maritumae  orae 
praefuerat,  triginta  navibus  C.  Servilio  praetori 
traditis^  cum  cetera  omni  classe  redire  ad  arbem 
iussus. 

XI.  In  ci\'itate  tanto  discrimine  belli  sollicita, 
cum  omnium  secundorum  adversorumque  causas  in 

^  habuissent  PlljNJ  Eds.  :   -set  K  Aldus,  Froben,  Conivay. 

2  praetor  Pighius,  Eds.  :  pro  pr.  P{l)NJK  Weissenborn, 
who  accepts  it  as  Livrjs  error. 

^  praetori  traditis  Weissenborn,  Conu-au  :  praeditis  P{l)N  : 
traditis  C^A*X'JK  Aldus,  Froben. 

1  I.e.  the  city  praetor.  It  was  a  frequent  practice  during 
this  war  to  relieve  the  praetor  peregrinus  of  his  judicial  duties 
so  that  he  might  take  a  command;  e.g.  XXV.  iii.  2;  XXVII. 
xxxvi.  11;   XXX.  i.  9;  xxvii.  9;  xl.  5. 

44 


BOOK  XXVIII.  X.  9-xi.  I 

city  praetorship,  Quintus  Mamilius  the  duties  of  b.o.  206 
praetor  peregrinus ;  Gaius  Servilius  received  Sicily 
and  Tiberius  Claudius  Sardinia.  The  armies  were 
divided  as  follows :  to  one  of  the  consuls  the  army 
which  Gaius  Claudius  had  had  as  consul  in  the  pre- 
ceding year,  to  the  other  consul  that  which  Quintus 
Claudius  had  had  as  propraetor ;  and  these  were  of 
two  legions  each.  In  Etruria  Marcus  Livius  as  pro- 
consul, with  his  command  continued  for  one  year, 
was  to  take  the  two  legions  of  slave-volunteers  from 
Gaius  Terentius,  the  propraetor;  and  it  was  decreed 
that  Quintus  Mamilius,  handing  over  his  judicial 
duties  to  his  colleague,^  should  have  command  of 
Gaul  with  the  army  which  Lucius  Porcius,  the 
praetor,  had  commanded ;  and  he  was  ordered  to 
lay  waste  the  lands  of  the  Gauls  who  had  revolted 
to  the  Carthaginians  upon  the  coming  of  Hasdrubal. 
The  defence  of  Sicily  was  given  to  Gaius  Servilius 
with  the  two  legions  from  Cannae,  just  as  Gaius 
Mamilius  had  held  it.  From  Sardinia  the  old  army 
which  Aulus  Hostilius  had  commanded  was  with- 
drawn. A  new  legion  which  Tiberius  Claudius  should 
take  across  with  him  was  enrolled  by  the  consuls. 
Military  authority  was  continued  for  the  year  for 
Quintus  Claudius,  to  have  Tarentum  as  his  assign- 
ment, and  for  Gaius  Hostilius  Tubulus,  who  was  to 
have  Capua.  Marcus  Valerius,  the  proconsul,  who 
had  been  in  charge  of  the  defence  of  the  entire  sea- 
coast  of  Sicily,  was  ordered  to  turn  over  thirty  ships 
to  Gaius  Servilius,  the  praetor,  and  to  return  to  the 
city  with  all  the  rest  of  his  fleet. 

XI.  In  the  state  perturbed  by  so  critical  a  moment 
in  the  war,  since  men  attributed  to  the  gods  the 
causes    of   everything    fortunate    and    unfortunate, 

45 


LIVY 

2  deos  verterent,  multa  prodigia  nuntiabantur :  Tar- 
racinae  lovis  aedem,  Satrici  Matris  ^  Matutae  de 
caelo  tactam ;  Satricanos  haud  minus  terrebant  in 
aedem  lovis  foribus  ipsis  duo  perlapsi  angues ;  ab 
Antio  nuntiatum  est  cruentas  spicas  metentibus  \isas 

3  esse ;  Caere  porous  biceps  et  agnus  mas  idem  femi- 
naque  natus  erat ;  et  Albae  duo  soles  visos  ferebant 

4  et  nocte  Fregellis  lucem  obortam ;  et  bos  in  agro 
Romano  locutus,  et  ara  Neptuni  multo  manasse 
sudore  ^  in  circo  Flaminio  dicebatur,  et  aedes  Cereris, 

5  Salutis,  Quirini  de  caelo  tactae.  Prodigia  consules 
hostiis  maioribus  procurare  iussi  et  supplicationem 
unum  diem  habere ;    ea  ex  senatus  consulto  facta. 

6  Plus  omnibus  aut  nuntiatis  peregre  aut  visis  domi 
prodigiis  terruit  animos  hominum  ignis  in  aede 
Vestae  exstinctus,  caesaque  flagro  est  Vestalis  cuius 
custodia  eius  noctis  fuerat  iussu  P.  Licini  pontificis. 

7  Id  quamquam  nihil  portendentibus  deis  ceterum 
neglegentia  humana  acciderat,  tamen  et  hostiis  ma- 
ioribus procurari  et  supplicationem  ad  Vestae  haberi 
placuit. 

8  Priusquam  proficiscerentur  consules  ad  bellum, 
moniti  ^  a  senatu  sunt  ut  in  agros  reducendae  plebis 
curam  haberent :  deum  benignitate  summotum 
bellum  ab  urbe  Romana  et  Latio  esse,  et  ■*  posse  sine 

^  Matris,  after  this  P{\)N  om.  as  Jar  as  Satri-  :   supplied  by 
A'N'JK  Aldus,  Froben. 

2  manasse    sudore    P(l)iV    AUus :     sudore    manasse    JK 
Froben  2. 

3  moniti  P(l)X  Aldus  :    admoniti  SptA'JK  Froben  2. 
^  et  SpA'X'JK  Froben  2  :  07n.  P(1)N  Aldus. 

^  As  in  XXII.  i.  10,  also  at  Antium. 

2  Probably  an  aurora;    cf.  not€  on  XXIX.  xiv.  3. 

3  I.e.  pontifex  maximus,  elected  in  212  B.C.;   XXV.  v.  2-4. 

46 


BOOK  XXVIII.  XI.  1-8 

many  portents  were  reported  :  that  at  Tarracina  the  b.c.  206 
temple  of  Jupiter,  at  Satricum  that  of  Mater  Matuta, 
had  been  struck  by  hghtning.  The  people  of  Satri- 
cum were  no  less  alarmed  by  two  serpents  that  glided 
into  the  temple  of  Jupiter,  actually  through  the 
doorway.  From  Antium  it  was  reported  that  ears  of 
grain  appeared  to  the  reapers  to  be  blood-stained. ^ 
At  Caere  a  pig  had  been  born  with  two  heads  and  a 
lamb  that  was  at  the  same  time  male  and  female ; 
and  at  Alba  they  said  that  two  suns  were  seen,  and 
at  Fregellae  that  light  had  appeared  in  the  night  ;  ^ 
and  an  ox  was  said  to  have  spoken  in  the  country 
about  Rome,  and  the  altar  of  Neptune  in  the  Fla- 
minian  Circus  to  have  been  dripping  with  sweat ;  and 
the  temples  of  Ceres  and  Salus  and  Quirinus  to  have 
been  struck  by  lightning.  The  consuls  were  bidden 
to  expiate  the  prodigies  with  full-grown  victims  and  to 
have  a  single  day  of  prayer  observed.  Both  orders 
were  carried  out  in  accordance  with  the  decree  of  the 
senate.  More  terrifying  to  men  than  all  the  prodi- 
gies, whether  reported  from  outside  or  seen  in  the 
city,  was  the  extinction  of  the  fire  in  the  Temple 
of  Vesta;  and  the  Vestal  who  had  been  on  duty 
that  night  was  scourged  by  order  of  Publius  Licinius, 
the  pontifex.^  Although  the  thing  had  happened 
without  a  portent  from  the  gods  but  by  a  mortal's 
negligence,  it  was  nevertheless  decided  that  it  should 
be  expiated  by  full-grown  victims  and  that  a  day  of 
prayer  at  the  Temple  of  Vesta  should  be  observed. 

Before  the  consuls  should  leave  for  the  field  they 
were  reminded  by  the  senate  that  they  should  take 
care  to  restore  the  common  people  to  their  farms. 
By  the  favour  of  the  gods  the  war  had  been  removed, 
they  said,  from  the  city  of  Rome  and  from  Latium, 

47 


metu  in  agris  habitari;  minim e  ^  convenire  Siciliae 
9  quam  Italiae  colendae  maiorem  curam  esse.  Sed  res 
haudquaquam  erat  populo  facilis,  et  ^  liberis  cultoribus 
bello  absumptis  et  inopia  senitiorum  et  pecore 
direpto  villisque  dirutis  aut  incensis.  Magna  tamen 
pars  auctoritate  consulum  compulsa  in  agros  remi- 

10  gravit.  Moverant  autem  huiusce  rei  mentionem 
Placentinorum  et  Cremonensium  legati,  querentes 
agrum  suum  ab  accolis  Gallis  incursari  ac  vastari, 
magnamque  partem  colonorum  suorum  dilapsam 
esse,  et  iam  infrequentis  se  urbes,  agrum  vastum  ac 

11  desertum  habere.  Mamilio  praetori  mandatum  ut 
colonias  ab  hoste  tueretur ;  consules  ex  senatus  con- 
sulto  edixerunt  ut  qui  cives  Cremonenses  atque 
Placentini  essent  ante  certam  diem  in  colonias  re- 
verterentur.  Principio  deinde  veris  et  ipsi  ad  bellura 
profecti  sunt. 

12  Q.  Caecilius  consul  exercitum  ab  C.  Xerone,  L. 
Veturius  a  Q.  Claudio  propraetore  accepit  novisque 

13  militibus  quos  ipse  conscripserat  supplevit.  In 
Consentinum  agrum  consules  exercitum  duxerunt, 
passimque  depopulati,  cum  agmen  iam  grave  praeda 
esset,  in  saltu  angusto    a    Bruttiis    iaculatoribusque 

14  Numidis  turbati  sunt  it  a  ut  non  praeda  tantum  sed 
armati  quoque  in  periculo  fuerint.  Maior  tamen 
tumultus  quam  pugna  fuit,  et  praemissa  praeda  in- 

15  columes   legiones   in   loca   culta   evasere.     Inde  ^  in 

^  metu  .  .  .  minime  A*y'(JK  with  habitare)  :   om.  P{1)N, 

2  et  A'X'JK  AUus  :   om.  P(1^V. 

3  Inde  .V2  ^r  X'JK  Aldus  :   om.  P{l)X. 

48 


BOOK  XXVIII.  XI.  8-15 

and  it  was  possible  to  live  on  the  farms  without  fear ;  b.c.  206 
it  was  illogical  to  give  more  attention  to  the  cultiva- 
tion of  Sicily  than  of  Italy.  But  it  was  no  easy  matter 
for  the  people,  since  free  farmers  had  been  wiped  out 
by  the  war,  and  there  was  a  scarcity  of  slaves,  while 
cattle  had  been  stolen  and  farm-houses  demolished 
or  burned.  A  large  proportion  of  the  rustics,  how- 
ever, were  constrained  by  the  authority  of  the  con- 
suls to  move  back  to  their  farms.  The  occasion  for 
bringing  up  the  matter  had  been  the  complaints  of 
representatives  of  Placentia  and  Cremona  that  their 
territory  was  being  raided  and  laid  waste  by  neigh- 
bouring Gauls,  and  that  a  large  part  of  their  colonists 
had  scattered,  and  that  now  they  had  sparsely  peopled 
cities  and  land  desolated  and  deserted.  Mamilius, 
the  praetor,  was  ordered  to  protect  the  colonies  from 
the  enemy.  The  consuls  in  accordance  with  a  decree 
of  the  senate  proclaimed  that  all  citizens  of  Cremona 
and  Placentia  should  return  to  their  colonies  before  a 
fixed  date.  Then  at  the  beginning  of  spring  they 
also  set  out  for  the  field. 

Quintus  Caecihus,  the  consul,  received  his  army 
from  Gaius  Nero;  Lucius  \^eturius  took  his  from 
Quintus  Claudius,  the  propraetor,  and  recruited  it 
with  fresh  soldiers  whom  he  had  himself  enrolled. 
The  consuls  led  their  army  into  the  territory  of 
Consentia  and  ravaged  it  far  and  wide.  When  the 
column  was  now  laden  with  booty,  they  were  so 
harried  by  Bruttians  and  Numidian  spearmen  in  a 
narrow  pass  that  not  only  the  booty  but  also  the 
troops  were  in  danger.  However,  there  was  more 
commotion  than  battle ;  and  sending  the  booty  in 
advance  the  legions  without  loss  made  their  way 
out  into  arable  country.     Thence  the  consul  set  out 

49 


LI\T 

Lucanos  profecti ;    ea  sine  certamine   tot  a   gens  in 
dicionem  populi  Romani  rediit. 

XII.  Cum  Hannibale  nihil  eo  anno  rei  gestum  est. 
Nam  neque  ipse  se  obtulit  in  tam  recenti  volnere 
publico  privatoque  neque  lacessierunt  quietum  Ro- 
mani :    tantam  inesse  vim,  etsi  omnia  alia  circa  eum 

2  ruerent,  in  uno  illo  duce  censebant.     Ac  nescio  an 

3  mirabilior  adversis  quam  secundis  rebus  fuerit,  quippe 
qui,  cum  ^  in  hostium  terra  per  annos  tredecim,tam 
procul  ab  domo,  varia  fortuna  bellum  gereret,  exercitu 
non  suo  civili,  sed  mixto  ex  conluvione  omnium  gen- 
tium, quibus  non  lex,  non  mos,  non  lingua  communis, 

4  alius  habitus,  alia  vestis,  alia  arma,  alii  ritus,  alia 
sacra,  alii  prope  dei  essent,  ita  quodam  uno  \anculo 
copulaverit  eos  ut  nulla  nee  inter  ipsos  nee  adversus 

5  ducem  seditio  exstiterit,  cum  et  pecunia  saepe  in  sti- 
pendium  et  commeatus  in  hostium  agro  deessent,^ 
quorum  inopia  priore  Punico  bello  multa  infanda  inter 

6  duces  militesque  commissa  fuerant.  Post  Has- 
drubalis  vero  exercitum  cum  duce,  in  quibus  spes 
omnis  reposita  victoriae  fuerat,  deletum  cedendoque 
in  angulum  Bruttium  cetera  Italia  concessum,  cui  non 
videatur  mirabile  nullum  motum  in  castris  factum? 

7  Nam  ad  cetera  id  quoque  accesserat  ut  ne  alendi  qui- 
dem  exercitus  nisi  ex  Bruttio  agro  spes  esset,  qui,  ut 

^  qui  cum  x  Crivitr  :  qui  cum  et  x  Aldus,  Froben  :  cum 
A'^X^orX':   enmJK:   et  P(l)A?y. 

-  deessent  XJK  Froben  2  :   -set  P(l)  Aldus. 

^  This  passage  is  obviously  reminiscent  of  Polybius' 
tribute  to  Hannibal  in  a  fragment  of  Book  XI  (xix.  esp.  3-5). 
Cf.  XXIII.  V.  11 ;   XXX.  xxxiii.  8;  XXIV.  iii.  12. 

50 


BOOK  XXVIII.  XI.  15-X11.  7 

for  Lucania.     That  entire  nation  returned  without  a  b.c.  206 
struggle  to  its  allegiance  to  the  Roman  people. 

XII.  With  Hannibal  there  was  no  campaigning  that 
year.  For  neither  did  he  invite  attack,  owing  to  his 
very  recent  wound,  a  blow  national  as  well  as  personal, 
nor  did  the  Romans  provoke  him  so  long  as  he  remained 
inactive  ;  such  power  they  believed  to  be  present  in 
that  one  commander,  even  though  everything  else 
round  him  crashed.  And  I  am  inclined  to  think 
he  was  more  marvellous  in  adversity  than  in  success. 
For  here  he  was,  carrying  on  war  in  the  enemy's 
land  for  thirteen  years,  so  far  from  home  with  vary- 
ing fortune,  having  an  army  not  made  up  of  his 
own  citizens  but  a  mixture  of  the  offscourings  of  all 
nations,  men  who  had  in  common  no  law,  no  custom, 
no  language,  differing  from  each  other  in  bearing,  in 
garb,  in  their  arms,  differing  as  to  religious  rites,  sacred 
observances,  one  might  almost  say  as  to  their  gods. 
Yet  he  somehow  bound  them  together  by  a  single 
bond,  so  that  no  outbreak  ensued  among  the  men 
themselves  nor  any  mutiny  against  their  general.  ^ 
Yet  in  the  enemy's  country  both  money  to  pay  them 
and  supplies  were  often  wanting — deficiencies  which 
in  the  previous  Punic  w^ar  had  given  rise  to  many 
unspeakable  acts  on  the  part  of  commanders  and 
soldiers.  Certainly  after  the  destruction  of  Hasdru- 
bal's  army  wdth  its  commander — and  on  them  he  had 
rested  all  his  hope  of  victory — ,  when  by  retiring  into 
the  remote  land  of  the  Bruttii  he  had  given  up  the 
rest  of  Italy,  who  would  not  find  it  a  marvel  that  there 
was  no  outbreak  in  his  camp  ?  For  added  to  every- 
thing else  was  this  also,  that  he  had  no  hope  even  of 
feeding  his  army  except  from  the  Bruttian  region; 
and  even  supposing  all  of  it  to  be  under  cultivation,  it 

51 


omnis  coleretur,  exiguus  tamen  tanto  alendo  exercitui 

8  erat ;  turn  magnam  partem  iuventutis  abstractam  a 
cultu  agrorum  bellum  occupaverat  et  mos  vitio 
etiam  insitus  genti  per  ^  latrocinia  militiam  exercendi. 

9  Nee  ab  domo  quicquara  mittebatur  do  Hispania 
retinenda  sollicitis,  tamquam  omnia  prospera  in 
Italia  essent. 

10  In  Hispania  ^  res  quadam  ex  parte  eandem  fortu- 
nam,  quadam  longe  disparem  habebant :  eandem 
quod  proelio  victi  Carthaginienses  duce  amisso  in 
ultimam  Hispaniae  oram  usque  ad  Oceanum  compulsi 

1 1  erant,  disparem  autem  quod  Hispania  non  quam  Italia 
modo,  sed  quam  ulla  pars  terrarum  bello  reparando 

12  aptior  erat  locorum  hominumque  ingeniis.  Itaque 
ergo  prima  Romanis  inita  pro\'inciarum,  quae  quidem 
continentis  sint,  postrema  omnium  nostra  demum 
aetate  ductu  auspicioque  Augusti  Caesaris  perdomita 

13  est.  Ibi  tum  Hasdrubal  Gisgonis,  maximus  clarissi- 
musque  eo  bello  secundum  Barcinos  dux,  regressus  ab 
Gadibus  rebellandi  spe,  adiuvante  Magone  Hamil- 
caris  filio,  dilectibus  per  ulteriorem  Hispaniam  habitis 
ad   quinquaginta   milia  peditum,  quattuor  milia   et 

14  quingentos  equites  armavit.  De  equestribus  copiis 
ferme  inter  auctores  convenit ;  peditum  septua- 
ginta    milia    quidam    adducta    ad    Silpiam    urbem 

1  per  P'^A^' Aldus  :    par  P{l)X  :   inter  Sp?N*JK  Froben  2. 

2  retinenda.  .  .  .  In ^  Hispania    om.    P(1)N,    three    lines: 
supplied  by  X'A'JK  Aldus,  Froben. 

1  Since  Agrippa's  completion  of  the  conquest  of  north- 
western Spain  is  evidently  meant  here,  we  have  in  this  refer- 

52 


BOOK  XXVIII.  XII.  7-14 

was  nevertheless  too  small  to  feed  so  large  an  army.  b.c.  2O6 
Moreover  a  great  part  of  the  young  men,  drawn  off 
from  the  farming  of  the  land,  had  been  claimed  in- 
stead by  the  war  and  by  their  custom  of  training 
soldiers  through  brigandage,  a  practice  viciously 
inbred  in  their  nation.  Furthermore,  nothing  was 
being  sent  from  home,  since  they  were  concerned 
about  their  hold  upon  Spain,  as  though  everything 
was  succeeding  in  Italy. 

In  Spain  the  campaign  was  having  an  issue  in  part 
the  same,  in  part  Very  different :  the  same  in  that  the 
Carthaginians,  vanquished  in  battle  with  the  loss  of  a 
general,  had  been  forced  to  the  farthest  coast  of  Spain, 
even  to  the  Ocean ;  on  the  other  hand  different  in 
that  Spain,  owing  to  the  nature  of  the  country  and  its 
people,  was  better  adapted  not  merely  than  Italy 
but  than  any  other  part  of  the  world  to  preparing 
for  another  war.  In  consequence,  though  the  first 
of  the  provinces,  at  least  of  those  on  the  mainland, 
to  be  entered  by  the  Romans,  it  has  been  the  last  of 
all  to  be  completely  conquered,  and  not  until  our 
own  times  under  the  command  and  auspices  of 
Augustus  Caesar.^  There  Hasdrubal  son  of  Gisgo, 
being  the  greatest  and  most  distinguished  general 
after  the  Barca  family  in  that  war,  had  at  that  time 
returned  from  Gades  in  the  hope  of  renewing  the  war. 
After  conducting  levies  in  Farther  Spain  with  the 
help  of  Mago  the  son  of  Hamilcar,  he  armed  about 
fifty  thousand  infantry  and  four  thousand  five  hun- 
dred cavalry.  As  to  the  cavalry  forces  there  is  sub- 
stantial agreement  among  the  authorities,  but  some 
writers  state  that  seventy  thousand  foot-soldiers  were 

ence  to   a  contemporary  event  evidence  that  Book  XXVIII 
was  written  (or  pubhshed)  after  19  B.C. 

53 


A.U.C. 
548 


LI\T 

15  scribunt.  Ibi  super  campos  patentes  duo  duces 
Poeni  ea  mente  ne  detrectarent  certaraen  conse- 
derunt.^ 

XIII.  Scipio,  cum  ad  eum  fama  tanti  comparati 
exercitus  perlata  esset,  neque  Romanis  legionibus 
tantae  se  fore  ^  parem  multitudini  ratus  ut  non  in 
speciem   saltern   opponerentur   barbarorum   auxilia, 

2  neque  in  iis  tamen  tantum  virium  ponendum  ut  mu- 
tando  fidem.  quae  cladis  causa  fuisset  patri  patruoque, 

3  magnum  momentum  facerent,  praemisso  Silano  ad 
Culcham  duodetriginta  oppidis  regnantem,  ut  equites 
peditesque  ab  eo  quos  se  per  hiemem  conscripturum 

4  pollicitus  erat  acciperet,  ipse  ab  Tarracone  profectus 
protinus  ab  sociis  qui  accolunt  viam  modica  contra- 

.5  hendo  auxilia  Castulonem  per^-enit.  Eo  adducta  ab 
Silano  auxilia,  tria  milia  peditum  et  quingenti  equites. 
Inde  ad  Baeculam  urbem  progressus  ^  omni  exercitu 
civium,  sociorum,  peditum  equitumque  quinque  et 

6  quadraginta  milibus.  Castra  ponentes  eos  Mago  et 
Masinissa    cum   omni    equitatu   adgressi   sunt,   tur- 

^  consederimt  B^AXJK  Frohen  2,  Conivay :  -siderunt 
P{3:AkIus,h\l.s. 

2  fore  P(3iX^  or  N'  Eds.  :  offer  parem  JKx  :  om.  Sp 
Frohen  2,  Conicai/. 

^  progressus  P(3)  Eds.  :  progressus  eum  ANJK  Aldus : 
processum  cum  Sp?  Frohen  2,  Conimy. 

1  In  the  MSS.  of  Polybius  'HAirFA  (Elinga,  unknown), 
probably  an  error  for  'LViniTA,  i.e.  Ilipa  (accepted  by  his 
editors,  XL  xx.  1).  It  lay  10  miles  north  of  Hispalis  (Seville), 
and  on  the  right  bank  of  the  Baetis.  Cf.  XXXV.  i.  10; 
Pliny  y.H.  III.  11 ;  Strabo  III.  ii.  3  ;  v.  9.  For  Livy's  habit 
of  substituting  place-names  familiar  to  his  readers  for  those 

54 


BOOK  XXVIII.  XII.  14-X111.  6 

brought  to  the  city  of  Silpia.^     There  in  open  plains  b.c.  20g 
the    two    Carthaginian    generals    established  them- 
selves, resolved  not  to  refuse  a  battle. 

XIII.  Scipio,  when  the  news  reached  him  that  they 
had  got  together  so  large  an  army,  thought  that  with 
Roman  legions  alone  he  would  be  no  match  for  such 
a  multitude  unless  barbarian  auxiliaries  should  con- 
front them,  at  least  for  appearance'  sake.  Yet  he 
felt  that  these  must  not  compose  so  large  a  part  of  his 
forces  that  by  changing  sides — which  had  been  the 
cause  of  disaster  to  his  father  and  uncle — they  might 
decide  the  outcome.  Accordingly  he  sent  Silanus  in 
advance  to  Culchas,^  who  ruled  over  twenty-eight 
towns,  in  order  to  receive  from  him  the  cavalry  and 
infantry  which  he  had  promised  to  enlist  during  the 
winter.  Then  Scipio  himself  set  out  from  Tarraco, 
and  gathering  up  as  he  went  a  moderate  number  of 
auxiliaries  from  the  allies  dwelling  near  the  road,  he 
arrived  at  Castulo.^  Thither  Silanus  brought  auxi- 
liaries, three  thousand  infantry  and  five  hundred 
cavalry.  From  there  Scipio  advanced  to  the  city  of 
Baecula  *  with  the  entire  army,  forty-five  thousand 
legionaries  and  allies,  infantry  and  cavalry.  As  they 
were  pitching  camp  Mago  and  Masinissa  with  all  their 

used  by  Polybius  cf.  Ed.  Meyer,  Kleine  Schriften  II,  406  flF. ; 
Veith  in  Kromayer,  Antike  Schlachtfelder  IV,  518;  Scullard, 
Scipio  Africanus  in  the  Second  Punic  War  127  f. 

2  Kolichas  in  Polybius  I.e.  §§  3,  5. 

^  On  a  tributary  of  the  upper  Baetis,  giving  its  name  to  the 
Saltus  Castulonensis  (Sierra  Morena).  The  main  road  to 
Corduba  and  Gades  passed  through  the  city ;  Strabo  III,  iv.  9. 
fin.     Cf.  xix.  2,  4;   XX.  8;   XXIV.  xli.  7. 

*  Cf.  Vol.  VII.  p.  283  n.  It  was  west  of  Castulo  but  on  the 
same  road.  The  site  cannot  be  certainly  determined,  although 
it  has  been  identified  with  Bailen.  Cf.  Polybius  XI.  xx.  5 ; 
Veith  in  Kromayer  op.  cit.  IV.  503  fif. ;  Scullard  op.  cit.  300  ff. 

55 


LI\T 

bassentque  munientes,  ni  abditi  post  tumulum  oppor- 
tune ad  id  positum  ab  Scipione  equites  inproviso  in 

7  effusos  incumssent.  Ei  promptissimum  quemque  et 
proxime  vallum  atque  in  ipsos  munitores  primum 
invectum  \'ixdum  proelio  inito  fuderunt.  Cum 
ceteris,  qui  sub  signis  atque  ordine  agminis  inces- 

8  serant,  longior  et  diu  ambigua  pugna  fuit.  Sed  cum 
ab  stationibus  primum  expeditae  cohort es,  deinde  ex 
opere  dcducti  milites  atque  arma  capere  iussi  plures 
usque  ^  et  integri  fessis  subirent,^  magnumque  iam 
agmen  armatorum  a  castris  in  proelium  rueret,  terga 

9  baud  dubie  vertunt  Poeni  Numidaeque.  Et  primo 
turmatim  abibant,  nihil  propter  pavorem  festina- 
tionemve  confusis  ordinibus ;  dein,  postquam  acrius 
ultimis  incidebat  Romanus  neque  sustineri  impetus 
poterat,   nihil  iam   ordinum   memores   passim,   qua 

10  cuique  proximum  fuit,  in  fugam  effunduntur.  Et 
quamquam  eo  proelio  aliquantum  et  ^  Romanis  aucti 
et  deminuti  hostibus  animi  erant,  tamen  numquam  * 
per  aliquot  insequentes  dies  ab  excursionibus 
equitum  levisque  armaturae  cessatum  est. 

XIV.  Ubi  satis  temptatae  per  haec  le\*ia  certamina 
vires  sunt,  prior  Hasdrubal  in  aciem  copias  eduxit, 

1  usque  SpPJK  Frobeyi  2  :  cm.  P(1)N  Aldus. 

2  subirent  A'X'JK  Aldus  :   om.  P{l)X. 

3  etA'S^JK  Aldus:  om.P(\)S. 

*  numquam  SpA'N'JK  Aldus  :  om.  P{l)N. 

^  The  reader  would  naturally  assume  that  this  attack  and 
the  important  battle  vhich  follows  took  place  verj'  near 
Baecula.  But  at  xii.  14  the  Carthaginian  generals  were 
encamped  near  Silpia  (Ilipa),  i.e.  less  than  60  miles  from  the 
Atlantic  at  the  nearest  point,  while  Baecula  is  130  miles 
farther  in  a  straight  line.  In  Polybius  it  is  Scipio  who  does 
the  marching  (XI.  xx.  9).  No  long  march  of  the  Cartha- 
ginians to  meet  him  is  mentioned,  and  near  Baecula  there  is 

56 


BOOK  XXVIII.  XIII.  6-xiv.  i 

cavalry  attacked  them  ^  and  would  have  thrown  the  b.c.  206 
men  working  on  the  fortifications  into  confusion, 
had  not  cavalry  concealed  by  Scipio  behind  a  hill 
favourably  situated  for  the  purpose  unexpectedly 
charged  them  in  their  disorder.  These  horsemen  at 
the  very  beginning  of  the  battle  put  to  flight  the  most 
active  and  those  who  had  been  the  first  to  ride  up 
close  to  the  earthwork  and  even  among  the  men  at 
work.  With  the  rest,  who  had  advanced  under 
their  standards  and  in  marching  order,  the  battle  was 
more  protracted  and  for  a  long  time  indecisive.  But 
when  light  cohorts  at  first  drawn  off  from  the  out- 
posts, and  then  soldiers  withdrawn  from  work  on  the 
fortifications  and  ordered  to  take  up  arms,  came  up  in 
increasing  number,  and  fresh  to  assist  the  weary, 
while  by  this  time  a  long  column  of  men  under  arms 
was  dashing  out  from  camp  into  battle,  Carthaginians 
and  Numidians  thereupon  faced  «bout  in  unmis- 
takable retreat.  And  at  first  they  were  retiring  by 
troops,  while  their  ranks  were  not  at  all  broken  on 
account  of  fear  or  haste.  Then  when  the  Roman  fell 
more  fiercely  upon  their  rear  and  the  attack  could  not 
be  withstood,  no  longer  mindful  of  their  ranks,  they 
scattered  in  flight  hither  and  thither,  each  taking  the 
shortest  way.  And  although  the  spirit  of  the  Romans 
was  notably  higher  in  consequence  of  that  battle  and 
that  of  the  enemy  notably  lowered,  still  for  some  days 
following  there  was  never  any  respite  from  sudden 
attacks  by  cavalry  and  hght-armed. 

XIV.  When  his  forces  had  been  sufficiently  tested 
by  these  skirmishes,  Hasdrubnl  was  the  first  to  lead 

no  open  plain  suited  to  this  battle.  Hence  this  was  near 
modern  Seville  and  not  a  "  second  battle  of  Baecula,"  as 
Mommsen,  Ihne  and  others  have  it. 

57 


2  deinde  et  Romani  processere.  Sed  utraque  acies 
pro  vallo  stetit  instructa,  et  cum  ab  neutris  pugna 
coepta  esset,  iam  die  ad  occasum  inclinante  a  Poeno 
prius,  deinde  ab  Romano  in  castra  copiae  reductae. 

3  Hoc  idem  per  dies  aliquot  factum.  Prior  semper 
Poenus  copias  castris  educebat,  prior  fessis  stando 
signum  receptui  dabat ;    ab  neutra  parte  procursum 

4  telumve  missum  aut  vox  uUa  orta,  Mediam  aciem 
hinc  Romani  illinc  Carthaginienses  mixti  Afris, 
cornua  socii  tenebant — erant  autem  utrisque  ^  His- 
pani — ;   pro  cornibus  ante  Punicam  aciem  elephant! 

5  castellorum  procul  speciera  praebebant.  Iam  hoc 
in  utrisque  castris  sermonis  erat,  ita  ut  instruct! 
stetissent  pugnaturos ;  medias  acies,  Romanum 
Poenumque,  quos  inter  belli  causa  esset,  pari  robore 

6  animorum  armorumque  concursuros.  Scipio  ubi 
hoc  obstinate  credi  ^  animadvertit,  omnia  de  industria 

7  in  eum  diem  quo  pugnaturus  erat  mutavit.  Tes- 
seram  vesperi  per  castra  dedit  ut  ante  lucem  viri 
equique  curati  et  ^  pransi  essent,  armatus  eques 
frenatos  instratosque  teneret  equos. 

8  \'ixdum  satis  certa  luce   equitatum   omnem  cum' 

^  utrisque  P{l)X  :    utrimque  N^JK  Aldu^;  Frohen. 

2  hoc  .  .  .  credi  JK  Conicay  [with  haec  most  Eds.)  : 
haec  .  .  .  credita  P{\)S  Aldus,  Frohen,  Alschefski,  Weissen- 
born. 

^  et  supplied  by  Lipsius,  Eds.:  om.  P{1)N  Conway: 
curati  aha  is  om.  by  Sp?JK  Froben  2. 


^  Some  of  the  elephants  carried  on  their  backs  a  crenellated 
tower  from  which  javelins  were  hurled  by  four  or  more  soldiers 
posted  on  the  tower;  hence  the  resemblance  to  forts;  XXXVII. 
xl.  4;  cf.  Curtius  VIII.  xii.  7;  Pliny  y.H.  VIII.  22  and  27; 
Lucretius  V.  1302.  Such,  elephant i  turrit i  are  represented  in 
terracotta  figures  and  on  painted  ware. 

58 


BOOK  XXVIII.  XIV.  1-8 

his  troops  out  into  battle-line ;  then  the  Roman  also  b.c. 
went  forward.  But  each  of  the  two  lines  stood  drawn 
up  in  front  of  its  earthwork,  and  when  neither  side 
had  begun  the  battle  and  the  day  was  now  nearing 
sunset,  the  troops  were  led  back  into  camp,  first  by 
the  Carthaginian  and  then  by  the  Roman.  The  same 
thing  happened  for  a  number  of  days.  Always  the 
first  to  lead  his  troops  out  of  camp,  the  first  to  sound 
the  recall  for  his  men  weary  of  standing  still,  would  be 
the  Carthaginian.  From  neither  side  was  there  a 
charge,  or  a  missile  hurled,  or  any  raising  of  a  shout. 
The  centre  was  held  on  one  side  by  the  Romans,  on 
the  other  by  the  Carthaginians  combined  with 
Africans,  the  wings  by  their  allies,  and  for  both 
armies  these  were  Spanish  troops.  In  front  of  the 
wings,  in  advance  of  the  Punic  line  of  battle,  the 
elephants  presented  from  a  distance  the  appearance 
of  forts.  1  Already  it  was  common  talk  in  both 
camps  that  they  were  to  fight  in  the  formation  in 
which  they  had  stood;  that  the  centres,  the  Roman 
and  Carthaginian  troops,  between  whom  lay  the  cause 
of  the  war,  would  clash,  evenly  matched  in  spirit  and 
in  arms.  When  Scipio  observed  that  this  was  a  per- 
sistent belief,  he  deliberately  changed  everything  for 
tlie  day  on  which  he  was  to  give  battle.  At  evening  he 
passed  a  written  order  through  the  camp  that  before 
I  daybreak  the  horses  should  be  cared  for  and  the  men 
i  have  breakfast,  that  the  horsemen  under  arms  should 
keep  their  mounts  bridled  and  saddled.  ^ 

It  was  not  yet  quite  daylight  when  he  sent  all  his 

2  Not  quite  literal  for  this  period.  Primarily  the  word  has 
to  do  with  a  cloth  kept  in  place  by  a  girth  and  straps.  Evolu- 
tion of  cloth  into  saddle  was  slow. 

59 


LIVY 

A.U.C.         levi   armatura   in   stationes    Punicas   immisit ;    inde 

confestim  ipse  cum  gi-avi  agmine  legionum  procedit, 

9  praeter  opinionem   destinatam  suorum  hostiumque 

Romano  milite  cornibus  firmatis,  sociis  in  mediam 

10  aciem  acceptis,  Hasdrubal  clamore  equitum  ex- 
citatus  ut  ex  tabernaculo  prosiluit  tumultumque  ante 
vallum  et  trepidationem  suorum  et  procul  signa 
legionum  fulgentia  plenosque  hostium  campos  vidit, 

11  equitatum  omnem  extemplo  in  equites  emittit ;  ipse 
cum  peditum  agmine  castris  egreditur,  nee  ex  ordine 

12  solito  quicquam  acie  instruenda  mutat.  Equitum 
iam  diu  anceps  pugna  erat  nee  ipsa  per  se  decerni 
poterat,^  quia  pulsis,  quod  prope  in  vicem  fiebat,  in 

13  aciem  peditum  tutus  receptus  erat ;  sed  ubi  iam  haud 
plus    quingentos    passus    acies    inter    sese    aberant, 
signo  receptui  dato   Scipio  patefactisque   ordinibus 
equitatum  omnem  levemque  armaturam,  in  medium  i 
acceptam  divisamque  in  partes  duas,  in  subsidiis  post  i 

14  cornua  locat.  Inde,  ubi  incipiendae  iam  pugnae  I 
tempus     erat,     Hispanos — ea     media     acies     fuit — | 

15  presso  gradu  incedere  iubet ;  ipse  e  ^  dextro  cornu  ; 
— ibi  namque  praeerat — nuntium  ad  Silanum  et  >' 
Marcium  mittit  ut  cornu  extenderent  in  sinistram  : 
partem,  quem  ad  modum  se  tendentem  ad  dextram  i 

16  \-idissent,  et  cum  expeditis  peditum  equitumque  prius 
pugnam  consererent  cum  hoste  quam  coire  inter  se 

^  ipsa  .  .  .  -poteTSit  (ym.  Spx  :   siipplied  from  P{1}XJK. 
2  e  am.  Sp?JK. 


^  For  this  battle  of  Ilipa  see  the  works  already  cited  : 
Scullard,  126  if.  with  plan;   Veith,  517  fiF.  with  map. 

6o 


BOOK  XXVIII.  XIV.  8-16 

cavalry  with  the  light-armed  against  the  Punic  b.o. 
outposts.^  Immediately  afterwards  he  himself  with 
the  heavy  column  of  the  legions  went  forward,  and 
contrary  to  the  fixed  idea  of  his  own  men  and  of  the 
enemy,  he  formed  strong  wings  of  his  Roman  soldiers, 
while  the  allies  were  taken  into  the  centre.  When 
Hasdrubal,  who  was  aroused  by  the  shouts  of  the 
horsemen,  sprang  out  of  his  tent  and  saw  the  uproar 
outside  his  earthwork  and  the  excitement  among  his 
men,  and  in  the  distance  the  gleaming  standards  of 
the  legions  and  the  plain  filled  with  the  enemy,  he 
forthwith  sent  out  all  his  cavalry  against  the  horse- 
men. As  for  himself,  he  marched  out  of  the  camp 
with  the  infantry  column,  and  in  drawing  up  his  line 
made  no  change  from  the  customary  order.  The 
cavalry  engagement  had  long  been  uncertain,  and 
by  itself  it  could  not  be  decisive  because  when  re- 
pulsed— and  this  repeatedly  happened  almost  by 
turns — they  could  safely  retire  into  the  infantry  Hne. 
But  when  the  lines  of  battle  were  not  more  than  half 
a  mile  apart,  Scipio  sounding  the  recall  and  opening 
his  ranks  admitted  all  the  cavalry  and  the  light-armed 
into  the  centre  ;  and  dividing  them  into  two  sections 
he  posted  them  as  a  reserve  behind  the  wings. 
Then,  when  it  was  now  time  to  begin  the  battle,  he 
ordered  the  Spaniards — they  formed  the  centre  of 
the  line — to  advance  at  a  slow  pace.  From  the  right 
wing — for  he  was  himself  in  command  there — he 
sent  a  message  to  Silanus  and  Marcius  ^  that  they 
should  prolong  their  wing  towards  the  left,  just  as 
they  had  seen  him  pressing  to  the  right,  and  with  the 
light  infantry  and  cavalry  should  engage  the  enemy 

2  Cf.  Vol.  VII.  pp.  5  fin.,  65  (and  notes),  77.     Repeatedly 
mentioned  in  this  Book. 

61 


LI\T 

17  mediae  acies  possent.  Ita  diductis  cornibus  cum 
ternis  peditum  cohortibus  ternisque  equitum  tiirmis, 
ad  hoc  velitibus,  citato  gradu  in  hostem  ducebant, 

18  sequentibus  in  obliquum  aliis.  Sinus  in  medio  erat, 
qua  segnius  Hispanorum  signa  incedebant. 

19  Et  iam  conflixerant  cornua,  cum  quod  roboris  in 
hostium  acie  ^  erat.  Poeni  veterani  Afrique,  nondum 
ad  teli  coniectum  venissent,  neque  in  cornua,  ut 
adiuvarent  pugnantes,  discurrere  auderent,  ne 
aperirent  mediam  aciem  venienti  ex  adverso  hosti. 

20  Cornua  ancipiti  proelio  urgebantur :  eques  levisque 
armatura  ac  ^  velites  circumductis  alis  in  latera 
incurrebant ;  cohortes  a  fronte  urgebant,  ut  abrum- 
perent  cornua  a  cetera  acie.  XV.  Et  cum  ab  omni 
parte  haudquaquam  par  pugna  erat.  turn  quod  turba  ^ 
Baliarium  tironumque  Hispanorum  Romano  Latino- 

2  que    militi    obiecta    erat.     Et    procedente   iam   die  j 
vires    etiam  ^    deficere   Hasdrubalis   exercitum  coe- ' 
perant,    oppresses    matutino     tumultu     coactosque 
priusquam  cibo  corpora  firmarent,  raptim  in  aciem  j 

^  hostium  acie  JK  :   acie  hostium  P{\)y.  r 

-  ac   Madvig,  Emend.,   Conuxiy  :    et  Aldus,  Froben  :     om.  i, 

F(l)NJK. 

'  turba  JK  Aldus,  Froben  :   pugna  P{l)N. 
*  die  vires  etiam  A*N*JK  Eds.  :   om.  P[\)N. 


^  Here  Polybius  XI.  xxiii  has  a  detailed  account  of  com- 
plicated movements  executed  by  the  Roman  wings  in  order  to 
outflank  the  weaker  Carthaginian  wings  before  fighting  could 
reach  the  centre  of  the  lines.  Cf.  Scullard  op.  cit.  132  ff. ; 
Veith,  522  fif. 

2  It  has  been  held  that  Livy  here  mistranslated  Polybius, 
who  meant  maniples.  Everything  depends  upon  the  inter- 
pretation of  rpetj  oTTcipas  and  a  following  parenthesis,  "  this 
infantry  unit  is  called  a   cohort  (k-oo/jtis)  by  the  Romans  " 

62 


BOOK  XXVIII.  XIV.  16-XV.  2 

before  the  centres  could  come  together.^  Thus  b.c.  206 
extending  the  wings,  with  three  cohorts  ^  of  infantry 
and  three  troops  of  cavalry  on  each  wing,  and  with 
skirmishers  in  addition,  they  led  at  a  rapid  pace 
against  the  enemy,  while  the  rest  followed  them 
obliquely.  In  the  centre  was  a  curve  where  the 
Spanish  units  were  more  slowly  advancing. 

By  this  time  the  wings  were  already  engaged, 
while  the  main  strength  of  the  enemy's  Une,  the 
veteran  Carthaginians  and  Africans,  had  not  yet  come 
within  range,  and  did  not  dare  to  dash  towards  the 
wings  to  help  the  combatants,  for  fear  of  exposing  the 
centre  to  the  enemy  directly  advancing.  The  wings 
were  being  hard  pressed  by  a  double  attack ;  cavalry 
and  light-armed  and  skirmishers  with  enclosing  wings 
were  charging  into  their  flanks,  while  the  cohorts  were 
pressing  them  in  front,  endeavouring  to  cut  off  the 
wings  from  the  rest  of  the  battle-line.  XV.  And  not 
only  was  the  battle  in  general  far  from  being  evenly 
matched,  but  especially  because  the  horde  of  Baliares 
and  Spanish  recruits  had  been  made  to  face  Roman 
and  Latin  soldiers.  Besides,  as  the  day  now  wore  on 
their  strength  also  began  to  fail  Hasdrubal's  soldiers, 
I  who  had  been  surprised  by  an  early  morning  onslaught 
I  and  compelled  to  go  out  into  line  in  haste  before  they 

j  (XI.  xxiii.  1).  It  remains  debatable  whether  "  this  unit  " 
{  refers  to  the  single  a-neipa,  which  must  then  be  a  maniple, 
or  to  the  three  combined  to  make  a  cohort.  For  manipulus 
the  regular  word  was  crr//xeta.  Later  on  arretpa  came  to  be 
cohort  almost  invariably.  But  in  Polybius'  time  one  could 
use  either  crqyida  or  o-ndpa  in  the  same  meaning,  as  VI. 
xxiv.  5 ;  so  even  in  the  same  sentence,  as  I.e.  §  8 ;  III.  cxiii.  3 ; 
XV.  ix.  7.  In  this  battle  the  larger  number,  1800  men,  seems 
absolutely  required.  Cf.  Veith  I.e. ;  F.  G.  Moore,  Classical 
Weekly,  XXX\^I.  238  f. 

63 


LI\T 

3  exire.  Et  ^  ad  id  sedulo  diem  extraxerat  Scipio  ut 
sera  pugna  esset ;  nam  ab  septima  demum  hora  pe- 

4  dituni  signa  cornibus  incucurrerunt  ^  ;  ad  medias  acies 
aliquanto  serius  pervenit  pugna,  ita  ut  prius  aestus 
a  meridiano  sole  laborque  standi  sub  armis  et  simul 
fames  sitisque  corpora  adficerent  quam  manus  cum 

5  hoste  consererent.  Itaque  steterunt  scutis  innixi. 
lam  ^  super  cetera  elephanti  etiam,  tumultuoso 
genere  pugnae  equitum  velitumque  et  levis  arma- 
turae  consternati,  e  cornibus  in  mediam  aciem  sese 

6  intulerant.  Fessi  igitur  corporibus  animisque  rettu- 
lere  pedem,  ordines  tamen  servantes,  baud  secus 
quam  si  imperio  ducis  cederet  *  integra  acies. ^ 

7  Sed  cum  eo  ipso  acrius,  ubi  inclinatam  sensere  rem, 
\ictores  se  undique  inveherent,  nee  facile  impetus 

8  sustinen  posset,  quamquam  retinebat  obsistebatque 
cedentibus  Hasdrubal,  ab  tergo  esse  coUes  tutumque 

9  receptum,  si  modice  se  reciperent,  clamitans,  tamen 
vincente  metu  verecundiam,  cum  proximus  quisque 
hostem  caderet,^  terga  extemplo  data,  atque  in  fugam 

10  sese  omnes  effuderunt.     Ac  primo  consistere  '^  signa  j 
in  radicibus  collium  ac  revocare  in  ordines  militem  ' 
coeperant  cunctantibus  in  adversum  collem  erigere 
aciem    Romanis ;     deinde,   ut   inferri   inpigre   signa 
viderunt,  integrata  fuga  in   castra    pavidi    comxpel- 

1  Et  .V'^  :   om.  P(l)XJK  Aldm,  Frohen. 

-  incucurrerunt  P(3)xY  :  incur-  B  Aldus  :  concur-  SffJK 
Frohen  2. 

^  lam  Weissenbom  :   nam  P{  1  )XJK. 

*  cederet  JK  Aldus,  Frohen,  Conway  :  cederent  P{1)N  Eds. 

^  acies  P[l)XJK  Aldus,  Conicay  :  acie  Weissenbom,  Eds. 

«  caderet  Madvig,  Luchs,  Riemann  :  cederet  P{S)A*N'JK 
Weissenborn,  Conicay. 

'  consistere  P{1)XJK  Weissenborn,  Conway:  constituere 
Duker,  Eds. 

64 


BOOK  XXVIII.  XV.  2-10 

could  take  food  to  sustain  them.  And  Scipio  had  b.c.  206 
deUberately  dragged  out  the  day,  in  order  that  the 
battle  might  be  belated.  For  it  was  not  until  the 
seventh  hour  that  the  infantry  units  ^  charged  the 
wings.  The  battle  reached  the  centre  of  the  lines 
considerably  later,  so  that  the  heat  of  the  niidday  sun 
and  the  strain  of  standing  under  arms,  and  at  the 
same  time  hunger  and  thirst,  weakened  their  bodies 
before  they  engaged  the  enemy.  Accordingly  they 
stood  resting  on  their  shields.  By  this  time,  in 
addition  to  everything  else,  the  elephants  also  took 
fright  at  the  skirmishing  tactics  of  cavalry  and  skir- 
mishers and  light-armed  and  had  shifted  from  the 
wings  into  the  centre.  Weakened  therefore  in  body 
and  spirit  the  men  retreated,  keeping  their  ranks 
nevertheless,  just  as  if  by  order  of  the  general  the  line 
was  giving  way  intact. 

But  when  the  victors,  on  seeing  that  the  tide  of 
battle  had  turned,  for  that  reason  charged  with  more 
spirit  from  all  sides,  and  it  was  not  easy  to  withstand 
their  attack,  although  Hasdrubal  tried  to  hold  his  men 
back  and  confronted  them  as  they  gave  way,  shouting 
to  them  again  and  again  that  in  the  rear  there  were 
hills  and  a  safe  refuge  if  they  retired  slowly.  Never- 
theless, as  fear  overcame  their  respect  for  him  and 
those  nearest  to  the  enemy  were  falling,  at  once  they 
faced  about  and  all  took  to  flight.  And  at  first  the 
standard-bearers  began  to  halt  at  the  foot  of  the 
hills  and  to  call  the  soldiers  back  into  their  ranks, 
while  the  Romans  hesitated  to  advance  their  line  up 
the  hill.  Then  when  the  enemy  saw  the  standards 
coming  bravely  on,  they  resumed  their  flight  and  were 

^  I.e.  those  of  xiv.  17,  three  cohorts  on  each  wing  (Veith), 
or  one  cohort  as  the  passage  has  been  commonly  understood. 

65 

VOL.   VIII.  D 


LIVY 

11  luntur.  Nee  proeul  vallo  Romanus  aberat,  cepisset- 
que  tanto  impetu  eastra,  nisi  ^  ex  vehementi  sole, 
qualis  inter  graves  imbre  nubes  effulget,  tanta  vis 
aquae  deiecta  esset  ^  ut  vix  in  eastra  sua  reeeperint 
se  victores,  quosdam  etiam  religio  ceperit  ^  ulterius 

12  quicquam  eo  die  conandi.  Carthaginienses,  quam- 
quam  fessos  labore  ac  volneribus  nox  imberque  ad 

13  necessariam  quietem  vocabat,  tamen,  quia  metus  et 
periculum  cessandi  non  dabat  tempus,  prima  luce 
oppugnaturis  hostibus  eastra,  saxis  undique  circa  ex 
propinquis  vallibus  congestis  augent  vallum,  muni- 
mento  sese,  quando  in  armis  parum  praesidii  foret, 

14  defensuri.  Sed  transitio  sociorum  fuga  ut  tutior 
mora    videretur    fecit.     Principium    defectionis    ab 

15  Attene  regulo  Turdetanorum  factum  est ;  is  cum 
magna  popularium  manu  transfugit ;  inde  duo 
munita  oppida  cum  praesidiis  tradita  a  praefectis 

16  Romano.  Et  ne  latius  inclinatis  semel  ad  defectio- 
nem  animis  serperet  res,  silentio  proximae  noctis 
Hasdrubal  eastra  movet. 

XVI.  Scipio,  ut  prima  luce  qui  in  stationibus  erant 
rettulerunt  profectos  hostes,  praemisso  equitatu  signa 

2  ferri  iubet ;  adeoque  citato  agmine  ducti  sunt  ut,  si 
via  recta  vestigia  sequentes  issent,  baud  dubie 
adsecuturi  fuerint ;  ducibus  *  est  creditum  brevius 
aliud  esse  iter  ad  Baetim  flmium,  ut  transeuntes 

3  adgrederentur.     Hasdrubal  clauso  transitu  fluminis 

1  nisi   P^RA'N^   or    X'JK  Aldus,   Conway :    ni    se    P(3) 
Eds. 

*  deiecta  esset  X'JK  Aldus,  Froben,  Conway  :    deiecisset 
P{\)y  Eds. 

'  ceperit  P{3)NJ  Aldus  :    ceperat  Sp  Froben  2  :    cepit  K  : 
coeperit  CRB. 

*  ducibus,  before  this  AN  Aldus  have  sed. 

66 


BOOK  XXVIII.  XV.  lo-xvi.  3 

driven  panic-stricken  into  camp.  Not  far  from  the  b.c.  206 
earthwork  were  the  Romans  ;  and  by  such  momentum 
they  would  have  captured  the  camp  if,  after  a  blazing 
sun,  such  as  shines  out  in  the  midst  of  clouds  heavy 
with  rain,  there  had  not  been  so  extraordinary  a  down- 
pour that  the  victors  with  difficulty  retired  to  their 
camp,  and  had  not  some  been  beset  by  scruples  also 
against  any  further  attempt  that  day.  The  Cartha- 
ginians, although  night  and  pouring  rain  invited  them 
to  needed  rest,  being  weak  from  exertion  and  wounds, 
nevertheless,  because  fear  and  danger  gave  them  no 
time  to  be  idle  when  the  enemy  would  attack  the 
camp  at  daybreak,  raised  their  earthwork  by  gather- 
ing stones  from  near-by  valleys  all  round,  intending 
to  defend  themselves  by  a  fortification,  since  in  their 
arms  they  would  have  no  sufficient  protection.  But 
the  desertion  of  their  allies  made  flight  seem  safer 
than  delay.  Defection  began  with  Attenes,  prince 
of  the  Turdetani,  who  deserted  with  a  large  force 
of  his  tribesmen.  Then  two  fortified  towns  were 
handed  over  with  their  garrisons  to  the  Roman  by 
their  commanders.  And  for  fear  the  mischief  might 
spread  farther,  now  that  men  were  once  disposed  to 
change  sides,  Hasdrubal  moved  his  camp  in  the  silence 
of  the  following  night. 

XVI.  Scipio,  when  men  on  outpost  duty  reported 
at  daylight  that  the  enemy  had  left,  sent  his  cavalry 
ahead  and  ordered  the  standards  to  advance.  The 
column  also  marched  at  such  a  pace  that,  if  they  had 
directly  followed  the  enemy's  track,  they  would 
undoubtedly  have  overtaken  them.  They  believed 
the  guides  that  there  was  another  shorter  road  to  the 
river  Baetis,  by  which  they  might  attack  the  enemy 
while  crossing  over.     Hasdrubal,  finding  the  passage 

67 


LIVY 

ad  Oceanum  flectit,  et  iam  inde  fugientium  modo 
effusi  abibant ;    itaque  ^  ab  legionibus  Romanis  ali- 

4  quantum  intervalli  fecit ;  eques  levisque  armatura 
nunc  ab  tergo  nunc  ab  lateribus  occurrendo  fatigabat 

5  morabaturque ;  sed  ^  cum  ad  crebros  tumultus  signa 
consisterent  et  nunc  equestria  nunc  cum  velitibus 
auxiliisque     peditum     proelia     consererent.     super- 

6  venerunt  legiones.  Inde  non  iam  pugna  sed  truci- 
datio  velut  pecorum  fieri,  donee  ipse  dux  fugae 
auctor  in   proximos   colles   cum   sex   milibus   ferme 

7  semermium  evasit ;  ceteri  caesi  captique.  Castra 
tumultuaria  raptim  Poeni  tumulo  editissimo  com- 
muniverunt,  atque  inde.  cum  hostis  nequiquam 
subire  iniquo  ascensu  conatus  esset,^  haud  difficulter 

8  sese  tutati  sunt.  Sed  obsidio  in  loco  nudo  atque  inopi 
\'ix  in  paucos  dies  tolerabilis  erat ;  itaque  transitiones 
ad  hostem  fiebant.  Postremo  dux  ipse  navibus 
accitis  ^ — nee  procul  inde  aberat  mare — nocte  relicto 

9  exercitu  Gades  perfugit.  Scipio  fuga  ducis  hostium 
audita  decem  milia  peditum  mille  equites  relinquit 

10  Silano  ad  castrorum  obsidionem ;  ipse  cum  ceteris 
copiis  septuagensimis  castris,  protinus  causis  regu- 
lorum  civitatiumque  cognoscendis,  ut  praemia  ad 
veram    meritorum    aestimationem    tribui    possent, 

11  Tarraconem   rediit.     Post   profectionem   eius    Masi- 

^  itaque  Pil)X  :  idque  X'JK  Aldus,  Frohen. 

-  sed  P(3}yJK  Aldus,  Frohen  :    et  C  Madvi^,  Emend. 

3  conatus  esset  P{\)y  Aldus:  -ti  essent  SpJK  Froben  2 
(with  hostes  above). 

*  accitis  Weis-^enhorn  :  acceptis  P-(l)XJK  Aldus:  ac- 
cipitis  P. 

^  Hasdrubal  had  intended  to  cross  the  Baetis  and  then 
retreat  to  Gades  (total  distance  about  75  miles  to  the  harbour 
of  that  city).     But  now  he  is  obliged  to  remain  on  the  right 
bank,  thus  increasing  the  distance  considerably. 
68 


BOOK  XXVIII.  XVI.  3-1 1 

of  the  river  closed,  turned  aside  towards  the  Ocean, ^  b.c.  206 
and  henceforward,  scattering  hke  fugitives,  away 
they  went.  Thus  he  put  a  considerable  distance 
between  himself  and  the  Roman  legions.  Cavalry 
and  light-armed,  dashing  upon  them  now  from  the 
rear,  now  on  the  flanks,  kept  wearing  them  out  and 
delaying  them.  But  when  in  view  of  the  numerous 
clashes  the  standards  came  to  a  halt  and  the  men 
were  engaged  now  with  cavalry,  now  with  skirmishers 
and  auxiliary  infantry,  the  legions  came  up.  There- 
after it  was  no  longer  a  battle  but  a  slaughter  as  of 
cattle,  until  the  general,  himself  now  approving 
their  flight,  escaped  to  the  nearest  hills  with  some 
six  thousand  half-armed  men.  The  rest  were  slain 
or  captured.  The  Carthaginians  hastily  fortified  an 
improvised  camp  on  a  very  high  hill  and  from  it  they 
defended  themselves  without  difficulty,  since  the 
enemy  had  tried  in  vain  to  come  up  the  steep  slope. 
But  in  an  exposed  situation  which  furnished  nothing 
a  siege  was  scarcely  endurable  even  for  a  few  days. 
Accordingly  there  were  repeated  desertions  to  the 
enemy.  Finally  the  general  himself  sent  for  ships  ^ — 
the  sea  was  not  far  away — and  leaving  his  army  by 
night  he  escaped  to  Gades.  Scipio,  learning  of  the 
flight  of  the  enemy's  general,  left  Silanus  ten  thou- 
sand infantry  and  a  thousand  cavalry  to  besiege  the 
camp.  With  the  rest  of  the  forces  he  himself 
returned  to  Tarraco  in  seventy  days'  marches,^ 
hearing  the  cases  of  chiefs  and  states  as  he  proceeded, 
in  order  to  bestow  rewards  according  to  the  real 
worth  of  their  services.     After  his  departure  Masi- 

2  From  Gades;   cf.  §  13. 

^  The  slow   progress    is   explained   by  what  immediately 
follows. 


LIVY 

nissa  cum  Silano  clam  congressus,  ut  ad  nova  consilia 
gentem    quoque    suam   oboedientem   haberet,   cum 

12  paucis  popularibus  in  Africam  traiecit,  non  tam 
evident!  eo  ^  tempore  subitae  mutationis  causa  quam 
documento  post  id  tempus  const antissimae  ad  ulti- 
mam  senectam  fidei  ne  tum  quidem  eum  sine  proba- 

13  bili  causa  fecisse.  Mago  inde  remissis  ab  Hasdrubale 
navibus  Gades  petit ;  ceteri  deserti  ab  ducibus,  pars 
transitione,  pars  ^  fuga  dissupati  per  proximas  civi- 
tates  sunt,  nulla  numero  aut  viribus  manus  insignis. 

14  Hoc  maxime  modo  ductu  atque  auspicio  P.  Sci- 
pionis  pulsi  Hispania  Carthaginienses  sunt,  quarto 
decimo  anno  post  bellum  initum,  quinto  quam  ^  P. 

15  Scipio  provinciam  et  exercitum  accepit.  Haud  multo 
post  Silanus  debellatum  referens  Tarraconem  ad 
Scipionem  rediit.  X\'II.  L.  Scipio  cum  multls 
nobilibus  captives  nuntius  receptae  Hispaniae  Romam 

2  est  missus.  Et  *  cum  ceteri  laetitia  gloriaque  in- 
genti  eam  rem  volgo  ferrent,  unus  qui  gesserat,  in- 
explebilis  virtutis  veraeque  laudis,  parvum  instar 
eorum  quae  spe  ac  magnitudine  animi  concepisset 

3  receptas  Hispanias  ducebat.  lam  Africam  magnam- 
que  Carthaginem  et  in  suum  decus  nomenque  velut 

'  eo  N*JK  Aldus,  Frohen  :   om.  P{\)N  :   illo  WeisseTthorn. 

'^  pars  om.  P{\)N. 

^  quamP(3)k;   ^osiqna.va  ANSp?J  Aldus. 

*  Et  P{l)yJK  Aldus  :   sed  Madvig. 

^  He  lived  on  until  148  B.C.,  upwards  of  90  vears  old,  and 
reigned  60  years;   App.  Pun.  106;   Pliny  N.H.\n.  156. 

2  An  error  corrected  by  x.  8  and  xxxviii.  12,  the  14th  year 
of  the  war  being  205  B.C. 

3  Livy  had  assigned  Scipio's  arrival  in  Spain  to  the  j'ear 
211  B.C.;  XXVI.  xix,  11  flf.  Consequently  he  placed  the 
capture  of  New  Carthage  in  210  B.C.  See  Vol.  VII.  notes  on 
pp.  68,  230,  296 ;   Scullard,  304  ff. 

70 


BOOK  XXVIII.  XVI.  ii-xvii.  3 

nissa  conferred  secretly  with  Silanus,  then  crossed  b.o.  206 
over  to  Africa  with  a  few  of  his  countrymen,  in  order 
that  in  changing  his  policy  he  might  count  upon  the 
obedience  of  his  nation  also.  The  reason  for  his 
sudden  change  was  not  so  clear  then  as  was  later  the 
evidence  furnished  by  a  loyalty  unswerving  down  to 
extreme  age,^  that  even  at  that  time  he  had  not 
acted  without  a  reasonable  ground.  Mago  then 
reached  Gades  on  the  ships  sent  back  by  Hasdrubal. 
The  rest,  abandoned  by  their  generals,  were  scattered, 
some  by  desertion,  others  by  flight,  among  the 
neighbouring  states ;  no  force  remained  which  was 
notable  for  its  numbers  or  its  strength. 

So  much  in  general  for  the  manner  in  which  under 
the  command  and  auspices  of  Publius  Scipio  the 
Carthaginians  were  driven  out  of  Spain  in  the  four- 
teenth year  ^  from  the  beginning  of  the  war,  the 
fifth  3  after  Publius  Scipio  received  his  province  and 
army.  Not  much  later  Silanus  returned  to  Scipio  at 
Tarraco,  reporting  the  war  at  an  end.*  XVII.  Lucius 
Scipio  with  many  noble  captives  was  sent  to  Rome 
to  announce  the  conquest  of  Spain.  And  while 
everyone  else  was  publishing  the  fact  abroad  with 
great  rejoicing  and  high  praise,  the  one  man  who 
had  accomplished  it  was  insatiable  in  his  craving  for 
merit  and  well-earned  distinction.  He  considered 
the  conquest  of  Spain  insignificant  compared  with 
all  that  he  had  imagined  in  his  high-minded 
hopes.  Already  his  eye  was  upon  Africa  and  the 
greater  Carthage  and  the  glory  of  such  a  war,  as  if 

*  Although  his  readers  would  here  infer  that  a  campaign 
has  now  been  completed,  the  historian  goes  on  to  include  a 
seemingly  impossible  range  of  operations  within  what  re- 
mained of  the  same  year,  206  B.C. 

71 


•4  consummatam  eius  belli  gloriam  spectabat.  Itaque 
praemoliendas  sibi  ratus  iam  res  conciliandosque 
regum     gentiumque     animos,     Syphacem     primuin 

5  regem  statuit  temptare.  Masaesuliorum  is  rex 
erat.  Masaesulii,  gens  adfinis  Mauris,  in  regionem 
Hispaniae  maxime  qua  sita  Nova  Carthago  est  spec- 

6  tant.     Foedus  ea  tempestate  regi  cum  Carthaginien- 

7  sibus  erat ;  quod  baud  gravius  ei  sanctiusque  quam 
volgo  barbaris,  quibus  ex  fortuna  pendet  fides,  ratus 
fore,  oratorem  ad  eum  C.  Laelium  cum  donis  mittit. 

8  Quibus  barbarus  laetus,  et  quia  res  turn  prosperae 
ubique  Romanis,  Poenis  ^  in  Italia  adversae,  in  His- 
pania  nullae  iam  erant,  amicitiam  se  Romanorum 
accipere  annuit :    firmandae  eius  fidem  nee  dare  nee 

9  accipere  nisi  cum  ipso  coram  duce  Romano.  Ita 
Laelius  in  id  modo  fide  ab  rege  accepta,  tutum  adven- 
tum  fore,  ad  Scipionem  redit. 

lu  Magnum  in  omnia  momentum  Syphax  adfectanti 
res  Africae  erat,-  opulentissimus  eius  terrae  rex,^ 
bello  iam  expertus  ipsos  Carthaginienses,  finibus 
etiam  regni  apte  ad  Hispaniam,  quod  freto  exiguo 

11  dirimuntur,  positis.  Dignam  itaque  rem  Scipio  ratus 
quae,  quoniam  aliter  non  *  posset,  magno  periculo 
peteretur,  L.  Marcio  Tarracone,  M.  Silano  Cartha- 
gine  Nova,  quo  pedibus  ab  Tarracone  itineribus  mag- 

12  nis  ierat,  ad  praesidium  Hispaniae  relictis,  ipse  cum 

1  Poenis    BSp?JK    Froben    2  :     poenis    autem    P{3)B'N 
Aldus. 

2  Africae  erat  JK  Froben  2  :   erat  Africae  P{l)N  Aldus. 
'  rex  Sp?A'JK  Froben  2  :   om.  PiljX  Aldus. 

*  aliter  non  x  Luchs  :   non  aliter  PdjNJK  Aldus,  Froberiy 
Conway. 

72 


BOOK  XXVIII.  XVII.  3-12 

accumulated  to  bring  him  honour  and  a  name.  Accord-  b.c.  206 
ingly,  thinking  that  he  must  already  make  prepara- 
tions and  gain  the  goodwill  of  kings  and  tribes,  he 
decided  first  to  sound  King  Syphax.  He  was  the  king 
of  the  Masaesulians.  A  tribe  bordering  on  the  Mauri, 
the  Masaesulians  directly  face  the  region  of  Spain  in 
which  lies  New  Carthage.  At  that  time  the  king 
had  a  treaty  with  the  Carthaginians ;  and  Scipio, 
thinking  it  would  have  for  Syphax  no  more  weight 
and  sanctity  than  is  usual  for  barbarians,  with  whom 
loyalty  depends  upon  success,  sent  Gains  Laelius  as 
an  envoy  to  him  with  gifts.  Delighted  with  these, 
and  since  at  that  time  the  situation  was  everywhere 
favourable  for  the  Romans  but  for  the  Carthaginians 
unfavourable  in  Italy  and  now  quite  hopeless  in  Spain, 
the  barbarian  indicated  that  he  would  accept  the 
friendship  of  the  Romans ;  that  for  its  confirmation 
he  would  neither  give  nor  receive  a  pledge  except 
in  the  actual  presence  of  the  Roman  commander. 
So  Laelius,  having  received  from  the  king  a  promise 
to  this  effect  only,  that  for  the  visit  safety  would  be 
assured,  returned  to  Scipio. 

A  factor  of  great  importance  in  every  respect  for  a 
man  planning  an  attack  upon  Africa  was  Syphax,  the 
richest  king  in  that  land  and  one  who  had  already 
gained  experience  even  of  the  Carthaginians  in  war, 
while  boundaries  of  his  kingdom  were  also  well  situated 
with  reference  to  Spain  in  being  separated  from  it  by 
a  narrow  strait  only.  Consequently  Scipio  thought  the 
matter  deserved  to  be  pursued  even  at  a  great  risk, 
since  it  was  otherwise  impossible.  Leaving  Lucius 
Marcius  at  Tarraco  and  Marcus  Silanus  at  New 
Carthage — to  which  he  had  come  by  land  in  long 
stages  from  Tarraco — that  they  might  defend  Spain, 

73 


LI\T 

C.  Laelio  duabus  quinqueremibus  ab  Carthagine  pro- 
fectus  tranquillo  mari  plurumum  remis,  interdum  et 

13  leni  adiuvante  ^  vento,  in  Africam  traiecit.  Forte  ita 
incidit  ut  eo  ipso  tempore  Hasdrubal  pulsus  Hispania, 
septem  trireniibus  portum  invectus,  ancoris  positis 

14  terrae  adplicaret  naves,  cum  conspectae  duae  quin- 
queremes,  baud  cuiquam  dubio  quin  hostium  essent 
opprimique  a  pluribus,  priusquam  portum  intrarent, 
possent,  nihil  aliud  quam  tumultum  ac  trepidationem 
simul  militum  ac  nautarum  nequiquam  armaque  et 

15  naves  expedientium  fecerunt.  Percussa  enim  ex  alto 
vela  paulo  acriori  vento  prius  in  portum  intulerunt 
quinqueremes     quam     Poeni    ancoras    molirentur; 

16  nee  ultra  tumultum  ciere  quisquam  in  regio  portu 
audebat.  Ita  in  terram  prior  Hasdrubal,  mox  Scipio 
et  Laelius  egressi  ad  regem  pergunt.  XVIII.  Mag- 
nificumque  id  Syphaci — nee  erat  aliter — visum, 
duorum  opulentissimorum  ea  tempestate  duces  popu- 
lorum  uno  die  suam  pacem  amicitiamque  petentes 
venisse. 

2  Utrumque  in  hospitium  in\-itat ;  et  ^  quoniam  fors 
eos  sub  uno  tecto  esse  atque  ad  eosdem  penates 
voluisset,     contrahere     ad  ^     conloquium     dirimen- 

3  darum  simultatium  causa  est  conatus,  Scipione 
abnuente  aut  privatim  sibi  ullum  cum  Poeno  odium 

'  adiuvante  P{1)N  Aldus  :   iuvaute  SpJK  Froben  2. 
'  et  P{\)N  Aldus,  Froben  :   om.  SpJK. 
3  ad  P{l)N  Aldus,  Eds.  :    in  SpN\altern.)JK  Froben  2, 
Conway. 

74 


BOOK  XXVIII.  XVII.  I2-XVIII.  3 

he  himself  sailed  with  Gaius  Laelius  and  two  quin-  b.o.  206 
queremes  from  (New)  Carthage.  Using  oars  for  the 
most  part  over  a  calm  sea,  while  at  times  a  gentle 
wind  lent  its  help,  he  crossed  over  to  Africa. ^  It  so 
chanced  that  at  the  very  same  time  Hasdrubal,  who 
had  been  forced  out  of  Spain  and  had  sailed  into  the 
harbour  with  seven  triremes  and  cast  anchor,  was 
bringing  his  ships  to  the  shore  when  the  two  qiiin- 
queremes  were  sighted.  No  one  had  any  doubt  that 
they  belonged  to  the  enemy,  and  that  they  could  be 
surprised  by  superior  numbers  before  they  entered 
the  harbour.  But  they  caused  nothing  more  than 
uproar  and  excitement  both  among  soldiers  and 
sailors,  as  they  made  ready  their  arms  and  ships  all  to 
no  purpose.  For  the  sails,  catching  a  slightly  stronger 
wind  from  the  open  sea,  brought  the  quinqueremes 
into  the  harbour  before  the  Carthaginians  could 
weigh  anchor.  Nor  did  anyone  dare  to  make  further 
disturbance  in  the  king's  harbour.  So  first  Has 
drubal  and  then  Scipio  and  Laelius  disembarked  and 
went  to  the  king.  XVIII.  To  Syphax  it  seemed  a 
splendid  thing — as  indeed  it  was — that  the  generals 
of  the  two  richest  peoples  of  that  time  had  come 
on  the  same  day  to  ask  for  peace  and  friendship 
from  him. 

He  invited  both  of  them  to  be  his  guests,  and  inas 
much  as  chance  had  ordained  that  they  should  be 
under  one  roof  and  in  the  same  dwelling,  he 
tried  to  draw  them  into  a  conference  to  put  an 
end  to  their  quarrels.  Scipio  indeed  stated  that 
neither  as  a  private  citizen  had  he  any  hatred  toward 

^  Probably  to  Siga,  in  Mauretania,  where  Syphax  at  times 
resided;  Pliny  N.H.  V.  19;  Strabo  XVII.  iii.  9;  App. 
Hisp.  29  f. 

75 


LIVY 

esse   quod  conloquendo   finiret,   aut   de   re   publica 
quicquam  se  ^  cum  hoste  agere  iniussu  senatus  posse. 

4  Illud  magno  opere  tendente  rege.  ne  alter  hospitum 
exclusus  mensa  videretur,  ut  in  animum  induceret  ad 
easdem    venire   epulas,  baud  abnuit ;    cenatumque 

5  simul  apud  regem  est ;  eodem  ^  etiam  lecto  Scipio 
at  que  Hasdrubal,  quia  ita  cordi  erat  regi.  accubuerunt. 

6  Tanta  autem  inerat  coniitas  Scipioni  atque  ad  omnia 
naturalis  ingenii  dexteritas  ut  non  Svphacem  mode, 
barbarum  insuet unique  moribus  Romanis,  sed  hostem 
etiam  infestissimum  facunde   adloquendo   sibi   con- 

7  ciliarit.3     Mirabiliorem  *  sibi  eum  ^  congresso  coram 

8  visum  prae  se  ferebat  quam  bello  rebus  gestis,  nee 
dubitare  quin  S^^phax  regnumque  eius  iam  in  Roma- 
norum  essent  potestate ;   eam  artem  illi  viro  ad  con- 

9  ciliandos  animos  esse.  Itaque  non  quo  modo  His- 
paniae  amissae  sint  quaerendum  magis  Carthagi- 
niensibus   esse   quam  quo  modo  Africam  retineant 

10  cogitandum.  Non  peregrinabundum  neque  circa 
amoenas  oras  vagantem  tantum  ducem  Romanum, 
relicta  pro\-incia  novae  dicionis,  relictis  exercitibus, 
duabus  navibus  in  Africam  traiecisse  et  commisisse 
sese  in  hostilem  terram.  in  potestatem  ^  regiam,  in 
fidem    inexpertam,    sed    potiundae    Africae    spem 

11  adfectantem.     Hoc    eum    iam    pridem    volutare    in 

^  quicquam  se  P{S)M^  or  J/'  Aldus  :  se  before  quicquam 
AXJK  Froben  2. 

2  eodem  SpJK  Froben  2,  Conway  :  et  eodem  ^(1)^"^  Aldu^, 
Eds. 

'  conciliarit  Sp?  Froben  2,  Lvchs,  Conicay  :  -aret  P{S)NJK 
Aldus,  Eds. 

*  Mirabiliorem  SpJK  Conway  :   P(1)X  Eds.  add  -que. 

5  eum,  after  this  P{1)X  Aldus,  Eds.  have  virum  :  am. 
SpJK  Froben  2,  Conway. 

76 


BOOK  XXVIII.  XVIII.  3-II 

the  Carthaginian  which  might  be  ended  by  a  confer-  b.c.  206 
ence,  nor  as  regarded  the  state  could  he  treat  with  an 
enemy  without  an  order  from  the  senate.  When  the 
king  kept  insisting  that  he  consent  to  come  to  the  same 
feast  for  fear  one  of  his  guests  should  seem  to  have 
been  excluded  from  his  table,  Scipio  did  not  decline, 
and  they  dined  together  in  the  king's  house.  On  the 
same  couch  even,  since  the  king  would  have  it  so, 
Scipio  and  Hasdrubal  reclined.  Moreover,  such  was 
the  genial  manner  of  Scipio,  such  his  inborn  cleverness 
in  meeting  every  situation,  that  by  his  eloquent  mode 
of  address  he  won  not  Syphax  only,  the  barbarian 
unacquainted  with  Roman  ways,  but  his  own  bitterest 
enemy  as  well.  Hasdrubal  plainly  showed  that  when 
he  met  him  face  to  face,  Scipio  seemed  even  more 
marvellous  than  in  his  achievements  in  war,  and  that 
he  did  not  doubt  Syphax  and  his  kingdom  would  soon 
be  in  the  power  of  the  Romans  ;  such  skill  did  the  man 
possess  in  winning  men  over.^  And  so,  he  said,  it 
was  not  so  essential  for  the  Carthaginians  to  inquire 
how  their  Spanish  provinces  had  been  lost  as  to  con- 
sider how  they  were  still  to  hold  Africa.  It  was  not 
as  a  traveller,  nor  as  one  w^ho  idles  along  beautiful 
shores,  that  so  great  a  Roman  general  had  left  a 
newly  subdued  province,  had  left  his  armies,  and  with 
only  two  ships  had  crossed  over  to  Africa  and  en- 
trusted himself  to  an  enemy's  land,  to  a  king's  power, 
to  a  man's  untested  honour  ;  on  the  contrary  he  was 
cherishing  a  hope  of  conquering  Africa.     It  had  long 

^  A  single  sentence  remains  from  Poly  bins'  account  of  this 
meeting  of  the  three  and  their  conversation  (XI.  xxiv*.  4), 
here  reflected  by  Livy. 

^  in  potestatem  N'{biU   after  Tegiani)A'JK  Aldus,  Froben  : 

77 


animo,  hoc  palam  fremere,  quod  non  quemad- 
modum  Hannibal  in  Italia,  sic  Scipio  in  Africa  bellum 
12  gereret.  Scipio,  foedere  icto  cum  Syphace,  pro- 
fectus  ex  Africa  dubiisque  et  plerumque  saevis  in 
alto  iactatus  ventis  die  quarto  Novae  Carthaginis 
portum  tenuit. 

XIX.  Hispaniae  sicut  a  bello  Punico  quietae  erant, 
ita  quasdam  civitates  propter  conscientiam  culpae 
metu  magis  quam  fide  quietas  esse  apparebat, 
quarum  maxume  insignes  et  magnitudine  et  noxa 

2  Iliturgi  et  Castulo  erant.  Castulo,  cum  prosperis 
rebus  socii  fuissent,  post  caesos  cum  exercitibus 
Scipiones  defecerat  ^  ad  Poenos ;  Iliturgitani  pro- 
dendis  qui  ex  ilia  clade  ad  eos  perfugerant  inter- 

3  ficiendisque  scelus  etiam  defectioni  addiderant.  In 
eos  populos  primo  adventu,  cum  dubiae  Hispaniae 
essent,  merito  magis  quam  utiliter  saevitum  foret ; 

4  tunc  iam  tranquillis  rebus  quia  tempus  expetendae 
poenae  videbatur  venisse,  accitum  ab  Tarracone  L. 
Marcium  cum  tertia  parte  copiarum  ad  Castulonem 
oppugnandum    mittit,    ipse    cum    cetero    exercitu 

5  quintis  fere  ^  ad  Iliturgin  castris  pervenit.     Clausae 

1  defecerat  Sp?JK  Frohen  2  :   -rant  P{\)N. 

2  fere  Jx  :   ferre  P  :   ferme  P*(l)iV  Aldus,  Frohen  :   om.  K. 

^  The  last  previous  mention  of  a  town  of  this  name  was 
XX\'I.  xvii.  4.  That  was  about  175  miles  in  a  straight  line 
from  New  Carthage,  and  in  a  quite  unthinkable  direction  for 
retreating  Romans.  Amtorgis,  where  the  two  brothers 
separated,  cannot  be  identified  (XXV.  xxxii.  5,  9).  Iliturgi 
has  taken  the  place  here  of  a  town  less  well  known,  perhaps 
that  of  Pliny's  Ilorci  (the  rogus  Scipionis,  i.e.  of  Gnaeus,  N.H. 
III.  9;  Ilurgia  in  App.  Hi^p.  32,  Ilourgeia  in  Polybius,  XI. 
xxiv.  .sub.  fin.,  a  fragment  which  seems  to  belong  here,  Dindorf ). 
This  may  be  modern  Lorca,  on  a  tributary  of  the  Tader,  about 
40  miles  west  of  Cartagena ;  so  Ed.  Meyer,  Kl.  Schr.  II.  445  f. 

78 


BOOK  XXVIII.  XVIII.  ii-xix.  5 

been  Scipio's  constant  reflection,  his  open  complaint,  b.c  206 
he  added,  that  he  was  not  waging  war  in  Africa,  as 
Hannibal  was  in  Italy.  Scipio,  after  making  a  treaty 
with  Syphax,  set  sail  from  Africa,  and  tossed  in  open 
sea  by  unsteady  winds,  mostly  violent,  he  reached  the 
harbour  of  New  Carthage  on  the  fourth  day. 

XIX.  Although  the  Spanish  provinces  were  having 
a  respite  from  a  Carthaginian  war,  still  it  was  evident 
that  on  account  of  a  guilty  conscience  certain  states 
were  quiet  out  of  fear  rather  than  because  of  loyalty. 
Most  conspicuous  both  for  size  and  guilt  among  these 
were  Iliturgi  ^  and  Castulo.^  Although  in  favourable 
times  its  citizens  had  been  allies,  Castulo,  after  the 
Scipios  had  been  slain  with  their  armies,  had  revolted 
to  the  Carthaginians.  The  men  of  Iliturgi,  by 
betraying  and  slaying  those  who  from  that  disaster 
had  fled  to  them  for  refuge,  had  added  a  crime  also 
to  their  reVolt.  On  Scipio's  first  coming,  when  the 
•Spanish  provinces  were  wavering,  vengeance  upon 
those  states  would  have  been  deserved  but  not  politic. 
Now,  however,  since  in  a  time  of  peace  the  moment 
for  exacting  the  penalty  seemed  to  have  arrived,  he 
summoned  Lucius  Marcius  from  Tarraco  and  sent 
him  with  a  third  of  his  forces  to  lay  siege  to  Castulo. 
He  himself  with  the  rest  of  the  army  reached  Iliturgi 
in  about  five  stages.     The  gates  had  been  closed  and 

and  Schulten  in  Hermes  LXIII.  288  If.  Or  possibly  Lorqui 
on  the  Tader,  35  miles  north-west  of  Cartagena ;  so  Scullard, 
143.     Cf.  Cambridge  Ancient  History  VIII.  90. 

2  Cf.  xiii.  4;  XXIV.  xli.  7.  Here  App.  I.e.  has  Castax. 
unknown  and  an  improbable  form,  but  accepted  by  Scullard, 
144  and  Hallward  in  C.A.H.  I.e.  Any  argument  for  rejecting 
Castulo  is  less  cogent  than  in  the  case  of  Iliturgi.  We  may 
have  our  doubts,  however,  about  an  advance  so  far  to  the  west 
unsupported  except  by  the  annalistic  tradition.  Cf.  Kahr- 
stedt  in  Meltzer,  Geschichte  der  Karthager  III.  495  ff. 

79 


LIVY 

erant  portae  omniaque  instructa  et  parata  ad  oppug- 
nationem  arcendam  ;  adeo  conscientia  quid  se  meritos 

6  scirent  pro  indicto  eis  bello  fuerat.  Hinc  et  hortari 
milites  Scipio  orsus  est :  ipsos  claudendo  portas 
indicasse  Hispanos  quid  ut  timerent  meriti  essent. 
Itaque  multo  infestioribus  animis  cum  eis  quam  cum 

7  Carthaginiensibus  bellum  gerendum  esse ;  quippe 
cum  illis  prope  sine  ira  de  imperio  et  gloria  certari, 
ab   his   perfidiae   et   crudelitatis   et   sceleris   poenas 

8  expetendas  esse.  Venisse  ^  tempus  quo  et  nefandam 
commilitonum  necem  et  in  semet  ipsos,  si  eodem  fuga 
delati  forent,  instructam  fraudem  ^  ulciscerentur,  et 
in  omne  tempus  gravi  documento  sancirent  ne  quis 
umquam  Romanum  civem  militemve  ^  in  ulla  fortuna 
opportunum  iniuriae  duceret. 

9  Ab  hac  cohortatione  ducis  incitati  scalas  electis 
per  manipulos  viris  dividunt,  partitoque  exercitu  ita 
ut  parti  alteri  Laelius  praeesset  legatus,  duobus  simul 

10  locis  ancipiti  terrore  urbem  adgrediuntur.  Non  dux* 
unus  aut  plures  principes  oppidanos.,  sed  suus  ipsorum 
ex  ^    conscientia    culpae    metus    ad    defendendam 

11  inpigre  urbem  hortatur.     Et  meminerant  et  admone 
bant  alii  alios  ^  supplicium  ex  se,  non  victoriam  peti ; 
ubi  quisque  mortem  oppeteret,  id  referre,  utrum  in 
pugna  et  in  acie,  ubi  NIars  communis  et  victum  saepe 

1  esse.     Venisse   Sp?N*JK  Froben  -2,  Eds.  {with  evenisse 
Aldus) :  sevenisse  P  :   evenisse  P^{1)X  Conicay  :   venisse  X^. 

2  fraudem    X'JK    Aldus,    Froben  :     tradem    P  :     stragem 
P2(3).V. 

3  -ve    C Aldus,   Frobev,    Eds.:     vel   P[\)X  :     -que    X'JK 
Conway. 

*  ex  Sp?X'JK  Froben  2  :  om.  P{1).V  Aldus. 
^  alii  alios  x  Sigonius,  Madvig  :   alios  P{\)X  Aldxis,  Froben 
Eds.  :   om.  JK. 

8o 


BOOK  XXVIII.  XIX.  5-1 1 

everything  disposed  and  prepared  to  resist  an  attack,  b.c.  206 
So  true  was  it  that  consciousness  of  what  they  knew 
they  had  deserved  had  meant  as  much  for  them  as  a 
declaration  of  war.  With  this  point  also  Scipio 
opened  his  speech  of  encouragement  to  his  soldiers, 
saying  that  the  Spaniards  by  closing  their  gates  had 
themselves  shown  what  they  had  deserved  to  fear. 
Consequently,  he  said,  they  must  wage  war  against 
them  with  much  more  animosity  than  against  the 
Carthaginians.  With  these  it  was  a  contest  almost 
devoid  of  anger  in  pursuit  of  power  and  glory  ;  from 
the  Iliturgians  they  must  exact  the  penalty  for 
treachery  and  cruelty  and  crime.  The  time  had  come 
for  them  to  avenge  the  atrocious  slaughter  of  their 
comrades  and  the  perfidy  which  would  have  been 
brought  to  bear  against  themselves  if  in  flight  they 
had  reached  the  same  city.  It  was  time  also  for 
them  by  a  severe  example  to  ordain  that  no  one  should 
ever  account  a  Roman  citizen  or  soldier  in  any  mis- 
fortune as  fair  game  for  ill  treatment. 

Immediately  after  this  exhortation  from  their 
general  the  officers,  thoroughly  aroused,  issued 
ladders  to  men  picked  out  of  one  maniple  after 
another,  and  dividing  the  army  so  that  Laelius  as 
lieutenant  should  command  one  half,  they  attacked 
the  city  in  two  places  at  the  same  time,  causing  a 
double  alarm.  It  was  not  a  single  commander  or  a 
number  of  leading  men  that  urged  the  citizens 
gallantly  to  defend  the  city,  but  their  own  fear  due 
to  consciousness  of  guilt.  They  remembered  and 
reminded  one  another  also  that  the  aim  was  their 
punishment,  not  victory ;  that  when  every  man 
perished  what  mattered  most  was  whether  he  did  so 
in  battle  and  in  the  line,  where  the  fortune  of  the  fray, 

81 


LIVY 

12  erigeret  et  adfligeret  victorem,  an  postmodo,  cremata  - 
et  diruta  urbe,  ante  ora  captarum  coniugum  libero- 
rumque,  inter  verbera  et  Wncula,  omnia  foeda  atque 

13  indigna  passi  exspirarent.  Igitur  non  militaris  modo 
aetas  aut  \'iri  tantura,  sed  feminae  puerique  super  ^ 
animi  corporisque  vires  adsunt,  propugnantibus  ^ 
tela  ministrant,  saxa  in  muros  munientibus  gerunt- 

14  Non  libertas  solum  agebatur.  quae  virorum  fortium 
tantum  pectora  acuit,  sed  ultima  omnibus  ^  supplicia 
et  foeda  mors  ob  oculos  erat.  Accendebantur  animi 
et  certamine  laboris  ac  periculi  atque  ipso  inter  se 

15  conspectu.  Itaque  tanto  ardore  certamen  initum  est 
ut  domitor  ille  totius  Hispaniae  exercitus  ab  unius 
oppidi  iuventute  saepe  repulsus  a  muris  baud  satis 

16  decoro  proelio  trepidaret.*  Id  ubi  vidit  Scipio. 
veritus  ne  vanis  tot  ^  conatibus  suorum  et  hostibus  ^ 
cresceret  animus  et  segnior  miles  fieret,  sibimet 
conandum  ac  partem  periculi  capessendam  e<^se  ratus, 
increpita  ignavia  militum  ferri  scalas  iubet  et  se  ipsum, 

17  si  ceteri  cunctentur,  escensurum  minatur.  lam 
subierat  baud  mediocri  periculo  moenia,  cum  clamor 
undique  ab  sollicitis  vicem  imperatoris  militibus 
sublatus,    scalaeque    multis     simul     partibus     erigi 

18  coeptae;  et   ex  altera   parte  Laelius  institit.     Tum 

^  super  P[l)XJK  :   supra  Aldus,  Froben. 

2  propugnantibus   JK   Aldus,   Froben,   Luchs   (obp-    .V';  . 
pugnantibus  P{\)N  Eds.,  Conxcay. 

3  omnibus  JK  Aldus,  Froben,  Riemann,  Conway  :   omnium 
P{l)X  Eds. 

*  trepidaret  P(1)X  Aldus  :  -darit  SpK  Froben  2  :   -dant  J. 
5  tot  SpX'JK  Froben  2  :   am.  P{l)X  AMvs. 

*  suorum  et  hostibus  om.  Spz. 

82 


BOOK  XXVIII.  XIX.  11-18 

making  no  distinctions,  often  lifted  up  the  defeated  b.c.  206 
and  dashed  down  the  victor,  or  whether  later,  when 
their  city  was  in  ashes  and  ruins,  there  before  the 
faces  of  their  captured  wives  and  children,  after 
enduring  every  outrage  and  indignity,  they  breathed 
their  last  under  the  scourge  and  in  chains.  Accord- 
ingly not  merely  those  of  military  age  or  men  alone, 
but  women  and  children  also  helped  beyond  their 
powers  of  mind  and  body,  bringing  up  weapons  for 
the  fighting  men  and  carrying  stones  for  the  builders 
up  to  the  wall.  The  stake  was  not  freedom  only, 
which  whets  the  courage  of  brave  men  alone,  but 
^all  had  before  their  eyes  extreme  penalties  and  a 
hideous  death.  Bravery  was  kindled  by  emulation 
in  toil  and  danger  and  by  the  mere  sight  of  one 
another.  And  so  the  battle  was  begun  with  such 
heat  that  that  famous  army,  the  conqueror  of  all 
Spain,  was  repeatedly  beaten  back  from  the  walls  by 
the  young  men  of  a  single  town  and  thrown  into 
disorder  in  an  inglorious  battle.  When  Scipio  saw 
this,  he  was  afraid  that,  owing  to  so  many  vain  at- 
tempts made  by  his  men,  the  enemy's  spirits  might  be 
cheered  and  his  own  soldiers  lose  heart.  Thinking 
that  he  must  himself  make  the  attempt  and  claim 
a  share  in  the  danger,  he  berated  the  soldiers  for  their 
cowardice,  ordered  ladders  to  be  brought  up,  and 
threatened  that  if  the  rest  hesitated  he  would  climb 
up  himself.  Already  at  no  small  risk  ^  he  had  come 
close  to  the  walls  when  from  all  sides  an  outcry  was 
made  by  the  soldiers,  who  were  concerned  for  their 
commander  and  began  to  set  up  ladders  in  many 
places  at  the  same  time ;  and  on  the  other  side 
Laelius  pressed  the  attack.     Then  the  resistance  of 

^  App.  Hiaji.  32  has  him  wounded;  Zonaras  IX.  x.  2. 

83 


LR-Y 

\-icta  oppidanorum  vis,  deiectisque  propugnatoribus 
occupantur  muri. 

Arx  etiam  ab  ea  parte  qua  ^  inexpugnabilis  vide- 
batur  inter  tumultum  capta  est.     XX.  Transfugae     ^j, 
Afri,  qui  turn  inter  auxilia  Romana  erant,  et  oppidanis     jjj,, 

2  in  ea  tuenda  unde  periculum  Wdebatur  versis  et  ^]^ 
Romanis  subeuntibus  ^  .  .  .  qua  adire  poterant, 
conspexerunt  editissimam  urbis  partem,  quia  ^  jj,^ 
rupe  praealta  tegebatur,  neque  opere  ullo  munitam  et     ^ 

3  ab  defensoribus  vacuam,     Levium  corporum  homines 
et  multa  exercitatione  pernicium,  clavos  secum  ferreos     ^ 
portantes,  qua  per  inaequaliter  eminentia  rupis  pote-      i' 

4  rant  scandunt.  Sicubi  nimis  arduum  et  leve  saxum  ^  j^j^ 
occurrebat,  clavos  per  modica  intervalla  figentes  cum  „ 
velut  gradus  fecissent,  primi  insequentes  *  extra-  ^ij^ 
hentes  manu,  postremi  sublevantes  eos  qui  prae  se 

5  irent,^  in  summum  evadunt.     Inde   decurrunt   cum 

6  clamore  in  urbem  iam  captam  ab  Romanis.  Tum  • 
vero  apparuit  ab  ira  et  ab  odio  urbem  oppugnatam  n 
esse.  Nemo  capiendi  vivos,  nemo  patentibus  ad 
direptionem  omnibus  praedae  memor  est ;  trucidant 
inermes  iuxta  atque  armatos,  feminas  pariter  ac 
viros ;    usque  ad  infantium  caedem  ira  crudelis  per-     ji 

7  venit.     Ignem  deinde  tectis  iniciunt  ac  diruunt  quae 
incendio   absumi   nequeunt ;    adeo   vestigia   quoque 

w 
qua  F'ynAN  Aldus,  Eds.  :   quae  P{3}R^SpJK  Froben  2.       j, 

2  subeuntibus, /o?Zoue(/  by  s.c.  tr.  in  P{S)X,  the  meaningless      " 
abbreviation   apparently    representing   something    unintelligible 
in  P's  archetype.     Aldus  supplied  sealis  moenia,  Alschefski, 
contra.  jul 

^  quia   Sp?   Froben    2,    Lucks,    Conway :     quae   P{\)NJK 
Aldus,  Eds.  . 

*  insequentes  [or  -is)  Sp^X'JK  Froben    2  :    sequentis  {or      ^^ 
-tes)  P{\}N  Aldus. 

84 


BOOK  XXVIII.  XIX.  18-XX.  7 

the  to"vvnsmen  was  broken  and,  once  the  defenders  b.c.  206 
had  been  dislodged,  the  walls  were  occupied. 

The  citadel  also  in  the  midst  of  the  confusion  was 
captured  from  the  side  on  which  it  appeared  to  be 
impregnable.  XX.  African  deserters,  who  w^ere  at 
that  time  in  the  Roman  auxiliaries,  just  when  the 
townsmen  had  turned  to  the  defence  of  places  where 
the  danger  was  evident,  while  at  the  same  time  the 
Romans  kept  coming  up  .  .  .  by  any  possible 
approach,  caught  sight  of  a  very  lofty  part  of  the 
city  lacking  any  kind  of  fortifications,  lacking 
defenders  as  well,  because  it  was  protected  by  a  very 
high  cliff.  Men  of  light  build  and  nimble,  thanks  to 
much  training,  they  carried  iron  spikes  A\'ith  them  and 
climbed  up  wherever  they  could  over  the  irregular 
projections  of  the  cliff.  Wherever  they  encountered 
rock  too  steep  and  smooth,  by  driving  in  spikes  at 
suitable  intervals  they  made  something  like  steps. 
Then  while  the  first  men  with  their  hands  drew  up 
those  who  followed  and  the  last  pushed  up  those 
ahead  of  them,  they  made  their  way  up  to  the 
summit.  Thence  they  dashed  down  with  a  shout  into 
the  city  already  captured  by  the  Romans.  It  was 
then  in  truth  evident  that  the  city  had  been  attacked 
out  of  anger  and  hatred.  No  one  thought  of  taking 
men  alive,  no  one  thought  of  booty,  although  every 
place  was  open  for  plunder.  They  slaughtered  the 
unarmed  and  the  armed  alike,  women  as  well 
as  men ;  cruel  anger  went  even  so  far  as  to  slay 
infants.  Then  they  threw  firebrands  into  houses  and 
demohshed  what  could  not  be  consumed  by  the 
flames.     So  delighted  were  they  to  destroy  even  the 

•^  prae  se  irent  SpPN'JK  Froben  2  :  praeirent  P{\)N  Aldus. 

85 


urbis  exstinguere  ac  delere  memoriam  hostium  sedis 
cordi  est. 

8  Castulonem  inde  Scipio  exercitum  ducit,  quam 
urbem  non  Hispani  modo  convenae,  sed  Punici  etiam 
exercitus  ex  dissipata  passim  fuga  reliquiae  tutaban- 

9  tur.  Sed  adventum  Scipionis  praevenerat  fama  cladis 
Iliturgitanorum,    terrorque     inde  ^     ac     desperatio 

10  invaserat ;  et  in  diversis  causis  cum  sibi  quisque  con- 
sultum  sine  alterius  respectu  vellet,  primo  tacita 
suspicio,  deinde  aperta  discordia  secessionem  inter 

11  Carthaginienses  atque  Hispanos  fecit.  His  Cerdu- 
belus,  propalam  deditionis  auctor,  Himilco  Punicis 
auxiliaribus    praeerat ;     quos    urbemque    clam    fide 

12  accepta  Cerdubelus  Romano  prodit.  Mitior  ea 
\dctoria  fuit ;  nee  tantundem  noxae  admissum  erat,  et 
aliquantum  irae  lenierat  voluntaria  deditio. 

XXI.  Marcius  inde  in  barbaros,  si  qui  nondum 
perdomiti  erant,  sub  ius  dicionemque  redigendos  mis- 
sus. Scipio  Carthaginem  ad  vota  solvenda  deis  mu- 
nusque  gladiatorium,  quod  mortis  causa  patris  patrui- 

2  que  paraverat,  edendum  rediit.  Gladiatorum  spec- 
taculum  fuit  non  ex  eo  genere  hominum  ex  quo  lanistis 
comparare  mos  est,  serv'orum  de  catasta  ac  liberorum  ^ 
qui  venalem  sanguinem  habent :   voluntaria  omnis  et 

3  gratuita  opera  pugnantium  fuit.  Nam  alii  missi  ab  re- 
gulis  sunt  ad  specimen  insitae  genti  virtutis  osten- 

^  inde  Sp? J K  Froben  2:   deinde  P{l)N  Aldus. 

~  de  catasta  ac  liberorum,  corrected  by   Ursinus  {but  with 
aut)  from  de  causa  ac  liberorum  of  SpN*  (-torum  J  :   -tinonim 
K):    ac  liberorum  Weis^enbom:  07n.P{l)N,  one  line-,  followed 
by  Gronovius,  with  qui ve /or  qui. 
86 


BOOK  XXVIII.  XX.  7  XXI.  3 

traces  of  the  city  and  to  blot  out  the  memory  of  b.c.  206 
their  enemies*  abode. 

Scipio  then  led  his  army  to  Castulo,  a  city  defended 
not  only  by  Spaniards  from  other  places  but  also  by 
remnants  of  the  Carthaginian  army  after  a  scattering 
flight  in  every  direction.  But  Scipio 's  coming  had 
been  preceded  by  a  report  of  the  disaster  at  Iliturgi, 
and  in  consequence  alarm  and  despair  had  taken 
possession.  Also  as  their  interests  were  different, 
since  everyone  wished  to  be  safeguarded  himself 
without  regard  to  any  one  else,  at  first  unexpressed 
suspicion,  then  open  discord  produced  a  separation 
between  Carthaginians  and  Spaniards.  The  latter 
were  commanded  by  Cerdubelus,  an  open  advocate  of 
surrender,  the  Punic  auxiliaries  by  Himilco.  After 
receiving  a  secret  promise  Cerdubelus  betrayed  gar- 
rison and  city  to  the  Roman  commander.  More  mer- 
ciful was  this  victory.  Not  so  serious  a  crime  had 
been  committed  and  voluntary  surrender  had  greatly 
appeased  their  anger. 

XXI.  Marcius  was  thereupon  sent  to  bring  under 
Roman  sway  and  authority  any  barbarians  who  had 
not  yet  been  thoroughly  subdued.  Scipio  returned  to 
(New)  Carthage  to  pay  his  vows  to  the  gods  and  to 
conduct  the  gladiatorial  show  which  he  had  prepared 
in  honour  of  his  deceased  father  and  uncle.  The 
exhibition  of  gladiators  was  not  made  up  from  the 
class  of  men  which  managers  are  in  the  habit  of 
pitting  against  each  other,  that  is,  slaves  sold  on  the 
platform  and  free  men  who  are  ready  to  sell  their  lives. 
In  every  case  the  service  of  the  men  who  fought  was 
voluntary  and  without  compensation.  For  some  were 
sent  by  their  chieftains  to  display  an  example  of  the 
courage  inbred  in  their  tribe ;  some  declared  on  their 

87 


LIVY 

4  dendum,  alii  ipsi  professi  se  pugnaturos  in  gratiam 
ducis,  alios  aemulatio  et  certamen,  ut  provocarent 

5  provocative  ^  haud  abnuerent  traxit ;  quidam  quas 
disceptando  controversias  finire  nequierant  aut  no- 
luerant,  pacto  ^  inter  se  ut  victorem  res  sequeretur, 

6  ferro  decreverunt.  Xeque  obscuri  generis  homines 
sed  clari  inlustresque,  Corbis  et  Orsua,  patrueles 
fratres,  de  principatu  ci\-itatis  quam  Ibem  vocabant 

7  ambigentes,  ferro  se  certaturos  professi  sunt.  Corbis 
maior  erat  aetate :  Orsuae  pater  princeps  proxime 
fuerat,  a  fratre  niaiore  post  mortem  eius  principatu 

8  accepto.  Cum  verbis  disceptare  Scipio  vellet  ac 
sedare  iras,  negatum  id  ambo  dicere  cognatis  com- 
munibus.  nee  alium  deorum  hominumve  quam  Mar- 

9  tem  se  iudicem  habituros  esse.  Robore  maior,  minor 
flore  aetatis  ferox.  mortem  in  certamine  quam  ut  alter 
alterius  imperio  subiceretur  praeoptantes,  cum  dirimi 
ab  tanta  rabie  nequirent,  insigne  spectaculum  exer- 
citui  praebuere  documentumque  quantum  cupiditas 

10  imperii  malum  inter  mortales  esset.  Maior  usu 
armorum  et  astu  facile  stolidas  vires  minoris  superavit. 
Huic  gladiatorum  spectaculo  ludi  funebres  additi  pro 
copia  provinciali  et  castrensi  apparatu. 

XXII.  Res  interim  nihilo  minus  ab  legatis  gere- 
bantur.  Marcius  superato  Baete  amni.  quem  incolae 
Certim  appellant,  duas  opulentas  ci\'itates  sine  cer- 

1  -ve  P(l)N  Aldus  :    -que  Sp?JK  Frohen  2. 

2  pacto  P{l)XSp?JK  Froben  2  :  pacti  x  Aldus,  Madvig, 
Riemann. 


*  Only  here,  site  unknown,  unless  it  be  Ibi,  12  miles  north- 
north-west  of  Alicante  (Castrum  Album,  XXIV.  xli.  3). 
-  Another  local  name  was  Perces;   Steph.  Byz.  156.  9. 


BOOK  XXVIII.  XXI.  3-xxii.  i 

own  motion  that  they  would  fight  to  please  the  b.c.  206 
general ;  in  other  cases  rivalry  and  the  desire  to 
compete  led  them  to  challenge  or,  if  challenged,  not 
to  refuse.  Some  who  had  been  unable  or  unwilling 
to  end  their  differences  by  a  legal  hearing,  after 
agreeing  that  the  disputed  property  should  fall  to  the 
victor,  settled  the  matter  with  the  sword.  Men  also 
of  no  obscure  family  but  conspicuous  and  distin- 
guished, Corbis  and  Orsua,  being  cousins  and  com- 
peting for  the  post  of  chief  of  a  city  called  Ibes,^ 
declared  that  they  would  contend  with  the  sword. 
Corbis  was  the  older  in  years.  Orsua's  father  had 
lately  been  chief,  having  succeeded  to  an  elder 
brother's  rank  upon  his  death.  When  Scipio 
desired  to  settle  the  question  by  a  hearing  and  to 
calm  their  anger,  they  both  said  they  had  refused 
that  request  to  their  common  relatives,  and  that  they 
were  to  have  as  their  judge  no  other  god  or  man  than 
Mars.  The  older  man  was  confident  in  his  strength, 
the  younger  in  the  bloom  of  his  youth,  each  pre- 
ferring death  in  the  combat  rather  than  to  be  subject 
to  the  rule  of  the  other.  Since  they  could  not  be 
made  to  give  up  such  madness,  they  furnished  the 
army  a  remarkable  spectacle,  demonstrating  how 
great  an  evil  among  mortals  is  the  ambition  to  rule. 
The  older  man  by  his  skill  with  arms  and  by  his 
cunning  easily  mastered  the  brute  strength  of  the 
younger.  In  addition  to  this  gladiatorial  show  there 
were  funeral  games  so  far  as  the  resources  of  the 
province  and  camp  equipment  permitted. 

XXII.  Meantime  operations  were  carried  on  no  less 
actively  by  the  lieutenants.  Marcius  after  crossing 
the  river  Baetis,  which  the  inhabitants  call  Certis,^ 
accepted  the  surrender  of  two  rich  cities  without  an 

89 


2  tamine  in  deditionem  accepit.  Astapa  urbs  erat,^ 
Carthaginiensium  semper  partis ;  neque  id  tam  dig- 
num  ira   erat   quam   quod   extra   necessitates   belli 

3  praecipuum  in  Romanes  gerebant  odium.  Nee  urbem 
aut  situ  aut  munimento  tutam  habebant  quae  fero- 
ciores  iis  animos  faceret ;  sed  ingenia  incolarum  latro- 
cinio  laeta  ut  excursiones  in  finitimum  agrum  socio- 
rum  populi  Romani  facerent  impulerant  et  vagos 
milites  Romanos  lixasque  et  mercatores  exciperent. 

4  Magnum  etiam  comitatum,  quia  paucis  parum  tutum 
fuerat,  transgredientem  fines  positis  insidiis  circum- 

5  ventum  iniquo  loco  interfecerant.^  Ad  banc  urbem 
oppugnandam  cum  admotus  exercitus  esset,  oppidani 
conscientia  scelerum,  quia  nee  deditio  tuta  ad  tam 
infestos  videbatur,  neque  spes  moenibus  aut  armis 
tuendae  salutis  erat,  facinus  in  se  ac  suos  foedum  ac 

6  ferum  consciscunt.  Locum  in  foro  destinant  quo 
prfttiosissima  rerum  suarum  congererent.  Super  eum 
cumulum  coniuges  ac  liberos  considere  cum  iussissent, 
ligna  circa  exstruunt  ^  fascesque  \-irgultorum  coni- 

7  ciunt.  Quinquaginta  deinde  armatis  iuvenibus  prae- 
cipiunt  ut,  donee  incertus  eventus  pugnae  esset, 
praesidium  eo  loco  fortunarum  suarum  corporumque 

8  quae  cariora  fortunis  essent  servarent ;  si  rem 
inclinatam  viderent  atque  in  eo  iam  esse  ut  urbs 
caperetur,  scirent   omnes   quos   euntes   in  proelium 

1  BTSit  X'JK  Aldus,  Frohen  :  om.  P{l)N. 

'  int-erfecerant  Sp?  Frohen  2  :    -erunt  P{1)XJK  Aldus. 

3  exstruunt  A^?X'  or  XUK  Ed.s.  :   extrui  (or  exst-)  P{l)X. 


^  Ostippo  in  Pliny  N.H.  III.  12  and  inscriptions;  now 
Estepa,  70  miles  east-south-east  of  Seville.  App.  Hisp.  33 
retells  the  tale. 

90 


BOOK  XXVIII.  XXII.  1-8 

engagement.  There  was  the  city  of  Astapa,^  always  b.o. 
on  the  side  of  the  Carthaginians  ;  and  this  did  not  so 
much  justify  anger  as  that  they  bore  a  particular 
hatred  against  the  Romans  over  and  abov^  the  exi- 
gencies of  war.  Nor  did  they  have  sfe-^ty  secure 
either  by  reason  of  its  situation  or  fortifications  to 
make  them  over-confident.  But  their  natural  delight 
in  brigandage  had  impelled  the  inhabitants  to  make 
raids  into  adjoining  territory  of  allies  of  the  Roman 
people  and  to  capture  stray  Roman  soldiers  and  sutlers 
and  merchants.  Even  a  caravan — large  because 
there  had  been  too  little  safety  for  small  numbers — 
crossing  their  territory  had  been  entrapped  in  an  un- 
favourable spot  by  an  ambuscade  and  cut  to  pieces. 
When  the  army  had  been  brought  up  to  lay  siege  to 
this  city,  the  men  of  the  town,  prompted  by  a  guilty 
conscience,  because  neither  surrender  to  an  enemy 
so  incensed  seemed  safe  nor  was  there  any  hope  of 
defending  their  lives  by  walls  and  arms,  resolved 
to  carry  out  against  themselves  and  their  families  a 
brutal  and  barbarous  act.^  A  spot  in  the  market- 
place was  selected  where  they  were  to  bring  together 
their  most  valuable  possessions.  Having  ordered 
their  wives  and  children  to  sit  down  upon  that  heap 
they  piled  up  wood  all  around  and  threw  on  bundles 
of  brush.  They  then  instructed  fifty  armed  young 
men  to  keep  guard  at  that  place,  so  long  as  the  issue 
of  the  battle  was  uncertain,  over  their  treasures  and 
over  persons  that  were  dearer  than  treasures.  If 
they  should  see  that  the  battle  had  gone  against  them 
and  the  city  was  on  the  point  of  being  captured,  they 
were  to  know  that  all  those  whom  they  now  saw 

2  Cf.  XXI.  xiv,  the  similar  conduct  of  the  Saguntines,  and 
XXXI.  xvii,  Abydus;   cf.  Polybius  XVI.  xxxi.  fif. 

91 


LIVY 

9  cemerent  mortem  in  ipsa  pugna  obituros ;  illos  se 
per  deos  superos  inferosque  orare  ut  memores  liber- 
tatis,  quae  illo  die  aut  morte  honesta  aut  servitute 
infami    finienda    esset,    nihil   relinquerent    in    quod 

10  saevire  iratus  hostis  posset.  Ferrum  ignemque  in 
manibus  esse ;  amicae  ac  fideles  potius  ea  quae 
peritura    forent  ^    absumerent    manus    quam    insul- 

11  tarent  superbo  ludibrio  hostes.  His  adhortationibus 
exsecratio  dira  adiecta.  si  quern  a  proposito  spes  moUi- 
tiave  animi  flexisset. 

Inde  concitato  agmine  patentibus  portis  ingenti 

12  cum  tumultu  erumpunt.  Xeque  erat  ulla  satis  firma 
statio  opposita.  quia  nihil  minus  quam  ut  ^  egredi 
obsessi  ^  moenibus  auderent  timeri  poterat.  Per- 
paucae  equitum  turmae  levisque  armatura  repente 

13  e  castris  ad  id  ipsum  emissa  occurrit.  Acrior  impetu 
atque  animis  quam  compositior  uUo  ordine  **  pugna 
fuit.  Itaque  pulsus  eques  qui  primus  se  hosti 
obtulerat  terrorem  intulit  levi  armaturae ;  pugna- 
tumque  sub  ipso  vallo  foret,  ni  robur  legionum  per- 
exiguo  ad  instruendum  dato  tempore  aciem  direxis- 

14  set.  Ibi  quoquetrepidatumparumper  circa  signa  est, 
cum  caeci  furore  in  volnera  ac  ferrum  vecordi  audacia 
ruerent ;  dein  vet  us  miles,  adversus  temerarios  im- 
petus pertinax,  caede  ^  primorum  insequentes  sup- 

^  forent  Jx  Frohen  2  :  fuerant  K  :  essent  Pil)X  Aldus. 

2  ut  P{l)yJK  Eds.,  Conway :  ne  Madvig,  Luchs,  M. 
Mailer. 

'  obsessi  Weissenborn  :  posset  P(^jX  :  hostes  Jac.  Grono- 
rp/?,  Johnson  :  am.  CA*  or  A^.JK  Aldus,  Frohen,  Eds.,  Comvay. 

*  ullo  ordine  P(\)XK  Aldus:  ordine  ullo  J  Frozen  2, 
Con  way. 

*  caede,  following  this  word  P{l)X  have  a  long  misplaced 
passage  which  begins  at  our  chapter  xxxvii.  9  (conscriptis)  and 
extends  to  XXIX.  i.  24  (imperio).  The  dislocation  was  noted  by 
later  hands  an^l  corrected  in  H.J K  from  Sp  {see  p.  212,  n.  .3). 

92 


BOOK  XXVIII.  XXII.  8-14 

marching  out  to  battle  would  meet  death  where  they  b.c.  206 
were  fighting.  They  implored  them,  they  said,  by 
the  gods  above  and  below  to  remember  the  freedom 
which  must  be  brought  to  an  end  that  day  either  by 
an  honourable  death  or  an  infamous  slavery,  and 
leave  nothing  upon  which  an  angry  enemy  might  vent 
his  fury.  Sword  and  firebrand  were  in  their  hands ; 
let  friendly  and  loyal  hands  destroy  all  that  was 
doomed  to  perish,  rather  th^^n  have  the  enemy  offer 
indignities  with  insolent  mockery.  To  these  ex- 
hortations they  added  a  dreadful  curse,  in  case 
hope  or  weakness  of  character  should  turn  any  one 
from  their  purpose. 

Then  at  the  double  they  burst  out  of  wide-opei. 
gates  with  a  great  uproar.  And  no  outpost  in 
sufficient  strength  had  been  stationed  to  face  them, 
since  nothing  less  could  be  feared  than  that  the 
besieged  should  venture  to  sally  out  from  the  walls. 
A  very  few  troops  of  cavalry  and  such  light-armed 
infantry  as  were  suddenly  sent  out  of  the  camp  for 
that  very  purpose  encountered  them.  The  battle 
was  fierce  in  courageous  onslaught  rather  than 
regular  in  any  formation.  Accordingly  the  horse- 
men who  had  been  the  first  to  confront  the  enemy 
were  beaten  back  and  brought  panic  to  the  light- 
armed.  The  fighting  would  also  have  been  directly 
outside  the  earthwork  had  not  the  heavy  legionary 
infantry  drawn  up  their  line  of  battle  in  spite  of  the 
very  short  time  given  them  to  form.  Even  there  for 
a  short  time  there  was  some  alarm  in  the  front  line, 
while  men  blinded  by  frenzy  dashed  on  to  meet 
wounds  and  steel  with  mad  recklessness.  Then 
the  veteran  soldiers,  steadfast  against  rash  attacks, 
by  slaying  the  first  men  checked  those  who  followed. 

93 


LIVY 

15  pressit.  Conatus  paulo  post  ultro  inferre  pedem,  ut 
neminem  cedere  atque  obstinates  mori  in  vestigio 
quemque  suo  vidit,  patefacta  acie,  quod  ut  facere 
posset  multitude  armatorum  facile  suppeditabat, 
cornua  hostium  amplexus,  in  orbem  pugnantes  ad 
unum  omnes  occidit. 

XXIII.  Atque  haec  tamen  caedes  ab  impetu  ^ 
hostium  iratorum  ac  tum  maxime  dimicantium  iure  ^ 

2  belli  in  armatos  repugnantesque  edebatur ;  ^  foedior 
alia  in  urbe  trucidatio  erat,  cum  turbam  feminarum 
puerorumque  inbellem  inermemque  *  cives  sui 
caederent  et  in  succensum  rogum  semianima  pleraque 
inicerent  corpora,  rivique  sanguinis  flammam  orientem 
restinguerent ;  postremo  ipsi,  caede  miseranda 
suorum    fatigati,    cum    armis    medio    incendio    se 

3  iniecerunt.  lam  caedi  perpetratae  victores  Roman! 
supervenerunt.     Ac    primo    conspectu    tam    foedae 

4  rei  mirabundi  parumper  obstupuerunt ;  dein  cum 
aurum  argentumque  cumulo  rerum  aliarum  inter- 
fulgens  ^  aviditate  ingenii  humani  rapere  ex  igni 
vellent,  con-epti  alii  flamma  sunt,  alii  ambusti  adflatu 
vaporis,    cum    receptus    primis    urgente    ab    tergo 

5  ingenti  ^  turba  non  esset.  Ita  Astapa  sine  praeda 
militum  ferro  ignique  absumpta  est.     Marcius  ceteris 

^  caedes  ab  impetu,  supplied  here  by  M.  Miiller  :  Weissen- 
born  supplied  vis  et  impetus  after  dimicantium  [uith  edebant) ; 
Madvig,  odium  {ivith  edebat) ;  Johnson  and  Conimy,  in  morem 
after  iratorum  {and  with  edebantur).  Something  is  lacking 
in  P{l)XJK  Aldus,  Froben. 

*  iure  belli  in  armatos  re-  om.  P{1}N,  one  line,  found  in 
A'N'JK  Aldus,  Froben. 

=»  edebatur  JK  :  -bantur  MK-i'X'  Aldus,  Froben  :  -ba  P  : 
-bam  CRMBD  :   -bant  C^AX. 

*  -que  ^(1)^"^  AVlns  :   om.  SpJK  Froben  2,  Conway. 

5  interfulgens  S'{altem.)  JK  Eds.  :   interfluens  P(1)A^. 

94 


BOOK  XXVIII.  XXII.  14-xxin.  5 

A  little  later,  venturing  to  take  the  offensive,  when  b.c.  206 
they  saw  no  one  giving  way  and  every  man  resolutely 
dying  in  his  tracks,  they  extended  their  line,  as 
superior  numbers  of  armed  men  made  it  possible  for 
them  to  do,  outflanked  the  enemy,  and  as  they  fought 
in  circular  formation  slew  them  to  the  last  man. 

XXIII.  Such  slaughter,  however,  arose  from  the 
attack  of  a  furious  enemy,  fighting  at  that  moment 
according  to  the  law  of  war  against  armed  men 
resisting.  More  horrible  was  another  butchery 
within  the  city,  when  their  own  citizens  were  slaying 
an  unai-med,  unresisting  throng  of  women  and  children 
and  throwing  bodies,  very  often  only  half-dead,  upon 
a  pyre  they  had  lighted,  and  streams  of  blood  were 
putting  out  the  rising  flames.  Finally  the  men, 
exhausted  by  the  pitiful  slaying  of  their  own  kin, 
threw  themselves  and  their  arms  into  the  midst  of 
the  fire.  The  slaughter  was  already  finished  when 
the  victorious  Romans  arrived.  And  at  the  first 
sight  of  so  terrible  a  scene  they  stood  for  a  little  while 
stunned  with  amazement.  Then,  when  gold  and  silver 
glistened  in  the  heap  of  other  objects  and  with  the 
eagerness  which  is  natural  to  man  they  were  trying  to 
snatch  them  from  the  flames,  some  caught  fire  them- 
selves, others  were  scorched  by  the  hot  blast,* 
since  those  in  front  had  no  way  of  escape,  while  the 
mass  of  men  pressed  upon  them  from  the  rear.  Thus 
was  Astapa  destroyed  by  sword  and  fire  without 
booty  for  the  soldiers.     Marcius,  having  received  the 

^  Here  Polybius'  narrative  survives  in  a  single  sentence 
about  frantic  efforts  to  recover  gold  and  silver,  XI.  xxiv.  11. 

*  ab  tergo  ingenti  Sp?N*  Frohen  2  :  ingenti  JK  Aldus : 
om.  P{l)N. 

95 


LIVY 

eius  regionis  metu  in  deditionem  acceptis  victorem 
exercitum  Carthaginem  ad  Scipionem  reduxit. 

6  Per  eos  ipsos  dies  perfugae  a  Gadibus  venerunt 
pollicentes  urbem  Punicumque  praesidium  quod  in  ea 
urbe  esset  et  imperatorem  praesidii  cum  classe  pro- 

7  dituros  esse.^  Mago  ibi  ex  fuga  substiterat,  na\i- 
busque  in  Oceano  collectis  aliquantum  auxiliorum  et 
trans  fretum  ex  Africa  ^  ora  et  ex  proximis  Hispaniae 

S  locis  per  Hannonem  praefectum  coegerat.  Fide 
accepta  dataque  perfugis,  et  Marcius  eo  cum  expeditis 
cohortibus  et  Laelius  cum  ^  septem  triremibus,  quin- 
queremi  una  est  missus,  ut  terra  marique  communi 
consilio  rem  gererent. 

XXIV.  Scipio  ipse  gravi  morbo  implicitus,  gra- 
\iore  tamen  fama,  cum  ad  id  quisque  quod  audierat 
insita  hominibus  *  libidine  alendi  de  industria  rumores 
adiceret    aliquid,    provinciam    omnem    ac    maxima 

2  longinqua  eius  turbavit ;  apparuitque  quantam  ex- 
citatura  molem  vera  fuisset  clades,  cum  vanus  rumor 
tantas  procellas  exciWsset.     Non  socii  in  fide,  non 

3  exercitus  in  officio  mansit.  Mandonius  et  Indibilis, 
quibus,  quia  regnum  sibi  Hispaniae  pulsis  inde 
Carthaginiensibus  destinarant  animis,  nihil  pro  spe 

4  contigerat,  concitatis  popularibus — Lacetani  autem 

^  esse  om.  JK  Conxmy. 

^  ex  Africa  (africae  P*)P{\)y  Aldus,  Frohen:  africae  SpJK. 
^  expeditis  .  .  .  cum    A*y'{om.    cnxn)JK    Aldus,   Frohen  : 
om.P{l)N. 

*  hominibus  N'JK  Eds.  :  hominum  P(l)xV. 


1  Cf.  Vol.  VII.  pp.  279,  n.  4;    282,  n.  1;  below,  xxv.  11; 
XXIX.  i.  19  and  iii.  1  ff. 

2  Probably  an  error  for  Laeetani;   in  the  north-east  corner 


96 


BOOK  XXVIII.  XXIII.  5-xxiv.  4 

surrender  of  all  the  other  tribes  of  that  region  owing  b.c.  206 
to  their  fear,  led  his  victorious  army  back  to  Scipio  at 
(New)  Carthage. 

About  the  same  time  came  deserters  from  Gades 
promising  to  betray  the  city  and  the  Punic  garrison 
in  that  city  and  the  commander  of  the  garrison  to- 
gether with  the  fleet.  Mago  after  his  flight  had 
halted  there,  and  having  assembled  ships  on  the 
Ocean,  he  had  gathered  up  a  considerable  force  of 
auxiliaries  both  from  the  African  coast  across  the 
strait  and  from  the  nearest  places  in  Spain  with 
the  help  of  Hanno,  the  prefect.  Promises  were 
received  from  the  deserters  and  given  them,  and 
Marcius  with  cohorts  lightly  equipped  and  Laelius 
also  with  seven  triremes  and  one  quinquereme  were 
sent  thither,  to  carry  on  the  campaign  by  land  and 
sea  with  a  single  plan. 

XXIV.  Scipio  himself  fell  ill  with  an  alarming 
malady,  but  still  more  alarming  as  reported,  since 
everyone  added  something  to  what  he  had  heard, 
with  the  inbred  human  passion  for  purposely  mag- 
nifying rumours.  His  illness  agitated  the  whole 
province  and  especially  the  distant  parts  of  it.  And 
how  serious  a  situation  would  have  been  created  if  the 
fatality  had  been  real  was  evident,  since  an  empty 
report  had  stirred  up  such  tempests.  Allies  did  not 
remain  loyal,  nor  the  army  mindful  of  duty.  Man- 
doniiis  and  Indibilis,^  because  they  had  reckoned  upon 
a  kingdom  of  Spain  for  themselves  when  the  Carth- 
aginians should  be  expelled  from  it,  and  yet  nothing 
to  match  their  hopes  had  come  to  them,  stirred  up 
their  countrymen — and  they  were  Lacetani  ^ — called 

of  Spain  around  Bare  Ino  (Barcelona);  xxxiv.  4;  XXI.  xxiii.  2; 
XXXIV.  XX.  2. 

97 

VOL.  VIII.  _  E 


LIVY 

erant — et  iuventute  Celtiberorum  excita  agrum 
Suessetanum  Sedetanumque  sociorum  populi  Romani 
hostiliter  depopulati  sunt. 

5  Civilis  alius  furor  in  castris  ad  Sucronem  ortus. 
Octo  ibi  milia  militum  erant,  praesidium  gentibus 

G  quae  cis  Hiberum  incolunt  inpositum.  Motae  autem 
eorum  mentes  sunt  non  turn  primum  cum  de  vita 
imperatoris  dubii  rumores  ^  allati  sunt,  sed  iam  ante 
licentia  ex  diutino,  ut  fit,  otio  conlecta,  et  non  nihil 
quod  in  hostico  laxius  rapto  suetis  vivere  artiores  in 

7  pace  res  erant.  Ac  primo  sermones  tantum  occulti 
serebantur:  si  bellum  in  provincia  esset,  quid  sese 
inter  pacatos  facere  ?   si  debellatum  iam  et  confecta 

8  provincia  esset,  cur  in  Italiam  non  revehi  ?  Flagi- 
tatum  quoque  stipendium  procacius  quam  ex  more  et 
modestia  militari  erat,  et  ab  custodibus  probra  in 
circumeuntes  \igilias  tribunes  iacta,  et  noctu  quidam 
praedatum  in  agrum  circa  pacatum  ierant ;  postremo 
interdiu    ac    propalam    sine    commeatu    ab    signis 

9  abibant.  Omnia  libidine  ac  licentia  militum,  nihil 
institute  ac  ^  disciplina  militiae  aut  imperio  eorum 

10  qui  praeerant  gerebatur.     Forma  tamen  Romanorum 
castrorum  constabat  una  ea  re  ^  quod  tribunos,  ex 

^  rumores  om.  P{l)y. 

2  ac  JK  Froben  2  :   aut  P{l)N  Aldus,  Conway. 
^  re    Weissenhorn,    Eds.  :     spe    P{1)NJK    Aldus,    Froben, 
Conway  {who  conjs.  qua.  for  quod)  :   specie  Freinsheim. 

^  Also  north  of  the  Ebro  and  near  the  coast;  xxxi.  7; 
XXIX.  i.  26.  So  were  the  Suessetani,  enemies  in  XXV.  xxxiv. 
6,  but  now  allies,  neighbours  of  the  Edetani  across  the  river. 

-  The  town  of  the  same  name  on  the  river  (now  the  Jiicar). 
Xear  it  Pompey  fought  against  Sertorius;  Plutarch  Serf.  19; 
Pomp.  19;  App.  B.C.  I.  110.  Livy's  source  for  the  nanative 
of  this  mutiny  was  Polybius  XI.  xxv-xxx.  Cf.  App.  Hidp. 
34  ff.  It  remained  a  mutiny  to  the  end  (xxix,  12).  The 
only  citizens  were  (1)  Romans  in  the  armv,  and  (2)  Italian 
98 


BOOK  XXVIII.  XXIV.  4-10 

out  the  young  men  of  the  Celtiberians  and  ravaged  b.c.  206 
the  territory  of  the  Suessetani  and  Sedetani,^  allies  of 
the  Roman  people,  in  warlike  fashion. 

From  citizens  sprang  a  different  outbreak  in  the 
camp  near  Sucro.^  Eight  thousand  soldiers  were 
there,  posted  as  a  garrison  for  the  tribes  dwelling  on 
this  side  of  the  Ebro.  Their  disloyalty,  however,  was 
not  just  beginning  when  unsubstantiated  reports  of 
the  general's  imminent  danger  reached  them,  but 
existed  even  before,  owing  to  the  usual  licence  result- 
ing from  long  inaction.  It  was  also  to  some  extent 
because  men  accustomed  to  live  unrestrainedly  on 
plunder  in  an  enemy's  territory  felt  the  pinch  of 
peace-time.  And  at  first  they  merely  engaged  in 
secret  conversations  :  If  there  was  a  war  in  the  prov- 
ince, what  were  they  doing  among  people  already 
pacified  ?  If  the  war  was  over  now  and  the  province 
set  in  order,  why  were  they  not  transported  back  to 
Italy  ?  They  made  demands  also  for  their  pay  with 
more  petulance  than  accorded  with  the  customary 
self-control  of  the  soldier ;  and  sentries  heaped 
reproaches  on  tribunes  making  the  rounds  of  the 
guard,  and  at  night  some  men  had  gone  out  for 
plunder  into  peaceful  country  all  around.  Finally 
by  day  and  openly  without  permission  they  would 
leave  their  standards.  Everything  was  being  done 
in  accordance  with  the  whim  and  fancy  of  the  soldiers, 
nothing  according  to  the  traditions  and  discipline  of 
the  service  or  the  orders  of  superior  officers.  The 
outward  appearance,  however,  of  a  Roman  camp 
was  maintained  in  this   alone,  that,  believing  the 

allies  serving  with  them  (xxxii.  6).  There  can  be  no  hint  of 
civil  war  in  civilis  furor,  for  the  theme  now  to  be  developed 
was  announced  in  §  2,  non  exercitus,  etc. 

99 


LIVY 

contagione  furoris  haud  expertes  seditionis  defec- 
tionisque  rati  fore,  et  iura  reddere  in  principiis  sine- 
bant  et  signum  ab  eis  petebant  et  in  stationes  ac 

11  vigilias  ordine  ^  ibant ;  et  ut  \'im  imperii  abstulerant, 
ita  speciem  dicto  parentium  ultro  ipsi  ^  imperantes 
ser^abant. 

12  Erupit  deinde  seditio,  postquam  reprehendere 
atque  inprobare  tribunes  ea  quae  fierent  et  conari 
obnam  ire  et  propalam  abnuere  furoris   eorum  se 

13  futuros  socios  senserunt.  Fugatis  itaque  e  principiis 
ac  post  paulo  e  castris  tribunis,  ad  principes  sedi- 
tionis, gi-egarios  milites,  C.  Albium  Calenum  et  C. 
Atrium    Umbrum,   delatum   omnium   consensu   im- 

14  perium  est.  Qui  nequaquam  tribuniciis  contenti 
ornamentis,  insignia  etiam  summi  imperii,  fasces 
securesque,  attrectare  ausi ;  neque  eis  ^  venit  in 
mentem  suis  tergis  suis  *  cervicibus  virgas  illas 
securesque  imminere  quas  ad  metum  aliorum  prae- 

15  ferrent.  Mors  Scipionis  falso  credita  obcaecabat 
animos,  sub  cuius  volgatam  mox  ^  famam  non  dubita- 

16  bant  totam  Hispaniam  arsuram  bello  ;  in  eo  tumultu 
et  sociis  pecunias  imperari  et  diripi  propinquas  urbes 
posse  ;  et  turbatis  rebus,  cum  omnia  omnes  auderent, 
minus  insignia  fore  quae  ipsi  fecissent.  XXV.  Cum 
alios  subinde  recentes  nuntios  non  mortis  modo,  sed 
etiam    funeris     exspectarent,     neque     superveniret 

^  ordine  Sp?JK  Frohen  2:  in  ordinem  P[l)y  Aldus:  in 
orbem  Madvig. 

2  ipsi  C^y»{aUem.)JK  Aldus,  Frohen:  si  im  P:  si 
P"{l){C?)N  :   6\h\  M'^A'^  :   sibi  ipsi  Conii-ay. 

^  neque  eis  S'JK  Aldus,  Frohen,  Conicay :  nequem 
P{\)N  :  neque  PO/i£fZ.s. 

*  suis  Sp?  Frohen  2,  Conway:  suLsque  P{\)NJK  Aldus, 
Eds. 

^  mox  P{\)y  :    iam  S'JK  AMu-^,  Frohen,  Conicay. 

100 


BOOK  XXVIII.  XXIV.  lo-xxv.  i 

tribunes,  infected  with  their  madness,  would  not  fail  b.c.  206 
to  share  their  mutiny  and  revolt,  they  permitted  them 
to  hear  cases  before  the  headquarters,  went  to  them 
for  the  password  and  did  outpost  and  guard  duty  in 
succession.  Moreover,  though  they  had  robbed  their 
command  of  power,  yet  they  kept  up  a  show  of 
obedience  while  actually  giving  orders  themselves. 
Then  the  mutiny  broke  out  after  they  observed 
that  the  tribunes  censured  and  disapproved  of  what 
was  being  done  and  were  endeavouring  actively  to 
oppose  it,  also  openly  declaring  that  they  would  not  be 
partners  in  their  madness.  Accordingly,  chasing  the 
tribunes  out  of  the  space  before  headquarters  and  soon 
after  out  of  the  camp,  they  by  common  consent 
bestowed  the  command  upon  the  leaders  of  the 
mutiny,  the  privates  Gains  Albius  of  Gales  and  Gains 
Atrius,  an  Umbrian.  These  men,  not  at  all  satisfied 
with  the  distinguishing  marks  of  tribunes,  ventured 
to  pollute  the  insignia  of  the  very  highest  command, 
the  fasces  and  axes.  Nor  did  it  occur  to  them  that 
those  rods  and  axes,  which  they  caused  to  be  carried 
before  them  to  frighten  others,  were  hanging  over 
their  own  backs  and  their  own  necks.  The  unfounded 
belief  in  Scipio's  death  was  the  cause  of  their  blind- 
ness and,  once  rumour  of  it  should  presently  be  spread 
abroad,  they  had  no  doubt  that  all  Spain  would  be 
ablaze  with  war.  In  that  uprising,  they  thought, 
money  could  be  exacted  from  alUes,  and  also  neigh- 
bouring cities  plundered;  and  in  the  confusion, 
when  any  man  would  dare  anything,  what  they  had 
themselves  done  would  be  less  conspicuous.  XXV. 
While  they  waited  from  moment  to  moment  for  fresh 
news,  expecting  to  hear  not  only  of  his  death  but  even 
of  his  funeral,  and  yet  none  came  and  the  groundless 

lOT 


LIVY 

.u.c.         quisquam,  evanesceretque  temere  ortus  rumor,  turn 

2  primi  auctores  requiri  coepti.  Et  subtrahente  se 
quoque,  ut  credidisse  potius  temere  quam  finxisse 
rem  talem  videri  posset,  destituti  duces  iam  sua  ipsi 
insignia  et  pro  vana  imagine  imperii  quod  gererent 
veram  iustamque  mox  in  se  versuram  potestatem 

3  horrebant.  Stupente  ^  ita  seditione,  cum  vivere 
primo,  mox  etiam  valere  Scipionem  certi  auctores 
adferrent,  tribuni  militum  septem  ab  ipso  Scipione 

4  missi  supervenerunt.^  Ad  quorum  primum  adven- 
tum  exasperati  animi ;  mox  ipsis  placido  sermone 
permulcentibus   notos   cum   quibus  congressi  erant, 

')  leniti  sunt.  Circumeuntes  enim  tentoria  primo, 
deinde  in  principiis  praetorioque,  ubi  sermones  inter 
se  serentium  circulos  vi dissent,  adloquebantur  per- 
cunctantes  magis  quae  caasa  irae  consternationisque 

6  subitae  foret  quam  factum  accusantes.  Volgo 
stipendium  non  datum  ad  diem  iactabatur,  et,  cum 
eodem  tempore  quo  scelus  Iliturgitanorum  ex- 
stitisset  post  duorum  imperatorum  duorumque  ex- 
ercituum  stragem  sua  virtute  defensum  nomen 
Romanum  ac  retenta  pro\-incia  esset,  Iliturgitanos 
poenam   noxae   meritam   habere,   suis   recte    factis 

7  gratiam  qui  exsolvat  non  esse.  Talia  querentes  ^ 
aequa  orare,  seque  ea  relaturos  ad  imperatorem  re- 
spondebant ;   laetari  quod  nihil  tristius   nee   insana- 

^  stupent€  P[\)Eds.  :  stupenti  {with  seditioni)  JK  Luchs, 
Riemann  :    -ebant  N. 

2  ab  ipso  Scipione  missi  supervenerunt  SpPJK  Froben  2, 
Luchs,  Conicuy  :  qui  ab  ipso  Scipione  sunt  P(3)  {with  sunt 
missi  ^4.V,  while  xV*  culds  supervenere,  arid  N-'  deletes  qui). 
Possibly  qui  is  evidence  for  a  lost  cla  use. 

^  querentes,  for  this  Riemann  has  querentibus. 

^  Cf.  xix.  i.  and  n. 
102 


BOOK   XXVIII.  XXV.  1-7 

report  was  losing  hold,  then  its  first  sponsors  began  b.o.  206 
to  be  sought  out.  And  as  one  after  another  drew 
back,  that  he  might  be  thought  to  have  rashly  believed 
such  a  thing  rather  than  to  have  invented  it,  the 
deserted  leaders  were  now  alarmed  at  their  own 
insignia  and,  in  place  of  the  empty  semblance  of  com- 
mand which  was  theirs,  at  the  real,  duly  bestowed 
authority  that  would  presently  turn  against  them. 
Thus  when  the  mutiny  was  at  a  standstill  and  credible 
informants  brought  the  news,  first  that  Scipio  was 
alive,  and  then  that  he  was  even  well,  seven  tribunes 
of  the  soldiers  arrived,  being  sent  by  Scipio  himself. 
Upon  their  arrival  there  was  at  first  irritation; 
soon  after,  as  the  tribunes  themselves  by  mild  words 
calmed  acquaintances  whom  they  had  met,  the  men 
were  less  resentful.  For  going  round  at  first  among 
the  tents,  then  in  the  headquarters  square  and  before 
the  general's  tent,  where  they  saw  groups  talking 
together,  they  would  speak  to  the  men,  asking  them 
what  was  the  reason  for  their  anger  and  their  sudden 
mania,  instead  of  finding  fault  with  them  for  what 
they  had  done.  A  common  complaint  was  that  their 
pay  had  not  been  given  them  on  the  proper  date  ;  also 
that,  whereas  at  the  time  when  the  men  of  Iliturgi  ^ 
had  committed  their  crime,  after  the  slaughter  of  the 
two  commanders-in-chief  and  the  two  armies,  the 
Roman  name  had  been  defended  and  the  province 
retained  by  their  own  courage,  yet,  while  the  Ilitur- 
gians  now  had  a  due  punishment'  for  their  crime, 
there  was  no  one  to  reward  their  own  good  deeds. 
In  reply  the  tribunes  said  that  those  who  complained 
of  such  matters  only  were  making  just  pleas,  and  they 
would  report  them  to  the  commander-in-chief. 
They  were  glad  that  there  was  nothing  more  serious 

103 


LI\Y 

■^■^'         bilius  esset ;    et  P.  Scipionem  deum  benignitate  et 
rem  publicam  esse  gratiae  referendae. 

8  Scipionem  bellis  adsuetum,  ad  seditionum  pro- 
cellas  rudem,  sollicitum  habebat  res,  ne  aut  exercitus 

9  peccando  aut  ipse  puniendo  modum  excederet.  In 
praesentia,  ut  coepisset,  leniter  agi  placuit  et  missis 
circa    stipendiarias    ciWtates    exactoribus    stipendii 

10  spem  propinquam  facere ;  et  ^  edictum  subinde  pro- 
positum  ut  ad  stipendium  petendum  convenirent 
Carthaginem,  seu  carptim  partes  ^  seu  universi  mal- 

11  lent.  Tranquillam  seditionem  iam  ^  per  se  langues- 
centem  repentina  quies  rebellantium  Hispanorum 
fecit ;  redierant  enim  in  fines  omisso  incepto  Mando- 
nius  et  Indibilis..  postquam  vivere  Scipionem  allatum 

12  est ;    nee  iam  erat  aut  civis  aut  externus  cum  quo 

13  furorem  suum  consociarent.  Omnia  circumspec- 
tantes  consilia*  nihil  reliqui  habebant  praeter  non^ 
tutissimum  a  malis  consiliis  receptum,  ut  imperatoris 
vel  iustae  irae  vel  non  desperandae  clementiae  sese 
committerent :    etiam  hostibus   eum  ignovisse  cum 

1-i  quibus  ferro  dimicasset ;  suam  seditionem  sine  volnere, 
sine  sanguine  fuisse,  nee  ipsam  atrocem  nee  atroci 
poena  dignam, — ut  ingenia  humana  sunt  ad  suam 

15  cuique  levandam  culpam  nimio  plus  facunda.^     Ilia 

^  facere;     et   JK   Ly.ch-o,    Conway:     -eret   et   N' :     fecere 
P{l)X  :   facere  Aldus,  Frohen. 

2  partes  P(ljA''  :    per  partes  Gronovius  :    oiri,  as  a  gloss 
Biemann. 

3  iam  X'JK  Eds.  :   om.  P(1)^V. 

*  consilia  P(l)XJK  Eds.  :   om.  Gronovius,  Conway. 
°  non   P{l)NJK    Eds.;    unum   Aldus,   Froben,    Conway: 
enim  Sp. 

104 


BOOK  XXVIII.  XXV.  7-15 

nor   more   incurable ;     and   by   favour   of  the   gods  b.c.  206 
Scipio  and  the  republic,  they  said,  ^yere  in  a  position 
to  show  gratitude. 

Scipio,  who  was  familiar  with  wars  but  unacquainted 
with  the  gusts  of  mutinies,  was  kept  in  a  state  of  con- 
cern lest  either  the  army  should  go  to  excess  in 
wrong-doing  or  he  himself  in  punishing  them.  For 
the  present  he  decided  to  use  gentle  measures,  as 
he  had  begun  to  do,  and  to  bring  the  hope  of  pay 
nearer  by  sending  collectors  round  the  tributary  states. 
Next  an  edict  was  posted  up  that  they  should  assemble 
at  (New)  Carthage  to  get  their  pay,  whether  they 
preferred  to  do  so  as  separate  units  or  all  together. 
The  mutiny,  already  of  itself  on  the  wane,  was 
quelled  by  sudden  peace  on  the  part  of  the  rebellious 
Spaniards.  For  Mandonius  and  Indibilis  had  aban- 
doned their  project  and  retired  to  their  borders  when 
they  had  news  that  Scipio  was  alive.  Nor  was 
there  either  a  fellow-citizen  or  foreigner  any  longer 
with  whom  the  soldiers  might  share  their  madness. 
On  surveying  all  possible  plans  they  had  nothing  left 
except  a  not  altogether  safe  retreat  from  criminal 
designs,  namely,  to  give  themselves  up  either  to  the 
commander's  well-grounded  anger  or  to  his  mercy, 
as  not  beyond  their  hopes.  He  had  pardoned  even 
enemies,  they  said,  with  whom  he  had  fought  with 
the  sword ;  their  mutiny  had  been  free  from  wounds, 
free  from  bloodshed,  and  neither  in  itself  savage  nor  v, 
meriting  a  savage  punishment.  So  unduly  eloquent  ' 
is    human    nature    in    minimizing   one's   own  guilt. 


«  f&cnnd&A'm^orN'JKEds.:  faciunda  P(3)iy^ :  f(o)ecunda 
Duker,  Madvig  1863. 

105 


LIVY 

dubitatio  erat.  singulaene  cohortes  an  universi  ad 
stipendium  petendum  irent.  Inclina\-it  sententia, 
quod  tutius  censebant,  universes  ire. 

XX\  I.  Per  eosdem  dies  quibus  haec  illi  consul- 

2  tabant  consilium  de  iis  Carthagini  erat,  certabatur- 
que  sententiis  utrum  in  auctores  tantum  seditionis — 
erant  autem  ii  numero  baud  plus  quam  quinque  et 
triginta — animadverteretur,  an  plurium  supplicio 
vindicanda  tam  foedi  exempli  defectio  magis  quam 

3  seditio  esset.  \'icit  sententia  lenior  ut,  unde  culpa 
orta  esset,  ibi  poena  consisteret ;    ad  multitudinem 

4  castigationem  satis  esse.  Consilio  dimisso,  ut  id 
actum  videretur,  expeditio  adversus  Mandonium 
Indibilemque  edicitur  exercitui  qui  Carthagine  erat  et 

5  cibaria  dierum  aliquot  parare  iubentur.  Tribunis 
septem  qui  et  antea  Sucronem  ad  leniendam  sedi- 
tionem  ierant  obviam  exercitui  missis  quina  nomina 

6  principum  seditionis  edita  sunt,  ut  eos  per  idoneos 
homines    benigno    voltu    ac    sermone    in    hospitium 

7  in\itatos  sopitosque  ^  vino  vincirent.  Haud  procul 
iam  Carthagine  aberant  cum  ex  obviis  auditum 
poster©  die  omnem  exercitum  cum  M.  Silano  in 
Lacetanos  proficisci  non  metu  modo  ^  omni  qui  tacitus 
insidebat  animis  liberavit  eos,  sed  laetitiam  ingentem 
fecit,  quod  magis  habituri  solum  imperatorem  quam 


^  3opitosquo  A*X*JK  Eda.  :   -que  [om.  sopitos)  P{Z)R^. 
2  modo  A'X'JK  Alius,  Froben  :   om.  P{l}N. 


lo6 


BOOK  XXVIII.  XXV.  15-XXVI.  7 

The  only  question  was  whether  to  go  in  separate  b.c. 
cohorts   to   get   their  pay,   or   all   together.     Their 
decision  was  that  all  should  go  together,  which  they 
thought  safer. 

XXVI.  During  the  days  on  which  they  were  thus 
deliberating  there  was  a  war-council  in  regard  to 
them  at  (New)  Carthage,  and  a  conflict  of  opinions 
as  to  whether  the  leaders  only  of  the  mutiny — and 
they  were  not  more  than  thirty-five  in  number — 
should  be  punished,  or  whether  punishment  of  a 
larger  number  was  required  in  penalizing,  not  a 
mutiny  but  rather  a  rebellion  which  set  so  terrible  an 
example.  The  milder  opinion  prevailed,  that  punish- 
ment should  be  limited  to  those  with  whom  the 
breach  of  discipline  had  begun,  whereas  for  the  mass  a 
reprimand  was  enough.  After  the  dismissal  of  the 
council,  to  give  the  impression  that  this  was  the 
matter  discussed,  an  expedition  against  Mandonius 
and  Indibilis  was  announced  to  the  army  which 
was  at  (New)  Carthage,  and  they  were  ordered  to 
make  ready  their  rations  for  several  days.  The  seven 
tribunes  who  had  already  gone  to  Sucro  to  repress  the 
mutiny  and  were  now  sent  to  meet  the  army  had  each  of 
them  the  names  of  five  leaders  of  the  mutiny  assigned 
him,  to  have  them  invited  with  kindly  countenance 
and  words  by  suitable  men  to  be  their  guests,  lulled  to 
sleep  by  wine  and  then  bound.  The  mutineers  were 
now  not  far  from  (New)  Carthage  when  the  news, 
heard  from  those  they  met,  that  on  the  next  day  the 
entire  army  would  set  out  under  Marcus  Silanus 
against  the  Lacetani,  not  only  relieved  them  of  all 
fear  which  remained  unexpressed  in  their  minds,  but 
caused  great  rejoicing  that  they  would  have  the 
commander  alone,  rather  than  be  themselves  in  his 

107 


8  ipsi  futuri  in  potestate  eius  essent.  Sub  occasum 
solis    urbem    ingressi    sunt    exercitumque    alterum 

9  parantem  omnia  ad  iter  viderunt.  Except!  ser- 
monibus  de  industria  compositis — laetum  opportu- 
numque  adventum  eorum  imperatori  esse,  quod  sub 
ipsam   profectionem    alterius    exercitus   venissent — 

10  corpora  curant.  Ab  tribunis  sine  ullo  tumultu 
auctores  seditionis,  per  idoneos  homines  perducti  in 

11  hospitia,  comprensi  ac  vincti  sunt.  Vigilia  quarta 
impedimenta  exercitus  cuius  ^  simulabatur  iter 
proficisci  coepere ;  sub  lucem  signa  mota,  et  ad  por- 
tam  retentum  agmen  custodesque  circa  omnes  portas 

12  missi,  ne  quis  urbe  egrederetur.  Vocati  deinde  ad 
contionem  qui  pridie  venerant,  ferociter  in  forum 
ad  tribunal  imperatoris,  ut  ultro  territuri  succlama- 

13  tionibusj  concurrunt.  Simul  et  imperator  in  tribunal 
escendit  ^  et  reducti  armati  a  portis  ^  inermi  contioni 

14  se  ^  ab  tergo  circumfuderunt.  Turn  omnis  ferocia 
concidit  et,  ut  postea  fatebantur,  nihil  aeque  eos 
terruit  quam  praeter  spem  robur  et  colos  imperatoris, 
quern  adfectum  visuros  crediderant,  voltusque  qualem 

15  ne  in  acie  quidem  aiebant  meminisse.  Sedit  tacitus 
pauhsper,  donee  nuntiatum  est  deductos   in   forum 

1  emus  P{l)y J K  Aldus  :   cui  Sp?  Froben  2. 
-  escendit   PCE  :     as-    B^MBDAX   Alius :     con-    Sp?JK 
Froben  2. 

^  a  portis  before  armati  JK. 

*  contioni  se  P(3) :  se  contioni  AXJK  Aldus,  Froben. 

lo8 


BOOK   XXVIII.  XXVI.  7-15 

power.  At  sunset  they  entered  the  city  and  saw  the  b.c.  2O6 
other  army  making  every  preparation  for  the  march. 
Received  with  studied  words  of  welcome — that  their 
coming  was  a  happy  and  timely  thing  for  the  general, 
in  that  they  had  arrived  at  the  very  time  the  other 
army  was  leaving — they  took  refreshment  and  rest. 
The  tribunes,  without  causing  any  commotion,  had  the 
promoters  of  the  mutiny  brought  by  suitable  persons 
to  their  hospitable  quarters,  then  seized  and  bound. 
At  the  fourth  watch  the  baggage  of  the  army  which, 
it  was  pretended,  was  to  march  away  began  to  take 
the  road.  By  daybreak  the  standards  were  in  motion, 
but  at  the  gate  the  column  was  halted  and  guards 
were  sent  round  to  all  the  gates,  that  no  one  should 
leave  the  city.  Then  the  men  who  had  arrived  the 
day  before,  on  being  summoned  to  an  assembly, 
rushed  fiercely  into  the  open  space  ^  and  up  to  the 
general's  platform,  intending  actually  to  intimidate 
him  by  their  interruptions.  At  the  same  moment 
that  the  general  mounted  the  platform  the  armed 
men  brought  back  from  the  gates  surrounded  the 
unarmed  assembly  from  the  rear.  Then  all  their 
fierceness  failed  them  and,  as  they  afterwards 
admitted,  nothing  alarmed  them  so  much  as  the 
unexpected  strength  and  healthy  colour  of  the 
general  whom  they  had  believed  they  would  see  as  an 
invalid,  also  an  expression  of  his  face  such  as,  they 
said,  they  never  remembered  even  in  battle.  He 
sat  in  silence  for  a  moment,  until  the  report  reached 
him  that  the  promoters   of  the  mutiny  had  been 

^  I.e.  Polybius'  ayopd  (VI.  xxxi.  If.)  to  the  right  of  the 
headquarters,  not  the  similar  space  (also  called  forum)  in 
which  stood  the  quaestorium ;  XLI.  ii.  11. 

109 


LIVY 

auctores  seditionis  et  parata  omnia  esse.     XXVII. 
Turn  silentio  per  praeconem  facto  ita  coepit : 

"  Numquam  niihi  defuturam  orationem  qua  exer- 

2  citum  meum  adloquerer  credidi,  non  quo  verba 
umquam  potius  quam  res  exercuerim,  sed  quia  prope 
a  pueritia  in  castris  habitus  adsueram  militaribus  in- 

3  geniis ;  apud  vos  quern  ad  modum  loquar  nee  con- 
silium nee  oratio  suppeditat,  quos  ne  quo  nomine 

4  quidem  appellare  debeam  scio.  Gives  ?  qui  a 
patria  vestra  descistis.  An  milites  ?  qui  imperium 
auspiciumque  abnuistis,  sacramenti  religionem 
rupistis.  Hostes  ?  Corpora,  ora,  vestitum,  habitum 
civium    adgnosco ;     facta,    dicta,    consilia,    animos 

i>  hostium  video.  Quid  enim  vos,  nisi  quod  Ilergetes 
et  ^  Lacetani,  aut  optastis  aliud  aut  sperastis  ?  Et 
illi  tamen  Mandonium  atque  Indibilem,  regiae 
nobilitatis  viros,  duces  furoris  secuti  sunt;  vos 
auspicium    et    imperium    ad    Umbrum    Atrium    et 

6  Calenum  Albium  detulistis.  Negate  vos  id  omnes 
fecisse  aut  factum  voluisse,  milites ;  paucorum  eum 
furorem  atque  amentiam  esse ;  libenter  credam 
negantibus ;  nee  enim  ea  sunt  commissa  quae, 
volgata  in  omnem  exercitum,  sine  piaculis  ingentibus 
expiari  possint.^ 

7  "  Invitus  ea  tamquam  volnera  attingo ;    sed  nisi 

8  tacta  tractataque  sanari  non  possunt.  Equidem 
pulsis  Hispania  Carthaginiensibus  nullum  locum  tota 

^  et    JK    Aldus,    Frohen  :     aut    P{l)-V :     ac    Drakenhorch 
conj. 

2  possint  P{l)X J K  Eds.  :  -possent  Biemann. 


^  The  following  speech  has  few  direct  borrowings  from  the 
briefer  discourse  in  Polybius  XI.  xxviii  f ,  e.g.,  the  comparison 


BOOK  XXVIII.  XXVI.  15-XXV11.  8 

brought  into  the  open  space  and  that  everything  was  b.c.  206 
ready.     XXVII.  Then,  when  the  herald  had  enforced 
silence,  Scipio  began  as  follows  :  ^ 

"  Never  have  I  supposed  that  language  with  which 
to  address  my  army  would  fail  me ;  not  that  I  have 
ever  occupied  myself  with  words  rather  than  deeds,  but 
because,  having  lived  in  camps  almost  from  boyhood, 
I  was  familiar  with  the  minds  of  soldiers.  But  how 
to  speak  to  you — for  that  both  thoughts  and  language 
fail  me.  I  do  not  know  even  by  what  name  I  ought  to 
address  you.  Citizens  ?  when  you  have  revolted  from 
your  country  ?  Or  soldiers  ?  when  you  have  rejected 
the  high  command  and  the  auspices,  have  broken  the 
sanctity  of  your  oath  ?  Enemies  ?  I  recognize  the 
bodies,  faces,  clothing,  appearance  of  citizens,  but 
the  deeds,  the  words,  the  plans,  the  spirit  of  enemies. 
For  what  else  did  you  either  wish  or  hope  for  but 
the  same  as  the  Ilergetes  and  the  Lacetani  ?  And 
yet  they  followed  Mandonius  and  Indibilis,  men  of 
royal  rank,  as  leaders  in  their  madness.  You  con- 
ferred the  auspices  and  high  command  upon  the 
Umbrian  Atrius  and  the  Calenian  Albius.  Say  that 
not  all  of  you  did  that,  soldiers,  or  wished  it  done ; 
that  it  was  the  frenzy  and  folly  of  a  few  ;  I  will  gladly 
accept  your  denial.  For  the  acts  committed  were 
such  that,  if  they  were  shared  by  the  entire  army, 
they  cannot  be  expiated  without  atonements  on  a 
great  scale. 

Unwillingly  do  I  handle  such  misdeeds,  as  if  they 
were  wounds.  But  unless  handled  and  treated  they 
cannot  be  healed.  As  for  myself,  after  the  Cartha- 
ginians were  driven  out  of  Spain  I  did  not  believe 

of  a  crowd  to  the  sea,  §  11,  more  fully  developed  in  the  Greek 
peroration,  xxix.  9-11. 

Ill 


LIVY 

pro\'incia,i  nullos  homines  credebam  esse  ubi  \-ita 
invlsa  2  esset  mea  ;  sic  me  non  solum  adversus  socios 
9  gesseram,  sed  etiam  adversus  hostes.  In  castris 
en  meis — quantum  opinio  ^  fefellit ! — fama  mortis 
meae  non  accepta  solum,  sed  etiam  exspectata  est. 

10  Non  ^  quod  ego  volgari  facinus  per  omnes  velim — 
equidem,  si  totum  exercitum  meum  ^  mortem  mihi 
optasse  crederem,  hie  statim  ante  oculos  vestros 
morerer,  nee  me  vita  iuvaret  invisa  civibus  et  militibus 

11  meis.  Sed  multitudo  omnis  sicut  natura  maris  per 
se  inmobilis  est,  at  ^  venti  et  aurae  cient ;  ita  ^  aut 
tranquillum  aut  procellae  in  vobis  sunt ;  et  causa 
atque    origo  omnis  furoris  penes   auctores   est,  vos 

12  contagione  insanistis  ;  qui  mihi  ne  hodie  quidem  scire 
^-idemini  quo  amentiae  progressi  sitis,  quid  facinoris 
in  me,  quid  in  patriam  parentesque  ac  Uberos  vestros, 
quid  in  deos  sacramenti  testes,  quid  adversus  auspicia 
sub  quibus  militatis,®  quid  adversus  morem  militiae 
disciplinamque  maiorum,  quid  adversus  summi 
imperii  maiestatem  ausi  sitis. 

13  ''  De  me  ipso  taceo — temere  potius  quam  avide 
credideritis,  is  denique  ego  sim,  cuius  imperii  taedere 
exercitum  minime  mirandum  sit — :  patria  quid  de 
vobis  meruerat,  quam  cum  Mandonio  et  Indibili  con- 

14  sociando  consiha  prodebatis  ?  Quid  populus  Ro- 
manus,  cum  imperium  ablatum  ab  tribunis  suffragio 

^  nullum  .  .  .  provincia     A'X'JK    Aldu^,    Froben  :     om 

P(i)y. 

2  invisa  A*X*JK  :   om.  P{l}N. 

3  opinio  P(l  \XJK  :   me  opinio  Riemann. 

*  Non  JK  Aldus,  Froben  :   vero  P(3;-N'  :    verum  C*. 

^  meum  om.  P{1)N. 

^  at  sugge^iied  {not  read)  by  Conuay  :  et  P{3)  Weissenborji  : 
om.  Gronovius,  Conuay :  ut  D A'X'JK  Aldus,  Froben, 
AUcheJski,  Madvig  :   si  et  JS'  :   sed  Crevier. 


BOOK  XXVIII.  XXVII.  8-14 

there  was  in  the  entire  province  any  place,  any  people,  ^•^-  '^'^^ 
where  my  life  was  hated ;  so  had  I  borne  myself  not 
only  towards  allies,  but  also  towards  enemies.  Be- 
hold !  here  in  my  own  camp — how  mistaken  I  was  ! — a 
rumour  of  my  death  was  not  only  believed  but  even 
waited  for.  Not  that  I  should  wish  the  crime 
to  be  shared  by  all.  For  my  part,  if  I  believed  that 
the  whole  of  my  army  had  desired  my  death  I  should 
die  here  at  once  before  your  eyes,  nor  would  a  life 
hated  by  my  fellow-citizens  and  my  soldiers  give  me 
pleasure.  But  every  crowd  is  in  itself  motionless, 
as  is  the  natural  state  of  the  sea  ;  rather  do  winds  and 
breezes  ruffle  it.  So  among  you  there  is  either  calm 
or  sudden  storms.  And  the  cause  and  source  of  every 
madness  is  chargeable  to  its  promoters ;  your  in- 
sanity came  by  contagion.  Even  today  you  do  not 
seem  to  me  to  know  what  a  pitch  of  frenzy  you  have 
reached,  what  a  crime  you  have  dared  to  commit 
against  me,  against  your  country  and  parents  and 
childi'en,  against  the  gods,  witnesses  of  your  oath, 
what  a  crime  as  regards  the  auspices  under  which 
you  are  serving,  or  the  custom  of  the  service  and 
the  discipline  of  your  ancestors,  or  the  dignity  of  the 
supreme  command ! 

"  Of  myself  I  say  nothing,  granting  that  you  were 
hasty  rather  than  eager  in  believing,  granting  in  short 
that  I  am  a  man  whose  authority  irks  an  army,  and 
no  wonder.  But  the  country,  what  evil  had  she  done 
you,  when  you  were  betraying  her  by  sharing  your 
designs  with  Mandonius  and  Indibilis  ?  What  harm 
had  the  Roman  people  done  you  when  you  took  away 

^  ita  om.  SpN^JK  Frohen  2. 

8  militatis  P{1)N  :   mUitastis  Sp?JK  Frohen  2. 

113 


LIVY 

populi  creatis  ad  homines  privates  detulistis,  cum  eo 
ipso  non  contenti  si  pro  tribunis  illos  haberetis,  fasces 
imperatoris  vestri  ad  eos  quibus  ser\us  cui  impera- 
rent  numquam  fuerat,  Romanus  exercitus  detulistis  ? 

15  In  praetorio  tetenderunt  Albius  et  Atrius..  classicum 
apud  eos  cecinit,  signum  ab  iis  petitum  est,  sederunt 
in  tribunali  P.  Scipionis,  lictor  apparuit,  summoto 
incesserunt,    fasces    cum    securibus    praelati    sunt. 

16  Lapides  pluere  et  fulmina  iaci  de  caelo  et  insuetos 
fetus  animalia  edere  vos  portenta  esse  putatis : 
hoc  est  portentum  quod  nullis  hostiis.  nullis  supplica- 
tionibus  sine  sanguine  eorum  qui  tantum  ausi  facinus 
sunt  ^  expiari  possit. 

XX\'III.  "  At  que  ego,  quamquam  nullum  scelus 
rationem  habet,  tamen,  ut  in  re  nefaria,  quae  mens, 

2  quod  consilium  vestrum  fuerit  scire  velim.  Regium 
quondam  in  praesidium  missa  legio  interfectis  per 
scelus    principibus    ci\'itatis    urbem    opulentam    per 

.3  decem  annos  tenuit ;  propter  quod  facinus  tota  legio, 
milia  hominum  quattuor,  in  foro  Romae  securi  per- 

4  cussi  sunt.  Sed  illi  primum  non  Atrium  Umbrum 
semilixam,  nominis  etiam  abominandi  ducem,  sed  D. 
Mbellium  tribunum  militum  secuti  sunt,  nee  cum 
Pyrrho  nee  cum  Samnitibus  aut   Lucanis,  hostibus 

5  populi  Romani,  se  coniunxerunt ;  vos  cum  Mandonio 

1  sunt  N'{allern.)JK  Aldus,  Froben  :  sint  P(1).V. 


1  Cf.  Periocha  12  fin.;  Polybius  I.  vii.  6  fF.  This  legion 
was  made  up  of  Campanians.  As  such  they  were  Roman 
citizens  and  did  not  serve  as  auxiharies. 

2  Cf.  Periocha  15.  Li vy  overlooked  serious  losses  the  legion 
must  have  suffered  when  the  city  was  captured  and  in  the 
course  of  ten  years.  This  may  reduce  the  number  executed 
to  about  Polybius'  figure — more  than  300 ;   I.e.  §§  11  f. 

114 


BOOK  XXVIII.  XXVII.  14-XXV111.  5 

the  command  from  tribunes  elected  by  vote  of  the  b.c.  2O8 
people  and  conferred  it  upon  private  persons,  when, 
not  even  satisfied  with,  having  them  as  tribunes,  you, 
a  Roman  army,  bestowed  the  fasces  of  your  com- 
mander upon  men  who  had  never  had  a  slave  to  whom 
they  might  give  orders  ?  In  the  headquarters  were 
lodged  Albius  and  Atrius  ;  at  their  tent  sounded  the 
trumpet,  men  came  to  them  for  the  watchword ; 
they  sat  on  Publius  Scipio's  tribunal.  A  lictor 
attended  them;  the  way  was  cleared  before  they 
proceeded ;  fasces  with  their  axes  were  borne  before 
them.  Showers  of  stones  and  thunderbolts  hurled 
from  the  sky  and  animals  bringing  forth  strange 
offspring  you  reckon  portents ;  here  we  have  a  por- 
tent which  cannot  be  expiated  by  any  victims,  by  any 
set  days  of  prayer,  without  the  blood  of  those  who 
have  dared  so  great  a  crime. 

XXVIII.  "  And  although  no  crime  has  a  reasonable 
ground,  nevertheless  I  should  like  to  know  what  was 
your  purpose,  what  your  plan,  seeing  that  we  are 
dealing  with  a  flagrant  offence.  A  legion  formerly 
sent  as  a  garrison  to  Regium,^  after  foully  slaying  the 
leading  men  of  the  state,  held  that  wealthy  city  for 
ten  years.  For  that  crime  the  entire  legion,  four 
thousand  men,^  were  beheaded  in  the  Forum  at 
Rome.  But  in  the  first  place  they  did  not  follow 
the  lead  of  Atrius  the  Umbrian,  half-soldier  half- 
sutler,  with  an  ominous  name  ^  also,  but  of  Decimus 
Vibellius,  a  tribune  of  the  soldiers  ;  neither  did  they 
ally  themselves  with  Pyrrhus,  nor  with  the  Samnites 
and  Lucanians,  enemies  of  the  Roman  people.     You 

^  I.e.  from  ater,  '  coal  black,'  'unlucky' ;  cf.  the  dies  atri  of 
the  calendar. 


Ln'Y 

Lu.c.         et  Indibili  et  ^  consilia  communicastis  et  arma  conso- 

^         6  ciaturi  fuistis.     Illi,  sicut  Campani  Capuam  Tuscis 

veteribus  cultoribus  ademptam,  Mamertiiii  in  Sicilia 

Messanam,  sic   Regium  habituri  perpetuam  sedem 

erant.  nee  populum  Romanum  nee  soeios  populi  Ro- 

7  mani  ultro  laeessituri  bello :  Sueronemne  vos  domi- 
eilium  habituri  eratis  ?  Ubi  si  vos  deeedens  confeeta 
provincia  imperator  relinquerem.  deum  hominumque 
fidem  implorare  debebatis.  quod  non  rediretis  ^  ad  eon- 
iuges  liberosque  vestros. 

8  "  Sed  horum  quoque  memoriam,  sieut  patriae 
meique,  eieceritis  ex  animis  vestris ;  viam  consilii 
scelerati  sed  non  ad  ultimum  dementis  exsequi  volo. 

9  Mene  vivo  et  cetero  incolumi  exercitu,  cum  quo  ego 
die  uno  Carthaginem  cepi,  cum  quo  quattuor  impera- 
tores,^  quattuor  exercitus  Carthaginiensium  fudi, 
fugavi,  Hispania  *  expuli,  vos  octo  milia  hominum, 
minoris  certe  omnes  pretii  quam  Albius  et  Atrius  sunt 
quibus  vos  subiecistis.  Hispaniam  provinciam  populo 

10  Romano  erepturi  eratis  ?  Amolior  et  amoveo  nomen 
meum  ;    nihil  ultra  facile  creditam  mortem  meam  a 

11  vobis  \'iolatus  sim :  quid:  si  ego  morerer,  mecum 
exspiratura  res  publica,  mecum  casurum  imperium 
popuU  Romani  erat  ?  Ne  istuc  luppiter  optimus 
maximus  sirit,  urbem  auspicato  deis  auctoribus  in 

1  et  SpN'JK  Frohen  2  :  om.  P{1)N  Aldus. 

2  rediretis    M^A^PXUK   Aldus,    Froben,    Eds.  :     redieritis 
P'l)(-entis  D)X  Comcay. 

^  quattuor  impera tores  om.  P{\)N. 

^  liisT[>a.nia.  A^X'JK  Luchs,  Conuay  :  otn.  P(l}  Eds. 


^  It  was  in  fact  the  Samnites  who  captured  Etruscan  Capua ; 
cf.  IV.  xxxvii.  1.  (424  B.C.);  Strabo  V.  iv.  3. 

Il6 


BOOK  XXVIII.  XXVIII.  5-II 

have  shared  your  plans  with  Mandonius  and  Indibilis  b.c.  20g 
and  were  to  have  been  then*  comrades  in  arms  as  well. 
The  legion  would  have  held  Regium  as  its  permanent 
abode,  just  as  the  Campanians  ^  held  Capua,  wrested 
away  from  its  former  Etruscan  inhabitants,  just  as  the 
Mamertines  held  Messana  in  Sicily  ;  and  it  would  not 
have  gone  so  far  as  to  attack  the  Roman  people  or 
allies  of  the  Roman  people.  Was  Sucro  to  have 
been  your  domicile  ?  If  I  had  left  you  there  when  as 
general-in-command  I  was  retiring  from  my  province 
completely  subdued,  it  would  have  been  right  for 
you  to  implore  the  help  of  gods  and  men  because 
you  were  not  returning  to  your  ^\^ves  and  children. 
"  But  granted  that  you  have  banished  their  memory 
also  from  your  minds,  as  you  have  that  of  your  country 
and  of  myself,  I  wish  to  follow  up  the  outcome  of  your 
plan,  a  criminal  one  but  not  utterly  insane.  If  I  lived 
and  the  rest  of  the  army  was  intact  with  which  I 
captured  (New)  Carthage  in  a  single  day  and  with 
which  I  routed,  put  to  flight,  drove  out  of  Spain,  four 
generals,^  four  armies  of  the  Carthaginians,  would  you 
— eight  thousand  men,  all  of  you  certainly  of  less  con- 
sequence than  Albius  and  Atrius,  to  whom  you  sub- 
mitted yourselves — would  you  really  have  intended 
to  wrest  the  province  of  Spain  from  the  Roman  people  ? 
Suppose  I  take  no  account  whatever  of  my  name — 
granted  that  I  have  not  been  wronged  by  you  except 
in  your  readiness  to  believe  me  dead,  tell  me,  if  I 
had  been  dying  would  the  state  have  breathed  its  last 
with  me,  would  the  empire  of  the  Roman  people  have 
fallen  with  me  ?  May  Jupiter  the  best  and  greatest 
forbid  that  the  city,  founded  with  due  auspices  and 

2  Both  Hasdrubals,  Hanno  (ii.  11)  and  Mago  (xvi.  13). 

117 


LI\nf 

aeternum  conditam  huic  fragili  ^  et  mortal!  corpori 

12  aequalem  esse.  Flaminio,  Paulo,  Graocho,^  Pos- 
tiimio  Albino,  M.  Marcello,  T.  Quinctio  Crispino,  Cn. 
Fulvio,  Scipionibus  meis,  tot  tarn  praeclaris  impera- 
toribus  uno  bello  absumptis  superstes  est  populus 
Romanus,  eritque  mille  aliis  nunc  ferro  nunc  morbo^ 
morientibus :     meo    unius    funere    elata    esset    res 

13  publicaM  Vos  ipsi  hie  in  Hispania  patre  et  patruo 
meo,  duobus  imperatoribus,  interfectis  Septimum 
Marcium  ducem  vobis  adversus  exsultantes  recenti 
victoria  Poenos  delegistis.     Et  sic  loquor  tamquam 

14  sine  duce  Hispaniae  futurae  fuerint :  M.  Silanus 
eodem  iure,  eodem  imperio  mecum  in  provinciam 
missus,  L.  Scipio  frater  meus  et  C.  Laelius  legati, 

15  vindices  maiestatis  imperii  deessent  ?  Utrum  exer- 
citus  exercitui,  an  duces  ducibus,  an  dignitas,  an  causa 
comparari  poterat  ?  Quibus  si  omnibus  superiores 
essetis,  arma  contra  patriam,  contra  cives  vestros  fer- 
retis  ?  Africam  Italiae,  Carthaginem  urbi  Romanae 
imperare  velletis  ?  Quam  ob  noxam  patriae  ?  XXIX. 
Coriolanum  quondam  damnatio  iniusta,  miserum  et 
indignum  exilium  ut  iret  ad  oppugnandam  patriam 
impulit ;  revocavit  tamen  a  publico  parricidio  privata 

1  huic  fragili  P{l)N  Aldus  :   fragili  huic  JK  Froben. 

2  Flaminio  .  .  .  Grsiccho  Sp?N' J K  Froben  2  :  om.  P{l)N. 

3  nunc  morbo  A'^X'^  or  S*JK  :   om.  P(1)T. 

*  esset  res  publica  S'pJ K  {jireceded  in  all  three  by  populi 
romani,  ichich  Froben  2,  Luchs  and  others  retain)  Conway  : 
res  p.  [or  publica)  P(1)-.V  Aldus,  Eds. 

^  Cf.  IV.  iv,  4 ;  V.  vii.  10.  For  urbs  aetema  see  Trans.  Amer. 
Philol.  Assn.  XXV.  (1894),  34  fF.;  Franz  Christ  in  Tiihinger 
Beitrdge  XXXI.  (1938),  59  ff. 

2  Although  Gnaeus  Scipio  was  not  legally  an  imperator, 
having  been  sent  to  Spain  by  Publius,  while  he  himself  re- 
turned to  Italy  (XXI.  xxxii.  3;    xl.  3),  it  was  unnecessary 

Ii8 


BOOK  XXVIII.  XXVIII.  ii-xxix.  i 

favour  of  the  gods  to  endure  forever,^  should  Uve  no  b.c.  2O0 
longer  than  this  frail,  mortal  body !  Although 
Flaminius,  Paulus,  Gracchus,  Postumius  Albinus, 
Marcus  Marcellus,  Titus  Quinctius  Crispinus,  Gnaeus 
Fulvius,  my  Scipios — so  many  generals  and  so  dis- 
tinguished— have  perished  in  one  war,  the  Roman 
people  survives  and  will  survive,  although  a  thousand 
others  die,  now  by  the  sword,  now  by  disease.  At 
my  funeral — one  man's — would  the  republic  have  been 
borne  to  its  tomb  ?  You  yourselves  here  in  Spain, 
after  the  slaying  of  my  father  and  uncle,  two  generals,^ 
appointed  Septimus  Marcius  as  your  commander 
against  the  Carthaginians,  who  were  overjoyed  by 
their  recent  victory.  And  I  am  speaking  just  as  if 
the  Spanish  provinces  would  have  been  without  a 
commander.  But  would  Marcus  Silanus,  who  was 
sent  with  me  into  the  province  with  the  same 
authority,  the  same  command,  would  my  brother 
Lucius  Scipio  and  Gaius  Laelius,  my  lieutenants, 
have  failed  to  avenge  the  dignity  of  the  high  com- 
mand ?  Could  army  have  been  compared  with  army, 
or  generals  with  generals  ?  Could  rank  or  cause  have 
been  matched  ?  If  in  all  these  respects  you  had  been 
superior,  would  you  have  borne  arms  against  your 
country,  against  your  fellow-citizens?  Would  you 
have  wished  Africa  to  rule  over  Italy,  Carthage  over 
the  city  of  Rome  ?  For  what  offence  on  the  part  of 
your  country  ?  XXIX.  Coriolanus  was  once  im- 
pelled by  an  unjust  condemnation,  a  wretched  and 
undeserved  banishment,  to  set  out  to  besiege  his 
native  city.  Nevertheless  family  devotion  recalled 
him  from  foul  treason  to  the  state.    In  your  case  what 

for  the  historian  to  be  pedantic.     Cf.  XXV.  xxxii.  1 ;   xxxvii. 
9;   XXVI.  ii.  5. 

119 


LIVY 

2  pietas :  vos  qui  dolor,  quae  ira  incitavit  ?  Stipen- 
diumne  diebus  paucis  imperatore  aegro  serius  nume- 
ratum  satis  digna  causa  fuit  cur  patriae  indiceretis 
bellum,  cur  ad  Ilergetes  descisceretis  a  populo 
Romano,  cur  nihil  divinarum  humanarunive  rerum 
inviolatum  vobis  esset  ? 

3  "  Insanistis  profecto,  niilites,  nee  maior  in  corpus 
meum  vis   morbi   quam  in  vestras   mentes   invasit. 

4  Horret  animus  referre  quid  crediderint  homines,  quid 
speraverint,  quid  optaverint :  ^  auferat  omnia  inrita 
obli\-io,  si  potest ;   si  non,  utcumque  silentium  tegat. 

5  Non  negaverim  tristem  atrocemque  vobis  visam  ora- 
tionem  meam  :  ^  quanto  creditis  facta  vestra  atrociora 
esse  quam  dicta  mea?  Et  me  ea  quae  fecistis  pati 
aequum  censetis ;  ^   vos  ne  dici  quidem  omnia  aequo    i 

6  animo  fertis  ?  ^  Sed  ne  ea  quidem  ipsa  ultra  exprobra- 
buntur.     Utinam  tam  facile  vos  obliviscamini  eorum 

7  quam  ego  obliviscar  !  Itaque  quod  ad  universes  vos 
attinet,  si  erroris  paenitet,  satis  superque  poenarum 
habeo.  Albius  Calenus  et  Atrius  Umber  et  ceteri 
nefariae  seditionis  auctores  sanguine  luent  quod  ad- 

8  miserunt.  Vobis  supplicii  eorum  spectaculum  non 
modo  non  acerbum,  sed  laetum  etiam,  si  sana  mens 
rediit,  debet  esse :  de  nullis  enim  quam  de  vobis 
infestius  aut  inimicius  ^  consuluerunt." 

9  Vix  finem  dicendi  fecerat  cum  ex  praeparato 
simul  omnium  rerum  terror  oculis   auribusque   est 

10  offusus.     Exercitus,   qui   corona   contionem   circum- 

1  quid  optaverint  P{1)N  Aldus,  Froben  :   07n.  SpJK. 
"  meam  P(1).V  Aldu^  :   o7n.  SpfJKx  Froben  2. 
^  pati  aequum  censetis  om.  P(1)X,  one  line. 
*  fertis  P(1).V  :  feretis  A'N'JK  Aldus,  Froben. 
■'  inimicius    Aldus,  Froben,    Eds.  :    inicius  P{3} :    iniquius 
C'.-l-V  :  immitius  JK. 

I20 


BOOK  XXVIII.  XXIX.  i-io 

grievance,  what  anger  spurred  you  on  ?  Was  delay  of  b.c.  206 
a  few  days  in  receiving  your  pay  owing  to  the  illness 
of  your  general  a  sufficient  reason  why  you  should 
declare  war  on  your  country,  why  you  should  revolt 
from  the  Roman  people  to  the  Ilergetes,  why  not  one 
thing  divine  or  human  should  be  to  you  inviolable  ? 

"Insane  you  surely  were,  soldiers,  and  no  more 
critical  ailment  attacked  my  body  than  your  minds. 
I  shrink  from  recalling  what  men  believed,  what  they 
hoped,  what  they  desired.  Let  forgetfulness  carry 
away  and  cancel  everything  if  possible ;  if  not,  let 
silence  somehow  cover  it  all.  I  would  not  deny  that 
my  speech  has  seemed  to  you  severe  and  cruel ;  how 
much  more  cruel  do  you  believe  your  acts  are  than 
my  words  ?  And  you  think  I  ought  patiently  to  bear 
what  you  have  done :  on  your  side  can  you  not  bear 
patiently  even  the  telling  of  the  whole  story  ?  But 
even  those  acts  themselves  Mdll  not  be  the  subject  of 
further  reproaches.  May  you  forget  them  as  easily 
as  I  shall  forget  them!  Accordingly,  so  far  as  the 
mass  of  you  are  concerned,  if  you  repent  of  your  mis- 
take, that  is  to  me  a  quite  sufficient  punishment. 
Albius  of  Gales  and  Atrius  the  Umbrian  and  the  rest 
of  those  who  brought  about  a  wicked  mutiny  will 
atone  with  their  blood  for  what  they  have  done.  To 
you  the  spectacle  of  their  punishment,  if  your  minds 
have  returned  to  health,  ought  not  only  to  bring  no 
bitterness  but  even  joy.  For  there  are  no  men  whom 
they  have  treated  in  a  more  hostile  and  unfriendly 
spirit  than  yourselves." 

Scarcely  had  he  made  an  end  of  speaking  when, 
in  accordance  with  previous  orders,  their  eyes  and 
ears  were  assailed  by  terrifying  sights  and  sounds 
everywhere.     The  troops  who  had  encircled  the  as- 

T2I 


dederat,  gladiis  ad  scuta  concrepuit ;  praeconis  audita 

11  vox  citantis  nomina  damnatorum  in  consilio ;  nudi  in 
medium  protrahebantur,  et  simul  omnis  apparatus 
supplicii  expromebatur.  Deligati  ad  palum  virgisque 
caesi  et  securi  percussi,  adeo  torpentibus  metu  qui 
aderant  ut  non  modo  ferocior  vox  adversus  atrocitatem 

12  poenae,  sed  ne  gemitus  quidem  exaudiretur.  Tracti 
inde  de  medio  omnes,^  purgatoque  loco  citati  milites 
nominatim  apud  tribunos  militum  in  verba  P. 
Scipionis  iurarunt,  stipendiumque  ad  nomen  singulis 
persolutum  est.  Hunc  finem  exitumque  seditio 
militum  coepta  apud  Sucronem  habuit. 

XXX.  Per  idem  tempus  ad  Baetim  fluvium  Hanno, 
praefectus  Magonis,  missus  a  Gadibus  cum  parva 
manu    Afrorum,   mercede   Hispanos   sollicitando   ad 

2  quattuor  milia  iuvenum  armavit.  Castris  deinde 
exutus  ab  L.  Marcio,  maxima  parte  militum  inter 
tumultum  captorum  castrorum,  quibusdam  etiam  in 
fuga  amissis,  palatos  persequente  equite.  cum  paucis 
ipse  eflfugit. 

3  Dum  haec  ad  Baetim  fluvium  geruntur,  Laelius 
interim  freto  in  Oceanum  evectus  ad  Carteiam  classe 
accessit.     Urbs  ea  in  ora  Oceani  sita  est,  ubi  primum 

^  oinnes  P{l)NJK  :  exanimes  Allen  :  trunci  et  inanim 
omnes  Johnson  conj.  {after  Polybius  XI.  xxx.  3). 

1  At  the  north  end  of  the  Bay  of  Gibraltar,  about  half-way 
between  the  Rock,  Calpe,  and  Algeciras.  Livy  thinks  of  the 
Atlantic  as  beginning  immediately  beyond  the  Pillars  of 
Hercules,  and  thus  including  nearly  the  whole  of  the  Strait 


BOOK  XXVIII.  XXIX.  10  XXX.  3 

sembly  crashed  swords  against  shields.  The  herald's  b.c.  206 
voice  was  heard,  calling  out  the  names  of  those 
condemned  in  the  war-council.  They  were  being 
dragged  out  into  the  centre  stripped,  and  at  the 
same  time  everything  requisite  for  punishment  was 
being  brought  out.  Bound  to  a  stake  they  were 
scourged  and  beheaded,  while  the  spectators  were 
so  paralysed  by  fear  that  not  only  was  no  fierce 
protest  against  the  severity  of  the  punishment 
heard,  but  not  even  a  groan.  Then  all  the  bodies 
were  dragged  away  from  the  centre,  and  after  the 
ground  had  been  cleansed  the  soldiers,  summoned  by 
name,  in  the  presence  of  the  military  tribunes,  swore 
allegiance  to  Publius  Scipio ;  and  as  each  man  was 
called  his  pay  was  counted  out  to  him.  Such  was 
the  end  and  outcome  of  the  mutiny  of  the  soldiers 
which  began  at  Sucro. 

XXX.  About  the  same  time  along  the  Baetis 
River  Hanno,  Mago's  prefect,  who  had  been  sent 
from  Gades  with  a  small  force  of  Africans,  enlisting 
Spaniards  for  pay,  armed  about  four  thousand  young 
men.  Then  stripped  of  his  camp  by  Lucius  Mar- 
cius,  while  the  largest  part  of  his  troops  were  lost  in 
the  confusion  of  its  capture,  some  also  lost  in  the 
flight,  since  the  cavalry  pursued  the  scattered 
fugitives,  Hanno  himself  with  a  small  number  only 
escaped. 

While  these  things  were  going  on  along  the  Baetis 
River,  Laelius  meantime  sailed  down  the  strait 
into  the  Ocean  and  came  with  his  fleet  to  Carteia.^ 
This  city  is  situated  on  the  coast  of  the  Ocean,  where 

(Fretum  Gaditanum).  In  171  B.C.  Carteia  became  a  Latin 
colony;  XLIII.  ill.  3  f .  Cf.  also  Strabo  III.  i.  7;  Mela 
[T.  96. 

123 


LI\T 

4  e  faucibus  angustis  panditur  mare.  Gades  sine  certa- 
mine  per  proditionem  ^  recipiendi,  ultro  qui  earn  rem 
poUicerentur  in  castra  Romana  venientibus,  spes, 
sicut  ante  dictum  est,  fuerat.  Sed  ^  patefacta 
inmatura  proditio  est,  conprensosque  omnes  Mago 
Adherbali  praetori  Carthaginem  devehendos  tradit. 

5  Adherbal  coniuratis  in  quinqueremem  inpositis, 
praemissaque  ea,  quia  tardior  quam  triremis  erat, 
ipse  cum  octo  triremibus  modico  intervallo  sequitur. 

6  lam  fretum  intrabat  quinqueremis  cum  Laelius  et 
ipse  in  quinqueremi  ex  ^  portu  Carteiae  sequentibus 
septem  triremibus  evectus  in  Adherbalem  ac  trire- 
mes *  invehitur,  quinqueremem  satis  credens  de- 
prensam  rapido  in  freto  in  adversum  aestum  recipro- 

7  carl  non  posse.  Poenus  in  re  subita  parumper 
incertus  trepidant  ^  utrum  quinqueremem  sequeretur 

8  an  in  hostes  rostra  converteret.  Ipsa  cunctati^t 
facultatem  detractandae  pugnae  ademit ;  iam  enim 
sub  ictu  teli  erant,  et  undique  instabant  hostes. 
Aestus  quoque  arbitrium  moderandi  naves  ademerat. 
Neque  erat  navali  pugna  ^  similis,  quippe  ubi  nihil  vo- 

9  luntarium,  nihil  artis  aut  consilii  esset.  Una  natura 
freti  aestusque  totius  certaminis  potens  suis,  alienis 
navibus  nequiquam  remigio  in  contrarium  tendentes 
invehebat ;     et  ^   fugientem   navem   videres   vertice 

^  per  proditionem  Sigonias,  Eds.  :    per  dedit-   P[1)NJK 
Alios  :   per  dit-  Sp  :  proditione  Froben  2. 

2  Sedom.P{l)N. 

3  ex  AvJK  :  e  Frohen  2  :   ojn.  P{l)N  Aldus. 
*  ac  triremes  om.  P(1)JV. 

^  tTepidavit  P{l)X  Aldus,  Frohen  :  -hsitJK. 

^  -pugna.  Froben  :   pugnae  P(1)X J K  Aldus. 

'  et  P(1)X/A'  Eds.  :   ut  A'N'K  Aldus,  Frohen,  Luchs. 

1  Cf.  above,  xxiii.  G. 
124 


BOOK  XXVIII.  XXX.  3-9 

the  sea  begins  to  open  out  after  the  narrow  entrance,  b.c.  206 
Of  Gades,  as  has  been  said  above,  he  had  hoped 
without  a  battle  to  gain  possession  by  betrayal/ 
since  men  actually  came  into  the  Roman  camp  to 
make  such  a  promise.  But  the  betrayal  was  pre- 
maturely revealed,  and  Mago  arrested  all  the  con- 
spirators and  turned  them  over  to  Adherbal,  the 
magistrate,^  to  be  transported  to  Carthage.  Adherbal 
placed  the  conspirators  on  a  quinquereme  and  after 
sending  it  in  advance,  because  it  was  slower  than  a 
trireme,  himself  followed  with  eight  triremes  at  no 
great  distance.  The  quinquereme  was  already 
entering  the  strait  when  Laelius,  also  on  a  quin- 
quereme, sailed  out  from  the  harbour  of  Carteia 
followed  by  seven  triremes,  and  steered  for  Adherbal 
and  his  triremes,  feeling  quite  sure  that  the  quin- 
quereme, caught  in  the  swift  current  of  the  strait, 
could  not  reverse  its  course  in  the  face  of  the  tide. 
The  Carthaginian  in  the  unexpected  situation  was 
troubled  for  the  moment  and  uncertain  whether  to 
follow  his  quinquereme  or  to  turn  his  prows  towards 
the  enemy.  That  hesitation  in  itself  deprived  him  of  " 
the  power  to  refuse  a  battle ;  for  they  were  already 
within  range  and  the  enemy  was  pressing  them  from 
all  sides.  The  tide  also  had  deprived  them  of  control 
of  their  ships.  Nor  was  the  fight  like  a  naval  battle  ; 
for  here  there  was  no  initiative,  no  skill  or  strategy. 
The  nature  of  the  strait  and  its  tide  alone  controlled 
the  entire  engagement,  carrying  men,  vainly  strug- 
gling to  row  in  the  opposite  direction,  against  their 
own  ships  or  those  of  the  enemy.  And  one  might 
have   seen  a  fleeing  ship  swung   about  by  a  swirl 

2  I.e.  one  of  the  two  sufites  and  at  the  same  time  a  general. 
Cf.  xxxvii.  2  (at  Gades) ;   XXX.  vii.  5. 

T25 


retro  intortam  victoribus  inlatam,  et  sequentem,  si  in 
contrarium  tractum  incidisset  maris,  fugientis  modo 

10  sese  avertenteni.  lam  in  ipsa  pugna  haec,  cum  in- 
festo  ^  rostro  peteret  hostium  navem,  obliqua  ipsa 
ictum  alterius  rostri  accipiebat ;  ilia,  cum  transversa 
obiceretur  hosti,  repente  intorta  in  proram  circumage- 

11  batur.  Cum  inter  triremes  fortuna  regente  anceps 
proelium  misceretur,  quinqueremis  Romana  seu 
pondere  tenacior,  seu  pluribus  remorum  ordinibus 
scindentibus  vertices  cum  facilius  regeretur,  duas 
triremes   suppressit,   unius   praelata   impetu   lateris  ' 

12  alterius  remos  detersit ;  ceterasque  quas  indepta 
esset  mulcasset,  ni  cum  reliquis  quinque  navibus 
Adherbal  velis  in  Africam  transmisisset. 

XXXI.  Laelius  victor  Carteiam  revectus,  auditis 
quae  acta  Gadibus  erant — patefactam  proditionem 
coniuratosque  missos  Carthaginem,  spem  ad  inritum  ^ 

2  redactam    qua    venissent — nuntiis    ad    L.    Marcium  ^ 
missis,  nisi  si  ^  terere  frustra  tempus    sedendo    ad  'i 
Gades    vellent,    redeundum    ad   imperatorem    esse, 
adsentiente  Marcio  paucos  post  dies  ambo  Cartha- 

3  ginem  rediere.     Ad  quorum  discessum  non  respiravit 

^  infesto  JK  Aldus,  Froben,  Eds.  :   infesta  P{l)-V  Conway. 
•  si  om.  X'J  Aldus,  Froben. 


*  If  a  quinquereme  had  but  one  bank  of  oars,  each  oar 
pulled  by  five  men,  as  many  now  incUne  to  believe,  it  remains 
unexplained  how  Livy  in  comparing  a  quinquereme  in  battle 
with  triremes  could  simply  say  that  the  former  had  more 
ordines  remor<im,  unless  he  thought  that  to  be  the  case.  In 
XXIV.  xxxiv.  7  exteriore  ordine  remomrn  includes  all  the  oars 
on  one  side  of  a  ship  but  does  not  tell  us  whether  in  a  single 
bank  or  in  five.  Certainly  the  quinquereme,  however  rowed, 
was  a  more  impressive  sight  from  the  shore  than  a  trireme  even 

126 


BOOK  XXVIII.  XXX.  9-xxxi.  3 

and  borne  against  the  victors,  and  a  pursuing  ship,  b.c.  206 
if  it  chanced  upon  an  opposite  current,  turning  away 
as  if  in  flight.  In  actual  combat  now  one  ship,  aiming 
to  ram  a  ship  of  the  enemy  with  its  beak,  turning 
aslant  would  itself  receive  the  blow  of  the  other's 
beak.  Another  ship,  exposing  its  beam  to  the  enemy, 
would  suddenly  be  swung  and  turned  bow  fore- 
most. While  between  the  triremes  an  indecisive 
battle  controlled  by  chance  was  in  progress,  the 
Roman  quinquereme,  whether  because  she  was 
steadier  by  reason  of  her  weight  or  more  easily 
steered  as  her  more  numerous  banks  of  oars  ^  cleft 
the  whirling  waters,  sank  two  triremes  and  shooting 
past  another  swept  away  the  oars  on  one  side.  In 
addition  she  would  have  seriously  damaged  the  rest 
of  the  ships  with  which  she  had  closed,  had  not 
Adherbal  with  five  remaining  ships  crossed  over  to 
Africa  under  sail. 

XXXI.  Laelius  as  victor  sailed  back  to  Carteia,  and 
on  hearing  of  the  occurrences  at  Gades — that  the 
betrayal  had  been  revealed  and  the  conspirators  sent 
to  Carthage ;  that  the  hope  in  which  they  had  come 
to  him  had  been  frustrated — he  sent  messengers  to 
Lucius  Marcius,  saying  that  unless  they  wished  to 
waste  time  to  no  purpose  in  idling  before  Gades,  they 
nmst  return  to  the  commander-in-chief.  As  Marcius 
agreed,  they  both  returned  after  a  few  days  to  (New) 
Carthage.     Upon  their  departure  Mago  was  not  only 

to  a  landlubber;  cf.  XXIX.  xi.  4.  For  the  whole  question 
see  A.  Koster,  Das  aniike  Seewesen  143  ff. ;  and  in  Kromayer- 
Veith,  Heerwesen,  etc.  182  f. ;  616  f. ;  W.  W.  Tarn,  Hellenistic 
Military  and  Naval  Developments  124  ff.;  and  in  Journal  of 
Hellenic  Studies,  XXV.  137  ff.,  150,  204  ff. ;  Starr,  C.  G.,  Class. 
Philol.  XXXV.  3.53  ff. ;  373. 

127 


LIVY 

modo    Mago,    cum    terra    marique    ancipiti    metu 
urgeretur,   sed   etiam   audita   rebellione    Ilergetum 

4  spem  recuperandae  Hispaniae  nanctus,  nuntios  Car- 
thaginem  ad  senatum  mittit  qui  simul  seditionem  t 
civilem  in  castris  Romanis ,  simul  defectionem  sociorum  if 
in   maius   verbis   extollentes   hortentur  ^   ut   auxilia 
mitterent    quibus    traditum    a    patribus    imperium 
Hispaniae  repeti  posset. 

")      Mandonius  et  Indibilis  in  fines  regressi  paulisper, 
dum  quidnam  de  seditione  statueretur  scirent,  sus-  f 
pensi  quieverunt,  si  civium  errori  ignosceretur,  non 

(5  diffidentes  sibi  quoque  ignosci  posse.  Postquam 
volgata  est  atrocitas  supplicii,  suam  quoque  noxam 

7  pari  poena  aestimatam  rati,  vocatis  rursus  ad  arma 
popularibus  contractisque  quae  ante  habuerant 
auxiliis,  in  Sedetanum  agrum,  ubi  principio  defec- 
tionis  stativa  habuerant,  cum  viginti  milibus  peditum, 
duobus  milibus  -  equitum  et  quingentis  transcen- 
derunt. 

XXXII.  Scipio,  cum  fide  solvendi  pariter  omnibus 
noxiis  innoxiisque  stipend!!  turn  voltu  ac  sermone  in 
omnes   placato   facile   reconciliatis   militum   animis, 

2  priusquam  castra  ab  Carthagine  moveret,  contione 
advocata    multis    verbis    in   perfidiam    rebellantium 

3  regulorum  invectus,  nequaquara  eodem  animo  se  ire 


1  hortentur   P{l)y   Eds.  :    hortarentur    M*?N'JK    Aldus, 
Fnjben,  Lucks. 

-  peditum  duobus  milibus  om.  P{l)N.  \ 


1  Cf.  xxiv.  4. 
128 


BOOK  XXVIII.  XXXI.  3-xxxii.  3 

relieved,  since  he  was  beset  by  a  two-fold  source  of  b.c.  206 
alarm,  by  sea  and  by  land,  but  when  he  heard  of  the 
defection  of  the  Ilergetes  he  conceived  the  hope  also 
of  recovering  Spain.  Accordingly  he  sent  messen- 
gers to  the  senate  at  Carthage,  to  exaggerate  at  the 
same  time  both  the  mutiny  of  citizens  in  the  Roman 
camp  and  the  rebellion  of  allies,  and  to  urge  them  to 
send  auxiUaries,  by  whose  help  rule  over  Spain,  which 
they  had  inherited  from  their  fathers,  could  be 
recovered. 

Mandonius  and  Indibilis  returned  into  their  own 
territory  and  for  a  time  remained  quietly  on  the  alert, 
until  they  should  know  what  decision  was  reached  in 
regard  to  the  mutiny,  not  without  confidence  that,  if 
a  misunderstanding  on  the  part  of  Roman  citizens 
should  be  pardoned,  they  themselves  also  might 
possibly  be  pardoned.  After  the  harsh  punishment 
came  to  be  generally  known,  they  thought  that 
their  guilt  likewise  was  reckoned  as  deserving  the 
same  penalty.  Recalling  the  men  of  their  tribe  to 
arms  and  assembling  their  previous  auxiUaries,  with 
twenty  thousand  infantry  and  two  thousand  five 
hundred  cavalry  they  crossed  into  the  land  of  the 
Sedetani,^  where  they  had  maintained  a  permanent 
camp  at  the  beginning  of  the  rebellion. 

XXXII.  Scipio  by  his  conscientiousness  in  paying 
all  his  men,  guilty  and  innocent  aUke,  and  more  by  his 
countenance  and  speech  showing  no  resentment 
against  any  one,  easily  won  the  hearts  of  his  soldiers. 
Before  moving  his  camp  away  from  (New)  Carthage 
he  summoned  an  assembly.  There  after  inveighing 
at  great  length  against  the  treachery  of  the  chiefs  in 
rebellion,  he  declared  that  in  order  to  punish  their 
crime  he  was  setting  out  in  a  very  different  spirit 

129 

VOL.  VIII.  F 


LIVY 

professus  est  ad  vindicandum  id  scelus  quo    civilem 

4  errorem  nuper  sanaverit.  Turn  se  haud  secus  quam 
viscera  secantem  sua  cum  gemitu  et  lacrimis  triginta 
hominum  capitibus  expiasse  octo  milium  seu  im- 
prudentiam  seu  noxam ;   nunc  laeto  et  erecto  animo 

5  ad  caedem  Ilergetum  ire.  Non  enim  eos  neque  natos 
in  eadem  terra  nee  uUa  secum  societate  iunctos  esse; 
earn  quae  sola   fuerit   fidei   atque   amicitiae  ^  ipsos 

6  per  scelus  rupisse.  In  exercitu  suo  se,  praeterquam 
quod  omnes  cives  aut  socios  Latinique  nominis  videat, 
etiam  eo  moveri  quod  nemo  fere  sit  miles  qui  non  aut 
a  patruo  suo  Cn.  Scipione,  qui  primus  Romani 
nominis    in    eam   provinciam   venerit,   aut   a   patre 

7  consule  aut  a  se  sit  ex  Italia  advectus.     Scipionum 
nomini  auspiciisque  ^  omnes  adsuetos,  quos  secum  in 
patriam  ad  meritum  triumphum  deducere  velit,  quos 
consulatum    petenti,    velut    si    omnium    communis  [^ 
agatur  honos,  adfuturos  speret. 

8  Quod  ad  expeditionem  ^  attineat  quae  instet,  im- 
memorem  esse  rerum  suarum  gestarum  qui  id  bellum 
ducat.  Magonis  hercule  sibi,  qui  extra  orbem 
terrarum  in  circumfusam  Oceano  insulam  cum  panels 
perfugerit  navibus,  maiorem  curam  esse  quam  Iler- 

9  getum ;  quippe  illic  et  ducem  Carthaginiensem  et 
quantumcumque  Punicum  praesidium  esse,  hie 
latrones  latronumque  duces,  quibus  ut  ad  populandos 
finitimorum     agros    tectaque    urenda    et    rapienda 

^  fidei  atque   amicitiae  P{1)N  :    -dem  atque  -tiam  N^JK 
Aldus,  Froben. 

2  -que  .4.V  Aldus,  Froben  :   om.  P{Z)SpJK. 

^  expeditionem,  after  this  SpPN'JK  Froben  2  add  eam. 

1  Cf.  p.  141  and  note. 
130 


BOOK  XXVIII.  XXXII.  3-9 

from  that  in  which  he  recently  cured  a  misunderstand-  b.c.  206 
ing  on  the  part  of  citizens.  At  that  time,  he  said, 
with  sighing  and  tears,  just  as  though  he  were  cutting 
into  his  own  vital  organs,  he  had  atoned  by  the  lives 
of  thirty  men  for  the  folly,  or  it  might  be  the  guilt,  of 
eight  thousand.  But  now  with  joy  and  exaltation  of 
spirit  he  was  advancing  to  the  slaughter  of  the  Iler- 
getes.  For  they  had  not  been  born  in  the  same  land, 
nor  were  they  linked  by  any  alhance  mth  himself. 
The  only  bond  which  once  existed,  that  of  loyalty 
and  friendship,  they  had  themselves  broken  by  their 
crime.  As  for  his  own  army,  he  was  stirred  on  seeing 
all  the  men  in  it  citizens  or  allies  and  Latins,  and  also 
because  there  was  hardly  a  soldier  who  had  not  been 
brought  from  Italy  either  by  his  uncle  Gnaeus 
Scipio,  who  was  the  first  of  the  Romans  to  come  into 
that  province,  or  by  his  father  as  consul,  or  by 
himself.  They  were  all  of  them  accustomed  to  the 
name  and  auspices  of  the  Scipios,  being  men  whom 
he  would  like  to  bring  home  to  their  country  for  a 
well-earned  triumph,  men  who  he  hoped  would 
support  his  canvass  for  the  consulship,  just  as  if  an 
honour  shared  by  all  alike  were  at  stake. 

So  far  as  concerned  the  enterprise  now  impending, 
he  said,  any  man  who  considered  it  a  war  was  for- 
getting their  own  achievements.  Mago  surely, 
who  fled  with  a  few  ships  beyond  the  known  world  to 
an  island  surrounded  by  the  Ocean, ^  was  a  greater 
concern  to  him  than  the  Ilergetes.  For  there  it  was 
a  Carthaginian  general  and  also  a  Punic  force 
however  small ;  here  there  were  brigands  and  brigand 
chiefs,  who  might,  to  be  sure,  have  considerable 
strength  for  ravaging  the  lands  of  neighbouring  tribes 
and  for  burning  houses  and  stealing  cattle,  but  none 

131 


LIVY 

pecora  aliqua  vis  sit,  ita  in  acie  ac  signis  conlatis 
nullam  esse ;  magis  velocitate  ad  fugam  quam  armis 

10  pugnaturos  esse.  Itaque  non  quod  ullum  inde  peri- 
culum  aut  semen  maioris  belli  videat,  ideo  se, 
priusquam  provincia  decedat,  opprimendos  Ilergetes 

11  duxisse,  sed  primum  ne  inpunita  tarn  scelerata 
defectio  esset,  deinde  ne  quis  in  provincia  simul 
virtute  tanta  et  felicitate  perdomita  relictus  hostis  dici 

12  posset.     Proinde  deis  bene  iuvantibus  sequerentur, 
non  tarn  ad  bellum  gerendum — neque  enim  cum  pari  It 
hoste     certamen     esse — quam     ad     expetendas     ab 
hominibus  scelestis  poenas. 

XXXIII.  Ab  hac  oratione  dimissos  ad  iter  se  com- 
parare  in  diem  posterum  iubet.  profectusque  decumis 
castris  pervenit  ad  Hiberum  flumen.  Inde  superato 
amni  die  quarto  in  conspectu  hostium  posuit  castra. 

2  Campus  ante  montibus  circa  saeptus  erat.  In  eam 
vallem  Scipio  cum  pecora,  rapta  pleraque  ex  ipsorum  ^ 
hostium  agris,  propelli  ad  inritandam  feritatem  bar- 

3  barorum  iussisset,  velites  subsidio  misit,  a  quibus  ubi 
per  procursationem  commissa  pugna  esset,  Laelium 
cum    equitatu    impetum    ex    occulto    facere    iubet. 

4  Mons  opportune  prominens  equitum  insidias  texit, 
nee  uUa  mora  pugnae  facta  est.  Hispani  in  conspecta 
procul  pecora,  velites  in  Hispanos  praeda  occupatos 

5  incurrere.  Primo  missilibus  territavere ;  deinde 
missis  le\'ibus  telis,  quae  inritare  magis  quam  decer-  J! 

^  ipsorum  y*JK  Aldus,  Frohen  :   om.  P{1)N. 


BOOK  XXVIII.  XXXII.  9-xxxiii.  5 

at  all  in  battle-line  and  when  standards  faced  stan-  b.c.  206 
dards.  In  battle  they  would  rely  more  upon  swift- 
ness in  flight  than  upon  arms.  Accordingly  it  was  not 
because  he  saw  any  danger  from  them  or  the  seed  of  a 
greater  war,  that  he  had  thought  the  Ilergetes  must  be 
overpowered  before  he  left  his  province.  It  was  in  the 
first  place  in  order  that  so  criminal  a  rebellion  might 
not  go  unpunished,  and  then  that  it  might  not 
possibly  be  said  that  any  enemy  had  been  left  in  a 
province  which  had  been  thoroughly  conquered  by 
such  courage  combined  with  such  success.  Where- 
fore with  the  kind  aid  of  the  gods  let  them  follow  him, 
not  so  much  to  carry  on  a  war — for  it  was  no  conflict 
with  a  well-matched  enemy — as  to  exact  punishment 
from  criminals. 

XXXIII.  Dismissing  them  after  this  speech,  he 
ordered  them  to  make  ready  for  the  march  on  the 
morrow  ;  and  setting  out  he  came  in  ten  stages  to  the 
river  Hiberus.  Then  crossing  the  river,  he  pitched 
camp  on  the  fourth  day  in  sight  of  the  enemy.  In  front 
was  level  ground  hemmed  in  on  this  side  and  that 
by  mountains.  Into  that  valley  Scipio  first  ordered 
men  to  drive  cattle — mostly  booty  from  the  enemy's 
own  farms — to  tempt  the  barbarians'  love  of  pillage, 
and  then  sent  light-armed  troops  to  their  assistance. 
When  these  had  begun  the  battle  with  a  charge,  he 
ordered  Laelius  to  make  an  attack  with  cavalry 
from  an  ambush.  A  hill  conveniently  projecting 
concealed  the  ambsucade  of  cavalry,  and  the  battle 
began  without  delay.  The  Spaniards,  catching 
sight  of  cattle  in  the  distance,  dashed  upon  them, 
the  light-armed  upon  the  Spaniards  busy  with 
their  plunder.  At  first  they  inspired  alarm  by  their 
missiles ;  then  abandoning  their  light  weapons,  which 

-^33 


LIVY 

nere  pugnam  poterant,  gladios  nudant,  et  conlato 
pede  res  coepta  geri  est ;   ancepsque  ^  pedestre  cer- 

6  tamen  erat,  ni  ^  equites  super\-enissent.  Neque  ex 
adverse  tantum  inlati  obvios  obtrivere,  sed  circum- 
vecti  etiam  quidam  per  infima  clivi  ab  tergo  se,  ut 
plerosque  intercluderent,  obiecerunt,^  maiorque 
caedes  fuit  quam  quantam  edere  levia  per  excursiones 
proelia  solent. 

7  Ira  magis  accensa  adverse  proelio  barbaris  est 
quam  imminuti  animi.     Itaque  ne  perculsi  *  videren- 

8  tur,  prima  luce  postero  die  in  aciem  processere.  Non 
capiebat  omnes  copias  angusta,  sicut  ante  dictum  est, 
valles ;  duae  ferme  peditum  partes  et  ^  omnis  equi- 
tatus  in  aciem  descendit ;  quod  relicum  peditum  erat 

9  obliquo  constituerunt  ^  colle.     Scipio,  pro  se  esse  loci 
angustias   ratus,    et    quod   in   arto   pugna   Romano  . 
aptior  quam  Hispano  militi  futura  videbatur,  et  quod  u 
in  eum  locum  detracta  hostium  acies  esset  qui  non 
omnem  multitudinem  eorum  caperet,  novo  etiam  con- 

10  silio  adiecit  animum ;  equitem  nee  se  posse  circum- 
dare  cornibus  in  tam  angusto  spatio,  et  hosti  quern 

11  cum  pedite  deduxisset  inutilem  fore.  Itaque  imperat 
Laelio  ut  per  colles  quam  occultissimo  itinere  circum- 
ducat    equites  segregetque  quantum  possit  '^  eque-  js 

12  strem  a  pedestri  pugnam ;  ipse  omnia  signa  peditum 
in  hostes  vertit ;   quattuor  cohortes  in  fronte  statuit, 

13  quia    latius    pandere    aciem    non    poterat.     Moram 

^  pede  .  .  .  ancepsque    ovi.    P(l)y,    two    lines    'probably^ 
supi-lied  from  A'X'JK  Aldus,  Froben. 
2  ni  PK'JK  Froben  2  :   nisi  P(3j.V  Aldus. 
^  obiecerunt  P(Z)M^N  Aldus  :   -cere  JK  Froben  2. 
*  perculsi  Sp?A''fJK  Froben  2  :   pulsi  P{\)N  Aldus. 
^  et  A'JK  :   orn.  P{1)N. 

«  constituerunt  f  (Ij.Y. 4 Wu,s:  •stiterunt  M^Sp? J K  Froben 2. 
'  possit  AXJK  Aldus,  Froben  :  posset  P(3). 


BOOK  XXVIII.  XXXIII.  5-13 

could  provoke  rather  than  decide  the  battle,  they  b.o.  206 
drew  their  swords  and  began  fighting  at  close  quarters. 
And  the  infantry  battle  would  have  remained  doubtful 
if  the  cavalry  had  not  arrived.  Not  only  did  they 
trample  down  those  they  met  by  a  frontal  attack,  but 
some  also  rode  round  along  the  lowest  part  of  the 
slope  and  made  an  attack  in  the  rear,  so  that  they 
cut  off  a  good  many ;  and  the  slaughter  was  greater 
than  unimportant  skirmishes  usually  cause. 

This  defeat  kindled  the  anger  of  the  barbarians, 
instead  of  diminishing  their  courage.  Consequently, 
not  to  appear  daunted,  they  went  out  into  battle-line 
at  daybreak  the  next  day.  The  valley  being  narrow, 
as  stated  above,  had  no  room  for  all  the  forces. 
About  two-thirds  of  the  infantry  and  all  the  cavalry 
came  down  into  hne.  The  remainder  of  their  infantry 
they  stationed  on  the  slope  of  the  hill.  Scipio,  who 
thought  the  limited  space  was  to  his  advantage,  both 
because  a  battle  at  close  range  seemed  likely  to  be 
better  suited  to  the  Roman  than  to  the  Spanish 
soldier,  also  because  the  enemy's  line  had  been 
enticed  down  into  a  position  which  did  not  have  room 
for  all  of  their  multitude,  turned  his  attention  to  a 
further  new  plan.  He  could  not  place  his  cavalry  on 
the  wings,  he  thought,  in  so  limited  a  space,  and  the 
enemy  would  have  no  use  of  the  cavalry  they  had 
brought  down  with  their  infantry.  Therefore  he 
ordered  Laelius  to  lead  his  cavalry  about  over  the 
hills,  taking  the  road  that  was  best  hidden,  and  to 
separate  the  cavalry  battle,  so  far  as  he  could,  from 
that  of  the  infantry.  As  for  himself,  he  made  all 
his  infantry  units  face  the  enemy;  four  cohorts  he 
placed  in  the  front  line,  since  he  was  unable  to  extend 
his   Hne  to   a   greater  length.     He   did  not   delay 

135 


LIVY 

pugnandi  nullam  fecit,  ut  ipso  certamine  averteret  ab 
conspectu  transeuntium  per  colles  equitum.  Neque 
ante  circumductos  sensere  quam  tumultum  equestris 
U  pugnae  ab  tergo  accepere.  Ita  duo  diversa  ^  proelia 
erant ;  duae  peditum  acies,  duo  equitatus  per 
longitudinem  campi,  quia  misceri  ex  genere  utroque 
proelium    angustiae    non    patiebantur,    pugnabant. 

15  Hi'^panorum  cum  neque  pedes  equiti  neque  eques 
pediti  auxilio  asset,  pedes  fiducia  equitis  temere 
commissus  campo  caederetur,  eques  circumventus 
nee  peditem  a  fronte — iam  enim  stratae  pedestres 
copiae  erant — nee  ab  tergo  equitem  sustineret,  et 
ipsif  cum  diu  in  orbem  sese  stantibus  equis  defendis- 
sent,  ad  unum  omnes  caesi  sunt,  nee  quisquam 
peditum   equitumve  superfuit   qui  in  valle  pugna- 

16  verunt.  Tertia  pars,  quae  in  coUe  ad  spectaculum 
magis  tutum  quam  ad  partem  pugnae  capessendam 
steterat,  et  locum  et  tempus  ad  fugiendum  habuit. 

17  Inter  eos  et  reguli  ipsi  fugerunt,  priusquam  tota 
circumveniretur  acies  inter  tumultum  elapsi. 

XXXIV.  Castra  eodem  die  Hispanorum,  praeter 
ceteram  praedam,  cum  tribus  ferme  milibus  hominum 
2  capiuntur.  Romani  sociique  ad  mille  et  ^  ducenti  eo  ^ 
proelio  ceciderunt ;  volnerata  amplius  tria  milia 
hominum.  Minus  cruenta  victoria  fuisset,  si  paten- 
tiore  campo  et  ad  fugam  capessendam  facili  foret 
pugnatum. 

1  diversa  X'JK  Aldus,  Frohen  :   om.P(l)X. 
•  et  JK  {icith  ducentos)  :   om.  P(l)y. 

3  eo,  before  this  Convoay  restores  in,  found  in  C  and  suggested 
by  the  ducentu  o/P(3)(-ti  P'). 

136 


BOOK  XXVIII.  XXXIII.  13-XXXIV.  2 

beginning  the  engagement,  in  order  to  divert  b.c,  206 
attention  by  the  battle  itself  from  the  sight  of  the 
cavalry  crossing  over  the  hills ;  and  they  were  not 
aware  that  the  horsemen  had  outflanked  them  until 
they  heard  the  din  of  a  cavalry  battle  in  their  rear. 
Thus  there  were  two  distinct  battles ;  two  infantry 
lines,  two  cavalry  forces,  were  fighting  down  the 
length  of  the  level  ground,  since  the  narrow  space  did 
not  permit  a  battle  that  combined  both  arms.  On 
the  Spanish  side  neither  did  infantry  aid  cavalry  nor 
cavalry  infantry;  the  foot-soldiers,  who  in  reliance 
upon  the  cavalry  had  been  rashly  posted  on  the  level 
ground,  were  cut  to  pieces ;  the  cavalry,  being  out- 
flanked, were  neither  \\ithstanding  Roman  infantry 
in  front — for  their  own  infantry  were  already  over- 
whelmed— nor  Roman  cavalry  in  the  rear.  Conse- 
quently the  horsemen  also,  after  they  had  formed 
a  circle  and  with  their  horses  at  a  standstill  had 
defended  themselves  for  a  long  time,  were  all  slain 
to  a  man ;  and  not  one  of  their  foot  or  horse  that 
fought  in  the  valley  survived.  Only  a  third  of  them, 
having  stood  on  the  hill,  to  look  on  in  safety  rather 
than  to  take  part  in  the  battle,  had  both  a  suitable 
position  and  time  for  flight.  Among  them  the 
princes  also  fled,  having  slipped  away  in  the  con- 
fusion before  the  entire  line  should  be  surrounded. 

XXXIV.  The  camp  of  the  Spaniards  was  captured 
the  same  day,  with  about  three  thousand  men  in 
addition  to  other  booty.  Of  the  Romans  and  allies 
about  twelve  hundred  fell  in  that  battle ;  more  than 
three  thousand  men  were  wounded.  The  victory 
would  have  been  less  bloody  if  the  battle  had  been 
fought  on  a  more  open  ground  affording  an  easy 
escape. 

137 


LIVY 

3  Indibilis  abiectis  belli  consiliis  nihil  tutius  in 
adflictis  rebus   experta   fide   et   dementia   Scipionis 

4  ratus,  Mandonium  fratrem  ad  eum  mittit ;  qui 
advolutus  genibus  fatalem  rabiem  temporis  eius 
accusat,  cum  velut  contagione  quadam  pestifera  non 
Ilergetes    modo    et    Lacetani,    sed    castra    quoque 

5  Romana  insanierint.  Suam  quidem  et  fratris  et 
reliquorum  popularium  eam  condicionem  esse  ut  aut, 
si  ita  videatur,  reddant  spiritum  P.  Scipioni  ab  eodem 
illo  acceptum,  aut  servati  bis  uni  debitam  vitam  pro 

6  eo  in  perpetuum  devoveant.  Antea  in  causa  sua 
fiduciam  sibi  fuisse  nondum  experta  dementia  eius ; 
nunc  contra  nullam  in  causa,  omnem  in  misericordia 
\-ictoris  spem  positam  ^  habere. 

7  Mos  vetustus  erat  Romanis,  cum  quo  nee  foedere 
nee  acquis  legibus  iungeretur  amicitia,  non  prius 
imperio  in  eum  tamquam  pacatum  uti  quam  omnia 
divina  humanaque  dedidisset,  obsides  accepti,  arma 

8  adempta,  praesidia  urbibus  imposita  forent.  Scipio 
multis  invectus  in  praesentem  Mandonium  absen- 
temque  Indibilem  verbis,  illos  quidem  merito  perisse 
ipsorum    maleficio    ait,    victuros    suo    atque    populi 

9  Romani  beneficio.  Ceterum  se  neque  arma  iis 
adempturum  ^  neque  obsides  imperaturum  ^ — quippe 
ea  pignera  timentium  rebelHonem  esse ;    se  libera 

10  arma    relinquere,    solutos    animos — neque    se  *    in 

1  positam  P{l)X  Aldus  :   repositam  Sp?X'JK  Frohen  2. 

2  se  .  .  .  adempturum  om.   P{\)N  :    supplied  by  A'N'JK 
Aldus,  Frohen. 

3  neque  .  .  .  imperaturum  om.  P(  1  )AV^  oZ<i  £"^5.  :  supplied 
by  Weisf>enbom. 

*  se  Pl^l)NJK  Eds.  :  rejected  by  Conway. 

138 


BOOK  XXVIII.  XXXIV.  3-IO 

Indibilis,  having  discarded  his  plans  for  war,  b.o.  206 
thought  no  refuge  safer  in  his  distress  than  Scipio's 
honesty  and  mercy,  of  which  he  had  had  experience, 
and  sent  his  brother  Mandonius  to  him.  Mandonius, 
clasping  Scipio's  knees,  laid  the  blame  upon  the 
fateful  madness  of  a  time  in  which  some  pestilent 
epidemic  had  frenzied  not  merely  the  Ilergetes  and 
Lacetani  but  also  a  Roman  camp.  As  for  himself, 
indeed,  and  his  brother  and  the  rest  of  their 
countrymen,  such  was  their  situation  that  they 
should  either  give  back  to  Publius  Scipio,  if  he 
approved,  the  life  they  had  received  also  from  him, 
or,  if  spared  twice,  they  should  perpetually  devote 
to  him  the  lives  they  owed  to  him  alone.  Formerly, 
when  they  had  as  yet  no  experience  of  his  mercy, 
they  had  confidence  in  their  cause.  Now,  however, 
they  had  no  hope,  he  said,  in  their  cause,  but  rested 
it  all  on  the  pity  of  the  victor. 

The  old  custom  of  the  Romans  in  establishing 
peaceful  relations  with  a  people  neither  on  the  basis 
of  a  treaty  nor  on  equal  terms  had  been  this  :  not  to 
exert  its  authority  over  that  people,  as  now  pacified, 
until  it  had  surrendered  everything  divine  and  human, 
until  hostages  had  been  received,  arms  taken  away 
and  garrisons  posted  in  its  cities.  Scipio,  however, 
after  inveighing  at  length  against  Mandonius,  who 
was  present,  and  the  absent  Indibilis,  said  that  in 
consequence  of  their  own  misdeeds  they  had  surely 
deserved  to  die  ;  that  they  should  live  by  his  kindness 
and  that  of  the  Roman  people.  But  he  would  not 
take  away  their  arms  nor  demand  hostages ;  for 
those  were  the  pledges  for  men  who  feared  a  rebellion, 
whereas  he  was  leaving  them  their  arms  without 
restriction,  their  minds  relieved  of  fear.     And  if  they 

139 


LIVY 

obsides  innoxios,  sed  in  ipsos,  si  defecerint,  saevi- 
tiirum,  nee  ab  inermi.  sed  ab  armato  hoste  poenas 
expetiturum.  Utramque  fortunam  ^  expertis  per- 
mittere  sese  utrum  propitios  an  iratos  habere  Ro- 
ll manos  mallent.  Ita  dimissus  Mandonius  pecunia 
tantummodo  imperata  ex  qua  stipendium  militi 
12  praestari  posset.  Ipse  Marcio  in  ulteriorem  His- 
paniam  praemisso,  Silano  Tarraconem  remisso  ^ 
paucos  moratus  dies,  dum  imperatam  pecuniam 
Ilergetes  pemumerarent.  cum  expeditis  Marciumiam 
adpropinquantem  Oceano  adsequitur. 

XXX\'.  Incohata  res  iam  ante  de  Masinissa  aliis 
atque  aliis  de  causis  dilata  erat,  quod  Numida  cum 
ipso  utique  congredi  Scipione  volebat  atque  eius 
dextra  fidem  sancire ;    ea  turn  itineris  tam  longi  ac 

2  tam  devii  causa  Scipioni  fuit.  Masinissa  cum 
Gadibus  esset,  certior  adventare  eum  a  Marcio  factus, 
causando  corrumpi  equos  inclusos  in  insula  penuriam- 
que  omnium  rerum  et  facere  ceteris  et  ipsos  sentire, 

3  ad  hoc  equitem  marcescere  desidia,  Magonem^ 
perpulit  ut  se  traicere   in  continentem  ad  depopu- 

4  landos  proximos  Hispaniae  agros  pateretur.  Trans- 
gressus    tres    principes    Numidarum    praemittit    ad 

^  expetiturum.  Utramque  fortunam  A'N'JK  AlduSy 
Froben  :  om.  P{l)N. 

2  Silano  .  .  .  remisso  A^?N*JK  :   om.  P{\)N. 

'  Magonem  om.  P{ljNJK  :  supplied  by  z  (1518)  :  Conrvay 
would  prefer  Poenorum  praefectum,  one  line. 

^  Gades,  the  oldest  Phoenician  city  in  the  West  (possibly 
300  years  older  than  Carthage),  was  built  at  first  on  a  very  small 
island  at  the  north-west  end  of  a  long  narrow  island  tapering 
away  to  the  south-south-east.  In  later  times  the  harbour 
was  closed  in  that  direction  by  the  slow  action  of  Atlantic 
tides,  80  that  the  long  island  became  a  peninsula.     The  city, 

140 


BOOK  XXVIII.  XXXIV.  lo-xxxv.  4 

should  revolt  his  wTath  would  be  directed,  not  against  b.c.  206 
innocent  hostages,  but  against  themselves,  and  he 
would  exact  punishment,  not  from  an  unarmed,  but 
from  an  armed  enemy.  As  they  had  known  both 
kinds  of  fortune,  he  gave  them  their  choice,  whether 
they  preferred  to  find  the  Romans  kindly  disposed  or 
angry.  Thus  Mandonius  was  dismissed  with  no 
other  demand  than  money,  that  the  soldiers  might 
receive  their  pay.  After  sending  Marcius  ahead  into 
Farther  Spain  and  Silanus  back  to  Tarraco,  Scipio 
delayed  a  few  days  for  the  Ilergetes  to  pay  the  whole 
amount  demanded,  and  then  with  an  unencumbered 
force  overtook  Marcius  as  he  was  now  approaching 
the  Ocean. 

XXXV.  Dealings  which  had  to  do  with  Masinissa, 
begun  even  before  this  time,  had  been  postponed  on 
one  pretext  or  another  because  the  Numidian  desired 
in  any  case  to  meet  Scipio  in  person  and  to  ratify 
the  agreement  by  clasping  his  hand.  That  was 
Scipio 's  reason  at  this  time  for  a  march  so  long  and  so 
circuitous.  Masinissa,  being  at  Gades  and  informed 
by  Marcius  of  Scipio 's  approach,  pretended  that  the 
horses,  being  shut  up  on  an  island,^  were  deteriorating 
and  not  only  causing  a  general  scarcity  for  the  rest 
but  also  themselves  suffering  from  it.  Adding  that 
the  horsemen  were  losing  their  vigour  from  inaction, 
he  prevailed  upon  Mago  to  permit  him  to  cross  over 
to  the  mainland  in  order  to  lay  waste  the  nearest 
lands  in  Spain.  After  crossing  over  he  sent  three 
prominent  Numidians  in  advance  to  fix  a  time  and 

now  Cadiz,  is  separated  from  the  mainland  to  the  east  (at 
the  Trocadero)  by  a  channel  three-fourths  of  a  mile  wide. 
Cf.  Strabo  III.  V.  3;  Mela  III.  46;  Pliny  N.H.  IV.  119  f.; 
Schulten  in  Arch.  Anzeiger  1927,  pp.  203  ff.  (maps). 

141 


LIVY 

tempus  locumque  conloquio  statuendum.  Duos  pro 
obsidibus  retineri  ab  Scipione  iubet ;  reniisso  tertio 
qui  quo  iussus  erat  adduceret  Masinissam,  cum  paucis 

5  in  conloquium  venerunt.  Ceperat  iam  ante  Numidam 
ex  fama  rerum  gestarum  admiratio  \-iri,substituerat- 
que    animo    speciem    quoque    corporis    amplam    ac 

6  magnificam ;  ceterum  maior  praesentis  veneratio 
cepit,  et,  praeterquam  quod  suapte  natura  multa 
maiestas  inerat,  adornabat  proniissa  caesaries  habi- 
tusque  corporis  non  cultus  munditiis,  sed  virilis  vere 

7  ac  militaris,  et  aetas  erat  in  medio  \-irium  robore, 
quod  plenius  nitidiusque  ex  morbo  velut  renovatus 
flos  iuventae  faciebat. 

8  Prope  attonitus  ipso  congressu  Numida  gratias  de 
fratris  filio  remisso  agit.  Ex  eo  tempore  adfirmat 
eam  se  quaesisse  occasionem  quam  tandem  oblatam 

9  deum  immortalium  beneficio  non  omiserit.  Cupere 
se  illi  populoque  Romano  operam  navare  ita  ut  nemo 
unus  externus  magis  enixe  adiuverit  rem  Romanam. 

10  Id  se,  etiamsi  iam  pridem  vellet,  minus  praestare  in 
Hispania,  aliena  atque  ignota  terra,^  potuisse;  in 
qua  autem  genitus  educatusque  in  spem  paterni  regni 

11  asset,  facile  praestaturum.  Si  quidem  eundem 
Scipionem  ducem  in  Africam  Romani  mittant,  satis 

12  sperare  perbrevis  aevi  Carthaginem  esse.  Laetus 
eum  Scipio  \'idit  audivitque,  cum  caput  rerum  in 
omni  hostium  equitatu  Masinissam  fuisse  sciret,  et 

^  terra,    ?iere   P{l)N   Eds.  :     before   aliena    JK    Frohen   2, 
Conway  :   in  both  places  N*. 


*  Here  a  brother's  son,  while  according  to  XXVil.  xix.  9, 
perhaps  from  a  different  source,  Massiva  would  be  a  sister's 
son. 

142 


BOOK  XXVIII.  XXXV.  4-12 

place  for  a  conference.  He  gave  instructions  that  b.o.  206 
two  were  to  be  kept  by  Scipio  as  hostages.  When 
the  third  had  been  sent  back  to  conduct  Masinissa 
to  the  place  indicated  in  the  order,  they  came  with 
a  small  escort  to  the  conference.  The  Numidian  had 
already  been  filled  with  admiration  for  the  man  in 
consequence  of  his  reported  achievements,  and  had 
conjured  up  in  mind  an  ideal  figure,  tall  and  stately. 
But  greater  still  was  the  reverence  that  possessed 
him  for  the  man  in  his  presence  ;  and  while  Scipio  had 
great  natural  dignity,  long  hair  added  charm,  as  did 
a  general  appearance  not  due  to  studied  elegance, 
but  truly  masculine  and  soldierly ;  and  his  age  was 
exactly  at  the  height  of  physical  strength,  amplified 
and  made  more  dazzling  by  the  youthful  bloom  which 
appeared  to  have  been  renewed  after  his  illness. 

Almost  dazed  by  merely  meeting  him,  the  Numi- 
dian thanked  him  for  sending  home  his  nephew.^ 
From  that  time  on,  he  said,  he  had  sought  the  oppor- 
tunity which  he  did  not  let  slip  when  at  last  it  was 
presented  him  by  the  favour  of  the  immortal  gods. 
He  was  eager  to  give  such  services  to  Scipio  and 
the  Roman  people  that  no  individual  foreigner  would 
have  aided  the  Roman  state  with  more  ardour. 
That  aid,  although  he  had  long  wished  to  give  it,  he 
had  been  unable  to  furnish  in  Spain,  a  foreign  and 
unknown  land.  But  in  the  land  in  which  he  had  been 
born  and  brought  up  in  the  hope  of  inheriting  his 
father's  kingdom,  he  would  easily  furnish  it.  If  indeed 
the  Romans  should  send  Scipio  as  commander  into 
Africa  as  well  he  was  quite  confident  that  Carthage 
would  be  very  short-lived.  Scipio  was  glad  to  see 
and  hear  him,  since  he  knew  that  in  the  entire 
cavalry  of  the  enemy  Masinissa  had  been  the  soul 

143 


ipse  iuvenis  specimen  animi  prae  se  ferret.  Fide 
data  acceptaque  profectus  retro  Tarraconem  est. 
13  Masinissa  permissu  Romanorum,  ne  sine  causa 
traiecisse  in  continentem  videretur,  populatus  proxi- 
mos  agros  Gades  rediit. 

XXXVI.  Magoni  desperatis  in  Hispania  rebus, 
in  quarum  spem  seditio  primum  militaris,  deinde  de- 
fectio  Indibilis  animos  eius  sustulerant,  paranti 
traicere  in  Africam  nuntiatum  ab  Carthagine  est 
iubere  senatum  ut  classem  quam  Gadibus  haberet  in 

2  Italian!  traiceret ;  conducta  ibi  Gallorum  ac  Ligurum 
quanta  maxima  posset  iuventute  coniungeret  se  ^ 
Hannibali   neu   senescere   bellum   maximo   impetu, 

3  maiore  fortuna  coeptum  sineret.  Ad  eam  rem  et  a 
Carthagine  pecunia  Magoni  advecta  est,  et  ipse 
quantam  potuit  a  Gaditanis  exegit,  non  aerario  mode 
eorum  sed  etiam  templis  spoliatis,  et  privatim 
omnibus  coactis  aurum  argentumque  in  publicum 
conferre. 

4  Cum  praeterveheretur  Hispaniae  oram,  baud 
procul  Carthagine  Xova  expositis  in  terram  militibus 
proximos  depopulatur  ^  agros  ;  inde  ad  urbem  classem 

5  adpulit.  Ibicuminterdiumilitesinnavibustenuisset, 
nocte  in  litus  expositos  ad  partem  eam  muri  qua 
capta  Carthago  ab  Romanis  fuerat,  ducit,  nee 
praesidio  satis  valido  urbem  teneri  ratus  et  aliquos 

^  se  om.  P(1)X  :  supplied  by  A'JK  Aldus,  Frohen. 
2  depopulatur  P{3)N  Eds.  :     -tU3  BDJK  Aldus,   Frohen, 
L'uchs. 


^  Including  the  famous  temple  of  Hercules,  12  miles  south 
of  the  city,  on  a  very  small  peninsula,  now  an  island  (Santi- 
petri).  Cf.  XXI.  xxi.  9;  Strabo  I.e.  sub  fin.;  Mela  I.e.; 
Schulten  op.  cit.  1922,  pp.  38  ff.;  1927,  p.  211. 

144 


BOOK  XXVIII.  XXXV.  I2-XXXVI.  5 

of  everything,  and  in  himself  the  young  man  showed  b.o.  206 
clear  evidence  of  his  spirit.  After  giving  and  re- 
ceiving promises  Scipio  set  out  on  the  return  to 
Tarraco.  Masinissa  by  permission  of  the  Romans, 
that  he  might  not  appear  to  have  crossed  to  the  main- 
land without  reason,  devastated  the  nearest  lands 
and  returned  to  Gades. 

XXXVI.  Just  as  Mago,  who  had  despaired  of 
success  in  Spain — a  hope  to  which  first  the  mutiny  of 
the  soldiers  and  then  the  rebellion  of  Indibilis  had 
raised  his  spirits — was  preparing  to  cross  over  to 
Africa,  word  reached  him  from  Carthage  that  the 
senate  commanded  him  to  take  the  fleet  which  he 
had  at  Gades  over  to  Italy.  There  he  was  ordered 
to  hire  the  greatest  possible  number  of  young  Gauls 
and  Ligurians,  to  join  Hannibal  and  not  permit  a  war 
that  had  been  begun  with  the  greatest  vigour  and 
even  greater  good  fortune  to  decline  now.  For  that 
purpose  money  was  brought  to  Mago  from  Carthage, 
and  in  addition  he  himself  exacted  all  that  he  could 
from  the  citizens  of  Gades  by  plundering  not  merely 
their  treasury  but  also  the  temples, ^  and  by  com- 
pelling all  private  owners  to  contribute  gold  and 
silver  to  the  public  funds. 

As  he  was  sailing  along  the  coast  of  Spain  he 
landed  soldiers  not  far  from  New  Carthage  and  laid 
waste  the  nearest  farms ;  then  he  brought  his  fleet 
up  to  the  city.  There  after  keeping  the  soldiers  on 
shipboard  during  the  day,  he  landed  them  on  the 
shore  by  night  and  led  them  to  that  part  of  the  wall 
where  (New)  Carthage  had  been  stormed  by  the 
Romans. 2  For  he  thought  the  city  was  not  held  by  a 
garrison  of  sufficie-nt  strength,  also  that  with  the 

2  Cf.  XXVI.  xlv.  7ff.;  xlvi.  2. 

145 


LIVY 

4s'         oppidanorum  ad  spem  novandi  res  aliquid  moturos. 

6  Ceterum  nuntii  ex  agris  trepidi  simul  populationem 
agrestiumque  fugam  et  hostium  adventum  adtule- 

7  rant,  et  visa  interdiu  classis  erat,  nee  sine  causa 
electam  ante  urbem  stationem  apparebat.  Itaque 
instructi   armatique   intra   portam   ad   stagnum   ac 

8  mare  versam  continebantur.  Ubi  effusi  hostes,  mixta 
inter  milites  navalis  turba,  ad  muros  tumultu  maiore 
quam  vi  subierunt,  patefacta  repente  porta  Romani 

9  cum  clamore  erumpunt,  turbatosque  hostes  et  ad  pri- 
mum  incursum  coniectumque  telorum  aversos  usque 

10  ad  litus  cum  multa  caede  persequuntur ;  nee,  nisi 
naves    litori    adpulsae   trepidos    accepissent,    super- 

11  fuisset  fugae  aut  pugnae  quisquam.  In  ipsis  quoque 
trepidatum  na\1bus  est,  dum,  ne  hostes  cum  suis 
simul  inrumperent,  trahunt  scalas,  orasque  et 
ancoras,   ne   in   moliendo   mora    esset,   praecidunt; 

12  multique  adnantes  navibus,  incerto  prae  tenebris 
quid  aut  peterent  aut  vitarent,  foede  interierunt. 

13  Postero  die  cum  classis  inde  retro  ad  Oceanum,  unde 
venerat,  fugisset,  ad  octingenti^  homines  caesi  inter 
murum  litusque  et  ad  duo  milia  armorum  inventa. 

^  octingenti  P{l)X  Drakenborch,  Conway  :    -tos  A^fEds. : 
dccc  JK. 


^  Inexact,  for  the  gate  at  the  west  end  of  the  city  beneath 
the  citadel  of  Hasdrubal  faced  neither  lagoon  nor  sea.  It 
merely  gave  access  to  a  bridge  over  the  canal  (outlet  of  the 
lagoon;  and  so  bj'  diverging  roads  to  the  .siagnam  or  to  the 
harbour.     See  plan  in  Vol.  VII ;   Scullard,  298  f. 

2  Used  in  place  of  gang-planks.  Cf.  Bell.  Alex.  20.  4; 
Theocr.  22.  30. 

'  From  stern  to  shore;  XXII.  xix.  10;  Quint.  IV.  ii.  41. 
Bows   were    headed   seaward   and  held   by   ancoralia   (here 

146 


BOOK  XXVIII.  XXXVI.  5-13 

prospect  of  changing  sides  many  of  the  townspeople  b.c.  206 
would  take  an  active  part.  But  messengers  coming 
in  alarm  from  the  country  had  brought  news  at  the 
same  time  of  lands  laid  waste  and  farmers  fleeing  and 
the  enemy  approaching.  By  day  the  fleet  also  had 
been  seen,  and  it  was  evident  that  an  anchorage 
before  the  city  had  not  been  chosen  without  reason. 
Accordingly  the  men  were  kept  drawn  up  under  arms 
inside  the  gate  which  faced  the  lagoon  and  the  sea.^ 
When  the  enemy  pouring  out  of  the  ships — a  mob  of 
sailors  mingling  with  the  soldiers — approached  the 
walls  with  an  uproar  out  of  proportion  to  their  power 
the  Romans  suddenly  opened  the  gate  and  burst  out 
with  a  shout,  threw  the  enemy  into  confusion, 
routed  them  at  the  first  charge  and  the  first  volley 
of  their  missiles  and  pursued  them  down  to  the  shore 
with  great  slaughter.  And  if  the  ships  moored  to  the 
shore  had  not  received  them  in  their  alarm  not  a  man 
would  have  survived  the  flight  and  the  battle.  Even 
on  the  ships  also  there  was  confusion  while,  to  prevent 
the  enemy  from  dashing  on  board  along  with  their 
own  men,  they  were  drawing  in  the  ladders  ^  and 
cutting  hawsers  ^  and  cables,  to  avoid  delay  in  get- 
ting away.  And  many  perished  miserably  while 
swimming  towards  the  ships,  as  in  the  darkness  it 
was  not  clear  what  they  should  make  for  and  what 
they  should  avoid.  On  the  next  day,  when  the  fleet 
had  shpped  away,  returning  towards  the  Ocean  from 
which  it  had  come,  about  eight  hundred  bodies  and 
some  two  thousand  weapons  were  found  between 
the  wall  and  the  shore. 

ancorae  by  the  same  figure  of  speech  as  "  shores  "  for  "  shore 
cables  ").     Cf.  XXXVII.  xxx.  10. 

147 


XXXVII.  Mago  cum  Gades  repetisset,  exclusus 
inde,  ad  Cimbios — haud  procul  a  Gadibus  is  locus 
abest — classe  adpulsa,  mittendis  legatis  querendoque 
quod  portae  sibi  socio  atque  amico  clausae  forent, 

2  purgantibus  iis  multitudinis  concursu  factum,  infestae 
ob  direpta  quaedam  ab  conscendentibus  naves  militi- 
bus,  ad  conloquium  sufetes  eorum,  qui  summus  Poenis 
est  magistratus,  cum  quaestore  elicuit,  laceratosque 

3  verberibus  cruci  adfigi  iussit.  Inde  navibus  ad  Pity- 
usam   insulam   centum  milia   ferme   a   continenti — 

•i  Poeni  tum  eam  incolebant — traiecit.  Itaque  classis 
bona  cum  pace  accepta  est,  nee  commeatus  modo 
benigne  praebiti,  sed  in  supplementum  classis  iuven- 
tus  armaque  data.  Quorum  fiducia  Poenus  in  Baliares 
insulas — quinquaginta   inde   milia   absunt — tramisit. 

5  Duae  sunt  Baliares  insulae,^  maior  altera  atque  opu- 
lentior  armis  virisque  ;  et  portum  habet,  ubi  commode 
hibernaturum  se — et  iam  extremum  autumni  erat — 

G  credebat.2  Ceterum  haud  secus  quam  si  Romani 
eam  insulam  incolerent  hostiliter  classi  occursum  est. 
Fundis  ut  nunc  plurimum,  ita  tum  solo  eo  telo  ute- 
bantur,  nee  quisquam  alterius  gentis  unus  tantum  ea 
arte  quantum  inter  alios  omnes  ^  Baliares  excellunt. 

7  Itaque  tanta  vis  lapidum  creberrimae  grandinis  modo 

^  insulae  P{l}X  Aldus,  Eds.  :   om.  Sp?JK  Froben  2. 

2  credebat  P(1)A^  Eds.  :  censebat  SpFX'JK  Froben  2, 
Convxiy. 

^  alios  omnes  P{l)N  Aldus,  Eds.  :  omnes  alios  JK  Conway  : 
alias  omnes  GroTiovius. 

^  Mentioned  here  only. 

^  The  larger  (now  Iviza)  separated  by  a  narrow  strait  from 
a  smaller  island  also  called  Ebusus.  Cf.  XXII.  xx.  7;  Pliny 
X.H.  III.  76,  78;  Strabo  III.  v.  1;  Mela  II.  125;  Diodorus 
Sic.  V.  16. 

148 


BOOK  XXVIII.  XXXVII.  1-7 

XXXVII.  Mago,  upon  his  return  to  Gades  finding  b.c.  206 
himself  shut  out  of  the  city,  put  in  with  his  fleet  to 
Cimbii,^  a  place  not  far  from  Gades.  He  sent 
emissaries  and  complained  because  the  gates  had 
been  closed  against  him,  an  ally  and  friend.  The 
Gaditani  tried  to  excuse  themselves,  saying  it  was 
done  by  a  mob  enraged  on  account  of  some  looting 
committed  by  the  soldiers  as  they  were  embarking. 
He  thereupon  enticed  their  sufetes — the  highest 
magistrates  among  the  Phoenicians — together  with 
the  treasurer  to  a  conference  and  ordered  them  to  be 
scourged  and  crucified.  Then  he  crossed  over  on  his 
ships  to  the  island  of  Pityusa,^  about  a  hundred  miles 
from  the  mainland.  Carthaginians  at  that  time 
inhabited  the  island;  consequently  the  fleet  was 
received  on  friendly  terms,  and  not  only  were  supplies 
generously  furnished  but  young  men  to  recruit  the 
fleet,  and  arms  also  were  given.  Relying  upon  these 
the  Carthaginian  crossed  over  to  the  Balearic  Islands, 
fifty  miles  away. 

There  are  two  Balearic  Islands,^  one  larger  and 
richer  in  arms  and  men.  It  has  a  harbour  also,  where 
Mago — and  it  was  now  the  end  of  autumn — believed 
he  could  winter  comfortably.  But  an  attack  was  made 
on  the  fleet,  just  as  if  the  inhabitants  of  the  island 
were  Romans.  The  sling,  now  their  most  used 
weapon,  was  then  their  only  one,  and  not  a  single 
man  in  any  other  tribe  so  excels  in  the  art  of  using  it 
as  do  all  the  Balearic  Islanders  in  comparison  ^vith 
other  peoples.     Accordingly  such  a  volley  of  stones, 

2  Now  MaUorca  and  Menorca,  30  miles  apart,  the  former 
with  its  towns,  Palma  and  Pollentia  (PoUenzo);  Mela  II.  124 
and  the  others  just  cited. 

149 


LIVY 

in  propinquantera  iam  terrae  classem  efFusa  est  ut 
intrare  portum  non  ausi  averterent  in  altum  naves. 

8  In  minorem  inde  Baliarium  insulam  traiecerunt,  fer- 

9  tilem  agro,  viris  armis  baud  aeque  validam.  Itaque 
egressi  na\ibus  super  portum  loco  munito  castra 
locant ;  ac  sine  certamine  urbe  agroque  potiti,  duobus 
milibus  auxiliarium  inde  conscriptis  ^  missisque  Car- 
thaginem,     ad    hibernandum    naves     subduxerunt. 

10  Post    Magonis   ab    Oceani   ora   discessum   Gaditani 
Romanis  deduntur. 

XXX\'III.  Haec  in  Hispania  P.  Scipionis  ductu 
auspicioque  gesta.  Ipse  L.  Lentulo  et  L.  Manlio 
Acidino    propraetoribus  ^    pro\'incia    tradita    decern 

2  navibus  Romam  rediit,  et  senatu  extra  urbem  dato 
in  aede  Bellonae  quas  res  in  Hispania  gessisset 
disseruit,  quotiens  signis  conlatis  dimicasset,  quot 
oppida  ex  hostibus  vi  cepisset,  quas  gentes  in  dicio- 

3  nem  populi  Romani  redegisset ;  adversus  quattuor  se 
imperatores,  quattuor  victores  exercitus  in  His- 
paniam  isse ;   neminem  Carthaginiensem  in  iis  terris 

4  reliquisse.  Ob  has  res  gestas  magis  temptata  est 
triumphi  spes  quara  petita  pertinaciter,  quia  neminem 
ad  eam  diem  triumphasse  qui  sine  magistratu  res 

5  gessisset   constabat.     Senatu   misso   urbem   est   in- 

1  conscriptis :  (m  iJie  misplaced  passage  in  P  beginning  here 
cf.  p.  212,  n.  3. 

2  propraetoribus  C^  or  C  Alschefski,  Wallers  :  pro  P(3) : 
om.  F^f  orP'MAyJK  Eds. 

1  Both  had  been  praetors  (in  211  and  210  B.C.  respectively) 
but  were  not  technically  propraetors,  having  been  sent  out 
as  private  citizens  cum  imperio,  thus  having  the  rank  and 
authority  of  proconsuls.  Such  was  Scipio's  own  status. 
Cf.  XXIX.  xii.  2;  xiii.  7;  XXXI.  xx.  4  (Vol.  IX.  p.  59  and 
note). 


BOOK  XXVIII.  XXXVII.  7-xxxviii.  5 

like  the  densest  hail,  was  rained  upon  the  fleet  now  b.c.  206 
approaching  land  that,  not  venturing  to  enter  the 
harbour,  they  headed  their  ships  out  to  sea.  There- 
upon they  crossed  over  to  the  smaller  of  the  Balearic 
Islands,  fertile  in  its  land,  not  so  strong  in  men  and 
arms.  Disembarking,  therefore,  they  pitched  camp 
in  a  strong  position  above  the  harbour.  And  having 
gained  possession  of  the  city  and  its  territory  without 
a  battle  they  enlisted  two  thousand  auxiliaries  from 
there,  sent  them  to  Carthage  and  beached  their  ships 
to  spend  the  winter.  After  Mago's  retirement  from 
the  coast  of  the  Ocean  Gades  surrendered  to  the 
Romans. 

XXXVIII.  Such  were  the  results  in  Spain  under 
the  command  and  auspices  of  PubUus  Scipio.  Turn- 
ing over  the  province  to  Lucius  Lentulus  and  Lucius 
ManUus  Acidinus,  the  propraetors, ^  Scipio  himself 
returned  to  Rome  with  ten  ships.  And  when  a  session 
of  the  senate  was  granted  him  in  the  Temple  of  Bel- 
lona  2  outside  the  city,  he  set  forth  his  achievements 
in  Spain;  how  many  times  he  had  fought  pitched 
battles  ;  how  many  towns  he  had  taken  by  force  from 
the  enemy  ;  what  tribes  he  had  subjected  to  the  sway 
of  the  Roman  people.  He  had  gone  to  Spain,  he 
said,  against  four  generals-in-command,^  against 
four  victorious  armies  ;  he  had  left  not  a  Carthaginian 
in  that  country.  For  these  achievements  he  sought 
the  desired  triumph  but  did  not  make  an  insistent 
demand,  because  it  was  established  that  down  to  that 
time  no  one  who  had  commanded  without  being  a 
magistrate    had    triumphed.     The    senate    having 


2  Cf.  ix.  5  and  note. 
^  Cf.  xxviii.  9,  note. 


151 


LIVY 

gressus,  argentique  prae  se  in  aerarium  tulit  quat- 
tuordecim  ^  niilia  pondo  trecenta  quadraginta  duo  et 

6  signati  argenti  magnum  numerum.  Comitia  inde 
creandis  consulibus  habuit  L.  ^>turius  Philo,  cen- 
turiaeque  omnes  ingenti  favore  P.  Cornelium 
Scipionem  ^  consulem  dixerunt ;    collega  additur  ei 

7  P.  Licinius  Crassus  pontifex  maximus.  Ceterum 
comitia  maiore  quam  ulla  per  id  bellum  celebrata 

8  frequentia  proditum  memoriae  est.  Convenerant 
undique  non  suffragandi  modo,  sed  etiam  spectandi 
causa  P.  Scipionis,  concurrebantque  et  domum 
frequentes  et  in  Capitolium  ad  immolantem  eum, 
cum  centum  bubus  votis  in  Hispania  lovi  sacrificaret ; 

9  spondebantque  ^  animis,  sicut  C.  Lutatius  superius 
bellum  Punicum  finisset,  ita  id  quod  instaret  P.  Cor- 

10  nelium  finiturum,  atque  uti  Hispania  omni  Poenos 
expulisset,  sic  Italia  pulsurum  esse ;  Africamque  ei, 
perinde  ac  debellatum  in  Italia  foret,  provinciam  de- 
ll stinabant.  Praetoria  inde  comitia  habita,  Creati 
duo  qui  tum  aediles  plebis  erant,  Sp.  Lucretius  et 
Cn.  Octavius,  et  ex  privatis  Cn.*  Servilius  Caepio  et 
L.  Aemilius  Papus. 
12  Quarto  decimo  anno  Punici  belli  P.  Cornelius 
Scipio  et  P.  Licinius  Crassus  ut  consulatum  inierunt, 
nominatae  consulibus  provinciae  sunt,  Sicilia  Scipioni 

1  quattuordecim    N^x    Conway -.     decern    quattuor   P{l)N 
Eds;   cf.  p.  14,  crit.  note  3;   XXVI.  xUx.  3;   XXIX.  ii.  17. 

2  Scipionem,  with  the  nomen  omitted  except  iyi  JK  [J  omitting 
Scipionem),  and  so  in  §  8;   cf.  xxxix.  9. 

^  spondebantque  P(l)-V  Aldus  :   despon-  Sp?JK  Frdben  2. 
*  Octavius  .  .  .  Cn.  om.  P{l)N  :  supplied  by  A'N'JK  Eds. 

^  As  being  a   private   citizen;   cf.   Vol.   \'II.   p.   80,   n.   1  ; 
XXXII.  vii.  4. 


BOOK  XXVIII.  XXXVIII.  5-12 

adjourned,  he  entered  the  city  on  foot,^  and  before  b.c,  206 
him  he  caused  fourteen  thousand  three  hundred  and 
forty-two  pounds  of  silver  to  be  carried  to  the 
treasury,  and  a  great  number  of  silver  coins.  Then 
an  election  for  the  choice  of  consuls  was  conducted  by 
Lucius  Veturius  Philo,  and  all  the  centuries  with 
great  enthusiasm  named  Publius  Cornelius  Scipio 
consul.  As  his  colleague  he  was  given  Publius 
Licinius  Crassus,  the  pontifex  maximus.  The  elec- 
tion was  thronged,  it  is  further  related,  by  greater 
numbers  than  any  other  during  that  war.  From 
every  side  they  had  come  together,  not  only  to  vote 
but  also  to  get  a  sight  of  Publius  Scipio,  and  they 
flocked  in  large  numbers  both  to  his  house  ^  and  to 
him  on  the  Capitol  as  he  was  sacrificing,  offering  up 
to  Jupiter  the  hundred  oxen  he  had  vowed  in  Spain. 
They  promised  themselves  also  that,  just  as  Gaius 
Lutatius  had  finished  the  former  Punic  war,  so 
PubHus  Cornelius  would  finish  the  war  that  was 
upon  them ;  and  that  as  he  had  driven  the  Cartha- 
ginians entirely  out  of  Spain,  so  he  would  drive  them 
out  of  Italy  ;  further  assuring  themselves  that  Africa 
should  be  his  province,  just  as  if  the  war  in  Italy 
were  over.  Then  the  election  of  praetors  was  held. 
Two  who  at  that  time  were  plebeian  aediles  were 
elected,  Spurius  Lucretius  and  Gnaeus  Octavius, 
and  from  private  life  Gnaeus  Servilius  Caepio  and 
Lucius  Aemilius  Papus. 

In  the  fourteenth  year  of  the  Punic  war,  at  the  b.c.  206 
time  Publius  CorneUus  Scipio  and  Publius  Licinius 
Crassus  entered  upon  their  consulship,  the  consuls' 
provinces     were     designated,     Sicily     for     Scipio — 

2  It  was  south  of  the  Forum,  just  behind  the  Tabernae 
Veteres;   XLIV.  xvi.  10. 

153 


LIVY 

extra  sortem,  concedente  coUega,  quia  sacrorum  cura 
pontificem    maximum    in    Italia    retinebat,    Bruttii 

13  Crasso.  Tum  praetoriae  pro\'inciae  in  sortem  coniec- 
tae.  Urbana  Cn.  Ser\ilio  obtigit,  Ariminum — ita 
Galliam  appellabant — Sp.  Lucretio,  Sicilia  L.  Aemi- 
lio,  Cn.  Octa\'io  Sardinia. 

14  Senatus  in  Capitolio  habitus.  Ibi  referente  P. 
Scipione  senatus  consultum  factum  est  ut,  quos  ludos 
inter  seditionem  militarem  in  Hispania  vovisset,  ex 
ea  pecunia  quam  ipse  in  aerarium  detulisset  faceret. 

XXXIX.  Turn  Saguntinorum  legates  in  senatum 
introduxit.  Ex  eis  maximus  natu  :  "  Etsi  nihil  ultra 
malorum  est,  patres  conscripti,  quam  quod  passi 
sumus,  ut  ad  ultimum  fidem  vobis  praestaremus, 
tamen  ea  vestra  merita  imperatorumque  vestrorum  |i 
erga   nos   fuerunt    ut    nos   cladium   nostrarum   non    ]f 

2  paeniteat.     Bellum    propter    nos    suscepistis,    sus-    (- 
ceptum  quartum  decimum  annum  tam  pertinaciter 
geritis  ut  saepe  ad  ultimum  discrimen  et  ipsi  veneritis 

3  et  populum  Carthaginiensem  adduxeritls.  Cum  in 
Italia  tam  atrox  bellum  et  Hannibalem  hostem 
haberetis,  consulem  cum  exercitu  in  Hispaniam 
velut    ad    conligendas  ^    reliquias    naufragii    nostri 

4  misistis.  P.  et  Cn.  Cornelii,  ex  quo  in  provinciara 
venerunt,  nullo  tempore  destiterunt  quae  nobis 
secunda    quaeque    adversa    hostibus    nostris    essent 

5  facere.  lam  omnium  primum  oppidum  nobis  resti- 
tuerunt ;  per  omnem  Hispaniam  cives  nostros  venum 

1  conligendas    (col-)    P{1)N    Aldus,    Eds.  :     conciliandas 
SpN*[aUern.)J K  Conway. 

^  Cf.  ix.  1,  note. 

2  Cf.  Vol.  VII.  p.  2,  note;  XXIV.  x.  1 ;  XXX.  xxvii.  1. 


BOOK  XXVIII.  XXXVIII.  I2-XXXIX.  5 

without  casting  lots,  as  his  colleague  gave  way  b.c.  205 
because  the  charge  of  religious  rites  kept  a  pontifex 
maximus  in  Italy — and  the  land  of  the  Bruttians  for 
Crassus.  Then  the  praetorian  assignments  were 
determined  by  lot.  The  city  praetorship  fell  to 
Gnaeus  Servilius,  Ariminum  ^ — so  they  used  to 
designate  Gaul — to  Spurius  Lucretius,  Sicily  to 
Lucius  Aemilius,  Sardinia  to  Gnaeus  Octavius. 

The  senate  met  on  the  Capitol. ^  There,  the  ques- 
tion being  raised  by  Publius  Scipio,  a  decree  of  the 
senate  was  passed  that  the  games  which  he  had  vowed 
during  the  mutiny  of  the  soldiers  in  Spain  should  be 
celebrated  by  him,  drawing  upon  the  money  which  he 
had  himself  brought  into  the  treasury. 

XXXIX.  Thereupon  he  presented  the  ambassadors 
from  Saguntum.    The  eldest  of  these  spoke  as  follows  : 

Although  no  calamity  exists  which  goes  beyond  what 
we  have  suffered,  conscript  fathers,  in  our  desire  to 
keep  our  faith  with  you  to  the  very  end,  nevertheless, 
such  have  been  your  services  and  those  of  your 
generals  towards  us  that  we  do  not  regret  our 
disasters.  You  undertook  the  war  on  our  account ; 
having  undertaken  it  you  have  carried  it  on  with  such 
persistence  through  thirteen  years  that  often  you 
yourselves  reached  the  extreme  of  danger  and  brought 
the  Carthaginian  people  often  to  the  same  pass. 
Although  in  Italy  you  had  so  terrible  a  war  and 
Hannibal  as  your  enemy,  you  sent  a  consul  with  his 
army  into  Spain,  as  if  to  gather  up  the  flotsam  of  our 
shipwreck.  Publius  Cornelius  and  Gnaeus  Cor- 
nelius from  the  time  when  they  came  into  the  prov- 
ince never  ceased  doing  what  was  in  our  favour  and 
against  our  enemies.  First  of  all  they  restored  our 
city  to  us ;  they  sent  men  all  over  Spain  in  search  of 

155 


LIVY 

.u.c.         datos    dimissis    qui    conquirerent,    ex    servitute    in 

""^^       6  libertatem  restituerunt.     Cum  iam  prope   esset  ut 

optabilem  ex  miserrima  fortunam^  haberemus,  P.  et 

Cn.     Cornelii    imperatores    vestri    luctuosius    nobis 

prope  2  quam  vobis  perierunt. 

7  "  Turn  vero  ad  hoc  retracti  ex  distantibus  locis  in 
sedem  antiquam  videbamur  ut  iterum  periremus  et  al- 

S  terum  excidium  patriae  \1deremus — nee  ad  perniciem 
nostram  Carthaginiensi  utique  aut  duce  aut  exercitu 
opus  esse;  ab  Turdulis  nos,  veterrimis  hostibus,  qui 
prioris  quoque  excidii  causa  nobis  fuerant,  exstingui 

9  posse — cum  ex  insperato  repent e  misistis  nobis  hunc 
P.  Scipionem,  quem  fortunatissimi  omnium  Sagun- 
tinorum  videmur,  quia  consulem  declaratum  videmus 
ac   vidisse   nos   ci\-ibus   nostris   renuntiaturi   sumus, 

10  spem,  opem,3  salutem  nostram;  qui  cum  plurimas 
hostium  vestrorum  cepisset  in  Hispania  urbes, 
ubique  ex  captorum  numero  excretos  Saguntinos  in 

11  patriam  remisit ;  postremo  Turdetaniam,  adeo 
infestam  nobis  ut  ilia  gente  incolumi  stare  Saguntum 
non  posset,  ita  bello  adfiixit  ut  non  modo  nobis,  sed'* — 
absit    verbo    invidia — ne    posteris    quidem   timenda 

12  nostris  esset.  Deletam  urbem  cemimus  eorum 
quorum  in  gratiam  Saguntum  deleverat  Hannibal; 

^  fortunam  A'  or  A^N'JK  Aldus,  Frohen,  Liichs,  Conway  : 
fortuna  P(l)(.4/j.V  Eds. 

2  prope  A*X'(altern.)JK  Aldus,  Frohen  :    quoque  P(l)N. 

^  opem  Sj)?JKN*  Frohen  2  :  omnem  P{\)N  {all  with 
salutemque,  which  N'  Aldus  have  with  opem). 

*  sed  om.  P(1)^YJ  :  supplied  hy  Ussing  {before  ne  by  A'Kz 
Aldus).         «. 

^  The  most  that  we  know  about  this  tribe  is  that  they  were 
neighbours  of  the  Turdetani  in  Baetica,  fully  250  miles  from 
Saguntum,  which  was  in  the  land  of  the  Edetani.  Livy  and 
his  source  (probably  Coelius)  ignored  the  impossible  distance 

'56 


BOOK  XXVIII.  XXXIX.  5-12 

our  citizens  who  had  been  sold  and  out  of  slavery  b.o.  206 
restored  them  to  freedom.  When  now  we  had  almost 
attained  an  enviable  lot  after  the  utmost  misery, 
Pubhus  Cornelius  and  Gnaeus  Cornelius,  your 
generals,  brought  almost  more  sorrow  to  us  than  to 
you  by  their  death. 

"  Then  indeed  we  seemed  to  ourselves  to  have  been 
dragged  back  from  distant'  places  to  our  former 
abode  merely  to  perish  again  and  to  witness  a  second 
destruction  of  our  native  city.  We  were  thinking 
also  that  there  was  no  need  whatever  of  a  Car- 
thaginian general  or  army  for  our  ruin,  that  we  could 
be  wiped  out  by  the  Turduli,^  our  oldest  enemies, 
who  had  been  responsible  for  our  former  destruction 
as  well,  when  suddenly  and  unexpectedly  you  sent 
us  this  Publius  Scipio.  In  seeing  him  declared  consul 
and  in  reporting,  as  we  intend,  to  our  citizens  that 
we  have  seen  him,  our  hope,  our  help,  our  safety, 
so  elected  we  deem  ourselves  the  most  fortunate  of 
all  the  Saguntines.  On  capturing  many  cities  of  your 
enemies  in  Spain  he  everywhere  separated  Sagun- 
tines from  the  number  of  captives  and  sent  them 
back  to  their  native  city.  Finally,  as  for  Turdetania, 
which  was  so  hostile  to  us  that  Saguntum  could  not 
stand  if  that  tribe  was  preserved,  he  so  crushed  it  in 
war  that  not  only  we,  but  even  our  descendants  do 
not  need  to  fear  it — without  boasting  be  it  said! 
We  see  the  ruined  city  of  a  people  to  favour  whom 
Hannibal    had    destroyed    Saguntum.     We    receive 

and  made  the  Turdetani  (§  11),  or  here  the  Turduli,  responsible. 
App.  Hisp.  10  has  Top^oXrjTat,  and  if  any  Greek  source  had 
such  a  reading  as  'TophoXrjrai  the  confusion  might  perhaps  be 
accounted  for.  Cf.  XXI.  vi.  1;  XXIV.  xlii.  11;  Strabo  III. 
i.  6;  ii.  11,  15;  iii.  5;  E.  Meyer,  Kl.  Schr.  II.  408.  In 
Polybius'  account  no  tribe  is  mentioned  (III.  xiv.  f.,  xvii). 

157 


vectigal  ex  agro  eorum  capimus,  quod  nobis  non  ^ 

13  fructu  iucundius  est  quam  ultione.  Ob  haec, 
quibus  maiora  nee  sperare  nee  optare  ab  dis  immorta- 
libus  poteramus,  gratias  actum  nos  decern  legates 

14  Saguntinus  senatus  populusque  ad  vos  misit,  simul 
gratulatum,  quod  ita  res  per  hos  ^  annos  in  Hispania 
atque  Italia  gessistis  ut  ^  Hispaniam  non  Hibero 
amne  tenus,  sed  qua  terraruni  ultimas  finit  ^  Oceanus, 
domitam  armis  habeatis.  Italiae,  nisi  quatenus  vallum 

15  castrorum  cingit,  nihil  reliqueritis  Poeno.  lovi 
Optimo  maximo,  praesidi  Capitolinae  arcis,  non  grates 
tantum  ob  haec  agere  iussi  sumus,  sed  donum  hoc 
etiam,    si    vos    permitteretis,    coronam    auream    in 

16  Capitolium  \ictoriae  ergo  ferre.  Id  uti  permittatis 
quaesumus,  utique,  si  vobis  ita  videtur,^  quae  nobis 
imperatores  vestri  commoda  tribuerunt,  ea  rata  atque 
perpetua  auctoritate  vestra  faciatis. 

17  Senatus  legatis  Saguntinis  respondit  et  dirutum 
et    restitutum    Saguntum     fidei     sociaUs     utrimque 

18  servatae  documentum  omnibus  gentibus  fore ;  suos 
imperatores  recte  et  ordine  et  ex  voluntate  senatus 
fecisse,  quod  Saguntum  restituerint  civesque  Sagun- 
tinos  ser\-itio  exemerint ;  quaeque  aha  eis  ^  benigne 
fecerint,  ea  senatum  ita  voluisse  fieri ;  donum  permit- 

19  tere  ut  in  CapitoUo  ponerent.     Locus  inde  lautiaque 

1  non,  P(3)A'2  Aldus  add  tarn. 

2  per  hos  A^S\altern.)JK  Aldus,  Frohen  :   hos  P{1)N. 

3  ut  N'JK  :   utin  P(l)  :   uti  Alschefski  :   om.  N. 

*  ultimas  finit  P{1)N  Aldus,  also  J  {prefixing  non)  :  -mus 
finis  Sp?  Frohen  2  :   -mus  finit  K. 

^  videtur  SJK  Frohen  2.  {On  this  single  leaf  of  S,  beginning 
ita  videtur,  cf.  p.  168,  n.  2)  :  videretur  P{l)N  Aldm. 

158 


BOOK  XXVIII.  XXXIX.  12-19 

from  their  territory  a  revenue  which  is  not  more  b.o. 
welcome  to  us  as  income  than  as  vengeance.  For 
these  things — and  we  could  not  hope  or  pray  for 
greater  things  from  the  immortal  gods — the  senate 
and  people  of  Saguntum  have  sent  us,  ten  ambassadors, 
to  you  to  express  our  thanks,  at  the  same  time  to 
congratulate  you  because  for  these  years  you  have  so 
conducted  the  war  in  Spain  and  in  Italy  that  you  hold 
Spain  subdued  by  arms,  not  merely  so  far  as  the  river 
Hiberus,  but  even  where  Ocean  sets  bounds  to  the 
most  distant  lands,  and  have  left  the  Carthaginian 
only  so  much  of  Italy  as  the  fortification  of  his  camp 
encircles.  To  Jupiter  greatest  and  best,  defender  of 
the  Capitoline  citadel,  we  have  been  bidden  not 
merely  to  render  thanks  for  all  this  but  with  your 
permission  to  carry  this  gift  of  a  golden  wreath  also 
to  the  Capitol  on  account  of  your  victory.  We  beg 
you  to  permit  this,  and  if  it  seems  best  to  you,  that 
you  ratify  and  perpetuate  by  your  authority  those 
advantages  which  your  generals  have  bestowed 
upon  us.'* 

The  senate  replied  to  the  Saguntine  ambassadors 
that  the  destruction  and  restoration  of  Saguntum 
would  be  to  all  nations  an  example  of  a  loyalty  which 
both  allies  have  maintained;  that  its  generals  had 
been  entirely  right  and  had  complied  mth  the  wish 
of  the  senate  in  restoring  Saguntum  and  rescuing  the 
citizens  of  Saguntum  from  slavery  ;  and  that  where- 
ever  the  generals  had  treated  them  with  considera- 
tion the  senate  had  approved  of  such  action ;  that 
they  permitted  them  to  deposit  their  gift  on  the 
Capitol.     It  was  then  ordered  that  lodgings  and  com- 

^  eis  P{1)N  Aldus,  Frohen  :  aliis  >S. 


LIVY 

legatis  praeberi  iussa,  et  muneris  ergo  in  singulos  ^ 

20  dari  ne  minus  dena  milia  aeris.     Legationes  deinde 

21  ceterae  in  senatum  introductae  ^  auditaeque.  Et 
petentibus  Saguntinis  ut,  quatenus  tuto  possent, 
Italiam  spectatum  irent,  duces  dati  litteraeque  per 

22  oppida  missae  ut  Hispanos  comiter  acciperent.  Turn 
de  re  publiea,  de  exercitibus  scribendis,  de  pro\inciis 
relatum. 

XL.  Cum  Africam  novam  provinciam  extra  sortem 
P.  Scipioni  destinari  homines  fama  ferrent,  et  ipse 
nulla  iam  modica  gloria  contentus  non  ad  gerendum 
modo  bellum,  sed  ad  finienduni  diceret  se  consulem 

2  declaratum  esse,^  neque  aliter  id^  fieri  posse  quani 
si  ipse  in  Africam  exercitum  transportasset,^  et 
acfurum  se  id  per  populum  aperte  ferret,  si  senatus 
adversaretur, — id  consilium  haudquaquam  primoribus 
patrum  cum  placeret,  ceteri  ^  per  metum  aut  ambi- 

3  tionem  mussarent,  Q.  Fabius  Maximus  rogatus 
sententiam  :  "  Scio  multis  vestrum  videri,  patres  con- 
scripti,  rem  actam  hodierno  die  agi  et  frustra  habi- 
turum  orationem  qui  tamquam  de  integra  re  de  Africa 

•i  provincia  sententiam  dixerit.     Ego  autem  primum 

^  ergo  in  singulos  SA'X'JK  Eds.  :  om.  P{1)X,  a  line. 

2  in  senatum  introductae  SN'JK  Eds.  :  om.  P{1)N, 
another  line. 

3  esse  P{\)N  Aldus,  Frohen,  Eds.  :  om.  SN*JK  Conway. 

*  aliter  id  F{l}N  Aldus  :  id  aUter  SSpJK. 

5  transportasset  SSpJ  Frohen  2  :    -taret  P{l)NK  Aldus. 

*  ceteri  P(3)SJK  :  ceterique  CK-IX  Aldus,  Frohen :  et 
ceteri  Madvig. 


^  The  term  lautia  by  its  derivation  from  lavare  at  first  meant 
Lathing  facilities,  but  came  to  include  other  comforts  provided 
for  guests  of  the  state.     Cf.  XXX.  xvii.  14. 

i6o 


BOOK  XXVIII.  XXXIX.  19-XL.  4 

forts  ^  be  provided  for  the  ambassadors,  and  that  to  b.c.  205 
each  of  them  be  presented  not  less  than  ten  thousand 
asses  as  a  gift.^  Then  the  rest  of  the  embassies  were 
introduced  into  the  senate  and  had  their  hearing. 
And  upon  request  of  the  Saguntines  that  they  might 
make  a  tour  of  Italy  so  far  as  they  could  safely  do  so, 
guides  were  furnished  them  and  letters  sent  to  the 
different  towns,  bidding  them  to  receive  the  Spaniards 
hospitably.  Thereupon  the  senate  took  up  matters 
concerning  the  state,  the  enrolment  of  armies,  the 
assignment  of  posts.^ 

XL.  While  it  was  commonly  reported  that  without 
casting  lots  Africa  was  to  be  assigned  to  Publius 
Scipio  as  a  new  province,  he  himself,  no  longer 
satisfied  with  moderate  fame,  kept  saying  that  he 
had  been  named  consul  not  only  to  carry  on  the  war 
but  also  to  finish  it.  This  was  impossible  unless  he 
should  himself  transport  his  army  to  Africa,  he  said, 
openly  declaring  that  he  would  accomplish  that  result 
by  popular  vote  if  the  senate  should  oppose.  This 
plan  being  by  no  means  approved  by  the  leading 
senators,  while  because  of  fear  or  else  to  curry  favour, 
all  the  rest  failed  to  speak  out,  Quintus  Fabius 
Maximus,  when  asked  his  opinion,  said:  "  I  know 
that  many  of  you,  conscript  fathers,  hold  that  we  are 
today  debating  a  closed  question,  and  that  whoever 
expresses  an  opinion  on  Africa  as  a  province,  just  as 
if  it  were  an  open  question,  will  be  speaking  to  no 
purpose.     For  myself,  however,  in  the  first  place  I 

2  Cf.  XXX.  I.e.,  for  a  gift  in  money  to  ambassadors. 

^  This  last  had  aheady  been  done  (xxxviii.  12  f.).  Popular 
feeling,  however,  favoured  at  least  giving  Scipio  power  to  cross 
over  from  Sicily  to  Africa  if  he  should  deem  it  best  (xlv.  8), 
or  even  substituting  Africa  for  Sicily  as  his  assignment. 

l6t 
VOL.  VIII.  G 


Lnnf 

-  illud  ignore,  quern  ad  modum  certa  iam^  provincia 
Africa  consulis,  viri  fortis  ac  strenui,  sit,  quam  nee 
senatus    censuit    in    hunc    annum    provinciam    esse 

5  nee  populus  iussit.  Deinde,  si  est,  consulem  peccare 
arbitror  qui  de  re  transacta  simulando  se  referre 
senatum  ludibrio  habet,  non  senatorem  ^  qui  de  quo 

6  consulitur  suo  loco  dicit  sententiam.  Atque  ego  cer- 
tum  habeo  dissentienti  mihi  ab  ista  festinatione  in 
Africam   traiciendi  duarum  rerum   subeundam   opi- 

7  nionem  esse  :  unius,  insitae  ingenio  meo  cunctationis, 
quam  metum  pigritiamque  homines  adulescentes 
sane  appellent,  dum  ne^  paeniteat  adhuc  aliorum 
speciosiora  primo  aspectu  consilia  semper  \lsa,  mea 

8  usu  meliora ;  alterius,  obtrectationis  atque  invidiae 
adversus     crescentem    in     dies     gloriam    fortissimi 

9  consulis.  A  qua  suspicione  si  me  neque  vita  acta  et 
mores  mei  neque  dictatura  cum  quinque  consulatibus 
tantumque  gloriae  belli  domique  partae  vindicat  ut 
propius  fastidium  eius  sim  quam  desiderium,  aetas 
saltem  liberet.*     Quae  enim  mihi  aemulatio  cum  eo 

10  esse  potest  qui  ne  filio  quidem  meo  aequalis  sit  ?  Me 
dictatorem,  cum  vigerem  adhuc  Wribus  et  in  cursu 
maximarum  rerum  essem,  recusantem  nemo  aut  in 
senatu  aut  apud  ^  populum  audivit  quo  minus  in- 
sectanti  me  magistro  equitum,  quod  fando  numquam 
ante   auditum  erat,  imperium  mecum  aequaretur; 

^  certa  iam  P(1)N  Aldus  :   iam  certa  SJK  Froben  2. 

2  senatorem,  P{\)N  Aldus  add  modo. 

3  ne  CD  Gronovius,  Eds.  :   me  P{1)X  :   me  non  SA*N*JK 
Aldus,  Froben,  Luchs  :   me  ne  Weissenhorn  conj.,  Biemann. 

*  liberet  P{\)NJK  Alius  :   -rat  SSp  Froben  2. 
'"  apud  [or  -ut)  P(l)  Aldus :  o7n.  N  :  ad  SSpN'JK  Froben  2. 
162 


BOOK  XXVIII.  XL.  4-10 

do  not  understand  how  Africa  is  already  definitely  b.c.  205 
assigned  to  that  brave  and  energetic  man,  the 
consul,  since  neither  has  the  senate  voted  nor  the 
people  commanded  ^  that  it  be  a  province  for  this 
year.  In  the  second  place,  if  it  is  his,  I  think  that  the 
consul  who  mocks  the  senate  by  pretending  to  bring 
before  the  house  business  upon  which  action  has  been 
taken  is  at  fault,  not  a  senator  who  in  his  proper  order 
states  his  opinion  on  the  matter  under  consideration. 
And  I  am  quite  certain  that  in  opposing  such  haste  to 
cross  over  into  Africa  I  must  expose  myself  to  two 
charges,  first,  of  an  inborn  habit  of  delay,  which 
young  men  are  free  to  call  fear  and  lack  of  spirit, 
provided  there  are  as  yet  no  regrets  that  other  men's 
policies  have  always  appeared  at  first  sight  more 
attractive,  mine  the  better  in  practice.  Secondly,  they 
will  accuse  me  of  carping  criticism  and  envy  towards 
the  daily  increasing  fame  of  a  very  brave  consul. 
From  this  suspicion  if  neither  my  past  life  and  my 
character  nor  my  dictatorship  and  five  consulships 
can  defend  me,  together  with  so  much  glory  won  in 
the  field  and  at  home  that  I  tend  to  be  sated  rather 
than  to  crave  it,  may  my  years  at  least  bring  ex- 
emption. For  what  rivalry  can  I  have  with  a  man 
who  is  not  even  my  son's  contemporary  ?  In  my 
dictatorship,  although  I  was  still  at  the  height  of  my 
powers  and  in  the  stream  of  great  events,  no  one 
heard  me  refuse  either  in  the  senate  or  before  the 
people  to  have  the  command  of  my  master  of  the 
horse,  who  was  inveighing  against  me,  made  equal 
to  mine,  a  thing  which  never  had  been  heard  of  before. ^ 

^  The  people  in  such  a  case  could  act  only  on  request  of  the 
senate;  XXX.  xxvii.  3;  xl.  10.  Scipio's  threat  (§  2)  would 
first  involve  action  by  the  senate.  ^  Qf^  XXII.  xxv  f. 

163 


LIVY 

11  rebus  quam  verbis  adsequi  malui  ut  qui  aliorum  ^ 
iudicio  mihi   comparatus   erat  sua  mox  confessione 

12  me  sibi  praeferret ;  ^ledum  ego  perfunctus  honoribus 
certamina    niihi   atque    aemulationem  ^   cum  adule- 

13  scente  florentissimo  proponam :  videlicet  ut  mihi 
iam  \'ivendo,  non  solum  rebus  gerendis  fesso,  si  huic 
negata  fuerit,  Africa  provincia  decernatur.  Cum  ea 
gloria  quae  parta  est  vivendum  atque  moriendum  est. 

14  X'incer.e.  ego  prohibui  Hannibalem,  ut  a  vobis  quorum 
vigent  nunc  vires  etiam  vinci  posset. 

XLI.  "  Illud  te  mihi  ignoscere,'^.  Corneli,  aequum 
erit,  si,  cum  in  me  ipso  numquam  pluris  famam 
hominum    quam   rem   publicam   fecerim,    ne   tuam 

2  quidem  gloriam  bono  publico  praeponam.^  Quam- 
quam,  si  aut  bellum  nullum  in  Italia  aut  is  hostis  esset 
ex  quo  victo  nihil  gloriae  quaereretur,  qui  te  in  Italia 
retineret,  etsi  id  bono  publico  faceret,  simul  cum  bello 
materiam  gloiiae  tuae  isse  *  ereptum  videri  posset. 

3  Cum  vero  Hannibal  hostis  incolumi  exercitu  quartum 
decimum  annum  Italiam  obsideat,  paenitebit  te, 
P.  CorneU,  gloriae  tuae,  si  hostem  cum  qui  tot 
funerum,  tot  cladium  nobis  causa  fuit,  tu  consul  Italia 
expuleris  et,  sicut  penes  C.  Lutatium  prioris  Punici 
perpetrati  belli  titulus  fuit,  ita  penes  te  huius  fuerit? 

4  Nisi  aut  Hamilcar  Hannibali  dux  est  praeferundus 

1  alionim  P{l)X  Aldus,  Eds.  :  aliquonim  SX'JK  Froben  2, 
Conway. 

2  aemulationem  {or  em-)  CDAN  Alius  :  -ne  P(3)  :  -nes 
SA'JK  Froben  2. 

^  bono  publico   praeponam   (pro-   SX")   SA'X'JK  Aldus, 
Froben,  Eds.  :   om.  F{l)X,  a  line  (P  leaving  a  gap). 
*  isse  P{l)XSz  :   ire  A*JK  Aldus,  Froben. 

1  Cf.  Periocha  19  ^n. ;    Polybius  I.  lix.-lxi  for  the  naval 
victorv  off  the  Aegates  Islands,  241   B.C.;    XXII.  xiv.   13; 
XXIli.  xiii.  4. 
164 


BOOK  XXVIII.  XL.  ii-XLi.  4 

By  acts  rather  than  words  I  preferred  to  gain  this  b.c.  20i 
result,  that  one  who  by  the  verdict  of  other  men 
had  been  made  my  colleague  should  presently  by  his 
own  admission  place  me  above  himself.  Much  less 
would  I,  who  have  filled  the  high  offices,  set  before 
me  competition  and  rivalry  with  a  young  man  in 
the  very  flower  of  his  youth,  with  the  intention, 
of  course,  of  having  Africa,  if  it  be  denied  him, 
awarded  as  a  province  to  me,  who  am  now  worn  out 
by  mere  living,  not  only  by  cares  of  state.  With 
such  glory  as  has  been  already  earned  must  I  live 
and  die.  I  have  prevented  Hannibal  from  conquer- 
ing^ in  order  that  you  men  whose  powers  are  still 
strong  might  even  conquer  him. 

XLI.  "  One  thing  it  will  be  right,  Publius  Cor- 
neUus,  for  you  to  pardon  me — inasmuch  as  in  my  own 
case  I  have  never  rated  what  men  say  more  highly 
than  the  state — namely,  if  I  do  not  prefer  your  glory, 
either,  to  the  M^elfare  of  the  state.  If,  however, 
there  were  no  war  in  Italy,  or  if  the  enemy  were  one 
from  v/hose  defeat  no  glory  was  to  be  earned,  only 
then  could  a  man  who  kept  you  in  Italy,  even  if  he  did 
so  with  advantage  to  the  state,  be  thought  to  have 
been  bent  on  taking  away  the  war  from  you  and  with 
it  your  opportunity  for  fame.  But  since  Hannibal  as 
an  enemy  with  army  intact  is  occupying  Italy  for  the 
fourteenth  year,  will  you  be  dissatisfied  wdth  your 
fame,  Publius  Cornelius ;  if  in  your  consulship  you 
shall  have  driven  out  of  Italy  the  enemy  who  has 
cused  us  so  many  losses,  so  many  disasters,  and  if 
you  shall  have  the  distinction  of  finishing  the  present 
war,  just  as  Gaius  Lutatius  had  that  of  ending  the 
former  Punic  war  ?  ^  Unless  Hamilcar  is  to  be  rated 
above  Hannibal  as  a  general,  or  that  war  above  this 

165 


LIVY 

aut  illud  bellum  huic,  aut  victoria  ilia  maior  clari- 
orque   quam   haec — modo   contingat   ut   te   consule 

5  vincamus — futura  est.  Ab  Drepanis  aut  Eryce 
detraxisse  Hamilcarem  quam  Italia  expulisse  Poenos 

6  atque  Hannibalem  malis  r  Ne  tu  quidem,  etsi  magis 
partam  ^  quam  speratam  gloriam  amplecteris,  His- 
pania  potius  quam  Italia  bello  liberata  gloriatus  fueris. 

7  "  Nondum  is  est  Hannibal,  quern  non  magis 
timuisse  videatur  quam  contempsisse  qui  aliud  bellum 

8  maluerit.  Quin  igitur  ad  hoc  accingeris  nee  per  istos 
circuitus,  ut,  cum  in  Africam  traieceris,  secuturum  te 
illuc  Hannibalem  speres  potius  quam  recto  hinc 
itinere,  ubi  Hannibal  est,  eo  bellum  intendis,^  si  ^ 
egregiam  istam  palmam  belli  Punici  patrati  *  petis  ? 

9  Hoc  et  natura  prius  est,  tua  cum  defenderis,  aliena 
ire  oppugnatum.  Pax  ante  in  Italia  quam  bellum  in 
Africa  sit,  et  nobis  prius  decedat  timor  quam  ultro 

10  aliis  inferatur.  Si  utrumque  tuo  ductu  auspicioque 
fieri  potest,  Hannibale  hie  victo,  ilHc  Carthaginem 
expugna ;  si  altera  utra  victoria  novis  consulibus 
relinquenda   est,  prior  cum  maior  clariorque,  turn 

11  causa  etiam  insequentis  fuerit.  Nam  nunc  quidem, 
praeterquam   quod   et   in   Italia   et  in   Africa   duos 

12  diversos  exercitus  alere  aerarium  non  potest,  praeter- 

^  partam  SJ K  :   paratam  P{\)X. 

2  intendis  P{S}XSJK  :  -dis  ?  {end  of  sentence)  Drakenhorch, 
Conway  :  -das  D  Crevier,  Luchs  :  -dens  Madvig  1863  [and 
Eineyid.). 

^  si,  added  by  Halm,  Madvig  1886,  M.  JIuUer,  Riemann  :  et 
hy  Weissenborn  :    both  rejected  by  Convmy. 

*  patrati  SSp  Froben  2  :  parati  P{Z)B'^X  :  peracti  A'JK 
Aldus. 

^  Now  Monte  San  Giuliano,  2465  ft.  It  had  a  famous  temple 
of  Aphrodite,  whose  cult  was  presumably  of  Phoenician  origin. 
Cf.  XXI.  X.  7 ;  2di.  6  fi. ;  Polybius  I.  Iv.  7  ff. ;  Strabo  VI.  ii. 
1 66 


BOOK  XXVIII.  xLi.  4-12 

one,  or  unless  that  victory  was  greater  and  more  b.o.  205 
famous  than  this  one  is  to  be,  if  only  it  be  our  good 
fortune  to  \\in  in  your  consulship.  Would  you  rather 
have  dragged  Hamilcar  away  from  Drepana  or  down 
from  Eryx  ^  than  have  driven  the  Carthaginians  and 
Hannibal  out  of  Italy  ?  Although  you  take  more 
delight  in  glory  already  won  than  in  glory  hoped  for, 
even  you  would  not  boast  of  having  rid  Spain  of  the 
war  rather  than  Italy. 

"  Not  yet  has  Hannibal  reached  such  a  pass  that 
the  man  who  preferred  some  other  war  would  not  seem 
to  have  feared  rather  than  despised  him.  Therefore 
gird  yourself  for  this  war,  and  not  employing  your 
roundabout  method — crossing  first  to  Africa,  and 
then  hoping  Hannibal  will  follow  you  thither — but 
rather  by  a  direct  march  from  here  aim  your  campaign 
at  the  region  where  Hannibal  is,  if  you  seek  your 
glorious  palm  for  bringing  the  Punic  war  to  an  end. 
This  is  also  the  natural  order :  first  to  defend  your 
own  possessions,  then  to  proceed  to  attack  those  of 
others.  First  peace  in  Italy,  then  be  it  war  in  Africa  ! 
and  let  our  fear  abate  before  we  use  fear  as  an  offensive 
weapon  against  others.  If  both  can  be  done  under 
your  lead  and  your  auspices,  after  defeating  Hannibal 
here,  storm  Carthage  over  there.  If  one  or  the  other 
of  these  two  victories  must  be  left  to  new  consuls, 
the  earUer  will  prove  not  only  greater  and  more 
celebrated  but  the  cause  as  well  of  the  later  victory. 
For  at  the  present  time,  not  to  mention  that  the 
treasury  cannot  support  tW'O  widely  separated  armies, 
in  Italy  and  in  Africa,  not  to  mention  that  no  resources 

6.  Here  Hamilcar  held  out  until  the  Roman  naval  victory- 
brought  the  First  Pimic  War  to  an  end.  Drepana  (Trapani), 
the  seaport,  was  4|  miles  away. 

167 


quam  quod  unde  classes  tueamur,  unde  com- 
meatibus  praebendis  ^  sufficiamus  nihil  reliqui  est, 
quid  ?  periculi  ^  tandem  quantum  adeatur  quern 
fallit  r     P.    Licinius   in   Italia,   P,   Scipio  bellum  in 

13  Africa  geret.  Quid?  si — quod  omnes  dei  omen 
avertant  et  dicere  etiam  reforniidat  animus,  sed  quae 
acciderunt  accidere  possunt — victor  Hannibal  ire  ad 
urbem  perget,  turn  demum  te  consulem  ex  Africa, 

14  sicut  Q.  Fulvium  a  Capua,  arcessemus  ?  Quid 
quod  in  Africa  quoque  Mars  communis  belli  erit  ? 
Domus  tibi  tua,  pater  patruusque  intra  triginta  dies 

15  cum  exercitibus  caesi  documento  sint,  ubi  per  aliquot 
annos  maxumis  rebus  tei-ra  marique  gerendis  amplis- 
simum  nomen  apud  exteras  gentes  populi  Romani 

16  vestraeque  familiae  fecerant.^  Dies  me  deficiat,  si 
reges  imperatoresque  temere  in  hostium  terram 
transgressos    cum   maximis    cladibus   suis    exercitu- 

17  umqae  suorum  enumerare  velim.  Athenienses, 
prudentissima  ciWtas,  bello  domi  relicto,  auctore 
aeque  inpigro  ac  nobili  iuvene  magna  classe  in  Sici- 
lian! tramissa,  una  pugna  navali  florentem  rem 
publicam  suam  in  perpetuum  adflixerunt. 

XLII.  "  Externa  et  nimis  antiqua  repeto.     Africa 

eadem  ista  et  M.  Atilius,  insigne  utriusque  fortunae 

2  exemplum.    nobis    documento    sint.     Ne    tibi,    P. 

Corneli,   cum    ex   alto    Africam   conspexeris,   ludus 

^  praebendis,  here  SJK  Froben  2,  Lucks  :  after  sufficiamus 
P{l)N  Aldus,  77w.st  Eds. 

'  periculi,  here  ends  the  single  extant  leaf  of  S  {cf.  p.  158, 
n.  5). 

3  fecerant  X'JK  Aldus,  Froben  :  -rint  P(l)(-im  B)N. 


*  Cf.  XXVI.  viii-xi.  *  I.e.  Alcibiades. 

l68 


BOOK    XXVIII.    XLI.    I2-XLII.    2 

remain  out  of  which  we  may  maintain  fleets,  out  of  b.c.  205 
which  we  may  be  able  to  furnish  supplies,  pray  tell 
me,  who  does  not  see  how  great  is  the  danger  involved  ? 
Publius  Licinius  will  carry  on  the  war  in  Italy, 
Publius  Scipio  in  Africa.  Tell  me,  if  a  victorious 
Hannibal — may  all  the  gods  avert  the  omen!  and 
my  mind  even  shudders  to  mention  it ;  but  what  has 
happened  can  happen — if  he  shall  advance  towards 
the  city,  then  and  not  before,  are  we  to  summon  you 
as  consul  out  of  Africa,  as  we  summoned  Quintus 
Fulvius  ^  from  Capua  ?  What  of  it  that  in  Africa  also 
the  fortune  of  war  will  make  no  distinctions  ?  Let 
your  own  house  be  a  warning,  your  father  and  uncle, 
slain  with  their  armies  within  thirty  days,  and  that 
in  a  land  where  for  some  years  by  very  great 
achievements  on  land  and  sea  they  won  a  most 
honourable  name  among  foreign  nations  for  the 
Roman  people  and  for  your  family.  Time  would  fail 
me  if  I  should  attempt  to  enumerate  the  kings  and 
generals  who  have  rashly  invaded  the  land  of  their 
enemies  with  disastrous  defeats  for  themselves  and 
their  armies.  The  AthenianSj_although  their  state 
had  great  foresight,  leaving  a  war  at  Eome  crossed 
over  to  Sicily  with  a  great  fleet  under  the  leadership 
of  a  young  man  ^  as  energetic  as  Ke.was  noble^  aud^ 
in  a  single  naval  battle  permanently  ruined  their 
prosp£Mms.st4^  '"' 

XLII.  "  Foreign  examples  are  these  that  I  am 
recalling  and  too  ancient.  Let  that  same  Africa  of 
yours  and  Marcus  Atilius,^  a  striking  example  of  good 
fortune  and  bad,  be  a  lesson  to  us.  Verily,  Publius 
Cornelius,  when  you  sight  Africa  from  the  sea  your 

^  Regulus;  Periocha  17  f. ;  Polybius  I.  xxv.  7-xxxv. ; 
Diodorus  Sic.  XXIII.  12.  15.     Cf.  below  XXX.  xxx.  23. 


LR-Y 

et   iocus   fuisse   Hispaniae  tuae   \'idebuntur.     Quid 

3  enim  simile?  Pacato  mari  praeter^  oram  Italiae 
Galliaeque  vectus  Emporias  in  urbem  sociorum 
classem  adpulisti ;  expositos  milites  per  tutissima 
omnia   ad  socios   et   amicos   populi   Romani  Tarra- 

4  conem  duxisti ;  ab  Tarracone  deinde  iter  per  praesi- 
dia  Romana ;  circa  Hiberum  exercitus  patris  patrui- 
que  tui  post  amissos  imperatores  ferociores  calamitate 

5  ipsa  facti,  et  dux  tumultuarius  quidem  ille  L.  Marcius 
et  militari  suffragio  ad  tempus  lectus,  ceterum,  si 
nobilitas  ac  iusti  honores  adornarent,  claris  impera- 
toribus  qualibet  arte  belli  par;  oppugnata  per 
summum   otium   Carthago   nullo   trium   Punicorum 

6  exercituum  socios  defendente ;  cetera — neque  ea 
elevo — nullo  tamen  modo  Africo  bello  comparanda, 
ubi  non  portus  ullus  classi  nostrae  apertus,  non  ager 
pacatus,    non   ci\-itas    socia,   non   rex    amicus,    non 

7  consistendi  usquam  locus,  non  ^  procedendi ;  qua- 
cumque  circumspexeris,  hostilia  omnia  atque  infesta. 

"  An  Syphaci  Xumidisque  credis  ?  Satis  sit  semel 
creditum;  non  semper  temeritas  est  felix,  et  fraus 
fidem  in  par\is  sibi  praestruit,  ut,  cum  operae  pre- 

8  tium  sit,  cum  mercede  magna  fallat.  Non  hostes 
patrem  patruumque  tuum  armis  prius  quam  Celtiberi 
socii  fraude  circumvenerunt ;  nee  tibi  ipsi  a  Magone 

^  praeter  x  Aldus,  Froben,  Eds.  :   per  P(l)NJK. 
^  consistendi    usquam    locus,    non    A'N'J K    Eds.  :     om. 
P{\)N. 


1  For  this  voyage  of.  XXVI.  xix.  11  fE. 

2  Cf.  on  xiv.  15. 


170 


BOOK  XXVIII.  XLii.  2-8 

Spanish  provinces  will  seem  to  you  to  have  been  mere  b.o.  205 
child's  play.  For  what  is  there  that  is  comparable  ? 
Over  an  unmolested  sea  you  sailed  along  the  coast  of 
Italy  and  Gaul,^  and  put  in  with  your  fleet  at  Em- 
poriae,  a  city  of  our  allies.  Landing  your  troops  you 
led  them  through  country  everywhere  perfectly  safe 
and  reached  allies  and  friends  of  the  Roman  people  at 
Tarraco.  From  Tarraco  it  was  then  a  march  from 
one  Roman  post  to  another.  Along  the  Hiberus  were 
the  armies  of  your  father  and  uncle,  which  after  losing 
their  generals  had  gained  more  spirit  even  from 
disaster.  Their  commander  also  was  the  well-known 
Lucius  Marcius,^  irregularly  appointed,  to  be  sure, 
being  chosen  for  an  emergency  by  vote  of  the  soldiers, 
but  if  nobility  and  the  normal  magistracies  added 
their  distinction,  equal  to  famous  generals  in  all  the 
arts  of  war.  (New)  Carthage  was  taken  without 
any  interference,  since  none  of  the  three  Punic 
armies  came  to  the  defence  of  their  allies.  The  rest 
of  your  campaign — and  I  do  not  belittle  it — cannot, 
however,  be  compared  in  any  way  with  a  war  in 
Africa,  where  there  is  no  harbour  open  to  our  fleet, 
no  subjugated  territory,  no  allied  city,  no  friendly 
king,  no  place  anywhere  to  hold  your  ground,  no 
place  to  advance,  while  wherever  you  look,  the  coun- 
try all  about  you  will  be  hostile  and  dangerous. 

"  Can  it  be  that  you  trust  Syphax  and  the  Numi- 
dians  ?  Let  it  suffice  to  have  trusted  them  once. 
Not  always  is  rashness  successful,  and  treachery  seeks 
in  small  matters  to  ensure  trustfulness,  so  that  when 
it  becomes  worth  while,  it  may  deceive  with  great 
profit.  The  enemy  did  not  overpower  your  father 
and  uncle  by  force  of  arms  until  the  Celtiberian  allies 
had  done  so  by  treachery.     Nor  in  your  own  case  was 

171 


LIVY 

et  Hasdrubale,  hostium  ducibus.  quantum  ab  Indibili 
0  et  Mandonio  in  fidem  acceptis  periculi  fuit.  Numidis 
tu  credere  potes,  defectionem  militum  tuorum 
expertus  ?  Et  S}T3hax  et  Masinissa  se  quam 
Carthaginienses    malunt    potentis^    in    x\friea    esse, 

10  Carthaginienses  quam  quemquam  alium.  Nunc  illos 
aemulatio  inter  se  ^  et  omnes  causae  certaminum 
acuunt,  quia  procul  externus  metus  est ;  ostende 
Romana  arma  et  exercitum  alienigenam ;  iam  ^ 
velut   ad  commune  restinguendum  incendium  con- 

11  current.  Aliter  eidem  illi  Carthaginienses  His- 
paniam  defenderunt.  aUter  moenia  patriae,  templa 
deum,  aras  et  focos  defendent,  cum  euntes  in  proe- 
lium  pavida  prosequetur  coniunx  et  parvi  liberi  occur- 
sabunt. 

12  "  Quid  porro,  si  satis  confisi  Carthaginienses 
consensu  Africae,  fide  sociorum  regum,  moenibus  suis, 
cum  tuo  exercitusque  tui  praesidio  nudatam  Italiam 
\dderint,  ultro  ipsi  novum  exercitum  in  Italiam  aut 

13  ex  Africa  miserint,  aut  Magonem,  quem  a  Baliaribus 
classe  transmissa  iam  praeter  oram  Ligurum  Al- 
pinorum    vectari   constat,  Hannibali  se   coniungere 

U  iusserint?  Nempe  in  eodem  terrore  erimus  in  quo 
nuper  fuimus,  cum  Hasdrubal  in  Italiam  transcendit, 
quem  tu,  qui  non  solum  Carthaginem  sed  omnem 
African!  exercitu  tuo  es  clausurus,  e  manibus  tuls  in 

15  Italiam  emislsti.    Victum  a  te  dices  ;  eo  quidem  minus 

^  potentis   (or    -es)  P{\)N  Aldus,   Eds.  :    -tissimos  A'JK 
Frohen  2,  Com/jay. 

2  se  P{1)N  :  sese  A'N'JK  Aldus,  Froben. 

3  iam  A'X'JK  Aldus,  Froben  :  om.  P{l)N. 

172 


BOOK  XXVIII.  xLii.  8-15 

there  as  much  danger  from  Mago  and  Hasdrubal,  b.c.  205 
generals  of  the  enemy,  as  from  IndibiUs  and  Man- 
donius,  who  had  come  under  your  protection.  Can 
you  trust  the  Numidians  after  experiencing  a  mutiny 
of  your  own  soldiers  ?  Both  Syphax  and  Masinissa 
prefer  that  they  themselves  rather  than  the  Car- 
thaginians should  be  supreme  in  Africa,  and  the 
Carthaginians  rather  than  anyone  else.  At  present 
rivalry  between  them  and  all  possible  reasons  for 
contention  spur  them  on  because  the  foreigners  whom 
they  fear  are  far  away.  Show  them  Roman  arms  and 
a  foreign-born  army,  and  now  they  will  rush,  as  it 
were,  to  put  out  a  fire  that  concerns  them  all.  In 
one  fashion  those  same  Carthaginians  have  defended 
Spain ;  in  quite  another  fashion  will  they  defend  the 
walls  of  their  native  city,  the  temples  of  the  gods, 
their  altars  and  hearths,  M'hen  as  they  go  out  to  battle 
a  frightened  wife  will  escort  them  and  little  children 
will  throw  themselves  in  their  way. 

"  Furthermore,  what  if  the  Carthaginians,  con- 
fidently relying  upon  the  united  spirit  of  Africa,  the 
loyalty  of  the  allied  kings,  and  their  own  walls,  shall 
take  the  initiative  themselves  when  they  have  seen 
Italy  stripped  of  protection  from  yourself  and  your 
army  ?  What  if  they  either  send  a  new  army  into 
Italy  from  Africa,  or  order  Mago — and  it  is  known 
that  he  has  crossed  from  the  Balearic  Islands  on  his 
fleet  and  is  already  sailing  along  the  coast  held  by  the 
Alpine  Liffurians — to  unite  with  Hannibal?  Surely 
we  shall  be  in  the  same  panic  as  we  were  recently 
when  Hasdrubal  crossed  into  Italy — the  man  whom 
you,  who  are  about  to  invest  not  merely  Carthage  but 
all  Africa  by  your  army,  allowed  to  slip  out  of  your 
hands  into  Italy.     He  had  been  defeated  by  you, 

173 


LIVY 

vellem — et  id  tua,  non  rei  publicae  solum  causa — 
iter  datum  \icto  in  Italiam  esse.  Patere  nos  omnia 
quae  prospera  tibi  ac  populi  Romani  imperio  evenere 
tuo  consilio  adsignare,  adversa  casibus  incertis  belli 

16  et  fortunae  delegare :  ^  quo  melior  fortiorque  es,  eo 
magis  talem  praesidem  sibi  patria  ^  atque  universa 
Italia  retinet.  Non  potes  ne  ipse  quidem  dissimulare, 
ubi  Hamiibal  sit,  ibi  caput  atque  arcem  huius  belli  esse, 
quippe  qui  prae  te  feras  earn  tibi  causam  traiciendi  in 

17  Africam^  esse  ut  Hannibalem  eo  trahas.  Sive  hie 
igitur  ^  sive  illic,  cum  Hannibale  est  tibi  futura  res. 

"  Utrum  tandem  ergo  firmior  eris  in  Africa  solus 
an  hie  tuo  conlegaeque  tui  ^  exercitu  coniuncto  ? 
Ne  Claudius  quidem  et  Livius  consules  tarn  recenti 
exemplo    quantum    id    intersit    documento    sunt  ? 

18  Quid?  Hannibalem  utrum  tandem  extremus  an- 
gulus  agri  Bruttii,  frustra  iam  diu  poscentem  ab  domo 
auxilia,  an  propinqua  Carthago  et  tota  socia  Africa 

19  potentiorem  armis  virisque  faciet  ?  Quod  istud  con- 
silium est,  ibi  malle  decernere  ubi  tuae  dimidio 
minores  copiae  sint.  hostium  multo  maiores,  quam 
ubi  duobus  exercitibus  adversus  unum  tot  proeliis  et 
tam  diuturna  ac  gravi  militia  fessum  pugnandum  sit  ? 

20  Quam  compar  consilium  tuum  parentis  tui  consilio 
sit  reputa.     Ille  consul  profectus  in  Hispaniam,  ut 

1  delegare  Gronwias,  Eds.  {cf.  XXI.  xlvi.  10)  :  legare 
P(l)zV  Alius,  Froben  :  relegare  SpA'JK  Conway. 

2  patria,  after  thi^  A'X'JK  Conuxiy  have  tua. 

'  traiciendi  in  Africam  A*X*JK  Aldus,  Froben,  Eds.  :  am. 
P(1)N,  one  line. 

*  hie  igitur  PW  Eds.  :  igitur  P(3)  :  igitur  hie  C^?M^AXJK 
Luchs,  Conway. 

174 


BOOK  XXVIII.  XLii.  15-20 

you  will  say ;  all  the  more  do  I  regret — and  this  for  B.a  205 
your  own  sake,  not  merely  for  that  of  the  state — 
that  a  passage  into  Italy  was  allowed  to  the  de- 
feated. Permit  us  to  attribute  to  your  strategy  all 
that  resulted  favourably  for  you  and  the  empire  of 
the  Roman  people,  to  ascribe  the  unfavourable  to  the 
uncertainties  of  war  and  to  fortune.  The  better  and 
braver  man  you  are  the  more  do  your  native  city  and 
all  Italy  keep  their  hold  upon  so  capable  a  defender. 
You  are  unable  even  yourself  to  conceal  the  fact  that 
where  Hannibal  is,  there  is  the  centre  and  stronghold 
of  this  war,  since  you  declare  that  your  reason  for 
crossing  over  to  Africa  is  in  order  to  draw  Hannibal 
thither.  Therefore,  be  it  here,  be  it  there,  you  will 
have  Hannibal  to  deal  with. 

"  Will  you,  therefore,  be  stronger,  pray,  in  Africa 
when  alone,  or  here,  uniting  your  army  with  that  of 
your  colleague  ?  Do  not  Claudius  also  and  Livius, 
the  consuls,  by  a  very  recent  instance  prove  how  great 
a  difference  that  makes  ?  And  tell  me,  pray,  will  the 
remote  and  secluded  Bruttian  territory  make  Han- 
nibal stronger  in  arms  and  men,  when  he  has  long 
been  begging  in  vain  for  auxiliaries  from  home,  or 
rather  Carthage  near  at  hand  and  all  Africa  her  ally  ? 
What  is  that  plan  of  yours,  to  prefer  to  decide  the 
issue  just  where  your  forces  are  reduced  by  one-half, 
the  forces  of  the  enemy  greatly  increased,  rather  than 
where  two  armies  have  to  fight  against  one  exhausted 
by  so  many  battles  and  a  service  so  long  and  so  hard  ? 
Reflect  how  different  is  your  plan  from  that  of  your 
father.     He  as  consul  had  set  out  for  Spain,  but  he 

^  tui  CM^DAyN^  Aldus,  Eds.  :  tut  P  {with  obscure  cor- 
rection) and  R :  tute  ^MBAN ;  om.  SjpfN'JK  Froben  2, 
Conway. 


LIVY    - 

Hannibali  ab  Alpibus  descendenti  occurreret,  in 
Italiam  ex  provincia  rediit :  tu,  cum  Hannibal  in 
Italia  sit,  relinquere  Italiam  paras,  non  quia  rei 
publicae  id  ^  utile,  sed  quia  tibi  ^  amplum  et  gloriosum 

21  censes  esse,  sicut  cum  pro\-incia  et  exercitu  relicto 
sine  lege,  sine  senatus  consulto  duabus  navibus  populi 
Romani  imperator  fortunam  publicam  et  maiestatem 
imperii,    quae   tum    in    tuo    capite    periclitabantur, 

22  commisisti.  Ego  ^  P.  Cornelium  rei  publicae 
nobisque,  non  sibi  ipsi  privatim  creatum  consulem 
existimo,  exercitusque  ad  custodiam  urbis  atque 
Italiae  scriptos  esse,  non  quos  regie  more  per 
superbiam  consules  quo  terrarum  velint  traiciant." 

XLIII.  Cum  oratione  ad  tempus  parata  Fabius,  tum 
auctoritate  et  inveterata  ^  prudentiae  fama  magnam 
partem  senatus  et  seniores  maxime  cum  ^  movisset, 
pluresque  consilium  senis  quam  animum  adulescentis  ^ 

2  ferocem  laudarent,  Scipio  ita  locutus  fertur  :  "  Et  ipse 
Q.  Fabius  principio  orationis,  patres  conscripti,  com- 
memora\1t    in  sententia   sua  posse    obtrectationem 

3  suspectam  esse ;  cuius  ego  rei  non  tarn  ipse  ausim 
tantum  \irum  insimulare  quam  ea  suspicio,  vitio  ora- 

4  tionis  an  rei,  baud  sane  purgata  est.  Sic  enim 
honores  suos  et  famam  rerum  gestarum  extulit  verbis 

^  id  P(l)XJK  Eds.  :  om.  Conway. 

-  tibi  P(l)y  Aldus,  Eds.  :  tibi  id  A'X'JK  Conway. 

3  Ego,  after  this  A'JK  have  p.c.  or  patrea  conscripti  [re- 
tained by  AUchefsJci,  Conivay);  and  so  after  P.  Cornelium 
Aldi.i.s. 

•*  inveterata  JK  Aldu-i,  Froben,  inost  Ed^.  :  -tae  [or  -te) 
PiljX. 

^  cum  om.  P{l)XJK  :  supplied  here  by  Weissenbom,  after 
faraa  by  Madvig,  after  magnam  by  Biemann. 

^  adulescentis  A^  Eds. :  -tia  M^{altern.)N'JK  Aldus, 
Froben,  Conway  :   -tiae  P{l)X. 

176 


BOOK  XXVIII.  xLii.  20-XLiii.  4 

returned  to  Italy  from  his  province  in  order  to  meet  b.c.  205 
Hannibal  as  he  came  down  from  the  Alps.^  You, 
although  Hannibal  is  in  Italy,  are  preparing  to  leave 
Italy,  not  because  you  think  it  to  the  advantage  of 
the  state,  but  because  you  hold  it  great  and  glorious 
for  yourself.  It  was  thus  that  leaving  province  and 
army,  unauthorized  by  any  law  or  decree  of  the  senate, 
you,  a  commanding  general  of  the  Roman  people, 
entrusted  to  two  ships  the  fortune  of  the  state  and 
majesty  of  the  empire,  which  were  at  that  time 
endangered  in  your  person.  My  opinion  is  that 
PubHus  Cornelius  was  elected  consul  for  the  republic 
and  for  us,  not  for  himself  and  his  personal  ends, 
and  that  armies  were  enlisted  for  the  defence  of  the 
city  and  Italy,  not  that  consuls  in  the  arrogant 
manner  of  tyrants  may  transport  them  to  whatever 
lands  they  choose," 

XLIII.  When  Fabius  by  a  speech  adapted  to  the 
situation,  but  especially  by  his  prestige  and  long- 
established  reputation  for  foresight,  had  stirred  a 
large  part  of  the  senate  and  in  particular  the  older 
members,  and  while  more  were  praising  the  wisdom 
of  the  veteran  than  the  confident  spirit  of  the  young 
man,  Scipio  is  said  to  have  spoken  as  follows  :  "  Even 
Quintus  Fabius  himself  at  the  beginning  of  his 
speech,  conscript  fathers,  stated  that  in  his  expression 
of  opinion  captious  criticism  might  be  suspected. 
Far  as  I  should  be  from  venturing  to  bring  that  charge 
against  so  great  a  man,  nevertheless  such  suspicion 
has  certainly  not  been  cleared  away,  be  it  the  speech 
or  the  subject  that  is  at  fault.  For  he  has  highly 
extolled  his  offices  and  the  fame  of  his  achievements 

1  Cf.  XXI.  xxxii.  1  ff. 

177 


LIVY 

ad  exstinguendum  in\'idiae  crimen  tamquam  mihi  ab  i 
infimo  quoque  periculum  sit  ne  mecum  aemuletur,  et  ! 
non  ab  eo  qui,  quia  super  ceteros  excellat,  quo  me  ^ 
quoque   niti   non   dissimulo,   me   sibi  aequari  nolit.   ' 

5  Sic  senem  se  perfunctumque  et  me  infra  aetatem  fili 
etiam  sui  posuit  tamquam  non  longius  quam  quan- 
tum ^itae  humanae  spatium  est  cupiditas  gloriae 
extendatur  maximaque  pars   eius  in  memoriam  ac 

6  posteritatem  promineat.     Maximo  cuique  id  accidere 
animo  certum  habeo  ut  se  non  cum  praesentibus   . 
modo,  sed  cum  omnis  ae\'i  claris  \-iris  comparent.^ 

7  Equidem  baud  dissimulo  me  tuas,  Q.  Fabi,  laudes  non    * 
adsequi  solum  velle,  sed — bona  venia  tua  dixerim — si 

8  possim,  etiam  exsuperare.  Illud  nee  tibi  in  me  nee 
mihi  in  minoribus  natu  animi  sit  ut  nolimus  quem- 
quam  nostri  similem  evadere  civem;  id  enim  non 
eorum  modo  quibus  inviderimus,  sed  rei  publicae  et 
paene  omnis  generis  humani  detrimentum  sit.^ 

9  "  Commemoravit  quantum  essem  periculi  aditurus, 
si  in  African!  traicerem,  ut  meam  quoque,  non 
solum   rei    publicae    et    exercitus    vicem    ^ideretur 

10  sollicitus.  Unde  haec  repente  cura  de  me  *  exorta  ? 
Cum  pater  patruusque  meus  interfecti,  cum  duo 
exercitus  eorum  prope  occidione  occisi  essent, 
cum  amissae  Hispaniae,  cum  quattuor  exercitus 
Poenorum  quattuorque  duces  omnia  metu  armisque 

11  tenerent,  cum  quaesitus  ad  id  bellum  imperator  nemo 
se   ostenderet   praeter   me,   nemo   profiteri   nomen 

1  quo  me  A'X'JK  Eds. :  om.  P{l)N  Alschefski,  M.  Miilhr. 

2  comparent    P    Eds.  :     -aret    P^    or    P^SjNJK    AMus,    ^ 
Frohen. 

3  sit  P2  or  Pi(l)  Aldus,  Frohen,  Eds.;    st  P  :    est  SpJK 
Conu-ay. 

*  cura  de  rae  P(l)iV  :   de  me  cura  JK. 

178 


BOOK  XXVIII.  xLiii.  4-II 

in  order  to  refute  the  charge  of  envy,  just  as  if  it  were  b.o.  205 
from  men  of  the  lowest  rank  that  there  is  danger  of 
rivalry  for  me,  and  not  rather  from  one  who  because 

he  rises  above  all  others — a  distinction  towards  which_  _^ 

I  do  not  deny  that  rals°6'amTrnvTng^^^^S^^  to 

have  me  compin'ed'wrffi  himself.  He  has  represented 
himself  as  an  old  man  and  one  who  has  played  his 
part,  and  me  as  younger  even  than  his  son,  just  as 
if  the  desire  for  glory  did  not  reach  farther  than  the 
span  of  human  life  and  project  in  fullest  measure 
into  the  memory  of  posterity.  Of  the  greatest 
minds  it  is  true,  I  am  sure,  that  they  compare 
themselves  not  only  with  the  living  but  with 
eminent  men  in  every  age.  For  my  part  I  do  not 
deny,  Quintus  Fabius,  that  I  wish  not  only  to  attain 
to  your  fame  but  also — by  your  good  leave — if 
possible  to  surpass  it.  Let  us  not  have  such  a 
spirit — you  towards  me,  I  towards  younger  men — 
that  we  should  be  unwilling  to  have  any  fellow- 
citizen  come  to  be  Uke  us.  For  that  would  be  a 
loss  affecting,  not  only  those  whom  we  have  envied, 
but  the  state  also  and  almost  the  entire  human  race. 
"  He  called  to  mind  how  great  a  danger  I  should 
encounter  if  I  were  to  cross  over  to  Africa,  so  that  he 
seemed  concerned  for  me  also,  not  merely  for  the 
state  and  the  army.  Whence  has  come  this  sudden 
soHcitude  about  me  ?  When  my  father  and  uncle  had 
been  slain,  when  their  two  armies  had  been  all  but 
annihilated,  when  the  Spanish  provinces  had  been 
lost,  when  four  armies  of  Carthaginians  and  four 
generals  held  the  whole  country  in  the  grip  of  fear 
and  arms,  when,  though  sought  for,  no  commanding 
general  presented  himself  for  that  war  except  myself, 
no  one  had  dared  to  put  forward  his  name,  when  the 

179 


ausus  esset,  cum  mihi  quattuor  et  viginti  annos  nato 

12  detulisset  imperium  populus  Romanus,  quid  ita  turn 
nemo  aetatem  meam,  \'im  hostium,  difficultatem  belli, 
patris  patruique  recentem  cladem  commemorabat  ? 
Utrum  maior  aliqua  nunc  in  Africa  calamitas  accepta 

13  est  quam  tunc  in  Hispania  erat  ?  An  maiores  nunc 
sunt  exercitus  in  Africa  et  duces  plures  melioresque 
quam  tunc  in  Hispania  fuerunt  ?     An  aetas  mea  tunc 

14  maturior  bello  gerendo  fuit  quam  nunc  est  ?  An  cum 
Carthaginiensi  hoste  in  Hispania  quam  in  Africa 
bellum  geri  aptius  est  ?  Facile  est  post  fuses 
fugatosque  quattuor  exercitus  Punicos,  post  tot  urbes 

15  vi  captas  aut  metu  subactas  in  dicionem,  post 
perdomita  omnia  usque  ad  Oceanum,  tot  regulos,  tot 
saevas  gentes.  post  receptam  totam  Hispaniam  ita 
ut  vestigium  belli  nullum  reliquum  sit,  elevare  meas 

16  res  gestas,  tarn  hercule  quam,  si  victor  ex  Africa 
redierim,  ea  ipsa  elevare  quae  nunc  retinendi  mei 
causa,  ut  terribilia  eadem  videantur,  verbis 
extolluntur. 

17  "  Negat  aditum  esse  in  Afrieam.  negat  ullos 
patere  portus.  M.  Atilium  captum  in  Africa  com- 
memorat.  tamquam  M.  Atilius  primo  accessu  ad 
Afrieam  ofFenderit,  neque  recordatur  illi  ipsi  tam 
infelici  imperatori  patuisse  tamen  portus  Africae,  et 
res  egregie  ^  primo  anno  gessisse  ^  et,  quantum  ad 
Carthaginienses  duces  adtinet,  invictum  ad  ultimum 

IS  permansisse.  Nihil  igitur  me  isto  exemplo  terrueris. 
Si  hoc  bello,  non  priore,  si  nuper  et  non  annis  ante 

^  egregie  {or  -iae)  PJK  :    -ias  P^(3j  Aldus  :    gestas  ab  eo 
egregias  AN  {om.  gessisse). 

2  gessisse  P(3)A'y*JK  Aldus  :  am.ANGronovius. 

^  The    implied    exception    was    the    Spartan    (mercenary) 
general  presently  to  be  mentioned. 
l8o 


BOOK  XXVIII.  xLiii.  11-18 

Roman  people  had  bestowed  upon  me  at  the  age  of  b.c.  205 
twenty-four  years  its  high  command,  why  in  such 
circumstances  did  no  one  at  that  time  call  to  mind  my 
youth,  the  might  of  the  enemy,  the  difficulty  of  the 
war,  the  lecent  disaster  to  my  father  and  my  uncle? 
Has  some  greater  catastrophe  now  befallen  us  in 
Africa  than  had  been  suffered  then  in  Spain  ?  Or  are 
there  now  larger  armies  in  Africa  and  more  generals 
and  better  than  there  were  then  in  Spain  ?  Or  was 
my  age  then  riper  for  the  conduct  of  war  than  it  is 
now?  Or  is  it  more  suitable  to  wage  war  with  a 
Carthaginian  enemy  in  Spain  than  in  Africa  ?  It  is 
easy  to  disparage  my  achievements  after  the  rout 
and  flight  of  four  Punic  armies,  after  the  storming  of  so 
many  cities  or  their  subjugation  through  fear,  after 
a  thorough  and  complete  conquest  all  the  way  to  the 
Ocean — so  many  princes,  so  many  warlike  nations — 
after  the  recovery  of  all  Spain  so  that  no  trace  of  war 
remains.  It  will  indeed  be  j  ust  as  easy  if  I  return  as  a 
victor  from  Africa  to  disparage  precisely  the  same 
things  which  now,  in  order  to  hold  me  back,  are  magni- 
fied by  the  speaker  to  make  them  appear  terrible. 

"  He  denies  that  we  have  any  access  to  Africa,  he 
denies  that  any  harbours  are  open  to  us.  He  states 
that  Marcus  AtiUus  was  captured  in  Africa,  as  if 
Marcus  Atilius  met  disaster  upon  his  first  landing  in 
Africa.  Also  he  does  not  recall  that  even  that  un- 
fortunate general  found  the  harbours  of  Africa 
nevertheless  open  to  him  and  conducted  a  remarkable 
campaign  in  his  first  year,  and  so  far  as  Carthaginian 
generals  are  concerned,^  remained  undefeated  to  the 
end.  You  shall  not  frighten  me,  therefore,  by  the 
example  you  give.  If  that  disaster  had  been  incurred 
in  this  war,  not  in  the  former  war,  if  recently  and  not 

181 


LIVY 

quadraginta    ista  ^    clades    accepta    foret,    qui    ego 
minus   in   Africam   Regulo  capto  quam  Scipionibus 

19  Decisis  in  Hispaniam  traicerem  ?  Nee  felicius  Xan- 
thippum  Lacedaemonium  Carthagini  quam  me  patriae 
meae  sinerem  natum  esse,  cresceretque  mihi  ex  eo 
ipso  fiducia  quod  possit  ^  in  hominis  unius  \-irtute 

20  tantum  momenti  esse.  At  etiam  Athenienses 
audiendi  sunt,  temere  in  Siciliam  omisso  domi  bello 

21  transgressi.  Cur  ergo,  quoniam  Graecas  fabulas 
enarrare  vacat,  non  Agathoclem  potius  Syracusanum 
regem,  cum  diu  Sicilia  Punico  bello  ureretur,  trans- 
gressum  in  banc  eandem  Africam  averi:isse  eo  bellum 
unde  venerat  refers  ? 

XLIV.  "  Sed  quid  ultro  metum  inferre  hosti  et  ab 
se  remote  periculo  alium  in  discrimen  adducere  quale 
sit,  veteribus  extemisque  exemplis  admonere  opus 
est  ?  Mains  praesentiusve  ullum  exemplum  esse  quam 

2  Hannibal  potest  ?  ^    Multum  interest  alienos  populari 
fines  an  tuos  uri  et  exscindi  videas ;  plus  animi  est 

3  inferenti  periculum  quam  propulsanti.     Ad  hoc  maior 
ignotarum  rerum  est  terror ;  bona  malaque  hostium 

4  ex  propinquo  ingressus  fines  aspicias.    Non  speraverat 
Hannibal  fore  ut  tot  in  Italia  populi  *  ad  se  deficerent, 

1  ista  P(l)NJK  Eds.,  Johnson  :   ista  ita  N*x  Conway. 

2  possit  P{l)N  Aldus,  Froben,  most  Eds.  :  posset  JK 
Madvig,  Lacks,  Riemann. 

3  Maius  .  .  .  potest  A'X'JK  Weissenhom,  Luchs :  om. 
P{\)y  Madvig. 

*  populi  Sp?A*y'JK  Eds.  [after  deficerent  Riemann) : 
om.  P{l)N. 


^  An  error  for  fifty  years.     In  XXIX.  xxviii.  5  Livy  has 
prope  quinquaginta  for  the  actual  fifty-two. 

182 


BOOK  XXVIII.  xLiii.  18-XLIV.  4 

forty  years  ago,^  why  after  Regulus'  capture  should  I  b.c.  205 
hesitate  to  cross  over  to  Africa  any  more  than  to 
Spain  after  the  Scipios  had  fallen?  I  should  not 
admit  that  the  Spartan  Xanthippus'  ^  birth  had  been 
more  fortunate  for  Carthage  than  mine  for  my 
native  city ;  and  my  confidence  would  be  increased  by 
the  mere  possibiUty  of  such  weight  in  the  ability  of  a 
single  man.  But  we  must  hear  likewise  of  the 
Athenians,  how  neglecting  a  war  at  home  they 
crossed  rashly  to  Sicily.  Why  then,  since  you  have 
time  to  tell  Greek  tales,  do  you  not  prefer  to  relate 
how  Agathocles,^  Kii^g  of  Syracuse,  after  Sicily 
had  long  been  ablaze  with  a  Punic  war,  crossed  over 
into  this  same  Africa  and  diverted  the  war  to  the 
country  from  which  it  had  come  ? 

XLIV.  "  But  what  is  the  need  of  calling  to  mind 
by  old  and  foreign  examples  what  it  means  to  make 
fear  an  offensive  weapon  against  the  enemy,  and 
removing  danger  from  yourself  to  bring  another  into 
peril  ?  Can  there  be  any  greater  and  more  effective 
example  than  Hannibal  ?  A  great  difference  it  makes 
whether  you  are  seeing  the  land  of  others  ravaged 
or  your  own  being  burned  over  and  devastated. 
More  spirit  has  an  aggressor  than  a  defender. 
Besides  there  is  greater  dread  of  things  unknown; 
on  entering  the  territory  of  the  enemy  you  have  a 
near  view  of  their  advantages  and  disadvantages. 
Hannibal  had  not  hoped  that  so  many  states  in  Italy 
would  come  over  to  his  side  as  did  so  after  the 

2  Cf.  Polybius  I.  xxxii.  ff.,  xxxvi;  Periocha  18;  Diodorus 
Sic.  XXIII.  14  f. 

'  For  the  career  of  this  tyrant  of  Syracuse  (died  289  B.C.) 
and  his  wars  with  the  Carthaginians  both  in  Sicily  and  Africa 
V.  Diodorus  Sic.  XX.  3-18  et  passim;  Justin  XXII  f. 

183 


LRT 

quot  defecerunt  ^  post  Cannensem  cladem :  quanto 
minus  quicquam  in  Africa  Carthaginiensibus  firmum 
aut  stabile  sit,^  infidis  sociis,  gravibus  ac  superbis 

5  dominis  !  Ad  hoc  nos,  etiam  deserti  ab  sociis,  viribus 
nostris,  milite  Romano  stetimus ;  Carthaginiensi 
nihil  ciN-ilis  roboris  est.  mercede  paratos  milites 
habent.  Afros  Numidasque,  levissima  fidei  mutandae 

6  ingenia.  Hie  modo  nihil  morae  sit,  una  et  traiecisse 
me  audietis  et  ardere  bello  Africam  et  molientem 
hinc  Hannibalem  ^  et  obsideri  Carthaginem.  Lae- 
tiores  et  frequentiores  ex  Africa  exspectate  nuntios 

7  quam  ex  Hispania  accipiebatis.  Has  mihi  spes 
subicit  fortuna  populi  Romani,  di  foederis  ab  hoste 
\'iolati  testes,  Syphax  et  Masinissa  reges,  quorum 
ego  fidei  ita  innitar  ut  bene  tutus  a  perfidia  sim. 

8  "  Multa  quae  nunc  ex  intervallo  non  apparent 
bellum  aperiet.  Id^  est  viri  et  ducis,  non  deesse 
fortunae  praebenti  se  et  oblata  casu  flectere  ad  con- 

9  silium.  Habebo.  Q.  Fabi,  parem  quern  das  Hanni- 
balem ;  sed  ilium  ego  potius  traham  quam  ille  me 
retineat.  In  sua  terra  cogam  pugnare  eum,  et 
Carthago    potius    praemium    -victoriae    erit    quam 

10  semiruta  Bruttiorum  castella.  Ne  quid  interim,  dum 
traicio,  dum  expono  exercitum  in  Africa,  dum  castra 
ad  Carthaginem  promoveo,  res  publica  hie  detri- 
menti  capiat,   quod  tu,   Q.   Fabi,   cum  victor  tota 

^  quot  defecerunt  K  Aldus,  Eds.  :  defecerunt  Sp?A*J 
Froben  2,  Conway  [after  deficerent  with  a  colon).  Most 
MSS.  have  the  verb  but  once,  e.g.  -ficerent  P(3)3/2iV,  for  which 
-fecerunt  P^  or  P\-^c-)R^MB. 

*  &\tP[\)NJ{aUem.)  Aldus,  Eds.:  est  J  K  Froben  2,  Conway. 

^  et  molientem  hinc  Hannibalem  P(1)NJK  Aldus  :  doubted 
by  Luchs  1889  arid  bracketed  by  M. Midler;  variously  altered; 
dcf en/led  by  Johnson,  Conway. 

'  Id  P(1).Y  :  et  id  A'N'JK  Aldus,  Froben. 

184 


BOOK  XXVIII.  XLiv.  4-10 

disaster  at  Cannae.  How  much  less  is  anything  in  b.c.  205 
Africa  to  be  strong  and  steadfast  for  the  Cartha- 
ginians, faithless  as  allies,  oppressive  and  arrogant 
as  masters !  Furthermore,  even  when  deserted  by 
our  allies,  we  kept  our  footing  by  our  own  forces, 
our  Roman  soldiers.  The  Carthaginians  have  no 
forces  of  their  own  citizens.  They  have  mercenaries, 
Africans  and  Numidians,  very  inconstant  by  nature 
and  ready  to  change  their  allegiance.  If  only  there 
is  no  delay  here,  at  the  same  moment  you  will  hear 
that  I  have  crossed  and  that  Africa  is  ablaze  with 
war,  and  Hannibal  casting  off  from  here,  and 
Carthage  blockaded.  Look  for  more  cheering  news 
from  Africa  and  more  frequent  than  you  used  to 
receive  from  Spain.  Inspiring  these  hopes  in  me  are 
the  fortune  of  the  Roman  people,  the  gods  who 
witnessed  the  treaty  violated  by  the  enemy,  the 
kings,  Syphax  *and  Masinissa,  on  whose  honour  I 
shall  rely — but  so  as  to  be  well  protected  against 
treachery. 

"  Many  things  which,  owing  to  distance,  are  not 
now  evident  the  war  will  reveal.  It  is  the  part  of  a 
man  and  a  general  not  to  prove  wanting  when  fortune 
presents  herself,  and  to  fit  what  is  offered  by  chance 
into  his  plan.  I  shall  have  Hannibal  as  the  antagonist 
you  assign  me,  Quintus  Fabius  ;  but  I  shall  draw  him 
after  me,  not  let  him  hold  me  back.  In  his  own  land 
will  I  compel  him  to  fight,  and  Carthage  is  to  be  the 
reward  of  victory,  not  the  half-ruined  strongholds  of 
the  Bruttians.  Meantime,  while  I  am  crossing  over, 
while  landing  my  army  in  Africa,  while  moving  my 
camp  up  to  Carthage,  let  the  republic  suffer  no  harm 
here.  That  service  you,  Quintus  Fabius,  were  able  to 
guarantee  while  everywhere  in  Italy  the  victorious 

185 


LIVY 

.xLc.  11  volitaret  Italia  Hannibal,  potuisti  praestare,  hoc  vide 
ne  contumeliosum  sit  concusso  iam  et  paene  fracto 
Hannibale  negare  posse  P.  Licinium  consulem,  \'irum 
fortissimum,  praestare,  qui,  ne  a  sacris  absit  pontifex 
maximus,  ideo  in  sortem  tam  longinquae  pro\-inciae 

12  non  venit.^  Si  hercules  nihilo  maturius  hoc  quo  ego 
censeo  modo  perficeretur  bellum,  tamen  ad  dignita- 
tem popuU  Romani  famamque  apud  reges  gen- 
tesque  extemas  pertinebat,  non  ad  defendendam 
modo  Italiam,  sed  ad  inferenda  etiam  Africae  arma 

13  videri  nobis  animum  esse,  nee  hoc  credi  volgarique, 
quod  Hannibal  ausus  sit  neminem  ducem  Romanum 
audere,  et  priore  Punico  bello  tum,  cum  de  Sicilia 
certaretur,  totiens  Africam  ab  ^  nostris  exerciti- 
busque  ^   et   classibus   oppugnatam,   nunc,   cum   de 

14  Italia  certetur,  Africam  pacatam  esse.  _Requie3cat 
ahquando  vexataJ:am  diu  It alia^],  uratur  evasteturque 

15  in  vicem  Africa.  Castra  Romana  potius  Carthaginis 
portis  immineant  quam  nos  iterum  vallum  hostium  ex 
moenibus  nostris  videamus.  Africa  sit  reliqui  belli 
sedes ;  illuc  terror  fugaque,  populatio  agrorum, 
defectio  sociorum,  ceterae  belli  clades,  quae  in  nos 
per  quattuordecim  annos  ingruerunt,  vertantur. 

16  Quae  ad  rem  publicam  pertinent  et  bellum  quod 
instat  et  provincias  de  quibus  agitur  dixisse  satis  est ; 

17  ilia  longa  oratio  nee  ad  vos  pertinens  sit,  si,  quemad- 
modum  Q.  Fabius  meas  res  gestas  in  Hispania  ele- 

1  venit  Pil)N J K  Aldus;  vemsit  Sp?  Froben  2. 

2  ab  P(3)  :  a  ^xV  Aldxis  :  om.  Sp?JK  Froben  2. 

3  -que  om.  Sp?ANJK  Aldus,  Froben. 
l86 


BOOK  XXVIII.  xLiv.  10-17 

Hannibal  flitted  about.  Would  it  not  be  insulting,  b.o.  205 
with  Hannibal  now  shaken  and  almost  broken,  to 
claim  that  Publius  Licinius,  the  consul — a  very  brave 
man  who  took  no  part  in  the  allotment  of  so  distant 
a  province,  solely  that  as  pontifex  maximus  he  might 
not  be  absent  from  religious  ceremonies — cannot  do 
the  same  ?  If  in  truth  the  war  were  not  completed 
any  more  promptly  by  the  method  which  I  propose,  it 
would  nevertheless  conduce  to  the  dignity  of  the 
Roman  people  and  its  reputation  among  kings  and 
foreign  nations  to  let  it  be  seen  that  we  have  the 
spirit  not  only  to  defend  Italy  but  also  to  invade 
Africa.  Likewise  not  to  have  it  believed  and  pub- 
hshed  abroad  that  what  Hannibal  has  dared  no 
Roman  general  dares,  and  that  in  the  former  Punic 
war,  at  a  time  when  the  stake  was  Sicily,  Africa  was 
attacked  so  many  times  by  our  armies  and  fleets,  but 
that  now,  when  Italy  is  the  stake,  Africa  is  at  peace. 
Let  Italy,  so  long  harried,  at  length  have  rest ;  let 
Africa  in  turn  be  burned  over  and  laid  waste.  Let 
Roman  camps  threaten  the  gates  of  Carthage  ;  better 
so  than  that  we  should  see  the  enemy's  earthworks 
from  our  walls  for  the  second  time.  Let  Africa  be 
the  theatre  of  the  remainder  of  the  war.  In  that 
direction  may  terror  and  flight  be  diverted,  the 
devastation  also  of  farms,  the  desertion  of  allies,  and 
the  other  calamities  of  war  which  for  fourteen  years 
have  assailed  us. 

"  It  is  enough  to  have  spoken  of  matters  concerning 
the  state  and  the  war  now  in  progress  and  the  prov- 
inces which  are  in  question.  A  long  speech  it  would 
be  and  one  of  no  concern  to  you  senators  if,  after  the 
manner  in  which  Quintus  Fabius  has  disparaged  my 
achievements   in   Spain,   I   on   my  part  should  be 

187 


LIVY 

.u.c.  vavit,  sic  ego  ^  contra  gloriam  eius  eludere  et  meam 
18  verbis  extollere  velim.  Xeutrum  faciam,  patres 
conscripti,  et,  si  nulla  alia  re,  modestia  certe  et  tem- 
perando  linguae  adulescens  senem  vicero.  Ita 
et  vixi  et  gessi  res  ut  tacitus  ea  opinione  quam 
vestra  sponte  conceptam  animis  haberetis  facile 
contentus  essem." 

XLV.  Minus  acquis  animis  auditus  est  Scipio, 
quia  volgatum  erat,  si  apud  senatum  non  obtinuisset 
ut  provincia  Africa  sibi  decerneretur,  ad  populum  ex- 

2  templo  laturum.  Itaque  Q.  Fulvius,  qui  consul  qua- 
ter  et  censor  ^  fuerat,  postulavit  a  consule  ut  palam  in 
senatu  diceret  pemiitteretne  patribus  ut  de  pro- 
\'inciis  decernerent,  staturusque  eo  esset  quod  cen- 

3  suissent,  an  ad  populum  laturus.  Cum  Scipio  re- 
spondisset  se  quod  e  re  publica  esset  facturum,  turn 

4  Fulvius :  "  Non  ego  ignarus  quid  responsurus 
facturusve  esses  quaesivi,  quippe  cum  prae  te  feras 
temptare  te  ^  magis  quam  consulere  senatum,  et  ni 
provinciam  tibi  quam  volueris  extemplo  decernamus, 

5  paratam  rogationem  habeas.  Itaque  a  vobis,  tribuni 
plebis,postulo  "  inquit "  ut  sententiam  mihi  ideo  non 
dicenti  quod,  etsi  ^  in  meam  sententiam  discedatur, 

6  non  sit  ratum  habiturus  consul,  auxilio  sitis."  Inde 
altercatio  orta,  cum  consul  negaret  aequum  esse 
tribunos   intercedere    quo   minus   suo    quisque   loco 

^  ego  P{1)X  :   et  ego  JK  Aldus,  Frohen. 

-  et  censor  A'X'JK  Aldus,  Frohen  :   om.  P{1)N. 

3  te  P(3)  :   om.  ANJK  Aldus,  Frohen. 

*  etsi  Gronovius,  Eds.  :   est  P(\)X  :   si  A^X'JK  Lucha. 


BOOK  XXVIII.  xLiv.  17-XLV.  6 

minded  to  scoff  at  his  fame  and  to  enlarge  upon  my  b.c.  205 
own.  I  -will  do  neither,  conscript  fathers,  and  if  in 
no  other  respect,  in  modesty  at  least  and  in  control  of 
my  tongue  I,  who  am  young,  will  outstrip  the  older 
man.  Such  have  been  my  life  and  achievements  that, 
although  silent,  I  am  quite  content  with  the  opinion 
which   of  your  own   accord  you  have  formed   and 

retain."  ^ 

XLV.  Scipio  met  ^\'ith  a  less  favourable  hearing  / 
because  it  had  been  generally  reported  that,  if  he  / 
should  not  carry  his  point  in  the  senate  and  have  / 
Africa  decreed  him  as  his  province,  he  would  at  once  I 
bring  a  bill  before  the  people.  And  so  Qui»fe««— -' 
Fulvius,  who  had  been  consul  four  times  and  censor, 
demanded  of  the  consul  that  he  should  frankly  state 
in  the  senate  whether  he  would  permit  the  senators 
to  make  a  decree  in  regard  to  the  provinces  and 
would  stand  by  their  vote,  or  was  intending  to  bring  a 
bill  before  the  people.  When  Scipio  replied  that  he 
would  act  for  the  best  interests  of  the  state,  Fulvius 
said :  "  I  was  not  unaware,  when  I  asked  my  question, 
of  the  answer  you  would  give  or  of  what  you  would  do, 
since  you  make  it  plain  that  you  are  sounding  the 
senate  rather  than  consulting  it,  and  since,  unless  we 
at  once  decree  for  you  the  province  which  you  have 
desired,  you  have  a  bill  ready.  Accordingly,  tri- 
bunes of  the  people  "  he  said  "  I  demand  of  you  that 
you  come  to  my  defence  if  I  decline  to  express  an 
opinion  for  the  reason  that,  even  in  case  our  vote  by 
division  should  favour  a  motion  of  mine,  the  consul 
mil  not  consider  it  vaUd."  Then  arose  a  dispute, 
the  consul  maintaining  that  it  was  not  right  for  the 
tribunes  to  use  their  veto  to  excuse  a  senator  from 
stating  his  opinion  when  called  upon  in  his  regular 


LIVY 

7  senator  ^  rogatus  sententiam  diceret.  Tribuni  ita 
decreverunt :  "Si  consul  senatui  de  provinciis  per- 
mittit,  stari  eo  quod  senatus  censuerit  placet,  nee  de 
ea  re  ferri  ad  populum  patiemur;  si  non  permittit, 
qui  de  ea  re  sententiam  recusabit  dicere  auxilio 
erimus." 

8  Consul  diem  ad  conloquendura  cum  conlega  petit ; 
postero  die  permissum  senatui  est.  ProWnciae  ita 
decretae :  alteri  consuli  Sicilia  et  triginta  rostratae 
naves  quas  C.  Ser\ilius  superiore  anno  habuisset ; 
permissumque  ut  in  Africam,  si  id  e  re  publica  esse 

9  censeret,  traiceret ;  alteri  Bruttii  et  bellum  cum  Han- 
nibale  cum  eo  exercitu,  quem  ^  /mallet).  L.  Veturius 
et  Q.  Caecilius  sortirentur  inter  se  compararentve  uter 
in  Bruttiis  duabus  legionibus  quas  consul  reliquisset 

10  rem  gereret,  imperiumque  in  annum  prorogaretur  cui 
ea  provincia  evenisset.  Et  ceteris,  praeter  consules 
praetoresque,^    qui    exercitibus    provinciisque   prae- 

11  futuri  erant  *  prorogata  imperia.  Q.  Caecilio  sorti 
everdt  ut  cum  consule  in  Bruttiis  adversus  Han- 
nibalem  bellum  gereret. 

^  senator  A^X'JK  Aldus,  Frohen  :   om.  P{\)N. 

*  quem  P{\)yJK:  at  least  mallet  must  have  folloued : 
mallet  ex  duobus  qui  ibi  essent  Madvig  :  mallet  ex  duobus 
quos  consules  habuissent  Weissenhorn. 

3  praeter  .  .  .  praetoresque  PiliXJK  Aldus:  probably 
to  be  rejected  as  a  gloss  vAth  Conv:ay,  who  suspected  another 
lacuna. 

*  praefuturi  erant  also  corrupt,  Conway,  who  would  conj. 
praefuerant. 

1  This  decree  so  fortified  the  opposition  that  Scipio  was 
unable  to  risk  a  vote  referring  the  question  to  the  people. 

2  A  small  fleet  in  comparison  with  the  hundred  ships  assigned 
to  Sicily  in  208  B.C.;    XXVII.  xxii.  9.     For  an  invasion  a 

190 


BOOK  XXVIII.  XLV.  6-1 1 

order.  The  tribunes  made  this  decree :  "If  the  b.c.  205 
consul  permits  the  senate  to  assign  the  provinces, 
we  decide  that  he  must  stand  by  the  vote  of  the 
senate,  and  we  will  not  allow  a  bill  touching  that 
matter  to  be  brought  before  the  people.  If  he  does 
not  permit,  M^e  will  come  to  the  defence  of  a  man  who 
refuses  to  express  an  opinion  on  that  matter.  "  ^ 

The  consul  begged  for  one  day  to  confer  with  his 
colleague ;  on  the  next  day  he  gave  the  senate  his 
permission.  The  provinces  were  assigned  by  decree 
as  follows :  to  one  of  the  consuls  Sicily  and  the 
thirty  war-ships  ^  which  Gains  Servilius  had  com- 
manded in  the  previous  year;^  and  permission  to 
cross  over  to  Africa  was  given,  if  he  should  consider 
that  to  be  to  the  advantage  of  the  state ;  to  the 
other  consul  the  land  of  the  Bruttians  and  the  war 
with  Hannibal,  together  with  the  army  which  he 
preferred.*  Lucius  Veturius  and  Quintus  Caecilius 
were  to  decide  between  them  by  lot  or  by  arrange- 
ment which  of  them  was  to  wage  war  in  the  Bruttian 
land  with  the  two  legions  which  the  consul  should 
leave  there,  and  whichever  should  have  that  province 
assigned  to  him  was  to  have  his  command  continued 
for  one  year.  And  for  the  rest  who  were  to  com- 
mand armies  and  provinces — apart  from  consuls  and 
praetors — their  commands  were  continued.  It  fell 
to  Quintus  Caecilius  by  lot  to  wage  war  together 
with  the  consul  in  the  Bruttian  land  against 
Hannibal. 

much  larger  navy  would  seem  to  be  required.  Add  the  30 
new  ships  presently  to  be  built  (§  21).  But  actually  only  40 
war-ships  escorted  400  transports  in  204  B.C. ;   XXIX.  xxvi.  3. 

3  Cf.  X.  16. 

*  I.e.  of  the  two  in  that  region;  cf.  x.  10;  xi.  12;  xlvi.  2. 

191 


LRT 

12  Ludi  deinde  Scipionis  magna  frequentia  et  favore 
spectantium  celebrati.  Legati  Delphos  ad  donum  ex 
praeda  Hasdrubalis  portandum  missi  M.  Pomponius 
Matho  et  Q.  Catius.  Tulerunt  coronam  auream 
ducentum  pondo  et  simulacra  spoliomin  ex  ^  mille 
pondo  argenti  facta. ^ 

13  Scipio  cum  ut  dilectum  haberet  neque  impetras- 
set    neque    magnopere    tetendisset,    ut    voluntarios 

14  ducere  sibi  milites  liceret  tenuit  et,  quia  inpensae 
negaverat  rei  publicae  futuram  classem,  ut  quae  ab 
sociis  darentur  ad  novas  fabricandas  naves  acciperet. 
Etruriae    primum    populi    pro    suis    quisque    facul- 

15  tatibus  consulem  adiuturos  polliciti :  Caerites  frumen- 
tum  sociis  navalibus  commeatumque  omnis  generis, 
Populonenses  ferrum,  Tarquinienses  lintea  in  vela, 
\'olaterrani    interamenta  ^    na\"ium    et    frumentum, 

IG  Arretini  tria  milia  scutorum,  galeas  totidem,  pila 
gaesa  hastas  longas,  milium  quinquaginta  summam 

1 7  pari  cuiusque  generis  numero  expleturos,  secures rutra 
falces  alveolos  molas,  quantum  in  quadraginta  longas 
naves  opus  esset,  tritici  centum  et  viginti  milia 
modium,  et  in  \-iaticum  decurionibus  remigibusque 

18  conlaturos ;  Perusini  Clusini  Rusellani  abietem  in 
fabricandas  naves  et  frumenti  magnum  numerum ; 

1  ex  SpD  Frohen  2  :   et  P(3)XJK  Aldus. 

2  facta  SpDJ  Frohen  2  :   facti  P(3).VA'  Aldus. 

2  interamenta  P(3)XJK  :  ferramenta  x  :  inceramenta 
Gronovius. 

^  Doubtless  in  the  form  of  trophies,  possibly  a  pair  of  them, 
to  flank  the  golden  wreath,  presumably  to  be  set  up  in  one  of  the 
treasure  houses.  At  XXIII.  xi.  3  Apollo  had  bidden  them 
send  a  gift  when  they  had  preserved  their  state.  So  Fa  bins 
Pictor,  the  Roman  ambassador,  had  reported  in  216  B.C. 

-  Cf.  XXX.  xxxix.  2;  now  Piombino,  the  nearest  port  to 
Elba.  Usually  Populonia,  but  Polybius  and  Strabo  use  the 
192 


BOOK  XXVIII.  XLV.  12-18 

Scipio's  games  were  then  held  with  great  crowds  b.c.  205 
and  great  approval  on  the  part  of  the  spectators.  As 
ambassadors  Marcus  Pomponius  Matho  and  Quintus 
Catius  were  sent  to  Delphi  to  carry  a  gift  from  the 
spoils  of  Hasdrubal.  They  took  a  golden  wreath 
weighing  two  hundred  pounds  and  representations 
of  spoils  ^  made  of  a  thousand  pounds  of  silver. 

Although  he  had  neither  gained  consent  to  hold  a 
levy,  nor  had  been  especially  insistent,  Scipio 
obtained  permission  to  take  volunteers  and  to  receive 
whatever  should  be  given  by  the  allies  towards  the 
construction  of  new  ships, — this  because  he  had 
stated  that  the  fleet  would  not  be  an  expense  to  the 
state.  First  the  Etruscan  communities  promised 
that  they  would  aid  the  consul,  each  according  to  its 
own  resources.  The  men  of  Caere  promised  grain 
for  the  crews  and  supplies  of  every  kind,  the  men  of 
Populonium  ^  iron,  Tarquinii  Hnen  for  sails,  Volaterrae 
the  interior  fittings  of  ships,  also  grain.  Arretium 
promised  three  thousand  shields,  an  equal  number  of 
helmets  ;  and  that  they  would  furnish  a  total  of  fifty 
thousand  javelins,  short  spears  and  lances,  with  an 
equal  proportion  of  each  type ;  also  axes,  shovels, 
sickles,  baskets  and  hand-mills,  as  many  as  were 
needed  for  forty  war-ships ;  a  hundred  and  twenty 
thousand  pecks  of  wheat  also  ;  and  that  they  would 
contribute  allowances^  for  petty  officers  and  oars- 
men. Perusia,  Clusium  and  Rusellae  *  promised  fir 
for  shipbuilding  and  a  great  quantity  of  grain.     He 

neuter  (P.  at  XXXIV.  xi.  3;  S.  at  V.  ii.  5  f.,  8).  So  also  the 
J  tin.  Ant. 

^  In  addition  to  their  pay. 

*  Beyond  the  Umbro  and  near  Vetulonia ;  X.  iv.  5 ;  xxxvii. 
3. 

193 

VOL.    VIII.  II 


.y.c   19  abiete  et  ^  ex  publicis  silvis  est  usus.     Umbriae  populi 

^^  et   praeter  hos  Nursini  ^  et  Reatini    et  Amiternini 

Sabinusque     omnis     ager     milites     polliciti.     Marsi 

Paeligni    Marrucinique   multi   voluntarii   nomina   in 

20  classem  dederunt.  Camertes  cum  aequo  foedere 
cum  Romanis  essent,  cohortem  armatam  sescentorum 

21  hominum  miserunt.  Triginta  navium  carinae,  \'iginti 
quinqueremes,  decem  quadriremes,  cum  essent 
positaCj  ipse  ita  institit  operi  ut  die  quadragesimo 
quinto  quam  ex  silvis  detracta  materia  erat  naves 
instructae  armataeque  in  aquam  deductae  sint. 

XLVI.  Profectus  in  Siciliam  est  triginta  navibus 
longis,  voluntariorum  septem  ferme  milibus  in  naves 

2  impositis.  Et  P.  Licinius  in  Bruttios  ad  duos 
exercitus  consulares  venit.     Ex  iis  eum  sibi  sumpsit 

3  quern  L.  Veturius  consul  habuerat ;  Metello  ut, 
quibus  praefuisset  legionibu<=;,  iis  praeesset,^  facilius 
cum  adsuetis  imperio  rem  gesturum  ratus  permisit. 

•i  Et  praetores  diversi  in  provincias  profecti.  Et  quia 
pecunia  ad  bellum  deerat,  agri  Campani  regionem 
a  Fossa  Graeca  ad  mare  versam  vendere  quaestores 

5  iussi,  indicio  quoque  permisso  qui  ager  civis  Campani 
fuisset,  uti  is  publicus  populi  Romani  esset ;  indici 
praemium     constitutum,     quantae     pecuniae     ager 

^  etconj.  Lacks,  Walters,  adopted  by  Conway;  ovi.P{\)NJK 
Eds. 

2  Nursini,  SpJK  Frohen  2  add  -que  and  om.  et  praeter  hos 
of  P{\)N  AUus. 

^  legionibus  .  .  .  praeesset  A*y*JK  Aldus,  Frohen  :    om. 

Pihy- 

^  I.e.  just  as  if  they  were  allies  and  hence  bound  to  furnish 
troops. 

2  Near  Cumae  and  probably  dug  by  that  city  long  before 
to  drain  marshy  lowlands  near  the  sea;    cf.  XXII.  xvi.  4. 

194 


BOOK  XXVIII.  XLV.  18-XLVI.  5 

used  fir  also  from  forests  belonging  to  the  state,  b.c.  206 
The  communities  of  Umbria  and  in  addition  Nursia 
and  Reate  and  Amiternum  and  the  whole  Sabine 
district  promised  soldiers.  Marsians,  Paelignians 
and  Marrucini  in  large  numbers  gave  in  their  names 
as  volunteers  for  the  fleet.  Camerinum,  although  it 
treated  with  the  Romans  on  an  equal  footing,  sent 
an  armed  cohort  of  six  hundred  men.^  After  thirty 
keels  had  been  laid  down,  twenty  quinqueremes  and 
ten  quadriremes,  Scipio  so  pushed  the  work  that  on 
the  forty-fifth  day  after  the  timber  had  been  brought 
from  the  forests  the  ships,  rigged  and  equipped,  were 
launched. 

XLVI.  He  set  out  for  Sicily  on  thirty  war-ships  after 
embarking  some  seven  thousand  volunteers.  And 
Publius  Licinius  came  to  the  two  consular  armies  in 
the  land  of  the  Bruttians.  Of  these  he  took  the  army 
which  Lucius  Veturius  had  commanded  as  consul.  He 
allowed  Metellus  to  command  the  same  legions  which 
he  had  previously  commanded,  for  he  thought 
Metellus  would  more  easily  carry  on  the  war  with 
men  accustomed  to  his  authority:  The  praetors  also 
set  out  in  different  directions  to  their  provinces.  And 
because  there  was  a  lack  of  money  for  the  war  the 
quaestors  were  ordered  to  sell  a  region  of  Campania 
extending  from  the  Fossa  Graeca  ^  to  the  sea,  it 
being  permitted  also  to  give  information  as  to  any 
land  which  had  belonged  to  a  Campanian  citizen,  so 
that  it  might  become  public  land  of  the  Roman  people. 
For  the  informant  one-tenth  of  the  price  of  the  land 

Not  far  away  was  Liternum,  where  Scipio  Africanus  later 
lived  in  retirement  at  his  villa,  described  by  Seneca  Ef. 
86,  1-12;  cf.  Val.  Max.  II.  x.  2;  and  there  was  his  tomb; 
Seneca  I.e. 

195 


LIVY 

6  indicatus  esset  pars  decuma.  Et  Cn.  Servilio 
praetori  urbano  negotium  datum  ut  Campani 
cives,  ubi  cuique  ^  ex  senatus  consulto  liceret  habi- 
tare,  ibi  ^  habitarent,  animadverteretque  in  eos  qui 
alibi  habitarent. 

7  Eadem  aestate  Mago  Hamilcaris  filius  ex  minore 
Baliarium  insula,  ubi  hibernarat,  iuventute  lecta  in 
classem  imposita,  in  Italiam  triginta  ferme  rostratis 
na\'ibus  et  multis  onerariis  duodecim  milia  peditum, 

8  duo  ferme  equitum  traiecit,  Genuamque  nullis  prae- 
sidiis  maritumam  oram  tutantibus  repentino  adventu 
cepit.     Inde  ad  oram  Ligurum  Alpinorum,  si  quos  ibi 

9  motus  facere  posset,  classem  appulit.  Ingauni — 
Ligurum  ea  gens  est — bellum  ea  tempestate  gere- 

10  bant  cum  Epanteriis  Montanis.  Igitur  Poenus 
Savone,  oppido  Alpino,  praeda  deposita  et  decem 
longis  navibus  in  statione  ad  praesidium  relictis, 
ceteris  Carthaginem  missis  ad  tuendam  maritumam 

11  oram,  quia  fama  erat  Scipionem  traiecturum,  ipse 
societate  cum  Ingaunis,  quorum  gratiam  malebat, 
composita  Montanos  instituit  oppugnare.  Et 
crescebat  exercitus  in  dies  ad  famam  nominis  eius 

^  cuique  P{l)X  Aldus  :  -cunque  SpX'JK. 

2  habitare,  ibi  P{1)N  Aldus  :   om.  SpJK  Froben  2. 

^  On  the  Ligurian  coast;  cf.  XXI.  xxxii.  5,  the  first  ap- 
pearance of  Genoa  in  history;  XXIX.  v.  2.  Destroyed  by 
Mago  and  rebuilt  by  Spurius  Lucretius,  XXX.  i.  10. 

2  I.e.  Western ;    see  note  on  iSavo  below. 

^  Cf.  XXIX.  I.e.  Their  town  was  a  seaport,  Album 
Ingaunum  or  Albingaunum,  now  Albenga ;  Strabo  IV.  vi.  1 ; 
Mela  II.  72;  Tacitus  Hist.  II.  15  fin.  The  Epanterii  were 
above  them  on  the  slopes  of  the  coast  range  (Alpes  Maritimae). 

196 


BOOK  XXVIII.  XLvi.  5-1 1 

reported  was  established  as  a  reward.  And  to  b.c  206 
Gnaeus  Servilius,  the  city  praetor,  was  assigned  the 
task  of  seeing  to  it  that  Campanian  citizens  should 
dwell  only  where  in  accordance  with  a  decree  of  the 
senate  it  was  permitted  them  severally  to  dwell, 
and  of  punishing  those  who  were  dwelling  else- 
where. 

In  the  same  summer  Mago  the  son  of  Hamilcar 
embarked  upon  his  fleet  picked  young  men  from  the 
smaller  of  the  Balearic  Islands,  where  he  had  wintered, 
and  brought  across  to  Italy  on  some  thirty  war-ships 
and  many  transports  twelve  thousand  infantry  and 
about  two  thousand  cavalry.  Upon  his  sudden 
arrival  he  also  captured  Genua, ^  since  no  forces 
were  guarding  the  sea-coast.  Then  he  put  in  with 
his  fleet  to  the  coast  belonging  to  the  Alpine  ^ 
Ligurians,  in  the  hope  of  causing  some  uprising  there. 
The  Ingauni,^  a  Ligurian  tribe,  were  at  that  time 
carrying  on  a  war  with  the  Epanterii  Montani. 
Accordingly  the  Carthaginian,  depositing  his  plunder 
at  Savo,'*  a  town  at  the  foot  of  the  Alps,  and  leaving 
ten  war-ships  at  anchor  to  protect  it,  sent  the  rest  to 
Carthage  to  defend  the  sea-coast,  because  there  was  a 
report  that  Scipio  would  cross  over.  Mago  himself 
made  an  alliance  with  the  Ingauni,  whose  friendship 
he  preferred,  and  set  about  attacking  the  Montani. 
And  his  army  was  daily  increasing  because  the  Gauls 

*  Now  Savona,  27  miles  west  of  Genoa.  Though  a  seaport 
it  is  an  oppidum  Alpinum  as  lying  at  the  foot  of  the  Maritime 
Alps.  Eastward  of  Savona  is  another  coast  range;  a  part 
of  the  Apennines.  On  the  dividing  line  between  the  two,  cf. 
Strabo  I.e.  and  V.  i.  3 ;  also  Deeimus  Brutus  writing  to  Cicero, 
Ep.  XI.  xiii.  2.  For  Vada  Sabat(i)a,  now  Vado,  west  of 
Savo,  cf.  XXIX.  v.  2,  note;  Strabo  I.e.;  Mela  I.e.;  Pliny 
N.H.  III.  48;    Itin.  Ant.  295. 

197 


LIVY 

12  Gallis  undique  confluentibus.  Ea  res  ^  litteris  cog- 
nita  Sp,  Lucreti.  ne  frustra  Hasdrubale  cum  exercitu 
delete  biennio  ante  forent  laetati,  si  par  aliud  inde 
bellum,     duce     tantiim     miitato,     oreretur,    curam 

13  ingentem  accendit  ^  patribus.  Itaque  et  M.  Li\1um 
proconsulem  ex  Etruria  volonum  exercitum  admovere 
Ariminum  iusserunt,  et  Cn.  Servilio  praetori  negotium 
datum  ut,  si  e  re  publica  censeret  esse,  duas  urbanas 
legiones,  imperio  cui  videretur  dato,  ex  urbe  duci 
iuberet.  >I.  Valerius  Laevinus  Arretium  eas 
legiones  duxit. 

14  Eisdem  diebus  naves  onerariae  Poenorum  ad  octo- 
ginta  circa  Sardiniam  ab  Cn.  Octavio,  qui  pro\inciae 
praeerat,  captae.  Eas  Coelius  frumento  misso  ad 
Hannibalem  commeatuque  onustas,  Valerius  praedam 
Etruscam    Ligurumque    et  ^    Montanorum    captivos 

15  Carthaginem  portantes  captas  tradit.  In  Bruttiis 
nihil  ferme  anno  eo  memorabile  gestum.  Pestilentia 
incesserat  pari  clade  in  Romanos  Poenosque,  nisi 
quod  Punicum  exercitum  super  morbum  etiam  fames 

16  adfecit.  Propter  lunonis  Laciniae  templum  aesta- 
tem  Hannibal  egit,  ibique  aram  condidit  dedicavitque 
cum  ingenti  rerum  ab  se  gestarurn  titulo,  Punicis 
Graecisque  litteris  insculpto. 

^  res  Rhenanus,  Eds.  {after  litteris  Alschejski)  :  om. 
PiljXSpJK  Aldus,  Frohen. 

2  SLCcendit  P(l)XSpJK  Frohen  2  :  SLCcendere  x  Aldus. 

^  et  P{l)XJK,  Aldus,  Weissenhorn,  Conway:  om.  Frohen  2, 
Madvig,  Luchs,  Riemann,  Friedersdorff,  xinxcilling  to  accept 
as  genuine  the  statement  that  there  ivere  Ligurian  captives  also, 
i.e.  Ingauni,  §  9. 

1  Cf.  xxxviii.  11,  13;  XXX.  i.  9  f. 

2  Antias;  cf.  Vol.  Yl.  p.  492,  n.  2;  VII.  pp.  24,  n.  1  and 
187.     For  Coelius  cf.  VI.  p.  183,  n.  2;   VII.  pp.  41,  323. 

198 


BOOK  XXVIII.  xLvi.  11-16 

on  hearing  his  name  flocked  together  from  all  sides,  b.c.  205 
This  fact,  when  it  was  made  known  to  the  senators 
through  a  letter  of  Spurius  Lucretius,^  kindled  great 
anxiety  among  them,  for  fear  they  had  rejoiced  in  vain 
tM'o  years  before  over  the  destruction  of  Hasdrubal 
and  his  army,  if  another  equally  serious  war  with  only 
a  change  of  commander  should  break  out  from  that 
quarter.  So  they  ordered  Marcus  Livius,  the  pro- 
consul, to  bring  his  army  of  slave-volunteers  from 
Etruria  to  Ariminum.  Also  they  assigned  to  Gnaeus 
Servilius,  the  praetor,  if  he  thought  it  to  the  ad- 
vantage of  the  state,  the  duty  of  appointing  at  his 
discretion  a  commander  for  the  two  city  legions  and 
ordering  them  to  be  brought  up  from  the  city.  Marcus 
Valerius  Laevinus  brought  these  legions  to  Arretium. 
Just  at  that  time  about  eighty  Carthaginian  trans- 
ports were  captured  off  Sardinia  by  Gnaeus  Octavius, 
who  was  in  command  of  that  province.  Coelius 
states  that  they  were  laden  with  grain  sent  to 
Hannibal  and  with  provisions,  Valerius  ^  that  they 
were  captured  while  carrying  Etruscan  booty  and 
captive  Ligurians  and  Montani  to  Carthage.  In 
the  land  of  the  Bruttians  virtually  nothing  notable 
was  done  that  year.  An  epidemic,  equally  disastrous 
to  both, had  attacked  Romans  and  Carthaginians,  with 
this  difference  that  in  addition  to  disease  hunger  also 
weakened  the  Carthaginian  army.  Hannibal  spent 
the  summer  near  the  temple  of  Juno  Lacinia,^ 
and  there  he  erected  an  altar  and  dedicated  it  together 
with  a  great  record  of  his  achievements  in  a  Punic 
and  Greek  inscription. 

3  Cf.  Vol.  VI.  pp.  115,  n.,  182  f.,  notes  (especially  in  reference 
to  the  inscription);  VII.  p.  315.  The  promontory  took  its 
name  from  vaos,  temple,  and  is  still  Capo  Nao  (or  delle  Colonne). 

199 


LIBRI   XXVIII   PERIOCHA 

Res  in  Hispania  prospere  gestae  a  Silano  Scipionis  legato 
et  ab  L.  Scipione  fratre  adversus  Poenos,  a  P.  Sulpicio  pro- 
consule  socio  Attalo  rege  Asiae  adversus  Philippum  regem 
Macedonum  pro  Aetolis  referuntur.  Cum  M.  Livio  et 
Claudio  Neroni  consulibus  triumphus  decretus  esset,  Livius, 
qui  in  provincia  sua  rem  gesserat,  quadrigis  invectus  est, 
Nero,  qui  in  collegae  provinciam,  ut  victoriam  eius  adiu- 
varet,  venerat,  equo  secutus  est,  et  in  hoc  habitu  plus 
gloriae  reverent iaeque  habuit ;  nam  et  plus  in  bello  quam 
coUega  fecerat.  Ignis  in  aede  Vestae  neglegentia  virginis 
quae  non  custodierat  exstinctus  est ;  caesa  est  flagro.  P. 
Scipio  in  Hispania  cum  Poenis  debellavit  XIIII  anno  eius 
belli,  quinto  post  anno  quam  ierat,  praeclusisque  in  totum 
possessione  provinciae  eius  hostibus  Hispanias  recepit ; 
et  a  Tarracone  in  Africam  ad  Syphacem  regem  Massyliorum 
transvectus  foedus  iunxit.  Hasdrubal  Gisgonis  ibi  cum  eo 
in  eodem  lecto  cenavit.  Munus  gladiatorium  in  honorem 
patris  patruique  Carthagine  Nova  edidit,  non  ex  gladia- 
toribus,  sed  ex  his  qui  aut  in  honorem  ducis  aut  ex  provo- 
catione  descendebant ;  in  quo  reguli  fratres  de  regno  ferro 
contenderunt.  Cum  Gisia  urbs  obpugnaretur,  oppidani 
liberos  et  coniuges  rogo  exstructo  occiderunt  et  se  insuper 
praecipitaverunt.  Ipse  Scipio,  dum  gravi  morbo  implici- 
tus  est,  seditionem  in  parte  exercitus  motam  confirmatus 

^  An  error  for  New  Carthage;   cf.  xvii.  12. 
'  Astapa  in  the  text,  xxii.  2;   xxiii.  5. 

200 


SUMMARY   OF   BOOK   XXVIII 

Successes  gained  in  Spain  against  the  Carthaginians 
by  Silanus,  Scipio's  Heutenant,  and  by  his  brother  Lucius 
Scipio  are  narrated,  and  those  gained  by  Publius  Suipicius  as 
proconsul  with  Attains,  King  of  Asia,  as  ally  against  Philip, 
King  of  the  Macedonians,  on  behalf  of  the  Aetolians. 
When  a  triumph  was  awarded  by  decree  to  Marcus  Livius 
and  Claudius  Nero,  the  consuls,  Livius,  who  had  com- 
manded in  his  own  province,  drove  into  the  city  in  a  four- 
horse  chariot.  Nero,  who  had  entered  his  colleague's 
province  to  aid  him  to  victory,  followed  on  horseback ; 
and  in  this  appearance  he  earned  more  fame  and  re- 
spect ;  for  he  had  done  more  also  than  his  colleague  in  the 
war.  The  fire  in  Vesta's  temple  went  out  owing  to  the 
carelessness  of  the  virgin  who  had  failed  to  keep  watch 
over  it.  She  was  scourged.  Publius  Scipio  brought  the 
war  with  the  Carthaginians  in  Spain  to  an  end  in  the 
fourteenth  year  of  the  war,  the  fifth  year  after  his  arrival ; 
and  he  gained  possession  of  Spain  after  completely  shutting 
the  enemy  out  from  occupation  of  that  province.  And 
from  Tarraco  ^  he  crossed  over  into  Africa,  to  Syphax,  King 
of  the  Massylians,  and  made  a  treaty  with  him.  Has- 
drubal  son  of  Gisgo  dined  with  him  there,  reclining  on  the 
same  couch.  Scipio  gave  a  gladiatorial  show  at  New 
Carthage  in  honour  of  his  father  and  uncle,  not  by  gladiators 
but  by  men  who  went  into  the  arena  either  to  honour  the 
general  or  in  accepting  a  challenge.  In  that  show  princes 
who  were  brothers  fought  for  kingship  with  the  sword. 
During  the  siege  of  the  city  of  Gisia  -  the  citizens  slew  their 
children  and  wives  upon  a  p3rre  which  they  had  built 
and  threw  themselves  upon  it.  Scipio  himself,  when  a 
mutiny  broke  out  in  one  part  of  the  army  while  he  was 

201 


LIBRI    XXVIII    PERIOCHA 

discussit,  rebellantesque  Hispaniae  populos  coegit  in 
deditionem  venire.  Et  amicitia  facta  cum  Masinissa  rege 
Xumidanim,  qui  illi  auxilium,  si  in  Africam  traiecisset, 
pollicebatur,  cum  Gaditanis  quoque  post  discessum  inde 
Magonis,  cui  Carthagine  scriptum  erat  ut  in  Italiam 
traiceret,  Eomam  reversus  consulque  creatus.  Africam 
provinciam  petenti  contradicente  Q.  Fabio  Maximo  Sicilia 
data  est,  permissumque  ut  in  Africam  traiceret,  si  id  e  re 
publica  esse  censeret.  Mago  Hamilcaris  filius  a  minore 
Baliari  insula,  ubi  hiemaverat,  in  Italiam  traiecit. 


202 


SUMMARY   OF   BOOK   XXVIII 

seriously  ill,  upon  recovering  quelled  it  and  compelled 
the  rebellious  peoples  in  Spain  to  surrender.  And  he 
made  friends  with  Masinissa,  King  of  the  Numidians, 
who  promised  him  assistance  if  he  should  cross  over  to 
Africa.  Having  made  friends  with  the  men  of  Gades  also 
after  the  departure  of  Mago,  who  had  received  written 
orders  from  Carthage  to  cross  over  to  Italy,  Scipio  returned 
to  Rome  and  was  elected  consul.  When  he  begged  for 
Africa  as  his  province,  while  Quintus  Fabius  Maximus 
opposed,  Sicily  was  given  to  him  and  he  was  permitted 
to  cross  over  to  Africa  if  he  thought  that  for  the  advantage 
of  the  state.  Mago  son  of  Hamilcar  crossed  over  to  Italy 
from  the  smaller  of  the  Balearic  Islands,  where  he  had 
wintered. 


20' 


BOOK  XXIX 


LIBER   XXIX 

I.  SciPio  postquam  in  Siciliam  venit,  voluntarios 

2  milites  ordinavit  cent iiriavit que  Ex  iis  trecentos  iu- 
venes,  florentes  aetate  et  virium  robore  insignes,^ 
inermes  circa  se  habebat,  ignorantes  quem  ad  usum 

3  neque  centuriati  neque  aiTnati  servarentur.  Tiini 
ex  totius  Siciliae  iuniorum  numero  principes  genere  et 
fortuna  trecentos  equites  qui  secum  in  Africam 
traicerent    legit,    diemque    iis    qua    equis    ai-misque 

4  instructi  atque  ornati  adessent  edixit.  Gravis  ea 
militia  procul  domo,  terra  marique  multos  labores 
magna  pericula  allatura  videbatur ;  neque  ipsos  modo 
sed  parentes  cognatosque  eorum  ea  cura  angebat. 

5  Ubi  dies  quae  edicta  ^  erat  advenit,  arma  equosque 
ostenderunt.  Turn  Scipio  renuntiari  sibi  dixit 
quosdam    equites    Siculorum    tamquam    gravem    et 

6  duram  horrere  cam  militiam ;  si  qui  ita  animati 
essent,  malle  eos  sibi  iam  tum  fateri  quam  postmodo 
querentes  segnes  atque  inutiles  milites  rei  publicae 
esse  ;    expromerent  quid  sentirent ;   cum  bona  venia 

7  se  auditurum.     Ubi  ex  iis  unus  ausus  est  dicere  se 

^  insignes,  inermes  Conu-ay :  insignes  [or  -is), 
SpA'y(filtern.)JK  Froben  2:  inermis  {or  -es  P{])NH  Aldus, 
Eds. 

*  edicta  JK  Aldus,  Froben,  Luchs  :   dicta  P{l)XH. 

2o6 


BOOK    XXIX 

I.  Scipio,  now  that  he  had  reached  Sicily,  assigned  b.c.  205 
his  volunteers  to  their  ranks  and  centuries.  Three 
hundred  of  them,  young  men  in  the  bloom  of  their 
youth  and  conspicuous  for  their  physical  strength, 
he  kept  about  him  unarmed  and  ignorant  of  the 
purpose  for  which  they  were  being  reserved  without 
being  organized  in  centuries  or  furnished  with  arms. 
Then  he  chose  out  of  the  number  of  the  younger 
men  of  all  Sicily  three  hundred  horsemen,  men  of 
high  rank  and  of  wealth,  to  cross  over  with  him  into 
Africa.  He  appointed  a  day  also  on  which  they  were 
to  present  themselves  equipped  and  furnished  with 
horses  and  arms.  Such  service  far  from  home  seemed 
to  them  formidable  and  likely  to  bring  many  hard- 
ships and  great  dangers  on  land  and  sea.  And 
concern  on  this  account  troubled  not  merely  the 
men  themselves  but  also  their  parents  and  relations. 
When  the  day  which  had  been  appointed  came  the 
men  displayed  their  arms  and  horses.  Then  Scipio 
said  reports  were  coming  to  him  that  some  of  the 
Sicilian  horsemen  shrank  from  that  service  as  for- 
midable and  difficult.  If  any  were  of  that  mind  he 
preferred  that  they  should  confess  it  to  him  at  once, 
rather  than  complain  later  and  prove  spiritless 
soldiers  and  useless  for  the  state.  Let  them  declare 
what  was  their  mind ;  he  would  give  them  a  kindly 
hearing.     When  one  of  them  ventured  to  say  that 

207 


L'.c.         prorsas,  si  sibi  utrum  vellet  ^  liberum  esset,  nolle 

8  militare,  turn  Scipio  ei :  "  Quoniam  igitur,  adulescens, 
quid  sentires  non  dissimulasti,  \-icarium  tibi  expediam 
cui  tu  anna  equumque  et  cetera  instrumenta  militiae 
tradas    et    tecum    hinc    extemplo    domum    ducas, 

9  exerceaSj  docendum  cures  equo  armisque."  Laeto 
condicionem  accipienti  unum  ex  trecentis  quos 
inermes  habebat  tradit.  Ubi  hoc  modo  exauctoratum 
equitem  cum  gratia  imperatoris  ceteri  \-iderunt,  se 

10  quisque  excusare  et  vicarium  accipere.  Ita  trecentis 
Siculis  Romani  equites  substituti  sine  publica  inpensa. 
Docendorum  atque  exercendorum  ^  curam  Siculi  ha- 
buerunt,  quai  edictum  imperatoris  erat,  ipsum  milita- 

1 1  turum  qui  ita  non  fecisset.  Egregiam  banc  alam  equi- 
tum  evasisse  ferunt  multisque  proeliis  rem  publicam 
adiuvisse. 

12  Legiones  inde  cum  inspiceret,  plurimorum  stipen- 
diorum  ex  iis  milites  delegit,  maxime  qui  sub  duce 

13  Marcello  militaverant,  quos  cum  optima  disciplina 
institutos  credebat,  tum  etiam  ab  longa  Syracusarum 
obsidione  peritissimos  esse  urbium  oppugnandarum ; 
nihil    enim    par\um,    sed    Carthaginis    iam    excidia 

14  agitabat  animo.  Inde  exercitum  per  oppida  dispertit ; 
frumentum  Siculorum  civitatibus  imperat,  ex  Italia 

1  veUet  S'p?JK  Froben  2  :   velit  Pil)XIL 

2  atque  exercendorum  A*y*H{a.c,JK  Aldus,  Froben  :  ojn. 
P{l)y,  a  line,  a?  they  omit  multisque  proeliis  rem  publicam 
just  below  {supplied  as  above). 

^  A  similar  method  of  raising  cavalry  inexpensively  was 
used  by  the  Spartan  King  Agesilaus  in  order  to  make  war  upon 
the   Persian   King's  satrap  Tissaphemes  near  Ephesus,   395 

2o8 


BOOK  XXIX.  I.  7-14 

if  he  was  free  to  choose  whichever  he  wished  he  did  b.c.  205 
not  wish  to  serve  at  all,  thereupon  Scipio  said  to 
him  :  "  Accordingly,  since  you  have  not  concealed 
what  your  mind  is,  young  man,  I  will  furnish  a 
substitute  for  you,  and  to  him  you  shall  hand  over 
your  arms  and  horse  and  the  other  equipment  for  the 
service,  and  forthwith  shall  take  him  away  with 
you  to  your  home,  train  him  and  see  that  he  is  taught 
horsemanship  and  the  use  of  arms."  As  the  man 
gladly  accepted  the  terms  Scipio  turned  over  to  him 
one  of  the  three  hundred  unarmed  men  that  he  had. 
When  the  others  saw  the  horseman  thus  discharged 
with  the  consent  of  the  commander,  every  man 
excused  himself  and  took  a  substitute.  Thus  three 
hundred  Sicilians  were  replaced  by  Roman  horsemen 
without  expense  to  the  state.  OiP  their  training  and 
drilling  the  Sicilians  were  in  charge,  because  the 
general's  order  was  that  any  man  who  failed  to  do  so 
should  himself  serve. ^  They  say  that  this  cavalry 
squadron  proved  excellent  and  was  of  value  to  the 
state  in  many  battles. 

Then  while  mustering  the  legions  he  chose  out 
of  them  soldiers  who  had  served  for  the  greatest 
number  of  campaigns,  especially  those  who  had  done 
so  under  Marcellus  as  commander,  believing  them 
to  have  been  schooled  by  the  best  training  and  in 
particular  to  be  most  skilled  in  besieging  cities  in 
consequence  of  the  long  siege  of  Syracuse.  For  he 
was  planning  nothing  small,  but  already  the  de- 
struction of  Carthage.  Thereupon  he  distributed 
his  army  among  the  towns,  requisitioned  grain  from 
the  Sicilian  cities,  spared  the  grain  imported  from 

B.C.;    Xenophon  Hell.  III.   iv.    15;    Ages.  I.  24;    Plutarch 
9. 

209 


advecto  parcit ;  veteres  naves  reficit  et  cum  iis  C. 
Laelium  in  Africam  praedatum  mittit ;  novas 
Panhormi  ^  subducit,  quia  ex  viridi  materia  raptim  fac- 
tae  erant,  ut  in  sicco  hibemarent. 

15  Praeparatis  omnibus  ad  bellum  Syracusas,  non- 
dum  ex  magnis  belli  motibus  satis  tranquillas,  venit. 

16  Graeci  res  a  quibusdam  Italici  generis  eadem  vi  qua 
per  bellum  ceperant  retinentibus,  concessas  sibi  ab 

17  senatu  repetebant.  Omnium  primum  ratus  tueri 
publicam  fidem,  partim  edicto,  partim  iudiciis  etiam 
in  pertinaces  ad  obtinendam  iniuriam  redditis  suas 

IS  res  Syracusanis  restituit.  Non  ipsis  tantum  ea  res, 
sed  omnibus  Siciliae  populis  grata  fuit,  eoque  enixius 
ad  2  bellum  adiuverunt. 

19  Eadem  aestate  in  Hispania  coortum  ingens  bellum 
conciente  Ilergete  Indibili,  nulla  alia  de  causa  quam 
per  admirationem  Scipionis  contemptu  imperatorum 

20  aliorum  orto.  Eum  superesse  unum  ducem  Romanis, 
ceteris  ab  Hannibale  interfectis.  rebatur ;  ^  eo  nee  in 
Hispaniam  caesis  Scipionibus  alium  quem  mitterent 
habuisse,  et  postquam  in  Italia  gravius  bellum  ur- 
gueret,     adversus     Hannibalem     eum     arcessitum. 

^  Panhormi  Pdj/i  :   panormi  A'A' :   -mis  J. 
2  ad  om.  XJK  Froben  2. 

^  rebatur  Gronovius  :  rebantur  PCIiM^/A'X'IJJK  :  ow. 
(a*  a  gloss)  Duker,  Conway. 

^  I.e.  of  the  previous  year  at  least;    cf.  XXVIII.  xlv.  8, 

where  thirty  war-ships  are  mentioned. 

2  Evidently  Laevinus'  efforts  to  remedy  abuses  had  not 
been  altogether  successful  (XXVI.  xl.  1).  Syracusans 
{Graeci)  had  often  been  unable  to  recover  landed  property  still 
occupied  and  forcibly  held  by  Italians;  cf.  ibii.  xxx.  10; 
xxxii.  6  (the  latter  implying  the  senate's  promise  of  com- 
pensation;. 


BOOK  XXIX.  I.  14-20 

Italy.     He  repaired  the  old  ships, ^  and  with  these  b.c.  205 
sent  Gains  Laelius  to  Africa  for  plunder.     The  new 
ships   he   beached   at   Panormus,   that   they   might 
winter  out  of  the  water,  since  they  had  been  built 
in  haste  of  green  timber. 

Every  preparation  for  the  war  having  been  made, 
he  came  to  Syracuse,  which  was  not  yet  quite  peace- 
ful after  the  great  unsettlement  due  to  the  war. 
The  Greeks  were  making  their  claims  to  properties 
granted  them  by  the  senate  against  certain  Italians 
who  were  holding  on  with  the  same  use  of  force 
with  which  they  had  seized  the  property  during 
the  war. 2  Thinking  it  of  the  utmost  importance  to 
keep  a  promise  given  by  the  state,  Scipio  restored 
their  property  to  the  Syracusans,  partly  by  an 
edict,  partly  also  by  granting  hearings  against  those 
who  persisted  in  maintaining  an  unlawful  possession. 
This  act  was  acceptable  not  only  to  the  owners 
themselves  but  to  all  the  communities  of  Sicily  as 
well,  and  all  the  more  energetically  did  they  render 
assistance  for  the  war. 

In  the  same  summer  a  great  war  broke  out  in 
Spain,  instigated  by  Indibihs  ^  of  the  Ilergetes  for 
no  other  reason  than  because  contempt  for  other 
generals  sprang  from  admiration  for  Scipio.  He 
thought  that  Scipio  was  the  one  general  left  to  the 
Romans,  the  rest  having  been  killed  by  Hannibal; 
that  consequently  after  the  slaying  of  the  Scipios 
they  had  no  one  else  to  send  to  Spain,  and  had 
also,  once  the  war  grew  more  serious  in  Italy, 
summoned   him  to    face    Hannibal;     that,    besides 

^  Cf.  XXVIII.  xxiv  ff.  and  note  on  xxiv.  3.  IndibiUs  was 
prince  of  a  north-eastern  tribe,  the  Ilergetes ;  XXVI.  xlix.  11 ; 
cf,  XXVIII.  xxvii.  5. 


LIVY 

21  Praeterquam  quod  nomina  tantum  duciini  in  Hispania 
Romani  haberent,^  exercitum  quoque  inde  veterem 
deductum ;    trepida  omnia  et  ^  inconditam  turbam 

22  tironum  esse.     Nuniquam    talem    occasionem   libe- 

23  randae  Hispaniae  fore.  Servitum  ad  earn  diem  aut 
Carthaginiensibus  aut  Romanis,  nee  in  vicem  his  aut 

24  illis,  sed  interdum  utrisque  simul.  Pulsos  ab  Romanis 
Carthaginienses ;  ab  Hispanis,  si  consentirent,  pelli 
Romanos  posse,  ut  ab  omni  externo  imperio  ^  soluta 
in    perpetuum    Hispania    in    patrios    rediret    mores 

25  ritusque.  Haec  taliaque  dicendo  non  populares 
modo,  sed  Ausetanos  quoque,  \dcinam  gentem, 
concitat   et   alios   finitimos   sibi  atque  illis  populos. 

26  Itaque  intra  paucos  dies  triginta  milia  peditum, 
quattuor  ferme  equitum  in  Sedetanum  agrum, 
quo  edictum  erat,  convenerunt. 

II.  Romani   quoque   imperatores   L.    Lentulus   et 

L.  Manlius  Acidinus,  ne  glisceret  prima  neglegendo 

2  bellum.  iunctis  et  ipsi  exercitibus  per  agrum  Ause- 

tanum  hostico  tamquam  pacato  clementer  ductis  mili- 

^  haberent  SpHJK  Froben  2  :  habeant  Weissenborii, 
Conway  :    -bant  P(l)XH^  Aldus, 

2  et  Sp?A'JK  Aldus,  Froben  :   ut  P{1)NH. 

^  externo  imperio  A'JK  Froben  2 :  imperio  externo 
P(3)C*yH  Aldus.  For  the  folki  probably  misplaced  in  P's 
archetype  and  inserted  in  P{1)-.V  between  imperio  and  externo, 
cf.  criti<:al  n.  on  XXVIII.  xxii.  14.  The  correct  order  is  found 
in  HJK  Aldus,  Froben.     In  P  th^  passage  covers  over  33  pp. 

^  Their  territory  reached  from  the  PjTenees  south-east  to  the 
Mediterranean,  Gerunda  being  their  chief  town  (now  Gerona). 
Cf.  XXI.  xxiii.  2;  bci.  8  (here  and  in  XXXIX.  Ivi.  1  they 
even  approach  the  Ebro;    not  so  in  Casear  B.C.  I.  Ix.  2); 

212 


BOOK  XXIX.  I.  2I-II.  2 

having  merely  nominal  commanders  in  Spain,  the  b.o.  205 
Romans  had  taken  away  the  veteran  army  also. 
There  was  nothing  but  confusion  and  an  untrained 
mob  of  recruits.  Never  would  there  be  such  an 
opportunity  for  the  liberation  of  Spain.  Slaves  they 
had  been  down  to  that  time,  either  to  Carthaginians 
or  to  Romans,  and  not  by  turns  to  the  one  people  or 
the  other  but  at  times  to  both  at  once.  The  Car- 
thaginians had  been  driven  out  by  the  Romans ; 
the  Spaniards,  if  they  should  agree,  were  able 
to  drive  out  the  Romans,  so  that,  free  from  all 
foreign  authority,  Spain  might  return  permanently 
to  its  ancestral  customs  and  usages.  By  these  and 
similar  utterances  he  stirred  up  not  only  his  own 
countrymen  but  also  the  Ausetani,^  a  neighbouring 
tribe,  and  other  peoples  adjoining  his  territory  and 
theirs.  And  thus  within  a  few  days  thirty  thousand 
infantry  and  about  four  thousand  horse  came  to- 
gether in  the  territory  of  the  Sedetani,^  in  accordance 
with  their  instructions. 

II.  The  Roman  commanders  on  their  part,  Lucius 
Lentulus  and  Lucius  Manlius  Acidinus,^  for  fear  the 
war  might  grow  more  serious  from  neglect  of  the 
first  hostile  acts,  likewise  united  their  armies,  and 
leading  their  soldiers  through  the  Ausetanian  terri- 
tory with  restraint  on  an  enemy's  soil,  as  though  it 

XXVI.  xvii.  4  (doubtful  reading) ;  XXXIV.  xx.  1 ;  below, 
ii.  5 ;  iii.  3. 

2  Often  confused  with  the  Edetani,  and  north  of  the  Ebro, 
but  we  do  not  know  their  exact  location.  Cf.  XXVIII. 
xxiv.  4;   xxxi.  7. 

^  Cornelius  Lentulus  and  Manlius  had  been  praetors  in  211 
and  210  B.C.  respectively ;  XXV.  xli.  12 ;  XXVI.  xxiii.  1 ;  sent  to 
Spain  aim  imferio;  cf.  XXVIII.  xxxviii.  1 ;  styled  proconsuls 
without  having  held  the  consulship;    below,  xiii.  7. 

213 


LIVY 

tibus  ad  sedem  hostium  pervenere  et  ^  trium  milium 
spatio    procul    a    castris    eorum    posuerunt    castra. 

3  Primo  per  legates  nequiquam  temptatum  ut  dis- 
cederetur  ab  armis ;  dein  cum  in  pabulatores 
Romanos  impetus  repente  ab  equitibus  Hispanis 
factus  asset,  sunamisso  ab  statione  Romana  equitatu 
equestre   proelium   fuit   haud   sane   memorando   in 

4  partem  ullam  eventu.  Sole  oriente  postero  die 
armati  instructique  omnes  mille  ferme  passus  procul 

5  a  castris  Romanis  aciem  ostendere.  Medii  Ausetani 
erant ;  cornua  dextrum  Ilergetes,  laevum  ignobiles 
tenebant  Hispani  populi ;  inter  cornua  et  mediam 
aciem  intervalla  patentia  satis  late  fecerant  ^  qua 

6  equitatum,  ubi  tempus  esset,  emitterent.  Et 
Romani  more  suo  exercitum  cum  instruxissent,  id 
modo  hostium  imitati  sunt,  ut  inter  legiones  et  ipsi 

7  patentes  equiti  relinquerent  vias.  Ceterum  Lentulus 
ei  parti  usum  equitis  fore  ratus  quae  prior  in  de- 
hiscentem  intervallis  hostium  aciem  equites  emisisset, 

8  Ser.  Cornelio  tribuno  militum  imperat  eqaites  per 
patentes  in  hostium  acie  vias  permittere  equos  iubeat. 

9  Ipse  coepta  parum  prospere  pedestri  pugna,  tantum 
moratus  dum  cedenti  duodecimae  legioni,  quae  in 
laevo  cornu  adversus  Ilergetes  locata  erat,  tertiam 
decumam  legionem  ex  subsidiis  in  primam  aciem  fir- 

10  mamentum  ducit,  postquam  aequata  ibi  pugna  est, 
ad  L.  Manlium  inter  prima  signa  hortantem  ac  sub- 

^  pervenere  et  JPA'  Wei^^enhorn  :    -veneret  PR  :    -veniret 
R-(3)  :    -venere  X'HJK  Aldus,  Froben. 

*  fecerant  x  Gronovim  :   fecerunt  P{\)XHJK. 

214 


BOOK  XXIX.  II.  2-10 

were  friendly,  they  reached  the  place  where  their  b.c.  205 
enemies  had  concentrated  and  pitched  camp  three 
miles  away  from  their  camp.  At  first  a  vain  effort 
was  made  through  envoys  to  make  them  abandon 
fighting.  Then  when  an  attack  was  suddenly  made 
upon  Roman  foragers  by  Spanish  horse  and  from  a 
Roman  outpost  horsemen  were  sent  to  the  rescue, 
there  was  a  cavalry  battle  with  no  success  for  either 
side  worth  mentioning.  At  sunrise  on  the  following 
day,  under  arms  and  drawn  up,  all  of  them  dis- 
played their  battle-line  at  a  distance  of  about  a  mile 
from  the  Roman  camp.  The  Ausetani  were  in  the 
centre ;  of  the  wings  the  Ilergetes  occupied  the 
right,  unimportant  Spanish  tribes  the  left.  Between 
the  wings  and  the  centre  they  had  made  spaces  broad 
enough  to  send  the  cavalry  through  when  the  time 
came.  And  the  Romans,  having  drawn  up  their 
army  in  the  customary  fashion,  imitated  this  feature 
only  of  the  enemy's  line,  that  they  likewise  left 
broad  spaces  between  the  legions  for  the  passage 
of  cavalry.  But  Lentulus  thought  that  whichever 
side  should  first  send  its  cavalry  out  into  the  enemy's 
line  with  its  gaping  intervals  would  use  its  cavalry 
to  advantage.  He  therefore  ordered  Servius 
Cornelius,  a  tribune  of  the  soldiers,  to  command 
his  cavalry  to  give  their  horses  free  rein  through  the 
broad  openings  in  the  battle-line  of  the  enemy. 
Lentulus  himself,  after  the  infantry  battle  had  begun 
without  success,  delayed  only  long  enough  to  bring 
up  the  thirteenth  legion  from  the  reserves  into  the 
front  line  to  support  the  twelfth  legion,  which  had 
been  placed  on  the  left  wing  facing  the  Ilergetes 
and  was  giving  way.  Now  that  the  battle  was  evenly 
balanced  there,  he  came  up  to  Lucius  Manlius,  who 

•     •  215 


LIVY 

sidia  quibus  res  postulabat  locis  inducentem  venit ; 

11  indicat  tuta  ab  laevo  cornu  esse;  iam  missiim  ab  se 
Ser.^  Cornelium  procella  equestri  hostes  circum- 
fusurum. 

12  Vix  haec  dicta  dederat  cum  Romani  equites  in 
medios  invecti  hostes  simul  pedestres  acies  turbarunt, 
simul  equitibus  Hispanorum  viara  immittendi  equos 

13  clauserunt.  Itaque  omissa  pugna  equestri  ad  pedes 
Hispani  descenderunt.  Romani  imperatores  ut 
turbatos  hostium  ordines  et  trepidationem  pavorem- 
que  et  fiuctuantia  viderunt  signa,  hortantur,  orant 
milites    ut    perculsos    invadant    neu    restitui    aciem 

14  patiantur,  Non  sustinuissent  tarn  infestum  impetum 
barbari,  ni  regulus  ipse  Indibilis  cum  equitibus  ad 
pedes  degressis  ante  prima  signa  peditum  se  obiecis- 

15  set.  Ibi  aliquamdiu  atrox  pugna  stetit ;  tandem, 
postquam  ii  qui  circa  regem  seminecem  restantem, 
deinde  pilo  terrae  adfixum  pugnabant  obruti  telis 

16  occubuerunt,  turn  fuga  passim  coepta.  Plures  caesi, 
quia  equos  conscendendi  equitibus  spatium  non 
fuerat,  et  quia  perculsis  acriter  institerunt  Romani ; 
nee  ante  abscessum  est  quam  castris  quoque  exuerunt 

17  hostem.  Tredecim  -  milia  Hispanorum  caesa  eo  die, 
mille  ^  octingenti  ferme  capti ;  Romanorum  so- 
ciorumque  paulo  amplius  ducenti,  maxime  in  laevo 

^  Ser.  Froben  2,  Eds.  :  P{l)ySpHJ  have  servium  after 
Cornelium  :    Madvig,  Conway  om.  praenomen. 

2  tredecim  A'JK  Conxcay  {cf.  XXVI.  xlix.  3  and  heloiv, 
xxxvii.  6)  :   decem  tria  P{1)XH. 

»  miDe  P{zzjA'JK  :   om.  P'[l)yH  Aldu-?,  Froben. 

2l6 


BOOK  XXIX.  II. 


10-17 


was  in  the  foremost  ranks,  encouraging  the  men  b.c.  206 
and  bringing  up  reserves  to  such  positions  as  the 
case  required.  He  informed  him  that  all  was  secured 
on  the  left  wing ;  that  he  had  already  sent  Servius 
Cornelius  to  surround  the  enemy  with  a  whirlwind 
attack  of  cavalry. 

Scarcely  had  Lentulus  said  this  when  the  Roman 
horse,  charging  into  the  midst  of  the  enemy,  threw 
the  infantry  lines  into  confusion  and  at  the  same  time 
closed  for  the  Spanish  cavalry  the  route  by  which 
they  might  launch  their  attack.  Accordingly  the 
Spaniards  gave  up  the  cavalry  battle  and  dismounted. 
The  Roman  generals,  on  seeing  the  broken  ranks 
of  the  enemy,  and  their  fright  and  alarm  and  the 
wavering  standards,  exhorted  and  implored  their 
soldiers  to  attack  the  discouraged  enemy  and  not 
allow  the  line  to  re-form.  The  barbarians  would 
have  failed  to  withstand  so  impetuous  an  attack,  had 
not  even  their  prince,  Indibilis,  exposed  himself 
with  the  dismounted  cavalry  in  front  of  the  first 
units  of  the  infantry.  At  that  point  a  fierce  battle 
continued  for  some  time.  Finally,  when  those  who 
kept  on  fighting  round  the  prince,  who  resisted 
though  half-dead,  but  was  pinned  to  the  ground  by 
a  javelin,  were  overwhelmed  by  missile  weapons 
and  fell,  at  that  moment  began  a  flight  pell-mell. 
Greater  numbers  were  slain  because  the  horsemen 
had  left  no  room  to  mount  their  horses,  and  be- 
cause the  Romans  made  a  spirited  attack  upon  the 
terrified.  And  they  did  not  withdraw  until  they 
had  routed  the  enemy  out  of  his  camp  as  well. 
Thirteen  thousand  Spaniards  were  slain  that  day, 
about  one  thousand  eight  hundred  captured.  Of 
the   Romans   and  their  allies  little  more  than  two 

217 


18  cornu,  ceciderunt.  Pulsi  castris  Hispani  aut  qui  ex 
proelio  effugerant,  sparsi  primo  per  agros,  deinde  in 
suas  quisque  civitates  redierunt. 

III.  Turn  a  Mandonio  evoeati  in  concilium  con- 
questique  ibi  clades  suas  increpitis  auctoribus  belli 
legates  mittendos  ad  arma  tradenda  deditionemque 

2  faciendam  censuere.  Quibus  culpam  in  auctorem  belli 
Indibilem  ceterosque  principes,  quorum  plerique  in 
acie  cecidissent,  conferentibus  tradentibusque  arma  et 

3  dedentibus  sese  responsum  est  in  deditionem  ita  ac- 
cipi  eos,  si  Mandonium  ceterosque  belli  concitores 
tradidissent  vivos ;  si  minus,  exercitum  se  in  agrum 
Ilergetum    Ausetanorumque    et    deinceps    aliorum 

4  populorum  inducturos.^  Haec  dicta  legatis  renun- 
tiataque  in  concilium.  Ibi  Mandonius  ceterique 
principes    conprehensi    et    traditi    ad    supplicium. 

5  Hispaniae  populis  reddita  pax ;  stipendium  eius  anni 
duplex  et  frumentum  sex  mensum  imperatura 
sagaque  et  togae  exercitui,  et  obsides  ab  triginta 
ferme  populis  accepti. 

6  Ita  Hispaniae  rebellantis  tumultu  baud  magno 
motu  intra  paucos  dies  concito  et  compresso,  in  Afri- 

7  cam  omnis  terror  versus.  C.  Laelius  nocte  ad  Hippo- 
nem  Regium  cum  accessisset,  luce  prima  ad  populan- 
dum   agrum   sub   signis  milites   sociosque   navales  ^ 

^  inducturos  N'JK  :   ducturos  P{l)XH  Alius,  Froben. 

2  navales  {or  -is)  P(l)NH  Aldus,  Froben,  Eds.:  to  this 
in  auxilium  is  added  [before  navales)  by  N'  Conivay,  {after 
nav.)  by  A'JK. 

1  Livy  or  his  Roman  source  must  have  confused  Hippo 
Diarrhytus  (Bizerte)  with  Hippo  Regius  (near  Bone),  which 
was  ten  davs'  journev  from  Carthage  (so  Procopius  Bell.  IV 
{Vand.  Il.r,  iv.  26;  *Mela  I.  33;  =tPUny  N.H.  V.  22;  VI. 
212).  Laelius  would  not  lay  waste  land  claimed  by  Masinissa. 
Cf.  p.  334  for  the  real  Hippo  Regius. 
2l8 


BOOK  XXIX.  II.  17-111.  7 

hundred  fell,  mainly  on  the  left  wing.     Those  of  the  b.c.  205 
Spaniards  who  were   driven   out  of  their  camp   or 
had  escaped  from  the  battle  scattered  at  first  over 
the  country  and  then  returned  to  their  respective 
communities. 

III.  Then  they  were  summoned  by  Mandonius  to 
a  council,  and  there,  after  lamenting  their  heavy 
losses  and  berating  those  who  were  responsible  for 
the  war,  they  voted  that  envoys  should  be  sent  to 
arrange  for  a  surrender  of  arms  and  a  capitu- 
lation. When  the  envoys  laid  the  blame  upon 
Indibihs  as  responsible  for  the  war  and  upon  the  rest 
of  their  leading  men,  most  of  whom,  they  said,  had 
fallen  in  the  battle,  and  offered  to  deliver  their  arms 
and  surrender,  the  answer  given  them  was :  that 
their  surrender  would  be  accepted  only  in  case  they 
should  deliver  Mandonius  and  the  other  instigators 
of  the  war  alive.  If  not,  the  generals  said  they  would 
lead  their  army  into  the  lands  of  the  Ilergetes  and 
Ausetani  and  the  other  tribes  one  after  another. 
Such  was  the  reply  given  to  the  legates  and  reported 
by  them  to  the  council.  Thereupon  Mandonius  and 
the  other  leaders  were  seized  and  handed  over  to  be 
punished.  For  the  peoples  of  Spain  peace  was 
restored,  a  double  tribute  for  that  year  and  grain 
for  six  months  exacted,  also  cloaks  and  togas  for  the 
army ;  and  hostages  were  accepted  from  about 
thirty  tribes. 

Thus  a  rebellious  uprising  in  Spain  was  incited 
and  suppressed  within  a  few  days  with  no  serious 
consequences,  and  alarm  was  completely  shifted  to 
Africa.  Gaius  Laelius,  having  reached  Hippo 
Regius  ^  by  night,  led  out  his  soldiers  and  marines 
under  their  standards  at  daybreak  to  lay  the  country 

219 


LIVY 

8  duxit.  Omnibus  pacis  modo  incuriose  agentibus 
magna  clades  inlata ;  nuntiique  trepidi  Carthaginem 
terrore  ingenti  conplevere,  classem  Romanam 
Scipionemque  imperatorem — et  fama  fuerat  iam  in 

9  Siciliam  transgressum — advenisse.  Nee  quot  naves 
vidissent,  nee  quanta  manus  agros  popularetur  satis 
gnari  omnia  in  maius  metu  augente  accipiebant. 
Itaque     primo    terror    pavorque,     dein  ^    maestitia 

10  animos  incessit :  tantum  fortunam  mutasse  ut  qui 
modo  ipsi  exercitum  ante  moenia  Romana  habuissent 
victores  stratisque  tot  hostium  exercitibus  omnes 
Italiae  populos  aut  vi  aut  voluntate  in  deditionem 

11  accepissent,  ii  verso  Marte  Africae  populationes  et 
obsidionem  Carthaginis  \-isuri  forent,  nequaquam  pari 

12  ad  patienda  ea  robore  ac  Romani  fuissent.  Illis 
Romanam  plebem,  illis  Latium  iuventutem  prae- 
buisse   maiorem   semper   frequentioremque   pro   tot 

13  caesis  exercitibus  subolescentem ;  suam  plebem 
imbellem  in  urbe,  imbellem  in  agris  esse ;  mercede 
parari  auxilia  ex  Afris,  gente  ad  omnem  auram  spei 

14  mobili  atque  infida.  Iam  reges,  Syphacem  post 
conloquium  cum  Scipione  alienatum,  Masinissam 
aperta     defectione     infestissimum     hostem.      Nihil 

15  usquam  spei,  nihil  auxilii  esse.  Nee  Magonem  ex 
Gallia  movere  tumultus   quicquam  nee   coniungere 

^  dein  P{1)NH  Aldm  (daein  P)  :  deinde  JK  Froben  2. 

^  The  earlier  inhabitants,  mostly  rustics,  many  of  them 
mercenary  soldiers;  cf.  XXVIII.  xiv.  4,  19;  xx.  1,  et<;. ; 
below,  iv.  2. 

«  Cf.  XXVIII.  sviii. 
220 


BOOK  XXIX.  III.  7-15 

waste.  Since  everybody  was  free  from  concern,  as  b.c.  205 
if  in  peace-time,  great  losses  were  inflicted.  And 
excited  messengers  filled  Carthage  with  great  alarm, 
reporting  that  the  Roman  fleet  and  Scipio  as  com- 
mander-in-chief had  arrived.  In  fact  it  had  been 
previously  rumoured  that  he  had  already  crossed 
over  to  Sicily.  Lacking  exact  information  also  as  to 
how  many  ships  the  messengers  had  seen  and  how 
large  a  force  was  laying  v/aste  the  country,  they 
exaggerated  every  report  under  the  stimulus  of 
fear.  Accordingly  alarm  and  panic  at  first,  then 
dejection  came  over  their  spirits.  So  far,  they  said, 
had  fortune  changed  that  those  who  as  victors  had 
but  lately  had  their  own  army  before  the  walls  of 
Rome  and,  after  laying  low  so  many  armies  of  the 
enemy,  had  by  force  or  by  voluntary  action  received 
the  surrender  of  all  the  peoples  of  Italy,  with  the 
shifting  fortune  of  war  were  now  destined  to  see  the 
devastation  of  Africa  and  a  siege  of  Carthage,  when 
they  had  no  such  strength  as  the  Romans  had  pos- 
sessed to  endure  all  that.  For  them,  they  said,  the 
Roman  populace,  for  them  Latium  had  always  fur- 
nished a  greater  and  more  numerous  body  of  young 
men  growing  up  in  place  of  so  many  armies  slain. 
As  for  their  own  populace,  they  were  unwarlike  in 
the  city,  unwarlike  in  the  country.  Hireling  auxili- 
aries were  being  recruited  from  the  Africans,^  a  race 
shifting  with  every  fickle  breath  of  hope  and  lacking 
in  loyalty.  Of  the  kings,  moreover,  Syphax  had 
been  alienated  after  his  conference  with  ScipiOj^they 
said,  and  Masinissa  by  open  defection  had  shown 
himself  their  bitterest  enemy.  Nowhere  was  there 
any  hope,  nowhere  any  aid.  Mago  was  neither 
setting  in  motion  any  uprising  on  the  part  of  Gaul, 

221 


u.r. 
49 


LIVY 

sese  Hannibali,  et  Hannibalem  ipsum  iam  et  fama 
senescere  et  viribus. 

IV.  In  haec  deflenda  prolapses  ab  recenti  nuntio 
animos  rursiis  terror  instans  revocavit  ad  consultan- 
diim   quonam   modo   ob\iam   praesentibus   periculis 

2  iretur.  Dilectus  raptim  in  urbe  agrisque  haberi 
placet ;  mittere  ad  conducenda  Afrorum  auxilia ; 
munire  urbem,  frumentum  convehere,  tela  arraa 
parare ;    instruere  naves  ac  mittere  ad  Hipponem 

3  adversus  Romanam  classem.  Iam  haec  agentibus 
nuntius  tandem  venit  Laelium,  non  Scipionem, 
copiasque,  quantae  ad  incursiones  agrorum  satis 
sint,  trans vectas ;    summae  ^  belli  molem  adhuc  in 

4  Sicilia  esse.  Ita  respiratum,  mittique  legationes  ^ 
ad  Syphacem  aiiosque  regulos  firmandae  societatis 
causa  coeptae.  Ad  Philippum  quoque  missi  qui 
ducenta  argenti  talenta  pollicerentur,  ut  in  Siciliam 

5  aut  in  Italiam  traiceret.  Missi  et  ad  suos  imperatores 
in   Italiam   ut   omni   terrore   Scipionem   retinerent ; 

6  ad  Magonem  non  legati  modo,  sed  \'iginti  quinque 
longae  naves,  sex  milia  peditam,  octingenti  equites, 
septem  elephanti,  ad  hoc  magna  pecunia  ad  con- 
ducenda auxilia,  quibus  fretus  propius  urbem 
Romanam  exercitum  admoveret  coniungeretque 
se  Hannibali. 

7  Haec    Carthagine    parabant   agitabantque    cum  ^ 

^  summae  P  :  summam  P^  or  P^  Aldus,  Froben  :  summi 
HJK. 

2  legationes  here  HJK  :  after  Syphacem  P{1)X*?  Aldus, 
Froben. 

'  cum  SpX'HJK  Froben  2,  Conway:  turn  .4«;  om.  P{\)N 
Eds.  beginninrj  a  new  sentence  xcith  Ad. 
222 


BOOK  XXIX.  III.  15-1V.  7 

nor  uniting  with  Hannibal;    and  Hannibal  himself  b.c. 205 
by  this  time  was  on  the  decline  both  in  repute  and 
in  strength. 

IV.  Such  were  the  laments  into  which  men  had 
fallen  in  consequence  of  the  recent  news  when  im- 
pending alann  roused  them  again  to  deliberate  how 
they  should  meet  the  dangers  of  the  moment.     It 
was   decided   to   hold   levies   speedily   in   city   and 
country ;    to  send  men  to  hire  African  auxiliaries ; 
to  fortify  the  city,  to  bring  in  grain,  to  provide  arms 
offensive  and  defensive,  to  equip  ships  and  send  them 
to  Hippo  to  face  the  Roman  fleet.    While  they  were 
already  thus  employed  the  news  at  last  came  that 
Laelius,  not  Scipio,  had  sailed  across  and  only  suffi- 
cient forces  to  raid  the  farms ;   that  the  bulk  of  the 
main  army  was  still  in  Sicily.    So  there  was  a  breath- 
ing spell,  and  they  set  about  sending  embassies  to 
Syphax  and  other  princes,  to  cement  an  alliance. 
To  Philip  also  envoys  were  sent  to  promise  him  two 
hundred  talents  of  silver,  on  condition  that  he  should 
cross   over  into   Sicily   or   Italy.  ^     Men  were   sent 
likewise  to  their  own  commanders  in  Italy,  that  by 
every  sort  of  alarm  they  should  keep  Scipio  there. 
Not  only  envoys  were  sent  to  Mago  but  twenty- 
five  war-ships,  six  thousand  infantry,  eight  hundred 
horsemen,  seven  elephants,  and  in  addition  a  large 
sum  of  money  to  hire   auxiliaries.     Relying  upon 
these  resources  he  was  to  advance  nearer  to  the  city 
of  Rome  with  his  army  and  unite  with  Hannibal. 
Such  were  their  plans  and  deliberations  at  Carthage 

^  Instead  of  doing  so  Philip  made  a  treaty  with  the  Romans ; 
below,  xii.  14.  For  a  previous  effort  of  the  king  to  form  an 
alliance  with  Carthage  of.  XXIII.  xxxiii.  f. 

223 


LIVY 

ad  Laelium  praedas  ingentes  ex  agro  inernii  ac  nudo 
praesidiis  agentem  Masinissa,  fama  Romanae  classis 

8  excitus,  cum  equitibus  paucis  venit.  Is  segniter  rem 
agi  ab  Scipione  questus,  quod  non  iam  exercitum  in 
Africam  traiecisset,  perculsis  Carthaginiensibus,  Sy- 
phace  impedito  finitumis  bellis  ;  quem  certum  habere, 
si  spatium  ad  sua  ut  velit  componenda  detur,  nihil 

9  sincera  fide  cum  Romanis  acturum.  Hortaretur, 
stimularet  Scipionem  ne  cessaret ;  se.  quamquam 
regno  pulsus  esset,  cum  haud  contemnendis  copiis 
adfuturum  peditum  equitumque.  Nee  ipsi  LaeUo 
morandum  in  Africa  esse ;  classem  credere  pro- 
fectam  a  Carthagine,  cum  qua  absente  Scipione  non 
satis  tutum  esset  ^  contrahi  certamen.  V.  Ab  hoc 
sermone  dimisso  Masinissa  Laelius  postero  die  naves 
praeda  onustas  ab  Hippone  solvit,  revectusque  in 
Siciliam  mandata  Masinissae  Scipioni  exposuit. 

2  Eisdem  ferme  diebus  naves  quae  ab  Carthagine 
ad  Magonem  missae  erant  inter  Albingaunos  Ligures 

3  Genuamque  accesserunt.  In  iis  locis  tum  forte  Mago 
tenebat  classem  ;  qui  legatorum  auditis  verbis  iuben- 
tium  exercitus  quam  maximos  comparare,  extemplo 
Gallorum  et   Ligurum  ^ — namque    utriusque    gentis 

4  ingens    ibi    multitudo    erat — conciUum    habuit ;    et 

^  esset    X*{altern.)HJK    Aldus,    Froben,    Conway:     esse 
P(lj.V  Eds. 


*  et  Ligurum  A'X'HJK  :   om.  P(1).V. 


*  A  different  account,  followed  by  Livy  in  xxxiii.  9,  placed 
Masinissa,  at  the  time  of  Laelius'  landing,  in  the  region  of  the 
Emporia,  far  away  to  the  south-east  (cf.  xxv.  12  and  note). 


224 


I 


BOOK  XXIX.  IV.  7-v.  4 

when  Masinissa,  aroused  by  the  report  of  a  Roman  b.c.  205 
fleet,  came  with  a  few  horsemen  to  Laelius,^  who 
was  carrying  off  a  vast  amount  of  booty  from  terri- 
tory that  lacked  troops  and  garrisons.      Masinissa 
complained    that    Scipio    w^as    conducting    the    war 
without  spirit  in  not  having  already  transported  his 
army  to  Africa,  while  the  Carthaginians  were  panic- 
stricken  and  Syphax  was   entangled  in  wars   with 
neighbours.    He  was  certain,  he  said,  that  if  Syphax 
should  be  given  time  to  settle  his  affairs  to  his  own 
satisfaction,  there  would  be  no  real  loyalty  in  his 
dealings  with  the  Romans.     Laelius  should  exhort 
and  spur  Scipio  on  to  avoid  delay.     For  himself, 
although  he  had  been  driven  out  of  his  kingdom, 
he   would   assist   with   no   inconsiderable    forces    of 
infantry  and  cavalry.     Laelius  also  must  not  tarry 
in   Africa.     A   fleet,  he   believed,  had  sailed   from 
Carthage,  and  wiih    that    fleet   it    was    unsafe    to 
engage  in  the  absence  of  Scipio.     V.  Directly  after 
this  conversation  Laelius  sent  Masinissa  away,  and 
on  the  following  day  he  weighed  anchor  at  Hippo, 
his   ships   booty-laden,   and   sailing   back   to   Sicily 
deUvered  Masinissa's  messages  to  Scipio. 

About  the  same  time  the  ships  which  had  been 
sent  to  Mago  from  Carthage  came  into  port  between 
Ligurian  Albingaunum  and  Genua. ^  In  that  region, 
as  it  happened,  Mago  had  his  fleet  at  the  time. 
On  hearing  the  words  of  the  envoys,  who  urged  him 
to  get  together  the  largest  possible  armies,  he  at 
once  held  a  council  of  Gauls  and  Ligurians  ;  for  great 
numbers  of  both  nations  were  present.    And  he  told 

2  For  that  coast  and  its  ports  cf.  XXVIII.  xlvi.  8  fE.  and 
notes.  Here  Savo  (Savona),  or  Vada  Sabat(i)a  (2^  miles 
farther  west),  is  evidently  meant. 

225 
VOL.    VIII.  I 


LIVY 

missum  se  ad  eos  vindicandos  in  libertatem  ait  et, 
ut  ipsi  cernant,  mitti  sibi  ab  domo  praesidia ;  sed 
quantis  viribus,  quanto  exercitu  id  bellum  geratur,  in 

5  eorum  potestate  esse.  Duos  exercitus  Romanos, 
unum  in  Gallia,  alteram  in  Etruria  esse ;  satis  scire 
Sp.  Lucretium  se  cum  M.  Livio  iuncturum ;  rnulta 
milia    armanda    esse    ut    duobus    ducibus,    duobus 

6  exercitibus  Romanis  resistatur.  Galli  summam  ad  id 
suam  voluntatem  esse  dicere ;  sed  cum  una  castra 
Romana  intra  fines,  altera  in  finitima  terra  Etruria 
prope  Jn  conspectu  habeant,  si  palam  fiat  auxiliis 
adiutum  ab  sese  ^  Poenum,  extemplo  infestos 
utrimque  exercitus  in  agrum  suum  incursuros. 
Ea    ab    Gallis    desideraret    quibus    occulte    adiuvari 

7  posset :  Liguribus,  quod  procul  agro  urbibusque 
eorum  castra  Romana  sint,  libera  consilia  esse ; 
illos  armare  iuventutem  et  capessere  pro  parte 
bellum  aequum  esse.  Ligures  baud  abnuere,  tempus 
modo  duorum  mensum  petere  ad  dilectus  habendos. 

8  Interim  Mago  milites  Gallos,  dimissis  clam  per  agros 
eorum,  mercede  conducere ;  commeatus  quoque 
omnis    generis    occulte    ad    eum    a    Gailicis   populis 

9  mittebantur.  M.  Livius  exercitum  volonum  ex 
Etruria  in  Galliam  traducit,^  iunctusque  Lucretio,  si 
se  Mago  ex  Liguribus  propius  urbem  moveat, 
obviam    ire    parat,    si    Poenus    sub    angulo    Alpium 

*  ab  sese  P{l)X  Aldus  :   ab  (or  a)  se  esse  A'N'HJK. 
2  ivdiOiUcit  P{\)y  Aldus,  Frohen  :  trsiiecit  N'H J K. 

1  Cf.  XXVIII.  ix.  1  and  note. 

2  Cf.  ibid.  xlvi.  12  f . ;    below,  xiii.  4. 

^  It  was  safe  to  assume  that  he  would  follow  Hasdmbara 
example  in  making  for  the  Adriatic  coast,  to  enter  Italy  at 
Ariminum.     The  shorter  Riviera  route  was  never  practicable 

226 


BOOK  XXIX.  V.  4-9 

them  that  he  had  been  sent  to  restore  then*  liberty,  b.c.  205 
and  that  forces  were  bemg  sent  to  him  from  home, 
as  they  themselves  saw;  but  with  what  resources, 
with  how  large  an  army  that  war  was  to  be  waged 
depended  upon  themselves.  There  were  two  Roman 
armies,  he  said,  one  in  Gaul,^  the  other  in  Etruria. 
He  was  sure  that  Spurius  Lucretius  would  unite 
with  Marcus  Livius ;  ^  that  many  thousands  must 
be  armed  for  resistance  to  two  generals,  two  Roman 
armies.  The  Gauls  said  that  they  were  entii-ely 
willing  to  do  so,  but  that  since  they  had  almost 
before  their  eyes  one  Roman  camp  within  their 
borders  and  another  in  the  neighbouring  land  of 
Etruria,  if  it  should  become  known  that  they  had 
aided  the  Carthaginian  by  furnishing  auxiliaries, 
forthwith  hostile  armies  would  invade  their  territory 
from  both  directions.  From  Gauls  he  should  require 
such  support  as  could  be  given  in  secret.  Ligurians 
were  free  to  act,  they  said,  since  Roman  camps  were 
far  from  their  land  and  their  cities ;  it  was  right 
that  they  should  arm  their  young  men  and  take 
their  proper  share  in  the  war.  The  Ligurians  did 
not  refuse,  but  simply  asked  for  two  months'  time 
to  hold  levies.  Meanwhile  Mago  by  sending  men 
secretly  through  their  territory  hired  Gauls  as 
soldiers.  Supplies  also  of  every  kind  were  coming 
to  him  in  secret  from  the  Gallic  nations.  Marcus 
Livius  led  his  army  of  slave-volunteers  over  from 
Etruria  into  Gaul  and,  having  united  with  Lucretius, 
prepared  to  confront  Mago,  should  he  move  out  of 
Liguria  towards  the  city ;  ^  but  should  the  Cartha- 

until  109  B.C.,  when  the  Via  Aurelia  was  extended  to  Pisae, 
Genua,  and  Vada  Sabatia;  Strabo  V.  i.  11;  cf.  Mommsen 
C.l.L.  V.  p.  885. 

227 


LIVY 

quietus  se  contineat,  et  ipse    in  eadem    regione  ^ 
circa  Ariminum  Italiae  praesidio  futurus. 

yi.  Post  reditum  ex  Africa  C.  Laeli  et  Scipione 
stimulate  Masinissae  adhortationibus  et  militibus, 
praedam  ex  hostium  terra  cernentibus  tota  classe 
efFerri,  accensis  ad  traiciendum  quam  primum,  inter- 
venit  maiori  minor  cogitatio  Locros  urbem  recipiendi, 
quae  sub  defectionem  Italiae  desciverat  et  ipsa  ad 

2  Poenos.  Spes  autem  adfectandae  eius  rei  ex  minima 
re  adfulsit.  Latrociniis  -  magis  quam  iusto  bello  in 
Bruttiis  gerebantur  res,  principio  ab  Numidis  facto 
et  Bruttiis  non  societate  magis  Punica  quam  suopte 

3  ingenio  congruentibus  in  eum  morem  :  postremo  Ro- 
mani  quoque  milites  iam  ^  contagion e  quadam  rapto 
gaudentes,  quantum  per  duces  licebat,  excursiones  in 

4  hostium  agros  facere.  Ab  iis  egressi  quidam  urbe 
Locrenses  circumventi  PvCgiumque  abstracti  fuerant. 
In  eo  captivorum  numero  fabri  quidam  fuere,  adsueti 
forte  *  apud  Poenos  mercede  opus  in  arce  Locrorum 

5  facere.  Hi  cogniti  ab  Locrensium  principibus,  qui  ^ 
pulsi   ab   adversa   factione,   quae   Hannibali   Locros 

6  tradiderat,  Regium  se  contulerant,  cum  cetera 
percunctantibus,  ut  mos   est  qui  diu  absunt,  quae 

^  regione  P{l)X  Aldus,  Eds.  :  statione  N'lIJK  Froben  2, 
Convxiy. 

2  Latrociniis,  before  this  quia  Sp?X'{altern.)  :  quod  JK 
Aldus,  Froben. 

^  milites  iam  A'X'  AM  us,  Froben  :  iam  P(l)-V  :  milites 
HJK. 

'  forte  om.  P{\)N. 

^  qui  P(3)  Aldus :  om.  AX  :  qui  exsulabant  Regii 
SpA'X'HJK  Froben  2,  of  which  all  but  A'X*  om.  Regium  se 
contulerant  {P(l}X  Aldus). 

^  For  the  broader  meaning  of  anguhis  =  recessus,  "  remote 
region,"  cf.  XXVIII.  xii.  6;  xlii.  18. 

228 


BOOK  XXIX.  V.  9-vi.  6 

ginian  quietly  remain  in  a  distant  region  ^  at  the  b.c.  205 
foot  of  the  Alps,  he  too  would  remain  where  he  was, 
near  Ariminum,  for  the  defence  of  Italy, 

VI.  After  the  return  of  Gaius  Laelius  from 
Africa  Scipio  was  spurred  on  by  Masinissa's  en- 
couragement, and  the  soldiers  seeing  booty  from 
the  land  of  the  enemy  being  brought  ashore  from  an 
entire  fleet,  were  likewise  fired  with  a  desire  to 
cross  over  as  soon  as  possible.  The  greater  design, 
however,  was  interrupted  by  a  lesser,  that  of  re- 
covering the  city  of  Locri,  which  in  the  rebellion  of 
Italy  had  also  gone  over  to  the  Carthaginians. ^ 
Bright  hopes  of  accomplishing  that  purpose,  more- 
over, arose  from  a  petty  circumstance.  There  was 
brigandage  rather  than  normal  war  operations  in 
the  country  of  the  Bruttii,  where  a  beginning  had 
been  made  by  the  Numidians,  and  the  Bruttians  fell 
in  with  that  practice  not  more  on  account  of  their 
Punic  alliance  than  of  their  own  nature.  Finally  the 
Roman  soldiers  also  from  a  kind  of  infection  now 
delighted  in  plunder,  making  raids  upon  the  enemy's 
farms  just  as  far  as  their  commanders  permitted. 
They  had  overpowered  certain  Locrians  straying 
from  the  city  and  had  carried  them  off  to  Regium. 
In  the  number  of  these  captives  were  some  artisans 
who,  as  it  happened,  were  in  the  habit  of  plying  their 
trade  for  hire  among  the  Carthaginians  in  the  citadel 
of  Locri.  These  men  were  recognized  by  leading 
Locrians  who,  on  being  driven  out  by  the  opposing 
party,  which  had  surrendered  Locri  to  Hannibal,  had 
retired  to  Regium.  On  being  asked  the  questions 
usually  put  by  men  long  absent,  the  artisans  first 

^  As  Livy  has  twice  told  :  in  216  B.C.,  at  XXIII.  xxx.  8, 
and  more  fully  under  215  in  XXIV.  i. 

229 


LIVY 

domi  agerentur  exposuissent,  spem  fecerunt,  si 
redempti  ac  remissi  forent,  arcem  se  iis  tradituros ; 
ibi  se  habitare,  fidemque  sibi  rerum  omnium  inter 

7  Carthaginienses  esse.  Itaque,  ut  qui  simul  desiderio 
patriae  angerentur,  simul  cupiditate  inimicos  ulcis- 
cendi  arderent,  redemptis  extemplo  iis  remissisque, 

8  cum  ordinem  agendae  rei  composuissent  signaque 
quae  procul  edita  observarent,  ipsi  ad  Scipionem 
Syracusas  profecti,  apud  quem  pars  exsulum  erat, 
referentes   ibi  promissa   captivorum   cum   spem   ab 

9  effectu  baud  abhorrentem  consuli  fecissent,  tribuni 
militum  cum  iis  M.  Sergius  et  P.  Matienus  missi 
iussique  ab  Regio  tria  milia  militum  Locros  ducere ; 
et  Q.  Pleminio  propraetori  scriptum  ut  rei  agendae 
adesset. 

10  Profecti  ab  Regio,  scalas  ad  editam  altitudinem 
arcis  fabricatas  portantes,  media  ferme  nocte  ex 
eo  loco  unde  convenerat  signum  dedere  proditoribus 

11  arcis ;  qui  parati  intentique  et  ipsi  scalas  ad  id  ipsum 
factas  cum  demisissent  pluribusque  simul  locis 
scandentes  accepissent,  priusquam  clamor  oreretur, 
in  vigiles  Poenorum,  ut  in  nullo  tali  metu  sopitos, 

12  impetus  est  factus.  Quorum  gemitus  primo  morien- 
tium  exauditus,  deinde  ^  subita  consternatio  ex 
somno  et  tumultus,  cum  causa  ignoraretur,  postremo 

1  deinde  J  Froben  2  :    dein  P\2)R^HK  Aldus  [P  having 
dubita /or  subita). 

*  I.e.   legatus   pro  praetore,   representing   Scipio.     Cf.    viii. 
5;   xvii.  10. 

2  Cf.   XX VIII.  V.  17  and  note. 
230 


I 


BOOK  XXIX.  VI.  6-12 

told  them  what  was  going  on  at  home,  and  then  b.o.  205 
insph'ed  the  hope  that,  if  ransomed  and  sent  back, 
they  would  betray  the  citadel  to  them.  It  was  there, 
they  said,  that  they  dwelt  and  among  the  Carthagin- 
ians were  trusted  in  everything.  Accordingly  the 
leading  men,  being  tormented  by  home-sickness  and 
at  the  same  time  fired  with  a  desire  for  vengeance 
on  their  enemies,  at  once  ransomed  the  artisans  and 
sent  them  back  after  agreeing  upon  a  plan  of  action 
and  signals  for  the  display  of  which  in  the  distance 
they  should  be  on  the  watch.  They  themselves 
went  to  Scipio  at  Syracuse,  with  whom  were  some  of 
the  exiles.  There  they  reported  the  promises  of  the 
captives  and  inspired  in  the  consul  a  hope  which  gave 
good  prospect  of  success.  Consequently  Marcus 
Sergius  and  PubUus  Matienus,  tribunes  of  the 
soldiers,  were  sent  with  them  and  ordered  to  take 
three  thousand  soldiers  from  Regium  to  Locri.  And 
a  written  order  was  sent  to  the  propraetor  ^  Quintus 
Pleminius  to  assist  in  carrying  out  the  project. 

Setting  out  from  Regium,  carrying  ladders  con- 
structed for  the  height  of  the  citadel  as  reported, 
about  midnight  they  set  a  signal  ^  for  the  betrayers 
of  the  citadel  from  the  place  agreed  upon.  These 
men  were  ready  and  alert,  and  after  they  on  their 
part  also  had  lowered  ladders  made  for  that  very 
purpose  and  at  several  different  places  at  the  same 
time  had  admitted  scaling  parties,  before  any  out- 
cry could  arise  came  the  attack  upon  the  Carthagin- 
ian guards,  who  in  the  absence  of  any  such  fear 
naturally  were  asleep.  At  first  it  was  the  groans  of 
the  dying  indistinctly  heard ;  then  sudden  terror 
on  awaking,  and  confused  action,  since  the  reason  was 
unknown ;  finally  greater  certainty  as  they  awakened 

231 


13  certior  res  aliis  excitantibus  alios.  lamque  ad  arma 
pro  se  quisque  vocabat :  hostes  in  arce  esse  et  caedi 
vigiles ;  oppressique  forent  Romani  nequaquam 
numero  pares,  ni  clamor  ab  iis  qui  extra  arcem  erant 
sublatus  incertum  unde  accidisset,  omnia  vana  augente 

14  noctumo  tumultu,  fecisset.  Itaque  velut  plena  iam  ^ 
hostium  arce  territi  Poeni  omisso  certamine  in  alteram 
arcem — duae  sunt  haud  multum  inter  se  distantes — 

15  confugiunt.  Oppidani  urbem  habebant,  victoribus 
praernium    in    medio    positam ;     ex    arcibus    duabus 

16  proeliis  cotidie  levibus  certabatur.  Q.  Pleminius 
Romano,  Hamilcar  Punico  praesidio  praeerat. 
Arcessentes    ex    propinquis    locis    subsidia    copias 

17  augebant;  ipse  postremo  veniebat  Hannibal;  nee 
sustinuissent  Romani,  nisi  Locrensium  multitude, 
exacerbata  superbia  atque  avaritia  Poenorum,  ad 
Romanos  inclinasset. 

VII.  Scipioni  ^  ut  nuntiatum  est  in  maiore  dis- 
crimine  Locris  rem  verti  ipsumque  Hannibalem  adven- 
2  tare,  ne  praesidio  ^  etiam  periclitaretur,  haud  facili 
inde  receptu,  et  ipse  a  Messana  L.  Scipione  fratre  in 
praesidio  ibi  relicto,  cum  primum  aestu  fretum 
inclinatum     est.  .   .   .*    naves    mari    secundo    misit. 

^  iam    X'{altern.)HJK    Alius,    Froben  :      nam    F  :      om. 

2  Scipioni  P{l)N  Aldus,  Froben  :   scipio  A^HJK  Sigonins. 
•*  praesidio  P(l).Yi:  pr&esi^um  C*M ^ FA'? J K  Alius,  Froben. 
*  Here  a  numeral  seems  to  Juive  been  omitted,   Weisseyiborn 
conj.,  Conuay. 


^  I.e.  the  so-called  "descending"  tide,  running  south  into 
the  Ionian  Sea;   XXIII.  xli.  11 ;  Strabo  I.  iii.  11.     This  strait 

232 


BOOK  XXIX.  VI.  I2-VII.  2 

one  another.  By  this  time  every  man  was  shouting  b.c.  206 
his  loudest  "  To  arms!  "  that  enemies  were  on  the 
citadel  and  guards  being  cut  down.  And  the  Romans, 
who  were  by  no  means  equal  in  numbers,  would 
have  been  overpowered,  had  not  an  outcry  raised 
by  the  men  who  were  outside  the  citadel  made  it 
uncertain  from  what  quarter  the  sounds  came,  while 
everything  they  imagined  was  intensified  by  the 
uproar  in  the  dark.  Accordingly  the  Carthaginians, 
supposing  the  citadel  to  be  already  filled  with  the 
enemy,  were  terrified,  gave  up  fighting  and  fled  to 
the  other  citadel;  for  there  are  two  not  far  apart. 
The  inhabitants  were  holding  the  city,  set  between 
combatants  as  a  prize  for  the  victors.  From  the 
two  citadels  came  slight  engagements  every  day. 
Quintus  Pleminius  commanded  the  Roman,  Hamilcar 
the  Carthaginian  garrison.  Summoning  reinforce- 
ments from  neighbouring  places  they  kept  increasing 
their  numbers.  Finally  Hannibal  himself  was  on  the 
way,  and  the  Romans  would  not  have  held  out  if  the 
mass  of  the  Locrians,  embittered  by  the  arrogance 
and  greed  of  the  Carthaginians,  had  not  taken  the 
side  of  the  Romans. 

VII.  Scipio,  on  being  informed  that  the  situation 
at  Locri  had  become  more  critical  and  that  Hannibal 
himself  was  approaching,  was  afi*aid  to  take  risks  for 
the  garrison  as  well,  since  it  was  not  easy  to  retire 
from  the  place.  Accordingly  he  too  set  out  from 
Messana,  after  leaving  his  brother  Lucius  Scipio 
there  in  command  of  the  garrison ;  and  as  soon  as 
the  strait  shifted  with  the  tide,  he  cast  off  with  .  .  . 
ships  while  the  current  favoured.^     And  Hannibal 

has  marked  tides — very  rare  in  the  Mediterranean.     Cf.  the 
Euripus,  XXVIII.  vi.  10  and  note. 

^2>Z 


3  Et  ^  Hannibal  a  Buloto  amni — baud  procul  is  ab 
urbe  Locris  abest — nuntio  praemisso  ut  sui  luce 
prima  summa  vi  proelium  cum  Romanis  ac  Locrensi- 
bus  consererent,  dum  ipse  aversis  omnibus  in  eum 
tumultum  ab  tergo  urbem  incautam  adgrederetur, 

4  ubi  luce  coeptam  invenit  pugnam,  ipse  nee  in  arcem 
se  includere,  turba  locum  artum  inpediturus,  voluit, 
neque   scalas   quibus   scanderet  ^   muros   attulerat.^ 

5  Sarcinis  in  acervum  coniectis  cum  baud  procul  muris 
ad  terrorem  hostium  aciem  ostendisset,  cum  equitibus 
Numidis  circumequitat  ^  urbem,  dum  scalae  quaeque 
alia  ad  oppugnanduni  opus  erant  parantur,  ad  visen- 

6  dum  qua  maxime  parte  adgrederetur.  Progressus  ad 
murum,  scorpione  icto  qui  proximus  eum  forte 
steterat,  territus  inde  tam  periculoso  casu  receptui 
canere    cum    iussisset,    castra    procul    ab    ictu    teli 

7  communit.  Classis  Romana  a  Mess  ana  Locros  ali- 
quot horis  die  *  superante  accessit ;  expositi  omnes  e 
navibus  et  ante  occasum  solis  urbem  ingressi  sunt. 

8  Postero  die  coepta  ex  arce  a  Poenis  pugna,  et  Han- 
nibal iam  scalis  aliisque  omnibus  ad  oppugnationem 
paratis  subibat  muros,  cum  repente  in  eum  nihil 
minus  quam  tale  quicquam  timentem  patefacta  porta 

9  erumpunt  Romani.  Ad  ducentos,  improvidos  cum  in- 
vasissent,  occidunt ;    ceteros  Hannibal,  ut  consulem 

1  Et  HJK  Aldus,  Froben  :  am.  P{l)X. 

2  Both  verbs  are  plural  in  HJK  Frohen  2. 

3  -equitat    PH^)R^ :      -equitabat     HJK     Aldus,     Froben, 
Luchs :   -equitib.  at  P. 

*  die  C'  Gronovius  :   dici  or  diei  P(l)-N'  :   multo  die  Weissen- 
born  conj.,  Conway  :  multa  die  A'HV^JK  Aldus,  Froben. 

2M 


BOOK  XXIX.  VII.  3-9 

sent  a  messenger  from  the  river  Bulotus — it  is  not  far  b.c.  205 
from  the  city  of  Locri — ordering  his  men  to  engage  in 
battle  with  the  Romans  and  Locrians  with  the  utmost 
violence  at  daybreak,  while,  when  all  eyes  were 
turned  in  the  direction  of  that  conflict,  he  should  him- 
self attack  the  city  unawares  from  the  rear.  When 
he  came  upon  the  battle,  already  begun  at  daybreak, 
he  did  not  wish  to  shut  himself  in  the  citadel,  where 
he  would  have  clogged  a  cramped  space  by  his 
numbers,  and  on  the  other  hand  he  had  not  brought 
ladders  for  scaling  city  walls.  After  making  a  pile 
of  the  soldiers'  baggage  and  displaying  his  line  of 
battle  at  no  great  distance  from  the  walls  to  frighten 
the  enemy,  while  ladders  and  other  requisites  for  an 
assault  were  being  prepared,  he  rode  round  the  city 
with  his  Numidian  horsemen,  to  discover  just  where 
to  make  the  attack.  He  had  approached  the  wall 
when  a  man  who  happened  to  stand  nearest  to  him 
was  struck  by  a  missile  from  a  scorpion.  Frightened 
away  by  an  occurrence  so  dangerous,  he  thereupon 
ordered  the  recall  to  be  sounded  and  fortified  a  camp 
beyond  the  range  of  missiles.  The  Roman  fleet 
sailing  from  Messana  reached  Locri  while  several 
hours  of  daylight  remained.  All  were  landed  from 
the  ships  and  before  sunset  they  entered  the 
city. 

On  the  following  day  a  battle  was  begun  by  the 
Carthaginians  from  their  citadel,  and  Hannibal, 
having  made  ready  the  ladders  and  everything  else 
for  the  assault,  was  coming  close  to  the  walls  when 
suddenly  the  Romans  opened  a  gate  and  sallied 
out  against  an  enemy  who  feared  anything  but 
that.  In  making  this  surprise  attack  they  slew 
about  two  hundred.     As  for  the  rest,  Hannibal  on 

235 


adesse  sensit,  in  castra  recipit,^  nuntioque  misso  ad 
eos  qui  in  arce  erant  ut  sibimet  ipsi  consulerent, 
10  nocte  motis  castris  abiit.  Et  qui  in  arce  erant,  igni 
iniecto  tectis  quae  tenebarvt,  ut  is  tumultus  hostem 
moraretur,  agmen  suorum  fugae  simili  cursu  ante 
noctem  adsecuti  sunt. 

VIII.  Scipio  ut  et  arcem  relictam  ab  hostibus  et 
vacua  vidit  castra,  vocatos  ad  contionem  Locrenses 

2  graviter  ob  defectionem  incusavit ;  de  auctoribus 
supplicium  sumpsit  bonaque  eorum  alterius  factionis 
principibus   ob   egregiam   fidem   adversus   Romanes 

3  concessit.  Publice  nee  dare  nee  eripere  se  quicquam 
Locrensibus  dixit ;  Romam  mitterent  legatos ; 
quam    senatus    aequum    censuisset,    earn    fortunam 

4  habituros.  Illud  satis  scire,  etsi  male  de  populo  Ro- 
mano meriti  essent,  in  meliore  statu  sub  iratis  Ro- 
manis   futuros    quam    sub   amicis    Carthaginiensibus 

5  fuerint.  Ipse  Pleminio  legato  praesidioque  quod 
arcem  ceperat  ad  tuendam  urbem  relicto,  cum  quibus 
venerat  copiis  Messanam  traiecit. 

6  Ita  superbe  et  crudeliter  habiti  Locrenses  ab 
Carthaginiensibus  post  defectionem  ab  Romanis 
fuerant  ut  modicas  iniurias  non  aequo  modo  animo 

7  pati  sed  prope  libenti  possent ;  verum  enimvero 
tantum  Pleminius  Hamilcarem  praesidii  praefectum, 
tantum  praesidiarii  milites  Romani  Poenos  scelere 

1  recipit  P{1)N  Froben  2  :   recepit  B-S'HJK  Aldus. 
236  I 


BOOK  XXIX.  VII.  9-viii.  7 

learning  that  the  consul  was  there  M-ithdrew  them  b.c.  205 
to  his  camp,  and  sending  word  to  the  men  in  the 
citadel  to  shift  for  themselves,  he  broke  camp  in 
the  night  and  marched  away.  And  the  men  in  the 
citadel  set  fire  to  the  houocs  which  they  were  occupy- 
ing, that  the  commotion  might  delay  the  enemy, 
and  with  a  speed  that  resembled  flight  overtook  their 
own  column  before  nightfall. 

VIII.  Scipio,  seeing  that  the  citadel  had  been 
abandoned  by  the  enemy  and  the  site  of  the  camp 
deserted,  summoned  the  Locrians  to  an  assembly 
and  stoutly  upbraided  them  for  their  revolt.  He 
punished  those  who  had  prompted  it  and  bestowed 
their  property  upon  the  leaders  of  the  other  party 
in  view  of  their  conspicuous  loyalty  towards  the 
Romans.  As  regards  their  state,  he  said  he  would 
neither  grant  the  Locrians  anything  nor  take  any- 
thing away.  They  should  send  envoys  to  Rome; 
and  whatever  lot  the  senate  thought  it  proper  for 
them  to  have  would  be  theirs.  Even  though  they 
had  deserved  ill  of  the  Roman  people,  of  this  he  was 
certain,  that  they  would  be  in  a  better  position  under 
angry  Romans  than  they  were  under  friendly 
Carthaginians.  Leaving  Pleminius,  his  lieutenant, 
to  defend  the  city  with  the  force  which  had 
captured  the  citadel,  Scipio  crossed  over  to  Messana 
with  the  troops  with  which  he  had  come. 

With  such  arrogance  and  cruelty  had  the  Locrians 
been  treated  by  the  Carthaginians  after  their  revolt 
from  the  Romans  that  they  could  bear  minor  wrongs 
not  only  calmly  but  almost  willingly.  In  actual  fact, 
however,  so  far  did  Pleminius  surpass  Hamilcar, 
commandant  of  the  garrison,  so  far  did  the  Roman 
soldiers  in  the  garrison  surpass  the  Carthaginians  in 

237 


LIVY 

atque  avaritia  superaverunt  ut  non  armis,  sed  vitiis 

8  videretur  certari.  Nihil  omnium  quae  inopi  invisas 
opes  potentioris  ^  faciunt  praetermissum  in  oppidanos 
est  ab  duee  aut  a  militibus ;    in  corpora  ipsorum,  in 

1ihpm^^n_j2r>niiiorp^     infatt4^e-  pnntnmpUpp     editae. 

9  Nam  2  avaritia  ne  sacrorum  quidem  spoliatione 
abstinuit ;  nee  alia  modo  templa  violata,  sed  Proser- 
pinae  etiam  intacti  omni  aetate  ^  thensauri,  praeter- 
quam  quod  a  Pyrrho,  qui  cum  magno  piaculo  sacrilegii 

10  sui  manubias  rettulit,  spoliati  dicebantur.  Ergo 
sicut  ante  regiae  naves  laceratae  naufragiis  nihil  in 
terram  integri  praeter  sacram  pecuniam  deae  quam 

11  asportabant  ^  extulerant,^  tum  quoque  alio  genere 
cladis  eadem  ilia  pecunia  omnibus  contactis  ea 
vdolatione  templi  furorem  obiecit  atque  inter  se 
ducem  in  ducera,  militem  in  militem  rabie  hostili 
vertit. 

IX.  Summae  rei  Pleminius  praeerat :  militum  pars 
sub  eo  quam  ipse  ab  Regio  adduxerat,^  pars  sub  tri- 

2  bunis  erat.  Rapto  poculo  argentep  ex  oppidani  domo 
Plemini  miles  fugiens  sequentibus  quorum  erat,  ob- 
vius  forte  Sergio  et  Matieno  tribunis  militum  fuit; 

3  cui  cum  iussu  tribunorum  ademptum  poculum  esset, 

^  potentioris  JK  Alias,  Froben  :    -ores  P{1)XH. 
-  'Sa.m  P{l)X  Aldus,  Froben  :   isim  SpLVHJK. 
3  aetate   P^{3)X  Aldus,   Froben :     ae   P  :     aevo    {or  eve) 
X'HJK. 

*  asportabant    {or    -bat)    P{3)CA'X^?    Aldus :      -averant 
Sp?HJK  Froben  2. 

5  extulerant    {or   -rat)   P{3}XC2PA'X*/'HJK  Aldus  :     ex- 
tulerunt  Sp.  Froben  2. 

•  addiixerat  CA'XK  Aldus,  Froben  :  ab-  P{3)SpHJ. 

238 


ROOK  XXIX.  VIII.  7-ix.  3 

villainvand  greed  that  they  seemed  to  bej^cinipetinff  b.c.  205 
not  inarms  but  in  vices.  Of  all  the  things  that  make 
the  power  of  the  stronger  odious  to  the  helpless  man 
not  one  was  overlooked  by  commander  and  soldiers 
in  dealing  with  the  townspeople.  JJnutterable  in- 
c  .]+c  v'«v"  r>roo+ised  upon  their  own  persons,  upon 
~         "  wives.     It  ffoes  ^\Tthout 

iUl  not  refrain  from~de- 

And  not   only  were 

t  "n'krT  thp    trpasure^ 

untouched  in  every  age 
pvnf>p±^fPiaf  +h^y  were  gniH  to  have  been  despoiled 
by  Pyrrhus,  who  met  with  a  signal  punishment  and 
restored  the  plunder  gained  by  hk  gaprilpgf> , 2 
Consequently,  just  as  formerly  the  king's  ships, 
battered  and  wrecked,  had  landed  nothing  intact  but 
the  goddess'  sacred  money  which  they  were  trying  to 
carry  away,  so  on  this  occasion  also,  witB~ar  different 
kind  of  disaster  that  same  money  visited  insanity 
upon  all  M'ho  had  shared  in  that  desecration  of 
the  temple,  andrnutually  turned  commander  against 
commander,  soldier  against  soldier,  with  the  frenzy 
of  enemies.  ~"     !      __„.. — 


"  IX.  The  chief  command  belonged  to  Pleminius. 
Part  of  the  soldiers  whom  he  had  brought  from 
Regium  were  under  him,  part  under  the  tribunes. 
Having  stolen  a  silver  cup  from  the  house  of  a  citizen, 
a  fleeing  soldier  of  Pleminius  was  being  pursued  by 
the  owners  when  he  chanced  to  meet  Sergius  and 
Matienus,  tribunes  of  the  soldiers.  By  order  of  the 
tribunes  the  cup  was  taken  away  from  the  man. 

^  The  chief  divinity  of  Locri  was  Persephone,  her  famous 
temple  and  rich  treasury  being  just  outside  the  wall^  and  to  the 
north-west.     Cf.  xviii.  3.  2  Qf^  xviii.  4-6  and  notes. 

239 


LIVY 

iurgium  inde  et  clamor,  piigna  postremo  orta  inter 
Plemini  milites  tribunorumque,  ut  suis  quisque  op- 
portunus  advenerat,  multitudine  simul  ac  tumultu  cre- 

4  scente.  ^'icti  Plemini  milites  cum  ad  Pleminium,  cru- 
orem  ac  volnera  ostentantes,  non  sine  vociferatione 
atque  indignatione  concurrissent,  probra  in  eum 
ipsum  iactata  in  lurgiis  re^ 

sese  proripuit  vocatosque 

5  expediri  iubet.  Dum 
enim  militumque  fide. 
tur,    repente    milites    fe 

omnibus  locis,  velut  adversus  hostes  aa  arma  con- 

6  clamatum  esset,  concurrerunt ;  et  cum  violata  iam 
virgis  corpora  tribunoruni  vidissent,  tum  vero  in 
multo  inpotentiorem  subito  rabiem  accensi,  sine 
respectu  non  maiestatis  modo  sed  etiam  hum.anitatis. 
in   legatum   impetum   lictoribus   prius   indignum   in 

7  modum  mulcatis  faciunt.  Tum  ^  ipsum  ab  suis  inter- 
ceptum  et  seclusum  hostiliter  lacerant  et  prope 
exsanguem  naso  auribusque  mutilatis  relinquunt. 

8  His  Messanam  nuntiatis  Scipio  post  paucos  dies 
Locros  hexeri  ^  advectus  cum  causam  Plemini  et 
tribunorum  audisset.  Pleminio  noxa  liberate  relictoque 
in  eiusdem  loci  praesidio,  tribunis  sontibus  iudicatis 
et  in  vincla  coniectis,  ut  Romam  ad  senatum  mitte- 

1  fidem   SpfUJK   Froben  2  :     om.   P{3)  :    auxiUum   (after 
verb)  M'-'X  Aldus. 

2  Tum  Aldu.^.  Froben  :   tunc  P{l)ynJK. 

3  hexeri  SpJ  Froben  2  :    hexere  Mndvig  :    hexeree  P{Z)N?  : 
om.  H  Aldus. 


^  Pleminius  represents  Scipio  and  has  imperium. 
2  This  rare  type  of  vessel  had  been  used  in  the  First  Punic 
War  for  the  flag-ships  of  Regulus  and  Manhus;    Polybius 

240 


BOOK  XXIX.  IX.  3-8 

Thereupon  angry  words  followed  and  shouting,  b.c.  205 
finally  a  battle  between  Pleminius'  soldiers  and  those 
of  the  tribunes,  while  numbers  and  rioting  increased 
in  proportion  as  one  side  or  the  other  gained  a  timely 
arrival.  The  soldiers  of  Pleminius  were  worsted,  and 
when  they  came  running  to  him  displaying  bloody 
wounds,  not  without  angry  shouts  as  they  reported 
insults  that  had  been  heaped  even  upon  him  in  an 
altercation,  he  was  inflamed  with  anger,  dashed  out 
of  his  house,  summoned  the  tribunes  and  ordered 
them  to  be  stripped  and  the  rods  made  ready.  While 
time  was  being  taken  to  strip  them — for  they  re- 
sisted and  called  upon  the  soldiers  to  help  them — 
suddenly  soldiers,  flushed  by  their  recent  victory,  came 
running  from  every  quarter,  just  as  if  there  had  been 
a  call  to  arms  against  the  enemy.  And  when  they 
caught  sight  of  the  tribunes'  backs  already  welted 
by  the  rods,  upon  that  they  were  indeed  suddenly 
fired  to  a  much  more  uncontrollable  madness,  and 
after  roughly  handling  the  lictors  in  shameful  fashion, 
without  regard  even  for  humanity,  not  to  say  for  the 
dignity  of  his  rank,^  they  assaulted  the  legatus. 
Then,  having  separated  and  cut  him  off  from  his  men, 
they  slashed  him  as  if  an  enemy  and,  mutilating  his 
nose  and  ears,  left  him  almost  lifeless. 

These  acts  being  reported  at  Messana,  Scipio  a 
few  days  later  sailed  to  Locri  on  a  hexeris.^  Then 
having  heard  the  case  of  Pleminius  and  the  tribunes, 
he  discharged  Pleminius  as  innocent  and  left  him  in 
command  of  the  same  place,  while  the  tribunes  were 
adjudged  guilty  and  put  in  chains,  to  be  sent  to  the 

I.  xxvi.  11.     It  was  the  next  grade  above  the  quinquereme. 
Cf.  XXVIII.  XXX.  11,  note. 

241 


rentur,    Messanam    atque    inde    Syracusas    rediit.^ 
n  Pleminius  impotens  irae,  neglectam  ab  Scipione  et 

10  nimis  leviter  latam  siiam  iniuriam  ratus,  nee  quem- 
quam  aestimare  alium  earn  litem  posse  nisi  qui 
atrocitatem  ^  eius  patiendo  sensisset,  tribunos  adtrahi 
ad  se  iussit,  laceratosque  omnibus  quae  pati  corpus 
ullum     potest     suppliciis     interfecit,     nee     satiatus 

1 1  vivorum  poena  insepultos  proiecit.  Simili  crudelitate 
et  in  Locrensium  principes  est  usus  quos  ad  con- 
querendas  iniurias  ad  P.  Scipionem  profectos  audivit ; 

12  et  quae  antea  per  lubidinem  atque  avaritiam  foeda 
exempla  in  socios  ediderat,  tunc  ab  ira  multiplicia 
edere,  infamiae  atque  invidiae  non  sibi  modo  sed 
etiam  imperatori  esse. 

X.  lam  comitiorum  adpetebat  tempus  cum  a  P. 
Licinio  consule  litterae  Romam  allatae,  se  exercitum- 
que  suum  gravi  morbo  adflictari,^  nee  sisti  potuisse, 
ni  eadem  vis  mali  aut  gravior  etiam  in  hostes  in- 

2  gruisset ;  itaque,  quoniam  ipse  venire  ad  comitia  non 
posset,  si  ita  patribus  videretur,  se  Q.  Caecilium  Me- 
tellum  dictatorem  comitiorum  causa  dicturum.    Exer- 

3  citum  Q,  Caecili  dimitti  e  re  publica  esse  ;  nam  ^  neque 
usum  eius  ullum  in  praesentia  esse,  cum  Hannibal 
iam  in  hiberna  suos  receperit,  et  tanta  incesserit  in 
ea  castra  vis  morbi  ut,  nisi  mature  dimittantur,  nemo 

»  rediit  P{l)N  Aldus  :  redit  HJK  Frohen  2. 

2  posse  .  .  .  atrocitatem  A'X'HJK  Eds.  :  om.  P{l)N, 
one  line. 

'  adflictari  (or  af-)  A'S-lUK  Eds.  :  adfectari  {or  af-) 
P(1).V. 

*  nam  P{l)XJK  Ed<-.  :   bracketed  by  Convxiy. 
242 


BOOK  XXIX.  IX.  8-x.  3 

senate  at  Rome  ;  whereupon  he  returned  to  Messana  b,c.  205 
and  thence  to  Syracuse.  Pleminius  was  beside  him- 
self with  rage,  thinking  the  wi'ong  done  to  him  had 
been  overlooked  by  Scipio  and  treated  as  too  trivial; 
also  that  no  one  else  was  capable  of  naming  a  penalty 
for  the  offence  except  a  man  who  had  known  its 
barbarity  by  suffering.  Accordingly  he  ordered  the 
tribunes  to  be  brought  before  him,  and  had  them 
mangled  by  every  torture  which  any  human  body  can 
endure  and  then  put  to  death.  Not  satisfied  with  a 
penalty  paid  by  the  living  either,  he  threw  them  out 
unburied.  The  like  cruelty  was  used  by  him  against 
leading  men  of  the  Locrians  who,  he  learned,  had  gone 
to  Publius  Scipio  to  complain  of  the  outrages.  Then 
in  anger  he  multiplied  the  shameful  acts  which, 
prompted  previously  by  lust  and  greed,  he  had 
perpetrated  upon  the  allies,  and  brought  infamy  and 
odium  not  only  upon  himself  but  also  upon  his  general. 
X.  The  time  for  the  elections  was  already  at 
hand  when  a  letter  from  Publius  Licinius,  the  con- 
sul, reached  Rome,  reporting  that  he  and  his  army 
were  suffering  from  a  serious  malady,  and  that  they 
could  not  have  held  out  if  an  equally  violent  or  even 
more  serious  disease  had  not  been  visited  upon  the 
enemy.  Accordingly,  since  he  was  unable  to  come 
in  person  to  the  elections,  he  would  name  Quintus 
CaeciUus  Metellus  dictator  to  hold  the  elections,  if 
the  senators  approved.  It  was  to  the  interest  of  the 
state,  he  said,  that  the  army  of  Quintus  Caecilius 
should  be  discharged ;  for  at  present  his  army  had 
nothing  to  do,  since  Hannibal  had  already  withdrawn 
his  troops  into  winter  quarters ;  and  so  violent  a 
malady  had  befallen  CaeciUus'  camp  that,  unless  the 
troops  were  promptly  disbanded,  not  one  man,  it 

243 


LIVY 

omnium  superfuturus  videatur.    Ea  consuli  a  patribus 
facienda  ut  e  re  publica  fideque  sua  duceret  permissa. 

4  Civitatem  eo  tempore  repens  religio  invaserat 
invent©  carmine  in  libris  Sibyllinis  propter  crebrius 

5  eo  anno  de  caelo  lapidatum  inspectis,  quandoque 
hostis  alienigena  terrae  Italiae  bellum  intulisset,  eum 
pelli  Italia  vincique  posse,  si  mater  Idaea  a  Pessinunte 

6  Romam  advecta  foret.  Id  carmen  ab  decemviris 
inventum  eo  magis  patres  movit,  quod  et  legati  qui 
donum  Delphos  portaverant  referebant  et  sacrificanti- 
bus  ipsis  Pythio  Apollini  laeta  exta  ^  fuisse  et  res- 
ponsum  oraculo  editum  maiorem  multo  victoriam 
quam  cuius  ex  spoliis  dona  portarent  adesse  populo 

7  Romano.  In  eiusdem  spei  summam  conferebant  P. 
Scipionis  velut  praesagientem  animum  de  fine  belli, 

8  quod  depoposcisset  provinciam  Africam.  Itaque  quo 
maturius  fatis  ominibus  ^  oraculisque  portendentis 
sese  ^  victoriae  compotes  fierent,  id  cogitare  atque 
agitare,*  quae  ratio  transportandae  Romam  deae  esset. 

XL  Xullasdum  in  Asia  socias  civitates  habebat 
populus    Romanus ;     tamen    memores    Aesculapium 

^  laeta  exta  A*  Eds.  :  omnia  laeta  exta  N'HJK  Aldus, 
Froben  :  laeta  P{1)N  :  omnia  laeta  Johnson,Conuay. 

2  ominibus  JRhenanus  :    omnibus  P{l)NSpHJK  Alius. 

^  portendentis  sese  Alius,  Froben  :  -denti  sese  Pil)NHJK  : 
om.  Sp,  three  or  four  lines  (port-  to  trans-). 

*  atque  agitare  y*HJK  :   om.  P{\)N  Aldus,  Froben. 

I  Kybele  (Cybele),  the  Phrygian  Mother  of  the  Gods; 
Preller,  Griechische  Mythologie  I*.  643  ff . :  Roseher,  Lex. 
II.  i.  1638  ff.,  1666  ff.;  Catullus  63;  Lucretius  II.  600  ff . ; 
Dio  Cass.  frag.  57.  61;  Strabo  XII.  v.  3;  Appian  Hann.  56; 
Cicero  de  Harusp.  Besp.  27  f.  Ovid's  imaginative  accoimt 
should  be  compared,  Fasti  IV.  247-348  (see  Frazer's  notes). 
Pessinus  was  near  the  border  of  Galatia  (towards  Phrvgia), 
ca.  80  miles  south-west  of  Ancyra  (Ankara).     Cf.  xi.  7,  note. 

244 


BOOK  XXIX.  X.  3-xi.  I 

seemed,  would  survive.     The  consul  was  permitted  b.c.  205 
by  the  senate  to  do  whatever  he  thought  consistent 
with  the  public  interest  and  his  own  conscience. 

At  that  time  religious  scruples  had  suddenly 
assailed  the  citizens  because  in  the  Sibylline  books, 
which  were  consulted  on  account  of  the  frequent 
showers  of  stones  that  year,  an  oracle  was  found 
that,  if  ever  a  foreign  foe  should  invade  the  land  of 
Italy,  he  could  be  driven  out  of  Italy  and  defeated  if 
the  Idaean  Mother  ^  should  be  brought  from  Pessinus 
to  Rome.  The  discovery  of  that  oracle  by  the  decem- 
virs impressed  the  senators  all  the  more  because  the 
ambassadors  also  who  had  carried  a  gift  to  Delphi 
reported  that,  when  they  offered  sacrifices  themselves 
to  Pythian  Apollo,  the  omens  had  been  favourable, 
and  that  likewise  from  the  sanctum  there  had  come 
a  response  that  a  much  greater  victory  was  in 
prospect  for  the  Roman  people  than  that  from  spoils 
of  which  they  were  bringing  gifts.  To  the  facts  sup- 
porting that  same  hope  the  senators  added  Publius 
Scipio's  state  of  mind,  virtually  forecasting  the  end 
of  the  war,  in  that  he  demanded  Africa  as  his  province. 
And  so,  that  they  might  the  sooner  be  in  possession 
of  the  victory  which  foreshadov/ed  itself  in  oracles, 
forecasts  ^  and  responses,  they  planned  and  discussed 
M'hat  should  be  the  method  of  transporting  the  goddess 
to  Rome. 

XI.  In  Asia  the  Roman  people  had  as  yet  no 
aUied  states.  They  bore  in  mind,  however,  that 
Aesculapius  ^  also  had  been  summoned  once  upon  a 

2  Referring  mainly  to  Scipio's  confident  anticipation,  while 
"oracles"  covers  the  Sibylline  prophecy  and  "responses" 
that  from  Delphi  (Gronovius). 

3  Cf.  X.  xlvii.  7;   Periocha  11;   Strabo  I.e.  (cf.  n.  1). 

245 


Ln-Y 

quoque  ex  Graecia  quondam  hauddum  ullo  foedere 

2  sociata  valetudinis  populi  causa  arcessitum,  tunc 
iam  cum  Attalo  rege  propter  commune  adversus 
Philippum  bellum  coeptam  amicitiam  esse,  facturum 

3  eum  quae  posset  populi  Romani  causa,  legatos  ad 
eum  decernunt  M.  Valerium  Laevinum,  qui  bis 
consul  fuerat  ac  res  in  Graecia  gesserat,  M.  Caecilium 
Metellum  praetorium,  Ser.  Sulpicium  ^  Galbam 
aedilicium,  duos  quaestorios,  Cn.  Tremelium  Flaccum 

4  et  M.  Valerium  Faltonem.  lis  quinque  naves 
quinqueremes,  ut  ex  dignitate  populi  Romani 
adirent    eas    terras    ad    quas    concilianda    maiestas 

5  nomini  Romano  esset  decernunt.  Legati  Asiam 
petentes  protinus  Delphos  cum  escendissent,  oracu- 
lum  adierunt  consulentes  ad  quod  negotium  domo 
missi  essent,  perficiendi  eius  quam  sibi  spem  popu- 

6  loque  Romano  portenderet.  Responsum  esse  ferunt 
per  Attalum  regem  compotes  eius  fore  quod  peterent ; 
cum  Romam  deam  devexissent,  tum  curarent  ut 
earn  qui  vir  optimus  Romae  esset  hospitio  exciperet.^ 

7  Pergamum  ad  regem  venerunt.  Is  legatos  comiter 
acceptos  Pessinuntem  in  Phrygiam  deduxit  sacrumque 

^  Metellum  .  .  .  Snl-picium  X'HJK :  om.  P(1)N,  two  lines. 
2  exciperet  P(3;-V  :  ac-  JK  AM  us,  Froben  :  re-  B. 

^  Cf.  XXX.  xxiii.  5.  One  list  of  the  consuls  gives  Laevinus 
a  first  consulship  in  220  B.C.;  Chronogr.  an.  3.54  in  C.I.L. 
I.  p.  524.  He  may  have  been  a  siiffertvs  in  208  B.C.  (end  of  the 
year,  both  consuls  being  dead;  XXVII.  xxxiii.  7).  In  Livy 
a  new  man  when  elected  in  211  B.C. ;   XXVI.  xxii,  12. 

2  See  XXVIII.  xxx.  11  and  note.  Whatever  may  have 
been  the  arrangement  of  the  oars  on  a  quinquereme,  it  is 
clear  that  these  larger  vessels  were  meant  to  impress  all  who 
saw  them  with  the  dignitas  of  the  Roman  state. 

246 


BOOK  XXIX.  XI.  1-7 

time  from  Greece  on  account  of  an  epidemic,  while  b.c.  206 
there  was  as  yet  no  treaty  of  alliance  ;  that  at  present 
on  account  of  a  joint  war  against  Philip  they  had 
already  entered  into  friendly  relations  with  King 
Attalus.  Thinking  that  he  would  do  what  he  could 
for  the  sake  of  the  Roman  people,  they  decided  to 
send  ambassadors  to  him.  These  were  Marcus 
Valerius  Laevinus,  who  had  been  twice  consul  ^  and 
had  held  a  command  in  Greece,  Marcus  Caecilius 
Metellus,  an  ex-praetor,  Servius  Sulpicius  Galba,  an 
ex-aedile,  and  two  former  quaestors,  Gnaeus  Treme- 
lius  Flaccus  and  Marcus  Valerius  Falto.  For  them 
they  voted  five  quinqueremes,^  that  in  keeping  with 
the  dignity  of  the  Roman  people  they  might  visit 
lands  where  the  highest  respect  for  the  Roman  name 
was  to  be  won.  The  ambassadors  on  the  voyage  to 
Asia  made  their  way  up  to  Delphi  and  consulted  the 
oracle,  enquiring  what  hope  of  accomplishing  the 
task  for  which  they  had  been  sent  from  home  it 
foresaw  for  themselves  and  the  Roman  people. 
The  response,  they  say,  was  that  they  should  gain 
what  they  sought  with  the  help  of  King  Attalus ; 
that  after  conveying  the  goddess  to  Rome  they 
were  then  to  make  sure  that  the  best  man  at  Rome 
should  hospitably  welcome  her.  They  came  to  the 
king  at  Pergamum.  He  courteously  received  the 
ambassadors  and,  escorting  them  to  Pessinus  in 
Phrygia,^  presented  them  with  the  sacred  stone  * 

^  The  region  was  still  held  by  the  Gallic  invaders,  but  the 
temple  was  favoured  and  adorned  by  the  kings  at  Pergamum. 
That  Attalus  and  the  legati  actually  went  to  Pessinus,  about 
240  miles  from  his  capital,  is  very  unlikely. 

*  Probably  a  meteorite,  small  enough  to  be  used  later  as 
the  face  of  her  statue;  Arnobius  VII.  49 ;  cf.  VI.  11 ;  Herodian 
I.  11,  1 ;  Appian  Hann.  56.     Cp.  p.  261,  n.  2. 

247 


LIVY 

iis  lapidem  quam  mat  rem  deum  esse  incolae  dicebant 

8  tradidit  ac  deportare  Romam  iussit.  Praemissus  ^ 
ab  legatis  M.  \\ilerius  Falto  nuntiavit  deam  adportari ; 
quaerendum  virum  optimmii  in  civitate  e^-se  qui  earn 
rite  hospitio  acciperet. 

9  Q.  Caecilius  Metellus  dictator  ab  consule  in 
Bruttiis  comitiorum  causa  dictus  exercitusque  eius 
dimissus,    magister     equitum     L.     \'eturius     Philo. 

10  Comitia  per  dictatorem  habita.-  Consules  facti  M. 
Cornelius     Cethegus,     P.     Sempronius      Tuditanus 

11  absenS;  cum  provinciam  Graeciam  haberet.  Praetores 
inde  creati  Ti.  Claudius  Nero,  M.  Marcius  Ralla, 
L.  Scribonius  Libo.  M.  Pomponius  Matho.  Comitiis 
perfectis  ^  dictator  sese  magistratu  abdica^'it. 

12  Ludi  Romani  ter,  plebei  septiens  instaurati.  Cu- 
rules  erant  aediles  Cn.  et  L.  Cornelii  Lentuli ;  Lucius 
Hispaniam    provinciam    habebat ;     absens    creatus 

13  absens  eum  honorem  gessit.  Ti.  Claudius  Asellus  et 
M.  Junius  Pennus  plebei  aediles  fuerunt.  Aedem 
\'irtutis  eo  anno  ad  portam  Capenam  M.  Marcellus 
dedicavit  septumo  decumo  anno  postquam  a  patre 
eius  primo  consulatu  vota  in  Gallia  ad  Clastidium 

14  fuerat.  Et  flamen  Martialis  eo  anno  est  mortuus  M. 
Aemilius  Regillus. 

XII.  Neglectae  eo  biennio  res  in  Graecia  erant. 
Itaque  Philippus  Aetolos  desertos  ab  Romanis,*  cui 

^  Praemissus  P(3)CVA'{-sis  CH):    remissus  Sp?  Bhenanus. 
-  habita  liere  HJK  Aldus,  Frohen  :   before  per  P{\}N. 
•"  perfectis  HJK  Frohen  2  :   peractis  P(\.)S  Aldus,  Conway. 
*  Romanis  Sp?A*HJK  Frohen  2  :   romano  P{\)N  Aldus. 

1  Ci.  Vol.  VI.  p.  494,  note;  VII.  p.  312  f.,  notes;  Platuer- 
Ashbv,  Toporjr.  Diet.  258  f.  For  the  younger  Marcellus  cf. 
p.  288,  n.  1. 

2  No  abandonment  has  been  previously  mentioned,  but 
neglect  for  many  months  would  have  the  same  effect. 

248 


BOOK  XXIX.  XI.  7-xii.  I 

which  the  inhabitants  said  was  the  Mother  of  the  b.c.  205 
Gods,  and  bade  them  carry  it  away  to  Rome.  Sent 
on  in  advance  by  the  ambassadors,  Marcus  Valerius 
Falto  brought  the  news  that  they  were  bringing  the 
goddess ;  they  must  seek  out  the  best  man  in  the 
state  to  receive  her  with  due  hospitaUty. 

Quintus  CaeciHus  Metellus  was  named,  by  the 
consul  who  was  in  the  land  of  the  Bruttians,  dictator 
for  the  purpose  of  holding  the  elections,  and  Metellus' 
army  was  disbanded.  Lucius  ^^eturius  Philo  was 
named  master  of  the  horse.  The  elections  were  held 
by  the  dictator.  Marcus  Cornelius  Cethegus  and 
Publius  Sempronius  Tuditanus  were  elected  consuls, 
the  latter  in  his  absence,  since  he  had  Greece  as  his 
province.  Then  Tiberius  Claudius  Nero,  Marcus 
Marcius  Ralla,  Lucius  Scribonius  Libo,  Marcus 
Pomponius  Matho  were  elected  praetors.  The 
elections  being  completed,  the  dictator  abdicated  his 
ojflice. 

The  Roman  Games  were  repeated  for  three  of  the 
days,  the  Plebeian  Games  for  seven.  The  curule 
aediles  were  Gnaeus  and  Lucius  Cornelius  Lentulus. 
Lucius  was  in  charge  of  the  province  of  Spain  ;  being 
elected  in  absence  he  was  aedile  in  absence.  Tiberius 
Claudius  Asellus  and  Marcus  Junius  Pennus  were 
plebeian  aediles.  The  Temple  of  Valour  ^  at  the 
Porta  Capena  was  dedicated  that  year  by  Marcus 
Marcellus,  in  the  seventeenth  year  after  it  had  been 
vowed  at  Clastidium  in  Gaul  by  his  father  in  his  first 
consulship.  And  the  flamen  of  Mars,  Marcus 
Aemilius  Regillus,  died  that  year. 

XI L  In  Greece  the  situation  had  been  ignored  in 
the  last  two  years.  Consequently  when  the  Aetolians 
were  abandoned  by  the  Romans,^  the  one  defence  in 

249 


uni  fidebant  aiixilio,  quibus  voluit  condicionibus  ad 

2  petendam  et  paciscendam  subegit  pacem.  Quod  nisi 
omni  vi  perficere  maturasset,  bellantem  eum  cum 
Aetolis  P.  Sempronius  proconsul,  successor  imperii 
missus  Sulpicio  cum  decern  milibus  peditum  et  mille 
equitibus  ^  et  triginta  quinque  rostratis  navibus,haud 
parvum  momentum  ad  opem  ferendam  sociis,  oppres- 

3  sisset.  \'ixdum  pace  facta  nuntius  regi  venit  Romanes 
Dyrrachium  venisse,  Parthinosque  et  propinquas 
gentes  alias  motas  esse  ad  spem  novandi  res,  Dimal- 

4  lumque  oppugnari.  Eo  se  averterant  Romani  ab 
Aetolorum  quo  missi  erant  ^  auxilio,  irati  quod  sine 
auctoritate   sua   adversus   foedus   cum   rege   pacem 

5  fecissent.  Ea  cum  audisset  Philippus,  ne  qui  motus 
maior  in  finitimis  gentibus  populisque  oreretur, 
magnis  itineribus  ^  Apolloniam  contendit,  quo 
Sempronius  se  receperat,  misso  Laetorio  legato  cum 
parte  copiarum  et  quindecim  navibus  in  Aetoliam 
ad   visendas    res    pacemque,   si   posset,   turbandam. 

6  Philippus  agros  Apolloniatium  vastavit  et  ad  urbem 
admotis   copiis   potestatem   pugnae   Romano   fecit ; 

7  quem  postquam  quietum  muros  tantummodo  tueri 
\idit,  nee  satis  fidens  viribus  ut  urbem  oppugnaret, 

*  decern  .  .  .  equitibus  A'X'HJK  :  reduced  by  om. 
to  dem  militibus  in  P  :   little  improved  in  P^{l)X. 

'  Eo  se  averterant  .  .  .  erant  A'X'HJK  Aldus,  Froben  : 
eos  verterant  P(liX,  two  lines  om. 

'  populisque  .  .  .  itineribus  A'X'HJK  Aldus,  Froben : 
om.  P{S],  another  om.  of  two  lines. 

^  He  had  been  censor  (XXVII.  xi.  7),  and  already  proconsul 
in  Greece  before  his  consulship;  cf.  XXVIII.  xxxviii.  1,  note. 

2  On  the  Adriatic,  location  uncertain,  but  near  the  Parthini 
and  D\-rrhachium  (Durazzo).  Cf.  XXXIII.  xxxiv.  11; 
XLIII.'xxi.  3;  Polybius  II.  xi.  11;  III.  xviii.  1,  3;  VII.  ix. 
13  (text  of  a  treaty  between  Hannibal  and  Philip). 

250 


BOOK   XXIX.  XII.  1-7 

which  they  trusted,  Philip  compelled  them  to  sue  b.c.  205 
for  peace  and  make  a  treaty  on  terms  of  his  own 
choosing.  Had  he  not  used  every  effort  to  bring  that 
about  promptly,  he  would  have  been  surprised  while 
still  making  war  upon  the  Aetolians  by  Publius 
Sempronius,!  the  proconsul,  who  A\dth  ten  thousand 
infantry  and  a  thousand  cavalry  and  thirty-five  war- 
ships had  been  sent  as  Sulpicius'  successor  in  com- 
mand and  was  no  small  factor  in  bringing  aid  to  the 
allies.  Scarcely  had  peace  been  made  when  word 
came  to  the  king  that  the  Romans  had  arrived  at 
Dyrrachium,  and  that  the  Parthini  and  other  neigh- 
bouring tribes  were  aroused  to  the  hope  of  revolution 
and  that  Dimallum  ^  was  besieged.  To  that  place  the 
Romans  had  turned  aside  from  helping  the  Aetolians, 
to  whom  they  had  been  sent.  They  were  angry 
because  without  Roman  consent  and  contrary  to  the 
treaty  ^  the  Aetohans  had  made  peace  with  the  king. 
On  hearing  of  this  Philip,  fearing  some  greater  dis- 
turbance might  begin  among  neighbouring  tribes 
and  peoples,  hastened  by  forced  marches  to  Apol- 
lonia,*  to  which  Sempronius  had  withdrawn  after 
sending  Laetorius,  his  lieutenant,  with  a  part  of  his 
troops  and  fifteen  ships  into  Aetolia  to  survey  the 
situation  and,  if  possible,  to  disturb  the  peace. 
Philip  laid  waste  the  farms  of  the  Apollonians  and, 
moving  his  troops  up  to  the  city,  gave  the  Roman 
an  opportunity  to  engage.  As  soon  as  he  saw  that 
they  remained  inactive,  merely  defending  the  walls, 
Philip,  who  had  not  sufficient  confidence  in  his 
forces  to  assault  the  city  and  was  desirous  of  peace 

3  Cf.  XXVI.  xxiv.  8-11. 

*  Cf.  Vol.  VI.  p.  303,  n.  3;  305,  307;   VII.  p.  95  fin. 

251 


LR'Y 

et  cum  ^  Romanis  quoque,  sicut  cum  Aetolis,  cupiens 
pacem,  si  posset,  si  minus,  indutias  facere,  nihil  ultra 
inritatis  novo  certamine  odiis  in  regnum  se  recepit. 

8  Per   idem    tempus    taedio    diutini  belli  Epirotae 
temptata   prius    Romanorum    voluntate    legatos    de 

9  pace  communi  ad  Philippum.  misere,  satis  confidere 
conventuram  eam  adfirmantes,  si  ad  conloquium  cum 

10  P.  Sempronio  imperatore  Rornano  venisset.  Facile 
impetratum — neque  enim  ne  ipsius  quidem  regis  ab- 

11  horrebat  animas — ut  in  Epirum  transiret.  Phoenice 
urbs  est  Epiri ;  ibi  prias  conlocutus  rex  cum  Aeropo 
et  Derda  et  Philippe,  Epirotarum  praetoribus,  postea 

12  cum  P.  Sempronio  congreditur.  Adfuit  conloquio 
Amynander  Athamanum  rex  et  magistratus  alii 
Epirotarum  et  Acarnanum.  Primus  Philippu-S  praetor 
verba  fecit  et  petit  simul  ab  rege  et  ab  imperatore 
Romano    ut    finem    belli    facerent    darentque    eam 

13  Epirotis  veniam.  P.  Sempronius  condiciones  pacis 
dixit,  ut  Parthini  et  Dimallum  et  Bargullum  et 
Eugenium  Romanorum  essent,  Atintania,  si  missis 
Romam  legatis  ab  senatu  impetrasset,  ut  Macedoniae 

14  accederet.2      In    has  ^    condiciones    cum    pax    con- 

^  et  cum  Sp'fA'HJK  Frohen  2  :  cum  P[l)X  Aldus. 

2  Macedoniae  accederet  AUchef<ki  :  -niae  [or  -nie)  cederet 
P{1}X  :  -nia  cederet  .4'.V*  {altern.\H{-im)JK  Aldus:  -ni 
accederent  Frohen  2  (-ret  Gronoviu^). 

3  has  HJK  :   eaa  P(l)X  Eds. 


^  In  Chaonia  (northern  Epirus),  a  few  miles  from  the  port 
of  Onchesmos,  opposite  Corcyra  (Corfu);  Polybius  II.  v.  3; 
Strabo  VII.  vii.  5. 

2  The  Athamanes  (in  eastern  Epirus,  close  to  the  Pindus 
range;  Strabo  IX.  v.  1)  had  a  king,  the  neighbouring  tribes 
only  oTparTiyoi.  A  peacemaker  in  208  B.C.  (XXVII.  xxx.  4), 
Am\-nander  allowed  Philip  to  pass  through  his  territory,  and 


BOOK  XXIX.  XII.  7-14 

with  the  Romans  also,  if  possible,  just  as  with  the  b.c.  205 
Aetolians,but  if  not,  of  making  an  armistice,  retired 
to  his  own  kingdom  without  provoking  any  further 
animosities  by  a  fresh  conflict. 

About  the  same  time  the  Epirotes,  weary  of  the 
protracted  war,  first  sounding  the  disposition  of  the 
Romans,  sent  ambassadors  to  Philip  in  regard  to  a 
general  peace,  asserting  their  confidence  that  it 
would  be  agreed  upon  if  he  should  come  to  a  con- 
ference with  Publius  Sempronius,  the  Roman  general. 
The  king  was  easily  prevailed  upon  to  cross  over 
into  Epirus,  for  he  himself  was  not  disinclined  to 
peace.  Phoenice  ^  is  a  city  in  Epirus ;  there  the 
king  first  conferred  with  Aeropus  and  Derdas  and 
Philip,  chief  magistrates  of  the  Epirotes,  and  later 
met  Publius  Sempronius.  Present  at  the  conference 
were  Amynander,^  King  of  the  Athamanians,  and  in 
addition  magistrates  of  the  Epirotes  and  Acar- 
nanians.  The  first  to  speak  was  Philip,  the  magis- 
trate, begging  the  king  and  at  the  same  time  the 
Roman  general  to  make  an  end  of  the  war  and  grant 
that  favour  to  the  Epirotes.  Publius  Sempronius 
stated  as  terms  of  the  peace  that  the  Parthini  and 
Dimallum  and  BarguUum  ^  and  Eugenium  ^  should 
fall  to  the  Romans ;  that  Atintania  *  shouldr4)e 
annexed  to  Macedonia,  if  the  king,  ..sending^^^^am- 
bassadors  to  Rome,  should  obtain  the'  senate's  con- 
sent.     Peace   being   agreed   upon   on  these   terms, 

thus  the  Aetolians  were  obliged  to  make  a  separate  j^eace 
with  Macedonia  (§  1). 

^  Small  places,  lmkno^\^l;   probably  near  Dimallum. 

*  In  north-western  Epirus,  in  the  upper  valley  of  the  Aous 
river;  XXVII.  xxx.  13.  AlUed  with  Rome  in  the  lUyrian 
War  of  219  b.c,  but  now  subject  to  Philip. 

253 


veniret,  ab  re^e  foederi  adscript!  Pru'-ia  Bithyniae 
rex,  Aohaei,  Boeoti.  Thessali,  Acarnanes,  Epirotae, 
ab  Romanis  Ilienses,  Attalus  rex,  Pleuratus,  Nabis 
Lacedaemoniorum  tyrannus,  Elei,  Messenii,  Atheni- 

15  enses.  Haec  conscripta  consignataque  sunt,  et  in 
duos  menses  indutiae  factae,  donee  Romam  mitteren- 
tur    legati,    ut    populus    in   has    condiciones    pacem 

16  iuberet ;  iusseruntque  omnes  tribus,  quia  verso 
in  Africam  beilo  omnibus  aliis  in  praesentia  levari 
bellis  volebant.  P.  Sempronius  pace  facta  ad  consula- 
tum  Romam  decessit. 

XIII.  M.  Comelio  P.  Sempronio  consulibus — • 
quintus  decimus  is  annus  belli  Punici  erat — pro- 
\-inciae  Comelio  Etruria  cum  vetere  exercitu,  Sem- 
pronio Bruttii,  ut  novas  scriberet  legiones,  decretae. 

2  Praetoribus  M.  Marcio  urbana,  L.  Scribonio  Liboni 
peregrina   et   eidem   Gallia,   M.   Pomponio  Mathoni 

3  Sicilia,  Ti.  Claudio  Xeroni  Sardinia  evenit.  P.^ 
Scipioni  cum  eo  exercitu,  cum  ea  classe  quam  habe- 
bat,  prorogatum  in  annum  imperium  est ;  item  P. 
Licinio,  ut  Bruttios  duabus  legionibus  obtineret, 
quoad  eum  in  proWncia  cum  imperio  morari  consuli 

4  e  re  publica  visum  esset.    Et  M.  Li\-io  et  Sp.  Lucretio 

1  P.  P(1).4-'.V:   j^TOconsM^iSpHJK. 


^  As  progenitors  of  the  Romans.  Cf.  their  statement 
when  Lucius  Scipio  visited  Ilium  in  190  B.C.;  XXXVII. 
xxx%-ii.  1  ff.;  cf.  XXXVIII.  xxxix.  10;  Herodian  I.  11.  3. 
Earlv  evidence  for  the  Aeneas  legend. 

2  A  king  of  the  Thracians;  XXVI.  xxiv.  9;  XXVII.  xxx. 
13;   XXVill.  V.  7. 

'  From  207  to  192  B.C.  Successor  of  Machanidas,  who  fell 
in  battle  three  veara  before  this:    Polvbius  XL  xviii.     Fre- 


254 


BOOK  XXIX.  XII.  14-xin.  4 

Prusias,  King  of  Bithynia,  the  Achaeans,  Boeotians,  b.o.  205 
Thessalians,  Acarnanians  and  Epirotes  were  included 
on  the  king's  side  of  the  treaty ;  on  the  side  of  the 
Romans,  the  Dians,^  ^^^g  Attains,  Pleuratus,^ 
Nabis,  tyrant  of  the  Lacedaemonians,^  also  the 
Eleans,  Messenians  and  Athenians.  These  pro- 
visions were  reduced  to  writing  and  sealed,  and  an 
armistice  was  made  for  two  months,  that  meanwhile 
ambassadors  might  be  sent  to  Rome,  so  that  the 
people  might  order  peace  to  be  made  on  these  terms. 
And  all  the  tribes  so  ordered,  since,  now  that  the 
war  had  shifted  to  Africa,  they  wished  for  the 
present  to  be  relieved  of  all  other  wars.  Publius 
Sempronius,  after  the  peace  had  been  made,  left  his 
province  for  Rome  to  enter  upon  his  consulship. 

XIII.  In  the  consulship  of  Marcus  CorneHus  and  b.c.  204 
Publius  Sempronius,  this  being  the  fifteenth  year 
of  the  Punic  war,  the  province  of  Etruria  was  assigned 
by  decree  to  Cornelius  with  the  old  army,  the  land 
of  the  Bruttii  to  Sempronius,  with  orders  to  enrol 
new  legions.  As  for  the  praetors,  the  city  jurisdiction 
fell  to  Marcus  Marcius,  that  over  strangers  and  also 
the  province  of  Gaul  to  Lucius  Scribonius  Libo, 
Sicily  to  Marcus  Pomponius  Matho,  Sardinia  to 
Tiberius  Claudius  Nero.  Publius  Scipio's  command 
was  continued  for  one  year  with  the  army  and  the 
fleet  which  he  then  had.  The  same  was  done  in  the 
case  of  Publius  Licinius,  who  was  to  hold  the  Bruttian 
territory  with  two  legions  so  long  as  the  consul 
should  judge  it  to  the  public  interest  for  him  to  re- 
»main  in  the  province  with  a  high  command.  Marcus 
Livius  also  and  Spurius   Lucretius  had  their  com-    - 

quently  mentioned  by  Livy  in  subsequent  books ;    his  death 
XXXV.  XXXV.  19. 


cum    binis    legioiiibus    quibus    adversus    Magonem 
Galliae  praesidio  fuissent  prorogatum  imperium  est, 

5  et  Cn.  Octa\'io,  ut  cumi  Sardiniam  legionemque  Ti. 
Claudio  tradidisset,  ipse  na\-ibus  longis  quadraginta 
maritimam  oram,  quibus  finibus  senatus  censuisset, 

6  tutaretur.  M.  Pomponio  praetori  in  Sicilia  Can- 
nensis  exercitus,  duae  legiones  decretae ;  T.  Quinc- 
tius  Taretitimi,  C.  Hostilius  Tubulus  Capuam  pro 
praetoribus,  sicut  priore  anno,  cum  vetere  uterque 

7  praesidio  obtinerent.  De  Hispaniae  imperio,  quos 
in  eam  provinciam  duos  pro  consulibus  mitti  placeret 
latum  ad  populum  est.  Omnes  tribus  eosdem  L. 
Cornelium  Lentulum  et  L.  Manlium  Acidinum  pro 
consulibus,  sicut  priore  anno  tenuissent,  obtinere  eas 

8  provincias  iusserunt.  Consules  dilectum  habere 
instituerunt  et  ad  novas  scribendas  in  Bruttios 
legiones  et  in  ceterorum — ita  enim  iussi  ab  senatu 
erant — exercituum  supplementum. 

XIV.  Quamquam  nondum  aperte  Africa  provincia 

decreta   erat,   occultantibus  id,  credo,  patribus,  ne 

praesciscerent  Carthaginienses,  tam.en  in  eam  spem 

erecta    civitas    erat  in  Africa  eo  anno  bellatura  iri 

2  finemque  bello   Punico   adesse.     Impleverat  ea  res 


^  Frequently  mentioned  in  these  books;  cf.  esp.  XXV.  v. 
10  and  the  speech  following;  XXIII.  xxxi.  2,  4;  XXIV. 
xviii.  9;  XXVI.  ii.  14;  XXVII.  ix.  4;  XXMII.  x.  13; 
below,  xxiv.  11  f. 

*  Better  kno^^Ti  as  Flamininus  (his  cognomen).  Elected 
consul  for  193  e.g.,  though  he  had  not  been  aedile  and  in  spite 
of  his  youth.  Cf.  XXXI.  xlix.  12;  XXXII.  vii.  8-12.  Hia 
province  as  consul  was  Macedonia  {ibid.  viii.  4).  In  the  next 
year  he  vanquished  PhiUp  at  Cvnoscephalae,  near  Scotussa; 
XXXIII.  vii-x.  Cf.  Polybius  XVIII.  xxii  ff.;  Plutarch'.s 
Flamininus  7  f. 


256 


BOOK  XXIX.  XIII.  4-xiv.  2 

mands  continued,  with  two  legions  each  to  defend  b.c.  204 
Gaul  against  Mago.  So  Gnaeus  Octavius  also,  with"1 
the  order  that,  after  turning  over  Sardinia  and  the  1 
legion  to  Tiberius  Claudius,  his  duty  should  be  the  J 
defence  of  the  sea-coast  with  forty  war-ships  within 
an  area  to  be  defined  by  the  senate.  To  Marcus 
Pomponius,  the  praetor  in  Sicily,  was  assigned  the 
army  ^  from  Cannae,  tM'o  legions.  Titus  Quinctius  ^ 
was  to  have  Tarentum,  Gains  Hostilius  Tubulus  to 
have  Capua,  both  as  propraetors,  as  in  the  preceding 
year,  with  the  old  garrison  in  each  case.  As  for  the 
command  in  Spain,  the  question  what  two  men  it 
wished  to  send  to  that  province  as  proconsuls  was 
brought  before  the  people.  The  tribes  unanimously 
ordered  that  the  same  men,  Lucius  Cornelius  Lentu- 
lus  and  Lucius  Manlius  Acidinus  should  hold  these 
provinces  ^  as  proconsuls,  as  they  had  done  in  the 
preceding  year.  The  consuls  began  the  conduct  of 
a  levy  both  for  the  enrolment  of  new  legions  for  the 
Bruttian  territory  and  to  fill  the  ranks  of  the  other 
armies ;  for  so  they  had  been  ordered  by  the 
senate. 

XIV.  Although  Africa  had  not  been  openly  as- 
signed as  a  province,  while  the  senators  kept  the 
matter  dark,  I  believe,  for  fear  the  Carthaginians 
might  know  in  advance,  nevertheless  the  people 
were  aroused  to  hope  that  the  war  would  be  waged 
that  year  in  Africa,  and  that  the  end  of  the  Punic 
war  was  at  hand.     That  situation  had  filled  men's 

^  Formal  organization  as  Hispania  Citerior  and  Hispania 
Ulterior  did  not  come  until  seven  years  later,  197  B.C.,  with  the 
dividing  line  at  the  Saltus  Castulonensis  (Sierra  Morena); 
XXXII.  xxviii.  11;  XXXIII.  xxi.  6  f.;  xxv.  9;  XXXIV. 
xvii.  1. 

257 
VOL.    VIII.  K 


LIVY 

superstitioniini  ^  animos,  promque  et  ad  nuntianda  et 

3  ad  credenda  prodigia  erant.  Eo  plura  volgabantur: 
duos  soles  \-isos.  et  nocte  interluxisse,  et  facem 
Setiae  ab  ortu  solis  ad  ^  occidentem  porrigi  visam ; 
Tarracinae  portam,  Anagniae  et  portam  et  multis 
locis  murum  de  caelo  tactum ;  in  aede  lunonis  Sos- 
pitae  Lanuvi  cum  horrendo  fragore  strepitum  editum. 

4  Eorum  procurandorum  causa  diem  unum  supplicatio 
fuit,  et  novendiale  sacrum,  quod  de  caelo  lapidatum 

5  esset,  factum.  Eo  accessit  consultatio  de  matre 
Idaea  accipienda,  quam,  praeterquam  quod  M. 
Valerius,  unus  ex  legatis,  praegressus  ^  actutum  in 
Italia     fore     nuntiaverat,     recens     nuntius     aderat 

6  Tarracinae  iam  esse.  Haud  parvae  rei  iudicium 
senatum  tenebat  qui  \ir  optimus  in  ci\itate  esset ; 

7  veram  certe  \-ictoriam  eius  rei  sibi  quisque  mallet 
quam  ulla  imperia  honoresve  suffragio  seu  patrum  seu 

8  plebis  delates.  P.  Scipionem  Cn.  filium  eius  qui  in 
Hispania  ceciderat,  adulescentem  nondum  quaes- 
torium,  iudicaverunt  in  tota  ci\-itate  virum  bonorum  * 

9  optimum  esse.     Id  quibus  virtutibus  inducti  ita  iudi- 

1  superstitionum  P{3)R^X  :  -nem  BX'J  :  -ne  A'K  Aldus, 
Froben. 

2  ad  P(  1  ).Y  Aldus  :  in  SpHJK  Froben  2. 

2  praegressus  P{l}y  Aldus  :   re-  Sp?HJK  Froben  2. 
*  bonorum   Gronovius,  Eds.  {cf.   C.I.L.  I.  ii.  9)  :    bonum 
P(l)xV  {genitive?)  Alschefski :  am.  X^HJK  Luierbacher. 

^  Again  an  aurora  probably,  as  rare  in  Italy;  cf.  XXVIII. 
xi.  3,  Fregellae;  XXXII.  xxix.  2,  Frusino',  197  B.C.  An 
earlier  instance,  223  B.C.  at  Ariminum,  Zonaras  VIIl.  xx.  4; 
more  in  lulius  Obsequens,  e.g.  44  and  70  (102  and  42  B.C.), 
from  lost  books  of  Livy.     Cf.  Cicero  de  Div.  I.  97  (Pease) 

2  Meteors  were  often  reported  among  the  prodigies; 
XXX.  ii.  11;  XLI.  xxi.  13;  XLIII.  xiii.  3;  XLV.  xvi.  5; 
acero  de  Div.  (Pease)  I.  18  and  97 ;  II.  60;  N.D.  II.  14. 


BOOK  XXIX.  XIV.  2-9 

minds  with  superstitious  fears  and  they  were  in-  b.c.  204 
clined  both  to  report  and  to  believe  portents.  All 
the  greater  was  the  number  of  them  in  circulation : 
that  two  suns  had  been  seen,  and  that  at  night  there 
had  been  light  for  a  time ;  ^  and  that  at  Setia  a 
meteor  2  had  been  seen  shooting  from  east  to  west ; 
that  at  Tarracina  a  city-gate  had  been  struck  by 
lightning,  at  Anagnia  a  gate  and  also  the  wall  at 
many  points  ;  that  in  the  temple  of  Juno  Sospita  at 
Lanuvium  a  noise  was  heard  A\1th  a  dreadful  crash.  \ 

To  expiate  these  there  was  a  single  day  of  prayer, 
and  on  account  of  the  shower  of  stones  nine  days  of 
rites  3  were  observed.  In  addition  they  deliberated 
on  the  reception  of  the  Idaean  Mother,*  in  regard 
to  whom  not  only  had  Marcus  Valerius,  one  of  the 
ambassadors,  arriving  in  advance,  reported  that  she 
would  be  in  Italy  very  soon,  but  also  there  was  recent 
news  that  she  was  already  at  Tarracina.  It  was  no 
unimportant  decision  that  occupied  the  senate — 
the  question  who  was  the  best  man  in  the  state. 
At  any  rate  every  man  would  have  preferred  a  real 
victory  in  that  contest  to  any  high  commands  or 
magistracies,  whether  conferred  by  vote  of  the 
senators  or  of  the  people.  Publius  Scipio,  son  of  the 
Gnaeus  who  had  fallen  in  Spain,  was  the  young  man 
not  yet  of  an  age  to  be  quaestor,^  whom  they  judged 
to  be  the  best  of  good  men  among  all  the  citizens. 
If  writers  who  lived  nearest  in  time  to  men  who 

3  Cf.  Vol.  VII.  p.  90,  note. 

4  'Cf.  p.  244,  n.  1 ;  George  F.  Moore,  Hist,  of  Religions  I.  556  f. 
^  There  was  still  no  law  fixing  a  minimum  age — not  until 

24  years  later.  Cf.  Vol.  VI.  p.  344,  n.  3.  In  191  b.c.  this 
Scipio  Nasica  reached  the  consulship;  XXXV.  xxiv.  5; 
XXXVI.  i.  1. 

259 


carint,  sicut  traditum  a  proximis  memoriae  temporum 
illorum  scriptoribus  libens  posteris  traderem,^  ita 
meas  opiniones  coniectando  rem  vetustate  obrutam 

10  non  interponam.  P.  Cornelius  cum  omnibus  matronis 
Ostiam  obviam  ire  deae  iussus,  isque  eam  de  nave 
accipere  ^  et  in  terrain  elatam  tradere  ^  ferendam  ^ 

11  matronis.  Postquam  na\-is  ad  ostium  amnis  Tiberini 
accessit,  sicut  erat  iussus,  in  salum  nave  evectus  ab 
sacerdotibus    deam    accepit    extulitque    in    terram. 

12  Matronae  primores  civitatis,  inter  quas  unius 
Claudiae  Quintae  insigne  est  nomen,  accepere ; 
cui  dubia,  ut  traditur,  antea  fama  clariorem  ad 
posteros   tarn  religioso   ministerio   pudicitiam   fecit. 

13  Eae  per  manus,  succedentes  deinde  aliae  aliis,  omni 
ob\-iam  efFusa  ci\-itate,  turibulis  ante  ianuas  positis 
qua  praeferebatur  atque  accenso  ture,  precantibus  ^ 

14  ut  volens  propitiaque  urbem  Romanam  iniret,  in 
aedem  Victoriae  quae  est  in  Palatio,  pertulere  deam 
pridie  idus  ^  Apriles  ;  isque  dies  festus  fuit.    Populus 

1  traderem     PlSjB^X     Aldus  :       -diderim     SpA'X'HJK 
Frohen  2. 

2  accipere   P{1)XJK   Aldus,   Eds.:     -ret   X'll   Frohen   2, 
Conway. 

3  tradere  P{\)XHJ K  Aldus,  Eds.  :   -ret  x  Frohen  2,  Conway. 
*  ferendam     C^M'P     Frohen    2  :      referendam    A*X*HJK 

Aldus  :   ferenda  (-dam  MAX)  cum  P{3)X. 

^  precantibus  P(  1  )XHJK  Alschefski  :   precantes  Ussing. 

®  idus    P{\)XHJK    Aldus,    Frohen,    most    Eds.:     nonas 
Pighius,  ]V eissenhorn.^ 


^  A  Phrygian  man  and  woman,  Dion.   Hal.  II.  xix.  4  f. 
Romans  were  excluded  by  a  decree  of  the  senate,  but  the 

260 


BOOK  XXIX.  XIV.  9-14 

remembered  those  days  had  handed  down  by  what  b.c.  204 
virtues  the  senate  was  led  to  make  that  judgment,  I 
should  indeed  gladly  hand  it  on  to  posterity.  But 
I  shall  not  interject  my  own  opinions,  reached  by 
conjecture  in  a  matter  buried  by  the  lapse  of  time. 
Publius  Cornelius  was  ordered  to  go  to  Ostia  with 
all  the  matrons  to  meet  the  goddess,  and  himself  to 
receive  her  from  the  ship,  and  carrying  her  to  land 
to  turn  her  over  to  the  matrons  to  carry.  After  the 
ship  had  reached  the  mouth  of  the  river  Tiber,  in 
compliance  with  the  order  he  sailed  out  into  open 
water  on  a  ship,  received  the  goddess  from  her 
priests  ^  and  carried  her  to  land.  The  foremost 
matrons  in  the  state,  among  whom  the  name  of  one 
in  particular,  that  of  Claudia  Quinta,^  is  conspicuous, 
received  her.  Claudia's  repute,  previously  not  un- 
questioned, as  tradition  reports  it,  has  made  her 
purity  the  more  celebrated  among  posterity  by  a 
service  so  devout.  The  matrons  passed  the  goddess 
from  hand  to  hand  in  an  unbroken  succession  to  each 
other,  while  the  entire  city  poured  out  to  meet  her. 
Censers  had  been  placed  before  the  doors  along  the 
route  of  the  bearers,  and  kindling  their  incense, 
people  prayed  that  gracious  and  benignant  she  might 
enter  the  city  of  Rome.  It  was  to  the  Temple  of 
Mctory,  which  is  on  the  Palatine,  that  they  carried 
the  goddess  on  the  day  before  the  Ides  of  April,  and 
that  was  a  holy  day.     The  people  thronged  to  the 

restriction  was  later  removed  (2nd  century  a.d.).     Cf.  XXXVII. 
ix.  9 ;   XXXVIII.  xviii.  9. 

^  Her  statue  was  later  placed  in  the  temple  of  the  Magna 
Mater  dedicated  in  191  B.C.,  the  consulship  of  Nasica.  Cf. 
XXXVI.  xxxvi.  3  f.;  Tacitus  Ann.  IV.  64;  Val.  Max.  I. 
viii.  11.  Between  204  B.C.  and  191  the  black  stone  remained 
in  the  Temple  of  Victory,  §  14. 

261 


frequens  dona  deae  in  Palatium  tulit,  lectisterniumque 
et  ludi  fuere,  Megalesia  appellata. 

XV.  Cum  de  supplemento  legionum  quae  in  pro- 
vinciis  erant  ageretur,  tempus  esse  a  quibusdam 
senatoribus  subiectum  est,  quae  dubiis  in  rebus  ut- 
cumque  tolerata  essent,  ea  dempto  iam  tandem  deum 

2  benignitate  metu  non  ultra  pati.  Erectis  exspecta- 
tione  patribus  subiecerunt  colonias  Latinas  duodecim 
quae  Q.  Fabio  et  Q.  Fulvio  consulibus  abnuissent 
milites  dare,  eas  annum  iam  ferme  sextum  vaca- 
tionem    militiae    quasi    honoris    et    beneficii    causa 

3  habere,  cum  interim  boni  oboedientesque  socii  pro 
fide  atque  obsequio  in  populum  Romanum  continuis 

4  omnium  annorum  dilectibus  exhausti  essent.  Sub 
hanc  vocem  non  memoria  magis  patribus  renovata  rei 
prope    iam    oblitteratae    quam    ira    irritata  ^    est. 

5  Itaque  nihil  prius  referre  consules  passi,  decreverunt 
ut  consules  magistratus  denosque  principes  Nepete, 
Sutrio,  Ardea,  Calibus,  Alba,  Carsiolis,  Sora,^  Suessa, 
Setia,     Circeis,     Xarnia,     Interamna — hae     namque 

0  coloniae  in  ea  causa  erant — Romam  excirent ;  iis 
imperarent,  quantum  quaeque  earum  coloniarum 
militum  plurumum  dedisset  populo  Romano,  ex 
quo  hostes  in  Italia  essent,  duplicatum  eius  summae 

^  quam  ira  irritata  {or  in-)  A'N'HJK  Frohen  2  :  om. 
P(\)N,  one  line. 

2  Sora  A'X'HJK  Aldus,  Frohen  (c/.  XXVII.  ix.  7) :  om. 
P{1)X. 


^  Later  the  festival  was  shifted  to  pridie  nonao,  the  4th  of 
April  in  place  of  the  12th.  Its  name  came  from  her  Megalesion 
at  Pergamum,  the  temple  from  which  she  was  brought  to 
Rome  according  to  Varro  L.L.  VI.  15. 

262 


BOOK  XXIX.  XIV.  14-XV.  6 

Palatine  bearing  gifts  for  the  goddess,  and  there  b.c.  204 
was  a  banquet  of  the  gods,  and  games  also,  called 
the  Megalesia.i 

XV.  While  they  were  discussing  the  men  needed 
to  recruit  the  legions  in  the  provinces,  certain 
senators  suggested  that,  since  now  by  favour  of  the 
gods  fear  had  at  last  been  removed,  it  was  time  for 
them  no  longer  to  tolerate  what  had  been  endured 
as  best  they  could  in  critical  circumstances.  As  the 
senate  was  alert  and  in  suspense,  they  added  that 
the  twelve  Latin  colonies  ^  which  had  refused  to 
furnish  soldiers  in  the  consulship  of  Quintus  Fabius 
and  Quintus  Fulvius  had  been  exempt  from  service 
for  now  about  five  years,  as  though  it  were  an  honour 
and  a  favour  bestowed  upon  them,  whereas  in  the 
meantime  good  and  obedient  allies,  in  return  for 
their  loyalty  and  submission  to  the  Roman  people, 
had  been  exhausted  by  successive  levies  every  year. 
These  words  revived  the  memory  of  an  affair  almost 
obliterated  and  correspondingly  inflamed  the  anger 
of  the  senators.  Accordingly,  allowing  the  consuls 
to  bring  up  no  other  question  first,  they  decreed  that 
the  consuls  should  summon  to  Rome  the  magis- 
trates ^  and  ten  leading  citizens  in  each  case  from 
Nepete,  Sutrium,  Ardea,  Cales,  Alba,  Carsioli,  Sora, 
Suessa,  Setia,  Circeii,  Narnia,  Interamna,  for  these 
were  the  colonies  concerned ;  that  they  should  order 
them  to  furnish  double  the  maximum  number  of 
infantry  that  each  of  those  colonies  had  ever 
furnished  to  the  Roman  people  since  the  enemy  was 

2  Cf.  Vol.  VII.  pp.  242  f.  and  notes;   below,  §  5. 

^  I.e.  the  two  duumviri  iure  dicendo,  two  duumviri  aediles, 
and  two  quaestors  of  each  colony.  The  leading  citizens  are 
decuriones,  members  of  a  local  senate. 

263 


numerum  peditum  daret  et  equites  centenos  vicenos ; 

7  si  qua  eum  numerum  equitum  explere  non  posset, 
pro  equite  uno  tres  pedites  liceret  dare ;  pedites 
equitesque  quam  locupletissimi  legerentur  mitteren- 
turque  ubicumque  extra  Italiam  supplement©  opus 

8  esset.  Si  qui  ex  iis  recusarent,  retineri  eius  coloniae 
magistratus  legatosque  placere,  neque,  si  postularent, 

9  senatum  dari  priusquam  imperata  fecissent,  Sti- 
pendium  praeterea  iis  coloniis  in  milia  aeris  asses 
singulos  imperari  exigique  quotannis,  censumque  in 
iis  ^  coloniis  agi  ex  formula  ab  Romanis  censoribus 

10  data — dari  autem  placere  eandem  quam  populo 
Romano — deferrique  Romam  ab  iuratis  censoribus 
coloniarum  priusquam  magistratu  abirent. 

11  Ex  hoc  senatus  consulto  accitis  Romam  magistra- 
tibus  primoribusque  earum  coloniarum  consules  cum 
milites  ^  stipendiumque  imperassent,  alii  aliis  magis 

12  recusare  ac  reclamare ;  negare  tantum  militum 
effici  posse;    vix,  si  sim.plum  ex  formula  imperetur, 

13  enisuros ;  orare  atque  obsecrare  ut  sibi  senatum 
adire  ac  deprecari  liceret;  nihil  se  quare  perire 
merito  deberent  admisisse ;  sed  si  pereundum  etiam 
foret,  neque  suum  delictum  neque  iram  populi 
Romani  ut  plus  militum  darent  quam  haberent  posse 

1  iis  PCR  :   his  RKMBDAXH  :   om.  JK. 

2  miUtes  AXHJK  :    -tern  P[S,X. 


^  To  such  a  statement  of  property  was  prefixed  a  question- 
naire to  establish  identity  of  the  tax-payer.  Cf.  Caesar's 
Lex  lulia  municipalis  146  f.  (Bruns,  Fontes'  p.  109  f.). 

2  Complied  with  in  xxxvii.  7. 

^  A  quite  different  sense  of  the  term  form  ala  from  that  in  §  9. 
Explained  in  Vol.  VII.  p.  245,  note. 

264 


BOOK  XXIX.  XV.  6-13 

in  Italy,  and  also  one  hundred  and  twenty  horsemen  b.c.  204 
in  each  case.  If  any  colony  should  be  unable  to 
make  up  that  number  of  horsemen,  it  should  be  per- 
mitted to  give  three  foot-soldiers  for  one  horseman. 
Men  having  the  largest  means  should  be  chosen  for 
infantry  and  cavalry  and  sent  to  any  place  outside 
of  Italy  where  supplements  were  needed.  If  any 
delegation  should  refuse,  it  was  decided  that  the 
magistrates  and  envoys  of  that  colony  should  be 
detained,  and  that  if  they  asked  for  a  hearing  in  the 
senate,  it  should  be  refused  until  they  had  done 
what  was  required  of  them.  It  was  further  ordered 
that  a  tax  of  one  as  for  each  thousand  be  laid  upon 
those  colonies  and  exacted  every  year,  and  that  a 
census  be  taken  in  those  colonies  on  the  basis  of  a 
census-list  ^  furnished  by  the  Roman  censors.  They 
resolved  also  that  it  be  the  same  which  was  given 
to  the  Roman  people — and  that  it  be  sworn  to  by 
the  censors  of  the  colonies  and  brought  to  Rome 
before  they  laid  down  their  office. ^ 

In  accordance  with  this  decree  of  the  senate  the 
consuls  summoned  the  magistrates  and  leading 
citizens  of  those  colonies  to  Rome  and  required  of 
them  soldiers  and  the  tax.  Thereupon  they  outdid 
each  other  in  refusing  and  loudly  protesting.  They 
said  that  such  a  number  of  soldiers  could  not  be 
made  up ;  that  even  if  the  normal  number  were 
required  according  to  the  original  compact,^  they 
could  hardly  reach  it.  They  begged  and  implored 
that  they  be  permitted  to  go  before  the  senate  and 
make  their  plea.  No  such  offence,  they  said,  had 
been  committed  that  they  deserved  to  perish.  But 
even  if  perish  they  must,  neither  their  crime  nor  the 
anger  of  the  Roman  people  could  enable  them  to 

265 


LI\T 

14  efficere.  Consules  obstinati  legates  manere  Romae 
iubent,  magistratus  ire  domos  ^  ad  dilectus  habendos  : 
nisi   summa   militum   quae   imperata   esset   Romam 

15  adducta,  neminem  iis  senatum  daturum.  Ita 
praecLsa  spe  senatum  adeundi  deprecandique  dilectus 
in  iis  duodecim  coloniis,  per  longam  vacationem 
numero  iuniorum  aucto.  baud  difficulter  est  perfectus. 

XVI.  Altera  item  res  prope  aeque  longo  neglecta 
silentio  relata  a  M.  Valerio  Laevino  est,  qui  privatis 
conlatas  pecunias  se  ac  M.  Claudio  consulibus  reddi 

2  tandem  aequum  esse  dixit ;  nee  mirari  quemquam  de- 
bere  in  publica  obligata  fide  suam  praecipuam  curam 
esse  ;  nam  praeterquam  quod  aliquid  proprie  ad  con- 
sulem  eius  anni  quo  conlatae  pecuniae  essent  per- 
tineret,  etiam  se  auctorem  ita  conferendi  fuisse  inopi 

3  aerario  nee  plebe  ad  tributum  sufficients  Grata  ea 
patribus  admonitio  fuit ;  iussisque  referre  consulibus 
decreverunt  ut  tribus  pensionibus  ea  pecunia  solvere- 
tur ;  primam  praesentem  ii  qui  tum  essent,  duas  tertii 
et  quinti  consules  numerarent. 

4  Omnes  deinde  alias  curas  una  occupavit,  post- 
quam  Locrensium  clades,  quae  ignoratae  ^  ad  eam 

^  domos  A*HJK  Aldus,  Froben  :    -mum  P{l)N. 
2  ignoratae  (or  -te)  P(3)   Eds.  :    ignotae  {or  -te)  AXIIK 
Aldus,  Froben  :   in  mote  J. 


^  Cf.  XXVI.  xxxvi,  including  Laevinus'  speech  on  that 
occasion  and  the  generous  response  (§§  11  f.).  It  was  in  210 
B.C.,  a  year  before  the  refusal  of  the  colonies  named  in  xv.  5. 

2  Cf.'XXVI.  XXXV.  4  ff.,  9. 

'  I.e.  biennial  payments.  See  Vol.  IX.  p.  40,  not«  ^200 
B.C.)-  Final  settlement,  however,  was  not  made  until  196 
B.C.;  XXXIII.  xlii.  3. 

*  Cf.  ix,  esp.  §§  11  f. 

266 


BOOK   XXIX.  XV. 


13- 


furnish  more  soldiers  than  they  had.  The  consuls,  b.c.  204 
disinclined  to  yield,  ordered  the  envoys  to  remain 
at  Rome,  the  magistrates  to  go  to  their  homes  in 
order  to  conduct  levies,  adding  that  unless  the 
number  of  soldiers  demanded  of  them  was  first 
brought  to  Rome,  no  one  would  give  them  a  hearing 
in  the  senate.  Thus,  after  their  hopes  of  appearing 
before  the  senate  and  of  making  their  plea  had  been 
shattered,  a  levy  was  carried  out  in  those  twelve 
colonies  without  difficulty,  since  owing  to  long  ex- 
emption the  number  of  younger  men  had  increased. 

XVI.  In  like  manner  another  matter  which  had 
been  passed  over  in  silence  for  about  the  same  length 
of  time  was  broached  by  Marcus  Valerius  Laevinus, 
who  said  it  was  proper  that  the  sums  contributed  ^ 
when  he  and  Marcus  Claudius  were  consuls  should 
at  last  be  repaid  to  private  citizens ;  and  that  no 
one  ought  to  be  astonished  that  a  matter  in  which 
the  credit  of  the  state  was  involved  should  especially 
concern  himself.  For  in  addition  to  the  responsibility 
that  in  a  way  belonged  peculiarly  to  a  consul  of  the 
year  in  which  the  moneys  had  been  contributed,  he 
had  also  been  the  first  to  suggest  such  contribution, 
since  the  treasury  was  empty  and  the  common 
people  unable  to  pay  a  tax.^  This  reminder  was 
welcomed  by  the  senators,  and  bidding  the  consuls 
to  introduce  the  measure,  they  decreed  that  the 
money  should  be  paid  in  three  instalments  ;  that  the 
consuls  who  were  then  in  office  should  pay  the  first 
in  ready  money,  that  the  consuls  of  the  third  and 
fifth  years  should  pay  two  instalments.^ 

Thereafter  all  other  concerns  yielded  place  to  a 
single  one,  when  the  atrocities  suffered  by  the 
Locrians  *  but  up  to  that  time  unknown  were  spread 

267 


LIVY 

diem    fuerant,    legatorum    adventu    volgatae    sunt. 

5  Nee  tarn  Plemini  scelus  quam  Scipionis  in  eo  aut 
ambitio    aut    neglegentia    iras    hominum    inritavit. 

6  Decern  legati  Locrensium.  obsiti  squalore  et  sordibus. 
in  comitio  sedentibus  consulibus  velamenta  sup- 
plicum,  ramos  oleae,  ut  Graecis  mos  est,  porgentes  ^ 
ante   tribunal   cum   flebili   vociferatione   humi   pro- 

7  cubuerunt.  Quaerentibus  consulibus  Locrenses  se 
dixerunt  esse,  ea  passes  a  Q.  Pleminio  legato  Roma- 
nisque  militibus  quae  pati  ne  Carthaginienses  quidem 
velit  populus  Romanus ;  orare  ^  uti  sibi  patres 
adeundi  deplorandique  aerumnas  suas  potestatem 
facerent. 

X\'II.  Senatu  dato  maximus  natu  ex  iis :  "  Scio, 
quanti  aestimentur  nostrae  apud  vos  querellae,  patres 
conscripti,  plurimum  in  eo  momenti  esse  si  probe 
sciatis  et  quo  modo  proditi  Locri  Hannibali  sint  et 
quo  modo  pulso  Hannibalis  praesidio  restituti  in  di- 

2  cionem  vestram :  quippe  si  et  culpa  defectionis  procul 
a  publico  consilio  absit,  et  reditum  in  vestram  dicio- 
nem  appareat  non  voluntate  solum,  sed  ope  etiam  ac 
virtute  nostra,  magis  indignemini  bonis  ac  fidelibus 
sociis  tam  indignas  ^  iniurias  ab  legato  vestro  militi- 

3  busque  fieri.  Sed  ego  causam  utriusque  defectionis 
nostrae  in   aliud   tempus  differendam   arbitror  esse 

4  duarum  rerum  gratia  ;  unius  ut  coram  P.  Scipione,  qui 
Locros  recepit  et  ■*  omnium  nobis  rccte  perperamque 

^  porgentes  P(3)  :   porrigentes  BD{-pori-)AXJK. 

2  orare  X^HJK  frohen  2  :  rogare  P(3)i?i.V  Aldus. 

3  tam  indignas  P(l)y  :  tam  atroces  Sp?A'{al(em.)N* 
{altern.)HJK  :   tam  indignas  tam  atroces  Johnson,  Conway. 

*  et  AUcheJski:  om.  P{1)NS}jH  :  quique  A'JK  Aldus, 
Frohen. 

368 


BOOK  XXIX.  XVI.  4-xvii.  4 

abroad  by  the  arrival  of  their  envoys.  And  it  was  b.o.  204 
not  so  much  the  crime  of  Pleminius  that  provoked 
men  to  anger  as  Scipio's  partiahty  for  him  or  else 
indifference.  The  ten  envoys  of  the  Locrians,  in 
soiled  and  neglected  clothing  and  holding  out  the 
woollen  bands  of  suppHants  and  olive  branches,  as  is 
the  custom  of  the  Greeks,  towards  the  consuls  seated 
in  the  Comitium,  fell  to  the  ground  before  the  tri- 
bunal as  they  raised  a  mournful  plaint.  In  answer 
to  the  consuls'  question  they  said  that  they  were 
Locrians  who  had  suffered  from  Quintus  Pleminius, 
the  legatus,  and  the  Roman  soldiers  such  things  as 
the  Roman  people  would  not  wish  even  the  Car- 
thaginians to  suffer;  that  they  begged  the  consuls 
to  give  them  permission  to  go  before  the  senate  and 
complain  of  their  sufferings. 

XVII.  A  hearing  in  the  senate  being  granted,  the 
eldest  of  them  said:  "I  know,  conscript  fathers, 
that  in  determining  what  weight  is  to  be  given  to 
our  complaints  in  your  presence  very  much  depends 
upon  your  being  well  informed  both  as  to  how  Locri 
was  betrayed  to  Hannibal,  and  how  by  driving  out 
Hannibal's  garrison  it  was  restored  to  your  authority. 
For  if  it  prove  that  no  guilt  for  the  revolt  attaches 
to  our  council  of  state,  and  if  it  be  at  the  same  time 
evident  that  we  returned  to  your  authority  not  by 
our  consent  only  but  also  by  our  effort  and  our 
courage,  you  will  be  all  the  more  indignant  that  good 
and  faithful  alUes  are  receiving  such  outrageous 
treatment  from  your  legatus  and  his  soldiers.  But 
in  my  opinion  enquiry  into  our  revolts  should  be  put 
off  in  both  cases  to  another  time  for  two  reasons. 
The  first  is  in  order  that  the  hearing  may  be  in  the 
presence  of  Publius  Scipio,  who  recovered  Locri  and 

269 


LIVY 

factorum  est  testis,  agatur ;  ^  alterius  quod,  quales- 
cumque    sumus,    tamen    haec    quae    passi    sumus  ^ 

5  pati  non  debuimus.  Non  possumus  dissimulare, 
patres  conscripti,  nos,  cum  praesidium  Punicum  in 
arce  nostra  haberemus,  multa  foeda  et  indigna  et  a 
praefecto  praesidii  Hamilcare  et  ab  Xumidis  Afrisque 
passos  esse ;   sed  quid  ilia  sunt,  conlata  cum  iis  quae 

6  hodie  patimur?  Cum  bona  venia,  quaeso,  audiatis, 
patres  conscripti,  id  quod  invitus  eloquar.^  In 
discrimine  est  nunc  humanum  omne  genus,  utrum 
vos   an    Carthaginienses   principes   orbis  *   terrarum 

7  videat.  Si  ex  iis  quae  Locrenses  aut  ab  illis  passi 
sumus  aut  a  vestro  praesidio  nunc  cum  maxime  pa- 
timur aestimandum  Romanum  ac  Punicum  imperium 
sit,  nemo  non  illos  sibi  quam  vos  dominos  praeoptet. 

8  Et  tamen  videte  quem  ad  modum  in  vos  Locrenses 
animati  sint.  Cum  a  Carthaginiensibus  iniurias  tanto  ^ 
minores  acciperemus,  ad  vestrum  imperatorem  con- 
fugimus ;  cum  a  vestro  praesidio  plus  quam  hostilia 
patiamur,  nusquam  alio  quam  ad  vos  querellas  de- 

9  tulimus.  Aut  vos  respicietis  perditas  res  nostras, 
patres  conscripti,  aut  ne  ab  diis  quidem  immortalibus 
quod  precemur  quicquam  supercst. 

10  Q.  Pleminius  legatus  missus  est  cum  praesidio  ad 
recipiendos  a  Carthaginiensibus  Locros  et  cum  eodem 

11  ibi  relictus   est  praesidio.      In  hoc  legato  vestro — 
dant   enim   animum   ad   loquendum   libere   ultimae 

^  est    testis,    agatur    A'y*{al{em.)HJK    Aldus,    Froben  : 
est  testigatur  P(l)N  :   teste  agatur  Bhenanus  [om.  et  above). 

2  tamen   haec   quae  passi  sumus  A'N'{marg.)HJK  Aldus, 
Froben  :   o7n.  P(l)N. 

3  eloquar  X'HJK  Aldus,  Froben,  Conway:    dicam  P{l)N 
Eds. 

*  orbis  A'X*HJK  :   oyn.  P(1)A'. 

270 


BOOK  XXIX.  XVII.  4-II 

is  our  witness  for  every  act,  the  good  and  the  bad.  b.c.  204 
The  second  reason  is  because,  whatever  our  character 
is,  we  nevertheless  did  not  deserve  to  suffer  these 
things  that  we  have  suffered.  We  cannot  conceal  the 
truth,  conscript  fathers,  that  when  we  had  a  Punic 
garrison  in  our  citadel  we  suffered  many  shameful 
outrages  both  at  the  hands  of  Hamilcar,  commandant 
of  the  garrison,  and  from  the  Numidians  and  Africans. 
But  what  are  they  in  comparison  with  the  things  we 
are  suffering  today?  With  kind  indulgence,  con- 
script fathers,  give  ear,  I  pray,  to  what  I  shall  re- 
luctantly say.  The  entire  human  race  is  now  in 
suspense  as  to  whether  it  is  to  see  you,  or  the  Car- 
thaginians, lords  of  the  whole  world.  If  one  must 
judge  Roman  and  Carthaginian  rule  from  what  we 
Locrians  either  have  suffered  from  them,  or  are  at 
this  very  moment  suffering  from  your  garrison,  no  one 
would  fail  to  prefer  them  rather  than  you  as  his 
masters.  And  yet  observe  how  the  Locrians  are 
disposed  towards  you.  Although  from  the  Cartha- 
ginians we  were  suffering  wrongs  so  much  less  serious, 
we  sought  refuge  with  your  general.  Although  from 
your  garrison  we  are  suffering  acts  worse  than  those 
of  an  enemy,  we  have  brought  our  complaints  no- 
where else  than  to  you.  Either  you  vnW  have  regard 
for  our  ruin,  conscript  fathers,  or  else  no  help  re- 
mains for  us  to  pray  for  even  from  the  immortal  gods. 
"  Quintus  Pleminius  was  sent  as  legatus  with  a 
military  force  to  recover  Locri  from  the  Carthagin- 
ians, and  with  that  same  force  he  was  left  there. 
In  this  legatus  of  yours — for  the  depths  of  misery 

5  tanto  B^A'HJK:    manto  P(\){C?)N -.    multo  C^M''N^: 
tarn  multo  A", 

271 


LRT 

miseriae — nee  hominis  quiequam  est,  patres  con- 
scripti,  praeter  figuram  et  speciem  neque  Romani 
civis     praeter     habitum     vestitumque  ^     et     sonum 

12  Latinae  linguae :  pestis  ac  belua  inmanisj  quales 
fretum  quondam  quo  ab  Sicilia  dividimur  ad  perniciem 

13  navigantium  circumsedisse  fabulae  ferunt.  Ac  si 
scelus  libidinemque  et  avaritiam  solus  ipse  exer- 
cere  in  socios  vestros  satis  haberet,  unam  profundam 
quidem  voraginem  tamen  patientia  nostra  explere- 

14  mus ;  nunc  omnes  centuriones  militesque  vestros — 
adeo  in  promiscuo  licentiam  atque  improbitatem  esse 

15  voluit — Pleminios  fecit;  omnes  rapiunt,  spoliant, 
verberant,  volnerant,  occidunt ;  constuprant  matro- 
nas,  virgines,  ingenuos  raptos  ex  conplexu  parentium. 

16  Cotidie  capitur  urbs  nostra,  cotidie  diripitur;  dies 
noctesque  omnia  passim  mulierum  puerorumque 
qui  rapiuntur  atque  asportantur  ploratibus  sonant. 

17  Miretur  qui  sciat,^  quo  modo  aut  nos  ad  patiendum 
sufficiamus,  aut  illos  qui  faciunt  nondum  tantarum 
iniuriarum  satietas  ceperit.  Neque  ego  exsequi 
possum  nee  vobis  operae  est  audire  singula  ^  quae 

18  passi  sumus ;  communiter  omnia  amplectar.  Nego 
domum  ullam  Locris,  nego  quemquam  hominem 
expertem  iniuriae  esse ;  nego  ullum  genus  sceleris, 
lubidinis,  avaritiae  superesse  quod  in  ullo  qui  pati 

19  potuerit  praetermissum  sit.     Vix  ratio  iniri  potest 

1  vestitumque    P{l)(Te5titum    habitumque    D)N    Ald"s : 
om.  SpHJK  Froben  2. 

2  sciat  P{  1  j.V  AM  us,  Froben  :  nesciat  A'X'HJK. 

'  singula  CA'X'JK  E(l.=<.,  Conway  :  singuli  P(  1  ).V  Alschefaki, 
most  recent  Eds. 
2-J2 


BOOK  XXIX.  XVII.  11-19 

embolden  me  to  speak  freely — there  is  nothing  of  a  b.c.  204 
human  being,  conscript  fathers,  except  his  form  and 
outward  appearance,  nothing  of  a  Roman  citizen 
except  his  bearing  and  garments  and  the  sound  of 
the  Latin  language.  He  is  a  pest-bringing  monster, 
like  those  of  which  myths  say  that,  in  order  to 
destroy  mariners,  they  once  had  their  abode  on  this 
side  and  that  of  the  strait  by  which  we  are  separated 
from  Sicily.  And  if  he  were  content  to  be  the  only 
man  to  practise  his  criminal  passion  and  greed  upon 
your  allies,  we  in  our  long-suffering  should  still  be  fill- 
ing up  a  single  whirlpool  however  deep.  As  it  is,  he 
has  made  every  centurion  and  every  soldier  of  yours 
a  Pleminius ;  so  universal  has  he  wished  licence  and 
dishonour  to  be.  They  all  rob,  plunder,  beat,  wound, 
slay.  They  defile  matrons,  maidens  and  free-born 
boys,  dragged  from  the  embrace  of  parents.  Every 
day  our  city  is  captured,  every  day  it  is  plundered. 
Day  and  night  every  part  of  it  re-echoes  the  wailing 
of  women  and  children  who  are  being  seized  and 
carried  off.  Knowing  that,  any  one  would  wonder 
either  how  we  have  the  patience  to  endure,  or  how 
those  who  commit  such  outrages  are  not  yet  sated 
with  them.  Neither  can  I  retail  them  all,  nor  is  it 
worth  your  while  to  hear  each  thing  that  we  have 
suffered.  In  a  general  statement  I  shall  embrace 
everything.^  I  tell  you  there  is  not  a  house  at 
Locri,  not  a  man  that  has  not  suffered  a  wrong. 
I  tell  you  there  remains  no  kind  of  crime,  lust, 
avarice  that  has  been  overlooked  in  the  case  of  any 
possible  victim.    It  is  all  but  impossible  to  decide 

^  Here  and  in  the  following  statement  one  finds  an  obvious 
reminiscence  of  Cicero  in  Verr.  IV.  1 ;   cf.  ibid.  57. 


LIVY 

uter  casus  civitati  ^  sit  detestabilior,  cum  hostes  bello 
urbem  cepere,  an  cum  exitiabilis  tyrannus  vi  atque 
20  armis  oppressit.  Omnia  quae  captae  urbes  patiuntur 
passi  sumus  et  cum  maxlme  patimur,  patres  con- 
scripti;  omnia  quae  crudelissimi  atque  inportunis- 
simi  tyranni  scelera  in  oppresses  cives  edunt  Plemi- 
nius  in  nos  liberosque  nostros  et  coniuges  edidit. 

XVIII.  "  Unum  est  de  quo  nominatim  et  nos  queri 
religio  infixa  animis  cogat  et  vos  audire  et  exsolvere 
rem  publicam  vestram  religione,  si  ita  vobis  videbitur, 

2  velimus,  patres«  conscripti.  Vidimus  ^  enim  cum 
quanta  caerimonia  non  vestros  solum  colatis  deos,  sed 

3  etiam  externos  accipiatis.  Fanum  est  apud  nos 
Proserpinae,  de  cuius  sanctitate  terapli  credo  aliquam 

4  famam  ad  vos  per\-enisse  Pyrrhi  beilo,  qui  cum  ex 
Sicilia  rediens  Locros  classe  praeterveheretur,  inter 
alia  foeda  quae  propter  fidem  erga  vos  in  ci\'itatem 
nostram  facinora  edidit,  thensauros  quoque  Proser- 
pinae intactos  ad  earn  diem  spoliavit;  atque  ita 
pecunia  in  naves  inposita,  ipse  terra  est  profectus. 

5  Quid  ergo  evenit,  patres  conscripti  ?  Classis  postero 
die  foedissima  tempestate  lacerata,  omnesque  naves 
quae  sacram  pecuniam  habuerunt  in  litora   nostra 

6  eiectae  sunt.  Qua  tanta  clade  edoctus  tandem  deos 
esse,    superbissimus    rex     pecuniam    omnem    con- 

^  CivitAti  Forchhatnmer  :   -tAtis  P{l)XH J K. 
2  Vidimus  P<  1  )NHJK  :  videmus  Madvig. 


^  Livy  represents  the  speaker  as  actually  having  witnersed 
the  stately  ceremonial  when  the  Magna  Mater  was  welcomed ; 
xiv.  5-14. 

2  Cf.  viii.  9  f. 

274 


BOOK  XXIX.  XVII.  19-XV111.  6 

which  of  the  two  is  the  more  revolting  lot  for  a  state  b.o.  204 
— when  the  enemy  have  captured  the  city  in  war, 
or  when  a  death-dealing  tyrant  has  overpowered  it 
by  force  of  arms.  All  things  that  captured  cities 
suffer  we  have  suffered  and  at  this  very  moment  are 
suffering,  conscript  fathers.  All  the  crimes  that 
the  most  cruel  and  despotic  tyrants  inflict  upon 
their  helpless  citizens  Pleminius  has  inflicted  upon 
us  and  our  children  and  our  wives. 

XVIII.  "  There  is  one  thing  in  regard  to  which 
conscientious  scruples  implanted  in  our  minds  com- 
pel us  to  complain  in  particular,  and  at  the  same  time 
we  would  have  you,  conscript  fathers,  give  us  your 
attention  and,  if  you  approve,  free  your  state  from 
impiety.  For  we  have  seen  with  what  punctiliousness 
you  worship,  not  your  own  gods  merely,  but  even 
welcome  them  from  abroad.^  We  have  in  our  city 
a  sanctuary  of  Proserpina,  a  temple  of  whose  sanctity 
I  believe  some  report  reached  you  in  the  war  with 
Pyrrhus.^  When  on  his  return  from  Sicily  he  was 
passing  Locri  in  his  fleet,  among  other  shameful  acts 
w'hich  he  visited  upon  our  state  for  its  loyalty  to  you, 
he  despoiled  the  treasury  of  Proserpina  ^  as  well, 
which  had  been  untouched  down  to  that  time.  And, 
that  done,  he  put  the  money  on  shipboard,  setting  out 
himself  by  land.  What  happened,  conscript  fathers, 
in  consequence  ?  On  the  following  day  the  fleet 
was  shattered  by  a  terrible  storm,  and  all  the  ships 
which  had  the  sacred  money  on  board  were  cast 
upon  our  shores.  Having  at  last  learned  from  this 
great  disaster  that  the  gods  do  exist,  the  haughtiest 

^  Appian  Snmn.  12  tells  the  story  of  Pyrrhus'  sacrilege. 
Plutarch  omits  it.  Cf.  Diodorus  Sic.  XXVII.  iv.  3;  Val. 
Max.  I.  i.  Ext.  1. 

275 


LIVY 

quisitam  ^  in  thensauros  Proserpinae  referri  iussit. 
Nee  tamen  illi  umquam  postea  prosper!  quicquam 
evenit,  pulsusque  Italia  ignobili  atque  inhonesta 
morte     temere     nocte    ingressus     Argos     occubuit. 

7  Haec  cum  audisset  legatus  vester  tribunique  militum 
et  mille  alia  quae  non  augendae  religionis  causa,  sed 
praesenti  deae  numine  saepe  conperta  nobis  maiori- 

8  busque  nostris  referebantur,  ausi  sunt  nihilo  minus 
sacrilegas  admovere  manus  intactis  illis  thensauris 
et  nefanda  praeda  se  ipsos  ac  domos  contaminare  suas 

9  et  milites  vestros.  Quibus,  per  vos  fidem  ^  vestram, 
patres  conscripti,  priusquam  eorum  scelus  expietis 
neque  in  Italia  neque  in  Africa  quicquam  rei^ 
gesseritis,  ne  quod  piaculi  commiserunt  non  suo 
solum  sanguine  sed  etiam  publica  clade  luant. 

10  "  Quamquam  ne  nunc  quidem,  patres  conscripti, 
aut  in  ducibus  aut  in  militibiLs  vestris  cessat  ira  deae. 
Aliquotiens  iam  inter  se  signis  conlatis  concu- 
currerunt ;  *  dux  alterius  partis  Pleminius,  alterius 
duo  tribuni  militum  erant.  Xon  acrius  cum  Cartha- 
giniensibus    quam   inter  se  ipsi  ferro  dimicaverunt, 

11  praebuissentque  occasionem  furore  suo  Locros 
recipiendi    Hannibali,   nisi   accitus   ab   nobis   Scipio 

12  intervenisset.  At  hercule  milites  contactos  sacrilegio 
furor  agitat ;   in  ducibus  ipsis  puniendis  nullum  deae 

^  conquisitam  P(l)N  Aldus  :   in-  SpHJK  Froben  2. 

2  ^dem  Gronovius,  Madvig  :  G.devaque  P {I }NH J K  Weissen- 
hom,  Conway. 

^  eorum  scelus  .  .  .  rei  A*X*HJK  Eds.  :  eo  P{1)N,  om. 
probably  three  lines. 

*  concucurreriint  PCR  Eds. :  concurrerunt  MBDANHJK 
Conway  {thirteen  long  syllables  at  end  of  sentence  in  a  speech !). 

1  For  P\TThus'  death  v.  Plutarch,  Pyrrhus  34;  Strabo  VIII. 
vi.  18  (before  the  walls};  Justin  XXV.  5. 

276 


BOOK  XXIX.   XVIII.  6-12 

of  kings  ordered  that  all  the  money  should  be  sought  b.o.  204 
out  and  restored  to  the  treasure-chambers  of  Pro- 
serpma.  And  yet  never  thereafter  did  he  meet  with 
any  success,  and  having  been  driven  out  of  Italy, 
he  rashly  entered  Argos  by  night  and  died  an  in- 
conspicuous and  inglorious  death. ^  Although  your 
legatus  and  the  tribunes  had  heard  all  this  and  a 
thousand  other  occurrences  which  were  repeated  to 
them,  not  merely  to  increase  religious  feeling  but  as 
facts  repeatedly  confirmed  for  us  and  our  ancestors 
by  the  evident  intervention  of  the  goddess,  they 
nevertheless  dared  to  lay  sacrilegious  hands  upon 
those  treasure-chambers  that  were  not  to  be 
touched,  and  by  that  unspeakable  plunder  to  bring 
pollution  upon  themselves  and  their  homes  and 
upon  your  soldiers.  With  such  men,  conscript 
fathers,  I  beg  of  you  for  conscience'  sake  not  to 
undertake  any  action  either  in  Italy  or  in  Africa 
until  you  first  atone  for  their  crime,  lest  for  the 
sacrilege  committed  they  make  amends  not  only  by 
their  own  blood  but  also  by  a  disaster  to  the  state. 

"  Even  now,  however,  the  WTath  of  the  goddess 
is  not  idle,  conscript  fathers,  as  regards  either  your 
commanders  or  your  men.  Several  times  already 
have  they  clashed  with  each  other  in  actual  battle. 
Pleminius  was  in  command  of  the  one  faction,  of  the 
other  faction  two  tribunes  of  the  soldiers.  They  have 
fought  each  other  with  the  sword  as  fiercely  as 
against  the  Carthaginians,  and  by  their  madness 
would  have  given  Hannibal  a  chance  to  regain  Locri, 
had  not  Scipio  forestalled  that  in  answer  to  our  call 
for  help.  True,  you  may  say,  the  soldiers  polluted 
by  sacrilege  are  indeed  frenzied,  but  the  power  of 
the  goddess  has  not  been  manifest  in  punishing  the 

277 


LIVY 

numen  apparuit.     Immo  ibi  praesens  maxime  fuit. 

13  Virgis  caesi  tribuni  ab  legato  sunt;  legatus  deinde 
insidiis  tribunorum  interceptus,  praeterquam  quod 
toto    corpore    laceratus,    naso    quoque    auribusque 

14  decisis  exsanguis  est  relictus ;  recreatus  dein  legatus 
ex  volneribus  tribunos  militum  in  vincla  coniectos, 
dein  verberatos  ser\-ilibusque  ^  omnibus  suppliciis 
cruciatos  ^  occidit,  mortuos  deinde  prohibuit  sepeliri. 

15  Has  dea  poenas  a  templi  sui  spoliatoribus  habet,  nee 
ante  ^  desinet  omnibus  eos  agitare  furiis  quam  repo- 

16  sita  sacra  pecunia  in  thensauris  fuerit.  Maiores  quon- 
dam nostri  gravi  Crotoniensium  bello,  quia  extra 
urbem  templum  est.  transferre  in  urbem  earn  pecu- 
niam  voluerunt.  Noctu  audita  ex  delubro  vox  est : 
abstinerent  manus  ;    deam  sua  templa  *  defensuram. 

17  Quia  movendi  inde  thensauros  religio  incussa  erat, 
mure  circumdare  °  templum  voluerunt.  Ad  ^  ali- 
quantum  iam  altitudinis  excitata  erant  moenia  cum 

18  subilo  conlapsa  ruina  sunt.  Sed  et  nunc  et  tunc  "^ 
et  saepe  alias  dea  suam  sedem  suumque  templum 
aut  tutata  est  aut  a  violatoribus  gravia  piacula  exegit ; 
nostras  iniurias  nee  potest  nee  possit  alius  ulcisci 

^  servilibusque  P{1)XJK  Aldus,  Froben,  Eds.  -ibus 
Bhenanu.s,  Conway. 

2  cruciatos  JK  Eds.  :  -ando  Sp  Froben  2,  Conway  :  -andos 
Hx  :   trucidatos  cruciando  P{\)N  Aldus. 

3  nee  ante  A'X'HJK  Eds.  :  om.  P{l)N  :  non  C*. 

*  templa  P{3)B^XHJK  Eds.  :  bracketed  by  Madvig,  om. 
Convxiy. 

^  circumdare  A*HJK  Aldus,  Froben,  Eds.  :  -dari  P{\)N 
Conway. 

«  ad  A'X'HJK  Aldus,  Froben  :  otn.  P{l)X. 

'  et  tunc  X'HJK  Aldus,  Froben:  om.  P[\)N  :  (time)  et 
nunc  A'. 

^  Cf.  above,  Lx.  4  ff. 
278 


BOOK  XXIX.  XVIII.  12-18 

commanders  themselves.  On  the  contrary,  it  is  b.c.  204 
there  that  it  was  most  evident.  The  tribunes  were 
scourged  by  the  legatus ;  ^  whereupon  the  legatus 
was  isolated  by  a  ruse  of  the  tribunes,  and  besides 
receiving  wounds  in  every  part  of  his  body,  he  was  ' 
left  half-dead  after  even  his  nose  and  ears  had  been 
mutilated.  Then  when  the  legatus  had  recovered 
from  his  wounds  and  the  tribunes  of  the  soldiers 
had  been  thrown  into  chains,  then,  after  scourging 
them  and  racking  them  with  all  the  torments  ap- 
plied to  slaves,  he  put  them  to  death,  then  forbade 
burial  of  the  dead. 

"  Such  are  the  penalties  the  goddess  has  exacted 
of  those  who  despoil  her  temple,  nor  will  she  cease 
to  drive  them  on  by  every  form  of  madness  until  the 
consecrated  money  has  been  replaced  in  her  treasury. 
Our  ancestors  once  in  a  serious  war  with  the  Croton- 
ians  2  desired  to  bring  that  money  over  into  the  city, 
since  the  temple  is  outside  the  city.  In  the  night 
a  voice  from  the  sanctuary  was  heard :  let  them 
keep  their  hands  off;  the  goddess  will  defend  her 
temples.  Since  conscientious  scruples  were  raised 
against  moving  the  treasure  away,  they  planned  to 
surround  the  temple  with  a  wall  of  defence.  The 
walls  had  already  been  raised  to  a  considerable 
height  when  suddenly  they  fell  in  ruins.  But  both 
at  this  time  and  at  that,  and  often  on  other  occasions, 
the  goddess  has  either  defended  her  abode  and  her 
temple,  or  else  has  exacted  heavy  penalties  from 
those  who  profaned  them.  To  avenge  WTongs  done 
to  us,  however,  no  one  but  you,  conscript  fathers, 

-  For  Croton  cf.  XXIV.  ill.  1  £f.,  and  for  the  disastrous 
battle  at  the  Sagra  river  (near  Caulonia)  v.  Strabo  VI.  i.  10; 
Justin  XX.  3. 

279 


LIVY 

19  quam  vos,  patres  conscripti.  Ad  vos  vestramque 
fidem  supplices  confugimus.  Nihil  nostra  interest 
utrum  sub  illo  legato,  sub  illo  praesidio  Locros  esse 
sinatis,  an  irato  Hannibali  et  Poenis  ad  supplicium 
dedatis.  Non  postulamus  ut  extemplo  nobis,  ut  de 
absente,  ut    indicta    causa   credatis ;    veniat,  coram 

20  ipse  audiat,  ipse  diluat.  Si  quicquam  sceleris  quod 
homo  in  homines  edere  potest  in  nos  praetermisit, 
non  recusamus  quin  et  nos  omnia  eadem  iterum,  si 
pati  possumus,  patiamur,  et  ille  omni  divino  humano- 
que  liberatur  scelere." 

XIX.  Haec  cum  ab  legatis  dicta  essent,  quae- 
sissetque  ab  iis  Q.  Fabius  detulissentne  eas  querellas 
ad  P.  Scipionem,  responderunt  missos  iegatos  esse, 
sed  eum  belli  apparatu  occupatum  esse  et  in  Africam 
aut  iam  traiecisse  aut  intra  paucos  dies  traiecturum; 

2  et  legati  gratia  quanta  esset  apud  imperatorem  ex- 
pertos  esse,  cum  inter  eum  et  tribunos  cognita  causa 
tribunos  ^  in  vincla  coniecerit,  legatum  aeque  sontem 
aut  magis  etiam  in  ea  potestate  reliquerit. 

3  lussis  excedere  templo  legatis,  non  Pleminius 
modo,  sed  etiam  Scipio  principum  orationibus  lacerari. 
Ante   omnes   Q.    Fabius    natum   eum  ^  ad  conrum- 

4  pendam  disciplinam  militarem  arguere ;  sic  et  in 
Hispania  plus  prope  per  ^  seditionem  militum  quam 

^  cognita  causa  tribunos  A'S'HJK  Ed<.  :  am.  P[\)N, 
one  line. 

2  eum  P{l)N  Aldus  :    om.  Sp?UJK  Frohen  2. 

^  prope  per  Sp/'X'H  Frohen  2  :  proter  PCR  :  propter 
MBDAN  :  i^ro^  J K  Aldus. 

^  As  princeps  senatus  he  speaks  first;  cf.  XXVII.  xi.  12 
and  below,  xxxvii.  1. 

*  The  Curia  had  been  inaugurated  as  a  temple,  that  decrees 
of  the  senate  might  be  valid ;    so  Varro  in  Gellius  XIV.  vii. 
7.     Cf.  XX\^.  XXX.  11 ;   xxxi.  11. 
280 


BOOK  XXIX.  XVIII.  18-XIX.  4 

has  the  power — and  may  no  one  else  have  it !  To  b.c.  204 
you  and  your  protection  we  have  come  for  refuge 
as  suppliants.  It  makes  no  difference  to  us  whether 
you  allow  Locri  to  remain  under  that  legatus,  under 
that  garrison,  or  surrender  it  to  angry  Hannibal  and 
the  Carthaginians  for  punishment.  We  do  not  de- 
mand that  you  at  once  believe  us  in  regard  to  an 
absent  defendant,  his  case  unheard.  Let  him  come, 
let  him  hear  in  person,  in  person  let  him  disprove. 
If  there  is  any  crime  which  a  man  can  perpetrate 
upon  human  beings  that  he  has  failed  to  commit 
upon  us,  we  do  not  refuse  to  endure  all  the  same 
wrongs  again,  if  that  is  possible  for  us,  while  he  is 
to  be  acquitted  of  every  crime  against  gods  and 
men." 

XIX.  After  the  envoys  had  thus  spoken  and 
Fabius  ^  asked  them  whether  they  had  carried  such 
complaints  to  Publius  Scipio,  they  replied  that 
emissaries  had  been  sent,  but  that  he  was  occupied 
with  preparations  for  war  and  had  either  already 
crossed  over  to  Africa,  or  was  about  to  do  so  within 
a  few  days ;  and  they  had  learned  what  partiality 
for  his  legatus  was  felt  by  the  general-in-command 
when,  after  hearing  the  charges  of  Pleminius  and 
those  of  the  tribunes,  he  put  the  tribunes  in  chains 
and,  though  the  legatus  was  equally  guilty  or  even 
more  so,  left  him  in  that  command. 

When  the  envoys  had  been  ordered  to  retire  from 
the  Senate  House, ^  not  Pleminius  only  but  also 
Scipio  was  savagely  attacked  in  the  speeches  of 
leading  men.  First  and  foremost  Quintus  Fabius 
charged  that  he  was  by  nature  adapted  to  corrupt 
his  soldiers'  discipline.  Thus  even  in  Spain,  he  said, 
almost  more  soldiers  had  been  lost  in  a  mutiny  than 

281 


LIVY 

A.u.c.         bello  amissum.     Externo  et  regio  more  et  indulgere 

5  licentiae  militum  et  saevire  in  eos.  Sententiam 
deinde  aeque  trucem  orationi  adiecit :  Pleminium 
legatum  ^•inctum  Romam  deportari  placere  et  ex 
vinculis  causam  dicere  ac,  si  vera  forent  quae 
Locrenses   quererentur,   in  carcere   necari  bonaque 

6  eius  publicari ;  P.  Scipionem,  quod  de  provincia 
decessisset  iniussu  senatus,  revocari,  agique  cum  tri- 
bunis  plebis  ut  de  imperio  eius  abrogando  ferrent  ad 
populum ;  Locrensibus  coram  senatum  respondere 
quas  iniurias  sibi  factas  quererentur,  eas  ^  neque  sena- 

7  turn  neque  populum  Romanum  ^  factas  velle :  viros 
bonos  sociosque  et  amicos  eos  appellari ;  liberos,^ 
coniuges  quaeque  alia  erepta  essent  restitui ;  pecu- 
niam  quanta  ex  thensauris  Prosei'pinae  sublata  esset 
conquiri,  duplamque  pecuniam  in  thensauros  reponi, 

8  et  sacrum  piaculare  fieri  ita  *  ut  prius  ad  conlegium 
pontificum  referretur,  quod  sacri  thensauri  moti, 
aperti,^   violati    essent,    quae    piacula,    quibas   deis, 

9  quibus  hostiis  fieri  placeret ;  milites  qui  ^  Locris 
essent  omnes  in  Siciliam  transportari ;  quattuor 
cohortes  sociorum  Latini  nominis  in  praesidium 
Locros  adduci. 

10       Perrogari  eo   die  sententiae   accensis   studiis  pro 

1  eas  P{l)yJK  Aldus  :  om.  Sp?H  Froben  2. 

^  Romanum  (or  r. )  B^  Aldus,  Froben  :  om.  P{1)XHJK. 

3  liberos  A'S'HJK  :   om.  P(l}X. 

*  et  sacrum  ...  ita  PiDXJK  AMns,  Froben  :   om.  SpHx. 

*  aperti     Sp{probabli/)A'N'HJ K     Aldus,     Froben  :       om. 
P(l)N. 

«  qui  P^{l)NHJK  :    quiqui  P. 

282 


BOOK   XXIX.  XIX.  4-10 

by  war ;  ^  that  after  the  manner  of  a  foreign  tyrant  he  b.c.  204 
gave  free  rein  to  the  excesses  of  his  soldiers  and  was 
also  cruel  to  them.  He  then  appended  to  his  speech 
an  equally  ruthless  resolution :  that  it  was  the  will 
of  the  senate  that  Pleminius,  the  legatus,  be  brought 
to  Rome  bound  and  plead  his  cause  in  chains,  and  if 
the  complaints  of  the  Locrians  should  prove  true, 
that  he  be  put  to  death  in  the  prison  and  his  property 
confiscated ;  that  Publius  Scipio,  having  left  his 
province  without  orders  of  the  senate,  be  recalled, 
and  that  the  tribunes  of  the  plebs  be  urged  to  bring 
before  the  people  a  bill  to  annul  his  command ;  that 
the  senate  should  make  answer  to  the  Locrians  face 
to  face  that  neither  the  senate  nor  the  Roman 
people  approved  of  the  wrongs  which  they  complained 
had  been  inflicted  upon  them ;  that  they  be  declared 
good  men  and  good  allies  and  friends ;  that  their 
children,  their  wives  and  whatever  else  had  been 
taken  away  by  violence  be  restored  to  them ;  that 
all  the  money  removed  from  the  treasure-chambers 
of  Proserpina  be  sought  out  and  twice  that  amount 
be  restored  to  her  treasury ;  and  that  expiatory  rites 
be  performed,  with  the  provision  that  the  question 
be  first  laid  before  the  college  of  pontiffs,  in  view  of 
the  removal,  opening  and  profanation  of  the  sacred 
treasure,  what  expiations  they  would  order  to  be 
made,  to  what  divinities,  with  what  victims ;  that 
all  the  soldiers  who  were  at  Locri  be  transported  to 
Sicily ;  that  four  cohorts  of  Latin  allies  be  brought 
to  Locri  as  a  garrison. 

Not  all  the  senators  could  be  asked  their  opinion 
on  that  day  owing  to  the  heat  of  party  feeling  for 

^  An  exaggerated  statement,   of  course,   for  which  prope 
is  half-apologetic.     Cf.  XXVIII.  xxvi.  2. 

283 


LI\T 

A.u.c.         Scipione     et     adversus     Scipionem  ^    non     potuere. 

1 1  Praeter  Plemini  facinu'>  Locrensiumque  cladem  ipsius 
etiam  imperatoris  non  Romanus  modo  sed  ne  militaris 

1:2  quidem  cultus  iactabatui- :  cum  pallio  crepidisque 
inanibulare  in  gymnasio ;  libellis  eum  palaestraeque 
operam  dare  ;   aeque  segniter  molliterque  ^  cohortem 

13  totam  Syracusarum  amoenitate  frui ;  Carthaginem 
atque  Hannibalem  excidisse  de  memoria ;  exercitum 
omnem  licentia  corruptum.  qualis  Sucrone  in  Hispania 
fuerit,  qualis  nunc  Locris,  sociis  magis  quam  hosti 
metuendum. 

XX.  Haec  quamquam  partim  vera  partim  mixta 
eoque  sjmilia  veris  iactabantur,  tamen  vicit  Q.  Metelli 
sententia,  qui  de  ceteri'^  Maximo  adsensus  de  Scipio- 

2  nis  causa  dissensit :  qui  enim  convenire  quem  modo 
civitas  iuvenem  admodum  unum  ^  recuperandae  His- 
paniae  delegerit  ducem,  quem  recepta  ab  hostibus 
Hispania  ad  imponendum  Punico  bello  finem  creaverit 
consulem.  spe  destinaverit  Hannibalem  ex  Italia  re- 

3  tracturum,**  Afrieam  subactuinmi,  eum  repente, 
tamquam  Q.  Pleminium,  indicta  causa  prope  damna- 
tum,  ex  provincia  revocari,  cum  ea  quae  in  se  nefarie 
facta  Locrenses  quererentur  ne  praesente  quidem 
Scipione  facta  dicerent,  neque  aliud  quam  patientia 

^  et  adversus  Scipionem  P{l)N  Aldus,  Froben  :  om.  SpHJK. 

2  -que  Ay  J  K  Aldus,  Froben  :  om.  P{l)NH  Conway  (bracket- 
ing segniter). 

3  unum  Sp{probably)A'X'HJK  :  om.  P{l)X. 

*  retracturum  SpfHJK  Froben  2  :  de-  P(l)-V,  which  have 
Afrieam  subactunim  before  Hannibalem. 

^  Plutarch  makes  Cato,  as  quaestor  to  Scipio,  complain  that 
the  general  was  extravagant,  pampering  his  troops  and  giving 
too  much  time  to  palaestra  and  theatre;  Cat.  Mai.  iii.  5  fif. 
Cf.  below,  p.  307  and  note  2. 

284 


BOOK  XXIX.  XIX.  lo-xx.  3 

Scipio  and  against  Scipio.  In  addition  to  the  crime  b.c.  204 
of  Pleminius  and  the  sufferings  of  the  Locrians,  they 
kept  censuring  even  the  personal  appearance  of  the 
general-in-chief,  as  not  even  soldierly,  not  to  say  un- 
Roman ;  that  wearing  a  Greek  mantle  and  sandals 
he  strolled  about  in  the  gymnasium,  giving  his 
attention  to  books  in  Greek  and  physical  exercise  ;  ^ 
that  with  equal  indolence  and  self-indulgence  his 
entire  retinue  2  was  enjoying  the  charms  of  Syracuse ; 
that  Carthage  and  Hannibal  had  been  forgotten; 
that  the  entire  army,  being  spoiled  by  lack  of  re- 
straint and,  like  the  army  formerly  at  Sucro  in  Spain, 
like  the  troops  now  at  Locri,  was  more  to  be  feared  by 
allies  than  by  the  enemy. 

XX.  Although  some  of  these  taunts  were  true, 
some  half-true  and  hence  plausible,  nevertheless  the 
motion  of  Quintus  Metellus  ^  carried  the  day.  In 
agreement  with  Maximus  on  the  other  points,  he 
disagreed  with  him  so  far  as  concerned  Scipio,  the 
man  whom  the  state  chose  nof  long  before,  he  said, 
in  spite  of  his  youth  as  sole  general  to  recover  Spain ; 
then,  after  Spain  had  been  rewon  from  the  enemy, 
elected  him  consul  to  put  an  end  to  the  Punic  war, 
and  counted  upon  him  to  draw  Hannibal  out  of  Italy 
and  to  conquer  Africa.  How  then  was  it  logical  for 
him,  as  if  he  were  a  Quintus  Pleminius,  suddenly 
to  be  all  but  condemned  without  a  hearing,  recalled 
from  his  province,  although  the  Locrians  said  that 
the  criminal  acts  against  them  of  which  they  com- 
plained had  been  committed  when  Scipio  was  not 
even  present,  and  nothing  else  could  be  charged 

2  This  would  include  such  high  officers  as  legati,  as  well  as 
friends. 

3  Cf.  X.  2 ;  xi.  9  f.     Consul  in  206  b.c.  ;  XXVIII.  x.  2,  8. 

285 


A.U.C. 

550 


LRY 

aut  pudor,  quod  legato  pepercisset,  insimulari  posset  ? 

4  Sibi  placere  M.  Pomponium  praetorem,  cui  Sicilia 
provincia  sorti  evenisset,  triduo  proximo  in  pro- 
vinciam  proficisi ;  consules  decern  legatos,  quos  iis 
videretur,  ex  senatu  legere  quos  cum  praetore 
mitterent,  et  duos  tribunos  plebei  atque  aedilem ; 

5  cum  eo  consilio  praetorem  cognoscere ;  si  ea  quae 
Locrenses  facta  quererentur  iussu  aut  voluntate  P. 
Scipionis  facta  essent,  ut  eum  de  provincia  decedere 

eiuberent;  si  P.  Scipio  iam  in  Africam  traiecisset, 
tribuni  plebis  atque  aedilis  cum  duobus  legatis,  quos 
maxime  idoneos  praetor  censuisset,  in  Africam  pro- 

7  ficiscerentur,  tribuni  atque  aedilis  qui  reducerent 
inde  Scipionem,  legati  qui  exercitui  praeessent  donee 

8  novus  imperator  ad  eum  exercitum  venisset ;  si 
M.  Pomponius  et  decem  legati  comperissent  neque 
iussu  neque  voluntate  P.  Scipionis  ea  facta  esse,  ut  ad 
exercitum  Scipio  maneret  bellumque  ut  proposuisset 

9  gereret.  Hoc  facto  senatus  consulto,  cum  tribunis 
plebis  actum  est  aut  conpararent  inter  se  aut  sorte 
legerent  ^   qui   duo  cum  praetore   ac  legatis  irent ; 

10  ad  conlegium  pontificum  relatum  ^  de  expiandis 
quae  Locris  in  templo  Proserpinae  tacta  ac  violata 
elataque  ^  inde  essent. 

11  Tribuni    plebis    cum    praetore    et    decem    legatis 

^  inter  .  .  .  \cgevcnt  A'X'H J K  Aldvs,  Froheyi:  om.  P{l)N. 

2  relatum,  P(3}X  add  et  (for  which  est  3I^/'x  Alschefski). 

3  ac    violata   elataque    A'{om.  eiC)N'HJK   Aldu^i,  Froben  : 
violataque  P(lj-V. 

286 


BOOK  XXIX.  XX.  3-1 1 

against  him  than  slowness  to  anger,  or  else  reluct-  b.c.  204 
ance  in  sparing  his  legatus  ?  His  proposal,  he  said, 
was  that  Marcus  Pomponius,  the  praetor,  to  whom 
Sicily  had  been  allotted  as  his  province,  should 
M-ithin  three  days  leave  for  the  province ;  that  the 
consuls  should  choose  ten  legati  at  their  discretion 
from  the  senate,  to  be  sent  with  the  praetor,  as  also 
two  tribunes  of  the  plebs  and  an  aedile ;  ^  that  with 
these  men  as  assessors  the  praetor  should  conduct 
an  examination ;  if  the  offences  of  which  the  Locrians 
complained  had  been  committed  by  the  command 
or  with  the  consent  of  Publius  Scipio,  they  should 
order  him  to  retire  from  his  province;  if  Publius 
Scipio  should  have  already  crossed  over  into  Africa, 
the  tribunes  of  the  plebs  and  the  aedile  should  go  to 
Africa  with  two  of  the  legati — those  whom  the  prae- 
tor should  judge  most  competent — the  tribunes  and 
aedile  to  bring  Scipio  away,  the  legati  to  be  in  com- 
mand of  the  army  until  a  new  general-in-command 
should  reach  that  army ;  if  Marcus  Pomponius  and 
the  ten  legati  should  find  that  the  acts  had  been 
committed  neither  by  order  of  Publius  Scipio  nor 
with  his  consent,  that  Scipio  should  remain  with  the 
army  and  carry  on  the  war  as  he  had  planned.  A 
decree  of  the  senate  to  this  effect  having  been  passed, 
the  tribunes  of  the  plebs  were  requested  either  to 
arrange  among  themselves  or  to  choose  by  lot  which 
two  of  them  should  go  with  the  praetor  and  legati. 
The  matter  of  expiation  for  all  that  in  the  temple  of 
Proserpina  at  Locri  had  been  touched  and  profaned 
and  carried  away  was  referred  to  the  college  of  pontiffs. 
The    tribunes    of    the    plebs,    Marcus    Claudius 

1  A  plebeian  aedile  (§  11),  to  carry  out  the  orders  of  the 
tribunes. 

287 


LI\T 

profecti  M.  Claudius  Marcellus  et  M.  Cincius  Ali- 
mentus :  aedilis  plebis  datus  est  quern,  si  aut  in 
Sicilia  praetori  dicto  audiens  non  esset  Scipio  aut 
lam  in  Africam  traiecisset.  prendere  tribuni  iuberent, 
ac  iure  sacrosanctae  potestatis  reducerent.  Prius 
Locros  ire  quam  Messanam  consilium  erat. 

XXI.  Ceterum  duplex  fama  est  quod  ad  Plemi- 
nium  attinet.  Alii,  auditis  quae  Romae  acta  essent  in 
exilium  Neapolim  euntem  forte  in  Q.  Metellum,  unum 
ex  legatis.  incidi^^se  et  ab  eo  Regium  vi  retractum 

2  tradunt :  alii  ab  ipso  Scipione  legatum  cum  triginta 
nobilissimis  equitimi  missmn  qui  Q.  Pleminium  in  cate- 

3  nas  et  cum  eo  seditionis  principes  conicerent.  li  om- 
nes,  seu  ante  Scipionis  seu  tum  praetoris  iussu,  tra- 
diti  in  custodiam  Reginis  sunt.^ 

4  Praetor  legatique  Locros  profecti  primam,  sicuti 
mandatum  erat,  religionis  curarn  habuere :  omnem 
enim  sacram  pecuniam  quaeque  apud  Pleminium 
quaeque  apud  ^  milites  erat  conquisitam,  cum  ea 
quam  ^  ipsi  secum  attulerant.  in  thensauris  reposu- 

5  erunt  ac  piaculare  sacrum  fecerunt.  Turn  vocatos  ad 
contionem  milites  praetor  signa  extra  urbem  efferre 
iubet  castraque  in  campo  locat  cum  gravi  edicto,  si 
quis  miles  aut  in  urbe  restitisset  aut  secum  extulisset 

1  sunt  A'HJK  Aldus,  Froben  :   om.  P(lj.V. 

2  Pleminium  .  .  .  apud  A'S'JK  Eds.  :   om.  P(l)^. 
2  cum  ea  quam  A'X'HJK  Eds.  :   om.  P{1)N. 

1  Cf.  xi.  13;  XXVII.  xxvi.  12;  xxvii.  7.  Consul  in 
196  B.C.;  censor  189  B.C.;  XXXIII.  xxiv.  1;  XXX^T:I. 
Iviii.  2. 

*  Almost  certainly  a  brother  of  Lucius,  the  liistorian 
(frequently  mentioned  in  XXVI-XXVII;.  As  tribune  in 
this  year  he  proposed  the  Lex  Cincia  to  limit  gifts:  cf. 
Cicero  Cat.  Mai.  10.  Livy  fails  to  mention  the  law  until 
XXXIV.  iv.  9,  in  a  speech  of  Cato  as  consul,  195  B.C. 

288 


BOOK  XXIX.  XX.  ii-xxi.  5 

Marcellus  ^  and  Marcus  Cincius  Alimentus  -  de-  b.c.  204 
parted  with  the  praetor  and  ten  legati.  A  plebeian 
aedile  was  added  to  their  number,  and  either  in  case 
Scipio  in  Sicily  should  fail  to  obey  the  praetor,  or  if 
he  should  have  crossed  already  into  Africa,  the 
tribunes  were  to  order  the  aedile  to  arrest  him,  and 
by  virtue  of  their  inviolable  authority  they  were  to 
bring  him  back.  It  was  their  plan  to  go  to  Locri 
first  and  then  to  Messana. 

XXI.  But  so  far  as  Pleminius  is  concerned  we 
have  two  reports.  Some  authorities  relate  that, 
on  hearing  what  had  been  done  at  Rome,  he 
was  on  his  way  into  exile  at  Neapolis  when  he 
happened  to  encounter  Quintus  Metellus,  one  of 
the  legati,  and  that  he  was  forcibly  brought  back 
by  him  to  Regium.  Others  say  that  Scipio  himself 
sent  a  legatus  with  thirty  horsemen  of  the  first 
order,  to  throw  Quintus  Pleminius  into  chains  and 
with  him  the  leaders  of  the  outbreak.  All  of  them, 
whether  by  Scipio 's  order  earlier  or  at  this  time  by 
that  of  the  praetor,  were  delivered  into  the  custody 
of  the  men  of  Regium. 

The  praetor  and  legati  went  to  Locri  and,  as  they 
had  been  instructed,  made  religion  their  first  con- 
cern. For  they  sought  out  and  restored  to  the 
treasure-chambers  all  the  sacred  money,  both  what 
was  in  the  hands  of  Pleminius  and  what  was  in  the 
possession  of  the  soldiers,  together  with  what  they 
had  themselves  brought  with  them;  and  they  per- 
formed the  rite  of  expiation.  Then  the  praetor 
summoned  the  soldiers  to  an  assembly,  ordered 
their  units  to  march  out  of  the  city,  and  assigned  a 
site  in  the  plain  for  their  camp,  with  a  threatening 
edict  in  case  any  soldier  should  either  remain  in  the 

289 

VOL.    VIII.  L 


LI\T 

quod  suum  non  esset ;  ^    Locrensibus  se  permittere 
ut  quod  sui  ^  quisque  cognosset  prenderet,  si  quid  non 

6  compareret,  repeteret.^  Ante  omnia  libera  corpora 
placere  sine  mora  Locrensibus  restitui;  non  levi 
defuncturum  poena  qui  non  restituisset. 

7  Locrensium  deinde  contionem  habuit  atque  iis 
libertatem  legesque  suas  populum  Romanum  sena- 
tumque  restituere  dixit ;    si  qui  Pleminium  aliumve 

8  quem  accusare  vellet,  Regium  se  sequeretur ;  si  de 
P.  Scipione  publice  queri  vellent  ea  quae  Locris 
nefarie  in  deos  hominesque  facta  essent  iussu  aut 
voluntate  P.  Scipionis  facta  esse,  legatos  mitterent 

9  Messanam  ;  ibi  se  cum  consilio  cogniturum.  Locren- 
ses  praetori  legatisque,  senatui^  ac  populo  Romano 
gratias     egerunt ;    se    ad    Pleminium    accusandum 

10  ituros;  Scipionem,  quamquam  parum  iniuriis  civi- 
tatis  suae  doluerit,  eum  esse  virum  quem  amicum 
sibi  quam  inimicum  malint  esse ;  pro  certo  se  habere 
neque  iussu  neque  voluntate  P.  Scipionis  tot  tarn 
nefanda  commissa,  sed  aut  Pleminio  nimium,  sibi^ 

11  parmn  creditum,  aut  natura  insitum  quibusdam  esse 
ut  magis  peccari  nolint  quam  satis  animi  ad  vindicanda 
peccata  habeant. 

Et  praetori  et  consilio  baud  mediocre  onus  demp- 

1  quod  .  .  .  esset  A'N'HJK  Aldus,  Frohen  :   om.  P(\)N. 

-  sui  P(^)C^N :  suum  A'?JK  Aldus,  Frohen  {H  after 
quisque). 

3  repeteret  TaKi'X'HJK  Eds.  :  unde  P{1).V  :  repetundum 
Gronovius  :   unde  vellet,  repeteret  Madvig. 

*  senatui,  before  this  IIJK  Aldus,  Frohen  have  et  {retained 
by  Luchs,  Bieniann). 

^  sibi  Forcldiammer  :   aut  sibi  P{l)NHJK. 

<>9o 


BOOK  XXIX.  XXI.  5-1 1 

city  or  carry  out  with  him  what  was  not  his  own.  b.o.  204 
In  this  he  stated  that  he  gave  permission  to  the 
Locrians  to  seize  any  possession  a  man  should  recog- 
nize as  his ;  and  if  anything  was  not  produced  he 
should  demand  its  restitution.  Above  all,  he  said, 
he  ruled  that  free  persons  should  be  restored  to  the 
Locrians  without  delay  ;  that  a  heavy  penalty  would 
be  paid  by  the  man  who  did  not  restore  them. 

Thereupon  he  held  an  assembly  of  the  Locrians 
and  said  that  the  Roman  people  and  senate  restored 
to  them  their  independence  and  their  own  laws  ;  that 
if  anyone  desired  to  bring  charges  against  Pleminius 
or  any  other  man,  let  him  follow  him  to  Regium. 
As  regarded  Publius  Scipio,  should  they  wish,  he 
said,  to  make  complaint  in  the  name  of  their  state, 
claiming  that  such  wicked  deeds  as  had  been  com- 
mitted at  Locri  against  gods  and  men  had  been 
done  by  command  of  Publius  Scipio  or  with  his 
consent,  let  them  send  envoys  to  Messana;  there 
with  his  assessors  he  would  conduct  the  inquiry. 
The  Locrians  thanked  the  praetor  and  his  legati,  the 
senate  and  the  Roman  people.  They  would  go,  they 
said,  to  prefer  charges  against  Pleminius.  As  for 
Scipio,  although  he  was  not  sufficiently  pained  by  the 
WTongs  done  to  their  state,  he  was  such  a  man  as 
they  would  prefer  to  have  as  their  friend  rather 
than  as  an  enemy.  They  had  definitely  ascertained 
that  the  many  unspeakable  crimes  had  not  been 
committed  either  by  order  or  consent  of  PubHus 
Scipio;  but  either  he  had  trusted  Pleminius  too 
much  and  themselves  too  little ;  or  else  for  some 
men  it  was  natural  to  disapprove  of  misdoing  but 
to  lack  sufficient  spirit  to  punish  the  misdeeds. 

Both  the  praetor  and  his  assessors  were  relieved  of 

291 


LIVY 

12  turn  erat  de  Scipione  cognoscendi.  Pleminium  et  ad 
duo  et  triginta  homines  cum  eo  damnaverunt  atque 

13  in  catenis  Romam  miserunt.  Ipsi  ad  Scipionem 
profecti  sunt,  ut  ea  quoque  quae  volgata  sermonibus 
erant  de  cultu  ac  desidia  imperatoris  solutaque 
disciplina  militiae  comperta  oculis  referrent  ^  Romam. 

XXII.  Venientibus  iis  Syracusas  Scipio  res,  non 
verba  ad  purgandum  sese  paravit.  Exercitum 
omnem  eo  convenire,  classem  expediri  iassit,  tam- 
quam  dimicandum  eo  die  terra  marique  cum  Car- 

2  thaginiensibus  esset.  Quo  die  venerunt  hospitio 
comiter  acceptis,^  postero  die  terrestrem  navalemque 
exercitum,  non  instructos  modo,  sed  hos  decurrentes, 
classem  in  portu  simulacrum  et  ipsam  edentem  navalis 

3  pu^nae  ostendit ;  tum  circa  armamentaria  et  horrea 
bellique  alium  apparatum  ^  visendum.  praetor  lega- 

4  tique  ducti.  Tantaque  admiratio  singularum  uni- 
versarumque  rerum  incussa  ut  satis  crederent  aut 
illo    duce    atque    exercitu    vinci    Carthaginiensem 

5  populum  aut  alio  nullo  *  posse,  iuberentque,  quod  di 
bene  verterent,  traicere  ^  et  spei  conceptae  quo  die 
ilium  omnes  centuriae  priorem  consulem  dixissent 
primo  quoque  tempore  compotem  populum  Romanum 

1  referrent  {or  -erent)  P(l)^"  Aldus  :  per-  Sp?HK  :  prae-  J . 

2  acceptis  Ta^{apparently)P{l)y  :  -cepti  X'?HJK  Aldu.% 
Froben. 

3  horrea  bellique  alium  apparatum  C^A'X'HJ  Eds.  : 
reduced  in  P{l){A?)  to  horratum  b;/  om.  of  wme  twenty  letters 
{one  line)  :  horrea  ad  belli  apparatum  Macvig,  Etnend. 
Conivay  would  insert  ad  before  armentaria,  but  does  not  so  read. 
Weissenborn^  assumed  a  lacuna  before  aliumque  belli  of  Aldus, 
Froben. 

*  alio  nullo  P(1).V  Aldus  :  nullo  alio  HJK  Froben  2. 
5  traicere  P{Z)MHJK  Aldus:    -rent   N:    -ret  Bhenanu^, 
Froben  2. 

292 


BOOK  XXIX.  XXI.  ii-xxii.  5 

the  burden — no  slight  one  either — of  a  court  ofB.o.  204 
inquiry  concerning  Scipio.  Pleminius  and  with  him 
some  thirty-two  men  they  found  guilty  ^  and  sent 
in  chains  to  Rome.  They  themselves  went  to  Scipio 
with  the  further  intention  to  see  for  themselves  what 
had  been  common  talk  in  regard  to  the  dress  and 
indolent  habits  of  the  general  and  lax  discipline  of 
his  soldiers,  and  to  report  back  to  Rome. 

XXII.  While  they  were  on  their  way  to  Syracuse 
Scipio  prepared  tangible  evidence,  not  words,  in  his 
defence.  He  ordered  the  entire  army  to  be  con- 
centrated there,  and  the  fleet  to  be  cleared  for 
action,  as  if  on  that  day  he  must  fight  on  land  and 
sea  with  the  Carthaginians.  On  the  day  of  their 
arrival  they  were  hospitably  entertained,  and  the 
next  day  he  showed  them  his  land  and  naval  forces, 
not  merely  drawn  up  in  line,  but  the  soldiers  in 
manoeuvres  ^  and  the  fleet  likewise  manoeuvring  in 
mimicry  of  a  naval  battle  in  the  harbour.  Then  the 
praetor  and  the  legati  were  conducted  on  a  tour  of 
inspection  of  arsenals  and  magazines  and  other  equip- 
ment for  war.  And  so  much  was  their  admiration 
aroused  for  particular  things  and  for  the  sum  total 
that  they  fully  believed  the  Carthaginian  people 
could  be  defeated  either  by  that  general  and  army 
or  by  no  other,  and  bade  him  with  the  blessing  of 
the  gods  to  cross  over,  and  at  the  first  possible  moment 
to  bring  to  the  Roman  people  the  fulfilment  of  the 
hope  inspired  on  the  day  on  which  all  the  centuries 

^  I.e.  at  a  preliminary  hearing;  cf.  xxii.  7  ff.  The  charge 
would  be  treason,  perduellio. 

2  It  is  a  sham  battle,  as  et  ipsam  proves.  No  parade  here ; 
no  more  than  in  XXVI.  li.  4. 

293 


LRT 

6  facere ;  ^  adeoque  laetis  inde  aiiimis  profecti  sunt, 
tamquam  victoriam,  non  belli  magnificum  apparatum 
nuntiaturi  Romam  essent. 

7  Pleminius  quique  in  eadem  causa  erant,  post- 
quam  Romam  est  ventum.  extemplo  in  carcerem  con- 
diti.  Ac  primo  producti  ad  populum  ab  tribunis  apud 
praeoccupatos     Locrensium    clade     animos    nullum 

8  misericordiae  locum  habuerunt ;  postea  cum  saepius 
producerentur,  iam  senescente  invidia  molliebantur 
irae,  et  ipsa  deformitas  Plemini  memoriaque  absentis 

9  Scipionis  favorem  ad  volgum  conciliabat.  Mortuus 
tamen  prius  in  \'inclis  est  quam  iudicium  de  eo 
populi  -  perficeretur. 

10  Hunc  Pleminium  Clodius  Licinus  in  libro  tertio 
rerum  Romanarum  refert  ludis  votivis  quos  Romae 
Africanus  iterum  consul  faciebat  conatum  per 
quosdam,  quos  pretio  corruperat,  aliquot  locis  urbem 
incendere,    ut     eflPringendi  ^     carceris     fugiendique 

^  facere  MK  Gronovius  :  faceret  P{3}N  Aldus,  Froben  : 
-rent  A'^V'/HJ. 

2  populi  F{l)X  Aldus  :  om.  Sp?HJK  Frohen  2. 

^  etfringendi  -  Weissenhorn  :  re-  Luchs  :  fringendi  P  : 
frangendi  P'{1)NJK. 

^  A  defendant  charged  with  perduellio  was  brought  before  a 
contio  in  the  Forum  three  times,  not  on  successive  days.  At 
the  close  of  the  third  contio  the  tribunes  pronounced  judgment, 
repeating  their  demand  for  a  penalty  or  changing  it  in  either 
direction;     Then  thej'  announced  a  final  hearing  28  days  later 

294 


BOOK  XXIX.  XXII.  5-10 

had  named  him  consul  first.    So  happy  also  were  they  b.c  204 
on  leaving  the  city,  it  was  if  they  were  to  carry  to 
Rome  the  news  of  a  victory,  not  of  a  magnificent 
preparation  for  war. 

Pleminius  and  those  who  were  involved  in  the 
same  charge,  upon  their  arrival  in  Rome,  were  at 
once  put  in  the  prison.  And  when  first  brought 
before  the  people  by  the  tribunes,  while  men's  minds 
were  already  filled  with  the  sufferings  of  the  Locrians, 
they  found  no  room  left  for  pity.  Later,  as  they  were 
brought  out  repeatedly, ^  men's  anger  was  subsiding 
as  animosity  now  waned,  and  even  Pleminius'  dis- 
figurement and  the  memory  of  the  absent  Scipio 
won  them  support  among  the  populace.  He  died, 
however,  in  prison  before  his  trial  in  the  assembly  of 
the  people  could  be  completed. 

Clodius  Licinus  ^  in  the  third  book  of  his  Roman 
History  relates  of  this  Pleminius  that  during  the 
votive  games  which  Africanus  was  conducting  at 
Rome  in  his  second  consulship,^  he  made  an  attempt, 
with  the  aid  of  certain  men  whom  he  had  bribed,  to 
set  fire  to  the  city  in  a  number  of  places,  in  order  to 
have  a  chance  to  break  out  of  prison  and  escape ; 

(quarta  accusatio).  On  that  date  the  case  would  be  finally 
decided  by  vote  of  the  comitia  trihuta  (if  a  fine  was  de- 
manded), or  of  the  centuriaia  (if  a  death  penalty).  Cf.  XXVI. 
iii.  9  ff.  (Vol.  VII.  pp.  13  fif.  and  notes  p.  12);  Mommsen, 
Staatsrecht  III.  354  ff.  Confinement  was  in  the  Career,  §  7; 
cf.  p.  296,  n.  1. 

^  A  3'oimger  contemporary  of  Livy,  consul  suffectus  in 
A.D.  4.  His  history  must  have  begun  with  the  end  of  the 
Second  Punic  War.  Cf.  Suet,  de  Gram.  20.  Rare  in  Livy  is 
so  precise  a  reference  to  any  authority. 

^  194  B.C. ;  XXXIV.  xliv.  6  ff .,  the  same  story  under  a 
different  date  and  with  omission  of  the  source, 


LIVY 

haberet  occasionem ;    patefacto  dein  scelere  delega- 
tum  ^  in  Tiillianuin  ex  senatus  consulto. 

11  De  Scipione  nusquam  nisi  in  senatu  actum,  ubi 
omnes  legatique  et  tribuni,  classem,^  exercitum 
ducemque  verbis  extoUentes,  effecerunt  ^  ut  senatus 
censeret  primo  quoque  tempore  in  Africam  traicien- 

12  dum  Scipionique  permitteretur  ut  ex  iis  exercitibas 
qui  in  Sicilia  essent  ipse  eligeret  quos  in  Africam 
secum  traiceret,  quos  provinciae  relinqueret  praesidio. 

XXIII,  Dum  haec  apud  Romanes  geruntur,  Car- 
thaginienses  quoque,  cum  speculis  per  omnia  promun- 
turia  positis  percunctantes  paventesque  ad  singulos 

2  nuntios  sollicitam  hiemem  egissent,  baud  parvum  et 
ipsi  tuendae  Africae  momentum  adiecerunt  socie- 
tatem  Syphacis  regis,  cuias  maxime  fiducia  traiec- 

3  turum  in  Africam  Romanum  crediderant.*  Erat 
Hasdrubali  Gisgonis  filio  non  hospitium  mode  cum 
rege,  de  quo  ante  dictum  est,  cum  ex  Hispania  forte 
in  idem  tempus  Scipio  atque  Hasdrubal  convenerunt 
sed    mentio    quoque    incohata    adfinitatis,    ut    rex 

4  duceret  filiam  Hasdrubalis.  Ad  eam  rem  consum- 
mandam  tempusque  nuptiis  statuendum — iam  enim  ^ 

1  delegatum  P(l).YJ'ir(-lig-)  Aldus,  Frohen  :  re-  conj. 
Conway  :   defectum  Madvig. 

2  classem,  after  this  P^{i)X  Aldus  have  eam  (meam  P). 
^  eSecevxxnt  A' IIJK  :   fecerunt  P(1).V. 

*  crediderant  Ta^H  :    -runt  P{l)N  Aldus,  Froben. 
'"  enim  Sp?HJK  Froben  2  :   enim  et  P(1).V  Aldus. 

^  The  older  underground  chamber  beneath  the  Career. 
Mere  mention  of  it  implies  that  Pleminius  was  executed  there, 
as  is  explicitly  stated  I.e.  xliv.  8.    Cf.  xix.  5;  Val.  Max.  I.  i.  21. 

296 


BOOK  XXIX.  XXII.  lo-xxiii.  4 

that  then,   when  his   crime  was   revealed,  he  was  b.c.  204 
consigned  to  the  Tullianum  ^  in  accordance  with  a 
decree  of  the  senate. 

In  regard  to  Scipio  no  action  was  taken  anywhere 
except  in  the  senate,  in  which  both  legati  and 
tribunes  united  in  praise  of  the  fleet,  army  and 
general.  Consequently  the  senate  voted  that  at  the 
earliest  possible  moment  the  crossing  to  Africa  must 
take  place,  and  that  out  of  the  armies  then  in  Sicily 
Scipio  should  be  permitted  to  choose  for  himself 
what  forces  he  would  transport  with  him  to  Africa, 
and  what  he  would  leave  as  a  garrison  for  the 
province. 

XXIII.  While  these  events  were  in  progress 
among  the  Romans,  the  Carthaginians  on  their  part, 
placing  watch-towers  on  all  the  promontories,  had 
passed  an  anxious  winter,  gathering  information  and 
alarmed  by  each  fresh  report.  And  then,  as  no  small 
factor  in  the  defence  of  Africa,  they  added  an  alliance 
of  their  own  with  King  Syphax,  in  reliance  chiefly 
upon  whom  the  Roman,  they  had  believed,  intended 
to  cross  over  to  Africa.  Hasdrubal  the  son  of  Gisgo 
had  not  merely  a  guest-friendship  with  the  king,  of 
which  mention  has  been  made  above  ^ — when  Scipio 
and  Hasdrubal  coming  from  Spain  arrived,  as  it 
happened,  at  the  same  time — but  also  the  first  pro- 
posal of  a  marriage  tie  was  made,  in  which  the  king 
was  to  marry  Hasdrubal's  daughter.  To  carry  the 
matter  through  and  to  fix  a  time  for  the  wedding, 
Hasdrubal  went  to  him  ;  for  the  maiden  was  already 
of  marriageable  age.     On  perceiving  that  he  was 

2  The  formal  bond  of  a  hospitium  with  Hasdrubal  was  im- 
plied in  XXVIII.  xviii  but  not  exactly  mentioned.  As  for 
Scipio,  cf.  below,  xxiv.  3. 

297 


i.V.C. 
550 


LIVY 

nubilis  erat  virgo — profectus  Hasdrubal  ut  accensum 
cupiditate — et  sunt  ante  omnes  barbaros  Numidae 
effusi   in   Venerem — sensit,   virginem   a   Carthagine 

5  arcessit  maturatque  nuptias ;  et  inter  aliam  gratu- 
lationem,  ut  publicum  quoque  foedus  privato  adi- 
ceretur,  societas  inter  populum  Carthaginiensem  ^ 
regemque,  data  ultro  citroque  fide  eosdem  amicos 
inimicosque  habituros,  iure  iurando  adfirmatur. 

6  Ceterum  Hasdrubal,  memor  et  cum  Scipione 
initae   regi   societatis    et    quam   vana    et   mutabilia 

7  barbarorum  ingenia  essent,  veritus  ne,  si  traiecisset 
in  Africam  Scipio,  parvum  vinculum  eae  nuptiae 
essent,  dum  accensum  recenti  amore  Xumidam  habet, 
perpellit  blanditiis  quoque  puellae  adhibitis  ut  legates 
in  Siciliam  ad  Scipionem  mittat  per  quos  moneat 
eum  ne  prioribus  suis  promissis  fretus  in  Africam 

8  traiciat ;  se  et  nuptiis  civis  Carthaginiensis,  filiae  Has- 
drubalis  quern  viderit  apud  se  in  hospitio,  et  publico 
etiam  foedere  cum  populo  Carthaginiensi  iunctum 

9  optare  primum  ut  procul  ab  Africa,  sicut  adhuc  fe- 
cerint,  bellum  Romani  cum  Carthaginiensibus  gerant, 
ne  s'M  interesse  certaminibus  eorum  armaque  aut 
haec  aut  ilia,  abnuentem  alteram  societatem,  sequi 

10  necesse  sit ;  si  non  abstineat  Africa  Scipio  et  Cartha- 
gini  exercitum  admoveat,  sibi  necessarium  fore  et 
pro  terra  Africa,  in  qua  et  ipse  sit  genitus,  et  pro 

^  Carthaginiensem  C^HJK  :   -sum  C  :   -sium  P{l}N. 
298 


BOOK  XXIX.  XXIII.  4-10 

fired  with  passion — and  more  than  all  barbarians  b.o.  204 
the  Numidians  are  prone  to  sensuality — he  sum- 
moned the  maiden  from  Carthage  and  hastened  the 
wedding.  And  in  the  midst  of  congratulations  on 
other  grounds,  in  order  that  a  public  compact  might 
be  added  to  the  private,  an  alliance  between  the 
Carthaginian  people  and  the  king  was  cemented  by 
an  oath,  while  a  pledge  was  given  by  both  sides  that 
they  would  have  the  same  friends  and  enemies. 

Hasdrubal,  however,  remembered  not  only  the 
alliance  with  Scipio  into  which  the  king  had  entered, 
but  also  how  naturally  characterless  and  fickle  are 
barbarians.  He  feared  that  if  Scipio  should  cross 
over  to  Africa  this  marriage  would  be  a  slender  bond. 
Consequently  while  the  Numidian,  fired  by  his  new- 
found love,  was  in  his  power,  with  the  help  also  of 
the  young  woman's  allurements,  Hasdrubal  pre- 
vailed upon  him  to  send  ambassadors  to  Scipio  in 
Sicily,  and  through  these  men  he  was  to  warn 
Scipio  not  to  cross  over  to  Africa  in  reliance  upon 
his  previous  promises.  They  were  to  say  that  he 
was  linked  with  the  Carthaginian  people  both  by  his 
marriage  to  a  citizen  of  Carthage,  daughter  of  the 
Hasdrubal  whom  Scipio  had  seen  received  as  a  guest 
in  his  own  house,  and  by  a  public  treaty  as  well ; 
that  in  the  first  place  he  wished  that  the  Romans 
would  carry  on  war  with  the  Carthaginians,  a  ihey 
had  done  hitherto,  far  from  Africa,  making  it 
unnecessary  for  him  to  be  involved  in  their  con- 
flicts and  to  follow  the  arms  of  this  side  or  that, 
rejecting  alUance  with  the  other  side ;  that  if  Scipio 
did  not  keep  away  from  Africa  and  moved  his  army 
up  to  Carthage,  it  would  be  necessary  for  him  to 
fight  both  for  the  land  of  Africa,  in  which  he  too  had 

299 


LI\T 

patria  coniugis  suae   proque   parente   ac   penatibus 
dimicare. 

XXI\'.  Cum  his  ^  mandatis  ab  rege  legati  ad  Sci- 

2  pionem  missi  Syracusis  eum  convenerunt.  Scipio 
quamquam  niagno  momento  rerum  in  Africa  geren- 
darum  magnaque  spe  destitutus  erat,  legatis  propere, 
priusquam     res     volgaretur,     remissis     in     Africam 

3  litteras  dat  ad  regem,  quibus  etiam  atque  etiam 
monet  eum  ne  iura  hospitii  secum  neu  cum  populo 
Romano  initae  societatis  neu  fas,  fidem,  dexteras, 
deos     testes     atque     arbitros     conventorum     fallat. 

4  Ceterum  quando  neque  celari  adventus  Numidarum 
poterat — vagati  enim  in  urbe  obversatique  praetorio 
erant — et,  si  sileretur  quid  petentes  venissent, 
periculum  erat  ne  vera  eo  ipso  quod  celarentur  sua 
sponte  magis  emanarent,  timorque  in  exercitum 
incederet  ^  ne  simul  cum  rege  et  Carthaginiensibus 
foret  bellandum,  avertit  a  vero  falsis  praeoccupando 

5  mentes  hominum,  et  vocatis  ad  contionem  militibus 
non  ultra  esse  cunctandum  ait ;  instare  ut  in  Africam 
quam  primum  traiciat  socios  reges.  Masinissam 
priu.s  ipsum  ^  ad  C.  Laelium  venisse  querentem  quod 

6  cunctando  tempus  tereretur ;  nunc  Syphacem  mittere 
legatos  idem  admirantem,  quae  tarn  diuturnae  morae 

1  his  CRKMBDAXK  :   hiis  J  :   iis  PR. 

2  incederet  P  {probably  {l)X,  not  reported  by  Conway): 
incideret  P^fM'HJK  Aldus,  Froben  :  insideret  Madvig  {with 
in  exercitu  from  P). 

^  prius  ipsum  X'HJK  Froben  2  :  ipsum  prius  P{o)N 
Aldus. 


^  Formerly  the  palace  of  King  Hiero  II;    Cicero  in  Verr. 
IV.  118;    V/80. 

300 


BOOK  XXIX.  XXIII.  lo-xxiv.  6 

been  born,  and  for  the  native  city  of  his  wife  and  for  b.c.  204 
her  father  and  her  home. 

XXIV.  With  these  instructions  ambassadors  were 
sent  to  Scipio  by  the  king,  and  they  met  him  at 
Syracuse.  Scipio  had  lost,  to  be  sure,  an  important 
factor  for  the  campaign  in  Africa  and  a  high  hope ; 
nevertheless,  sending  the  messengers  back  to  Africa 
promptly,  before  the  matter  should  be  widely  re- 
ported, he  gave  them  a  letter  to  the  king.  In  this 
he  insistently  admonished  him  not  to  prove  false  to 
the  claims  of  a  guest-friendship  entered  into  with 
himself,  nor  to  those  of  an  alliance  contracted  with 
the  Roman  people,  nor  to  divine  law,  to  honour,  to 
the  clasped  hands,  to  the  gods  as  witnesses  and 
arbiters  of  compacts.  But  the  arrival  of  the  Numi- 
dians  could  not  be  kept  secret,  for  they  had  roamed 
about  the  city  and  had  showed  themselves  at  head- 
quarters;  ^  and  if  the  object  of  their  mission  was 
passed  over  in  silence  there  would  be  danger  that  the 
facts  might  of  themselves  transpire,  all  the  more 
from  the  very  attempt  to  conceal  them,  and  that  the 
fear  of  having  to  fight  at  the  same  time  with  the 
king  and  the  Carthaginians  might  overtake  the 
army.  For  that  reason  Scipio  diverted  men's  atten- 
tion from  the  truth  by  preoccupation  with  false  state- 
ments, and  summoning  the  soldiers  to  an  assembly, 
he  told  them  that  there  must  be  no  further  delay ; 
that  the  kings,  their  allies,  were  insisting  that  he 
cross  over  to  Africa  as  soon  as  possible.  Masinissa, 
he  said,  had  previously  come  in  person  to  Gains 
LaeUus  complaining  because  they  were  wasting  time 
in  hesitation ;  and  now  Syphax  was  sending  am- 
bassadors, stating  that  he  also  was  at  a  loss  to  explain 
what  was  the  reason  for  a  delay  so  protracted,  and 

301 


LIVY 

sit  caasa  postulantemque  ^  ut  aut  traiciatur  tandem 
in  Africam  exercitus  aut,  si  mutata  consilia  sint, 
certior   fiat,  ut   et  ipse  ^  sibi  ac  regno  suo  possit  ^ 

7  consulere.  Itaque  satis  iam  omnibus  instructis 
apparatisque  *  et  re  iam  non  ultra  recipiente 
cunctationem.  in  Aiiimo  sibi  esse,  Lilybaeum  classe 
traducta  eodemque  omnibus  peditum  equitumque 
copiis  contractis,  quae  prima  dies  cursum  navibus 
daret,    deis    bene    iuvantibus    in    Africam    traicere. 

8  Litteras  ad  M.  Pomponium  mittit  ut,  si  ei  videretur, 
Lilybaeum  veniret,  ut  communiter  consulerent  quas 
potis'-imum  legiones  et  ^  quantum  militum  numerum 

9  in  Africam  traiceret.  Item  circum  oram  ominem  ^ 
maritimam  misit  ut  naves  onerariae  comprensae 
Lilybaeum  omnes  contraherentur. 

10  Quidquid  militum  naviumque  '  in  Sicilia  erat  cum 
Lilybaeum   convenisset,   et  nee   urbs   multitudinem 

11  hominum  neque  portus  naves  caperet,  tantus 
omnibus  ardor  erat  in  Africam  traiciendi  ut  non  ad 
bellum  duci  viderentur,  sed  ad  certa  victoriae  prae- 
mia.  Praecipue  qui  superabant  ex  Cannensi  exercitu 
milites  illo,  non  alio  duce  credebant  navata  rei  pu- 
blicae  opera  finire  se  militiam  ignominiosam  posse. 

12  Et  Scipio  minime  id  genus  militum  aspernabatur,  ut 

^  quae  .   .  .  postulantem-  om.   P{\)N,   iico  lines  supplied 
from  A'X'HJK. 

*  ipse  om.  P{l)N. 

3  possit  P*  and  (om.  sno)Sp?HJK  Froben  2  :   posset  P{1)N 
Aldus. 

*  instructis  apparatisque  X'HJK  Aldus,  Frohen,  Conway 
{with     paratisque      Weissenbom,     Madvig)  :       instructisque 

P{\)y. 

5  et  P(1).Y*  or  y  Aldus  :   om.  Sp?HJK  Frohen  2. 

*  omnem  om.  P{\)N  Aldus. 

'  naviumque  om.  (I)^'^ :  P  has  only  quae  deleted. 

302 


BOOK  XXIX.  XXIV.  6-12 

demanding  either  that  the  army  be  at  last  trans-  b.c.  20 
ported  to  Africa,  or,  if  their  plans  had  been  changed, 
that  he  be  informed,  so  that  he  on  his  part  might 
take  measures  for  himself  and  his  kingdom.  Accord- 
ingly, since  now  everything  had  been  duly  fitted  out 
and  made  ready  and  the  situation  admitted  of  no 
further  delay,  Scipio  said  it  was  his  intention  to  shift 
his  fleet  to  Lilybaeum  and  concentrate  there  all  his 
infantry  and  cavahy  forces,  then  on  the  first  day  that 
offered  a  passage  to  his  ships  to  cross  over  with  the 
blessing  of  the  gods  to  Africa.  He  sent  a  letter  to 
Marcus  Pomponius,^  requesting  him,  if  he  approved, 
to  come  to  Lilybaeum,  so  that  they  might  jointly 
decide  which  particular  legions  to  transport  to  Africa 
and  how  large  a  number  of  men.  He  likewise  sent 
orders  round  the  entire  coastline  to  have  all  merchant- 
men pressed  into  the  service  and  concentrated  at 
Lilybaeum. 

When  all  the  soldiers  and  ships  in  Sicily  had  been 
brought  together  at  Lilybaeum  and  the  city  could 
not  contain  the  multitude  of  men  nor  the  harbour  the 
ships,  such  was  the  ardour  of  every  man  for  the 
passage  to  Africa  that  it  seemed  as  though  they  were 
being  led,  not  to  a  war  but  to  assured  rewards  of 
victory.  Especially  the  soldiers  who  were  left  of 
the  army  at  Cannae  believed  that  under  that  general 
and  no  other,  by  active  duty  for  the  state  they  could 
bring  their  ignominious  service  to  an  end.^  And 
Scipio  did  not  in  the  least  scorn  soldiers  of  that  kind. 


1  Cf.  XX.  4,  8 ;  xiii.  2,  6  :  XXVIII.  xlv.  12  (his  mission  to 
Delphi). 

-  Their  appeals,  such  as  that  in  XXV.  vi.  2-23  (eight  years 
before),  had  been  of  no  avaih  They  saw  no  service  as  combat 
troops  in  Sicily,  not  even  in  the  long  siege  of  Syracuse. 

303 


LIVY 

qui  neque  ad  Cannas  ignavia  eorum  cladem  acceptam 
sciret  neque  ullos  aeque  veteres  milites  in  exercitu 
Romano  esse  expertosque  non  variis  proeliis  modo 

13  sed  urbibus  etiam  oppugnandis.  Quinta  et  sexta  Can- 
nenses  erant  legiones.  Eas  se  traiecturum  in  Africam 
cuni  dixisset,  singulos  milites  inspexit,  relictisque 
quos  non  idoneos  credebat,.  in  locum  eorum  subiecit 

14  quos  secum  ex  Italia  adduxerat,  supplevitque  ita  eas 
legiones  ut  singulae  sena  milia  et  ducenos  pedites, 
trecenos  ^  haberent  equites.  Sociorum  item  Latini  no- 
minis  pedites  equitesque  de  exercitu  Cannensi  legit. 

XXV.  Quantum  militum  in  Africam  transporta- 
tum  sit  non  parvo  numero  inter  auctores  discrepat. 

2  Alibi  decem  milia  peditum,  duo  milia  et  ducentos 
equites,  alibi  sedecim  milia  peditum,  mille  et  sescen- 
tos  2  equites,  alibi  parte  plus  dimidia  rem  auctam, 
quinque   et   triginta  milia   peditum   equitumque  in 

3  naves  imposita  invenio.^  Quidam  non  adiecere 
numerum,  inter  quos  me  ipse  in  re  dubia  poni  malim. 
Coelius  ut  abstinet  numero,  ita  ad  inmensmn  multi- 

4  tudinis  speciem  auget :  volucres  ad  terram  delapsas 
clamore  militum  ait,  tantamque  *  multitudinem 
conscendisse  naves  ut  nemo  mortalium  aut  in  Italia 
aut  in  Sicilia  relinqui  videretur. 

^  trecenos  Glareanus  :  tricenos  P{l)N :  trecentos  P' : 
ore  HJK. 

^  sescentos  (dc)  PiZ)X  Eds.  :   quingenti  (or  -tos)  A'HJK. 

3  invenio  z  :   om.  P(  1  ]XJK. 

*  ait,  tantamque  A*HJK  :  aitque  tantam  P{3)N  {ivith 
atquc  CAN  :  ait  atque  X*). 


^  Here  Scipio  had  personal  knowledge,  having  been  a  tribune 
of  the  soldiers  at  Cannae ;   XXII.  liii.  2 ;   Val.  Max.  V.  vi.  7. 


BOOK  XXIX.  XXIV.  I2-XXV.  4 

as  he  knew  that  the  disaster  at  Cannae  had  not  been  b.c.  204 
incurred  by  their  cowardice, ^  and  that  there  were  no 
soldiers  in  the  Roman  army  who  were  such  veterans 
and  as  highly  trained  not  only  in  battles  of  different 
kinds  but  also  in  besieging  cities.  The  fifth  and  sixth 
legions  were  those  .from  Cannae.  Having  said  he 
would  transport  these  legions  to  Africa,  he  inspected 
the  soldiers  one  by  one,  and  leaving  those  whom  he 
believed  to  be  unfit,  he  substituted  for  them  men 
whom  he  had  brought  with  him  from  Italy,  and  re- 
cruited the  legions  to  such  an  extent  that  each  had 
six  thousand  two  hundred  infantry  ^  and  three 
hundred  cavalry.  In  like  manner  he  chose  foot- 
soldiers  and  horse  from  the  Latin  allies  out  of  the 
army  which  fought  at  Cannae. 

XXV.  As  to  the  number  of  soldiers  transported  to 
Africa  the  authorities  differ  by  no  small  figure.  In 
some  I  find  that  ten  thousand  infantry,  two  thousand 
two  hundred  cavalry  were  embarked ;  in  others 
sixteen  thousand  infantry,  sixteen  hundred  cavalry ; 
in  others  the  total  is  more  than  doubled — thirty-five 
thousand  infantry  and  cavalry.  Some  authorities 
have  not  introduced  the  figures,  and  it  is  among  these 
that  I  should  myself  prefer  to  be  counted  in  view  of 
the  uncertainty.  Coelius,  while  he  gives  no  figures, 
nevertheless  immensely  increases  the  impression  of 
great  numbers.^  He  says  that  birds  fell  to  the  ground 
owing  to  the  shouts  of  the  soldiers,  and  that  such  a 
multitude  boarded  the  ships  that  not  a  human  being 
seemed  to  be  left  either  in  Italy  or  Sicily. 

^  Tliis  is  the  maximum  known  for  a  legion. 
^  Another  example  of  Coelius'   rhetorical  exaggeration  is 
found  in  xxvii.  14  f. 


LI\T 
A.u.r.      6      Milites  ut  naves  ordine  ac  sine  tumultu  conscen- 

560 

derent;  ipse  earn  sibi  curam  sumpsit;    nauticos  C. 
Laelius,    qui    classis    praefectus    erat,    in    navibus,^ 

6  ante  conscendere  coactos,  continuit ;  commeatus 
imponendi  M.  Pomponio  praetori  cura  data  :  quinque 
et  quadraginta  dierum  cibaria,  e  quibus  quindecim 

7  dierum  cocta,  imposita.  Ut  omnes  iam  in  navibus 
erant,  scaphas  circummisit  ut  ex  omnibus  ^  na\-ibus 
gubernatoresque  et  magistri  navium  et  bini  milites 

8  in  forum  convenirent  ad  imperia  accipienda.  Post- 
quam  convenerunt.  primum  ab  iis  quaesivit  si  aquam 
hominibus  iumentisque  in  totidem  dies  quot  frumen- 

9  turn  imposuissent.  Ubi  responderunt  ^  aquara  dierum 
quinque  et  quadraginta  in  navibus  esse,  turn  edixit 
militibiLS  ut  silentium  quieti,  nautis  sine  certamine  ad 
ministeria  exsequenda  bene  oboedientes,  praestarent. 

10  Cum  viginti  rostratis  se  ac  L.  Scipionem  ab  dextro 
cornu,  ab  laevo  totidem  rostratas  et  C.  Laelium 
praefectum  classis  cum  M.  Porcio  Catone — quaestor 

11  is  tum  erat — onerariis  futurum  praesidio.  Lumina  in 
navibus  singula  rostratae,  bina  onerariae  haberent ; 
in  praetoria  nave  insigne  nocturnum  trium  luminum 

^  in  navibus  P{1)X:    navibus  Sp?  Frohen  2:    et  navibus 
X'H  :    in  naves  A'/JK  Aldus. 

2  omnibus  om.  P(l)X. 

3  responderunt    P{3)HJK  :     responsum    est    ^-1-V    Aldits, 
Froben. 

306 


BOOK  XXIX.  XXV.  5-11 

That  the  soldiers  should  board  the  ships  in  good  b.o.  204 
order  and  without  confusion  the  general  took  upon 
himself.  As  for  the  crews,  Gaius  Laelius,  who  was 
admiral  of  the  fleet,  ordered  them  to  go  on  board 
first,  and  kept  them  there.  The  duty  of  loading 
supplies  was  assigned  to  Marcus  Pomponius,  the  . 
praetor.  Rations  for  forty-five  days — of  these  cooked 
rations  for  fifteen  days — were  placed  on  board. 
When  now  they  had  all  embarked,  Scipio  sent  ships' 
boats  round  with  orders  that  pilots  and  masters  from 
all  the  ships  and  two  soldiers  from  each  should  assem- 
ble before  the  headquarters  to  receive  commands. 
When  they  were  assembled  he  first  asked  them  if 
they  had  put  on  board  water  for  men  and  beasts  for 
just  as  many  days  as  they  had  grain.  When  they 
replied  that  there  was  water  for  forty-five  days  on 
board,  he  thereupon  gave  orders  to  the  soldiers  to 
remain  quiet  and  ensure  silence  in  proper  obedience 
to  the  seamen  and  without  interference,  that  these 
might  perform  their  duties.  With  twenty  war- 
ships, he  said,  he  and  Lucius  Scipio  ^  on  the  right 
wing  would  protect  the  transports ;  on  the  left  wing 
the  same  number  of  war-ships  and  Gaius  Laelius, 
admiral  of  the  fleet,  with  Marcus  Porcius  Cato,  who 
was  at  that  time  quaestor ;  ^  that  war-ships  should 
have  one  lantern  for  each  ship,  transports  two  for 
each ;   that  on  the  flagship  the  designation  at  night 

^  He  had  been  with  his  older  brother  in  Spain  (XXVIII. 
iii.  2  fif. ;  iv.  2  ff. ;  xvii.  1)  and  in  Sicily  (above,  vii.  2) ;  consul 
in  190  B.C.  with  Laehus;  XXXVI.  xlv.  9. 

2  His  quaestorship  in  this  year  is  attested  by  Cicero  Cat. 
Mai.  10;  Brutus  60;  not  in  205  B.C.,  as  Nepos  Cato  i.  3. 
Plutarch  has  him  return  in  protest  from  Sicily  to  Rome, 
iii.  7. 


LIVY 

12  fore.  Emporia  ut  peterent  gubernatoribus  edixit; 
fertilissimus  ager  eoque  abundans  omnium  copia 
rerum  est  regio,  et  inbelles,  quod  plerumque  in 
uberi  agro  evenit,  barbari  sunt,  priusque  quam  ab  ^ 
Carthagine  subveniretur  opprimi  videbantur  posse. 

13  lis  editis  imperiis  redire  ad  naves  iussi  et  poster©  die 
deis  bene  iuvantibus  signo  dato  solvere  naves. 

XXVI.  Multae  classes  Romanae  e  Sicilia  atque 
ipso  illo  portu  profectae  erant ;  ceterum  non  eo  belle 
solum — nee  id  mirum  ;  praedatum  enim  tantummodo 
pleraeque  classes  ierant — sed  ne  priore  quidem  ulla 

2  profectio  tanti  spectaculi  fuit :  quamquam,  si  magni- 
tudine  classis  ^  aestimares,  et  ^  bini  consules  cum  binis 
exercitibus  ante  traiecerant  et  prope  totidem  rostra- 
tae   in  illis   classibus   fuerant   quot   onerariis   Scipio 

3  tum  traiciebat ;  nam  praeter  quadraginta  longas  naves 
quadringentis    ferme    onerariis    exercitum    travexit. 

4  Sed   et   bellum  bello  secundum   priori  ^  ut  atrocius 

1  ab  om.  P(3;i?^.V. 

-  classis  P(1)X  Aldus  :   classes  Sjj-A'HJK  Frohen  2. 
^  aestimares,   et   Sp(prohally)A'X* :     extimares   et   HJK  : 
es-  {or  aes-)  timaret  sed  si  P  (3)6"*. 

*  priori  P(l)X  :   priore  A'HJK  Conway. 

^  Trading  centres  {emporia}  along  the  western  shore  of  the 
Gulf  of  Gabes  (S^Ttis  Minor)  gave  this  name  to  an  entire 
region.  It  extended  southward  from  Leptis  Elinor  (100  miles 
from  Carthage)  and  Thapsus.  Cf.  xxxiii.  9;  XXXIV.  Ixii.  3; 
Polybius  III.  xxiii.  2;  XXXI.  xxi;  Pliny  X.H.  V.  25.  So 
public  an  announcement  of  a  distant  beachhead  forces  us  to 
suspect  that  Scipio  really  intended  to  land  nerr  Utica,  after 
misleading  the  enemj-.  Before  the  great  convoy  reached 
Africa  spies  could  easily  bring  to  Carthage  news  of  the  order. 
Cf.  note  on  xx^-ii.  9;  Gsell,  op.  cit.  HI.  213;  Zielinski  in 
Biv.  di  storia  antica  III.  74  f. 

*  But  remoteness  from  Carthage  would  mean  a  greatly 
increased  distance  from  Sicil}',  and  on  the  long  passage  south- 

308 


BOOK  XXIX.  XXV.  ii-xxvi.  4 

would  be  three  lanterns.  He  ordered  the  pilots  to  b.c.  204 
steer  for  the  Emporia.  1  There  the  soil  is  very  fertile 
and  for  that  reason  the  region  supplies  everything  in 
abundance ;  and  the  natives  are  unwarlike,  as  is 
usually  the  case  in  a  fertile  country,  and  it  seemed 
that  they  could  be  overpowered  before  aid  could  be 
sent  from  Carthage.'^  After  he  had  issued  these 
commands  they  were  ordered  to  return  to  their 
ships  and  on  the  following  day,  with  the  blessing  of 
the  gods,  to  cast  oft*  at  the  given  signal. 

XXVI.  Many  Roman  fleets  had  sailed  from  Sicily 
and  out  of  that  very  harbour.  Yet  not  only  during 
that  war  was  there  never  a  sailing  so  spectacular — 
and  no  wonder,  since  most  of  the  fleets  had  sailed 
out  merely  to  plunder — but  there  had  been  nothing 
similar  even  in  the  previous  war.  And  yet  if  one  had 
based  his  comparison  upon  the  size  of  the  fleet,  more 
than  once  ^  before  had  two  consuls  with  two  armies 
made  the  passage,  and  there  had  been  almost  as 
many  war-ships  in  those  fleets  as  now  transports  with 
which  Scipio  was  crossing  over.  For  in  addition  to 
forty  war-ships  only,  he  carried  his  army  across  on 
about  four  hundred  transports.  But  the  second  war 
was  made  to  appear  to  the  Romans  more  terrible 

ward  Roman  ships  would  be  in  constant  danger  of  attack, 
with  few  ports  in  which  they  might  seek  even  a  temporary 
refuge.  The  fertilissimiis  ager  was  little  more  than  a  strip — 
one  more  reason  to  believe  that  no  Roman  general  would 
seriously  propose  to  launch  a  campaign  against  Carthage 
from  such  a  coast. 

^  Exactly  twice  :  in  256  B.C.  L.  Manlius  Vulso  and  M. 
Atihus  Regulus  (xxviii.  5)  with  330  war-ships  (Polybius  I. 
XXV.  7;  xxix.  1);  in  255  B.C.  M.  Aemilius  Paulus  and  Ser. 
Fulvius  NobiUor  with  350,  but  no  army,  and  shipwrecked  on 
their  return ;  ibid,  xxxvi.  10  ff . 


A,u.c.         Romanis  videretur,  cum  quod  in  Italia  bellabatur, 

^'  turn  ingentes   strages  tot   exercituum   simul   caesis 

0  ducibus    effecerant,    et    Scipio    dux    partim    factis 

fortibus  partim  suapte  fortuna  quadam,  ingenti  ad 

incrementa  gloriae  re,^  celebratus  converterat  animos, 

G  simul  et  mens  ipsa  traiciendi,  nulli  ante  eo  bello  duci 

temptata,  quod  ad  Hannibalem  ^  detrahendum   ex 

Italia    transferendumque    et    finiendum    in    Africa 

7  bellum  se  transire  volgaverat.  Concurrerat  ad 
spectaculum  in  portum  omnis  turba  non  habitantium 
modo  Lilybaei,  sed  legationum  omnium  ex  SiciUa, 
quae  et  ad  prosequendum  Scipionem  officii  causa 
convenerant  et  praetorem  provinciae  M.  Pomponium 

8  secutae  fuerant ;  ad  hoc  legiones  quae  in  Sicilia 
relinquebantur  ad  prosequendos  commilitones  pro- 
cesserant ;  nee  classis  modo  prospectantibus  e 
terra,  sed  terra  etiam  omnis  circa  referta  turba 
spectaculo  na\igantibus  erat. 

XX\'II.  Ubi  illuxit,  Scipio  e  praetoria  nave  si- 
2  lentio  ^  per  praeconem  facto  "Divi  divaeque"  inquit 
"  qui  *  maria  terrasque  colitis,  vos  precor  quaesoque 
uti  quae  in  meo  imperio  gesta  sunt,  geruntur,  postque 
gerentur,^  ea  mihi,  populo  plebique  Romanae,  sociis 
nominique  Latino  qui  populi  Romani  quique  meam 

^  re  inserted  by  Harant,  Riemann  (raomento  by  M.  Miiller), 
to  relieve  a  desperate  situation  in  which  ingenti  ic-'ou/c?  have  to 
agree  with  fortuna.  For  ingenti  ad  {all  MSS.,  but  corrupt 
a4xordingto  Conway)  there  are  several  unsatisfactory  emenda- 
tions. 

2  temptata  .  .  .  Hannibalem  A'N'{marg.)HJK  Aldii^y 
Froben:  om.  {an/1  de-  also)  P{l)N ;  temptata  probably  corrupt^ 
Convoay. 

^  navigantibus  erat  .  ,  .  silentio  A'N'HJK  :  om.  P{\)N, 
prc^ably  three  lines, 

*  qui  om,  P{3), 

310 


BOOK  XXIX.  XXVI.  4-xxvii.  2 

than  the  first  both  by  being  carried  on  in  Italy  and  b.c.  204 
by  the  immense  losses  which  befell  so  many  armies, 
with  the  death  of  their  generals  at  the  same  time. 
Furthermore  Scipio,  whom  men  praised  as  a  general 
partly  because  of  his  brave  deeds,  partly  because  of 
a  good  fortune  peculiarly  his  own — a  matter  of  the 
greatest  importance  to  his  growing  celebrity — had 
commanded  attention,  as  had  also  the  very  thought, 
y  not  hazarded  by  any  previous  general  in  this  war, 
of  crossing  the  sea.  For  he  had  spread  the  report 
that  he  was  making  the  passage  in  order  to  draw 
Hannibal  out  of  Italy  and,  shifting  its  scene,  to  bring 
the  war  to  an  end  in  Africa.  To  see  that  sight  there 
had  flocked  to  the  harbour  a  crowd  made  up,  not  only 
of  all  the  inhabitants  of  Lilybaeum,  but  of  all  the 
delegations  from  Sicily  which  had  arrived  to  show 
their  respect  as  an  escort  to  Scipio,  and  of  those  that 
had  followed  the  praetor  of  the  province,  Marcus 
Pomponius.  In  addition  the  legions  that  were  being 
left  behind  in  Sicily  had  turned  out  to  escort  their 
fellow-soldiers.  And  not  only  was  the  fleet  a  spectacle 
for  those  who  viewed  jt  from  the  shore,  but  also  the 
whole  densely  crowded  shore  on  this  side  and  that 
was  a  sight  for  those  who  were  sailing. 

XXVII.  When  the  day  dawned  Scipio  on  his  flag- 
ship, after  silence  had  been  secured  by  a  herald, 
prayed:  "  Ye  gods  and  goddesses  who  inhabit  seas 
and  lands,  I  pray  and  beseech  you  that  whatever 
under  my  authority  has  been  done,  is  being  done,  and 
shall  henceforth  be  done,  may  prosper  for  me,  for 
the  Roman  people  and  the  commons,  for  allies  and 
Latins  who  by  land,  by  sea,  and  by  rivers  follow  the 

^  postque  gerentur  A*H  (-untur)  JK  Eds.  :   om.  P{\)N. 

3" 


LIVY 

sectam,  imperium  auspiciuinque  terra  mari  amnibus- 

3  que  ^  secuntur,  bene  verruncent,  eaque  vos  omnia  bene 
iuvetis,  bonis  auctibus  auxitis ;  salvos  incolumesque 
Wctis  perduellibus  victores,  spoliis  decoratos,  praeda 
onustos  -  triumphantesque  mecum  domos  reduces  si- 
statis  ;  inimicorum  hostiumque  ulciscendorum  copiarn 

4  faxitis  ;  quaeque  populus  Carthaginiensis  in  ci^itatem 
nostram  facere  molitus  est,  ea  ut  mihi  populoque 
Romano-  in  civitatem  Carthaginiensium  exempla 
edendi  facultatem  detis." 

5  Secundum  has  preces  cruda  exta  caesa  ^  victima, 
uti  mos  est,  in  mare  proiecit  tubaque  signum  dedit 

6  proficiscendi.  Vento  secundo  vehementi  satis 
profecti  ^  celeriter  e  conspectu  terrae  ablati  sunt ;  et 
a  meridie  nebula  occepit  ^  ita  vix  ut  concursus  navium 
inter    se     vitarent ;    lenior    ventus    in    alto    factus. 

7  Noctem  insequentem  eadem  caligo  obtinuit ;  sole  orto 
est  discussa,  et  addita  vis  vento.     lam  terram  cerne- 

8  bant.  Haud  ita  multo  post  gubernator  Scipioni  ait 
non  plus  quinque  milia  passuum  Africam  abesse; 
Mercuri   promunturium   se    cernere :     si   iubeat   eo 

0  dirigi,  iam  in  portu  fore  omnem  classem.  Scipio,  ut  in 
conspectu  terra   fuit,   precatus   deos  ^  uti  bono  rei 


^  amnibusque  P(l  except  D,  which  om.)  XHJK  Conway 
{retaining  the  antique  flavour  suited  to  a  formal  -prayer)  :  amnibus 
rejected  by  Held,  Madvig  and  most  recent  Eds. 

*  praeda  onustos  crm.  SpHJK. 

^  caesa  JK  Aldus,  Frohen  :  cesam  {witlt,  \ictimam)  A*N*H  : 
om.  P{1)X. 

*  profecti  P[l)XHJK  Eds.  :  provecti  cotij.  Weissenhorni 
Conway. 

^  occepit   PJRSpJK  :     occeperat   Aldus  :     accepit   C  :    ex- 
B  Eds.  :   cepit  MAX. 
«  deos  om.  P(1)X. 


312 


BOOK  XXIX.  XXVII.  2-9 

lead,  authority  and  auspices  of  the  Roman  people  b.c.  204 
and  of  myself;  and  that  ye  lend  your  kind  aid  to  all 
those  acts  and  make  them  bear  good  fruit ;  that 
when  the  foe  has  been  vanquished,  ye  bring  the 
victors  home  with  me  safe  and  sound,  adorned  with 
spoils,  laden  with  booty,  and  in  triumph ;  that  ye 
grant  power  to  punish  opponents  and  enemies ; 
and  that  ye  bestow  upon  the  Roman  people  and 
upon  me  the  power  to  visit  upon  the  state  of  the 
Carthaginians  the  fate  that  the  people  of  Carthage 
have  endeavoured  to  visit  upon  our  state." 

Immediately  after  this  prayer  a  victim  was  slain 
and  Scipio  threw  the  organs  raw  into  the  sea,  as  is 
customary ,1  and  by  a  trumpet  gave  the  signal  to 
sail.  A  favouring  wind  sufficiently  strong  quickly 
carried  them  out  of  sight  of  land.  And  after  mid-day 
they  encountered  a  fog,  so  that  with  difficulty  could 
they  avoid  collisions  between  the  ships.  In  the  open 
sea  the  wind  was  gentler.  Through  the  following 
night  the  same  fog  held ;  and  when  the  sun  was  up, 
it  was  dispersed  and  the  wind  increased  in  force. 
Already  they  were  in  sight  of  land.  Not  very  long 
afterwards  the  pilot  told  Scipio  that  Africa  was  not 
more  than  five  miles  away ;  that  they  sighted  the 
Promontory  of  Mercury ;  ^  if  he  should  order  him  to 
steer  for  that,  the  entire  fleet  would  soon  be  in  port. 
Scipio,  now  that  the  land  was  visible,  after  a  prayer 
to  the   gods  that  his   sight  of  Africa  might  be  a 

^  For  this  practice  when  ships  were  setting  sail  with  cere- 
mony V.  Cicero  N.D.  III.  51  fin.;  cf.  Servius  on  Aeneid  V. 
238;   Macrobius  Sat.  III.  ii.  2  ff. 

2  This  headland,  now  Cap  Bon  (Ras  Adar),  marks  the  eastern 
entrance  to  the  Bay  of  Tunis.  It  is  45  miles  from  Carthage, 
and  is  the  nearest  point  to  Sicilv-  Cf.  Phny  N.H.  V.  23  f. ; 
Strabo  XVII.  iii,  13,  16;  Mela  I.'34. 

3^3 


LI\T 

A.u.c.         publicae  suoque  Africam  viderit,^  dare  vela  et  alium 

10  infra  navibus  accessum  petere  iubet.  Vento  eodem 
ferebantur ;  ceterum  nebula  sub  idem  ferme  tempus 
quo  pridie  exorta  conspectum  terrae  ademit,  et  ventus 

11  premente  nebula  cecidit.  Xox  deinde  incertiora 
omnia  fecit ;  itaque  ancoras,  ne  aut  inter  se  con- 
currerent    naves    aut    terrae  ^    inferrentur,    iecere. 

12  Ubi  inluxit,  ventus  idem  coortus  nebula  disiecta 
aperuit  omnia  Africae  litora,  Scipio,  quod  esset 
proximum  promunturium  percunctatus,  cum  Pulchri 
promunturium   id   vocari    audisset,   "  Placet    omen" 

13  inquit ;  '"hue  dirigite  naves."  Eo  classis  decurrit. 
copiaeque  omnes  in  terram  expositae  sunt. 

Prosperam  navig-ationem  sine  terrore  ac  tumultu 
fuisse  permultis  Graecis  Latinisque  auctoribus  credidi. 

14  Coelius  unus,^  praeterquam  quod  non  mersas  fluctibus 
naves,  ceteros  omnes  caelestes  maritimosque  terrores. 
postremo  abreptam  tempestate  ab  Africa  classem  ad 
insulam  Aegimurum  inde  aegre  correctum  cursum  ex- 

^  viderit  P{1}N  Ed.^.:  xideret  A* HJK. 

2  inter  se  .  .  .  aut  terrae  S'HJK[and  A',  om.  aut) 
interrae  P{3),  om.  25  Utters. 

^  Coelius  {or  cael-)  vmus  M^A'HJK  :  caecilius  {or  cec- 
P{\)N. 


1  /.€.  farther  along  the  coast.  Cf.  Caesar  B.G.  IV.  36  fin 
He  meant  inside  the  Bay  (not  towards  the  Emporia),  there 
being  no  harbour  on  either  side  of  the  Cape.  His  order  to  the 
helmsmen  (at  Lilj'baeum,  xxv.  12j  to  steer  for  the  Emporia 
was  probably  a  ruse  (cf.  note  there);  or  it  merely  named  a 
rendezvous  in  case  the  convoy  should  be  scattered.  A  com- 
plete change  in  his  plan  for  the  campaign  could  not  be  made 
suddenly. 

*  I.e.  of  Apollo,  translating  Polybius'  tov  KaAou  an poT-q pt.o\ 
(III.  xxii.  5),  who  in  the  same  passage  has  to  KaAov  aKponj pioi 

3M 


BOOK  XXIX.  XXVII.  9-14 

blessing  to  the  state  and  to  himself,  gave  orders  to  b.c.  204 
make  sail  and  to  seek  another  landing-place  for  the 
ships  farther  down.^  They  were  running  before  the 
same  wind ;  but  at  about  the  same  time  as  on  the 
preceding  day  a  fog  appeared  cutting  off  the  sight 
of  land,  and  under  the  weight  of  fog  the  wind  dropped. 
Then  night  added  to  all  their  uncertainties ;  so  they 
cast  anchor,  that  the  ships  might  not  collide  or  drift 
onto  the  shore.  When  day  dawned  the  same  wind 
sprang  up  and  by  dispelling  the  fog  revealed  the 
whole  African  coast.  Scipio  inquired  what  the  nearest 
promontory  was,  and  upon  being  told  it  was  called 
Cape  of  the  Fair  God,^  he  said  "  A  welcome  omen! 
steer  your  ships  this  way!  "  There  the  fleet  came 
into  port  and  all  the  troops  were  disembarked.^ 

That  the  passage  was  successful  and  free  from 
alarm  and  disorder  I  have  accepted  on  the  authority 
of  many  Greek  and  Latin  writers.  Coelius  *  alone 
describes  all  the  terrors  of  weather  and  waves — 
everything  short  of  saying  that  the  ships  were  over- 
whelmed by  the  seas.  He  relates  that  finally  the 
fleet  was  swept  by  the  storm  away  from  Africa  to  the 
island  of  Aegimurus,^  and  that  from  there  the  proper 

(xxiii.  1).  Cf.  Apollinis,  XXX.  xxiv.  8;  Pliny  lY.^.  I.e.; 
Mela  I.  34;  'AttoXXcovlov,  Dio  Cass.  (Zonaras)  IX.  xii.  3  and 
Strabo  XVII.  I.e.     The  modern  name  is  Ras  Sidi  Ali  el  Mekki. 

^  Inside  the  Cape,  probably  near  modern  Porto  Farina, 
not  far  from  Utica;    Appian  Pun.  IS  fin. 

*  Cf.  XXV.  3.  We  may,  however,  suspect  a  slip  of  Livy's 
memory,  or  an  error  in  verification  of  a  source.  See  p.  316, 
n.  1. 

^  North-west  of  the  Prom.  Mercurii  (Hermaeum)  and  about 
30  miles  north-east  of  Carthage,  now  el  Djamur  (also  called 
Zembra);  XXX.  xxiv.  9,  II  f.;  Strabo  II.  v.  19  fin.;  VI.  ii. 
1 1  fin.     Pliny  has  two  Aegimoeroe,  V.  42 . 


LI\T 

^.u.c.  15  ponit,  et  prope  obriitis  navibus  iniussu  imperatoris 
scaphis,  baud  secus  quam  naufragos.  milites  sine  ar- 
mis  cum  ingenti  tumultu  in  ten-am  evasisse. 

XXVIII.  Expositis  copiis  Romani  castra  in  pro- 

2  ximis  tumulis  metantur.  lam  non  in  maritimos  modo 
agros  conspectu  primimi  classis,  dein  tumultu  egre- 
dientium  in  terram  pavor  terrorque  pervenerat,  sed 

3  in  ipsas  urbes.  Neque  enim  hominum  modo  turba, 
mulierimi  puerorumque  agminibus  immixta,  omnes 
passim  compleverat  vias,  sed  pecora  quoque  prae  se 
agrestes  agebant,  ut  relinqui  subito  Africam  diceres. 

4  Urbibus  vero  ipsis  maiorem  quam  quem  secum  attu- 
lerant  terrorem  inferebant ;    praecipue  Carthagini  ^ 

5  prope  ut  captae  tujnultus  fuit.  Nam  post  M.  Atilium 
Regulimi  et  L,  Manlium  ^  consules,  annis  prope 
quinquaginta,  nullum  Romanum  exercitum  viderant 
praeter  praedatorias  classes,  quibus  escensiones  in 

6  agros  maritimos  ^  factae  erant,  raptisque  quae  obvia 
fors  fecerat  prius  rccursum  semper  ad  naves  quam 

7  clamor  agrestes  conciret  fuerat.  Eo  maior  tum  fuga 
pavorque  in  urbe  fuit.  Et  hercule  neque  exercitus* 
domi  validus  neque  dux  quem  opponerent  erat. 
Hasdrubal  Gisgonis  filius  genere,  fama,  divitiis,  regia 
tum    etiam   adlinitate   longe   primus   civitatis   erat ; 

1  Carthagini    M^    or    M^A'X^HJK    Aldus,    Froben :     -nis 

2  Regulum  .  .  .  Manlium  om.  P(l)X,  supplied  from 
A'X'HJK. 

^  maritimos  077i.  P{1)X. 

^  This  entire  statement  about  storm  and  '«Teck  is  disproved 
by  a  fragment  (41)  of  Coelius'  Book  VI  preserved  by  Nonius 
s.v.  metari,  p.  199  L.  The  fragment  unquestionablv  refers  to 
this  landing.  Cf.  H.  Peter,  Hist.  Rom.  Bell.  I.  159";  Gsell  op. 
cit.  212. 

316 


BOOK  XXIX.  xx\ii.  14-XXV111.  7 

course  was  regained  with  difficulty ;  and  that  as  the  b.c.  204 
ships  were  all  but  sinking  the  soldiers,  without 
waiting  for  an  order  from  the  general,  made  their 
way  to  the  shore  in  small  boats,  as  though  they  had 
been  shipwrecked,  with  no  arms  and  in  the  greatest 
disorder.^ 

XXVIII.  After  landing  their  troops  the  Romans 
laid  out  a  camp  on  the  nearest  heights.  By  this 
time,  first  from  the  sight  of  the  fleet,  and  then  from 
the  commotion  produced  as  they  were  disembarking, 
apprehension  and  panic  had  reached  not  only  the 
farms  near  the  coast  but  even  into  the  cities.  For 
it  was  not  merely  the  massed  humanity  that,  inter- 
spersed with  columns  of  women  and  children,  had 
filled  all  the  roads  in  every  direction,  but  cattle  also 
driven  before  them  by  the  farmers,  so  that  one  would 
have  said  Africa  was  suddenly  being  deserted.  But 
even  in  the  cities  they  inspired  greater  alarm  than 
that  which  they  had  brought  with  them.  Especially 
at  Carthage  the  uproar  was  almost  like  that  of  a 
captured  city.  For  since  the  consulship  of  Marcus 
Atilius  Regulus  and  Lucius  Manlius,  for  almost  fifty 
years  ^  they  had  seen  no  Roman  forces  except  only 
predatory  fleets,  by  means  of  which  descents  had 
been  made  on  farms  near  the  sea  ;  and  seizing  what- 
ever chance  had  put  in  their  way,  the  men  had  always 
raced  back  to  their  ships  before  the  outcry  should 
arouse  the  farmers.  All  the  greater  at  this  time  was 
the  flight  and  alarm  in  the  city.  They  lacked  also, 
to  be  sure,  both  a  strong  army  at  home  and  a  general 
to  confront  the  enemy.  Hasdrubal  the  son  of  Gisgo 
was  far  the  foremost  man  of  the  state  in  family, 
reputation,  wealth,  and  at  that  time  also  by  reason 

2  In  reality  just  52  years  (256-204  B.C.);  cf.  xxvi.  2,  note. 


A^u.c.      8  sed  eiun  ab  ipso  ^  illo  Scipione  aliquot  proeliis  fusum 
^^  pulsimique     in    Hispania    meminerant,    nee    magis 

dueem  duei  ^  parem  quani  timiultuarium  exercitum 
9  suum  Romano  exereitui  esse.  Itaque,  velut  si  urbem 
extemplo  adgressurus  Scipio  foret,  ita  conclamatum 
ad  arma  est,  portaeque  raptim  clausae  et  armati  in 
muris  vigiliaeque   et  stationes  dispositae,  ac  nocte 

10  insequenti  vigilatum  est.  Postero  die  quingenti  ^ 
equites,  speculatum  ad  mare  turbandosque  egre- 
dientes  ex  navibus  missi,  in  stationes  Romanorum 

11  inciderunt.  lam  enim  *  Scipio,  classe  Uticam  missa, 
ipse  baud  ita  multum  progressus  a  mari  tumulos 
proximos  ceperat ;  equites  et  in  stationibus  locis 
idoneis  posuerat  et  per  agros  miserat  praedatum. 

XXIX.  Hi  cum  Carthaginiensi  equitatu  proelium 
cum  commisissent,  paucos  in  ipso  certamine,  plerosque 
fugientes   persecuti,   in   quibus   praefectum   quoque 

2  Hannonem,  nobilem  iuvenem,  occiderunt.  Scipio  non 
agros  modo  circa  vastavit,  sed  urbem  etiam  proximam 

3  Afrorum  satis  opulentam  cepit ;  ubi  praeter  cetera, 
quae  extemplo  in  naves  onerarias  imposita  missaque 
in  Sicilian!  erant,  octo  milia  liberorum  servorumque 
capitum  ^  sunt  capta. 

4  Laetissimus  tamen  Romanis  ^  in  principio  rerum 

^  ipso  om.  P{\)y. 

-  duci  A'X'HJK  :  om.  P{1)X  :  duel  credebant  Madvig, 
Emend. 

^  quingenti  {i.e.  d)  A'y*HJK  Alius,  Froben  :  om.  {after 
die)  P(1).V. 

*  lam  enim  A'HJK  Eds.  :   tamenim  P  :   tamen  P^{l)X. 
5  capitum  P{l}X  Eds.  :   om.  SpHJK. 

*  Romanis  A^  or  A^N'HJK  Aldus,  Froben  :  omnis 
P{1}{C?)X  :   omnibus  Gronovius. 

^  Cf.  xxxiv.  14  ff.,  -nherethis  engagement  may  appear  to  be 
repeated  with  the  same  result  for  a  commander  of  the  same 

318 


BOOK  XXIX.  XXVIII.  8-xxix.  4 

3f  his  relationship  to  a  king.  But  they  recalled  that  b.c. 
in  a  number  of  battles  in  Spain  he  had  been  routed 
and  beaten  by  the  self-same  Scipio,  and  that  the  one 
general  was  no  more  a  match  for  the  other  than  was 
heir  own  irregular  army  for  the  Roman  army. 
Accordingly  they  sounded  the  alarm,  as  if  Scipio 
\^ere  intending  forthwith  to  attack  the  city.  The 
^ates  were  hastily  closed  also  and  armed  men  posted 
m  the  walls,  sentries  and  outposts  stationed,  while 
he  following  night  no  one  slept.  Next  day  five 
mndred  horsemen,  sent  to  the  coast  to  reconnoitre 
md  to  break  up  the  disembarkation,  encountered 
loman  outposts.  For  already  Scipio,  after  sending 
he  fleet  towards  Utica,  had  himself  advanced  not 
ery  far  from  the  sea  and  taken  the  nearest  heights. 
ie  had  stationed  cavalry  on  outpost  duty  in  suitable 
»ositions  and  had  sent  others  to  plunder  the 
ountryside. 

XXIX.  These  horsemen,  having  engaged  in  battle 
rith  the  Carthaginian  cavalry,  slew  a  few  in  the 
ctual  engagement,  many  more  as  they  pursued 
hem  in  flight,  among  the  number  Hanno  ^  also,  the 
ommander,  a  young  man  of  rank.  Scipio  not  only 
aid  waste  the  farms  all  around  but  also  captured  the 
earest  city  of  the  Africans,  quite  a  prosperous  place, 
^here,  in  addition  to  the  other  spoils  which  had 
een  at  once  loaded  on  transports  and  sent  to  Sicily, 
ight  thousand  free  persons  and  slaves  were  taken 
aptive. 

What  brought  the  greatest  joy,  however,  to  the 
Lomans  at  the  beginning  of  the  campaign  was  the 

ime,  a  common  name,  however,  at  Carthage,     But  v.  p.  343 
id  notes. 


LIVY 

A.u.c.         gerendaruni  adventus  fuit  Masinissae  ;  quern  quidam 
°°*^  cum  ducentis  haud  amplius  equitibus,  plerique  cuni 

5  duum  milium  equitatu  tradunt  venisse.  Ceterum 
cum  longe  maximus  omnium  aetatis  suae  regum  hie 
fuerit  plurimmiique  rem  Romanam  iuverit,  operae 
pretium  videtur  excedere  paulum  ^  ad  enarrandum 
quam  varia  fortuna  usus  sit  in  amittendo  recuperan- 
doque  paterno  regno. 

6  Slilitanti  pro  Carthaginiensibus  in  Hispania  pater 
ei  moritur  ;  Galae  nomen  erat.  Regnum  ad  fratrem 
regis    Oezalcen    pergrandem    natu — ita    mos    apud 

7  Numidas  est — pervenit.  Haud  multo  post  Oezalce 
quoque  mortuo  maior  ex  duobus  filiis  eius  Capussa, 
puero  admodum  altero.  paternum  imperium  accepit. 

8  Ceterum  cum  magis  iure  gentis  quam  auctoritate  inter 
suos  aut  \-iribus  obtineret  regnum,  exstitit  quidam 
Mazaetullas  nomine,  non  alienus  sanguine  ^  regibus, 
familiae  semper  inimicae  ac  de  imperio  varia  fortuna 

9  cum  iis  qui  tum  obtinebant  certantis.  Is  concitatis 
popularibus,  apud  quos  invidia  regum  magnae  aucto- 
ritatis  erat,  castris  palam  positis  descendere  regem  in 

10  aciem  ac  dimicare  de  regno  coegit.  In  eo  proelic 
Capussa  cum  multis  principum  cecidit.  Gens 
Maesuliorum  omnis  in  dicionem  imperiumque  Mazae- 

11  tulli  concessit.  Regio  tamen  nomine  abstinuit 
contentusque  nomine  modico  tutoris  puerum  Lacu- 
mazen,  qui  stirpis  regiae  supererat,  regem  appellat. 

12  Carthaginiensem    nobilem    feminam,    sororis    filiara 

^  paulum  P(l)xY  :   paulnlnm  HJK  AUns,  Froben. 
2  sanguine,  X*  or  N^HJK  have  a  sanguine. 


^  The  long  digression  (4-^  chapters)  is  probably  from  a  lost 
portion  of  Polybius,  who  had  a  personal  acquaintance  with 
Masinissa ;  for  in  his  IX.  xxv.  4  a  conversation  with  him  is 
reported. 

320 


BOOK  XXIX.  XXIX.  4-12 

arrival  of  Masinissa.  Some  authorities  relate  that  b.o.  204 
he  came  with  no  more  than  two  hundred  horse- 
men, the  majority  say  with  two  thousand  cavalry. 
But  since  he  was  far  the  greatest  of  all  the  kings  of 
his  time  and  gave  the  greatest  aid  to  the  Roman 
state,  it  seems  worth  while  to  digress  a  little  to  tell 
how  checkered  was  the  fortune  he  met  with  in  losing 
and  recovering  his  father's  kingdom. ^ 

While  he  was  serving  on  the  side  of  the  Carthagin- 
ians in  Spain  his  father  died;  Gala  was  his  name. 
The  kingdom  came  to  the  king's  brother,  Oezalces, 
a  very  aged  man,  such  being  the  custom  among  the 
Numidians.  Not  long  after,  upon  the  death  of 
Oezalces  also,  the  elder  of  his  two  sons,  Capussa, 
succeeded  to  his  father's  throne,  the  other  son  being 
a  mere  boy.  But  inasmuch  as  he  held  the  kingship 
more  by  customary  law  of  his  people  than  by  prestige 
among  his  countrymen  or  by  his  might,  a  man  came 
forward  named  Mazaetullus,  not  unconnected  by 
blood  with  the  royal  house  and  member  of  a  family 
that  had  always  been  hostile  and  had  contested  the 
throne  with  different  results  against  the  house  which 
was  then  in  possession.  After  rousing  his  country- 
men, among  whom  he  had  great  influence  because  of 
the  unpopularity  of  the  royal  family,  and  openly 
pitching  his  camp,  he  compelled  the  king  to  go  out 
into  battle-line  and  fight  for  his  kingdom.  In  that 
battle  Capussa  fell  with  many  of  the  leading  men. 
The  entire  tribe  of  the  Maesulii  submitted  to  the 
sway  and  authority  of  Mazaetullus.  Nevertheless  he 
refrained  from  using  the  kingly  title  and,  contented 
with  the  modest  style  of  guardian,  he  gave  the  royal 
title  to  the  boy  Lacumazes,  who  also  belonged  to  the 
royal  line.     He  married  a  noble  Carthaginian  lady, 

321 

VOL.  VIII.  M 


Hannibalis,  quae  proxime  Oezalci  regi  nupta  fuerat, 
matrimonio  sibi  iungit  spe  Carthagiiiiensiuin  socie- 
13  tatis,  et  cum  Syphace  hospitium  vetustum  legatis 
missis  renovat,  omnia  ea  auxilia  praeparans  adversus 
Masinissam. 

XXX.  Et  Masinissa,  audita  morte  patrui,  dein 
nece  fratris  patruelis,  ex  Hispania  in  Mauretaniam 
— Baga  ea  tempestate  rex  Mauronim  erat — traiecit. 

2  Ab  eo  supplex  infimis  precibus  auxiliimi  itineri,  quo- 
niam  bello   non  poterat,  quattuor  milia  Maurorum 

3  impetravit.  Cum  iis,^  praemisso  nuntio  ad  paternos 
suosque  amicos,  cum  ad  fines  regni  pervenisset, 
quingenti    ferme    Numidae    ad     eum    convenerunt. 

4  Igitur  Mauris  inde,  sicut  convenerat,  retro  ad  regem 
remissis,  quamquam  aliquanto  minor  spe  multitudo 
nee   cum   qua   tantam    rem    adgredi   satis    auderet 

5  convenerat,^  ratus  agendo  ac  moliendo  \ires  quoque 
ad  agendum  aliquid  conlecturum,  proficiscenti  ad 
Syphacem  Lacumazae  regulo  ad  Thapsum  occurrit. 

6  Trepidum  agmen  cum  in  urbem  refugisset,  et  ^ 
urbem  Masinissa  primo  impetu  capit  et  ex  regiis 
alios  tradentes  se  recipit,^  alios  \dm  parantes  occidit ; 
pars   maxima   cum  ipso   puero   inter  tumultum   ad 

1  iis  PBM  Aldus,  Frohen  :  hiis  J  :  his  CR^BDAXHK. 

*  convenerat  Alschefski,  Madvig,  Eds.  :  -venera  P  : 
-venere  P^(3);  -venire  AX:  -veniret  {but  after  multitudo) 
A'JK;  [after  auderet)  AUlus,  Frohen:  om.  X'H  :  Conway 
comnders  it  an  intrusion. 

3  et  om.  Pil)X  Aldus,  as  also  et  in  next  line. 

*  recipit  P{l}X  :   recepit  Sp{apparently)HJK  Aldm. 

322 


BOOK  XXIX.  XXIX.  I2-XXX.  6 

daughter  of  Hannibal's  sister  and  lately  wedded  to  b.c.  204 
King  Oezalces.  He  did  so  in  the  hope  of  an  alliance 
with  the  Carthaginians,  and  with  Syphax  he  renewed 
a  guest-friendship  of  long  standing,  sending  envoys 
for  the  purpose.  All  these  advantages  he  was 
preparing  against  Masinissa. 

XXX.  And  Masinissa  having  heard  of  the  death 
of  his  uncle,  and  then  that  his  cousin  had  fallen, 
crossed  over  from  Spain  into  Mauretania,  Baga  being 
at  that  time  king  of  the  Mauri.  From  Baga  with  the 
most  abject  entreaties  as  a  suppliant  he  obtained 
four  thousand  Mauri  as  an  escort  on  his  journey, 
being  unable  to  obtain  aid  for  the  war.  When  with 
that  escort,  after  first  sending  word  to  his  father's 
friends  and  his  own,  he  had  reached  the  frontier  of 
the  kingdom,  about  five  hundred  Numidians  joined 
him.  Therefore  from  that  point  he  sent  back  the 
Mauri  to  their  king,  as  it  had  been  agreed,  and 
although  the  numbers  that  had  joined  him  were 
considerably  smaller  than  he  had  hoped  for,  and  not 
such  that  he  quite  dared  to  attempt  so  great  a 
venture  with  them,  he  thought  that  by  vigorous 
action  he  would  also  gather  up  the  forces  needed 
for  some  success.  Hence  as  Lacumazes,  the  prince, 
was  on  his  way  to  Syphax,  Masinissa  encountered 
him  near  Thapsus.^  When  the  frightened  column 
had  sought  refuge  in  the  city,  Masinissa  not  only 
took  the  city  by  the  first  assault  but  received  the 
surrender  of  some  of  the  royal  escort  and  slew  others 
attempting  resistance.  The  majority  together  with 
the  boy  himself  in  the  midst  of  the  commotion  made 

^  Unknown ;  probably  a  corruption  of  the  name.  Not  to 
be  confused  with  the  distant  city  famous  for  Julius  Caesar's 
victory,  on  the  coast  south  of  Hadrumetum  (Sousse). 

Z^3 


A,u.c.         Syphacem,  quo  primum  intenderant  iter,  pervenerunt. 

7  Fama  huius  modicae  rei  in  principio  rerum  prospere 
actae  convertit  ad  Masinissam  Numidas,  adflue- 
bantque  undique  ex  agris  \-icisque  veteres  milites 
Galae  et  incitabant  iuvenem  ad  reciperandum 
paternum  regnum. 

8  Xumero  militum  aliquantum  Mazaetullus  supera- 
bat ;  nam  et  ipse  eum  exercitum  quo  Capussam 
vicerat  et  ex  receptis  post  caedem  regis  aliquot 
habebat,    et    puer    Lacumazes    ab    Syphace    auxilia 

9  ingentia  adduxerat.  Quindecim  milia  peditum 
Mazaetullo,  decern  milia  equitum  erant,  quibus  cum 
Masinissa  nequaquam  tantum  peditum  equitumve  ^ 
habente  acie  confiixit.  \^icit  tamen  et  veterum  mili- 
tum  virtus   et   prudentia  inter  Romana   et   Punica 

10  arma  exercitati  ducis ;  regulus  cum  tutore  et  exigua 
Masaesuliorimi  manu  in  Carthaginiensem  agrum  per- 
fugit.  Ita  recuperato  regno  paterno  Masinissa,  quia 
sibi  adversus  Syphacem  ^  baud  paulo  maiorem  restare 
dimicationem  cernebat,  optimum  ratus  cum  fratre  pa- 
ll truele  gratiam  reconciliare.  missis  qui  et  puero  spem 
facerent,  si  in  fidem  Masinissae  sese  permisisset,  fu- 
turum  eum  in  eodem  honore  quo  apud  Galam  Oezalces 

12  quondam    fuisset,   et  ^   Mazaetullo    praeter   inpuni- 
tatem  sua  omnia  cum  fide  restitui  sponderent,  ambo 

13  praeoptantes  exsilio  modicam  domi  fortunam,  omnia, 

1  -veP(l).V^WM.5:    -que  Sp?HJK  Frobtn2. 

2  adversus  Syphacem  P^{l)y  Aldus  :  cum  -ce  Sp?HJK 
Froben  2. 

3  et,  after  this  P{\)NHJK  have  qui;  hut  et  qui  does  not 
balance  missis  qui  et  above  :  qui  is  rejected  by  most  Editors, 
retained  by  Conway. 


BOOK  XXIX.  XXX.  6-13 

their  way  to  Syphax,  towards  whom  they  had  b.o.  204 
originally  directed  their  march.  The  report  of  this 
modest  success  at  the  begimiing  of  the  campaign 
brought  the  Numidians  over  to  Masinissa,  and 
from  farms  and  villages  on  all  sides  old  soldiers  of 
Gala  flocked  to  him ;  and  they  spurred  the  young 
man  on  to  recover  the  kingdom  of  his  father. 

In  the  number  of  his  soldiers  Mazaetullus  was  con- 
siderably superior ;  for  not  only  did  he  himself 
have  the  army  with  which  he  had  defeated  Capussa, 
and  a  number  of  men  whom  he  had  taken  over  after 
the  slaying  of  the  king,  but  also  the  young  Lacumazes 
had  brought  up  very  large  auxiliary  forces  from 
Syphax.  Fifteen  thousand  infantry  Mazaetullus  had 
and  ten  thousand  cavalry ;  and  with  these  he  en- 
gaged in  battle  with  Masinissa,  who  was  far  from 
having  so  great  a  number  of  infantry  or  cavalry. 
Nevertheless  victory  was  won  by  the  courage  of  the 
veteran  soldiers  and  the  sagacity  of  a  general  who 
had  been  trained  in  the  war  between  Roman  and 
Carthaginian  armies.  The  prince  with  his  guardian 
and  a  very  small  band  of  Masaesulians  sought  refuge 
in  the  territory  of  Carthage.  So,  having  recovered 
his  father's  kingdom,  Masinissa,  seeing  that  his  re- 
maining conflict  against  Syphax  would  be  consider- 
ably more  serious,  thought  it  best  to  be  reconciled 
with  his  cousin.  Accordingly  he  sent  men  to  en- 
courage the  boy  to  hope  that,  if  he  should  put  himself 
in  the  hands  of  Masinissa,  he  would  be  held  in  the 
same  honour  as  Oezalces  had  formerly  been  in  the 
house  of  Gala.  To  Mazaetullus  also  they  were  to 
pledge,  besides  impunity,  the  faithful  restoration  of 
all  his  property.  By  this  means,  as  they  preferred 
a  modest  fortune  at  home  to  exile,  Masinissa  won 

325 


LIVY 

ne  id  fieret,  Carthaginiensibus  de  industria  agentibus, 
ad  sese  perduxit. 

XXXI.  Hasdrubal  turn  forte,  cum  haec  gereban- 
tur,  apud  Syphacem  erat ;  qui  Xuniidae,  baud  sane 
multum  ad  se  pertinere  eredenti  utrum  penes  Lacu- 
mazen  an   Masinissam  regnum   Maesuliorum  esset, 

2  falli  eum  magnopere  ait,  si  Masinissam  eisdem  oon- 
tentum  fore  quibus  patrem  Galam  aut  patruum  eius 
Oezalcen  credat :  multo  maiorem  indolem  in  eo 
animi  ingeniique  esse  quam  in  ullo  gentis  eius  um- 

3  quam  fuisset ;  saepe  eum  in  Hispania  rarae  inter 
homines  virtutis  specimen  dedisse  sociis  pariter 
hostibusque.  Et  Syphacem  et  Carthaginienses,  nisi 
orientem  ilium  ignem  oppressissent,  ingenti  mox 
incendio,  cum  iam  nullam  opem  ferre  possent,  arsuros ; 

4  adhuc  teneras  et  fragiles  vires  eius  esse,  vixdum 
coalescens  foventis  regnum.  Instando  stimulandoque 
pervincit  ^     ut     exercitum     ad     fines     Maesuliorum 

5  admoveat  atque  in  agro  de  quo  saepe  cum  Gala  non 
verbis  modo  disceptatum,  sed  etiam  armis  certatum 
fuerat,  tamquam  baud  dubie  iuris  sui,  castra  locet. 
Si  quis  arceat,  quod  ^  maxime  opus  sit,  acie  dimica- 

6  turum ;  sin  per  metum  agro  cedatur,  in  medium 
regnum  ^  eundum.  Aut  sine  certamine  concessuros 
in  dicionem  eius  Maesulios  aut  nequaquam  pares 
futuros  armis. 

1  pervincit  P{1)NH ;   -vicit  JK  Aldus,  Froben. 

*  quod  N'  or  N^HJK  AM  us,  froben  :  id  quod  x  most 
Eds.  ;   ut  quod  P(  1  )X. 

'  regnum  P(l)X  Aldus,  Eds.  :  regni  SpX'JK  Froben  2, 
Conway. 

^  For  a  previous  visit,  presumably  at  Siga  (west  of  Oran), 
of.  XXVIII.  xYnfm.  and  xviii. 

3-6 


BOOK  XXIX.  XXX.  13-XXX1.  6 

them  both  over,  although  the   Carthaginians   pur-  b.c.  204 
posely  did  everything  to  prevent  it. 

XXXI.  Hasdrubal  happened  to  be  with  Syphax^ 
all  the  time  that  these  events  were  in  progress. 
And  when  the  Numidian  said  he  believed  it  was  of 
no  great  importance  to  him  whether  the  kingdom 
of  the  Maesulians  was  in  the  hands  of  Lacumazes  or 
of  Masinissa,  Hasdrubal  said  he  was  very  much 
mistaken  if  he  believed  that  Masinissa  would  be 
content  with  what  had  satisfied  his  father  Gala  or 
his  uncle  Oezalces  ;  that  he  had  in  him  a  far  greater 
gift  of  spirit  and  talent  than  had  ever  been  found  in 
any  man  of  his  tribe ;  that  often  in  Spain  he  had 
given  allies  and  enemies  alike  evidence  of  a  courage 
rare  among  men.  He  added  that  unless  Syphax 
and  the  Carthaginians  should  put  out  that  incipient 
flame,  they  would  be  consumed  later  by  a  mighty 
conflagration  when  they  could  no  longer  cope  with 
it ;  that  Masinissa 's  strength  was  still  slight  and  frail, 
while  he  was  nursing  a  kingdom  whose  wounds  had 
barely  begun  to  heal.  By  insisting  and  goading  him 
on  Hasdrubal  brought  him  to  the  point  of  advancing 
his  army  to  the  frontier  of  the  Maesulians  and 
pitching  his  camp  as  though  upon  soil  to  which  he 
was  unquestionably  entitled — land  concerning  which 
he  had  not  only  argued  with  Gala  repeatedly  but 
had  contended  also  in  arms.  If  anyone  should  try 
to  drive  him  away  he  would  fight  a  regular  battle, 
which  would  be  greatly  to  his  advantage.  But  if 
Masinissa  in  fear  should  withdraw  from  that  region 
they  must  advance  into  the  interior  of  the  kingdom. 
Either  the  Maesulians  would  submit  without  resist- 
ance to  the  rule  of  Syphax,  or  they  would  be  no 
match  for  him  in  arms. 

327 


LI\T 

7  His  vocibus  incitatus  Svphax  Masinissae  bellum 
infert,  et  primo  certamine  Maesulios  fundit  fugatque. 
Masinissa  cum  paucis  equitibus  ex  acie  in  montem — 

8  Bellum  1  incolae  vocant — perfugit.  Familiae  aliquot 
cima  mapalibus  pecoribusque  suis — ea  pecunia  illis 
est — persecuti  ^    sunt   regem ;    cetera   Maesuliorum 

9  multitude  in  dicionem  Svphacis  concessit.  Quem 
ceperant  exsules  montem  herbidus  aquosusque  est; 
et  quia  pecori  bonus  alendo  erat,  hominum  quoque 
carne  ac  lacte  vescentium  abunde  sufficiebat  alimentis. 

10  Inde  nocturnis  primo  ac  furtivis  incursionibus,  deinde 
aperto  latrocinio  infesta  omnia  circa  esse ;  maxime 
uri  Carthaginiensis  ager,  quia  et  plus  praedae  quam 

11  inter  Xumidas  et  latrocinium  tutius  erat.  lamque 
adeo  licenter  eludebant  ut  ad  mare  devectam  praedam 
venderent  mercatoribus  appellentibus  naves  ad  id 
ipsum,  pluresque  quam  iusto  saepe  in  bello  Cartha- 
fjinienses^  caderent  caperenturque. 

12  Deplorabant  ea  apud  Syphacem  Carthaginienses 
infensumque  et  ipsum  ad  reliquias  belli  persequendas 
instigabant.  Sed  vix  regium  videbatur  latronem 
vagum  in  montibus  consectari ;  XXXII.  Bucar  ex 
praefectis  regi^.^  vir  acer  et  inpiger.  ad  id  delectus. 
Ei    data    quattuor    milia    peditum.    duo    equitum ; 

1  Bellum  P(l)X  :   balbum  HJK  AMus,  Frohe.n. 

2  persecuti  P{3]SpHJ  Frohen  2  :   pro-  .4^"  Aldus. 

3  Carthaginienses  P(  1  ).V  Aldus :  -slum  Sp?A'HJK  Frohen  2. 
*  regis  P{1)XH  :   regiis  JK  Aldus,  Frohen. 

1  No  Mount  Bellus  is  known. 

2  Thatched  huts  that  were  portable,  often  resembling  an 
overturned  ship,  as  Sallust  describes  them;    Jug.  xviii.   8. 

328 


BOOK  XXIX.  XXXI.  7-xxxii.  i 

Aroused  by  these  words  Syphax  made  war  upon  b.c.  204 
Masinissa  and  in  the  first  engagement  routed  the 
Maesulians  and  put  them  to  flight.  Masinissa  with 
a  few  horsemen  fled  from  the  battle-field  to  a  moun- 
tain called  Bellus  by  the  natives.^  A  considerable 
number  of  households  followed  the  king  with  their 
portable  huts  ^  and  their  flocks,  the  latter  being  their 
only  wealth.  But  the  rest,  the  mass  of  the  Maesul- 
ians, submitted  to  the  rule  of  Syphax.  The  mountain 
which  the  fugitives  had  occupied  is  well  supplied 
with  grass  and  water  and  being  suitable  for  the 
support  of  cattle,  it  was  quite  capable  of  sustaining 
men  also  who  lived  on  flesh  and  milk.  From  it  they 
rendered  all  the  surrounding  country  unsafe,  first 
by  stealthy  raids  in  the  night  and  later  by  open 
brigandage.  Most  of  all  it  was  Carthaginian  terri- 
tory that  was  ravaged,  because  there  was  more 
plunder  than  among  the  Numidians,  and  also  brigan- 
dage was  safer.  By  this  time  they  played  their  game 
so  openly  as  to  bring  their  booty  down  to  the  sea 
and  sell  it  to  traders  who  put  in  with  their  vessels 
for  that  very  purpose ;  and  more  Carthaginians  fell 
or  were  captured  than  occurred  often  in  regular 
warfare. 

The  Carthaginians  complained  of  all  this  to  Syphax 
and,  as  he  also  was  enraged,  they  spurred  him  on  to 
complete  what  was  left  of  the  war.  But  it  seemed 
hardly  becoming  for  a  king  to  pursue  a  nomad  bandit 
in  the  mountains.  XXXII.  One  of  the  king's 
officers,  Bucar,  a  man  of  spirit  and  energy,  was 
chosen  for  the  purpose.  Four  thousand  infantry  and 
two  thousand  cavalry  were  given  to  him;    and  he 

Cf.   ibid.   xlvi.   5;    Pliny  N.H.  V.   22   (carried  on   wagons); 
Vergil  Georg.  III.  340. 

329 


.u.c.         praemiorumque  ingentium  ^  spe  oneratus,  si  caput 
■^^'^  Masinissae   rettulisset   aut   vivum — id  vero   inaesti- 

2  niabile  gaudiuni  fore — cepisset.  Palatos  incurio- 
seque  ^  agentes  inproviso  adortus,  pecorum  homi- 
numque  ingenti  multitudine  a  praesidio  armatoruni 
exclusa,  Masinissam  ipsum  cum  paucis  in  verticem 

3  montis  compellit.  Inde  prope  ut  iam  ^  debellato,  nee 
praeda  modo  pecoruni  hominumque  captoruni  missa 
ad  regem,  sed  copiis  etiam,  ut  aliquanto  maioribus 

4  quam  pro  reliquiis  belli,  remissis,  cum  quingentis  ^ 
baud  amplius  peditibus  ducentisque  equitibus  de- 
gressum  iugis  Masinissam  persecutus  in  valle  arta 
faucibus    utrimque    obsessis    inclusit.      Ibi  ^   ingens 

5  caedes  Maesuliorum  facta ;  Masinissa  cum  quin- 
quaginta    baud    amplius     equitibus    per    anfractus 

6  montis  ignotos  sequentibus  se  eripuit.  Tenuit  tamen 
vestigia  Bucar  adeptusque  eum  patentibus  prope 
Clupeam  urbem  campis  ita  circumvenit  ut  praeter 
quattuor  equites  omnes  ad  unum  interfecerit.^ 
Cum  iis  ipsum  quoque  Masinissam  saucium  prope  e 

7  manibus  inter  tumultum  amisit.  In  conspectu  erant 
fugientes ;  ala  equitum  dispersa  lato  campo,  quibus- 
dam,     ut     occurrerent,     per     obliqua    tendentibus, 

8  quinque  hostes  sequebatur.''    Amnis  ingens  fugientes 


1  ingentium   Sp?A'HJK  Frohen  2  :     -ti"   PR-^  or  E^  :     -ti 
CMBDAX  Aldus. 

2  -que  Sp{apparently)CHJK  Aldus  :  si  P(3) :  se  AN  :  -que 
se  CN^. 

3  ut  iam  HJK  Aldus,  Frohen  :   iam  ut  P{1]N. 
*  quingentis  orn.  P{1)X  (i.e.  loss  of  d). 

'•>  Ibi  A'HJK  Frohen  :   ubi  P(1).V. 

«  interfecerit  Sp?HJK  Frohen  2  :   -ficeret  P(ljxV  Aldus. 
'  sequebatur  P{\)  :     -bantur   C^NJK   Aldus  :    frequenta- 
batur  A'H. 


BOOK  XXIX.  XXXII.  1-8 

was  laden  with  immense  rewards  in  anticipation,  if  b.c.  204 
he  should  bring  back  the  head  of  Masinissa,  or— 
and  this  would  be  a  joy  beyond  price — should  capture 
him  alive.  While  they  were  scattered  and  oiF  their 
guard  Bucar  unexpectedly  attacked  them,  and  separ- 
ating the  great  number  of  cattle  and  men  from  their 
armed  escort,  he  drove  Masinissa  himself  with  a  few 
of  his  men  up  to  the  top  of  the  mountain.  Then, 
just  as  though  the  war  had  been  already  finished,  he 
sent  not  only  the  booty  in  cattle  and  captives  to  the 
king  but  returned  his  troops  also,  as  much  too  many 
for  the  remainder  of  the  war.  With  not  more  than 
five  hundred  foot-soldiers  and  two  hundred  horsemen 
he  pursued  Masinissa  (who  had  come  down  from  the 
heights),  and  penned  him  in  a  gorge  with  both  en- 
trances blocked.  There  a  great  slaughter  of  the 
MaesuHans  took  place  ;  but  Masinissa  with  no  more 
than  fifty  horsemen  following  him  through  the  un- 
known recesses  of  the  mountain  made  his  escape. 
Bucar,  however,  kept  on  the  trail  and  overtaking 
him  in  an  open  plain  near  the  city  of  Clupea  ^  so 
overwhelmed  him  that  he  slew  every  one  of  his 
horsemen  except  four.  With  these  men,  in  the  midst 
of  the  uproar  he  let  the  wounded  Masinissa  himself 
slip  away  when  almost  in  his  hands.  The  fugitives 
were  in  sight ;  a  squadron  of  cavalry,  scattering  over 
the  breadth  of  the  plain,  while  some,  in  order  to  head 
them  off,  pushed  on  obliquely,  was  pursuing  five 
enemies.     A  broad  stream  ^  was  the  refuge  of  the 

^  Unknown,  the  name  perhaps  confused  with  that  of  the  city 
on  Cap  Bon  (XXV^II.  xxix.  7),  now  Kelibia.  The  place  meant 
here  was  probably  in  north-western  Tunisia  or  north-eastern 
Algeria. 

2  Probably  the  Bagradas  (Medjerda),  as  streams  of  size 
are  rare  in  the  region. 


LIVY 

accepit — neque  enim  cunctanter,  ut  quos  maior  metus 
urgeret,  immiserant  equos — raptique  ^urgite  ^  in 
9  obliquum  praelati.  Duobus  in  conspectu  hostium  in 
praerapidum  gurgitem  haustis,  ipse  perisse  creditus 
ac  duo  reliqui  equites  cum  eo  inter  virgulta  ulterioris 
ripae  emerserunt.^  Is  finis  Bucari  sequendi  fuit,  nee 
ingredi  flumen  auso  nee  habere  credenti  se  iam  queni 

10  sequeretur.  Inde  vanus  auctor  absumpti  Masinissae 
ad  regem  rediit,  missique  qui  Carthaginem  gaudium 
ingens  nuntiarent ;  totaque  Africa  fama  mortis 
Masinissae  repleta  ^  varie  animos  adfecit. 

11  Masinissa  in  spelunca  occulta  cum  herbis  curaret 
volnus,  duorum  equitum  latrocinio  per  dies  aliquot 

12  vixit.  Ubi  primum  ducta  cicatrix,  patique  posse 
visus  *  iactationem,  audacia  ingenti  pergit  ire  ad 
regnum  repetendum  ;  atque  in  ipso  itinere  baud  plus 
quadraginta  ^  equitibiLs  conlectis  cum  in  Maesulios 

13  palam  iam  quis  esset  ferens  venisset,  tantum  motum 
cum  favore  pristino  tum  gaudio  insperato,  quod  quem 
perisse  crediderant  incolumem  cernebant,  fecit  ut 
intra    paucos    dies    sex    milia    peditum    armatorum, 

14  quattuor  equitum  ad  eum  convenirent,^  iamque  "^ 
non  in  possessions  modo  paterni  regni  esset,  sed 
etiam  socios  Carthaginien^ium  populos  Masaesu- 
liorumque  fines — id  Syphacis  regnum  erat — vastaret. 

^  gnrgite   P(3) :     adding   et   AN   Aldus,    Fwhen  :     adding 
atque  HUK. 

2  emerserunt     P(l)iN"     Aldus :       tenuerunt     {om.     inter) 
Sp?y'HJK  Frohen  2. 

3  repleta  P(l)NHJK  Eds.  :    perlata  Alhn,  Luchs  :    repens 
allata  M.  Muller  :   om.  Crevier,  Madvig. 

*  yisus  SpA'H J K  Frohen  2  :   visa.  P{l}X  :   est  vissi  Aid u.i. 
■'  quadraginta  {in  numerals)  P{\ i^  :    xxx  SpHJK. 

•  convenirent    P{1)X    Aldus,    Frohen,    Eds.:     confluerent 
HJK  Conway. 

'  iamque  P{l)N  Aldxis  :  atque  SpHJK  Frob^n  2, 

33^ 


BOOK  XXIX.  XXXII.  8-14 

fleeing;  for  without  hesitation,  under  the  pressure  b.o.  204 
of  a  greater  fear,  they  put  their  horses  into  it ;  and 
swept  by  the  whirUng  current,  they  were  borne 
obUquely  past  the  enemy.  When  two  of  them  had 
been  drowned  in  the  swiftly  whirUng  waters  before 
I  the  eyes  of  the  enemy,  Masinissa  himself,  whom 
]  they  believed  to  have  perished,  and  the  two  re- 
maining horsemen  with  him  made  their  way  out 
among  the  bushes  of  the  farther  bank.  That  was 
the  end  of  pursuit  for  Bucar,  as  he  did  not  dare  enter 
the  river  and  believed  he  had  no  one  left  to  pursue. 
Then  he  returned  to  the  king,  falsely  reporting  that 
Masinissa  had  been  drowned ;  and  messengers  were 
sent  to  bring  tidings  of  great  joy  to  Carthage.  And 
all  Africa  was  filled  with  the  story  of  Masinissa's 
death,  producing  different  emotions. 

While  Masinissa  in  a  hidden  cave  was  nurdng  his 
wound  with  herbs,  he  lived  for  some  days  on  booty 
brought  in  by  the  two  horsemen.  As  soon  as  the 
wound  had  closed  and  it  seemed  possible  for  him  to 
endure  jolting,  with  great  audacity  he  set  out  to 
reclaim  his  kingdom.  And  after  picking  up  not 
more  than  forty  horsemen  as  he  rode  along,  he  came 
among  the  Maesulians,  openly  announcing  now  who 
he  was ;  thereupon  he  caused  a  great  stir,  owing  to 
their  old-time  favour  and  especially  to  their  un- 
expected joy  because  they  saw  a  man  safe  and  sound 
whom  they  had  believed  to  have  perished.  The 
results  were  that  within  a  few  days  six  thousand 
armed  foot-soldiers  and  four  thousand  horsemen 
flocked  to  him,  and  that  now  he  was  not  merely  in 
possession  of  his  father's  kingdom  but  was  even 
laying  waste  lands  of  allies  of  the  Carthaginians  and 
those  of  the  Masaesulians,  the  kingdom,  that  is,  of 

333 


Inde  inritato  ad  bellum  Syphace,  inter  Cirtam 
Hipponemque  in  iugis  opportunorum  ad  omnia 
montium  consedit. 

XXXIII.  Maiorem  igitur  iam  rem  Syphax  ratus 
quam  ut  per  praefectos  ageret,  cum  filio  iuvene — 
nomen  Vermina  erat — parte  exercitus  missa  imperat 
ut  circumducto  agmine  in  se  intentum  hostem  ab 

2  tergo  invadat.  Nocte  profectus  Vermina,  qui  ex 
occulto  adgressm-us  erat ;  Syphax  autem  interdiu 
aperto  itinere,  ut  qui  signis  conlatis  acie  dimicaturus 

3  esset,  movit  castra.  Ubi  tempus  visum  est  quo 
pervenisse  iam  circummissi  videri  poterant,  et  ipse 
leni  clivo  ferente  ad  hostem,  cum  multitudine  fretus 
tum    praeparatis    ab    tergo    insidiis,    per    adversum 

4  montem  erectam  aciem  ducit.  Masinissa  fiducia 
maxime  loci,  quo  multo  aequiore  pugnaturus  erat, 
et  ipse  dirigit  suos.  Atrox  proelium  et  diu  anceps 
fuit,  loco  et  virtute  militum  Masinissam,  multitudine 

5  quae  nimio  maior  erat  Syphacem  iuvante.  Ea  multi- 
tudo  divisa,  cum  pars  a  fronte  urgeret,  pars  ab  tergo 
se  circumfudisset,  victoriam  haud  dubiam  Syphaci  de- 
dit,  et  ne  efFugium  quidem  patebat  hinc  a  fronte, 

6  hinc  ab  tergo  inclusis.  Itaque  ceteri  pedites  equites- 
que  caesi  aut  capti ;  ^  ducentos  ferme  equites 
jNIasinissa  circa  se  conglobatos  divisosque  turmatim  in 

^  aut  capti  P{l)XJK  Aldus  :   om.  SpHz  Froben  2. 


^  This  was  Sj'phax'  capital;  XXX.  xii.  3  7  f .  Given  to 
Masinissa,  ibid.  xliv.  12.  Formidably  defended  by  great 
cliffs.  Later  it  was  the  city  of  Fronto,  teacher  of  Marcus 
Aurehus.  Rebuilt  bv  Constantine,  whose  name  it  still  bears. 
Cf.  Appian  Pon.  27 ;  Strabo  XVII.  iii.  13. 

2  I.e.  Hippo  Regius  (Bone),  not  the  Hippo  meant  on  p.  218. 

334 


BOOK  XXIX.  XXXII.  14-XXX111.  6 

Syphax.    Consequently,  having  provoked  Syphax  to  b.c.  204 
war,   he    established    himself  between    Cirta  ^    and 
Hippo  2  on  a  mountain  range  that  in  every  way  was 
favourable. 

XXXIII.  Therefore  Syphax,  thinking  the  affair 
was  now  too  serious  to  be  conducted  by  his  officers, 
sent  a  part  of  the  army  under  his  young  son,  Vermina 
by  name,  with  orders  to  lead  his  column  round  and 
attack  the  rear  of  the  enemy,  whose  eyes  would  be 
upon  the  king  himself.  Vermina,  who  was  to  make 
a  secret  attack,  set  out  by  night.  But  Syphax  broke 
camp  and  marched  by  day  along  an  open  road,  since 
he  intended  to  engage  in  battle  formation,  standards 
against  standards.  When  the  interval  seemed  to  be 
such  that  the  flanking  party  might  be  thought  to 
have  reached  their  objective  already,  the  king  on  his 
part,  relying  both  on  numbers  and  on  the  am- 
buscade prepared  in  the  rear,  led  his  line  up  along 
the  face  of  the  mountain  over  a  gentle  slope  leading 
in  the  direction  of  the  enemy.  Masinissa  also, 
relying  chiefly  upon  the  much  more  favourable 
ground  on  which  he  was  to  fight,  led  his  men  out  into 
Kne.  The  battle  was  fierce  and  long  indecisive, 
while  position  and  the  courage  of  his  soldiers  aided 
Masinissa  and  numbers  that  were  far  superior 
favoured  Syphax.  That  great  army  in  its  two 
sections — since  the  one  pressed  the  enemy  hard  in 
front,  while  the  other  had  accomplished  its  flanking 
movement  in  the  rear — gave  no  uncertain  victory 
to  Syphax ;  and  there  was  not  even  a  way  of  escape 
open  to  men  enclosed  both  in  front  and  in  the  rear. 
Accordingly  the  rest,  infantry  and  cavalry,  were  slain 
or  captured ;  but  some  two  hundred  horsemen  were 
ordered  by  Masinissa  to  mass  about  him,  divide  into 

335 


LIVY 

tres  partes  erunipere  iubet,  loco  praedicto  in  quern  ex 

7  dissipata  convenirent  fuga.  Ipse  qua  intenderat  inter 
media  tela  hostium  evasit ;  duae  turmae  haesere ; 
altera  metu  dedita  hosti,  pertinacior  ^  in  repugnando 

8  telis  obruta  et  confixa  est.  \'erminam  prope  vestigiis 
instantem  in  alia  atque  alia  flectendo  itinera  eludens, 
taedio  et  desperatione  tandem  fessum  absistere 
sequendo  coegit;    ipse  cum  sexaginta  equitibus  ad 

9  minorem  Syrtim  pervenit.  Ibi  cum  conscientia 
egregia  saepe  repetiti  regni  paterni  inter  Punica 
Emporia  gentemque  Garamantum  omne  tempus 
u«^que  ^  ad  C.  Laeli  classisque  Romanae  adventum  in 

10  Africam  consumpsit.  Haec  animum  inclinant  ut 
cum  modico  potius  quam  cum  rnagno  praesidio 
equitum  ad  Scipionem  quoque  postea  venisse 
Masinissam  credam  ;  quippe  ilia  regnanti  ^  multitudo, 
haec  paucitas  exsulis  fortunae  conveniens  est. 

XXXIV.  Carthaginienses  ala  equitum  cum  prae- 

fecto  amissa,  alio  ^  equitatu  per  novum  dilectum  com- 

parato,    Hannonem    Hamilcaris    filium    praeficiunt. 

2  Hasdrubalem    subinde    ac    Syphacem    per    litteras 

nuntiosque,  postremo  etiam  per  legatos  arcessunt ; 

^  pevtinaicioT  P{l)XSp{a  p  pa  rently)  Eds.:  after  this  Conxcay 
adds  altera  {before  it  Aldus,  Frohen  :   after  repugnando  A'). 

2  Garamantum  omne  tempus  usque  A'N'HJK  Eds.  : 
cm.  Pil)X. 

3  regnanti  P{S)JK  Aldus,  Frohen  :   -ntis  AN  Gronovius. 
*  alio  P{1)N  :   alioque  HJK  Aldus,  Frohen. 

^  Cf.  XXV.  12  and  notes. 

2  Their  land,  south  of  modem  TripoUtania,  is  now  Fezzan, 
reaching  back  into  the  Sahara;  Herodotus  IV.  174,  183; 
Strabo  II.  V.  33;  XVII.  iii.  19,  23;  Plinv  N.H.  V.  36;  VI. 
209;  Mela  I.  23,  45;  Tacitus  Ann.  III.  74. 

3  In  agreement  with  Polybius  XXI.  xxi.  2. 


BOOK  XXIX.  XXXIII.  6-xxxiv.  2 

three  troops,  and  so  to  break  their  way  through,  a  b.c.  204 
place  being  assigned  in  advance  at  which  they  should 
meet  after  their  flight  in  different  directions.  He 
himself  escaped  in  the  direction  he  had  chosen 
through  the  midst  of  the  enemies'  weapons.  Two  of 
the  squadrons  were  held  fast ;  one  in  fear  surren- 
dered to  the  enemy,  wMe  the  other,  offering  a 
more  stubborn  resistance,  was  overwhelmed  by 
missiles  and  slain.  Vermina,  who  was  almost  at  his 
heels,  Masinissa  evaded  by  turning  now  into  this 
road  and  now  into  that,  and  compelled  him  at 
last  to  abandon  pursuit  when  he  was  weary  and 
had  given  up  hope.  He  himself  made  his  way 
with  sixty  horsemen  to  the  Lesser  Syrtis.  There, 
with  the  proud  consciousness  of  having  repeatedly 
made  claim  to  his  father's  kingdom,  in  the  region 
between  the  Punic  Emporia  ^  and  the  tribe  of  the 
Garamantes  ^  he  spent  the  whole  time  until  the  arrival 
in  Africa  of  Gaius  Laelius  and  the  Roman  fleet. 
These  circumstances  incline  me  to  believe  that 
Masinissa  came  to  Scipio  also  later  with  a  small 
force  ^  of  cavalry  rather  than  with  a  large  one. 
For  such  great  numbers  are  suited  to  a  monarch, 
while  my  small  figures  match  the  plight  of  an  exile. 
XXXIV.  The  Carthaginians,  having  lost  a  squadron 
of  cavalry  with  its  commander  *  and  acquired  other 
horse  by  a  fresh  levy,  placed  Hanno  the  son  of 
Hamilcar  ^  in  command.  Again  and  again  they 
summoned  Hasdrubal  and  Syphax  by  letters  and 
messengers,    finally    even   by    envoys.      They   bade 

*  I.e.  the  Hanno  named  in  xxix.  1  without  further  descrip- 
tion than  nobilem  hivenem. 

^  According  to  Dio  Cassius  this  Hanno  was  the  son  of 
Hasdrubal  son  of  Gisgo;  frag.  57,  65  f.  See  below,  p.  343, 
n.  2. 

337 


LIVY 

Hasdrubalem  opem  ferre  prope  circumsessae  patriae 
iubent ;  Syphacem  orant  ut  Carthagini.  ut  ^  universae 

3  Africae  subveniat.  Ad  Uticam  turn  castra  Scipio 
mille  ferme  passus  ab  urbe  habebat.  translata  a  mari, 
ubi    paucos    dies    stativa    coniuncta    classi    fuerant. 

4  Hanno  nequaquam  satis  valido  non  modo  ad  laces- 
sendum  hostem,  sed  ne  ad  tuendos  quidem  a  popu- 
lationibiLs  agros  equitatu  accepto,  id  omnium  pri- 
mum  egit  ut  per  conquisitionem  numenim  ^  equitum 

o  augeret ;  nee  aliarum  gentium  aspernatus,  maxime 
tamen  Numidas — id  longe  primum  equitum  in  Africa 

6  est  genus — conducit.  lam  ad  quattuor  milia  equitum 
habebat,    cum    Salaecam    nomine    urbem    occupavit 

7  quindecim  ferme  milia  ab  Romanis  castric.  Quod 
ubi  Scipioni  relatum  est,  "  Aestiva  sub  tectis  ^ 
equitatus  I  "  inquit.      '•  Sint  vel  plures,  dum   talem 

8  ducem  habeant."  Eo  minus  sibi  cessandum  ratus,  quo 
illi  segnius  rem  agerent,  Masinissam  cum  equitatu 
praemissum  portis  obequitare  atque  hostem  ad 
pugnam  elicere  iubet ;  ubi  omnis  multitudo  se 
effudisset  graviorque  iam  in  certamine  esset  quam 
ut  facile  sustineri  posset,  cederet"*  paulatim ;   se  in 

9  tempore  pugnae  obventurum.^  Tantum  moratus 
quantum  satis  temporis  praegresso  visum  ad  elicien- 

1  utP(l)X  :  et  X^HJK  Ald».^,  Froben. 

*  egit  .  .  .  numenim    A'N'HJK  :     erum    P  :     numerum 
P^orP'-{\)y. 

3  tectis  P(1).Y  :   tectis  agere  A'X'HJK  Aldus,  Froben. 

*  cederet  P(1).V  Alius  :   cedere  Sp?X^HJK  Froben  2. 
'"  obventunim  P(l)X  :   venturum  HJK  Al<b./s,  Froben. 


^  E\'idently  south-west  of  Utica  and  on  the  same  long 
ridge.  Not  the  same  situation  as  that  in  xxxv.  7.  Cf.  Veith, 
op.  cit.  579  f. 


33^ 


.     BOOK  XXIX.  XXXIV.  2-9 

Hasdrubal  bring  aid  to  his  native  city,  now  almost  b.c.  204 
invested ;  they  entreated  Syphax  to  come  to  the 
rescue  of  Carthage,  to  the  rescue  of  all  Africa. 
Scipio  at  that  time  had  his  camp  near  Utica,  about  a 
mile  from  the  citj,^  having  shifted  it  from  the  sea- 
shore, where  for  a  few  days  the  camp  had  been 
established  close  to  the  fleet.  Hanno,  who  had 
received  a  cavalry  force  not  strong  enough  even  to 
prevent  the  devastation  of  farms,  to  say  nothing  of 
attacking  the  enemy,  made  it  his  very  first  task  to 
increase  the  number  of  his  horsemen  by  recruiting. 
And  though  he  did  not  reject  men  from  other  tribes, 
it  was  nevertheless  especially  Numidians  that  he 
hired,  they  being  easily  the  foremost  type  of  cavalry 
in  Africa.  Already  he  had  about  four  thousand 
horsemen  when  he  seized  a  city  named  Salaeca,^ 
some  fifteen  miles  from  the  Roman  camp.  When 
this  was  reported  to  Scipio,  he  said  "  Cavalry  sum- 
mering under  roofs !  Let  them  be  even  more 
numerous,  provided  they  have  that  kind  of  a  com- 
mander! "  Thinking  that  the  more  spiritless  they 
were  the  less  must  he  delay,  he  sent  Masinissa  for- 
ward with  cavalry,  ordering  him  to  ride  up  to  the 
gates  and  draw  the  enemy  out  into  battle.  When 
the  whole  multitude  should  have  sallied  out  and  in 
battle  should  then  prove  too  powerful  for  them  to 
withstand  easily,  he  was  gradually  to  retire.  He 
would  himself  come  into  the  battle  at  the  right 
moment.  After  delaying  only  long  enough  to  give 
time,  as  it  seemed,  for  Masinissa,  who  had  preceded 
him,  to  draw  out  the  enemy,  Scipio  followed  with  the 

2  Mentioned  only  here  and  xxxv.  4.  Possibly  Henchir 
el  Bey,  west-south-west  of  Utica.  Appian  names  a  large  town 
called  Locha;  Pun.  15. 

339 


LI\nf 

dos  hostes,  cum  Romano  equitatu  secutus,  tegentibus 
tumulis,  qui  peropportune  ^  circa  viae  flexus  oppositi  ^ 
erant,  occultus  processit. 

10  Masinissa  ex  composite  nunc  terrentis,  nunc 
timentis  modo  aut  ipsis  obequitabat  portis  aut 
cedendo;    cum    timoris    simulatio    audaciam    hosti 

11  faceret,  ad  insequendum  temere  eliciebat.  Xondum 
omnes  egressi  erant,  varieque  dux  fatigabatur  alios 
vino  et  somno  graves  arma  capere  et  frenare  equos 
cogendo,  aliis,  ne  sparsi  et  inconditi  sine  ordine,  sine 
signis     omnibus      portis      excurrerent,     obsistendo. 

12  Primo  ^  incaute  se  invehentes  Masinissa  excipiebat ; 
mox  plures  simul  conferti  porta  efFusi  aequaverant 
certamen ;     postremo   iam   omnis   equitatus   proelio 

13  cum  adesset,  sustineri  ultra  nequiere.  Xon  tamen 
effasa  fuga  Masinissa,  sed  cedendo  sensim  impetus 
eorum     excipiebat,^    donee     ad    tumulos    tegentes 

14  Romanum  equitatum  pertraxit.  Inde  exorti  equites 
et  ipsi  integris  viribus  et  recentibus  equis  Hannoni 
Afrisque  pugnando  ac  sequendo  fessis  se  circum- 
fudere :    et  Slasinissa  flexis  subito  equis  in  pugnam 

15  rediit.  Mille  fere  ^  qui  primi  agminis  fuerant,  quibus  ^ 
baud  facilis  receptus  fuit,  cum  ipso  duce  Hannone 

16  interclusi  atque  interfecti  sunt;  ceteros,  ducis  prae- 
cipue  territos  caede,  effuse  fugientes  per  triginta 
milia  passuum  victores  secuti  ad  duo  praeterea  milia 

^  peropportune,  Sp?H  Frohen  2  {om.  per-). 

*  flexus  oppositi   SpfHJK   Frohen  2   {idth  suppositi    Ay 
Aldus)  :  flexu  suppositi  P(3). 

^  Primo  P{l}XHJK  Eds.  :   primos  Perizonius,  Riemann. 

*  excipiebat    K    Aldus,    Frohen,    Eds.  :     ac-     P{\)NHJK 
Alschejski,  Conu-ay. 

5  fere  P{3)B^X  :    ferme  BSp{apparently)IIJK  Aldus. 
«  quibus  P{1)N  Aldus  :   ut  quibus  SpA'HJK  Frohen  2. 

340 


BOOK  XXIX.  XXXIV.  9-16 

Roman  cavalry  and  advanced  unseen  under  cover  of  b.c.  204 
the  hills,  which  were  most  conveniently  placed  on 
both  sides  of  a  winding  road. 

Masinissa  according  to  plan,  now  as  inspirer  of 
terror,  now  as  the  terror-stricken,  would  either  ride 
up  to  the  very  gates,  or  retiring  would  tempt  them 
to  reckless  pursuit  whenever  his  presence  of  fear 
added  to  the  enemy's  boldness.  Not  yet  had  all 
sallied  out,  and  the  commander  was  exerting  himself 
in  various  ways,  as  he  compelled  some  men  heavy 
wdth  wine  and  sleep  to  take  up  their  arms  and  bridle 
their  horses,  and  stood  in  the  way  of  others,  to  prevent 
their  dashing  out  of  all  the  gates,  scattering  and 
unformed,  with  no  order,  no  standards.  At  first,  as 
they  rashly  charged,  Masinissa  would  meet  their 
attack.  Later  larger  numbers,  dashing  out  of  a 
gate  in  a  mass,  had  made  it  an  even  combat.  Finally, 
when  all  their  cavalry  was  engaged,  they  could  no 
longer  be  withstood.  Yet  Masinissa  did  not  flee  in 
disorder,  but  retiring  gradually  would  meet  their 
attacks  until  he  drew  them  to  the  hills  which  con- 
cealed the  Roman  cavalry.  Thereupon  the  horse- 
men dashing  out,  themselves  with  undiminished 
strength  and  their  horses  fresh,  surrounded  Hanno 
and  the  Africans,  who  were  exhausted  by  fighting 
and  pursuit ;  and  Masinissa,  suddenly  turning  his 
horses  about,  went  into  battle  again.  About  a 
thousand  men  who  had  been  at  the  head  of  the 
column,  finding  retreat  difficult,  were  cut  off  and 
slain  along  with  Hanno  himself,  their  commander. 
As  for  the  rest,  who  were  terrified  especially  by  the 
death  of  their  commander,  the  victors  pursuing 
them  in  headlong  flight  for  thirty  miles  either 
captured  or  slew  about  two  thousand  more  horse- 

341 


LIVY 

17  equitum  aut  ceperunt  aut  occiderunt.  Inter  eos  satis 
constabat  non  minus  ducentos  Carthaginiensium 
equites  fuisse,  et  divitiis  quosdam  et  genere  inlastres. 
XXX\'.  Eodem  forte  quo  haec  gesta  sunt  die 
naves  quae  praedam  in  Siciliam  vexerant  cum  com- 
meatu  rediere,  velut  ominatae  ad  praedam  alteram 

2  repetendam  sese  venisse.  Duos  eodem  nomine 
Carthaginiensium  duces  duobus  equestribus  proeliis 
interfectos  non  omnes  auctores  sunt,  veriti,  credo,  ne 
falleret  bis  relata  eadem  res ;  Coelius  quidem  et 
Valerius  captum  etiam  ^  Hannonem  tradunt. 

3  Scipio  praefectos  equitesque,  prout  cuiusque  opera 
fuerat,^   ante  ^  omnes    Masinissam  insignibus  donis 

4  donat ;  et  fii-mo  praesidio  Salaecae  imposito  ipse  cum 
cetero  exercitu  profectus,  non  agris  modo  quacumque 
incedebat  populatis.  sed  urbibus  etiam  quibusdam 

5  vicisque  expugnatis,  late  fuso  terrore  belli,  septimo 
die  quam  profectus  erat  magnam  vim  hominura  et 
pecoris  et  omnis  generis  praedae  trahens  in  castra 
redit,   gravesque  *  iterum  hostilibus  ^  spoliis  naves 

6  dimittit.     Inde  omissis  expeditionibus  parvis  popu- 

1  etiam  PlSj.Y  Aldus  :   om.  HJK  Froben  2. 

2  fuerat  P{3jJK  :   fuerant  CAXSpH. 

3  ante  P(ljN  Eds.  :  et  ante  X'HJK  Aldus,  Froben, 
Conivay. 

*  in  ,  .  .  gravesque  A'X'HJK  Aldus,  Froben  :  -que 
P'3jX,  om.  one  line. 

5  hostilibus  P{ZiR^y  :   hostium  HJK  Aldus,  Froben. 

1  Livy  appears  to  have  followed  a  lost  part  of  Polybius. 
Two  annalists  only  are  mentioned  (next  sentence)  who  ac- 
cepted but  one  encounter  with  cavalry  commanded  by  a 
Hanno.  Cf.  Appian  I.e.  14;  Dio  Cass.  I.e.  (=  Zonaras  IX. 
xii.  4  {.'.  These  tell  the  story  quite  differently.  Modem 
historians  are  divided,  some  insisting  that  one  of  the  battles 
is  a  doublet,  e.g.  De  Sanctis  III.  2.  5>il  f ;  C.A.H.  VIII.  100, 
n.  2.     Not  so  Gsell,  op.  cit.  216,  n.  4;   Neumann,  Das  Zeitalter 

342 


BOOK  XXIX.  XXXIV.  16-XXXV.  6 

men.     Among   these   it  was  well    established   that  b.c.  204 
there  were  not  less  than  two  hundred  Carthaginian 
horsemen,    some    of    them    distinguished   both    for 
wealth  and  noble  blood. 

XXXV.  On  the  same  day  on  which  these  events 
took  place  the  ships  which  had  carried  booty  to  Sicily 
happened  to  return  with  supplies,  as  though  with  a 
presentiment  that  they  had  come  for  booty  a  second 
time.  Not  all  the  historians  vouch  for  the  slaying  of 
two  Carthaginian  commanders  of  the  same  name  in 
two  cavalry  battles,  fearing,  I  suppose,  unwittingly 
to  tell  the  same  story  twice.  ^  Coelius  and  Valerius, 
to  be  sure,  relate  that  Hanno  too  was  captured.^ 

Scipio  bestowed  conspicuous  rewards  upon  the 
commanders  and  the  horsemen  according  to  the  ser- 
vice each  had  rendered,  and  above  all  on  Masinissa. 
And  having  posted  a  strong  garrison  at  Salaeca,  he 
set  out  himself  with  the  rest  of  the  army.  I^aying 
waste  not  merely  the  farms  wherever  he  went,  but 
storming  certain  cities  also  and  villages,  while  the 
alarm  of  the  war  was  spread  far  and  wide,  on  the 
seventh  day  after  his  departure  he  returned  to  camp 
bringing  a  great  number  of  men  and  cattle  and  much 
booty  of  every  kind ;  and  again  he  sent  away  the 
ships  loaded  down  with  spoils  of  the  enemy.  Then, 
giving  up  small  raids  and  petty  pillaging,  he  appHed 

der  punischen  Kriege  522 ;   Karstedt,  Gesch.  der  Karthager  III. 
337  f.,  545. 

2  This  is  the  statement  of  Appian  also  and  Dio  Cass.  (Zon.), 
who  add  [11.  cc.)  that  the  prisoner  was  exchanged  for  Masi- 
nissa's  own  mother.  So  much  detail  seems  to  establish  the 
historicity  of  the  second  engagement  reported.  As  for  the 
first  (xxix.  1),  something  more  than  identity  of  a  name 
(especially  of  a  common  name)  is  needed  to  stamp  it  as 
necessarily  fictitious. 

343 


LIVY 

lationibusque  ^  ad  oppugnandam  Uticam  omnes  belli 
vires  convertit,  earn  deinde,  si  cepisset,  sedem  ad 

7  cetera  exsequenda  habitunis.  Simul  et  a  classe 
navales  socii,  qua  ex  parte  urbs  mari  adluitur,  et  ^ 
ten-estris    exercitus    ab  ^     imminente    prope     ipsis 

8  moenibus  tumulo  est  admotus.  Tormenta  machinas- 
que  et  advexerat  secum,  et  ex  Sicilia  missa  cum 
commeatu  erant,  et  nova  in  armamentario,  multis 
talium  operum  artificibus  de  industria  inclusis, 
fiebant. 

9  Uticensibus  tanta  undique  mole  circumsessis  in 
Carthaginiensi  populo,  Carthaginiensibus  in  Has- 
drubale  ita,  si  is  movisset  Syphacern,  spes  omnis  erat ; 
sed    desiderio    indigentium    auxilii    tardius    cuncta 

10  movebantur.  Hasdrubal  intentissima  conquisitione 
cum  ad  triginta  milia  peditum,  tria  equitum  con- 
fecisset,^     non     tamen     ante     adventum     Syphacis 

11  castra  propius  hostem  movere  est  ausus.  Syphax  cum 
quinquaginta  milibus  peditum,  decem  equitum  ad- 
venit,  confestimque  motis  a  Carthagine  castris  baud 
procul    Utica    munitionibusque     Romanis    consedit. 

12  Quorum    adventus    hoc    tamen    momenti    fecit    ut 

^  parvis  populationibusque,  P{S)X  om.  all  hut  -que,  one 
line. 

2  et,  before  this  P{l)XHJK  have  a  repeated  simul,  rejected 
by  Madvig,  Emend.,  retained  by  Conway. 

3  ab  v:ith  abU.  SpUJK  Froben  2,  Luchs,  Conway :  ad 
with  accusatives  PiljN  Aldus,  Madvig,  Weissenbom^. 

*  confecisset  P{l)X  Aldus  :  ef-  SpX'H'JK  Froben  2. 

1  At  the  north-east  end  of  a  long  ridge.  Just  beyond  there 
was  a  small  island  on  which  lay  the  oldest  quarter  of  the  city, 
at  least  200  years  older  than  Carthage  (cf.  Gades,  p.  141, 
n.  1).  The  Medjerda  (Bagradas)  has  since  changed  its  wind- 
ing course  far  to  the  west,  and  coming  within  less  than  half 
a  mile  of  the  ridge,  has  brought  down  alluvial  deposits  so 

344 


BOOK  XXIX.  XXXV.  6-12 

all  his  military  resources  to  the  siege  of  Utica,  with  b.c.  204 
the  intention  of  having  that  city,  if  captured,  as  a  base 
henceforth  for  all  remaining  operations.  From  the 
fleet  marines  were  brought  up  to  the  city  on  the  side 
where  it  is  washed  by  the  sea,^  and  at  the  same  time 
land  forces  on  the  side  where  a  height  almost  over- 
hung the  very  walls.  Artillery  and  engines  he  had 
not  only  brought  with  him  but  they  had  also  been 
sent  from  Sicily  with  the  supplies,  and  new  ones  were 
being  made  in  an  arsenal  where  many  makers  of 
such  devices  had  been  interned  for  the  purpose. ^ 

For  the  people  of  Utica,  completely  beset  by  so 
great  a  force,  all  their  hope  was  in  the  Carthaginian 
people ;  for  the  Carthaginians  it  was  in  Hasdrubal, 
provided  he  should  prevail  upon  Syphax.  But  every- 
thing was  moving  more  slowly  than  people  in  need 
of  help  desired.  Although  Hasdrubal  by  most  in- 
tensive recruiting  had  made  up  a  total  of  about 
thirty  thousand  infantry  and  three  thousand  cavalry, 
it  was  not  before  the  arrival  of  Syphax,  however, 
that  he  dared  to  move  his  camp  nearer  to  the  enemy. 
Syphax  came  with  fifty  thousand  foot-soldiers  and 
ten  thousand  horsemen,  whereupon  Hasdrubal,  at 
once  moving  his  camp  away  from  Carthage,  estab- 
lished himself  not  far  from  Utica  and  the  Roman 
fortifications.     Their  arrival  had  this  effect  at  any 

extensive  that  the  ruins  of  Utica  are  now  about  7  miles  from 
the  nearest  coast-line.  Cf.  Caesar  B.C.  II.  xxiv.  1,  3;  Polybius 
I.  Ixxv.  5 ;  XV.  ii.  8  (his  name  for  the  river  is  Macaras) ; 
Strabo  XVII.  iii.  13  ^n.;  Pliny  N.H.  V.  24.  Appian  Pun.  75 
errs  as  to  the  distance  from  Carthage,  which  was  27  miles 
{Itin.  Ant.  22). 

2  The  artisans  as  captives  had  become  public  slaves  of  the 
Roman  people.  Cf.  those  taken  at  New  Carthage,  XXVI. 
xlvii.  2 ;   Polybius  X.  xvii.  6,  9. 


LRT 

Scipio,  cum  quadraginta  femie  dies  nequiquam  omnia 
experiens  obsedisset  Uticam,  abscederet  inde  inrito 

13  incepto.  Et — iam  enim  ^  hiems  instabat — castra 
hiberna  in  promimturio,  quod  tenui  iugo  continent! 
adhaerens  in  aliquantum  maris  spatium  extenditur, 

U  communit.  Uno  vallo  et  navalia  ^  castra  amplectitur ; 
iugo  medio  legionum  castris  inpositis,  latus  ^  ad 
septentrionem  versum  subductae  naves  navalesque 
socii  tenebant,  meridianam  vallem  ad  alterum  litus 

15  devexam  equitatus.*  Haec  in  Africa  usque  ad 
extremum  autumni  gesta. 

XXX\'I.  Praeter  convectum  undique  ex  populatis 
circa  agris  frumentum  commeatusque  ex  Sicilia  atque 
Italia  advectos,  Cn.  Octavius  propraetor  ex  Sardinia 
ab  Ti.  Claudio  praetore,  cuius  ea  provincia  erat,  in- 

2  gent  em  vim  frumenti  advexit ;  horreaque  non  solum 
ea  5  quae  iam  facta  erant  repleta,  sed  nova  aedificata. 
Vestimenta  exercitui  deerant ;  id  mandatum  Octavio 
ut  cum  praetore  ageret,  si  quid  ex  ea  provincia  com- 

3  parari  ac  mitti  posset.  Ea  quoque  baud  segniter  cu- 
rata  res  ;  mille  ducentae  togae  bre\'i  spatio  et  ^  duo- 
decim  milia  tunicarum  missa. 

1  Et  iam  [or  etiam)  enim  P{l)XHSp?  :  iam  enim  JK 
Frdben  2  :   etenim  Aldus. 

2  navalia  Sp/HJK  Frohen  2,  Eds.  :  -lium  P(l)X  Aldus: 
navalia  et  Gronovius,  Ma  Ivig,  Conway. 

3  latus  P{l)NHJK  :   litus  Sp?  Frohen  2  :   in  litus  Alius. 

*  devexam  equitatus  SpFA'X'HJK  Frohen  2:  om.  P(l), 
one  line. 

5  ea  o/n.  P(l)N. 

«  et  P(3)i?2.V  Aldus,  Eds.  :   ow.  BHJK  Frohen  2,  Conway. 


BOOK  XXIX.  XXXV.  I2-XXXVI.  3 

rate,  that   Scipio,  after  besieging   Utica  for  about  b.c.  204 
forty  days  to  no  purpose  in  spite  of  all  his  attempts, 
retired  from  the  place,  having  failed  in  his  under- 
taking.   And  as  winter  was  now  at  hand,  he  fortified 

\  a  winter  camp  on  a  promontory  which  is  connected 
with  the  mainland  by  a  narrow  ridge,  but  extends  for 
a  considerable  distance  into  the  sea.^  By  a  single 
earthwork  he  enclosed  the  naval  camp  as  well. 
The  camp  of  the  legions  being  placed  on  the  middle 
of  the  ridge,  its  northern  side  was  occupied  by  the 

,  beached  ships  and  the  men  to  man  them,  its  southern 
slope,  descending  to  the  other  shore,  by  the  cavalry. 
Such  were  the  events  in  Africa  down  to  the  end  of 
autumn. 

XXXVI.  Besides  the  grain  brought  in  on  all  sides 
from  ravaged  farms  of  the  whole  region  and  supplies 
transported  from  Sicily  and  Italy,  Gnaeus  Octavius, 
the  propraetor,  brought  a  large  amount  of  grain  sent 
from  Sardinia  by  Tiberius  Claudius,  the  praetor  in 
charge  of  that  province.  And  not  only  were  the 
granaries  filled  which  had  been  built  already,  but 
also  new  granaries  were  built.  Clothing  was  in- 
sufficient for  the  army.  Octavius  was  ordered  to 
obtain  from  the  praetor  whatever  could  be  assembled 
and  sent  from  that  province.  This  charge  also  was 
carried  out  without  delay.  Twelve  hundred  togas 
were  sent  in  a  short  time  and  twelve  thousand  tunics. 

^  Caesar  describes  the  site,  still  called  Castra  Corneli(an)a 
in  his  time  and  much  later;  B.C.  II.  xxiv;  cf.  Appian  B.C. 
II.  44;  Pliny  N.H.  V.  29;  Ptolemy  IV.  3.  It  was  at  the 
north-east  end  of  a  long  ridge  projecting  into  the  sea  (a  cape 
Poly  bins  calls  it,  XIV.  vi.  7),  and  parallel  to  the  ridge  on  which 
lay  Utica,  nearly  two  miles  farther  west,  with  a  broad  marsh 
between  them.     Caesar's  text  gives  half  the  actual  distance. 

347 


A.n.c.      4      Aestate    ea    qua    haec   in   Africa    g-esta    sunt    P. 
550  ^  .  1        .  T>         ..  .      . 

bempronius  consul  cui  Bruttn  provincia  erat  m  agro 

Crotoniensi  cum  Hannibale  in  ipso  itinere  tumultuario 

proelio  conflixit.    Agminibus  magis  quam  acie  pugna- 

5  turn  est.    Romani  pulsi,  et  tumultu  verius  quam  pugna 

6  ad  mille  et  ducenti  de  exercitu  consulis  interfecti ;  in 
castra  trepide  reditum,^  neque  oppugnare  tamen  ea 
hostes  ausi.  Ceterum  silentio  proximae  noctis  pro- 
fectas  inde  consul,  praemisso  nuntio  ad  P.  Licinium 
proconsulem    ut    suas    legiones    admoveret..    copias 

7  coniunxit.  Ita  duo  duces,  duo  exercitus  ad  Hanni- 
balem  redierunt ;  nee  mora  dimicandi  facta  ^  est,  cum 
consuli  duplicatae  vires,  Poeno  recens  victoria  animos 

8  faceret.3  In  primam  aciem  suas  legiones  Sempronias 
induxit ;  in  subsidiis  locatae  P.  Licinii  legiones. 
Consul  principio  pugnae  aedem  Fortunae  Primi- 
geniae  vo\'it,  si  eo  die  hostes  fudisset ;    composque 

9  eius  voti  fuit.  Fusi  ac  fugati  Poeni ;  supra  quattuor 
milia  armatorum  caesa,  paulo  minus  trecenti  vivi 
capti  et  ^  equi  quadraginta  ^  et  undecim  militaria 
signa.  Perculsus  adverso  proelio  Hannibal  Crotonem 
exercitum  reduxit.^ 

10       Eodem    tempore    M.    Cornelius    consul   in    altera 

^  trepide  reditum  P{1  ;X  :    trepidi  (-de  X')  rediere  X'HJK 
Aldus,  Frohen. 

2  facta  P{l)X  :   facta  est  X'HJK  Aldus,  Frohen. 

3  animos  faceret  A''''f{alte.m.)X*{cdtern.)HJK  Aldus,  Frohen, 
Eds.  {u'ith  fecisset  Madvig,  Biemann]  :   animo  esset  P{l)N. 

*  et  P(1).V  Aldus  :   am.  SpHJK  Frohen  2. 

5  quadraginta  (numeral)  P(l)X  :    quinquaginta  SpA'HJK. 

«  reduxit  P{1}N  Aldus  :   ab-  SpPHJK  Frohen  2. 

348 


BOOK  XXIX.  XXXVI.  4-10 

In  the  summer  in  which  these  events  occurred  in  b.c,  204 
Africa  PubUus  Sempronius,  the  consul  who  had  the 
land  of  the  Bruttii  as  his  province,  engaged  with 
Hannibal  in  the  territory  of  Croton  in  an  unorganized 
battle  while  actually  on  the  march.  They  fought  in 
columns  rather  than  in  battle-line.  The  Romans 
were  worsted,  and  in  what  was  in  fact  a  confused 
struggle  rather  than  a  battle  about  twelve  hundred 
of  the  consul's  army  were  slain.  There  was  a 
panic-stricken  retreat  to  the  camp,  and  yet  the 
enemy  did  not  venture  to  attack  it.  But  in  the 
silence  of  the  following  night  the  consul  set  out,  and 
after  despatching  a  messenger  to  Publius  Licinius, 
the  proconsul,  urging  him  to  bring  up  his  legions, 
he  united  their  forces.  Thus  two  generals  and  two 
armies  once  more  confronted  Hannibal,  and  there 
was  no  delay  in  engaging,  since  doubled  forces 
emboldened  the  consul,  as  his  recent  victory  did 
the  Carthaginian.  Sempronius  led  his  legions  into 
the  first  line,  while  Publius  Licinius'  legions  were 
posted  in  reserve.  At  the  beginning  of  the  battle 
the  consul  vowed  a  temple  to  Fortuna  Primigenia,^ 
if  he  should  rout  the  enemy  that  day ;  and  he  had 
his  wish.  The  Carthaginians  were  routed  and  put 
to  flight.  Over  four  thousand  armed  men  were 
slain,  a  little  less  than  three  hundred  were  captured 
alive,  and  forty  horses  and  eleven  military  standards 
taken.  Discouraged  by  defeat,  Hannibal  led  his 
army  back  to  Croton. 

At  the  same  time  Marcus  Cornelius,  the  consul,  in 

^  The  temple,  dedicated  in  194  B.C.,  stood  on  the  Quirinal 
inside  the  Porta  Collina;  cf.  XXXIV.  liii.  5  f.  The  worship 
of  this  goddess  came  from  Praeneste  (Palestrina).  She  was 
80  named  as  Jupiter's  first-born  daughter. 

349 


parte  Italiae  non  tarn  armis  quam  iudiciorum  terrore 
Etruriam   continuit,  totam    ferme    ad   Magonem  ac 

11  per  euin  ad  speni  novandi  res  versam.  Eas  quaes- 
tioiies  ex  senatus  consulto  minime  ambitiose  habuit ; 
multique  nobiles  Etrusci  qui  aut  ipsi  ierant  aut 
miserant   ad   Magonem  de   populorum   suofum   de- 

12  fectione,  primo  praesentes  erant  condemnati,  postea 
conscientia  sibimet  ipsi  exsilium  consciscentes,  cum 
absentes  damnati  essent,  corporibus  subtractis  bona 
tantum  quae  publicari  poterant  pigneranda  poenae 
praebebant. 

XXX\'II.  Dum  haec  consules  diversis  regionibus 
agunt.  censores  interim  Romae  M.  Livius  et  C.  Clau- 
dius senatum  recitaverunt.  Princeps  iterura  lectus  ^ 
Q.  Fabius  Maximus  ;  notati  septem,  nemo  tamen  qui 

2  sella  curuli  sedisset.  Sarta  tecta  acriter  et  cum 
summa  fide  exegerunt.  Viam  e  foro  bovario  '^  ad 
Veneris  circa  foros  publicos  et  aedem  Matris  Magnae 

3  in  Palatio  faciendam  locaverunt.  Vectigal  etiam 
novum  ex  salaria  annona  statuerunt.  Sextante  sal  et 
Romae  et  per  totam  Italiam  erat.     Romae  pretio 

1  lectus  Sp?HJK  Froben  2  :  delectus  C^AX  Aldus  :  di- 
P(3). 

2  bovario,  after  this  P(\)NJK  Aldus  add  an  impossible  et, 
deleted  b;/  Madvig. 

^  Begun  in  206  B.C.  under  M.  Livius  Salinator  for  the 
punishment  of  Etruscan  and  Umbrian  disloyalty ;  p.  43  Tued. 
Fugitives  who  escaped  execution  suffered  confiscation  of 
property  (§  12). 

2  Cf.  XXVII.  xi.  12. 

'  The  nota  of  the  censors  was  a  mark  or  stigma  affixed  (in 
the  revised  list  of  citizens)  to  the  names  of  such  men  as  had 
been  degraded  by  the  censors,  who  added  the  reason  in  each 
case.     Cf.  XXIV.  xviii.  2  ff.,  esp.  9. 

*  I.e.  Venus  Obsequens.  Built  295  B.C.,  near  the  east  end 
of  the  Circus  Maximus,  and  on  the  side  toward  the  Aventine ; 


BOOK  XXIX.  XXXVI.  io-xxx\'ii.  3 

the  north  of  Italy  held  Etriiria  in  check  not  so  much  b.o.  204 
by  arms  as  by  the  alarm  produced  by  the  trials, ^ 
while  almost  the  whole  land  was  inclined  towards 
Mago  and  through  him  to  the  hope  of  a  political 
change.  In  accordance  with  a  decree  of  the  senate 
he  conducted  these  cases  with  no  respect  of  persons. 
And  at  first  many  noble  Etruscans  who  either  had 
gone  in  person  to  Mago  or  had  sent  others  to  him 
reporting  on  the  disloyalty  of  their  communities, 
had  appeared  and  had  been  condemned.  Later 
on  men  who  from  a  guilty  conscience  went  into 
voluntary  exile,  on  being  condemned  in  absence, 
eluded  bodily  punishment,  merely  exposing  their 
property  instead  to  possible  confiscation. ^ 

XXXVII.  While  the  consuls  were  thus  employed 
in  opposite  regions,  the  censors  Marcus  Livius  and 
Gains  Claudius  at  Rome  meanwhile  publicly  read 
the  list  of  senators.  Quintus  Fabius  Maximus  was 
chosen  princeps  for  the  second  time.^  Seven  men  re- 
ceived their  "  mark,"  ^  but  no  one  who  had  occupied 
a  curule  chair.  Repairs  to  public  buildings  and  their 
roofs  they  enforced  strictly  and  with  the  greatest 
fidelity.  They  let  the  contract  for  the  making  of  a 
street  leading  out  of  the  Cattle  Market,  on  both  sides 
of  the  spectators'  stands,  as  far  as  the  Temple  of 
Venus,*  also  for  the  erection  of  a  Temple  of  the 
Great  Mother^  on  the  Palatine.  They  also  estab- 
lished a  new  revenue  from  the  yearly  production  of 
salt.  Both  at  Rome  and  throughout  Italy  salt  was 
then  sold  at  one-sixth  of  an  as.     The  censors  let 

X.  xxxi.  9.     The  stands  for  spectators  were  of  wood,  as  the 
upper  tiers  of  the  Circus  always  continued  to  be. 

^  For  thirteen  years  longer  she  was  to  remain  in  the  Temple 
of  Victory;   cf.  xiv.  14;   XXXVI.  xxxvi.  3  f. 


eodem,  pluris  in  foris  et  conciliabulis   et  alio  alibi 

4  pretio  praebendum  locaverunt.  Id  vectigal  com- 
mentum  alterum  ex  censoribus  satis  credebant, 
populo  iratum,  quod  iniquo  iudicio  quondam  damna- 
tus  esset,  et  ^  in  pretio  salis  maxime  oneratas  tribus 
quarum  opera  damnatus  erat.^  Inde  Salinatori  ^ 
Livio  inditum  cognomen. 

5  Lustrum  conditum  serius  quia  per  provincias 
dimiserunt  censores,  ut  civium  Romanorum  in 
exercitibas  quantus  ubique  esset  referretur  numerus. 

6  Censa  cum  iis  ducenta  quattuordecim  *  milia  homi- 

7  num.  Condidit  lustrum  C.  Claudius  Nero.  Duodecim 
deinde  coloniarum,  quod  numquam  antea  ^  factum 
erat,  deferentibus  ipsarum  coloniarum  censoribus, 
censum  acceperunt,  ut  quantum  numero  militum, 
quantum  pecunia  valerent  in  pubiicis  tabulis  monu- 

8  menta  exstarent.  Equitum  deinde  census  agi  coeptus 
est ;  et  ambo  forte  censores  equum  publicum  habe- 
bant.    Cum  ad  tribum  Polliam  ventum  est.^  in  qua  M. 

1  et  HJK  Eds.  :   om.  P{\)^\ 

2  erat,  P{l)XHJK  Eds.  add  credebant  (repeated)  :    rejected 
by  Madvig,  Conxray. 

3  Salinatori  .V^  or  N*mJK  :   -tor  P(l)N. 

*  quattuordecim  Conway  {cf.  ii.  17)  :  decern  quattuor 
P(l)X  Eds.  (cf.  Periocha  fin.)  :   Lxv  SpA'X'HJK. 

5  antea  HJK  Frohen  2  :   ante  P(l)N  Aldus. 

^  eBtP(l)NJKEds.:  esset  Sieshye,Madvig,  Conway :  om.H. 

^  On  these  petty  localities  v.  Vol.  VI.  p.  356,  n.  1.  In  the 
Lex  lulia  municipalis  (45  B.C.)  they  are  repeatedly  mentioned 
as  the  lowest  grades  of  communities,  inferior  to  rnunicipia, 
coloniae  and  praefecturae,  which  are  implied  here  in  cUibi, 
as  we  cannot  believe  that  any  towns  however  small  escaped 
the  higher  price.  In  Rome  alone  was  the  previous  "  ceiling" 
continued. 

*  How  to  reconcile  this  statement  with  the  status  of  Livius' 
own  Maecia  (§  13)  as  one  of  the  rustic  tribes  and  hence  bound  to 


BOOK  XXIX.  XXXVII.  3-8 

contracts  for  the  sale  of  salt  at  the  same  price  at  b.c.  204 
Rome,  at  a  higher  price  even  in  market-towns  and 
local  centres,^  and  at  prices  which  varied  from  place 
to  place.  This  source  of  revenue  was  generally 
believed  to  have  been  devised  by  only  one  of  the 
censors,  who  was  angry  with  the  people  because  he 
had  formerly  been  condemned  by  an  unjust  verdict ; 
and  that  in  the  price  of  salt  those  tribes  by  whose 
efforts  he  had  been  condemned  were  most  heavily 
burdened.2  Hence  the  cognomen  Salinator  was 
bestowed  upon  Livius. 

The  ceremony  of  purification  was  completed  later 
than  usual  because  the  censors  had  sent  men  to  the 
various  provinces  to  report  the  number  of  Roman 
citizens  in  each  of  the  armies.  Including  these, 
214,000  men  ^  were  listed.  Gaius  Claudius  Nero 
concluded  the  rite  of  purification.  Then  they  re- 
ceived the  census  lists  of  the  twelve  colonies  * 
presented  by  their  own  censors,  as  had  never  been 
done  before.  The  purpose  was  that  documents,  to 
show  what  was  their  strength  in  the  number  of 
soldiers  and  what  in  money,  might  be  found  in  the 
public  records.  Then  they  began  to  take  the  census 
of  the  knights ;  and  it  happened  that  both  of  the 
censors  had  horses  from  the  state.  When  they  had 
reached  the  Pollia  tribe,  in  which  stood  the  name  of 

pay  the  higher  price  is  a  futile  question,  since  the  whole  story 
bears  the  stamp  of  fiction.  The  state  owned  all  salt  works, 
but  they  were  operated  by  contractors,  who  with  prices  raised 
could  now  pay  more  for  their  concessions.  This  amounted 
to  putting  a  tax  on  salt  except  in  Rome.  Cf.  Dio  Cassius 
frag.  57.  70. 

^  Compared  with  137,108  four  years  before;  Vol.  VII. 
p.  355,  n.  3. 

4  Cf.  XV.  5  ff.,  esp.  10. 

353 

VOL.    VIII.  N 


LIVY 
A.u.c.         Livi  nomen  erat,  et  praeco  cunctaretur  citare  ipsui 


550 


1 


9  censorem,  "  Cita"  inquit  Nero  '*  M.  Livium  "  ;  et  siv 
ex  residua  vetere  simultate  sive  intempestiva  iact 
tione  severitatis  inflatus  M.  Livium,  quia  popu 
iudicio     esset     damnatus,     equum     vendere     iussi 

10  Item  M.  Livius,  cum  ad  tribum  Arniensem  et  Rome 
conlegae  ventum  est,  vendere  equum  C.  Claudiui 
iussit  duarum  rerum  causa,  unius  quod  falsui 
adversus  se  testimonium  dixisset,  alterius  quod  no 

11  sincera  fide  secum  in  gratiam  redisset.  Aeque 
foedum  certamen  inquinandi  famam  alterius  cui 
suae    famae    damno    factum    est    exitu    censura( 

12  Cum  in  leges  iurasset  C.  Claudius  et  in  aerariur 
escendisset,  inter  nomina  eorum  quos  aerarios  relii 

13  quebat  dedit  conlegae  nomen.  Deinde  M.  Livius  i 
aerarium  venit  et  ^  praeter  Maeciam  tribum,  quae  s^ 
neque  condemnasset  neque  condemnatum  aut  consi 
lem  aut  censorem  fecisset,  populum  Romanui 
omnem,  quattuor  et  triginta  tribus,  aerarios  reliqui 

14  quod  et  innocentem  se  condemnassent  et  conden 
natum  consulem  et  censorem  fecissent,  nequj 
infitiari  possent  aut  iudicio  semel  aut  comitiis  bis  a^ 

15  se  peccatum  esse  :  inter  ^  quattuor  et  triginta  tribu 
et  C.  Claudium  aerarium  fore ;    quod  si  exemplui 

^  Aeque    'S'{probahly)    Gronovias,    Eds.  :     neque    P{1)N 
neque  ibi  HN'?  :  itaque  ibi  A'JK  Aldus,  Frohen. 

2  venit   et   N'HJK  Aldus,   Frohen,  Luchs  :    venit   P[\)l 
Eds.,  Conv:ay.  . 

3  inter  Aldus,  Frohen  :   in  HJK  :   om.  P{1)N.  ' 

^  The  horse  had  been  bought  out  of  an  allowance  (a 
equeitre)  from  the  state,  but  was  not  public  property;  Mom 
sen,  Staatsrecht  III.  256,  n.  3. 

*  In  the  trial  before  the  popular  assembly;   cf.  Vol.  VI 
p.  347  and  note  1. 

354 


BOOK  XXIX.  XXXVII.  8-15 

Marcus  Livius,  and  while  the  herald  was  hesitating  b.c,  204 
o  summon  the  censor  himself,  Nero  said,  "  Summon 
Marcus  Livius !  "  And  whether  as  still  nursing  their 
ancient  quarrel,  or  priding  himself  on  an  ill-timed 
display  of  strictness  because  he  had  been  condemned 
by  a  verdict  of  the  people,  he  ordered  Marcus 
Livius  to  sell  his  horse.  ^  Likewise  Marcus  Livius, 
when  they  had  reached  the  Arniensis  tribe  and 
the  name  of  his  colleague,  ordered  Gaius  Claudius 
to  sell  his  horse  for  two  reasons :  one  because 
lie  had  given  false  testimony  ^  against  Livius, 
the  other  that  he  had  not  honestly  been  reconciled 
with  him.  Equally  shameful  at  the  close  of  their 
censorship  was  their  contest  in  besmirching  each 
the  other's  reputation  to  the  detriment  of  his  own. 
SVhen  Gaius  Claudius  had  taken  the  oath  that  he 
tiad  complied  with  the  laws,  upon  going  up  into  the 
Treasury  and  giving  the  names  of  those  whom  he  was 
leaving  as  mere  tax-payers,^  he  gave  the  name  of 
[lis  colleague.  Then  Marcus  Livius  came  into  the 
Treasury,  and  except  for  the  Maecia  tribe,  which  had 
neither  condemned  him  nor  after  his  condemnation 
*  voted  for  him  either  for  consul  or  for  censor,  he  left 
f  :he  entire  Roman  people,  thirty-four  tribes,  as  mere 
I  tax-payers,  alleging  that  they  had  both  condemned 
■  him,  an  innocent  man,  and  after  his  condemnation 
n  had  made  him  consul  and  censor,  and  could  not  deny 
that  they  had  erred  either  once  in  their  verdict  or 
:wice  in  the  elections.  He  said  that  among  the 
thirty-four  tribes  Gaius  Claudius  also  would  be  a 
mere  tax-payer;    and  that  if  he  had  a  precedent 

'  Cf.  Vol.  VI.  p.  231.  Any  action  taken  by  a  censor  with- 
out approval  of  his  colleague  was  void;  Mommsen  op.  cit. 
[1.^358;  oi.e.g.  XLV.  xv.  8. 

355 


haberet     bis     eundem     aerarium     relinquendi,     C. 
Claudium  nominatim  se  inter  aerarios  fuisse  relic- 

16  turum.  Pravum  certamen  notariim  inter  censores ; 
castigatio  inconstantiae  populi  censoria  et  ^  gravitate 

17  temporum  illorum  digna.  In  invidia  censores  cum 
essent,  crcscendi  ex  iis  ratus  esse  occasionem  Cn. 
Baebius  tribunus  plebis  diem  ad  populum  utrisque  ^ 
dixit.  Ea  res  consensu  patrum  discussa  est,  ne  postea 
obnoxia  populari  aurae  censura  esset. 

XXX\'III.  Eadem  aestate  in  Bruttiis   Clampetia 
a  consule  vi  capta,  Consentia  et  Pandosia  et  ignobiies 

2  aliae  civitates  voluntate  in  dicionem  venerunt.  Et 
cum  comitiorum  iam  adpeteret  tempus,  Cornelium 
potius  ex  Etruria,  ubi  nihil  belli  erat,  Romam  acciri 

3  placuit.     Is  consules  Cn.  Ser\'ilium  Caepionem  et  C. 

4  Servilium  ^  Geminum  creavit.  Inde  praetoria  comitia 
habita.    Creati  P.  Cornelius  Lentulus,  P.  Quinctilius 

5  Varus,  P.  Aelius  Paetus,  P.  Mllius  Tappulus ;  hi 
duo  cum  aediles  plebis  essent,  praetores  creati  sunt. 
Consul  comitiis  perfectis  ad  exercitum  in  Etruriam 
redit. 

6  Sacerdotes  eo  anno  raortui  atque  in  locum  eorum 

^  et  P{l)N  {after  gravitate  JK)  :   om.  z  Aldus,  Frohen  2, 
2  utrisque  P(l)-V  Eds.  :    utrique  H  Aldus,  Frohen,  Conway 

(before  ad  JK). 

'  Caepionem  .  .  .  Servilium   A'X'JK   Eds.  :    om.   P{1)N, 

one  line. 


^  Baebius  Tamphilus  reached  the  consulship  in  182  B.C.; 
XXXIX.  Ivi.  4. 

2  Chief  town  of  the  Bruttii,  modern  Cosenza,  captured  by 
the  Carthaginians  in  216  B.C.  It  returned  to  the  Romans  in 
213,  but  had  changed  sides  once  more;  cf.  XXIII.  xxx.  5; 
XXV.  i.  2;  XXX.  xix.  10  (a  repetition).     Later  an  important  , 


BOOK  XXIX.  XXXVII.  15-XXXV111.  6 

for  twice  leaving  the  same  man  a  mere  tax-payer,  b.c.  204 
he  would  have  left  Gaius  Claudius  among  them  with 
express  mention  of  his  name.     A  perverted  contest 
between  the  censors  in  regard  to  their  "marks"; 
but  to  the  fickleness  of  the  people  it  was  a  rebuke 
I  worthy    of    a    censor    and    in    keeping    with    the 
H  earnestness  of  those  times.     Since  the  censors  were 
I  unpopular,  Gnaeus  Baebius,  a  tribune  of  the  plebs,^ 
'  thinking  it   an  opportunity  to   advance   himself  at 
their   expense,  named   a   day   for   both   to    appear 
before   the   people.     That  procedure  was   quashed 
by  unanimity  among  the  senators,  lest  the  censor- 
ship should  be  subject  thereafter  to  the  caprice  of 
the  populace. 

XXXVIII.  During  the  same  summer  in  the  land 
of  the  Bruttii  Clampetia  was  taken  by  storm  by  the 
consul.  Consentia  ^  together  with  Pandosia  and 
other  cities  of  no  importance  voluntarily  submitted 
to  his  authority.  And  since  the  time  for  elections 
was  now  at  hand,  it  was  decided  to  summon  Cornelius 
to  Rome  from  Etruria,  where  there  was  no  war. 
He  announced  the  election  of  Gnaeus  Servilius 
Caepio  and  Gaius  Servilius  Geminus  as  consuls. 
Then  elections  for  the  praetorships  were  held. 
Elected  were  Publius  Cornelius  Lentulus,  Publius 
Quinctilius  Varus,  Publius  Aelius  Paetus,  Publius 
Villius  Tappulus,  the  last  two  being  made  praetors 
while  they  were  plebeian  aediles.  The  consul  after 
the  elections  were  over  returned  to  the  army  in 
Etruria. 

Priests  who  died  that  year  and  successors  appointed 

point  on  the  great  inland  road,  Via  Popilia,  from  Capua  to 
Reggio  (Regium);  C.I.L.  X.  6950  (=  I.  ii,  ed.  2,  638).  Clam- 
petia was  on  the  coast  south-west  of  Consentia. 

357 


LIVY 

suffecti :  Ti.  Veturius  Philo  flamen  Martialis  in  locum 
M.   Aemili  Regilli,   qui    priore   anno  mortuus   erat, 

7  creatus  inauguratu-sque  ;  in  M.  Pomponi  Mathonis  au- 
gxLris  et  decemwi  locum  creati  decemvir  M.  Aurelius 
Cotta,  augur  Ti.  Sempronias  Gracchus  admodum 
adulescens,     quod     tum     perrarum     in     mandandis 

8  sacerdotiis  erat.  Quadrigae  aureae  eo  anno  in 
Capitolio  positae  ab  aedilibus  curulibus  C.  Livio  et 
M.  Servilio  Gemino,  et  ludi  Romani  biduum  in- 
staurati,  item  per  biduum  plebei  ab  aedilibus  P. 
Aelio,  P.  \'illio ;   et  lovis  epulum  fuit  ludoruni  causa. 

^  Immediately  correcting  the  opening  "words  of  the  para- 
graph.    Cf.  xi.  i4  for  Regillus'  death  in  20.5  B.C. 

2  Pomponius,  probably  praetor  in  216  B.C.,  had  held  two 
priesthoods  concvirrently,  as  did  OtacUius  in  XXVII.  vi.  15. 


358 


BOOK  XXIX.  XXXVIII.  6-8 

in  their  places  were :  Tiberius  Veturius  Philo, 
elected  and  installed  flamen  of  Mars  in  place  of 
Marcus  Aemilius  Regillus,  who  had  died  in  the 
preceding  year ;  ^  in  succession  to  Marcus  Pom- 
ponius  Matho,  augur  and  decemvir,^  were  elected 
Marcus  Aurelius  Cotta  as  decemvir,  Tiberius  Sem- 
pronius  Gracchus  as  augur,  being  a  mere  youth, 
which  was  then  a  very  unusual  thing  in  the  assign- 
ment of  priesthoods.  A  gilded  four-horse  chariot 
was  set  up  in  that  year  on  the  Capitol  by  the  curule 
aediles  Gains  Livius  and  Marcus  Servilius  Geminus. 
And  the  Roman  Games  were  repeated  for  two  days, 
as  were  the  Plebeian  Games  also  for  two  days  by  the 
aediles  Publius  Aelius  and  Publius  Villius ;  and  on 
account  of  the  festival  there  was  a  banquet  for 
Jupiter. 


359 


LIBRI   XXIX   PERIOCHA 

Ex  SiciLiA  C.  Laelius  in  Africam  a  Scipione  missus  in- 
gentem  praedam  reportavit  et  mandata  Masiiiissae  Scipioni 
exposuit  querentis  quod  nondum  exercitum  in  Africam 
traiecisset.  Bellum  in  Hispania  finitum  victore  Romano 
quod  Indibilis  excitaverat ;  ipse  in  acie  occisus,  Mandonius 
exposcentibus  Romanis  a  suis  deditus.  Magoni,  qui 
Albingauni  in  Liguribus  erat,  ex  Africa  et  militum  ampla 
manus  missa  et  pecuniae  quibus  auxilia  conduceret, 
praeceptumque  ut  se  Hannibali  coniungeret.  Scipio  a 
S}Tacusis  in  Bruttios  traiecit  et  Locros  pulso  Punico 
praesidio  fugatoque  Hannibale  recepit.  Pax  cum  Philippo 
facta  est.  Mater  Idaea  deportata  est  Romam  a  Pes- 
sinunte  oppido  Phn-giae,  carmine  in  libris  Sibyllinis 
invento,  pelli  Italia  alienigenam  hostem  posse,  si  mater 
Idaea  deportata  Romam  esset,  Tradita  est  autera 
Romanis  per  Attalum  regem  Asiae.  Lapis  erat  quern 
matrem  deum  incolae  dicebant,  Excepit  P.  Scipio  Nasica 
Cn.  filius  eius  qui  in  Hispania  perierat,  vir  optimus  a 
senatu  iudicatus,  adulescens  nondum  quaestorius,  quoniam 
ita  responsum  iubebat  ut  id  numen  ab  optimo  viro  ex- 
ciperetur  consecrareturque.  Locrenses  legatos  Romam 
miserunt  qui  de  inpotentia  ^  Plemini  legati  quererentur 
qui  pecuniam  Proserpinae  sustulerat  et  liberos  eorum  ac 
coniuges  stupraverat.  In  catenis  Romam  perductuj  in 
carcere  est  mortuus.     Cum  falsus  rumor  de  P.  Scipione 

1  inpotentia  Froben  :  inpudentia  MSS. 

'  Cf.  pp.  283  (xix.  5)  and  296,  n.  1. 
360 


SUMMARY   OF   BOOK   XXIX 

Gaius  Laelius,  having  been  sent  by  Scipio  from  Sicily 
to  Africa,  brought  back  immense  booty  and  dehvered  to 
Scipio  Masinissa's  messages,  complaining  because  he  had 
not  yet  transported  his  army  to  Africa.  The  war  which 
Indibilis  had  stirred  up  in  Spain  was  brought  to  an  end  with 
the  Roman  as  victor.  He  himself  was  slain  in  battle; 
Mandonius  was  surrendered  by  his  own  people  to  the 
Romans  in  response  to  their  demand.  To  Mago,  who  was 
at  Albingaunum,  among  the  Ligurians,  a  large  contingent 
was  sent  from  Africa  and  also  funds  with  which  to  hire 
auxiliaries;  and  he  was  ordered  to  unite  with  Hannibal. 
Scipio  crossed  over  from  Syracuse  into  the  Bruttian  terri- 
tory and  recovered  Locri  by  defeating  the  Punic  garrison 
and  putting  Hannibal  to  flight.  Peace  was  made  with 
Philip.  The  Idaean  Mother  was  brought  to  Rome  from 
Pessinus,  a  town  in  Phrygia,  since  in  the  Sibylhne  books 
verses  had  been  found,  saying  that  a  foreign  enemy  could 
be  driven  out  of  Italy  if  the  Idaean  Mother  should  be 
brought  to  Rome.  And  she  was  deUvered  to  the  Romans 
by  Attains,  King  of  Asia.  It  was  a  stone  which  the  natives 
said  was  the  Mother  of  the  gods.  She  was  received  by 
Publius  Scipio  Nasica,  son  of  that  Gnaeus  who  had  perished 
in  Spain.  He  was  adjudged  the  best  man  by  the  senate, 
because,  although  he  was  a  young  man  who  had  not  yet 
been  quaestor,  the  oracle  commanded  that  that  divinity 
should  be  received  and  consecrated  by  the  best  man. 
The  Locrians  sent  envoys  to  Rome  to  complain  of  the 
lawless  conduct  of  Pleminius,  the  legatus,  who  had  carried 
off  the  money  of  Proserpina  and  had  outraged  their 
children  and  their  wives.  He  was  taken  in  chains  to  Rome 
and  died   in  the   prison. ^     When  an  unfounded  report 

361 


LIBRI   XXIX   PERIOCHA 

proconsule,  qui  in  Sicilia  erat,  in  urbem  perlatus  esset, 
tamquam  ibi  luxuriaretur,  missis  ob  hoc  legatis  a  senatu 
qui  explorarent  an  ea  vera  essent,  purgatus  infamia  Scipio 
in  Africam  permissu  senatus  traiecit.  Syphax  accepta  in 
matrimonium  filia  HasdrubaUs  Gisgonis  amicitiam 
quam  cum  Scipione  iunxerat  renuntiavit.  Masinissa  rex 
Massylionim,  dum  pro  Carthaginiensibus  in  Hispania 
militat,  amisso  patre  Gala  de  regno  exciderat.  Quo  per 
bellum  saepe  repetito  aliquot  proeliis  a  Syphace  rege 
Numidarum  victus  in  totum  privatus  est,  et  cum  ducentis 
equitibus  exsul  Scipioni  se  iunxit  et  cum  eo  primo  statim 
bello  Hannonem  Hamilcaris  filium  cum  ampla  manu 
occidit.  Scipio  adventu  Hasdrubalis  et  Syphacis,  qui 
prope  cum  centum  milibus  armatorum  venerant,  ab 
obsidione  Uticae  depulsus  hibema  communivit.  Sem- 
pronius  consul  in  agro  Crotoniensi  prospere  adversus 
Hannibalem  pugnavit.  Inter  censores  M.  Livium  et 
Claudium  Neronem  notabilis  discordia  fuit.  Nam  et 
Claudius  Livio  collegae  equum  ademit,  quod  a  populo 
daninatus  actusque  in  exsilium  fuerat,  et  Livius  Claudio, 
quod  falsum  in  se  testimonium  dixisset  et  quod  non  bona 
fide  secum  in  gratiam  redisset.  Idem  omnes  tribus  extra 
unam  aerarias  reliquit,  quod  et  innocentem  se  damnassent 
et  posthac  consulem  censoremque  fecissent.  Lustrum 
a  censoribus  conditum  est.  Censa  sunt  civium  capita 
CCXIIII. 


362 


SUMMARY   OF   BOOK   XXIX 

had  been  brought  to  the  city  in  regard  to  PubUus  Scipio, 
the  proconsul,  who  was  in  Sicily,  alleging  that  he  was 
leading  a  life  of  indulgence  there,  representatives  were 
for  this  reason  sent  by  the  senate  to  discover  whether  the 
charges  were  true.  Being  cleared  of  evil  repute  Scipio 
crossed  over  to  Africa  by  permission  of  the  senate.  Syphax, 
having  received  in  marriage  the  daughter  of  Hasdrubal 
son  of  Gisgo,  renounced  the  friendship  which  he  had  made 
with  Scipio.  Masinissa,  King  of  the  Massylians,  while 
serving  in  Spain  for  the  Carthaginians,  after  losing  his 
father  Gala,  had  been  excluded  from  the  kingship.  When 
he  repeatedly  sought  to  regain  it  by  war,  he  was  defeated 
by  Syphax,  King  of  the  Numidians,  in  a  number  of  battles 
and  was  completely  dispossessed.  And  as  an  exile  with 
two  hundred  horsemen  he  joined  Scipio  and  with  him 
at  the  very  beginning  of  the  campaign  he  slew  Hanno  son 
of  Hamilcar,  together  with  his  large  force.  Scipio,  on  the 
arrival  of  Hasdrubal  and  Syphax,  who  had  come  with 
almost  a  hundred  thousand  armed  men,  was  forced  to 
raise  the  siege  of  Utica  and  fortified  a  winter  camp. 
Sempronius,  the  consul,  fought  successfully  against 
Hannibal  in  the  territory  of  Croton.  Between  the  censors, 
Marcus  Livius  and  Claudius  Nero,  there  was  a  memorable 
quarrel.  For  Claudius  took  away  his  colleague  Livius' 
horse  because  he  had  been  condemned  by  the  people  and 
driven  into  exile,  and  Livius  did  the  same  for  Claudius 
because  the  latter  had  borne  false  witness  against  him 
and  because  he  had  not  been  sincere  in  being  reconciled 
with  him.  Likewise  Livius  left  all  the  tribes  but  one  mere 
tax-payers,  because  they  had  both  condemned  him, 
though  innocent,  and  had  later  made  him  consul  and  censor. 
The  rite  of  purification  was  completed  by  the  censors. 
The  number  of  citizens  listed  was  214,000. 


3^3 


BOOK  XXX 


LIBER    XXX 

I.  Cn.  Servilius  et  C.  Servilius  consules — sextus 
decimus  is  annus  belli  Punici  erat — cum  de  re  pu- 
blica  belloque  et  provineiis  ad  senatuni  rettuiissent, 

2  censuerunt  patres  ut  consules  inter  se  compararent 
sortirenturve  uter  Bruttios  adversus  Hannibalem,  uter 

3  Etruriam  ac  Ligures  provinciam  haberet ;  cui  Bruttii 
evenissent  exercitum  a  P.  Senipronio  acciperet ; 
P.  Sempronius — ei  quoque  enim  pro  consule  ^ 
imperiura  in  annum  prorogabatur — P.   Licinio  suc- 

4  cederet.  Is  Romam  reverteretur,  bello  quoque 
bonus  habitus  ad  cetera,  quibus  nemo  ea  tempestate 
instructior     civis     habebatur,     congestis     omnibus 

5  humanis  ab  natura  fortunaque  bonis.  Nobilis  idem 
ac  dives  erat ;  forma  viribusque  corporis  excellebat ; 
facundissimus  habebatur  seu  causa  oranda,  seu  in 
senatu  et  apud  -  populmn  suadendi  ac  dissuadendi 

^  pro  consule  H  Luchs,  Riemann,  Conway  :  proconsuli 
P(\)NVJK  Eds. 

2  et  apud  SpHVJK  :'  et  ad  .V  Aldus,  Frohen  :  ad  P{\)N  : 
aut  ad  conj.  Weissenborn. 

^  Omission  of  cognomina  at  the  beginning  of  a  new  book 
would  be  striking  if  their  full  names  had  not  just  been  giren 
in  XXIX.  xxxviii.  3 ;   cf.  below,  §  8  (cognomina  only). 

2  This  addition  to  Etruria  as  one  consul's  province  (and 
for  the  first  time)  was  in  view  of  Mago's  activity  on  the 
Ligurian  coast;    cf.  §  10;    XXIX.  v. 

366 


BOOK   XXX 

I.  Gnaeus  Servilius  and  Gaius  Servilius,^  the  : 
consuls,  whose  year  was  the  sixteenth  of  the  Punic 
war,  having  laid  before  the  senate  the  condition  of 
the  state  and  the  war  and  the  assignments,  the 
senators  voted  that  the  consuls  should  arrange 
between  them,  or  determine  by  lot,  which  of  them 
should  have  as  his  assignment  the  land  of  the  Bruttii, 
confronting  Hannibal,  and  which  of  them  Etruria  and 
Liguria  ;  ^  that  the  consul  to  whom  the  Bruttii  should 
fall  was  to  take  over  an  army  from  Publius  Sem- 
pronius ;  that  Publius  Sempronius — for  he  also  had 
his  command  prolonged  for  one  year  as  proconsul — 
should  succeed  Publius  Licinius ;  ^  that  the  latter 
should  return  to  Rome.  In  war  also  Licinius  was  now 
highly  rated,  in  addition  to  the  other  fields  in  which 
no  citizen  was  at  that  time  considered  more  fully 
equipped;  since  all  the  advantages  possible  to  man 
had  been  heaped  upon  him  by  nature  and  fortune. 
Of  noble  birth  he  was  at  tS^ame  time  wealthy. 
Conspicuous  for  a  handsoift^F^figure  and  physical 
strength,  he  was  considered  a  very  eloquent  speaker, 
whether  a  legal  case  was  to  be  conducted,  or  when 
there  was  occasion  in  the  senate  and  before  the  people 

^  The  first  Crassus  to  be  called  Dives ;  Dio  Cass.  frag.  57.  52. 
Before  his  consulship  in  205  B.C.  he  had  been  censor  in  210; 
XXVII.  vi.  17. 


6  locus  esset ;  iuris  pontificii  peritissimus  ;  super  haec 
bellicae  quoque  laudis  consulatus  compotem  fecerat. 
Quod    in    Bruttiis    provincia,    idem    in    Etruria    ac 

7  Liguribus  decretum :  M.  Cornelius  novo  consuli 
tradere  exercitum  iussus ;  ipse  prorogato  imperio 
Galliam     provinciam     obtineret  ^     cum     legionibus 

8  ii«;  quas  L.  Scribonius  priore  anno  habuisset.  Sortiti 
deinde     pro\'incias :       Caepioni     Bruttii,     Gemino  ^ 

9  Etruria  evenit.  Tum  praetorum  provinciae  in  sortem 
coniectae :  iuris  dictionem  urbanam  Paetas  Aelius, 
Sardiniam  P.  Lentulas.  Siciliam^  P.  Villius,  Ariminum 
cum  duabus  legionibus — sub  Sp.  Lucretio  eae  fuerant 

10  — Quinctilius  Varus  est  sortitus.  Et  Lucretio  proro- 
gatum imperium,  ut  Genuam  oppidum  a  Magone 
Poeno  dirutum  exaedificaret.  P.  Scipioni  non 
temporis,  sed  rei  gerendae  fine,  donee  debellatum  in 

11  Africa  foret,  prorogatum  imperiimn  est ;  decretumque 
ut  supplicatio  fieret.  quod  is  in  Africam  pro\'inciam 
traiecisset,  ut  ea  res  salutaris  populo  Romano  ipsi- 
que  duci  atque  exercitui  esset. 

II.  In  Siciliam  tria  milia  militum  sunt  scripta, 
quia  *  quod  roboris  ea  provincia  habuerat  in  Africam 

^  obtineret  A'X'IH'JK  Frohen  2,  Luch-s,  Luterhacher : 
-ere  P{1}X  Aldus,  Ed.?.,  Conicoy. 

2  Gemino,  before  this  P(1)XHJK  Eds.  have  Servilio  {om. 
by  V),  rejected  by  Madvig,  Conway  as  the  nomen  of  both  consuls. 

3  P.  Lentulu3,  Siciliam  A'X'Hl'JK  :   om.  P{l}X,  one  line. 

*  quia,  before  this  P{\)X Sp(prob.)HVJ K  Aldus  have  et, 
rejected  by  Gronovius,  Madvig,  Riemann,  Conway  :  retain^ 
by  those  who  put  a  period  after  oram,  p.  370. 

^  No  important  victory  of  Crassus  is  known.  Elected 
pontifex  maximus  in  212*b.c.  (XXV.  v.  3  f.),  he  held  that 
oflBce  for  29  years  down  to  his  death  in  183  B.C.  His  funeral 
was  marked  by  many  gladiatorial  combats,  games  and  a  public 

368 


BOOK  XXX.  I.  5-II.  I 

to  persuade  or  dissuade.  In  the  pontifical  law  he  was  b.c.  203 
accounted  a  master ;  and  now,  to  crown  these  dis- 
tinctions, his  consulship  had  brought  him  military 
laurels  as  well.  ^  The  decision  taken  in  regard  to  the 
land  of  the  Bruttii  as  a  province  was  repeated  in  the 
case  of  Etruria  and  Liguria.  Marcus  CorneHus  was 
ordered  to  turn  over  his  army  to  the  new  consul, 
and  himself,  with  his  command  continued,  to  hold 
Gaul  as  his  assignment,  having  the  legions  which 
Lucius  Scribonius  had  held  the  year  before.  There- 
upon they  drew  their  assignments  by  lot,  the  Bruttian 
country  falling  to  Caepio,  Etruria  to  Geminus. 
Lots  were  then  cast  for  the  praetors'  assignments. 
Aelius  Paetus  ^  drew  the  city  praetorship,  Publius 
Lentulus  Sardinia,  Publius  Villius  Sicily,  Quinctilius 
Varus  Ariminum  with  two  legions  which  had  been 
under  the  command  of  Spurius  Lucretius.  Lucretius' 
command  also  was  continued,  that  he  might  build 
up  the  town  of  Genua,^  destroyed  by  Mago  the 
Carthaginian.  Publius  Scipio's  command  was  pro- 
longed, not  for  a  fixed  time  but  to  the  completion 
of  his  task,  until  the  war  in  Africa  should  be  over. 
And  it  was  decreed  that  there  should  be  a  season  of 
prayer  that  his  crossing  over  to  Africa  as  his  province 
might  be  beneficial  to  the  Roman  people  and  to  the 
commander  himself  and  his  army. 

IL  For  Sicily  three  thousand  soldiers  were  enrolled 
because  all  the  best  troops  that  province  used  to  have 

feast  in  the  Forum ;  XXXIX.  xlvi.  2  fE.  Livy's  portrait  reads 
like  a  laudatio  funebris,  and  it  would  seem  more  in  place  in 
Book  XXXIX  than  here.     Cf.  Cicero  de  Qrat.  III.  134. 

2  Elected  at  XXIX.  xxxviii.  4;  consul  in  201  B.C.;  below, 
xl.  5;  censor  with  Scipio  Africanus  in  199  B.C.;  XXXII. 
vii.  2. 

^  Cf.  XXVIII.  xlvi.  8  and  note. 

369 


transvectum    fuerat ;     et    quia,^   ne    qua   classis    ex 
Africa     traiceret,     quadraginta     navibus     custodiri 

2  placuerat  Siciliae  maritumam  oram,  tredecim  novas 
naves   Villius    secum  in   Siciliam    duxit,  ceterae    in 

3  Sicilia  veteres  refectae.  Huic  classi  M.  Pomponius, 
prioris  anni  praetor,  prorogato  imperio  praepositus 
novos  milites  ex  Italia  advectos  in  naves  imposuit. 

4  Parem  na\-ium  numeriun  Cn.  Octa\io,  praetori  item 
prioris  anni,  cum  pari  iure  imperii  ad  tuendam  Sar- 
diniae  oram  patres  decreverunt ;    Lentulus  praetor 

5  duo  milia  militum  dare  in  naves  iussus.  Et  Italiae  ora, 
quia  incertum  erat  quo  missuri  classem  Carthagi- 
nienses  forent — videbantur  autem  quidquid  nudatum 
praesidiis  esset  petituri — M.  Marcio,  praetori  prioris 

6  anni,  cum  totidem  navibus  tuenda  data  est.  Tria  milia 
militum  in  eam  ^  classem  ex  decreto  patrum  consules 
scripserunt  et  duas  legiones  urbanas  ad  incerta  belli. 

7  Hispaniae  cum  exercitibus  imperioque  veteribus  im- 
peratoribus,  L.  Lentulo  et  L.  Manlio  Acidino, 
decretae.  \  iginti  omnino  legionibus  et  centum 
sexaginta  navibus  longis  res  Romana  eo  anno  gesta. 

8  Praetores  in  provincias  ire  iussi.  Consulibus  im- 
peratum   ut,^   priu'-quam    ab    urbe   proficiscerentur, 

'   quod  roboris  .  .  .  et  quia  07n.  SpHV. 

-  eam  P(3)  Ed".  :   eandem  JK. 

3  ut  HVJK  Aldus,  Froben  :   am.  P{l)N. 

^  Octavius  was  really  propraetor  in  204  B.C.,  having  been 
praetor  in  205;   XXVIII.  xxxviii.  11,  13  ^  XXIX.  xiii.  5. 

370 


BOOK  XXX.  II.  1-8 

had  been  transported  to  Africa.  Furthermore,  b.c.  203 
because  it  had  been  decided  to  defend  the  sea-coast 
of  Sicily  with  forty  ships,  in  order  to  prevent  any 
fleet  from  crossing  over  from  Africa,  Villius  took  with 
him  thirteen  new  ships  to  Sicily,  while  the  rest  in 
Sicily  were  old  ships  repaired.  Placed  in  charge  of 
this  fleet,  with  his  command  continued,  was  Marcus 
Pomponius,  praetor  in  the  preceding  year,  who 
provided  the  ships  with  new  soldiers  brought  from 
Italy.  The  same  number  of  ships  were  by  decree 
of  the  senate  assigned,  with  the  same  extension  of 
his  command,  to  Gnaeus  Octavius,  who  likewise 
had  been  praetor  ^  in  the  preceding  year,  in  order  to 
defend  the  coast  of  Sardinia.  Lentulus,  the  praetor, 
was  ordered  to  furnish  two  thousand  soldiers  for  the 
ships.  As  for  the  defence  of  the  coast  of  Italy, 
since  it  was  not  known  to  what  point  the  Cartha- 
ginians would  send  their  fleet — while  they  seemed 
likely  to  attack  any  part  of  it  that  was  left  unguarded 
— that  task  with  the  same  number  of  ships  was  en- 
trusted to  Marcus  Marcius,  praetor  in  the  previous 
year.  Three  thousand  soldiers  were  enrolled  by  the"~\ 
consuls  for  that  fleet  in  accordance  with  a  decree  of  \ 
the  senate,  and  two  city  legions  for  emergency  duty. 
The  Spanish  provinces  were  assigned  by  a  decree 
of  the  senate  to  their  veteran  commanders,  Lucius 
Lentulus  and  Lucius  Manlius  Acidinus  with  the 
armies  and  military  authority.  The  Roman  state 
was  administered  that  year  with  a  total  of  twenty 
legions  and  a  hundred  and  sixty  war-ships. ^ 

The  praetors  were  ordered  to  go  to  their  provinces, 
while  the  consuls  were  bidden,  before  their  departure 

2  Including  another  fleet  of    40  ships  which  sailed  with 
Scipio  to  Africa ;   XXIX.  xxvi.  3 ;   below,  xli.  7. 
i  371 


LIVY 

ludos  magnos  facerent  quos  T.  Manlius  Torquatus 
dictator  in  quintum  annum  vovisset,  si  eodem  statu 
9  res  publica  staret.  Et  novas  religiones  excitabant  in 
animis  hominum  prodigia  ex  pluribus  locis  nuntiata. 
Aurum    in    Capitolio    corvi    non    lacerasse    tantum 

10  rostris  crediti  sed  etiam  edisse  ;  mures  Antii  coronam 
auream  adrosere ;  ^  circa  Capuam  omnem  agruni 
locustarum    vis    ingens,    ita    ut    unde    advenissent 

11  parum  constaret,  complevit ;  ecuieus  Reate  cum 
quinque   pedibus   natus ;     Anagniae    sparsi   primum 

12  ignes  in  caelo,  dein  fax  ingens  arsit ;  Frusinone  arcus 
solem  tenui  linea  amplexus  est,  circulimi  deinde 
ipsum  maior  solis  orbis  extrinsecus  inclusit ;  Arpini 
terra  campestri  agro  ^  in  ingentem  sinum  consedit ; 

13  consulum  alteri  primam  hostiam  immolanti  caput 
iocineris  defuit.  Ea  prodigia  maioribus  hostiis 
procurata ;  editi  a  collegio  pontificum  dei  quibus 
sacrificaretur. 

III.  His  transactis  consules  praetoresque  in  pro- 
\incias  profecti.  Omnibus  tamen,  velut  eam  sortitis. 
Africa e  cura  erat,  seu  quia  ibi  summam  rerum  belli- 

^  adrosere  P{l)X  Aldus  (arr-)  :  -roserunt  H]'J  Frolen  2  : 
-rant  K. 

*  agro  P{3)Sp?HVJK  Frohen  2  :  in  agro  AX  Aldus. 


1  Torquatus  had  made  the  vow  208  B.C.,  after  presiding  at 
the  games  vowed  by  Marcus  Aemihus,  praetor  in  217  B.C.; 
XXVII.  xxxiii.  8.*  They  were  actually  postponed  imtil 
202  B.C.;  below,  xxvii.  ll  f.  Inclusive  reckoning  accounts 
for  quintum. 

2  For  meteors  see  p.  2.58,  n.  2.  Cf.  also  Aeneid  II.  694  S. ; 
Lucretius  II.  206  ff. ;   PUny  .V.^.  II.  96. 

3  Greek  dXcos  =  arcus  in  Pliny  I.e.  98  {corona  also  and 
circulus);   corona  in  Seneca  X.Q.  I.  ii.  1  {area  also  ibid.  §  3). 


BOOK  XXX.  II.  8-III.  1 

from  the  city,  to  conduct  the  great  games  which  Titus  b.c.  201 
ManUus  Torquatus  ^  as  dictator  had  vowed  for  the 
fourth  year,  if  the  state  should  remain  as  it  was  be- 
fore. And  new  religious  fears  were  aroused  in  men's 
minds  by  portents  reported  from  a  number  of  places. 
On  the  Capitol  ravens  were  believed  not  only  to 
have  torn  away  gilding  with  their  beaks  but  even  to 
have  eaten  it.  At  Antium  mice  gnawed  a  golden 
wreath.  The  whole  region  around  Capua  was  covered 
by  an  immense  number  of  locusts,  while  there  was 
no  agreement  as  to  whence  they  had  come.  At 
Reate  a  colt  with  five  feet  was  foaled.  At  Anagnia 
there  were  at  first  shooting-stars  at  intervals  and 
then  a  great  meteor  blazed  out.^  At  Frusino  a 
halo  ^  encircled  the  sun  with  its  slender  circum- 
ference, and  then  the  ring  itself  had  a  greater  circle 
bright  as  the  sun  circumscribed  about  it.  At  Arpinum 
in  an  open  meadow  the  earth  settled  into  a  huge 
depression.  One  of  the  consuls  on  sacrificing  his 
first  victim  found  the  "  head  "  of  the  liver  lacking.* 
These  prodigies  were  expiated  by  full-grown  victims  ; 
the  gods  to  whom  sacrifices  should  be  offered  were 
announced  by  the  college  of  the  pontiffs. 

III.  Having  completed  these  tasks  the  consuls 
and  praetors  set  out  for  their  provinces.  All  of  them, 
however,  turned  their  attention  to  Africa,  just  as 
though  that  had  been  allotted  to  them,  either  because 
they  saw  it  was  there  that  the  main  issue  and  the 

*  In  divination  the  liver,  being  variable  in  form,  was  con- 
sidered of  great  importance,  particularly  a  protuberance  known 
as  the  "  head."  If  the  caput  was  large  the  omen  was  favourable 
(XXVII.  xxvi.  14),  if  small  or  misshapen,  unfavourable. 
Nothing  was  accounted  more  ominous  than  its  absence 
{ibid.  §  13);  cf.  Cicero  de  Div.  II.  S2  fin.  and  Pease's  notes; 
VIII.  ix.  1 ;  George  F.  Moore,  History  of  Religions  I.  559. 


LRT 

que  verti  cernebant  seu  ut  Scipiom  gratificarentur,  in 

2  quern  turn  omnis  versa  civitas  erat.  Itaque  non  ex 
Sardinia  tantum,  sicut  ante  dictum  est,  sed  ex  Sicilia 
quoque  et  Hispania  vestimenta  frumentumque,  et  ar- 
ma  etiam  ex  Sicilia  ^  et  omne  genus  commeatus  eo 

3  portabantur.  Xec  Scipio  ullo  tempore  hiemis  belli 
opera  remiserat,  quae  multa  simul  undique  eum  cir- 
cumstabant :   Uticam  obsidebat ;  castra  in  conspectu 

4  Hasdrubalis  erant ;  Carthaginienses  deduxerant 
naves,  classem  paratam  instructamque  ad  com- 
meatus intercipiendos  habebant.  Inter  haec  ne 
Syphacis  quidem  reconciliandi  curam  ex  animo 
miserat,2   si  forte  iam  satias  ^   amoris  in  uxore  ex 

5  multa  copia  eum  ^  cepisset.  Ab  Syphace  magis  pacis 
cum  Carthaginiensibus  condiciones,  ut  Romani 
Africa,  Poeni  Italia  excederent,  quam,  si  bellaretur, 

6  spes  ulla  desciturum  adferebatur.  Haec  per  nuntios 
acta  magis  equidem  crediderim — et  ita  pars  maior 
auctores  sunt — quam  ipsum  Syphacem,  ut  Antias 
Valerius   prodit,   in   castra   Romana   ad  conloquium 

7  venisse.  Primo  eas  condiciones  imperator  Romanus 
vix  auribus  admisit ;  postea,  ut  causa  probabilis  suis 
commeandi  foret  in  castra  hostium,  mollius  eadem  ilia 

1  etiam  ex  Sicilia  P{Z)SpHVJ  Frohen  2,  Eds.  :    om.  ANK 
Aldv^,  prob.  xcifh  good  reason. 

2  miserat  Pi3).-1^-V  Aldu.^ :   dimiserat  Sp?HVJK  Frohen  2. 

3  satias  2  ^r7(/.5 :   satis  P(lj.YZ/FJ'A"  :   saties  ^V 
*  eum  HV  Aldu^s,  Frcben  :   om.  P(l)XJK. 


^  Resuming  early  in  the  spring  (iv.  10)  the  siege  abandoned 
in  the  previous  autumn;    XXIX.  xxxv.  12. 

2  I.e  would  denounce  his  agreement  with  Carthage  and 
renew  previous  relations  with  Scipio. 

374 


BOOK  XXX.  III.  1-7 

outcome  of  the  war  were  centred,  or  in  order  to  show  b.c.  203 
Scipio  favour,  on  whom  the  eyes  of  all  the  citi- 
zens were  then  fixed  Accordingly  not  only  from 
Sardinia,  as  has  been  said  above,  but  also  from  Sicily 
and  Spain  clothing  and  grain  were  being  transported 
thither,  and  arms  as  well  and  supplies  of  every  kind 
from  Sicily.  And  at  no  time  in  the  winter  had  Scipio 
lessened  his  military  operations,  which  were  many 
and  all  around  him  at  the  same  time.  He  was 
besieging  Utica ;  ^  the  camp  of  Hasdrubal  could  be 
seen ;  the  Carthaginians  had  launched  their  ships ; 
they  kept  their  fleet  ready  and  equipped,  in  order  to 
intercept  supplies.  In  the  midst  of  all  this  he  had 
also  not  forgotten  his  effort  to  recover  the  support 
of  Syphax,  in  case  by  that  time,  after  much  in- 
dulgence, satiety  might  have  overtaken  him  in  his 
love  for  his  wife.  From  Syphax  came  rather  terms  of 
peace  with  the  Carthaginians  under  which  the 
Romans  should  withdraw  from  Africa,  the  Cartha- 
ginians from  Italy,  than  any  hope  that  in  the  event  of 
war  he  would  change  sides. ^  That  these  dealings  ■ 
went  on  through  messengers  ^  I  am  more  inclined  < 
to  beUeve — and  for  this  a  majority  of  the  historians  1 
vouch — than  that  Syphax  came  in  person  into  the 
Roman  camp  for  a  conference,  as  Valerius  Antias 
relates.  At  first  the  Roman  general  scarcely  listened 
to  such  terms.  Later,  that  his  men  might  have  a 
plausible  reason  for  visiting  the  enemy's  camp,  he  was 
less  firm  in  rejecting  the  same  offers,  and  encouraged 

^  Cf.  Polybius  XIV.  1.  6,  who  also  seems  to  think  Scipio 
began  by  sending  messengers  {i.e.  envoys,  below,  iv.  2,  4) 
to  Syphax.  Others  represent  Syphax  as  beginning  the 
negotiations ;  Zonaras  IX.  xii.  2 ;  Appian  Pvn.  17,  represent- 
ing him  as  pretending  friendship  for  both  sides. 

375 


L1\T 

abnuere    ac    spem    facere    saepius    ultro    citroque 
agitantibus  rem  conventuram. 

8  Hibernacula  Carthaginiensium,^  congesta  temere 
ex  agris  materia  exaediflcata;  lignea  ferme  tota  erant. 

9  Numidae  praecipue  harundine  textis  storeaque  pars 
maxima  tectis  passim  nullo  ordine,  quidam,  ut  sine 
imperio  occupatis  locis,  extra  fossam  etiam  vallumque 

10  habitabant.      Haec    relata    Scipioni    spem    fecerant 
castra  hostium.  per  occasionem  incendendi. 

IV.  Cum  legatis  quos  mitteret  ad  Syphacem  ca- 
lonum  loco  primos  ordines  spectatae  virtutis  atque 

2  prudentiae  servili  habitu  mittebat,  qui,  dum  in  con- 
loquio  legati  essent,  vagi  per  castra  alius  alia  aditus 
exitusque  omnes,  situm  formamque  et  universorum 
castrorum  et  partium,  qua  Poeni,  qua  Numidae  habe- 
rent,2  quantum  intervalli  inter  Hasdrubalis  ac  regia 

3  castra  esset,  specularentur  moremque  siinul  noscerent 
stationum  vigiliarumque,  nocte  an  interdiu  opportu- 
niores  insidianti  ^  essent ;  et  inter  crebra  conloquia 
alii  atque  alii  de  industria,  quo  plui'ibus  omnia  nota 

4  essent,  mittebantur.  Cum  saepius  agitata  res 
certiorem  spem  pacis  in  dies  et  Syphaci  et  Cartha- 
giniensibus  per  eum  faceret,  legati  Romani  vetitos 
se    reverti    ad  imperatorem   aiunt,  nisi   certum   re- 

^  Carthaginiensium  P(1}XK  Aldus,  Frohen  :   -ibus  SpHVJ. 

'  haberent  P{l)XH\'JK  Eds.  :  tenderent  Gronovius, 
H.  J.  MUller. 

'  insidianti  P(,l)2V(-ati  D)  most  Eds.,  Conway:  -antibus 
N'H  VJK  Aldus,  Frohen,  Luchs. 


1  Cf.  Polybius  I.e.  §§  6  f. ;  Zonaras  §  8.  Not  that  Roman 
hibernacula  were  always  much  less  inflammable;  XXVII. 
iii.  3  (outside  the  walls  of  Capua);  Hirtius  B.O.  VIII.  v.  2; 
Bell.  Hi^p.  xvi.  2.     No  representations  of  them  are  known. 


BOOK  XXX.  III.  7-iv.  4 

the  hope  that,  if  they  repeatedly  discussed  the  matter  b.c.  203 
from  both  sides,  agreement  would  be  reached. 

The  winter  quarters  of  the  Carthaginians,  being 
constructed  of  building  material  gathered  at  random 
from  the  farms,  were  almost  entirely  of  wood.^ 
In  particular  the  Numidians  were  dwelling  in  huts 
of  plaited  reeds,  most  of  them  under  thatched  roofs, 
and  scattered  without  a  plan,  some  of  their  number 
even  outside  the  fosse  and  earthwork — the  natural 
result  of  seizing  upon  a  site  without  waiting  for  orders. 
This  was  reported  to  Scipio  and  had  inspired  the  hope 
of  setting  fire  to  the  camp  of  the  enemy  when 
opportunity  should  offer. 

IV.  With  the  legates  whom  he  kept  sending  to 
Syphax  he  would  send  some  first  centurions  of 
attested  courage  and  discretion  as  servants  and 
garbed  as  slaves,  that  while  the  legates  were  in 
conference  they  might  roam  about  the  camp  in 
different  directions  and  take  note  of  all  entrances 
and  exits,  the  situation  and  plan  both  of  the  camp  as  a 
whole  and  of  its  divisions,  where  the  Carthaginians 
and  where  the  Numidians  had  their  quarters.  They 
were  to  discover  what  was  the  distance  between 
Hasdrubal's  camp  and  that  of  the  king,  also  to  learn 
their  practice  as  regards  outposts  and  sentries, 
whether  they  were  more  exposed  to  an  unexpected 
attack  by  night  or  by  day.  And  in  the  course  of 
numerous  conferences  other  men  and  again  others 
were  purposely  sent,  that  a  larger  number  might 
acquaint  themselves  with  everything.  When  re- 
peated discussions  were  giving  Syphax,  and  through 
him  the  Carthaginians,  a  daily  surer  hope  of  peace, 
the  Roman  legates  announced  that  they  were  for- 
bidden to  return  to  their  general  unless  a  definite 

377 


LI\T 

5  sponsum  detur :  proinde,  sen  ipsi  staret  iam  sententia. 
.  .  .  ^  seu  consulendus  Hasdrubal  et  Carthaginienses 
essent,  consuleret ;   tempus  esse  aut  pacem  componi 

G  aut  bellum  naviter  geri.  Dum  consulitur  Hasdrubal 
ab  Syphace,  ab  ^  Hasdrubale  Carthaginienses,  et 
speculatores  omnia  visendi  et  Scipio  ad  conparanda 

7  ea  3  quae  in  rem  erant  tempus  habuit.  Et  ex 
mentione  ac  spe  pacis  neglegentia,  ut  fit,  apud 
Poenos  Numidamque  *  orta  cavendi  ne  quid  hostile 

8  interim  paterentur.  Tandem  relatum  responsum, 
quibusdam,    quia    nimis    cupere    Romanus    pacem 

_videbatur,    iniquis    per    occasionem    adiectis,    quae 
_peropportune     cupienti     toUere     indutias     Scipioni 

9  causam  praebuere.  Ac  nuntio  regis,  cum  relaturum 
se  ad  consilium  dixisset,  postero  die  respondit  se  uno 
frustra  tendente  nulli  alii  pacem  piacuisse ;  renun- 
tiaret  igitur  nullam  aliam  spem  pacis  quam  ^  relictis 

10  Carthaginiensibas  Syphaci  cum  Romanis  esse.  Ita 
tollit  indutias,  ut  libera  fide  incepta  exsequeretur ; 
deductisque  navibus — et  iam  veris  principium  erat — 
machinas    tormentaque,    velut    a   mari    adgressurus 

11  Uticam,  imponit,  et  duo  milia  militum  ad  capiendum 
quem  antea  tenuerat  tumulum  super  Uticam  mittit, 

^  The  lacuna  may  he  filed  hy  promeret  sententiam  {Johnson, 
frdb.  one  line  of  P's  archetype) ;  hy  earn  promeret,  or  promeret 
alone  [Madvig) ;  hy  pronuntiaret  {Stocker,  1833)  or  expromeret 
{Riemonn),  n  verh  being  required  to  balance  consuleret. 

2  Hasdrubal  ab  {or  a)  Syphace,  ab  A'HVJK  Eds.  :  om. 
P{  1  ).V,  a  line. 

'  ea  om.  SpHVJK  Frohen  2. 

*  Numidamque  PCM'^ :  -umquae  RMBD :  -asque 
AXHVJK  Aldus,  Frohen. 

5  pacis  quam  A'X'HVJK  :    om.  P(l)X. 

1  Cf.  PolybiusZ.c.  ii,  U. 

373 


BOOK  XXX.  IV.  4-1 1 

answer  was  made  to  them.  Therefore,  if  his  own  b.c.  203 
decision  was  already  made,  (let  him  declare  it) ; 
if  on  the  other  hand  Hasdrubal  and  the  Carthaginians 
had  to  be  conferred  with,  let  him  confer  with  them. 
It  was  time,  they  said,  either  to  agree  upon  peace 
or  to  wage  war  in  earnest.  While  Hasdrubal  was 
being  conferred  with  by  Syphax,  and  the  Cartha- 
ginians by  Hasdrubal,  the  spies  had  time  to  observe 
everything,  as  had  Scipio  to  get  together  whatever 
was  needful.  And  out  of  the  talk  of  peace  and  the 
hope  of  it,  as  usually  happens,  there  sprang  a  neglect 
on  the  part  of  the  Carthaginians  and  the  Numidian 
to  guard  against  any  attack  which  might  be  made 
upon  them  in  the  meantime.  At  last  the  answer  was 
returned,  including  certain  unreasonable  terms 
adroitly  added  just  because  the  Roman  seemed 
extremely  desirous  of  peace.  These  furnished 
Scipio,  who  was  eager  to  denounce  the  truce,  a  very 
timely  pretext,  v^  And  after  stating  to  the  king's 
messenger  that  he  would  lay  the  matter  before  his 
council,  on  the  next  day  he  reported  that,  while  he 
alone  strove  in  vain  to  bring  about  peace,  no  one  else 
had  favoured  it^']The  messenger  therefore,  he  said, 
should  report  that  Syphax  had  no  other  hope  of  peace 
with  the  Romans  except  by  abandoning  the  Cartha- 
ginians. His  purpose  in  denouncing  the  truce  was 
that,  being  no  longer  bound  by  promises,  he  might 
carry  out  his  undertaking.  And  launching  his 
ships — it  was  now  the  beginning  of  spring — he 
mounted  engines  of  war  and  artillery  upon  them,  as 
though  intending  to  attack  Utica  from  the  sea.  He 
also  sent  two  thousand  soldiers  to  seize  the  hill  he 
had  previously  held,^  looking  down  upon  Utica,  both 

2  See  XXIX.  xxxv.  7;   Polybius  §^  3  f. 

379 


simul  ut  ab  eo  quod  parabat  in  alterius  rei  ciu'am 
12  converteret  hostiiim  animos,  simul  ne  qua,  cum 
ipse  ad  Syphacem  Hasdrubalemque  profectus  esset, 
eruptio  ex  urbe  et  impetus  in  castra  sua  relicta  cum 
levi  praesidio  fieret. 

V.  His  praeparatis  advocatoque  consilio  et  dicere 
exploratoribu-s  iussis  quae  conperta  adferrent  Masi- 
nissaque,  cui  omnia  hostium  nota  erant,  postremo 
ipse   quid   pararet   in  proximam   noctem   proponit; 

2  tribunis  edicit  ut,  ubi  praetorio  dimisso  signa  con- 
cinuissent,     extemplo     educerent     castris     legiones. 

3  Ita  ut  imperaverat  signa  sub  occasum  solis  efFerri  sunt 
coepta.  Ad  primam  ferme  vigiliam  agmen  explicave- 
runt ;  media  nocte — septem  enim  milia  itineris  erant 
— modico  gradu  ad  castra  hostium  perventum  est. 

4  Ibi  ^  Scipio  partem  copiarum  Laelio  Masinissamque  ac 
Numidas  adtribuit  et  castra  Syphacis  invadere  ignes- 

5  que  conicere  iubet.  Singulos  deinde  separatim 
Laelium.  ac  Masinissam  seductos  ^  obtestatur  ut, 
quantum  nox  providentiae  adimat,  tantum  diligentia  ^ 

6  expleant  curaque  :  se  Hasdrubalem  Punicaque  castra 
adgressm-um ;    ceterum  non  ante   coepturum  quam 

7  ignem  in  regiis  castris  conspexisset.  Neque  ea  res 
morata  diu  est ;  nam  ut  primis  ^  casis  iniectus  ignis 
haesit,    extemplo    proxima    quaeque    et    deinceps 

1  est.  Ibi  P{1)X  Aldus  :   et  ibi  HVJK  :   orn.  Froben  2. 

-  seductos  HVJK  Aldus,  Froben,  Eds.  :   de-  P(l}N. 

^  diligentia  P{Z)Sp?HV  Froben  2:  -nti  {v-ith  cura  et) 
AXJK  Aldus. 

*  primis  Gronovius  :  proximis  P{l}XHVJK  {from  proxima 
just  below). 


^  Obviously  some  of  the  centurions  of  iv.   1-3  appeared 
before  the  consilium. 


380 


BOOK  XXX.  IV.  ii-v.  7 

in  order  to  divert  the  attention  of  the  enemy  from  his  b.c.  203 
real  purpose  to  anxiety  about  a  different  attack,  and 
at  the  same  time  that,  when  he  should  himself  set 
out  to  meet  Syphax  and  Hasdrubal,  there  should  be 
no  sally  from  the  city  and  no  attack  upon  his  camp 
when  left  with  only  a  small  garrison. 

V.  After  these  preparations,  summoning  the  coun- 
cil, he  ordered  the  spies  ^  to  set  forth  what  information 
they  had  to  report,  and  Masinissa  as  well,  who  knew 
everything  about  the  enemy.  Finally  he  laid  before 
them  his  plan  for  the  following  night.  To  the  tribunes 
he  gave  orders  that,  when  the  council  had  been 
dismissed  and  the  trumpets  had  sounded,  they 
should  at  once  lead  their  legions  out  of  the  camp. 
In  accordance  with  the  orders  he  had  given  the 
standards  were  first  set  in  motion  just  before  sun- 
set; at  about  the  first  watch  the  column  was  de- 
ployed. At  midnight — for  it  was  a  march  of  seven 
miles — proceeding  at  a  moderate  speed  they  reached 
the  enemy's  camp.  There  Scipio  assigned  to  Laelius 
a  part  ^  of  the  forces  and  Masinissa  with  his  Numid- 
ians,  and  bade  them  burst  into  the  camp  of  Syphax 
and  set  fire  to  it.  He  then  led  Laelius  and  Masinissa 
aside  separately  and  implored  each  of  them  to  make 
up  by  their  diligence  and  alertness  for  all  the  fore- 
sight of  which  night  deprived  them.  He  was  about 
to  attack  Hasdrubal,  he  said,  and  the  Carthaginian 
camp ;  but  he  would  not  begin  until  he  should  see 
fire  in  the  king's  camp.  Nor  did  that  delay  him  long ; 
for  as  soon  as  fire  was  thrown  upon  the  first  huts  it 
caught,  and  then  at  once  laying  hold  of  everything 

2  One-half  according  to  Polybius  iv.  2,  to  which  Livy's 
partem  is  not  meant  as  a  correction.  The  whole  passage  should 
be  read,  being  more  detailed  than  in  the  Latin  version. 

381 


continua     amplexus  ^     totis     se     passim     dissipavit 

8  castris.  Et  trepidatio  quidem,  quantam  ^  necesse 
erat  in  nocturno  effuso  tam  late  incendio,  orta  est ; 
ceterum  fortuituni,  non  hostilem  ac  bellicum  ignem 
rati   esse,   sine   armis   ad  restinguendum  incendium 

9  effusi  in  armatos  incidere  hostes,  maxime  Numidas 
ab  Masinissa  notitia  regiorum  castrorum  ad  exitas 

10  itinerum  idoneis  locis  dispositos.  Multos^  in  ipsis 
cubilibus  semisomnos  hausit  flamma ;  multi  ^  prae- 
cipiti  fuga  ruentes  super  alios  alii  in  angustiis  porta- 
riun  obtriti  sunt. 

VI.  Relucentem  flanimam  primo  vigiles  Cartha- 
giniensium,  deinde  excitati  alii  nocturno  tumultu 
cum  conspexissent,  ab  eodem  errore  credere  et  ipsi 

2  sua  sponte  incendium  ortum ;  et  clamor  inter 
caedem  et  volnera  sublatus  an  ex  trepidatione 
nocturna    esset    confasis  ^    sensum    veri    adimebat. 

3  Igitur  pro  se  quisque  inermes,  ut  quibus  nihil  hostile 
suspectum  esset,  omnibus  portis,  qua  cuique  proxi- 
mum  erat,  ea  modo  quae  restinguendo  igni  forent 

4  portantes,  in  agmen  Romanum  ruebant.  Quibus 
caesis  omnibus  praeterquam  hostili  odio,  etiam  ne 
quis  nuntius  refugeret,®  extemplo  Scipio  neglectas  ut 

5  in  tali  tumultu  portas  invadit ;  ignibusque  in  proxima 
tecta  coniectis,  effusa  flamma  primo  velut  sparsa  plu- 
ribus  locis  reluxit,  dein  per  continua  serpens  uno  re- 

*  amplexus,  I  ere  R  come-^  to  an  en<L 

*  quantam  .-l"  Gronovius  ;    quanta  P(3}NHVJK. 

3  Mult<3S  Sp{proh.)A*VJK  Aldus  :    -tis  H  :    om.  P{Z)y. 

*  multi,  after  this  P{3]A*XHVJK  have  in  (ex  A)  :  rejected 
by  Al^chefski,  Madvi^,  Conicay. 

5  confusis  Rhenanus  :   -sua  P{3)NVJK  Aldit^,  Frohen. 
«  refugeret  HVJK  :   ef-  P{3)N  Aldus,  Froben. 


BOOK  XXX.  V.  7-vi.  5 

that  was  near,  and  so  on  in  unbroken  succession,  it  b.c.  203 
spread  hither  and  thither  through  the  entire  camp. 
Great  was  the  alarm,  to  be  sure,  as  was  inevitable  in  a 
fire  so  widespread  in  the  night;  but  they  thought 
the  blaze  accidental,  not  due  to  an  enemy  and  war. 
Pouring  out  without  arms  to  extinguish  the  flames, 
they  encountered  armed  enemies,  particularly  Nu- 
midians  posted  in  suitable  places  at  the  ends  of  the 
streets  by  Masinissa,  familiar  as  he  was  with  the 
king's  camp.  Many  even  in  their  beds  and  half- 
asleep  were  burned  to  death  ;  many  rushing  pell-mell 
in  headlong  flight  were  trodden  down  in  the  narrow 
gateways. 

VI.  When  the  light  of  the  fire  had  been  seen, 
first  by  sentries  of  the  Carthaginians  and  then  by 
others  whom  the  uproar  in  the  night  aroused,  they 
likewise  made  the  same  mistake  in  believing  the 
fire  to  be  spontaneous.  And  outcries  raised  in  the 
midst  of  slaughter  and  wounds  made  men  unable 
to  grasp  the  real  situation,  being  half-inclined  to 
think  it  due  to  a  disturbance  in  the  night.  Accord- 
ingly, having  no  suspicion  of  any  attack,  they  outdid 
one  another  in  dashing  out  of  all  the  gates  unarmed, 
each  taking  the  nearest  way,  carrying  only  what 
would  be  of  use  to  extinguish  the  fire,  and  suddenly 
encountered  the  Roman  column.  When  they  had 
all  been  slain,  not  only  because  of  an  enemy's  hatred, 
but  also  that  no  man  might  escape  to  tell  the  tale, 
Scipio  at  once  burst  into  the  gates,  naturally  un- 
guarded in  such  a  commotion.  And  then  as  fire- 
brands were  thrown  upon  the  nearest  roofs,  the 
flames  pouring  out  at  first  seemed  to  blaze  at  a 
number  of  scattered  points ;  and  then  creeping 
along   without   a   break   they   promptly   consumed 

383 


LIVY 

6  pente  omnia  ^  incendio  hausit.  Ambusti  homines 
iimientaque  foeda  primum  fuga,  dein  strage  obrue- 
bant  2  itinera  portarum.  Quos  non  oppresserat 
ignis    ferro    absumpti,    binaque    castra    clade  ^    una 

7  deleta.  Duces  tamen  ambo  et  ex  tot  milibus  arma- 
torum  duo  milia  peditum  et  quingenti  equites  semer- 
mes,  magna  pars  saucii  adflatique  incendio  efTugerunt. 

8  Caesa  aut  hausta  flammis  ad  ^  quadraginta  milia 
hominum    sunt,    capta    supra    quinque    milia,    multi 

9  Carthaginiensium  nobile-^,  undecim  senatores ;  signa 
militaria  centum  septuaginta  quattuor,  equi  Numidici 
supra  duo  milia  septingentos  ^ ;  elephanti  sex  capti, 
octo  ferro  flammaque  absumpti.  Magna  vis  armorum 
capta ;   ea  omnia  imperator  Volcano  sacrata  incendit. 

VII.  Hasdrubal  ex  fuga  cum  paucis  Afrorum  ur- 
bem  proximam  petierat,  eoque  omnes  qui  supererant 
vestigia  ducis  sequentes  se  contulerant ;  metu  deinde 
2  ne  dederetur  Scipioni  urbe  excessit.  Mox  eodem  pa- 
tentibus  portis  Romani  accepti,  nee  quicquam  hostile, 
quia  voluntate  concesserant  in  dicionem,  factum. 
Duae  subinde  urbes  captae  direptaeque.  Ea  praeda 
et   quae   castris   incensis   ex  igne  rapta  erat  militi 

^  serpens  uno  repente  omnia  P{3)NJK  Eds.  :   am.  SpHV. 

2  obruebant  P{l)X  Aldus:  -erant  SpHJK  Froben  2: 
obstruebant  Madvig. 

3  clade  SpA'X'UVJK  Froben  2  :  de  P  :  die  P^{3)A^N 
Aldus. 

*  ad  HVJK  Eds.  :   om.  P^3)-V. 

5  septingentos  J'J  :  -genti^(dcct^;//A';  numercds  P(3)NV. 

^  The  figures  are  taken  from  Polybius  vi.  3,  whose  t«xt  gives 
none  for  the  slain.  But  his  editors  indicate  a  lacuna  after 
ch.  V,  to  account  for  the  omission.  He  was  much  impressed 
by  the  brilliance  of  Scipio's  exploit  {ibid.  fin.).  Appian  has 
no  fire  in  Syphax'  camp,  but  gives  30,000  for  the  slain  in 
Has( 


BOOK  XXX.  VI.  5-vii.  2 

everything  in  one  conflagration.  Men  and  beasts  b.c.  203 
of  burden  that  had  suffered  burns  blocked  streets 
leading  to  the  gates,  at  first  by  their  panic-stricken 
flight  and  then  by  their  fallen  bodies.  Those  whom 
the  fire  had  not  overtaken  were  destroyed  by  the 
sword,  and  two  camps  were  wiped  out  in  a  single 
disaster.  Both  of  the  generals,  however,  made 
their  escape,  and  out  of  so  many  thousand  armed 
men  two  thousand  infantry  and  five  hundred^ 
horsemen  escaped  half-armed,  many  of  the  men 
wounded  and  scorched  by  the  flames.  Slain  or 
burned  to  death  were  some  forty  thousand  men, 
more  than  five  thousand  captured,  many  Carthaginian 
nobles,  eleven  senators.  Of  military  standards  a 
hundred  and  seventy-four  were  taken,  of  Numidian 
horses  over  two  thousand  seven  hundred.  Six 
elephants  were  captured,  eight  destroyed  by  sword  or 
by  fire.  A  great  number  of  arms  were  captured,  and 
all  of  these  the  general-in-command  dedicated  to 
Vulcan  and  burned. ^ 

VII.  Hasdrubal  after  fleeing  had  made  his  way 
with  a  few  men  to  the  nearest  city  ^  of  the  Africans ; 
and  to  it  had  come  all  the  survivors,  following  the 
trail  of  their  general.  Then  for  fear  that  it  might 
surrender  to  Scipio  he  left  the  city.  Soon  after  the 
gates  were  opened  and  the  Romans  admitted  to  the 
same  city.  And  since  they  had  voluntarily  submitted 
no  hostile  step  was  taken.  Thereafter  two  cities 
were  captured  and  plundered.  Their  booty  and  what 
had  been  rescued  from  the  flames  when  the  camps 

2  Cf.  XXIII.  xlvi.  5  (Marcellus  at  Nola). 

^  Anda  according  to  Appian  op.  cit.  24;  not  elsewhere 
mentioned.  In  Polybius  the  town  appears  to  have  been  named 
in  the  lacuna  before  ch.  vi. 

385 
VOL.  VIII.  O 


3  concessa  est.  Syphax  octo  milium  ferme  inde  spatio 
loco  munito  ^  consedit ;  Hasdrubal  Carthaginem 
contendit,    ne    quid    per    metum    ex    recenti    clade 

4  mollius  consuleretur.  Quo  tantus  primo  terror  est 
adlatus    ut    omissa    Utica    Carthaginem    crederent 

5  extemplo  Scipionem  obsessurum.^  Senatum  itaque 
sufetes,   quod   velut   consulare   imperium   apud   eos 

6  erat,  vocaverunt.  Ibi  tribus  sententiis  certatum  ^ ; 
una  de  pace  legatos  ad  Scipionem  decernebat, 
altera  Hannibalem  ad  tuendam  ab  exitiabili  belio 
patriam  revocabat,  tertia  Romanae  in  adversis  rebus 

7  constantiae  erat ;  reparandum  exercitum  Syphacem- 
que  hortandum  ne  bello  absisteret  censebat.  Haec 
sententia,    quia    Hasdrubal    praesens    Barcinaeque 

8  omnes  factionis  bellum  malebant,  vicit.  Inde 
dilectus  in  urbe  agrisque  haberi  coeptus,  et  ad 
Syphacem  legati  missi,  summa  ope  et  ipsum  reparan- 
tem  bellum,  cum  uxor  non  iam  ut  ante  blanditiis, 

9  satis  potentibus  ad  animum  amantis,  sed  precibus  et 
misericordia  valuisset,  plena  lacrimarum  obtestans 
ne  patrem  suum  patriamque  proderet  isdemque 
flammis    Carthaginem   quibus   castra    conflagrassent 

10  absumi   sineret.     Spem   quoque  opportune  oblatam 
adferebant     legati :      quattuor    milia     Celtiberorum 

^  munito  SpHVJK  Froben  2  :   com-  P(3)X  Aldus. 

2  ob-  {or  op-)sessurum  P{3)A'N'HVJK  :  oppressurum  AN 
Aldus,  Frohen. 

*  sententiis  certatum  Madvig,  Conway  {M.  Muller  added 
est):  am.  P(3)XHVJK,  one  line:  dictis  sententiis  Aldus^ 
Froben. 

^  The  town  of  Abba  in  Polybius  §  12;  vii.  5.  Obba, 
below,  §  10,  cannot  be  the  same.     Cf.  p.  389,  n.  2;  550  f. 

2  For  the  two  sufetes  cf.  XXVIII.  xxxvii.  2 ;  XXXIV.  Ixi. 
15. 

386 


BOOK  XXX.  VII.  2-10 

were  burned  was  granted  to  the  soldiers.  Syphax  b.c.  203 
established  himself  in  a  fortified  place  ^  at  a  distance 
of  about  eight  miles.  Hasdrubal  hastened  to 
Carthage,  that  no  weak  action  might  be  taken  in  the 
fear  induced  by  the  recent  disaster.  At  first  the  news 
brought  such  alarm  to  the  city  that  they  believed 
Scipio  would  leave  Utica  to  itself  and  forthwith 
besiege  Carthage.  The  senate  was  accordingly  con- 
vened by  the  sufetes,  whose  authority  corresponded 
to  that  of  consuls. 2  There  it  was  a  conflict  between 
three  proposals  :  one  favoured  peace  envoys  to  Scipio  ; 
the  second  was  for  recalling  Hannibal  to  defend  their 
city  from  a  war  which  meant  destruction ;  the  third 
showed  a  Roman  steadfastness  in  adversity.  This 
proposal  was  that  they  should  repair  the  losses  to 
the  army  and  urge  Syphax  not  to  give  up  the  war.^ 
This  motion  was  carried  because  Hasdrubal  in 
person  and  all  of  the  Barcine  party  supported  the 
war.  Then  they  began  to  conduct  a  levy  in  the 
city  and  in  the  country,  and  emissaries  were  sent  to 
Syphax,  who  on  his  part  also  was  making  every 
effort  to  renew  the  war,  since  his  wife  had  in- 
fluenced him — no  longer,  as  before,  by  caresses, 
effectual  enough  for  the  temper  of  a  lover — but  by 
prayers  and  moving  entreaty,  imploring  him,  as  her 
eyes  filled  with  tears,  not  to  betray  her  father  and  her 
city  and  allow  Carthage  to  be  destroyed  by  the  same 
flames  with  which  the  camps  had  been  consumed. 
Hope  also  at  the  right  moment  was  brought  by  the 
emissaries   in   the   news   that   four   thousand   Celti- 

^  The  three  proposals  are  from  Polybius  vi.  10  ff.  Not 
so  the  following  reference  to  Hasdrubal  and  the  party  of 
Hannibal.  In  one  version  Hasdrubal's  loss  of  an  army  was 
to  be  pimished  by  execution ;   Appian  Pun.  24,  36 ;   cf.  38. 

387 


LIVY 

circa  urbem  nomine  Obbam.  ab  conquisitoribus  suis 
conducta  in  Hispania,  egregiae  iuventutis,  sibi 
occurrisse :    et  Hasdrubalem  propediem  adfore  cum 

11  manu  haudquaquam  contemnenda.  Igitur  non 
benigne  modo  legatis  respondit,  sed  ostendit  etiam  ^ 
multitudinem  agrestium  Numidarum,  quibus  per 
eosdem  -  dies   arma   equosque  dedisset,   et  omnem 

12  iuventutem  adfirmat  ex  regno  exciturum ;  scire 
incendio,  non  proelio  cladem  acceptam ;    eum  bello 

13  inferiorem  esse  qui  armis  vincatur.  Haec  legatis 
responsa,  et  post  dies  paucos  rursus  Hasdrubal  et 
Syphax  copias  iunxerunt.  Is  omnis  exercitus  fuit 
triginta  ferme  milium  ^  armatorum. 

VIII.  Scipionem,  velut  iam  debellato  quod  ad 
S}'phacem  Carthaginiensesque  attineret,  Uticae  oppu- 
gnandae   intentum   iamque   machinas    admoventem 

2  muris  avertit  fama  redintegrati  belli ;  modicisque 
praesidiis  ad  speciem  modo  obsidionis  terra  marique 
relictis    ipse    cum    robore    exercitus    ire    ad    hostes 

3  pergit.  Primo  in  tumulo  quattuor  milia  ferme  distante 
ab  castris  regiis  consedit ;  postero  die  cimi  equitatu  in 

1  etmm  P{3)XH  :   earn  VJK. 

2  eosdem  P(3  X  Aldus,  Froben  :   eos  HVJK. 

3  milium  HVJ  Froben  2  :  millium  A'  :  milia  (-11-  P)P{3)N 
Aldus. 

388 


BOOK  XXX.  VII.  lo-viii.  3 

berians,  the  flower  of  their  youth,  had  met  them  near  b.c.  203 
a  city  named  Obba,  having  been  hired  in  Spain  by 
their  own  recruiting-officers ;  and  Hasdrubal,  they 
said,  would  soon  arrive  with  a  force  by  no  means  to 
be  despised.  In  consequence  he  not  only  gave  a 
favourable  answer  to  the  legates  but  also  showed  them 
a  large  number  of  Numidian  rustics  to  whom  he  had 
just  been  furnishing  arms  and  horses,  and  assured 
them  that  he  would  call  out  all  the  young  men  from 
his  kingdom.  He  was  aware,  he  said,  that  the  disaster 
had  been  due  to  fire,  not  to  battle ;  that  a  war  is 
lost  only  by  the  man  who  is  defeated  in  battle. 
Such  was  his  answer  to  the  legates,  and  after  a  few 
days  Hasdrubal  and,  Syphax  again  united  their 
forces.  The  total  strength  of  that  army  was  about 
thirty  thousand  armed  men.^ 

VHI.  Scipio,  as  though  the  war  was  already  over 
so  far  as  concerned  Syphax  and  the  Carthaginians, 
was  intent  upon  the  siege  of  Utica  and  already 
bringing  up  his  engines  to  the  walls  when  news  of 
renewed  hostilities  turned  his  attention  in  another 
direction.  And  leaving  sufficient  land  and  sea  forces 
merely  to  keep  up  the  appearance  of  a  blockade,  he 
himself  at  once  advanced  with  the  main  body  of  his 
army  against  the  enemy. ^  At  first  he  established 
himself  upon  a  hill  about  four  miles  from  the  king's 
camp.     On  the  following  day  with  his  cavalry  he 

^  Polybius'  figures,  including  Numidians  and  the  Celti- 
berian  mercenaries ;  I.e.  vii.  9. 

2  This  and  the  next  sentence  would  lead  us  to  suppose  the 
advance  to  have  been  for  a  short  distance  only.  But  Livy, 
condensing  Polybius,  omits  to  mention  a  five-days'  march. 
The  battle-field  then  will  be  some  80  miles  south-west  of  Utica. 
Syphax  and  Hasdrubal  had  removed  to  that  distance  in  order 
to  gain  time  and  to  receive  reinforcements  from  Numidia. 

389 


LI\T 

i.u.c.         Magnos — ita  vocant — Campos    subiectos    ei    tuniulo 
degressus,   succedendo   ad  stationes   hostium  laces- 

4  sendoque  levibus  proeliis  diem  absumpsit.  Et  per 
insequens  biduum  timiultuosis  hinc  atque  illinc 
excursionibus  in  vicem  nihil  dictu  satis  dignum 
fecerunt ;    quarto  die  in  aciem  utrimque  descensum 

5  est.  Romanus  principes  post  ^  hastatorum  prima 
signa,  in  subsidiis  triarios  constituit ;  equitatum 
Italicum  ab  dextro  cornu,  ab  laevo  Numidas  Masinis- 

6  samque  opposuit.  Syphax  Hasdrubalque  Xumidis 
adversus  Italicum  equitatum.  Carthaginiensibus 
contra    Masinissam    locatis    Celtiberos    in    mediam 

7  aciem  adversus  signa  legionum  accepere.  Ita 
instructi  concurrunt.  Primo  ^  impetu  simul  utraque 
cornua,  et  Numidae  et  Carthaginienses,  pulsi; 
nam  neque^  Numidae,  maxima  pars  agrestes,  Roma- 
num  equitatum  neque  Carthaginienses,  et  ipse  novus 
miles,     Masinissam    recenti    super    cetera    \ictoria 

8  terribilera  sustinuere.  Xudata  utrimque  cornibus 
Celtiberum  acies  stabat,  quod  nee  in  fuga  salus  ulla 
ostendebatur  locis  ignotis,  neque  spes  veniae  ab 
Scipione  erat,  quern  bene  meritum  de  se  et  gente  sua 

^  principes      post       Victorius,      Eds.  :       post      principes 
P[S;M'rXH\-JK  Alius,  Frohen. 

^  Vrimo  P[3}XH  Aldus,  Frohen  :   igitur  prime  ^'FJiT. 
'  nam  neque  A*VJK  Ed^s.  :  namque  PiSjNH  :  nam  M. 


1  La  Dakhla,  the  broad  central  valley  of  the  Medjerda 
(Bagradas),  the  granary  of  Tunisia.  In  geological  times  a 
broad  lake  25  miles  long.  Spaces  so  ample  make  it  impossible 
to  identify  the  field  of  battle.  Ennius  in  a  fragment  represents 
Scipio  as  addressing  the  patria  :  she  has  no  reason  for  fear 
in  view  of  his  victories:  Testes  sunt  Campi  Magni;  Vahlen^ 
p.  213;  Cicero  de  Orat.  III.  167;  Warmington,  P.emains  of 
Old  Latin  I.  p.  398;  cf.  Polybius  vii.  9;   viii.  2;  Appian  Pun. 


BOOK  XXX.  VIII.  3-8 

went  down  into  the  so-called  Great  Plain, ^  at  the  foot  b.c.  203 
of  that  hill,  and  spent  the  day  in  light  engagements, 
advancing  against  the  enemy's  outposts  and  challeng- 
ing them.  And  on  the  next  two  days  by  irregular 
charges,  now  from  one  side  and  now  from  the  other 
by  turns,  they  accomplished  nothing  worthy  of  men- 
tion. On  the  fourth  day  both  went  down  into  battle- 
line.  The  Roman  placed  his  principes  behind  the 
front  line  maniples,  made  up  of  the  hastati,  and 
as  reserves  the  triarii.^  The  Italic  cavalry  he  posted 
on  the  right  wing,  on  the  left  the  Numidians  and 
Masinissa.  Syphax  and  Hasdrubal  opposed  the 
Numidians  to  the  Italic  cavalry,  the  Carthaginians  to 
Masinissa,  and  then  placed  the  Celtiberians  in  the 
centre  of  the  battle-line  facing  the  maniples  ^  of  the 
legions.  In  this  formation  they  clashed.  By  the 
first  attack  both  wings,  Numidians  and  Carthaginians 
alike,  were  beaten  back  at  the  same  time.  For  neither 
could  the  Numidians,  most  of  them  rustics,  with- 
stand the  Roman  cavalry,  nor  could  the  Carthaginians, 
who  were  likewise  raw  recruits,  hold  out  against 
Masinissa,  a  foe  to  be  feared  for  other  reasons  and 
also  on  account  of  his  recent  victory.  Stripped  of 
both  wings  the  line  of  the  Celtiberians  made  a  stand 
because  they  could  see  no  safety  in  flight  since  they 
did  not  know  the  country,  and  they  had  no  hope  of 
pardon  from   Scipio  since  they  had  come  to  Africa 

GSfin. ;  Veith,  Antike  Schlachtf elder  III.  2.  589  ff. ;  Gsell,  Hist 
ancienne  de  VAfriqiie  du  Nord  III.  229  ff. ;  Scullard,  Scipio 
Africanus  209  ff. 

2  This  was  the  customary  formation,  as  Polybius  observes; 
viii.  5;   cf.  below,  xxxii.  11;   XXII.  v.  7. 

^  For  Polybius'  terms  for  the  maniple  cf.  p.  62,  n.  2. 
In  the  passage  used  by  Livy  here  both  arqfiaia  and  airelpa 
occur;   viii.  5,  7;   cf.  XV.  ix.  7. 


mercennariis  armis  in  Africam  oppugnatum  ^  venis- 
9  sent.  Igitur  circumfusis  undique  hostibus  alii  super 
alios  cadentes  obstinate  moriebantur ;  omnibusque 
in  eos  versis  aliquantum  ad  fugam  temporis  Syphax 
et  Hasdrubal  praeceperunt.  Fatigatos  caede  diutius 
quam  pugna  victores  nox  oppressit. 

IX.  Postero  die  Scipio  Laelium  Masinissamque 
cum  omni  Romano  et  Numidico  equitatu  expeditis- 
que  2  militum  ad  persequendos  Syphacem  atque  Has- 

2  drubalem  mittit ;  ipse  cum  robore  exercitus  urbes 
circa,  quae  omnes  Carthaginiensium  dicionis  erant, 

3  partim  spe,  partim  metu,  partim  vi  subigit.  Cartha- 
gini  erat  quidem  ingens  terror,  et  circumferentem 
arma  Scipionem  omnibus  finitimis  raptim  perdomitis 
ipsam  Carthaginem  repente  adgressurum  credebant. 

4  Itaque  et  muri  reficiebantur  propugnaculisque  arma- 
bantur,  et  pro  se  quisque  quae  diutinae  obsidionis  ^ 

5  tolerandae  sunt  ex  agris  convehebat.^  Rara  mentio 
est    pacis,    frequentior    legatorum    ad    Hannibalem 

6  arcessendum  mittendorum ;  pars  maxima  classem 
quae  ad  commeatus  excipiendos  parata  erat  mittere 
iubent  ad  opprimendam  stationem  navium  ad  Uticam 
incaute    agentem :     forsitan    etiam    navalia   castra, 

7  relicta    cum    levi    praesidio,    oppressuros.     In    hoc 

^  in  Africam  oppugnatum  P{3)N  Aldus,  Fwhen  :  oppugna- 
tum in  Africam  HVJK. 

2  expeditisque  P(3uV  Al/his;  -tissimisque  A*HVJK 
Frohen  2. 

3  obsidionis  (or  ops-)  P(3)A'  :    -oni  SpA'HVJK  Aldus. 

*  convehebat  Sp  Frohen  2  (-bant  JK  :  -bantur  HV)  : 
convehit  P(3j.V  AMus. 

^  Hasdrubal  fled  to  Carthage.  In  the  hope  of  overtakLag 
Syphax  the  pursuit  was  mainly  to  the  west ;   Polybius  §  14. 


BOOK  XXX.  VIII.  8-ix.  7 

as  mercenaries  to  attack  him  in  spite  of  his  kind  b.o.  203 
treatment  of  them  and  their  tribe.  Therefore  when 
the  enemy  had  completely  encircled  them,  falling 
one  above  another  they  were  resolute  in  dying. 
And  while  all  the  enemy  were  intent  upon  them 
Syphax  and  Hasdrubal  took  advantage  of  a  con- 
siderable interval  for  flight.  Nightfall  surprised  the 
victors  exhausted  by  a  slaughter  outlasting  the 
battle. 

IX.  On  the  following  day  Scipio  sent  Laelius  and 
Masinissa  with  all  the  Roman  and  Numidian  cavalry 
and  light-armed  soldiers  to  pursue  Syphax  and 
Hasdrubal.i  He  himself  with  the  main  body  of  the 
army,  partly  by  inspiring  hope,  partly  by  arousing 
fear,  partly  by  the  use  of  force,  gained  possession  of 
neighbouring  cities,  all  of  which  were  subject  to  the 
Carthaginians.  At  Carthage  there  was  a  veritable 
panic,  and  they  believed  that  Scipio,  whose  forces 
were  circling  about  them,  after  swiftly  vanquishing 
all  their  neighbours  would  suddenly  assail  Carthage 
itself.  Accordingly  they  were  repairing  the  walls 
and  providing  them  with  battlements  ;  and  men  also 
each  for  himself  brought  in  from  the  country  what 
was  needed  in  order  to  endure  a  long  siege.  Seldom 
was  mention  made  of  peace,  more  frequently  they 
spoke  of  sending  messengers  to  summon  Hannibal. 
The  majority  urged  that  they  should  take  the  fleet, 
which  had  been  made  ready  to  intercept  supplies, 
and  send  it  to  surprise  the  ships  at  anchor 
before  Utica  while  off  their  guard.  Perhaps,  men 
said,  they  would  surprise  the  naval  camp  2  as  well, 
which  had  been  left  with  a  small  garrison.     To  this 

-  A  part  of  the  Castra  Corneli(an)a,  as  it  was  later  named, 
on  the  promontory;   XXIX,  xxxv.  13  and  note. 

393 


LIVY 

i.T-.c.         consilium    maxime    inclinant ;     legates    tamen    ad 

^ "^  Hannibalem   mittendos   censent :     quippe   classi   ut 

felicissime  geratur  ^  res,  parte  aliqua  levari  Uticae 

8  obsidionem  ;  Carthaginem  ipsani  qui  tueatur  ^  neque 
imperatorem  alium  quam  Hannibalem  neque  exerci- 

9  tum  alium  quam  Hannibalis  superesse.  Deductae 
ergo  postero  die  naves,  simul  et  legati  in  Italiam 
profecti ;  raptimque  omnia  stimulante  fortuna 
agebantur,  et  in  quo  quisque  cessasset  prodi  ab  se 
salutem  omnium  rebatur. 

10  Scipio  gravem  iam  spoliis  multarum  urbium  exer- 
citum  trahens,  captivis  aUaque  praeda  in  Vetera  castra 
ad  Uticam  missis,  iam  in  Carthaginem  intentus  occu- 

11  pat  relictum  fuga  custodum  Tyneta.  Abest  ab 
Carthagine   quindecim  milia   ferme  passuum  locus, 

12  cum  operibus  tum  suapte  natura  tutus,^  et  qui  et  ab 
Carthagine  conspici  et  praebere  ipse  prospectum  cum 
ad  urbem  tum  ad  circumfusum  ■*  mare  urbi  possit.^ 
X.  Inde,  cum  maxime  vallum  Romani  iacerent, 
conspecta  classis  hostium  est  Uticam  a  Carthagine 

2  petens.  Igitur  omisso  opere  pronuntiatum  iter 
signaque  raptim  ferri  sunt  coepta,  ne  naves  in  terram 
et  obsidionem  versae  ac  minime  navali  proelio  aptae 

1  geratur  Sp?HVJK  Frohen  2  :    -rantur  P(Z)N  Aldus. 

2  tueatur  P{3]XK  Aldus  :    -antur  SpA'X'VJ  Frohen  2. 

3  locus  .  .  .  tutus  P{Z]X  Alius,  Eds.  :  locum  .  .  . 
tutum  Sp?A'HJK  Frohen  2,  Riemann,  Conway  {with  abest 
.  .  .  passuum  cw  parenth.). 

*  cum    (tum     VJK)    ad    urbem    tum    ad    circumfusum 
A'X'VJK  :    cumfusum  P^SiA',  orn.  one  line  :   confusum  BD. 
5  possit  P(3jy  :   posset  A'HVJK  Aldus,  Frohen. 

^  The  scene  in  the  Carthaginian  senate  is  repaint«^d  after 
Polvbiusix.  6-11. 
2*Cf.  note  on  §  6. 

394 


BOOK  XXX.  IX.  7-x.  2 

plan  they  were  particularly  inclined,  but  voted  to  b.c.  203 
send  messengers  to  Hannibal.^  For,  they  said,  even 
supposing  a  great  victory  gained  by  the  fleet,  the 
siege  of  Utica  would  indeed  be  partially  relieved ;  but 
for  the  defence  of  Carthage  itself  there  remained  no 
other  general  than  Hannibal,  no  other  army  than 
that  of  Hannibal.  Consequently  ships  were  launched 
next  day  and  at  the  same  time  the  messengers  sailed 
for  Italy.  There  was  also  haste  in  all  that  they  did 
under  the  goad  of  misfortune,  while  every  one  felt 
that  if  he  should  relax  any  effort  he  would  be 
betraying  the  safety  of  all. 

Scipio,  who  was  slowly  leading  an  army  laden 
now  with  the  spoils  of  many  cities,  sent  captives  and 
the  rest  of  the  spoils  to  the  old  camp  2  before  Utica, 
and  being  now  intent  upon  Carthage,  took  possession 
of  Tynes,^  abandoned  by  a  fleeing  garrison.  The 
place  is  about  fifteen  miles  from  Carthage  and 
defended  by  fortifications  and  particularly  by  its 
natural  situation.  It  can  also  be  seen  from  Carthage, 
at  the  same  time  itself  affording  a  view  both  towards 
that  city  and  towards  the  sea  around  the  city. 
X.  From  that  point,  just  as  they  were  throwing  up 
an  earthwork,  the  Romans  sighted  the  enemy's  fleet 
making  towards  Utica  from  Carthage.  Accordingly 
work  was  dropped,  marching  orders  given  and  the 
standards  hastily  set  in  motion,  that  the  ships, 
headed  towards  land  and  the  besieged,  city,  also  in 
no  condition  for  a  naval  battle,  might  not  be  taken  by 

3  Tunis,  on  a  narrow  tongue  of  land,  nowhere  higher  than 
190  feet,  between  the  Lac  de  Tunis  and  the  lagoon,  now  a  salt 
lake.  Cf.  Strabo  XVII.  iii.  16.  The  distance  from  Carthage 
agrees  with  Polybius  (120  stades;  x,  5),  but  it  is  in  fact 
10  miles. 

395 


LIVY 

3  opprimerentur :  qui  enim  restitissentfagili  et  nautico 
instrumento  aptae  et  armatae  classi  naves  tormenta 
machinasque  portantes\  et  aut  in  onerariarum  usuin 
versael  aut  ^  ita  adpulsae  muris  ut  pro  aggere  ac 
pontibus  praebere  ascensum  ^  possent  ? 

4  Itaque  Scipio,  postquam  eo  ventum  est,  contra 
quam  ^  in  navali  certamine  solet,  rostratis  quae  prae- 
sidio  aliis  esse  poterant  ^  in  postremam  aciem  receptis 

5  prope  terram,  onerariarum  quadruplicem  ordinem  pro 
muro  adversus  hostem  opposuit,  easque  ipsas,  ne  in 
tumultu  pugnae  turbari  ordines  possent,  malis  antem- 
nisque  de  nave  in  navem  traiectis  ac  validis  funibus 
velut  uno  inter  se  vinculo  inligatis  conprendit,  tabulas- 

6  que  superinstravit,^  ut  pervium  in  totum  navium  ^  or- 
dinem esset,*^  et  sub  ipsis  pontibus  intervalla  fecit,  qua 
procurrere  speculatoriae  naves  in  hostem  ac  tuto  re- 

7  cipi  possent.  His  raptirn  pro  tempore  instructis  mille 
ferme  delecti  propugnatores  onerariis  imponuntur; 
telorum    maxime  ^    missilium,    ut    quamvis    longo 

8  certamini  ^  sufficerent,  vis  ingens  congeritur.  Ita 
parati  atque  intenti  hostium  adventum  opperiebantur. 

^  in    onerariarum  .  .  .  aut    om.    SpHV :     supplied   from 
P(3)N  and  {om.  aut)JA'. 

2  ascensum     SpA'VJK     Froben     2,     Conway :      ascensus 
Pi3)NH  Eds.  :   accessum  Aldus. 

3  eo  .  .  .  quam  om.  P(3)N  :  supplied  by  Sp?A'N*HVJK. 

*  poterant  P(3)NIJVJK  Ed 9.  :  potuerant  Mndvig,  Emend.  : 
non  poterant  conj.  Weissenborn. 

5  superinstravit  P{3)XJK  Aldus  :    in-  J/  :    super-  Sp?HV 

Froben  2. 

«  in  totum  navium  SpA*N'VJK  Froben  2  :   om.  P{3]N 

'  esset   SpV   Froben   2  :     faceret   A' J   Aldus  :     -rent   K  : 

fecisset  P(3).V. 

*  maxime  om.  P(Z}N. 

*  certamini     K     Madvig,     Em^nd.  :       -ine     P(3)NHVJK 
Conway. 


BOOK  XXX.  X.  2-8 

surprise.  For  how  could  an  easily  manoeuvred  fleet,  b.c.  203 
properly  rigged  with  ship's  gear  and  armed,  have 
been  resisted  by  ships  carrying  artillery  and  engines, 
and  either  converted  now  into  transports  or  lying  so 
close  to  the  walls  as  to  make  scaling  possible  as  if 
from  an  embankment  and  drawbridges  ? 

Consequently  Scipio,  on  reaching  the  place,  gave 
those  war-ships  ^  which  might  have  defended  the 
others  a  place  in  the  rear  line  near  the  land,  contrary 
to  the  usual  practice  in  a  naval  battle.  On  the  other 
hand  he  placed  four  lines  of  transports  as  a  bulwark 
against  the  enemy.  To  prevent  the  lines  from  being 
broken  in  the  confusion  of  the  battle  he  also  held 
these  transports  together  by  placing  masts  and  yards 
crosswise  from  ship  to  ship  and  lashing  them  with 
stout  ropes  as  if  by  a  single  cable.  In  addition  he  laid 
down  planks  above  to  make  a  gangway  the  whole 
length  of  the  line  of  ships  ;  and  beneath  these  bridges 
he  left  openings  where  scouting  vessels  could  dash 
out  against  the  enemy  and  return  in  safety.  These 
preparations  having  been  hastily  completed  as  best 
the  circumstances  permitted,  about  a  thousand  picked 
fighting  men  were  placed  on  board  the  transports. 
A  vast  number  of  weapons,  chiefly  missiles,  were 
assembled,  that  they  might  be  sufficient  for  a  battle 
no  matter  how  long-continued.  Thus  equipped  and 
alert  they  were  awaiting  the  approach  of  the 
enemy. 

^  Not  mentioned  again  in  the  account  of  the  battle.  They 
would  be  perfectly  helpless  if  the  barrier  of  tt-ansports  should 
be  broken  through.  No  figures  are  given  here  by  Polybius, 
whose  text  breaks  off  abruptly  after  XIV.  x.  Appian,  re- 
cording a  different  attack  upon  Scipio's  naval  base,  has  100 
Carthaginian  war-ships  against  20  Roman  triremes;  Pun.  24 
fin. 

397 


LI\T 

Carthaginienses,  qui,  si  maturassent,  omnia 
permixta  turba  trepidantium  primo  impetu  oppres- 
9  sissent,^  perculsi  terrestribus  cladibus  atque  inde 
ne  2  mari  quidem,  abi  ipsi  plus  poterant,  satis 
fidentes,  die  segni  navigatione  absumpto  sub  occasum 
solis   in  portum — Rusucmona   Afri   vocant — classem 

10  adpulere.  Postero  die  sub  ortum  solis  instruxere  ab 
alto  naves  velut  ad  iustum  proelium  navale  et  tam- 

11  quam  exituris  contra  Romanis.  Cum  diu  stetissent, 
postquam   nihil   moveri   ab   hostibus    viderunt,   turn 

12  demum  onerarias  adgrediuntur.  Erat  res  minime 
certamini  navali  similis,  proxime  speciem  mures 
oppugnantium     navium.        Altitudine     aliquantum 

13  onerariae  superabant ;  ex  rostratis  Poeni  vana  plera- 
que,  utpote  supino  iactu,  tela  in  locum  superiorem 
iiiittebant ;  gravior  ac  pondere  ipso  libratior  superne 

14  ex  onerariis  ictus  erat.  Speculatoriae  naves  ac  levia 
alia  3  navigia,  quae  sub  constratis  pontium  per  inter- 
valla  excurrebant,  primo  ipsae  tanturn  *  impetu  ac 

15  magnitudine  rostratarum  obruebantur;  deinde  pro- 
pugnatoribus  quoque  incommodae  erant,  quod  per- 
mixtae  cum  hostium  navibus  inhibere  saepe  tela  coge- 

16  bant  metu  ne  ambiguo  ictu  suis  inciderent.    Postremo 

^  o-ppvessissent  P^(3)y  Aldiis  :  pressissent  P  :  deprehendis 
sent  (or  -prend-)  Sp?N'{alt.)HVJK  Froben  2. 

*  ne    A'^LUschefski :     ne    in    y*JK    Aldus,    Frohen  :     in 
Pi3)B^XV  :   om.  BU. 

3  alia  X'HVJK  :   ipsa  Pl3)X  Aldus,  Frohen  :   om.  JK. 

*  ipsae  tantum  HV  :    ipso  tantum  A'J K  Aldus,  Froben: 
ipsae  tanto  P(3). 


BOOK  XXX.  X.  8-16 

The  Carthaginians,  whose  first  attack,  had  they  b.c.  203 
made  it  in  good  time,  would  have  been  overpowering 
when  everything  was  confused  by  the  mass  of  men 
dashing  about,  were  discouraged  by  their  disastrous 
defeats  on  the  land.  And  having  in  consequence  no 
sufficient  confidence  on  the  sea  either,  where  lay  their 
own  superiority,  after  spending  the  day  in  sailing 
slowly,  they  put  in  with  their  fleet  about  sunset  into  a 
harbour  called  Rusucmon^  by  the  Africans.  On  the 
next  day  about  sunrise  they  drew  up  their  ships  in  the 
open  sea,  as  if  for  a  regular  naval  battle  and  antici- 
pating that  the  Romans  w  ould  come  out  against  them. 
After  keeping  their  position  for  a  long  time  and  ob- 
serving no  movement  on  the  part  of  the  enemy, 
then  only  did  they  attack  the  transports.  It  was  not 
in  the  least  like  a  naval  battle,  but  had  almost  the 
appearance  of  ships  attacking  the  walls  of  a  city. 
The  transports  were  considerably  higher.  From 
their  war-ships  the  Carthaginians  generally  hurled 
their  weapons  to  no  purpose  against  a  higher  position, 
since  they  did  so  leaning  backwards,  while  a  hit  from 
the  transports  above  was  heavier  and  from  its  mere 
weight  had  more  force.  Scouting  vessels  and  other 
light  craft,  which  kept  dashing  out  through  openings 
underneath  the  bridges,  were  at  first  themselves  sunk 
by  the  mere  momentum  and  mass  of  the  war-ships. 
Later  they  interfered  with  the  fighting  men  as  well 
because,  as  they  mingled  with  the  enemy's  vessels, 
they  often  compelled  the  soldiers  to  withhold  their 
missiles  for  fear  in  their  uncertain  aim  they  might 
hit  their  own  men.     Finally  poles  with  an  iron  hook 

^  West  of  the  Promontory  of  Apollo,  it  was  inside  the  bay- 
but  had  no  real  harbour.  Its  modern  successor  is  Porto 
Farina. 

399 


LIVY 

asseres    ferreo    unco    praefixi — harpagones    vocat  ^ 
miles  2 — ex  Punicis  navibus  inici  in  Romanas  coepti. 

17  Quos  cum  neque  ipsos  neque  catenas  quibus  suspensi 
iniciebantur  incidere  possent,  ut  quaeque  retro  in- 
hibita  rostrata  onerariam  haerentem  unco  traheret, 

18  scindi    videres    vincula    quibus    aliis  ^    innexa    erat, 

19  seriem  etiam  *  simul  plurium  navium  trahi.  Hoc 
maxime  modo  lacerati  primi  quidem  ordinis  ^  pontes, 
et    vix    transiliendi    in    secundum    ordinem   navium 

20  spatium  propugnatoribus  datum  est.  Sexaginta  ^ 
ferme  onerariae  puppibus  abstractae  Carthaginem 
sunt.  Maior  quam  pro  re  laetitia,  sed  '  eo  gratior 
quod  inter  adsiduas  clades  ac  lacrimas  unum  quan- 

21  tumcumque  ex  insperato  gaudium  adfulserat,  cum 
eo  ut  appareret  baud  procul  exitio  fuisse  Romanam 
classem,  ni  cessatum  a  praefectis  suarum  navium  foret 
et  Scipio  in  tempore  subvenisset. 

XI.  Per  eosdem  forte  dies  cum  Laelius  et  Masi- 

1  vocat  Px  Gronovius  :  -Rnt  CMBDAXH]' J K. 

2  miles  B^NHV  Gronovins  :  mil  PCJIDA  :  mille  C : 
milex  BX  :   milites  J/'  Aldus,  Froben;   om.  A'JK. 

3  aUis  CHVJK  Froben  2  :   alia  aliis  P(3).V  Aldus. 

*  etiam  Ussing,  Madvig,  Luchs  :  aliam  P{3)XJK  Aldus, 
Froben,  Eds.,  Conway  :  alias  (odv.)  Riemann. 

5  <primi>  quidem  ordinis  M.  MilUer  {icith  ordinis /or  MSS. 
omnes):  Riemann  {retains  omnesj  :  quidem  P{3)XHVJK 
{brackete/l  by  Conway)  :  tandem  Madvig. 

*  Sexaginta  H  :  ex  (for  Ix)  P  :  sex  P^X  Aldus,  Froben  : 
XL  {or  in  foil)  A'VJK. 

'  sed  P(3)XSp{app.)HVJK  Aldus,  Eds.  :  fuit  et  Madvig, 
Emend.  Most  Eds.  b&gin  a  new  sentence  at  Maior.  Hence 
Madvig's  demand  for  fuit.  Riemann  would  insert  ubi  fuit 
before  maior.  Others  understand  maior  laetitia  to  be  in  appos. 
with  the  previous  statement. 

400 


BOOK  XXX.  X.  16-X1.  I 

at  the  end — grappling-irons  ^  the  soldiers  call  them  b.c.  203 
— began  to  be  thrown  from  the  Carthaginian  ships 
upon  the  Roman.  Since  the  crews  were  unable 
either  to  cut  off  these  poles  or  the  chains  by  which 
they  were  hanging  when  thrown,  whenever  a  war- 
ship was  propelled  astern,  dragging  a  transport 
grappled  by  the  hook,  one  might  have  seen  men 
breaking  up  the  links  by  which  it  had  been  bound 
to  others,  and  even  several  of  the  vessels  being 
towed  away  together.  Much  after  this  fashion  the 
bridges  in  the  first  line  were  broken  down  and  hardly 
enough  time  was  given  the  fighting  men  to  spring 
across  to  the  second  line  of  ships.  About  sixty 
transports  ^  were  towed  away  by  the  stern  to 
Carthage.  Rejoicing  for  that  was  excessive,  but  all 
the  more  acceptable  because,  in  the  midst  of  unin- 
terrupted defeats  and  sorrows,  one  ray  of  joy  how- 
ever small  had  unexpectedly  beamed  upon  them. 
In  addition  it  was  clear  to  them  that  the  Roman 
fleet  had  narrowly  escaped  destruction,  and  would 
have  been  destroyed  if  the  captains  ^  of  their  own 
ships  had  not  loitered,  and  if  Scipio  had  not  come  to 
its  aid  in  the  nick  of  time. 

XI.  About  the  same  time,  as  it  happened,  after 

^  Exaggerated  boathooks.  Cf.  Vol.  VII.  p.  149  and  note; 
Caesar  B.G.  VII.  Ixxxi.  I ;  Bell.  Hisp.  xvi.  2;  Curtius  IV.  ii. 
12;  Vegetius  II.  25;  IV.  44  (in  the  navy);  Zonaras  IX. 
xii.  10. 

2  On  the  voyage  across  from  Lilybaeum  he  had  400  trans- 
ports ;  XXIX.  xxvi.  3.  Their  number  bj'  this  time  may  have 
been  considerably  increased. 

^  Cf.  XXI.  Ixi.  4;  XXXVI.  xliv.  1;  magistri  navium  in 
XXIX.  XXV.  7.  The  admiral  was  a  Hamilcar  according  to 
Appian  Pun.  24.  Cf.  Laelius  as  'praejectus  classis,  XXVI. 
xlviii.  7 ;  XXIX.  xxv.  10. 

401 


LIVY 

nissa  quinto  decimo  ferme  die  in  Numidiam  per- 
venissent,  Maesulii,  regnum  paternum  Masinissae, 
laeti    ut    ad    regem    diu  ^    desideratum    concessere. 

2  Syphax  pulsis  inde  praefectis  praesidiisque  suis 
vetere   se   continebat   regno,   neutiquam   quieturus. 

3  Stimulabat  ^  aegrum  amore  uxor  socerque,  et  ita 
viris  equisque  abundabat  ut  subiectae  oculis  regni 
per  multos  florentis  annos  vires  etiam  minus  barbaro 
atque     inpotenti     animo     spiritus     possent    facere. 

4  Igitur  omnibus  qui  bello  apti  erant  in  unum  coactis 
equos,  arma,  tela  dividit ;  equites  in  turmas,  pedites 
in  cohortes,  sicut  quondam  ab  Romanis  centurionibus 

5  didicerat,  distribuit.  Exercitu  haud  rninore  quam 
quem    prius    habuerat,    ceterum    omni    prope    novo 

6  atque  incondito,  ire  ad  hostes  pergit.  Et  castris  in 
propinquo  positis  primo  pauci  equites  ex  tuto 
speculantes  ab  stationibus  progredi,  dein  iaculis 
summoti  recurrere  ad  suos ;  inde  excursiones  in 
vicem   fieri   et,   cum   pulsos   indignatio   accenderet, 

7  plures  subire,  quod  inritamentum  certaminum 
equestrium  est,  cum  aut  vincentibus  spes  aut  pulsis 
ira  adgregat  suos. 

8  Ita  turn  a  paucis  proelio  accenso  omnem  utrimque 
postremo  equitatum  certaminis  studium  effudit. 
Ac  dum  sincerum  ^  equestre  proelium  erat,  multitudo 

1  diu  P(3)NJK  Aldus,  Frohen  :   om.  SpHV. 

2  Stimulabat  P(Z}X  Aldus:    -bant  SpN'HVJK  Frohen  2. 

3  sincerum  P(3).V(-re  ^.V)  :   om.  HVJK  Aldus,  Frohen. 

^  Ten  years  before;   XXIV.  xlviii.  11  f. 

402 


BOOK  XXX.  XI.  1-8 

Laelius  and  Masinissa  had  reached  Numidia  in  about  b.c.  203 
fifteen  days,  the  Maesulians,  that  is,  the  kingdom  of 
Masinissa 's  father,  joyfully  submitted  to  his  rule,  as 
that  of  a  long-wished-for  king.  Syphax,  when  his 
commanders  and  garrisons  had  been  driven  out, 
confined  himself  to  his  old  kingdom  with  no  intention 
of  remaining  inactive.  Love-sick,  he  was  spurred 
on  by  his  wife  and  father-in-law,  and  he  had  men  and 
horses  in  such  abundance  that,  when  the  forces  of  a 
kingdom  that  had  flourished  for  many  years  were 
before  his  eyes,  they  could  have  roused  a  spirit  that 
was  even  less  barbarous  and  uncontrollable.  There- 
fore, concentrating  all  the  men  fit  for  war,  he 
assigned  them  horses,  arms  and  missile  weapons. 
He  organized  cavalry  in  troops,  infantry  in  cohorts, 
in  the  manner  he  had  formerly  ^  learned  from 
Roman  centurions.  With  an  army  no  smaller  than 
that  which  he  had  had  before,  but  almost  entirely 
raw  and  untrained,  he  at  once  advanced  against  the 
enemy.  And  after  a  camp  had  been  pitched  not 
far  away,  at  first  a  few  horsemen  rode  forth  from 
the  outposts,  scouting  from  a  safe  distance ;  then 
being  driven  away  by  lances  they  dashed  back  to 
their  own  men.  Next  in  order  came  attacks  made 
from  both  sides  and,  as  men  beaten  back  were  in- 
flamed by  anger,  more  and  more  came  to  help 
them — the  usual  provocation  in  cavalry  engage- 
ments, when  either  hope  adds  reinforcements  to 
the  successful  or  anger  to  those  who  have  been 
repulsed. 

So  on  this  occasion,  the  battle  having  been  begun 
by  a  few,  all  the  cavalry  of  both  sides  in  the  end  were 
sent  pouring  out  by  their  zest  for  the  fray.  And  so 
long  as  it  was   purely  a   cavalry  battle,  the  great 

403 


LIVY 

Masaesuliorum,  ingentia  agmina  Syphace  emittente, 
9  sustineri  vix  poterat ;  deinde,  ut  pedes  Romanus 
repentino  per  turmas  suas  ^  viam  dantes  linter- 
cursu  stabilem  aciem  fecit  absten-uitque  efFu-^e  inve- 
hentem  sese  hostem.  primo  barbari  segnius  permittere 

10  equos,  dein  stare  ac  prope  turbari  ^  novo  genere 
pugnae.  postremo  non  pediti  solum  cedere,  sed  ne 
equitem  quidem  sustinere  peditis  praesidio  audentem. 

11  lara  signa  quoque  legionum  adpropinquabant.  Turn 
vero  Masaesulii  non  modo  primum  impetum,  sed  ne 
conspectum  quidem  signorum  atque  armorum  tule- 
runt;  tantum  seu  memoria  priorum  cladium  seu 
praesen';  terror  valuit. 

XII.  Ibi  Syphax,  dum  obequitat  hostium  turmis, 

2  si  pudore,  si  periculo  suo  fugam  sistere  posset,  equo 
graviter  icto  effusus  opprimitur  capiturque  et  vivus, 
laetum  ante  omnes   Masinissae  praebiturus  specta- 

3  culum.  ad  Laelium  pertrahitur.^  Caedes  *  in  eo 
proelio    minor    quam    victoria    fuit,    quia    equestri 

4  tantummodo  proelio  certatum  fuerat.  Non  plus 
quinque  milia  occisa,  minus  dimidium  eius  hominum 
captum  est  impetu  in  castro  facto,  quo  perculsa  rege 
amisso  multitudo  se  contulerat. 

^  suas  CHVJK  Aldus,  Frohen,  Eds.  :  suis  .4*  Conway  : 
suam  P(3). 

^  prope  turbari  K  Aldus,  Frohen,  Eds.  :  propere  turbari 
^*(-are  J,  :  propere  turbati  P(3;-^'  :  prope  torpere  turbati 
XovuJ:  {ivith  stupere  M.  Miille'-). 

3  pertrahitur  P(3i.V  Aldus  :  at-  (or  ad-)  HJK  Frohen  2. 

*  Caedes,  etc.,  (his  sentence  and  the  following  in  the  MSS. 
and  most  eds.  folloiv  Cirta  .  .  vis  (§  3,  p.  406 1 :  transferred  to 
this  position,  as  logical  order  requires,  by  Madvig,  Conway. 

1  Cf.  XXVIII.  xvii.  5;    XXIX.  xxx.  10;    xxxii.  14. 

404 


BOOK  XXX.  XI.  8-xii.  5 

numbers  of  the  Masaesulians,^  while  Syphax  was  b.c.  203 
sending  out  huge  columns,  could  hardly  be  with- 
stood. Then  when  Roman  infantry  ^  by  a  sudden 
movement  into  the  openings  made  for  them  by 
troops  of  their  own  cavalry  had  steadied  the  battle- 
line  and  checked  the  wild  charge  of  the  enemy,  the 
barbarians  at  first  gave  their  horses  less  rein,  then 
were  at  a  standstill  and  all  but  confounded  by  the 
strange  tactics.  Finally  they  not  only  gave  way 
before  the  infantry  but  did  not  withstand  the  cavalry 
either,  who  were  emboldened  by  the  protection  of 
infantry.  And  now  the  units  of  legionaries  ^  also 
were  approaching.  Then  indeed  the  Masaesulians 
failed  to  sustain  not  only  the  first  attack  but  even 
the  sight  of  the  standards  and  arms.  Such  was  the 
effect  either  of  remembering  former  defeats  or  of 
their  present  alarm. 

XII.  Then  Syphax,  while  riding  up  to  the  enemy's 
troops  of  cavalry  in  the  hope  that  by  putting  his  men 
to  shame,  by  exposing  himself,  he  might  be  able  to 
stem  their  flight,  was  thrown  from  a  horse  which  had 
been  seriously  wounded,  was  overpowered,  captured 
and  brought  alive  to  Laelius, a  welcome  sight  presently 
to  Masinissa  above  all  others.  The  slaughter  in  that 
battle  was  not  in  proportion  to  the  scale  of  the  victory, 
since  only  a  cavalry  battle  had  been  fought.  Not 
more  than  five  thousand  men  were  slain;  less  than 
half  of  that  number  were  captured  in  an  attack  upon 
the  camp,  to  which  very  many  men,  losing  heart 
with  the  loss  of  their  king,  had  retreated. 

2  I.e.,  only  the  light-armed  [velites).  The  legionaries  enter 
first  in  §  11. 

^  Doubtless  detachments,  since  in  ix.  1  no  mention  was 
made  of  an  entire  legion. 

405 


LIVY 

5  Cirta  caput  regni  Syphacis  erat,  eoque  se  ^  ingens 

6  hominum  ex  fuga  ^  contulit  vis.^  Masinissa  sibi 
quidem  dicere  nihil  esse  in  praesentia  pulchrius  quam 
victorem  recuperatum  tanto  post  intervallo  patrium 
invisere  regnum ;    sed  tam  secundis  quam  adversis 

7  rebus  non  dari  spatium  ad  cessandum.  Si  se  Laelius 
cum  equitatu  vinctoque  *  Syphace  Cirtam  praecedere 
sinat,  trepida  omnia  metu  se  oppressurum ;  Laelium 
cum   peditibus   subsequi    modicis    itineribus   posse. 

8  Adsentiente  Laelio  praegressus  Cirtam  evocari  ad 
conloquium  principes  Cirtensium  iubet.  Sed  apud 
ignaros  regis  casus  nee  quae  acta  essent  promendo 
nee  minis  nee  suadendo  ante  valuit  quam  rex  vinctus 

9  in  conspectum  datus  est.^  Turn  ad  spectaculum  tam 
foedum  comploratio  orta,  et  partim  pavore  moenia 
sunt  deserta,  partim  repentino  consensu  gratiam 
apud     victorem     quaerentium     patefactae     portae. 

10  Et  Masinissa  praesidio  circa  portas  opportunaque 
moenium  dimisso,  ne  cui  fugae  pateret  exitus,  ad 
regiam  occupandam  citato  vadit  equo. 

11  Intranti  vestibulum  in  ipso  limine  Sophoniba,^ 
uxor  Syphacis,  filia  Hasdrubalis  Poeni,  occurrit ;    et 

1  se  A'HVJK  Allm,  Froben  :    om.   P{3]N  :    placed  after 
hominum  6y  Conway. 

2  ex  fuga  HVJK  Aklu-o,  Froben  :   om.  P(3)X. 

3  contulit  vis  P( 3;. V  :  \-is  contulit  .4 A' :  vis  .  .  .  contulerat 
A'HVJK  Alius,  Froben  :   contulerat  vis  Conicay. 

*  vinctoque  .4^  Gronovius,  £ds.  :   victoque  P{3)NJK. 
5  est  HVJK  Froben  2:  esset  P(3)y  Aklm. 

*  Sophoniba  P-(3)-.V:  Sophonisba  VJK  Aldus,  Froben. 


1  Cf.  XXIX.  xxxii.  14  and  not«. 

2  Crossing  the  open  court  Masinissa  and  his  men  approach 
the  door.  Cf.  the  vestibulum  curiae  below,  xxi.  4  and  (at 
Carthage)  xxi  v.  10. 

406 


BOOK  XXX.  XII.  5-II 

Cirta  ^  was  the  capital  of  the  kingdom  of  Syphax,  b.c.  203 
and  to  that  city  came  a  vast  number  of  men  from  the 
rout.  Masinissa  said  that,  while  for  himself  nothing 
was  at  that  moment  more  attractive  than  to  visit  as 
victor  his  ancestral  kingdom,  recovered  after  so  long 
an  interval,  nevertheless  in  success  as  well  as  in 
misfortune  no  time  is  allowed  for  loitering.  If 
Laelius  should  permit  him  to  go  on  in  advance  to 
Cirta  with  the  cavalry  and  with  Syphax  in  chains,  he 
would  surprise  everybody  in  the  excitement  due  to 
alarm.  Laelius,  he  said,  could  follow  with  the 
infantry  in  short  marches.  With  Laelius'  assent  he 
went  to  Cirta  in  advance  and  ordered  that  the  leading 
Cirtensians  be  called  out  of  the  city  to  a  conference. 
But  with  men  who  were  unaware  of  the  king's  mis- 
adventure he  accomplished  nothing  by  revealing 
what  had  taken  place,  nor  by  threats  nor  by 
persuasion,  until  the  king  was  placed  before  their 
eyes  in  chains.  Then  before  a  sight  so  grievous 
wailing  began,  and  in  alarm  some  deserted  the 
walls,  others  with  the  sudden  agreement  of  men 
who  curry  favour  with  the  victor  threw  open  the 
gates.  And  Masinissa,  first  sending  detachments  to 
all  the  gates  and  to  favourable  points  on  the  walls, 
that  no  one  might  have  a  way  of  escape  open  to 
him,  rode  at  full  speed  to  take  possession  of  the 
palace. 

As  he  was  entering  the  forecourt  ^  Sophoniba,^ 
the  wdfe  of  Syphax,  daughter  of  Hasdrubal  the 
Carthaginian,  met  him  at  the  very  threshold.     And 

^  Probably  married  to  Syphax  in  205  B.C.  Cf.  Polybius 
i.  4 ;  vii.  6 ;  Diodorus  Sic.  XXVII.  7 ;  Dio  Cass.  frag.  57.  51 
(enlarging  on  her  cultivation  in  letters  and  music);  Zonaras 
IX.  xi.  1  f. :  xiii.  2  ff.;  Appian  Pun.  27  f. 

407 


LIVY 

cum  in  medio  agmine  armatorum  Masinissam  in- 
signem  cum  armis  tum  cetero  habitu  conspexisset, 
regem  esse,  id  quod  erat,  rata,  genibus  advoluta  eius 

12  "  Omnia  quidem  ut  posses  "  ^  inquit  "in  nobis  ^  di 
dederunt  virtusque  et  felicitas  tua ;  sed  si  captivae 
apud  dominum  vitae  necisque  suae  vocem  supplicem 
mittere  licet,  si  genua,  si  victricem  attingere  dextram, 

13  precor  quaesoque  per  maiestatem  regiam,  in  qua 
paulo  ante  nos  quoque  fuimus,  per  gentis  Numidarum 
nomen,  quod  tibi  cum  Syphace  commune  fuit,  per 
huiusce    regiae    deos,    qui    te    melioribus    ominibus 

14  accipiant  quam  Svphacem  hinc  miserunt,  banc  veniam 
supplici  des  ut  ipse  quodcumque  fert  ^  animus  de 
captiva  tua  •*  statuas  neque  me  in  cuiusquam  Romani 

15  superbum  et  crudele  arbitrium  venire  sinas.  Si 
nihil  aliud  quam  Syphacis  uxor  fuissem,  tamen 
Numidae  atque  in  eadem  mecum  Africa  geniti 
quam  alienigenae  et  externi  fidem  experiri  mallem; 

16  quid  Carthaginiensi  ab  Romano,  quid  filiae  Has- 
drubalis  timendum  sit  vides.  Si  nulla  i^  alia  potes, 
morte  me  ut  vindices  ab  Romanorum  arbitrio  oro 

17  obtestorque."  Forma  erat  insignis  et  florentissima 
aetas.  Itaque  cum  modo  genua  modo  ^  dextram 
amplectens  in  id  ne  cui  Romano  traderetur  fidem 
exposceret,  propiusque  blanditias  iam  ^  oratio  esset 

18  quam  preces,  non  in  misericordiam  modo  prolapsus 

^  posses  P(3)^V  Aldus,  Frohen  :   possis  A'HVJK  Conivay. 

2  in  nobis  {omitting  inquit)  P{3)X  :   in  nos  A*X\alt.)HVJK 
Aldus,  Frohen. 

3  fert   P{3)B^-X  :     feret    HJK   Aldus,   Frohen  :     ferret    I'  : 
&m.  B. 

*  tua  .V*  or  X^HVJK  :  om.  P{'S)X  Aldus,  Frohen. 
^  modo    genua    modo    Gmnomus :     modo   A*?{alt.)X'HJK 
Aldus,  Frohen  :   domo  P(3)X. 

«  iam  A'HVJK  Aldus,  Froben:   om.  P{3). 

408 


BOOK  XXX.  XII.  11-18 

when  in  the  midst  of  the  column  of  armed  men  she  b.c.  203 
caught  sight  of  Masinissa,  conspicuous  both  by  his 
arms  and  the  rest  of  his  dress,  thinking  it  was  the 
king,  as  was  the  fact,  she  clasped  his  knees  and  said : 
"  All  power  over  us  has  indeed  been  given  you  by 
the  gods  and  by  your  courage  and  good  fortune. 
But  if  a  captive  is  permitted  in  the  house  of  the  master 
of  her  Hfe  and  death  to  lift  the  voice  of  a  suppliant, 
if  she  may  touch  his  knees,  his  victorious  right  hand, 
I  pray  and  entreat  you  by  the  royal  state  in  which  we 
too  have  lived  a  short  time  ago,  by  the  name  of  the 
Numidian  race,  which  you  have  shared  with  Syphax, 
by  the  gods  of  this  palace  here — and  may  they  receive 
you  under  better  auspices  than  those  under  which 
they  sent  Syphax  away ! — I  beg  you  to  grant  this 
favour  to  a  suppliant,  that,  whatever  your  inclination, 
you  yourself  decide  in  regard  to  your  captive  and 
do  not  suffer  me  to  be  subjected  to  the  haughty  and 
cruel  decision  of  any  Roman.  If  I  had  been  nothing 
else  than  the  wife  of  Syphax,  still  I  should  have 
preferred  to  trust  the  word  of  a  Numidian  and  a 
man  born  in  the  same  Africa  as  myself  rather  than 
that  of  a  foreigner  by  birth  and  nationality.  What 
a  Carthaginian  woman,  what  a  daughter  of  Hasdrubal 
has  to  fear  from  a  Roman  you  see.  If  by  no  other 
means  you  are  able  to  do  so,  I  beg  and  implore  you  to 
save  me  by  death  from  the  decision  of  Romans." 
Her  beauty  was  conspicuous  and  her  age  at  full 
bloom.  Consequently  while  she  was  clasping  now 
his  knees  and  now  his  right  hand,  begging  for  his 
promise  not  to  surrender  her  to  any  Roman,  and  her 
words  were  now  more  nearly  those  of  a  charmer  than 
of  a  suppliant,  the  heart  of  the  victor  was  quickly 
moved  not  to  pity  only,  but  with  the  amorous  sus- 

409 


LRT 

est  animus  victoris,  sed,  ut  est  genus  Numidarum  in 
A'enerem  praeceps,  amore  captivae  victor  captus. 
Data  dextra  in  id  quod  petebatur  obligandae  fidei  in 

19  regiam  concedit.  Institit  deinde  reputare  ^  secum 
ipse  quern  ad  modum  promissi  fidem  praestaret. 
Quod  cum  expedire  non  posset,  ab  amore  temerarium 

20  atque  impudens  mutuatur  consilium ;  nuptias  in 
eum  ipsum  diem  parari  repente  iubet,  ne  quid 
relinqueret  integri  ^  aut  Laelio  aut  ipsi  Scipioni 
consulendi  velut  in  captivam  quae  Masinissae  iam 

21  nupta  foret.  Factis  nuptiis  supen-enit  Laelius,  et 
adeo  non  dissimulavit  improbare  se  factum  ut  prime 
etiam  cum  Syphace  et  ceteris  captivis  detractam  earn 
lecto  3    geniali    mittere    ad    Scipionem    conatus    sit. 

22  Victus  deinde  precibus  Masinissae  orantis  ut  arbi- 
trium  utrius  regum  duorum  fortunae  accessio 
Sophoniba  esset  ad  Scipionem  reiceret.  misso 
Syphace  et  captivis  ceteras  urbes  Nuraidiae  quae 
praesidiis  regiis  tenebantur  adiuvante  Masinissa 
recipit.* 

XIII.  Syphacem  in  castra  adduci  cum  esset  nun- 
tiatum,  omnis  velut  ad  spectaculum  triumphi  multi- 
2  tudo  effusa  est.  Praecedebat  ipse  vinctus ;  seque- 
batur  grex  nobilium  Numidarum.  Tum  quantum 
quisque  plurimum  poterat  ^  magnitudini  Syphacis 
famaeque  ®  gentis  victoriam  suam  augendo  addebat : 


1  Institit  deinde  reputare  A'N*HVJK  Eds.  :    P,  omitting  a 
line,  has  only  -re  :   confusion  in  P^{3)X. 

2  relinqueret  integri  P(3}N  Aldus,  Frohen  :    -eret  integrum 
HVJK  :   -eretur  integrum  Sp. 

3  lecto  Madvig  :   om.  P{3)XHVJK  :   thoro  Aldus,  Froben. 
*  recipit  P{3jB^XSpHJK  Froben  2  :   recepit  B  Aldus. 

'  poterat  P(3)^Y  .4Wms  :  -posset  SpV J K  Froben  2  :  posse  H. 
«  -que  SpA'HVJK  Froben  2:  ojn.  P{3)X. 

410 


BOOK  XXX.  XII.  18-X111.  2 

ceptibility  of  the  Numidian  race  the  victor  was  b.c.  203 
captivated  by  love  of  the  captive.  He  gave  her  his 
right  hand  as  a  pledge  for  the  fulfilment  of  her 
request  and  withdrew  into  the  palace.  Then  he 
began  by  himself  to  consider  how  he  could  guarantee 
that  the  promise  would  be  kept.  As  he  was  unable 
to  solve  that  problem  he  borrowed  from  love  a  plan 
that  was  reckless  and  unbecoming.  He  promptly 
ordered  preparations  to  be  made  for  a  wedding  the 
very  same  day,  in  order  not  to  leave  any  decision  open 
either  to  Laelius  or  to  Scipio  himself  in  regard  to 
her  as  a  captive  when  she  should  be  already  married  to 
Masinissa.  After  the  wedding  Laelius  arrived,  and 
so  far  was  he  from  concealing  his  disapproval  of  the 
act  that  at  first  he  even  attempted  to  tear  her  away 
from  the  marriage  couch  and  send  her  to  Scipio  with 
Syphax  and  the  rest  of  the  captives.  He  was  then 
persuaded  by  the  entreaties  of  Masinissa,  who 
begged  him  to  refer  to  Scipio  the  decision  which  of 
the  two  kings  was  to  have  Sophoniba  share  his  lot. 
Whereupon,  after  sending  Syphax  and  the  captives 
away,  he  with  Masinissa 's  aid  subdued  the  remaining 
cities  of  Numidia  which  were  held  by  the  king's 
garrisons. 

Xni.  When  it  was  announced  that  Syphax  was 
being  brought  into  the  camp  ^  all  the  rank  and  file 
poured  out,  as  though  they  were  to  witness  a  triumph. 
First  came  Syphax  himself  in  chains,  followed  by  a 
company  of  noble  Numidians.  Then  all  the  soldiers 
in  enlarging  upon  their  own  victory  did  their  best  to 
magnify  Syphax  and  the  fame  of  his  race,  saying 

^  Scipio's  camp ;  cf.  §  8.  Although  soldiers  only  are  meant, 
Livy's  comparison  is  with  the  populace  witnessing  a  triumph 
and  impressed  by  a  victory  over  a  worthy  foe. 

411 


LIVY 

3  ilium  esse  regem  cuius  tantum  maiestati  duo  potentis- 
simi   in   terris    tribuerint   populi.   Romanus   Cartha- 

4  giniensisque,  ut  Scipio  imperator  suus  ad  amicitiam 
eius  petendam,  relicta  provincia  Hispania  exer- 
cituque,   duabus   quinqueremibus   in   Africam   navi- 

5  gaverit,  Hasdrubal  Poenorum  imperator  non  ipse 
modo  ad  eum  in  regnum  venerit,  sed  etiam  filiam  ei 
nuptum  dederit.  Habuisse  eum  uno  tempore  in 
potestate  duos  imperatores.  Poenum  Romanumque. 

6  Sicut  ab  dis  immortalibus  pars  utraque  hostiis  mac- 
tandis  pacem  petisset,  ita  ab  eo  utrimque  pariter 

7  amicitiam  petitam.  lam  tantas  habuisse  opes  ut 
Masinissam  regno  pulsum  eo  redegerit  ut  vita  eius 
fama  mortis  et  latebris,  ferarum  modo  in  silvis  rapto 
\aventis,  tegeretur. 

8  His  semionibus  circum.stantium  celebratus  rex 
in  praetorium  ad  Scipionem  est  perductus.  Movit 
et  Scipionem  cum  ^  fortuna  pristina  viri  praesenti 
fortunae  conlata,  tum  recordatio  hospitii  dextraeque 

9  datae  et  foederis  publice  ac  privatim  iuncti.  Eadem 
haec  et  Syphaci  animum  dederunt  in  adloquendo 
victore.  Nam  cum  Scipio  quid  sibi  voluisset  quaereret 
qui  non  societatem  solum  abnuisset  Romanam,  sed 

10  ultro  bellum  intulisset,  tum  ille  peccasse  quidem 
sese  atque  insanisse  fatebatur,  sed  non  tum  demum 
cum  arma  adversus  populum  Romanum  cepisset ; 
exitum    sui   furoris    eum  ^    fuisse.    non    principium; 

1  cum  P(S)XHJ  Froben  2  :  tum  AyNVK  Aldus. 

2  eum  A'HJK  :   cum  V  :   om.  P{Z)N  Aldus,  Froben. 


1  Cf.  XXVIII.  xvii.  11  ff. 

-  IbuJ.  xviii.  1  ff. 

3  Cf.  XXIX.  xxxii.  10  f. 

412 


BOOK  XXX.  XIII.  3-10 

that  he  was  the  king  to  whose  majesty  the  two  most  b.c.  203 
powerful  peoples  in  the  world,  the  Roman  and  the 
Carthaginian,  paid  such  honour  that  Scipio,  their  own 
general,  left  his  province  of  Spain  and  his  army 
and  with  two  quinqueremes  sailed  to  Africa  to  court 
his  friendship,!  while  Hasdrubal,  a  general  of  the 
Carthaginians,  not  only  came  himself  to  him  in  his 
kingdom  but  also  gave  him  his  daughter  in  marriage. 
They  said  that  he  had  at  the  same  time  had  two 
generals ,2  a  Carthaginian  and  a  Roman,  in  his  power ; 
that  just  as  both  sides  had  sought  the  favour  of  the 
immortal  gods  by  offering  sacrifices,  so  had  his 
friendship  been  sought  at  the  same  time  by  both  sides. 
Moreover,  so  great,  they  said,  had  been  his  power 
that  when  Masinissa  had  been  driven  out  of  his 
kingdom,  Syphax  brought  him  so  low  that  his  life 
was  protected  only  by  the  report  of  his  death  and 
by  hiding-places  where  he  lived  in  the  forest  like 
wild  animals  on  what  they  caught.^ 

Honoured  by  such  utterances  of  the  bystanders 
the  king  was  brought  before  Scipio  at  headquarters. 
Even  Scipio  was  moved  by  the  comparison  of  the 
man's  former  estate  with  his  present  condition,  but 
especially  by  the  memory  of  their  guest-friendship 
and  the  clasp  of  hands,  and  of  the  compact  made  for 
the  state  and  of  that  made  in  his  own  name.  The 
same  considerations  gave  Syphax  also  spirit  in 
addressing  the  victor.  For  when  Scipio  repeatedly 
asked  him  what  he  had  meant  by  not  only  rejecting 
a  Roman  alliance  but  also  taking  the  aggressive  in 
war,  he  would  admit  that  he  had  indeed  done  wrong 
and  lost  his  reason,  but  not  then  for  the  first  time 
when  he  had  taken  up  arms  against  the  Roman  people. 
That  had  been  the  culmination,  not  the  beginning, 

413 


LRT 

11  turn  se  insanisse,  turn  hospitia  privata  et  publica 
foedera    omnia    ex    animo    eiecisse,^    cum    Cartha- 

12  giniensem  matronam  domum  acceperit.  Illis  nuptiali- 
bus  facibus  regiam  conflagrasse  suain ;  illam  furiam 
pestemque  omnibus  delenimentis  animum  suum 
avertisse  atque  alienasse,  nee  conquiesse  donee 
ipsa  manibus  suis  nefaria  sibi  arma  adversus  hospitem 

13  atque  amicum  induerit.  Perdito  tamen  atque 
adflicto  sibi  hoc  in  miseriis  solatii  esse,  quod  in 
omnium  hominum  inimicissimi  sibi  domum  ac  penates 

14  eandem  pestem  ac  furiam  transisse  videat.  Neque 
prudentiorem  ^  neque  constantiorem  Masinissam 
quam  Svphacem  esse,  etiam  ^  iuventa  incautiorem ; 
certe  stultius  ilium  atque  intemperantius  *  earn  quam 
se  duxisse. 

XIW  Haec  ^  non  hostili  modo  odio,  sed  amoris 
etiam  stimulis,  amatam  ^  apud  aemulum  cernens, 
cum  dixisset,  non  mediocri  cura  Scipionis  animum 
2*pepulit.  Et  fidem  criminibus  raptae  '''  prope  inter 
arma  nuptiae  neque  consulto  neque  exspectato 
Laelio  faciebant  tamque  praeceps  festinatio  ut  quo 
die    captam    hostem  ®    vidisset,    eodem    matrimonio 

1  turn  (hospitia)  .  .  .  eiecisse  P(3)N  :  cum  .  .  ,  eiecisset 
A^?  and  A'HVJK,  Eds.  before  Gronovius. 

*  'Seqne-pTXLdentioTem.PiSjX  Aldus,  Frohen:  om.  SpHVJK. 
3  etiam  P(3).V  :    iam  ab  SpHV  :    etiam  ab  A*JK  Aldus, 

Frohen. 

*  ilium  atque  intemperantius  P(3)A'y  Aldus,  (-atius  icith 
A* I  Frohen  :   om.  SpHVJK. 

5  HaecP(3'XS>JA^:   h^nc  yUV  Aldus. 

«  amatam  P[Z\Ay^ySpJK  :   armatam  A''  Aldus. 

'  raptae  P(S)N  :  facte  [or  -ae)  A  VJK  Aldus,  Frohen  : 
facere  //. 

8  captam  hostem  Gronovius,  Eds.  :  captum  hostem 
P(3).V  Luterharher  (cf.  his  appendix)  :  captam  reginam 
A'{alt.)N*{alt.)HJK  early  Eds. 

414 


BOOR  XXX.  XIII.  ii-xiv.  2 

of  his  madness.  The  time  when  he  lost  his  reason,  b.c,  203 
when  he  put  out  of  his  head  all  private  guest-friend- 
ships and  public  treaties,  was  when  he  admitted  a 
noble  Carthaginian  lady  to  his  house.  From  those 
nuptial  torches  his  palace  had  taken  fire;  that 
baneful  fury  by  all  her  blandishments  had  un- 
balanced and  unhinged  his  mind,  and  she  had  never 
rested  until  with  her  own  hands  she  had  herself  put 
on  him  guilt-stained  arms  against  a  guest-friend  and 
a  personal  friend.  Yet  for  himself,  ruined  and 
crushed,  there  was  this  consolation  in  his  mis- 
fortunes, to  see  that  the  same  baneful  fury  had  passed  ^ 
into  the  house  and  home  of  the  greatest  enemy  he 
had  in  the  world.  Masinissa  was  neither  wiser, 
he  said,  nor  more  steadfast  than  Syphax ;  he  was 
even  more  imprudent  owing  to  his  youth.  Certainly 
there  had  been  more  folly  and  lack  of  self-control  in 
Masinissa's  marriage  to  her  than  in  his  own.^ 

XIV.  By  speaking  thus,  not  only  out  of  hatred 
as  an  enemy  but  also  under  the  goad  of  jealousy, 
as  he  saw  his  beloved  in  the  possession  of  his  rival, 
he  aroused  no  slight  anxiety  in  the  mind  of  Scipio.^ 
The  charges  against  her  were  substantiated  both  by 
the  marriage  hastily  celebrated,  almost  on  the  battle- 
field, without  either  seeking  the  advice  of  Laelius 
or  waiting  for  his  arrival,  and  by  such  precipitate 
haste  that  on  the  very  day  on  which  he  saw  her  as  a 
captured  enemy  he  took  her  to  wife  and  performed 

^  This  indirect  speech  is  probably  based  upon  a  lost  passage 
in  Polybius,  whose  narrative  fails  us  here ;  for  the  conclusion 
of  his  XlVth  book  has  been  lost  (beginning  after  x.  14  above). 
Cf.  Appian  Pim.  27. 

2  Who  had  reason  to  fear  that  Sophoniba  would  persuade 
Masinissa  to  go  over  to  the  Carthaginian  side. 

415 


LIVY 

iunctam  acciperet  et  ad  penates  hostis  sui  nuptiale 

3  sacrum  conficeret ;  et  ^  eo  foediora  haec  videbantur 
Scipioni.  quod  ipsum  in  Hispania  iuvenem  nullius 
forma  pepulerat  captivae.  Haec  secum  volutanti 
Laelius  ac  Masinissa  supervenerunt.  Quos  cum 
pariter  ambo  et  benigno  voltu  excepisset  et  egregiis 

4  laudibus  frequent!  praetorio  celebrasset,  abductum 
in  secretum  Masinissam  sic  adloquitur:  "  Aliqua  te, 
Masinissa.  existimo  ^  intuentem  in  me  bona  et 
principio  in  Hispania  ad  iungendam  mecum  ami- 
citiam  venisse  et  postea  in  Africa  te  ipsum  spesque 

5  omnes  tuas  in  fidem  meam  €ommisisse.  Atqui  nulla 
earum  virtus  est  propter  quas  tibi  adpetendus  visus 
sim  qua  ego  aeque  ac  temperantia   et  continentia 

6  libidinum  gloriatus  fuerim.  Hanc  te  quoque  ad 
ceteras  tuas  eximias  virtutes,  Masinissa,  adiecisse 
velim.  Non  est,  non — mihi  crede — tantum  ab 
hostibus  armatis  aetati  nostrae  periculi  ^  quantum  ab 

7  circumfusis  undique  voluptatibus.  Qui  eas  tem- 
perantia sua  frena\-it  ac  domuit  multo  maius  decus 
maioremque  victoriam  sibi  peperit  quam  nos  Syphace 

8  victo  habemas.  Quae  me  absente  strenue  ac  fortiter 
fecisti  libenter  et  commemoravi  et  memini ;  cetera  te 
ipsum  tecum  reputare  quam  me  dicente  erubescere 
malo.     Syphax  populi  Romani  auspiciis  victus  cap- 

9  tusque  est.  Itaque  ipse,  coniunx,  regnum,  ager, 
oppida,    homines    qui    incolunt,    quidquid    denique 

1  et  SpHVJK  Frohen  2  :   om.  P(3}X. 

2  existimo,  here  HVJK  :    after  te  P(3j.V  Aldus,   Frohen, 
most  Eds. 

'  periculi  SpPA'HVJK  Frohen  2  :   -lum  P(3).Y  Aldus. 


'  Cf.  XXVI.  xlix.  11  £f.  and  chap.  1. 
416 


BOOK  XXX.  XIV.  2-9 

the  nuptial  rites  before  the  household  gods  of  his  b.c.  203 
foe.  Again,  all  this  seemed  the  more  repulsive  to 
Scipio  because  in  Spain,  in  spite  of  his  youth,  he  had 
himself  never  been  smitten  by  the  beauty  of  any 
captive.^  Such  thoughts  were  in  his  mind  when 
Laelius  and  Masinissa  arrived.^  Scipio  welcomed 
them  both  alike  with  kindly  expression  and  lauded 
them  in  distinguished  terms  before  a  crowded 
council,  and  then  leading  Masinissa  to  a  place  apart 
thus  addressed  him :  "  Some  good  qualities  you  saw 
in  me,  I  suppose,  Masinissa,  and  so  came  to  me  first 
in  Spain,  to  cement  a  friendship  with  me,  and  later  in 
Africa  entrusted  yourself  and  all  your  hopes  to  my 
protection.  But  of  those  virtues  on  account  of  which 
my  friendship  might  seem  to  you  desirable  there  is 
none  on  which  I  might  have  prided  myself  so  much  as 
on  self-restraint  and  continence.  This  virtue  I 
would  have  you  also,  Masinissa,  add  to  your  other 
remarkable  excellences.  There  is  no  danger — 
believe  me,  there  is  none — so  great  to  our  time  of 
life  from  armed  enemies  as  from  pleasures  all  about 
us  Whoever  has  checked  and  mastered  them  by  his 
self-control  has  gained  for  himself  a  far  greater 
distinction  and  a  greater  victory  than  is  ours  by  the 
defeat  of  Syphax.  All  that  you  in  my  absence  have 
done  with  energy  and  courage  I  was  glad  to  mention 
and  gladly  remember.  Upon  the  rest  of  your  acts 
I  prefer  to  have  you  reflect  inwardly  yourself,  rather 
than  blush  at  my  recital.  Syphax  has  been  defeated 
and  captured  under  the  auspices  of  the  Roman 
people.  In  consequence  he  himself,  his  wife,  his 
kingdom,  territory,  towns,  the  people  who  inhabit 

^  Some  time  has  elapsed  during  which  Numidian  cities 
were  recovered ;  xii.  22. 

417 
VOL.  VIII.  P 


K.y.c.    10  Syphacis  fuit  praeda  populi  Romani  est ;   et  regem 
^^^  coniugemque  eius,  etiamsi  non  civis  Carthaginiensis 

esset.  etiamsi  non  patrem  eius  imperatorem  hostium 
videremus,  Romani  oporteret  mitti,  ac  senatus  popu- 
lique  Romani  de  ea  iudicium  atque  arbitrium  esse 
quae  regem  socium  nobis  alienasse  atque  in  arma 
11  egisse  ^  praecipitem  dicatur.  Vince  animum;  cave  ^ 
deformes  multa  bona  uno  vitio  et  tot  meritorum 
gratiam  maiore  culpa  quam  causa  culpae  est  con- 
rumpas." 

XV.  Masinissae  haec  audienti  non  rubor  solum 
sufFusus.  sed  lacrimae  etiam  obortae ;  et  cum  se  qui- 
dem  in  potestate  futurum  imperatoris  dixisset 
orassetque  eum  ut  quantum  res  sineret  fidei  suae 

2  temere  obstrictae  consuleret — promisisse  enim  se  in 
nuUius  potestatem  eam  traditurum — ex  praetorio  in 

3  tabemaculum  suum  confusus  concessit.  Ibi  arbitris 
remotis  cum  crebro  suspiritu  ^  et  gemitu,  quod  * 
facile    ab    circumstantibus    tabemaculum    exaudiri 

4  posset,  aliquantum  temporis  consumpsisset,  ingenti 
ad  postremum  edito  gemitu  fidum  e  servis  vocat,^ 
sub  cuius  custodia  regio  more  ad  incerta  fortunae 
venenum  erat,  et  ^  mixtum  in  poculo  ferre  ad  Sopho- 

5  nibam  iubet  ac  simul  nuntiare  Masinissam  libenter 

^  egisse  P(Z)HVJK  :   coegisse  A'X  AMu.s,  Froben. 

^  cave  PiSfXH^'J  Froben  2  :    cave  ne  K  Aldus. 

3  suspiritu  P{3)X  :  spiritu  X^H  :  suspirio  P*CM^A^JK 
Aldus,  Froben. 

*  quod  P[Z,Sp?HVJK  Froben  2  :   quo  .-l^V  Aldus. 

6  vocat  PCMHV  :  vo  BD  :  uno  accito  {^vith  fido)  A'XJK 
Aldus,  Froben  :   unum  vocat  Johnson,  Conway. 

«  et  P(3)  :  ei  X*?HJK  Aldus,  Froben  :  eum  V :  om. 
M'?A'X. 

^  Livy  understands  her  to  have  been  brought  to  Scipio's 
camp;    so  Diodorus  Sic.  XXVII.  7.     Other  authorities  laid 

418 


BOOK  XXX.  XIV.  9-xv.  5 

them,  in  short  whatever  has  belonged  to  Syphax,  is  b.c.  203 
booty  of  the  Roman  people.  And  as  for  the  king  and 
his  wife,  even  if  she  were  not  a  Carthaginian  citizen, 
even  if  we  did  not  see  in  her  father  a  high  commander 
of  the  enemy,  they  would  have  to  be  sent  to  Rome, 
and  the  senate  and  the  Roman  people  would  properly 
have  the  right  to  judge  and  decide  the  case  of  her  who 
is  alleged  to  have  estranged  from  us  an  allied  king 
and  driven  him  headlong  into  war.  Conquer  your- 
self; do  not  disfigure  many  good  quaUties  by  one 
defect  and  forfeit  the  favour  earned  by  so  many 
services  through  a  fault  out  of  all  proportion  to  its 
cause." 

XV.  On  hearing  these  words  not  only  did  Masinissa 
blush,  but  tears  also  came.  And  after  saying  that 
he  on  his  part  would  be  under  the  orders  of  the  general 
and  imploring  him  to  have  such  regard  as  the  case 
permitted  for  the  promise  he  had  rashly  given, 
namely  that  he  would  not  hand  her  over  to  any  man's 
power,  he  withdrew  from  headquarters  to  his  own 
tent  a  distracted  man.  There,  with  no  witnesses 
present,  he  spent  considerable  time,  with  frequent 
sighs  and  groans,  so  that  they  could  easily  be  heard 
by  those  who  stood  about  the  tent.  Then  at  last, 
after  one  very  loud  groan,  he  called  the  faithful 
slave  in  whose  keeping  was  the  poison,  against  the 

'uncertainties  of  fortune,  as  usual  with  kings,  and 
bade  him  mix  it  and  carry  it  in  a  cup  to  Sophoniba.^ 
He  also  ordered  him  at  the  same  time  to  tell  her 

I  that  Masinissa  would  gladly  have  fulfilled  the  most 

the  scene  at  Cirta  and  made  Masinissa  hurry  back  from  the 
camp ;  cf.  Appian  Pun.  28 ;  Zonaras  IX.  xiii.  2  ff .  A  pertinent 
passage  in  Poly  bins  is  lacking. 

419 


primam  ei  fidem  praestaturum  fuisse  quam  vir 
uxori  debuerit ;  quoniam  eius  arbitrium  qui  possint 
adimant,    secundam    fidem    praestare    ne    viva    in 

6  potestatem  Romanorum  veniat.  Memor  patris 
imperatoris  patriaeque  et  duorum  regum  quibus 
nupta  fuisset,  sibi  ipsa  consuleret. 

Hunc  nuntium  ac  simul  venenum  ferens  minister 

7  cum  ad  Sophonibam  venisset,  "  Accipio "  inquit 
"  nuptiale  munus,  neque  ingratum,  si  nihil  maius 
vir  uxori  praestare  potuit.  Hoc  tamen  nuntia,  melius 
me  morituram  fuisse,  si  non  in  funere  meo  nupsissem." 

8  Non  locuta  est  ferocius  quam  acceptum  poculum 
nullo  trepidationis  signo  dato  inpavide  hausit. 

9  Quod  ubi  nuntiatum  est  Scipioni,  ne  quid  aeger 
animi  ^    ferox    iuvenis    gravius    consuleret,    accitum 

10  eum  extemplo  nunc  solatur,  nunc,  quod  temeritatem 
temeritate  -    alia    luerit    tristioremque    rem    quam 

11  necesse  fuerit  fecerit,  leniter  castigat.  Poster©  die, 
ut  a  praesenti  motu  averteret  animum  eius,  in 
tribunal  escendit  et  contionem  advocari  iussit. 
Ibi  Masinissam,  primum  regem  appellatum  eximi- 
isque  ornatum  laudibus,  aurea  corona,  aurea  patera, 
sella    curuli    et    scipione    eburneo,    toga    picta     et 

12  palmata  tunica  donat.  Addit  verbis  honorem ; 
neque  magnificentius  quicquam  triimipho  apud 
Romanos    neque    triumphantibus  ^    ampliorem    eo 

1  animi  P(3).V  :   -mo  C^A'HVJK  Aldu,<^,  Froben. 

2  temeritate  P(3)A'yJK  Aldus,  Frohen  :   07n.  A'SpHV. 

3  triumphantibus   P{3)X   Aldus,   Frohen:     -tis   SpA'HV : 
-ti  JK. 


^  All  of  these  were  worn  or  used  by  a  general  in  his  triumph 
except  the  patera,  or  bowl.  Cf.  X.  vii.  9.  Similar  gifts  to 
kings  in  XX\^L  iv.  8-10  (Vol.  VII.  p.  214,  n.  2). 

420 


BOOK  XXX.  XV.  5-12 

important  promise  which  as  husband  he  was  bound  b.c.  203 
to  keep  for  a  wife ;  that  since  the  freedom  to  do  so 
was  taken  away  by  those  who  had  the  power,  he 
was  keeping  the  promise  next  to  it  in  importance, 
namely,  that  she  should  not  come  into  the  Romans' 
power  alive.  Mindful  of  her  father  the  general,  and 
of  her  native  city,  and  of  the  two  kings  to  whom  she 
had  been  married,  she  was  to  decide  for  herself. 

When  the  slave  bearing  this  message  together  with 
the  poison  had  reached  Sophoniba  she  said,  "  1 
receive  the  wedding  gift,  and  it  is  not  unwelcome  if 
my  husband  has  been  able  to  bestow  nothing  better 
upon  his  wife.  But  tell  him  this,  that  it  would  have 
been  easier  for  me  to  die  if  I  had  not  married  at  my 
funeral."  No  less  high-spirited  than  her  words  was 
her  acceptance  of  the  cup,  fearlessly  drained  without 
a  sign  of  wavering. 

As  soon  as  this  was  reported  to  Scipio  he  at  once 
summoned  Masinissa,  for  fear  the  high-spirited  young 
man  in  his  distress  of  mind  might  do  something 
desperate.  He  offered  now  consolation,  now  gentle 
rebuke  because  he  atoned  for  one  reckless  act  by 
another  and  made  the  matter  more  deplorable  than 
was  necessary.  On  the  following  day,  in  order  to 
divert  Masinissa 's  thoughts  from  the  emotion  of  the 
moment,  Scipio  mounted  the  tribune  and  ordered 
that  an  assembly  be  called.  There  for  the  first  time 
he  addressed  Masinissa  as  king,  bestowing  upon  him 
the  highest  terms  of  praise,  and  presented  him 
with  a  golden  wreath,  a  golden  patera,  a  curule  chair 
and  ivory  sceptre,  an  embroidered  toga  and  a  tunic 
adorned  with  palms. ^  He  added  this  tribute:  that 
there  was  no  higher  distinction  among  the  Romans 
than  a  triumph,  and  that  those  who  triumphed  had 

421 


LIVY 

ornatum  ^    esse    quo    unum  ^    omnium    externorum 

13  dignum  Masinissam  populus  Romanus  ducat.  Lae- 
lium  deinde  et  ipsum  conlaudatum  aurea  corona 
donat;    et  alii  militares  viri,  prout  a  quoque  navata 

14  opera  erat,  donati.  His  honoribus  mollitus  regis 
animus  erectusque  in  spem  propinquam  sublato 
Syphace  omnis  Numidiae  potiundae. 

X\'I.  Scipio  C.  Laelio  cum  Syphace  aliisque  cap- 
tivis  Romam  misso,  cum  quibus  et  Masinissae  legati 
profecti  sunt,  ipse  ad  Tyneta  rursus  castra  refert  et 

2  quae  munimenta  incohaverat  permunit.  Cartha- 
ginienses  non  brevi  solum,  sed  prope  vano  gaudio  ab 
satis  prospera  in  praesens  oppugnatione  classis 
perfusi,  post  famam  capti  Sj-phacis,  in  quo  plus  prope 
quam  in  Hasdrubale  atque  exercitu  suo  spei  repo- 

3  suerantj  perculsi,  iam  nullo  auctore  belli  ultra  audito 
.  oratores     ad     pacem     petendam     mittunt     triginta 

seniorum  principes ;  id  erat  sanctius  apud  illos 
consilium  maximaque  ad  ipsum  senatum  regendiim 

•i  vis.  •  Qui  ubi  in  castra  Romana  et  in  praetorium 
pervenerunt,  more  adulantium — accepto,  credo,  ritu 
ex  ea  regione  ex  qua  oriundi  erant — procubuerunt. 

5  Conveniens  oratio  tam  humili  adulationi  fuit,  non 
culpam  pm-gantium,  sed  transferentium  initiiim 
culpae   in   Hannibalem  potentiaeque   eius  fautores. 

^  omatum  J/^  or  3PVJK  :    -tu  P{3)XH  Aldus,  Froben. 
2  unum  K  Froben  :  imo  P{Z)NVJ  Aldus  :  am.  H. 

^  For  previous  fortifications  cf.  ix.  11. 

2  Cf.  below,  xxxvi.  9.  They  formed  a  separate  body,  the 
ytpovaia ;  Polybius  I.  Ixxxvii  .  3 ;.  X.  xviii.  1  (this  at  New 
Carthage). 

422 


BOOK  XXX.  XV.  I2-XVI.  5 

no  more  magnificent  array  than  that  of  which  b.c.  203 
Masinissa  alone  of  all  foreigners  was  accounted 
worthy  by  the  Roman  people.  He  then  warmly 
praised  Laelius  also  and  presented  him  with  a  golden 
wreath.  Other  officers  also  and  men  were  rewarded, 
each  according  to  the  service  he  had  performed. 
By  these  distinctions  the  king  was  appeased  and 
roused  to  the  hope,  soon  to  be  fulfilled,  that  with 
Syphax  removed  he  would  gain  possession  of  all 
Numidia. 

XVI.  Scipio,  having  sent  Gaius  Laelius  with 
Syphax  and  other  captives  to  Rome,  while  with  these 
went  Masinissa's  legates  also,  himself  moved  his 
camp  back  again  to  Tynes  and  completed  the 
fortifications  he  had  already  begun.  ^  The  Cartha- 
ginians, on  account  of  their  attack  upon  the  fleet  with 
considerable  success  for  the  moment,  had  been  filled 
with  a  joy  not  only  short-lived  but  almost  unfounded. 
But  on  hearing  of  the  capture  of  Syphax,  on  whom 
they  had  rested  their  hopes  almost  more  than  on 
Hasdrubal  and  their  own  army,  they  were  dis- 
couraged. No  longer  listening  to  any  advocate  of 
war,  they  sent  their  thirty  elder  statesmen  to  plead 
for  peace.  This  was  their  privy  council,^  and  it  had ' 
great  influence  even  in  guiding  the  senate.  When 
they  reached  the  Roman  camp  and  headquarters 
they  fell  to  the  ground  after  the  custom  of  courtiers, 
having  derived  that  ceremony,  I  suppose,  from  the 

*J  region    from    which    they    sprang,^      Such    humble 
obeisance  was  matched  by  their  discourse,  as  they 

*  did  not  try  to  clear  themselves  of  blame,  but  shifted 
the  original  blame  to  Hannibal  and  to  those  who 

3  I.e.  as  being  of  Phoenician  (TjTian)  origin.     Cf.   XLII. 
xxiii.  10;  Polybius  XV.  i.  6. 

423 


6  Veniam  civitati  petebant  civium  temeritate  bis  iam  ^ 
eversae.  incolumi  futurae  iterum  hostium  beneficio ; 

7  imperium  ex  victis  hostibus  populum  Romanum, 
non  perniciem  petere ;  paratis  oboedienter  servire 
imperaret  quae  vellet. 

8  Scipio  et  venisse  ea  spe  in  Africam  se  ait,  et  spem 
suam  prospero   belli   eventu  auctam,   victoriam   se, 

9  non  pacem  domum  reportaturum  esse ;  tamen,  cum 
victoriam  prope  in  manibus  habeat,  pacem  non 
abnuere,  ut  omnes  gentes  sciant  populum  Romanum 

10  et  suscipere  iuste  bella  et  finire.  Leges  pacis  se  has 
dicere :  captivos  et  perfugas  et  fugitivos  restituant ; 
exercitus  ex  Italia  et  Gallia  deducant ;  Hispania 
abstineant ;      insulis    omnibus    quae    inter    Italiam 

11  atque  ^  Africam  sint,^  decedant ;  naves  longas 
praeter    viginti  ■*   omnes   tradant,   tritici   quingenta, 

12  hordei  trecenta  milia  modium.  Pecuniae  summam 
quantam  imperaverit  parum  convenit ;  alibi  quinque 
milia  talentum,-^  alibi  quinque  ^  milia  pondo  argenti, 
alibi  duplex  stipendium  militibus  imperatura  invenio. 

^  iam,  after  this  AX  Aldus,  Frohen  have  ante  where  P(3) 
have  t€. 

2  atque  P(Z)HVJ  :   et  ANK  Aldus,  Frohen. 

3  sint  P(3)HJK  :  sunt  AN  Aldus,  Frohen  :  essent  V. 

*  vieinti  (XX)  P{3}XHVJK  :  xxx  Sigonius  from  Eutrop. 
III.  21. 

5  alibi  .  .  .  talentum  P(3).VJi  :  om.DHVJK. 
^  quinque,  for  v    Weissenhorn   conj.   d  from    Eutrop.   I.e., 
5000  heing  too  small  a  sinn. 

^  Cisalpine  Gaul;  cf.  xviii.  1.  Mago  was  to  abandon  the 
Ligurian  coast  as  well ;  cf.  xix.  2,  4,  12 ;  and  for  his  death  at 
sea  off  Sardinia  cf.  ibid.  §  .5. 

*  Since  the  large  islands  in  these  waters  were  already  held 
by  the  Romans,  the  Baleares,  Pityusae  and  Malta  are  probably 
meant  here,  possibly  Pantelleria  and  Lampedusa  also. 

424 


BOOK  XXX.  XVI.  6-12 

supported  his  power.  They  craved  pardon  for  a  b.c.  203 
state  now  twice  overthrown  by  the  rashness  of  its 
citizens,  to  be  saved  a  second  time  by  the  favour  of 
its  foes.  It  was  power,  they  said,  that  the  Roman 
'  people  sought  from  vanquished  enemies,  not  their 
destruction.  They  were  ready  to  be  obedient 
servants ;   let  him  give  them  whatever  commands  he 

i  pleased. 
Scipio  said  he  had  come  to  Africa  in  the  hope  that 
he  would  carry  home  a  victory,  not  a  treaty  of  peace  ;  , 

»  that  his  hope  had  been  also  confirmed  by  a  successful 
issue  of  the  war.  Nevertheless,  although  he  had 
victory  almost  within  his  grasp,  he  was  not  rejecting"' 
a  peace,  in  order  that  all  nations  might  know  that  the 
Roman  people  acted  fairly  both  in  beginning  and 
ending  wars.  He  said  that  he  announced  the  follow-^ 
ing  terms  of  peace :  that  they  restore  captives  and 
deserters  and  fugitive  slaves ;  that  they  withdraw 
their  armies  from  Italy  and  Gaul;  ^  that  they  have 
nothing  to  do  with  Spain ;  that  they  give  up  owner- 
ship of  all  the  islands  lying  between  Italy  and  Africa  ;  ^ 
that  they  deliver  all  their  war-ships  except  twenty, 
and  500,000  pecks  of  wheat,  300,000  pecks  of  barley.^ 

^  — As  for  money,  there  is  no  agreement  as  to  the  sum 
which  he  imposed.  In  one  source  I  find  that  5,000 
talents  *  were  imposed,  in  another  5,000  pounds  of 
silver,  in  another  double  the  pay  of  his  soldiers. — 

3  This  would  be  for  the  use  of  the  Roman  army  during  an 
armistice  lasting  until  the  treaty  of  peace  was  ratified.     Double 

^  pay  for  the  army  (below)  would  be  for  the  same  length  of 
time. 

;  4  So  Polybius  XV.  viii.  7 ;  1600  talents,  Appian  Pun.  32. 
Cf.  Dio  Cass.  frag.  57.  74  (no  figures);  Zonaras  IX.  xiti.  8 
(do.).  These  were  not  the  final  terms,  for  which  see  xxxvii. 
1  ff. ;   Polybius  xviii.  fin. 

425 


13  "His  condicionibus"  inquit  "placeatne  pax  triduum  ad 
consultandum  dabitur.     Si  placuerit,  mecum  indutias 

14  facite,  Romam  ad  senatum  mittite  legates."  Ita 
dimissi  Carthaginienses  nullas  recusandas  condiciones 
pacis  cum  censuissent,  quippe  qui  moram  temporis 
quaererent,    dum    Hannibal    in    Africam    traiceret, 

15  legates  alios  ad  Scipionem,  ut  indutias  facerent,  alios 
Romam  ad  paeem  petendam  mittunt,  ducentes 
paucos  in  speciem  captivos  perfugasque  et  fugitives, 
quo  impetrabilior  pax  esset. 

X^'II.  Multis  ante  diebus  Laelius  cum  Syphace 
primoribusque  Numidarum  captivis  Romam  venit, 
quaeque  in  Africa  gesta  essent  omnia  ordine  exposuit 
patribus,  ingenti  hominum  et  in  praesens  laetitia  et 

2  in  futurum  spe.  Consulti  inde  patres  regem  in  custo- 
diam  Albam  mittendum  censuerunt,  Laelium  retinen- 

3  dum,  donee  legati  Carthaginienses  venirent.  Suppli- 
catio  in  quadriduum  decreta  est.  P.  Aelius  praetor 
senatu    misso    et    contione    inde    advocata   cum    C. 

4  Laelio  in  rostra  escendit.  Ibi  vero  audientes  fusos 
Carthaginiensium  exercitus,  devictum  et  captum 
ingentis  nominis  regem,  Xumidiam  omnem  egregia 

5  victoria  peragratam,  tacitum  continere  gaudium  non 
poterant  quin  clamoribus  quibusque  aliis  multitude 

6  solet    laetitiam    inmodicam    significarent.       Itaque 

^  They  had  pre%'iously  voted  to  recall  him ;   ix.  7  f. 

-  In  Polybius,  Scipio's  terms  had  been  embodied  in  a  treaty 
which  was  duly  ratified  by  the  Roman  senate  and  people  after 
Hannibal  was  out  of  Italy;  XV.  i.  3,  9,  11;  iv.  8;  viii.  9. 
Livy  has  the  senate  summarily  rejecting  a  peace  embassy 
from  Carthage ;  below,  xxii.  f.  This  was  surely  the  invention 
of  some  Roman  annalist.     See  De  Sanctis  III.  ii.  544. 

^  /.e.  Alba  Fucens ;  pp.262, 538.    A  Roman  colony  since  304 
B.C.,  it  was  on  the  Via  Valeria,  47  miles  beyond  Tibur  (Tivoli), 
67  from  Rome.     Cf.  Vol.  VII.  p.  41,  note;  Appian  Hann.  39. 
Here  Perseus  of  Macedon  was  later  interned ;  XLV.  xlii.  4. 
426 


BOOK  XXX.  XVI.  13-XV11.  6 

"  Whether  on  these  terms,"  said  he,  *'  you  are  dis-  b.c.  203 
posed  to  make  peace,  on  that  point  three  days  will 
be  given  you  for  deliberation.     If  that  shall  be  your 
decision,   make   an    armistice   with   me,   send   your 
embassy  to  the  senate  at  Rome."      Dismissed  with 
these  words,  the  Carthaginians  agreed  that  no  peace 
terms  should  be  rejected,  since  they  were  seeking' 
to  gain  time  for  Hannibal  to  cross  over  to  Africa.^' 
Accordingly   they   sent   one    embassy   to   Scipio   to 
arrange  an  armistice  and  another  to  Rome  to  sue  for 
peace, 2  taking  with  them  a  few  captives  and  deserters 
and  fugitive  slaves  for  appearance'  sake,  that  they 
might  more  readily  obtain  peace. 

XVII.  Many  days  before  this,  together  with 
Syphax  and  the  leading  Numidian  captives,  Laelius 
reached  Rome  and  set  forth  to  the  senate  in  order 
everything  that  had  been  done  in  Africa,  in  the  midst 
of  great  rejoicing  for  the  present  and  high  hopes  for 
the  future.  Thereupon  the  senate  after  deUberation 
voted  that  the  king  should  be  sent  to  Alba  ^  to  be 
interned ;  that  Laelius  should  be  detained  until  the 
Carthaginian  embassy  arrived.*  A  thanksgiving  for 
four  days  was  decreed.  Publius  Aelius,  the  praetor, 
having  dismissed  the  senate,  then  summoned  an 
assembly  and  with  Gaius  Laelius  mounted  the  Rostra. 
Thereupon,  hearing  that  the  Carthaginian  armies 
had  been  routed >  a  famous  king  conquered  and 
I  captured,  all  Numidia  overrun  in  a  series  of  extra- 
ordinary victories,  they  were  unable  to  keep  their 
joy  to  themselves,  but  expressed  their  unbounded 
delight  by  shouting  and  such  other  means  as  the 
multitude    commonly    employs.      Accordingly    the 

*  This  conflicts  with  xxi.  11. 

427 


LIVY 

praetor  extemplo  edixit  uti  aeditui  aedes  sacras 
omnes  ^  tota  urbe  aperirent,  circumeundi  salutandique 
deos  agendique  grates  per  totum  diem  populo  po- 
testas  fieret. 

7  Postero  die  legates  Masinissae  in  senatum  intro- 
duxit.       Gratulati    primiim    senatui    sunt    quod    P. 

8  Scipio  prospere  res  in  Africa  gessisset ;  deinde 
gratias  egerunt  quod  Masinissam  non  appellasset 
modo  regem,  sed  fecisset  restituendo  in  paternum 
regnuni.  in  quo  post  Syphacem  sublatum,  si  ita 
patribas  visum  esset,  sine  metu  et  certamine  esset 

9  regnaturus,  dein  conlaudatum  ^  pro  contione  am- 
plissimis  decorasset  donis,  quibus  ne  indignus  esset 
et  dedisse  ^  operam   Masinissam  et  porro  daturum 

10  esse.     Petere  ut  regium  nomen  ceteraque  Scipionis 

11  beneficia  et  munera  senatus  decreto  confirmaret ;  et, 
nisi  molestum  esset,  illud  quoque  petere  Masinissam, 
ut  Xumidas  captivos  qui  Romae  in  custodia  essent 
remitterent ;    id  sibi  amplum  apud  ^  populares  futu- 

12  rum  esse.  Ad  ea  responsum  legatis  rerum  gestarum 
prospere  in  Africa  communem  sibi  cum  rege  gratu- 
lationem  esse ;  Scipionem  recte  atque  ordine  videri 
fecisse,  quod  eum  regem  appellaverit,  et  quidquid 
aliud    fecerit  ^    quod    cordi  ^    foret    Masinissae,    id  "^ 

13  patres   comprobare   ac   laudare.      Munera   quoque  ^ 

1  omnes  HVJK  Aldus,  Frohen  :  om.  P{Z)N. 

2  conlaudatum    {or    coll-)    P{Z)H    Aldus,    Frohen:     quod 
(cum  AN)  laudatum  A*y  VJK. 

^  donis  .  .  .  dedisse    om.    P['i)N,    two   lines   supplied    hi/ 
A'X'HVJK  Aldus,  Frohen. 

*  apud  P(3j.V  Aldus,  Frohen  :   ad  HVJK. 

5  appeUaverit  .  .  .  fecerit     P{'i)N     Aldus  :      -vissei  .  .   . 
-cisset  HVJK  Frohen  2. 

8  cordi  P(3).V  :  honori  A' HVJK  Aldus,  Frohen  2. 

'  id  C  AUchefiki,  Eds.  :    ea  C^JP  Aldus,  Frohen,  Lucks  : 
eis  PMB  :  ei  DAN  :  eaque  HJK  :  et  V. 
428 


BOOK  XXX.  XVII.  6-13 

praetor  at  once  gave  orders  that  the  temple  wardens  b.c.  203 
should  open  all  the  shrines  throughout  the  city,  and 
that  people  should  have  all  day  long  the  opportunity 
to  make  the  rounds  and  pay  their  respects  to  the  gods 
and  return  thanks  to  them. 

On  the  next  day  he  introduced  Masinissa's  envoys 
into  the  senate.  They  began  by  congratulating  the 
senate  on  Publius  Scipio's  successful  campaign  in 
Africa.  They  then  thanked  the  senators  because  he 
had  not  only  saluted  Masinissa  as  king  but  had  made 
him  king  in  restoring  him  to  his  father's  kingdom, 
in  which  he  Mould  reign  without  fear  and  without 
contest  since  the  removal  of  Syphax,  if  that  should 
be  the  mind  of  the  senators :  also  because,  after 
warmly  praising  him  before  an  assembly,  he  had  con- 
ferred upon  him  the  highest  decorations,  of  which 
Masinissa  had  striven  and  would  continue  to  strive  to 
be  not  unworthy.  He  begged  the  senate,  they  said,_ 
by  a  decree  to  confirm  the  kingly  title  and  the  rest  ] 
of  Scipio's  favours  and  gifts  ;  and  unless  objection  was 
made,  another  request  of  Masinissa's  was  this,  that 
they  return  the  Numidian  captives  who  were  in- 
terned at  Rome.  That  would  bring  him  great  credit, 
he  felt,  among  his  countrymen.  The  response  to 
these  words  of  the  envoys  was  that  the  senators  re- 
ciprocated the  king's  congratulations  on  successes  in 
Africa ;  that  Scipio  in  their  opinion  had  been  entirely 
correct  in  saluting  him  as  king,  and  that  they  approved 
and  commended  all  else  that  he  had  done  which  gave 
pleasure  to  Masinissa.    In  addition  gifts  were  decreed, 


*  munera    quoque    A^fHVJK    Conway :     munera    P(3)iV 
Aldus,  Froben,  Eds. 

429 


LIVT 

quae  legati  ferrent  regi  decreverunt,  sagula  purpurea 
duo  cum  fibulis  aureis  ^  singulis  et  lato  clavo  tunicis, 
equos  duo  phaleratos,  bina  equestria  araia  cum 
loricis,  et  tabernacula  militaremque  supellectilem 
14:  qualem  praeberi  consuli  mos  esset.^  Haec  regi 
praetor  mittere  iussus.  Legatis  in  singulos  dona  ne 
minus  quinum  milium,  comitibus  eorum  milium  ^ 
aeris,  et  vestimenta  bina  legatis,  singula  comitibus 
Numidisque  qui  ex  custodia  emissi  redderentur  regi ; 
ad  hoc  aedes  liberae,  loca,  lautia  legatis  decreta. 

XVIII.  Eadem  aestate  qua  haec  decreta  Romae 
et  in  Africa  gesta  sunt  P.  Quinctilius  \  arus  praetor 
et  M.  CorneUus  proconsul  in  agro  Insubrum  Gallo- 
rum  cum  Magone  Poeno  signis  conlatis  pugnarunt. 

2  Praetoris  legiones  in  prima  acie  fuerunt ;  Cornelius 
suas  in  subsidiis  tenuit,  ipse  ad  prima  signa  equo 
advectus  ;  proque  duobus  cornibus  praetor  ac  procon- 
sul milites  ad  inferenda  in  hostes  signa  summa  vi 

3  hortabantur.  Postquam  nihil  commovebant,  tum 
Quinctilius  CorneUo.:  "  Lentior,  ut  vides,  fit  pugna,  et 

1  aureis  A'X'HVJK  :    ow.  P[3)X. 

2  esset  P(3)JA' :   est  AXHV  Aldus,  Froben. 

3  milium  (or  -11-)  P{3)  Eds.  :  milli  ^.V  :  mille  A'  Aldus; 
milibus  {or  -II- )  N'HVJK  Froben  2  :  singulorum  milium 
Conicay. 

1  Special  seats  in  the  Circus  and  at  theatrical  performances 
were  reserved  for  them. 

*  Cf.  p.  160,  n.  1. 

^  The  battle  which  follows  is  evidently  taken  from  one  of  the 
Roman  annalists  and  can  be  accepted  only  with  reservations. 
To  reject  the  whole  passage  as  imhistorical,  as  has  been  done, 
is  virtually  to  claim  that  Mago  could  remain  on  the  Ligurian 
coast  for  three  summers  without  ever  penetrating  to  the  plains 


BOOK  XXX.  XVII.  13-XVI11.  3 

to  be  carried  to  the  king  by  the  envoys :  two  purple  b.c.  203 
military  cloaks,  each  with  a  golden  brooch,  and 
tunics  having  the  broad  stripe,  two  horses  with  their 
trappings,  two  sets  of  arms  with  cuirasses  for  a 
horseman,  and  tents  and  field  furniture  such  as  were 
customarily  furnished  to  a  consul.  These  things  the 
praetor  was  ordered  to  send  to  the  king.  For  the 
envoys  gifts  were  decreed,  not  less  than  five  thousand 
asses  for  each  of  them,  for  their  attendants  one 
thousand  each ;  and  two  garments  apiece  for  the 
envoys,  one  each  for  their  attendants,  and  for  the 
Numidians  who  were  ordered  to  be  released  from 
internment  and  restored  to  the  king.  In  addition 
dwellings  were  ordered  to  be  placed  at  the  envoys' 
disposal,  and  places  of  honour,^  and  hospitable  enter- 
tainment 2  were  provided. 

XVm.  In  the  same  summer  in  which  these 
measures  were  taken  at  Rome  and  these  operations 
carried  on  in  Africa,  Publius  Quinctilius  Varus,  a 
praetor,  and  Marcus  Cornelius,  the  proconsul,  fought 
a  pitched  battle  with  Mago  the  Carthaginian  in  the 
territory  of  the  Insubrian  Gauls. ^  The  praetor's 
legions  were  in  the  first  line.  Cornelius  kept  his 
legions  in  reserve  while  he  himself  rode  up  to  the 
front.  And  from  in  front  of  the  two  wings  praetor 
and  proconsul  kept  urging  the  soldiers  to  advance 
their  ranks  against  the  enemy  with  all  their  strength. 
When  they  failed  to  drive  the  enemy  back,  Quinctilius 
then  said  to  Cornelius  :   "  The  battle  is  slowing  down, 

of  the  Po.  He  may  not  have  advanced  so  far  as  Mediolan(i}um 
(Milan),  chief  town  of  the  Insubrians  (V.  xxxiv.  9;  XXXIV. 
xlvi.  1).  Cf.  C.A.H.  VIII.  102  f. ;  De  Sanctis  540  f.  and  note ; 
Neumann  536  f. ;  but  also  Ehrenberg  in  Pauly-Wissowa 
s.v.  Mago  503 ;  Kahrstedt  555  f. ;  G.  Hesselbarth,  Unter- 
suchungen  z.  dritlen  Dekade  d.  Livius  572  f. 


LIVY 

induratur  ^  praeter  spem  resistendo  hostium  timor,  ac 

4  ne  vertat  in  audaciam  periculum  est.  Equestrem  pro- 
cellam  excitemus  oportet,  si  turbare  ac  statu  movere  ^ 
volumus.  Itaque  vel  tu  ad  prima  signa  proelium  sus- 
tine,  ego  inducam  in  pugnam  equites ;  vel  ego  hie  in 
prima  acie  rem  geram,  tu  quattuor  legionum  equites 

5  in  hostem  emitte. ' '  Utram  vellet  praetor  muneris  par- 
tem proconsule  accipiente,  Quinctilius  praetor  cum 
filio,  cui  Marco  praenomen  erat,  inpigro  iuvene,  ad 
equites  pergit  iussosque  escendere  in  equos  repente 

6  in  hostem  emittit.  Tumultum  equestrem  auxit 
clamor  ab  legionibus  additus,  nee  stetisset  hostium 
acies,  ni  Mago  ad  primum  equitum  motum  paratos 

7  elephantos  extemplo  in  proelium  induxisset.  Ad 
quorum  stridorem  odoremque  et  aspectum  territi 
equi  vanimi  equestre  auxilium  fecerunt.  Et  ut  .  .  .^ 
permixtus,  ubi  cuspide  uti  et  comminas  gladio  posset, 
roboris  maioris  Romanus  eques  erat,  ita  in  ablatum 
paventibus  procul  equis  melius  ex  intervallo  Xumidae 

8  iaculabantur.  *Simul  et  peditum  legio  duodecima, 
magna  ex  parte  caesa,  pudore  magis  quam  viribus 

9  tencbat  locum  ;  nee  diutius  tenuisset,  ni  ex  subsidiis 
tertia  decuma  legio  in  primam  aciem  inducta  proelium 
dubium    excepisset.*      Mago    quoque  ^   ex   subsidiis 

1  induratur  x  Madvig,  Conway  :    -atus  P{S)NHVJK  Aldus, 
Frohen,  Gronrjviu-s,  Madvig  1863. 
'       2  movere  P^M-HVJK  Aldus,  Frohen  :    -eri  P{3)N. 

3  Something  has  been  lost  here  or  reduced  to  the  unintelligible 
rem  of  P[3)X  :  07n.  A*HVJ  Frohen  2,  most  Eds.  A  missing 
dative  is  supplied,  turmae  Madvig  1886,  or  turbae  M.  Milller. 
J^K  emend  to  in  rem  (peritus),  Aldus  to  in  rem  (permistis). 

*  excepisset  Ai'y*HVJK  Aldus,  Frohen;    -petisset  P{3}N. 

'">  quoque  X*HVJK  :    que  P(3)-iN'^  Aldus,  Frohen. 


BOOK  XXX.  XVIII.  3-9 

as  you  see,  and  their  unexpected  resistance  is  harden-  b.c.  203 
ing  the  enemy  against  fright,  and  the  danger  is  that 
fear  may  turn  into  daring.  We  must  rouse  our 
cavalry  to  a  sudden  charge  if  we  wish  to  confuse  and 
dislodge  them.  Accordingly,  either  do  you  in  the 
front  line  keep  up  the  fight,  and  I  will  lead  the 
cavalry  into  the  fray.  Or  I  will  command  here  at 
the  front,  and  you  shall  send  out  the  horse  of  four 
legions  into  the  enemy."  As  the  proconsul  was  ready 
to  accept  whichever  part  of  the  task  the  praetor 
wished  him  to  take,  Quinctilius,  the  praetor,  with  his 
son,  an  active  youth  whose  praenomen  was  Marcus, 
made  his  way  to  the  cavalry  and  ordering  them  to 
mount  suddenly  sent  them  out  against  the  enemy. 
The  confusion  wrought  by  the  cavalry  was  heightened 
also  by  the  shouting  of  the  legions,  and  the  enemy's 
line  would  not  have  kept  its  position  if  Mago  at  the 
first  movement  of  the  cavalry  had  not  at  once  led 
the  elephants,  which  were  kept  in  readiness,  into 
battle.  Terrified  by  their  roar  and  odour  and  by  the 
sight  of  them  the  horses  made  the  assistance  of  the 
cavalry  useless.  And  although,  so  long  as  they  were 
in  the  thick  of  the  fight,  where  they  could  make  use 
of  the  lance  and,  at  close  quarters,  of  the  sword,  the 
Roman  horsemen  were  the  stronger,  still  when  they 
were  carried  to  a  distance  by  frightened  horses, 
the  Numidians  were  the  more  successful  in  hurling 
javelins  from  a  longer  range.  Of  the  infantry  also 
the  twelfth  legion  at  the  same  time  was  largely  cut 
to  pieces  and  holding  its  ground  more  from  a  sense  of 
honour  than  by  its  strength.  And  it  would  not 
have^  held  on  long  if  the  thirteenth  legion,  brought 
up  from  the  reserves  into  the  front  line,  had  not 
taken  over  the   indecisive   battle.     Mago   likewise 

433 


LIVY 

10  Gallos  integrae  legioni  opposiiit.  Quibus  baud  magno 
certamine  fusis  bastati  legionis  undecimae  con- 
globant  sese  atque  elepbantos  iam  etiam  peditum 

11  aciem  turbantes  invadunt.  In  quos  cum  pila  con- 
fertos  coniecissent,  nullo  ferme  frustra  emisso, 
omnes  retro  in  aciem  suorum  averterunt ;    quattuor 

12  gravati  vobieribus  conruerunt.  Turn  primum  ^  com- 
mota  bostium  acies.  simul  omnibus  equitibus,^  ut 
aversos  videre  elepbantos,  ad  augendum  pavorem  ac 
tumultum  effusis.  Sed  donee  stetit  ante  signa  Mago, 
gradum    sensim    referentes,    ordines    et  ^    tenorem 

13  pugnae  servabant ;  postquam  femine  transfixo 
cadentem  auferrique  ex  proelio  prope  exsanguem 
\-idere,  extemplo  in  fugam  omnes  versi.  Ad  quinque 
milia  bostium  eo  die  caesa  et  signa  militaria  duo  et 

14  viginti  capta.  Nee  Romanis  incruenta  victoria  fuit ; 
duo  milia  et  trecenti  de  exercitu  praetoris,  pars 
multo  maxima  ex  legione  duodecima.  amissi ;  inde 
et  tribuni  militum  duo,  M.  Cosconius  et  M.  Maevius ; 

15  tertiae  decimae  quoque  legionis,  quae  postremo 
proelio  adfuerat,  C.  Hehius  tribunus  militum  in 
restituenda  pugna  cecidit ;  et  duo  et  viginti  ferme 
equites  inlustres,^  obtriti  ab  elephantis,  cum  cen- 
turionibus  aliquot  perierunt.  Et  longius  certamen 
fuisset,  ni  volnere  ducis  concessa  victoria  esset. 

^  primum  Daler  :  prima  P{3)XHVJK  Aldus,  Froben. 
2  equitibus     AhcheJ-ski,     Ed.^.  :      peditibus     P(S)XHVJK 
Li'terbacher. 

=»  et  P(3).V  :   om.  HVJK  Aldu.^,  Froben. 
*  inlustres,  before  the  noun  in  HVJK, 

434 


BOOK  XXX.  XVIII.  9-15 

brought  up  Gauls  from  his  reserves  to  face  the  fresh  b.c.  203 
legion.  After  these  had  been  routed  with  no  great 
effort,  the  hastati  of  the  eleventh  legion  massed 
together  and  attacked  the  elephants,  which  by  this 
time  were  bringing  disorder  even  to  the  infantry- 
line.  When  the  legionaries  had  hurled  javelins  . 
against  them  in  their  close  order,  scarcely  one 
missile  being  without  effect,  they  drove  all  the 
elephants  back  into  their  own  battle-line.  Four  of 
them,  hampered  by  wounds,  fell  to  the  ground. 
Then  for  the  first  time  the  enemy's  line  was  driven 
back,  since  all  the  cavalry,  on  seeing  the  elephants 
in  flight,  dashed  out  to  increase  the  panic  and  con- 
fusion. But  so  long  as  Mago  stood  before  the  stand- 
ards, his  men  as  they  slowly  retired  kept  their  ranks 
and  continued  to  fight.  After  they  saw  him  falling 
with  his  thigh  pierced,  and  then  borne  almost  lifeless 

♦  from  the  battlefield,  at  once  they  all  took  to  flight. 
About  five  thousand  of  the  enemy  were  slain  that 
day  and  twenty-two  military  standards  were  captured. 
Nor  was  it  a  bloodless  victory  for  the  Romans. 
Two  thousand  three  hundred  were  lost  from  the 
army  of  the  praetor,  much  the  larger  part  of  them 

,  from  the  twelfth  legion;  from  it  also  two  tribunes 
of    the    soldiers,    Marcus    Cosconius    and    Marcus 

IMaevius.  Of  the  thirteenth  legion  also,  which  had 
taken  part  in  the  last  phase  of  the  battle.  Gains 
Helvius,  tribune  of  the  soldiers,  fell  while  rallying 
the  men.  And  about  twenty-two  knights  of  the 
upper  class  were  trampled  by  the  elephants  and 
perished  together  with  a  number  of  centurions. 
J  Also  the  engagement  would  have  lasted  even  longer, 
had  not  victory  been  conceded  because  of  the 
general's  wound. 

435 


LIVY 

XIX.  Mago  proximae  silentio  noctis  profectus, 
quantum  pati  viae  per  volnus  poterat  itineribus  ex- 

2  tentis,  ad  mare  in  Ligures  Ingaunos  pervenit.  Ibi 
eum  legati  ab  Carthagine  paucis  ante  diebus  in 
sinum  Gallicum  adpulsis  navibus  adierunt,  iubentes 

3  primo  quoque  tempore  in  Africam  traicere ;  ^  id  et 
fratrem  eius  Hannibalem — nam  ad  eum  quoque  isse 
legates  eadem  iubentes — facturum ;  non  in  eo  esse 
Carthaginiensium  res  ut  Galliam  atque  Italiam  armis 

4  obtineant.  Mago  non  imperio  modo  senatus  peri- 
culoque  patriae  motus,  sed  metuens  etiam  ne  victor 
hostis  moranti  instaret,  Liguresque  ipsi,  relinqui 
Italiam  a  Poenis  cernentes,  ad  eos  quorum  mox  in 

5  potestate  futuri  essent  deficerent,  simul  sperans 
leniorem  ^  in  na\igatione  quam  in  via  iactationem 
volneris  fore  et  curationi  omnia  commodiora,  im- 
positis  copiis  in  naves  profectus,  \-ixdum  superata 
Sardinia  ex  volnere  moritur.  Naves  quoque  aliquot 
Poenorum  disiectae  in  alto  a  classe  Romana  quae 

6  circa  Sardiniam  erat  capiuntur.  Haec  terra  marique 
in  parte  Italiae  quae  ^  iacet  ad  Alpes  gesta. 

Consul  C.  Servilius,  nulla  memorabili  re  in  pro- 
vincia   Etruria   Galliaque — nam   eo   quoque   proces- 

'  traicere  IVA'  Eds.  :    -iecere  A'H  :    -eret  P(3).V. 
'^  leniorem  P{3}y  Aldus  :   leviorem  A'VJK  Frohen  2. 
3  quae  M'B^A'HVJK  Aldus,  Frohen;   qua  P{S)N. 

^  Presumably  he  followed  a  road  leading  down  to  Vada 
Sabat(i)a,  which  belonged  to  the  Ingauni,  as  did  Savo  (Savona). 
Cf.  pp.  197,  n.  3  f. ;  225,  n.  2.  The  wounded  Mago  may  have 
been  carried  on  an  elephant.  Cf.  Hannibal  in  the  Amo 
vallev,  XXII.  ii.  10  f.     Nothing  is  said  of  any  Roman  pursuit. 

2  i.e.  Gulf  of  Genoa. 

3  No  further  authority  for  this  statement  can  be  cited. 
Other  sources  vary  so  much  that  their  statements  are  of  no 
value  :  that  Mago  was  still  in  Liguria  after  Zama  (Appian 

436 


BOOK  XXX.  XIX.  1-6 

XIX.  Mago  set  out  in  the  stillness  of  the  following  b.c.  203 
night  and,  lengthening  the  day's  marches  as  much 
as  he  could  endure  by  reason  of  his  wound,  he 
reached  the  sea  in  the  country  of  the  Ligurian 
Ingauni.i  There  envoys  from  Carthage  came  to 
him,  having  put  in  a  few  days  before  into  the  Gallic 
Gulf,^  bringing  him  orders  to  cross  over  to  Africa 
as  soon  as  possible.  His  brother  Hannibal,  they  said, 
would  do  the  same ;  for  to  him  also  envoys  had  gone 
bearing  the  same  command ;  that  the  Carthaginian 
state  was  in  no  position  to  hold  Gaul  and  Italy  by 
armed  forces.  Mago  was  not  only  swayed  by  the 
command  from  the  senate  and  the  danger  of  his  city, 
but  also  feared  that  if  he  delayed  the  victorious 
enemy  might  be  upon  him,  and  the  Ligurians  them- 
selves, seeing  that  the  Carthaginians  were  abandon- 
ing Italy,  might  go  over  to  the  side  of  those  in  whose 
power  they  would  presently  be.  Hoping  at  the  same 
time  that  motion  would  be  less  painful  to  his  wound  on 
shipboard  than  on  the  road  and  everything  more 
convenient  for  treatment,  he  embarked  his  troops 
and  sailed,  but  had  hardly  passed  Sardinia  when  he 
died  of  his  wound. ^  In  addition  a  considerable  number 
of  the  Carthaginian  ships,  being  scattered  in  the  open 
sea,  were  captured  by  the  Roman  fleet  which  was  off 
Sardinia.  Such  were  the  events  on  land  and  sea  in 
that  part  of  Italy  which  borders  upon  the  Alps. 

The  consul  Gaius  Servilius,  who  had  accomplished 
nothing  that  deserves  mention  in  his  province  of 
Etruria  and  in  Gaul — for  he  had  advanced  into  that 

Pun.  49;  cf.  59);  that  after  reaching  Africa  he  was  sent  back 
to  Italy  (Zonaras  IX.  xiii.  10) ;  that  ten  years  later  he  perished 
either  in  a  shipwreck  or  by  the  hands  of  his  slaves  (Nepos 
Hann.  viii.  1  f.), 

437 


7  serat — gesta,  patre  C.  Senilio  et  C.  Lutatio  ^  ex  ser- 
\-itute  post  sextum  decimum  annum  receptis,  qui  ad 

8  vicum  Tannetum  a  Boiis  capti  fuerant,  hinc  patre, 
hinc  Catulo  ^  lateri  circumdatis  private  magis  quam 

9  publico  decore  insignis  Romam  rediit.  Latum  ad  po- 
pulum  est  ne  C.  Servilio  fraudi  esset  quod  patre,  qui 
sella  curuli  sedisset,  vivo,  cum  id  ignoraret,  tribunus 
plebis  atque  aedilis  plebis  fuisset  contra  quam  sanc- 
tum legibus  erat.  Hac  rogatione  perlata  in  provin- 
ciam  rediit. 

10  Ad  Cn.  Servilium  consulem,  qui  in  Bruttiis  erat, 
Consentia,  Aufugum,  Bergae,  Baesidiae,  Ocriculum, 
Lymphaeum,  Argentanum,  Clampetia  multique  alii 
ignobiles  populi,  senescere  Punicum  bellum  cernentes, 

11  defecere.  Idem  consul  cum  Hannibale  in  agro 
Crotoniensi  acie  conflixit.  Obscura  eius  pugnae 
fama  est.  \"alerius  Antias  quinque  milia  hostium 
caesa  ait ;   quae  tanta  res  est  ut  aut  impudenter  ficta 

12  sit  aut  neglegenter  praetermissa.  Nihil  certe  ultra 
rei  in  Italia  ab  Hannibale  gestum.  Nam  ad  eum 
quoque  legati  ab  Carthagine  revocantes  ^  in  Africam, 

^  Lutatio,  Aldus,  Froben  add  patnio. 

2  Catulo  P\3)A'  :   patruo  X'HVJK  Aldus,  Froben. 

^  revocantes  A^HVJ K  :   vocantes  F{3}X  Aldus,  Froben. 

^  Son  of  the  victor  in  242,  he  had  been  consul  in  220  B.C. ; 
Zonaras  VIII.  xx.  10. 

2  They  were  seized,  as  lAvj  himself  has  it,  near  Mutina 
(Modena),  but  their  GalHc  captors  were  unsuccessfully  pursued 
northwestward  as  far  as  Tannetum  (half-wav  between  Parma 
and  Reggio  Emilia).  Cf.  XXL  xxv.  3,  13;  'xxvi.  2;  XXVIL 
xxi.  10;    Polybius  III.  xl.  9-13. 

'  He  had  held  the  praetorship ;   Polybius  I.e.  §  9, 

438 


BOOK  XXX.  XIX.  7-12 

country  as  well — rescued  from  slavery  after  fifteen  b.c.  203 
years  his  father  Gaius  Servilius  and  Gaius  Lutatius,^ 
who  had  been  captured  near  the  village  of  Tanne- 
tum  2  by  the  Boii.  Upon  that  he  returned  to  Rome 
escorted  by  his  father  on  one  side  and  Catulus  on  the 
other,  gaining  distinction  for  an  act  that  was  personal 
rather  than  official.  A  bill  was  brought  before  the 
people  that  it  should  not  be  a  ground  for  charges 
against  Gaius  Servilius  that  while  his  father,  who  had 
occupied  a  curule  chair,^  was  still  alive — a  fact  of 
which  he  was  unaware — he  had  been  tribune  of  the 
plebs  and  plebeian  aedile,  contrary  to  provisions  of 
the  laws.*  This  bill  became  a  law,  whereupon  he 
returned  to  his  province. 

As  for  Gnaeus  Servilius,  the  consul,  who  was  in  the 
land  of  the  Bruttii,  Consentia,^  Aufugum,  Bergae, 
Baesidiae,  Ocriculum,  Lymphaeum,  Argentanum, 
Clampetia  and  many  other  unimportant  commun- 
ities, came  over  to  his  side,  seeing  that  the  Punic 
war  was  failing.  The  same  consul  engaged  in  battle 
with  Hannibal  in  the  territory  of  Croton.  The  story 
of  that  battle  is  not  clear.  Valerius  Antias  ®  says  five 
thousand  of  the  enemy  were  slain — a  victory  on  such 
a  scale  as  to  have  been  either  shamelessly  fabricated 
or  else  carelessly  passed  over.  What  is  certain  is 
that  nothing  further  was  accomplished  by  Hannibal 
in  Italy.  For  to  him  also  came  emissaries  from 
Carthage  to  recall  him  to  Africa  just  at  the  time,  it 

*  Cf.  Vol.  VII.  p.  301,  n.  1  for  one  explanation  of  this 
restriction  placed  upon  patrician  candidates  who  were  under 
patria  poiestas.  The  purpose  of  the  consul's  return  from  his 
province  was  that  his  acts  as  a  magistrate  might  be  legalized. 

^  See  p.  357,  n.  2  (for  Clampetia  also). 

«  Cf.  XXVIII.  xlvi.  14  and  note ;  XXIX.  xxxv.  2 ;  above, 
ill.  6;    below,  xxix,  7;   xliii.  12  n. 

439 


LI\T 

iis     forte    diebus    quibus    ad     Magonem    venerunt. 
XX.   Frendens  gemensque  ac  vix  lacrimis  temperans 

2  dicitur  legatorum  verba  audisse.  Postquam  edita 
sunt  mandata,  "lam  non  perplexe  "  inquit,  '•  sed 
palam     revocant     qui    vetando     supplementum     et 

3  pecuniam  mitti  iam  pridem  retrahebant.^  Vicit  ergo 
Hannibalem  non  populus  Romanus  totiens  caesus 
fugatusque..   sed    senatus    Carthaginiensis   obtrecta- 

4  tione  atque  invidia.  Xeque  hac  deformitate  reditus 
mei  tarn  P.  Scipio  exsultabit  atque  efferet  sese  quam 
Hanno,  qui  domum  nostram,  quando  alia  re  non  po- 
tuit,  ruina  Carthaginis  oppressit." 

5  lam  hoc  ipsum  praesagiens  animo  praeparaverat 
ante  naves.  Itaque  inutili  militum  turba  praesidii 
specie  in  oppida  Bruttii  agri  quae  pauca  metu  magis 
quam   fide   continebantur  dimissa,   quod  roboris   in 

6  exercitu  erat  in  Africam  transvexit,  multis  Italici 
generis,  quia  ^  in  Africam  secuturos  abnuentes 
concesserant  in  lunonis  Laciniae  delubrum  inviolatum 
ad    earn    diem,    in    templo    ipso    foede    interfectis. 

7  Raro  quemquam  alium  patriam  exsilii  causa  relin- 
quentem  tam  ^  maestum  abisse  ferunt  quam  Hanni- 
balem hostium  terra  excedentem.  Respexisse 
saepe  Italiae  litora,  et  deos  hominesque  accusantem 

^  retrahebant  U  Aldus,  Frohen  :   trahebant  P{S)X  :    retra- 
hunt  VJK. 

*  quia  PiS,XHVJK  :    qui  Madvig,  Emend. 
3  tam  A'HVJK  :   om.  P{3)X. 


^  Formerly  leader  of  the  opposition  partv;  of.  XXI.  iii. 
2  tf.;  X.  2-xi.  1;  XXIII.  xii.  6-xiii.  G  (216  B.C.).  StiU 
prominent  according  to  Appian  Pun.  34.  At  xliv.  5,  if  not  at 
xlii.  12,  another  Hasdrubal  (Haedus)  has  taken  his  place. 

2  Cf.  p.  441,  n.  3. 

440 


BOOK  XXX.  XIX.  I2-XX.  7 

chanced,  that  others  came  to  Mago.  XX.  Gnashing  b.c.  203 
his  teeth  and  groaning — so  they  say — and  scarcely 
keeping  back  the  tears  he  Hstened  to  the  words  of 
the  emissaries.  After  they  had  deUvered  their 
message  he  said :  **  It  is  no  longer  obscurely  but 
openly  that  I  am  being  recalled  by  men  who,  in  for- 
bidding the  sending  of  reinforcements  and  money, 
were  long  ago  trying  to  drag  me  back.  The  con- 
queror of  Hannibal  is  therefore  not  the  Roman 
people,  so  often  cut  to  pieces  and  put  to  flight,  but 
the  Carthaginian  senate  by  carping  and  envy.  And 
over  this  inglorious  return  of  mine  it  will  not  be 
Publius  Scipio  who  wildly  exults,  so  much  as  Hanno,^ 
who,  unable  to  do  so  by  any  other  means,  has 
ruined  our  family  by  the  downfall  of  Carthage." 

Already  foreboding  this  very  thing  he  had  pre- 
viously put  his  ships  in  readiness.  Accordingly,  after 
distributing  the  mass  of  useless  troops,  nominally  as 
garrisons,  among  the  few  Bruttian  towns  that  were 

I  being  held  rather  by  fear  than  by  loyalty,  he  trans- 
ported the  flower  of  his  army  to  Africa.     Many  men 

j  of  Italic  race  refusing  to  follow  him  to  Africa  had 
retired  to  the  shrine  of  Juno  Lacinia,^  never  dese- 
crated until  that  day,  and  had  been  cruelly  slain 
actually  within  the  temple  enclosure.^  They  say 
that  rarely  has  any  other  man  leaving  his  country 
to  go  into  exile  departed  so  sorrowfully  as  Hannibal 
on  withdrawing  from  the  enemy's  land;  that  he 
repeatedly  looked  back  upon  the  shores  of  Italy 
and,  accusing  gods   and  men,  called  down  a  curse 

^  The  temple  itself  would  have  room  for  no  more  than  a 
small  number  fleeing  for  refuge.  Diodorus  Sic.  XXVII,  9 
makes  the  number  20,000.  Cf,  Appian  Hann.  59  (no  mention 
of  the  temple).     The  whole  story  seems  to  be  fictitious. 

441 


8  in  se  quoque  ac  suum  ipsius  caput  exsecratum,  quod 
non  cruentum  ab  Cannensi  victoria  militem  Romam 
duxisset.    Scipionem  ire  ad  Carthaginem  ausum,  qui 

9  consul  hostem  Poenum  in  Italia  non  vidisset ;  se,  cen- 
tum milibus  armatorum  ad  Trasumennum,  ad  Cannas 
caesis,  circa  Casilinum  Cumasque  et  Nolam  conse- 
nuisse.  Haec  accusans  querensque  ex  diutina  posses- 
sione  Italiae  est  detractus. 

XXL  Romam  per  eosdem  dies  et  Magonem  et 
Hannibalem  profectos  adlatum  est.  Cuius  duplicis 
gratulationis  minuit  laetitiam  et  quod  parum  duces  in 
retinendis  iis,  cum  id  mandatum  ab  senatu  esset,  aut 

2  animi  aut  \irium  habuisse  videbantur,  et  quod  solli- 
citi  erant,  omni  belli  mole  in  unum  exercitum  ducem- 

3  que  inclinata  quo  evasura  esset  res.  Per  eosdem  dies 
legati  Saguntini  venerunt  conprensos  cum  pecunia 
adducentes    Carthaginienses     qui    ad    conducenda 

■4  auxilia  in  Hispaniam  traiecissent.  Ducenta  et 
quinquaginta    auri,    octingenta    pondo    argenti    in 

5  vestibulo  curiae  posuerunt.  Hominibus  acceptis  et 
in  carcerem  conditis,  aurc)  argentoque  reddito  gratiae 
legatis  actae,  atque  insuper  munera  data  ac  naves 
quibus  in  Hispaniam  reverterentur. 

6  Mentio  deinde  ab  senioribus  ^  facta  est  segnius 
homines  bona  quam  mala  sentire  ;  transitu  in  Italiam 

^  senioribus  P{3)X  Aldus,  Froben  :  senatoribus  X^{alt.) 
HVJK. 

1  Cf.  XXII.  U.  1-4;   XX\1.  vii.  3. 

*  Cf.  Mago's  summary  in  XXIII.  xi.  8  f. 

442 


BOOK  XXX.  XX.  7-xxi.  6 

upon  himself  also  and  his  own  head  because  he  had  b.c.  203 
not  led  his  soldiers  blood-stained  from  the  victory 
of  Cannae  to  Rome.^  Scipio  had  dared,  he  said,  to 
approach  Carthage — a  man  who  in  his  consulship 
had  not  seen  a  Carthaginian  enemy  in  Italy — where- 
as he  himself,  after  a  hundred  thousand  armed  men  ^ 
had  been  slain  at  Trasumennus,  at  Cannae,  had 
grown  old  round  Casilinum  and  Cumae  and  Nola. 
Such  were  his  accusations  and  laments  as  he  was 
dragged  away  from  his  long  occupation  of  Italy. 

XXI.  At  Rome  the  news  of  Mago's  departure  and 
that  of  Hannibal  were  received  about  the  same  time. 
Rejoicing  over  this  two-fold  ground  for  congratulation 
was  tempered  by  two  circumstances :  that  men 
thought  the  generals  had  lacked  either  the  spirit  or 
the  strength  to  detain  them,  although  this  had  been 
ordered  by  the  senate  ;  and  that  they  were  concerned 
for  the  outcome,  now  that  the  whole  burden  of  the  ' 
war  came  down  upon  one  army  and  one  commander. 
About  the  same  time  envoys  arrived  from  Saguntum 
bringing  Carthaginians  alleged  to  have  crossed  over 
into  Spain  to  hire  auxiliaries,  having  been  seized 
together  with  the  money.  They  set  down  two 
hundred  and  fifty  pounds  of  gold  and  eight  hundred 
pounds  of  silver  in  the  forecourt^  of  the  Senate 
House.  After  accepting  the  captives,  remanding 
them  to  prison  and  returning  the  gold  and  silver,  the 
senate  thanked  the  envoys  ;  and  in  addition  presents 
were  made  to  them  and  ships  furnished  for  their 
return  to  Spain. 

The  older  members  thereupon  observed  that  men 
are  slower  to  recognize  blessings  than  evils ;    that 

*  For  vestihulum  curiae  cf.   I.  xlviii.  1;    II.  xlviii.  10;    xlix. 
3 ;  at  Carthage,  below,  xxiv.  10. 

443 


LIVY 

Hannibalis     quantum     terroris     pavorisque     esset  ^ 
meminisse.      Quas    deinde    clades,   quos   luctus   in- 

7  cidisse  I  \'isa  castra  hostium  e  muris  urbis ;  quae 
vota  singulorum  universorumque  fuisse !  Quotiens 
in  conciliis  voces  manus  ad  caelum  porrigentium  ^ 

8  auditas,  en  umquam  ille  dies  futurus  esset  quo 
vacuam  hostibus  Italiam  bona  pace  florentem  visuri 

9  essent !  Dedisse  tandem  id  deos  ^  sexto  decimo 
demum  anno,  nee  esse  qui  deis  grates  agendas 
censeat ;  adeo  ne  advenientem  quidem  gratiam 
homines    benigne    accipere,    nedum    ut   praeteritae 

10  satis  memores  sint.  Conclamatum  deinde  ex  omni 
parte  curiae  est  uti  referret  P.  Aelius  praetor; 
decretumque  ut  quinque  dies  circa  omnia  pulvinaria 
supplicaretur,  victumaeque  maiores  immolarentur 
centum  viginti. 

11  lam  dimisso  Laelio  legatisque  Masinissae  cum 
Carthaginiensium  legatos  de  pace  ad  senatum  ve- 
nientes  Puteolis  visos,  inde  terra  venturos  adlatum 
esset,  revocari  C.  Laelium  placuit,  ut  coram  eo  de 

12  pace  ageretur.  Q.  Fulvius  Gillo,  legatus  Scipionis, 
Carthaginienses  Romam  adduxit.  Quibus  vetitis  in- 
gredi  urbem  ho^pitium  in  \^illa  Publica,  senatus  ad 
aedem  Bellonae  datus  est. 

1  esset  CM-A  Madvig,  Conway :  esse  PMBA'^N  Eds.  : 
sese  HVJ. 

2  porrigentium  C  MB  AS  HVJ  K  :   porgentium  P. 

^  tandem    id    deos    HVJK    Frohen    2:     id    deos    tandem 

^  On  festal  couches  in  temples  cf.  Vol.  VI.  p.  208,  n.  1 ; 
VII.  p.  217,  n.  3 ;   Book  V.  xiii.  6  (the  first  at  Rome). 

2  This,  taken  from  a  different  source,  conflicts  with  xvii.  2. 

^  Temple  and  Villa  Publica  were  in  the  Campus  Martius, 
near   the   Flaminian   Circus;     X.   xix.    17;     XXVI.    xxi.    1; 

444 


BOOK  XXX.  XXI.  6-12 

upon  Hannibal's  passage  into  Italy  they  remembered  b.c.  203 
what  alarm  and  panic  there  had  been.  Since  that 
time  what  disasters,  what  sorrows  had  befallen 
them !  The  enemy's  camp  had  been  visible  from 
the  walls  of  the  city  ;  what  prayers  had  been  said  by 
individuals  and  by  the  entire  people !  How  often  in 
their  deliberations  had  men  been  heard  to  say,  as 
they  lifted  their  hands  to  heaven,  Would  the  day 
ever  come  when  they  should  see  Italy  cleared  of  the 
enemy  and  prospering  in  a  blessed  peace !  At  last, 
they  said,  but  not  before  the  sixteenth  year,  the  gods 
had  granted  that  prayer ;  and  yet  there  was  no 
one  to  propose  a  vote  of  thanks  to  the  gods ;  so  true 
was  it  that  men  did  not  gratefully  receive  a  blessing 
upon  its  coming,  much  less  duly  remember  it  when 
past.  Upon  that  shouts  came  from  every  part  of  the 
Senate  House  that  Publius  Aelius,  the  praetor, 
should  bring  up  the  question.  And  it  was  voted  that 
for  five  days  thanks  should  be  offered  at  all  the 
pulvinaria,^  also  that  a  hundred  and  twenty  full- 
grown  victims  should  be  sacrificed. 

After  Laelius  and  the  envoys  of  Masinissa  had  been 
dismissed,  word  came  that  the  Carthaginian  envoys, 
on  their  way  to  the  senate  to  sue  for  peace,  had  been 
seen  at  Puteoli  and  would  proceed  thence  by  land. 
Whereupon  it  was  decided  that  Gains  Laelius  should 
be  recalled,^  in  order  that  the  discussion  of  peace 
might  be  in  his  presence.  Quintus  Fulvius  Gillo, 
Scipio's  lieutenant,  conducted  the  Carthaginians  to 
Rome.  Being  forbidden  to  enter  the  city,  they  were 
entertained  in  the  Villa  Publica  and  a  hearing  in  the 
senate  was  granted  them  in  the  Temple  of  Bellona.^ 

XXVIII.  ix.  5 ;    xxxviii.  2 ;    below,  xl.  1 ;    and  for  the  Villa, 
IV.  xxu.  7 ;  XXXIII.  xxiv.  5 ;   XXXIV.  xliv.  5. 

445 


XXII.  Orationem  eandfim  ferme  quam  apud  Sci- 
pionem  habuerunt,  culpam  omnem  belli  a  publico 

2  consilio  in  Hannibalem  vertentes :  eum  iniussu 
senatus  non  Alpes  modo  sed  Hiberum  quoque  trans- 
gressum,  nee  Romanis  solum  sed  ante  etiam  Sagun- 

3  tinis  privato  consilio  bellum  intulisse ;  senatui  ac 
populo  Carthaginiensi,  si  quis  vere  aestimet,  foedus 

4  ad  earn  diem  im-iolatum  esse  cum  Romanis.  Itaque 
nihil  aliud  sibi  mandatum  esse  uti  peterent  quam  ut 
in  ea  pace  quae  postremo  cum  C.  Lutatio  facta  esset 

5  manere  liceret.  Cum  more  tradito  ^  patribus  potes- 
tatem  interrogandi,  si  quis  quid  vellet,  legates 
praetor  fecisset,  senioresque  qui  foederibus  inter- 
fuerant  alia  alii  interrogarent,  nee  meminisse  se  - 
per  aetatem — etenim  omnes  ferme  iuvenes  erant — 

6  dicerent  legati,  conclamatum  ex  omni  parte  curiae 
est  Punica  fraude  electos  qui  veterem  pacem  repe- 
terent  cuius  ipsi  non  meminissent. 

XXIII.  Emotis  deinde  curia  legatis  sententiae 
interrogari  coeptae.  M.  Livius  C.  Servilium  consulem, 
qui  propior  esset,  arcessendum,  ut  coram  eo  de  pace 

2  ageretur,  censebat ;   cum  de  re  maiore  quam  quanta 

1  tradito,  P{3)NVJK  add  a,  rejected  by  Eds. 
-  se  VJK  Aldus,  Froben  :  om.  P{S)N. 

^  As  in  XXI.  xix.  2  f.  Livv  connects  the  treaty  of  241  B.C., 
ratified  in  the  consulship  of  Quintus  Lutatius  Cerco,  logically 
■sWth  the  naval  victory  won  by  his  brother  Gains  Lutatius 
Catulus  at  the  very  end  of  his  year  of  office  (242).  Polybius 
does  the  same,  I.  Ixii.  7.  Below,  xliv.  1  is  more  exact.  The 
brothers  shared  in  the  organization  of  this  first  province; 
Zonaras  VIII.  xvii.  7, 


BOOK  XXX.  XXII.  i-xxiii.  2 

XXII.  They   made   substantially    the   same   plea  b.c.  203 
as  they  had  done  before  Scipio,  shifting  all  blame 

for  the  war  from  public  responsibility  to  Hannibal : 
that  he  had  crossed  not  merely  the  Alps  but  even  the 
Ebro  without  orders  from  the  senate,  and  on  his  own 
responsibility  had  waged  war  not  only  on  the  Romans 
but  before  that  upon  the  Saguntines  also.  The 
senate  and  the  Carthaginian  people,  they  claimed, 
had  a  treaty  with  the  Romans  which  in  any  fair 
judgment  was  to  that  day  unbroken ;  consequently 
they  had  no  other  instructions  than  to  beg  permission 
to  abide  by  the  last  peace-treaty,  made  with  Gains 
Lutatius.^  When  the  praetor,  following  traditional 
practice,  had  given  the  senators  permission  to  ask  any 
question  of  the  envoys  if  any  one  was  so  disposed, 
and  older  members,  who  had  been  present  when 
action  was  taken  on  the  treaties,  were  asking  various 
questions,  the  envoys  kept  saying  that  on  account 
of  their  age  they  did  not  remember — nearly  all  of 
them  being  young  men.  Upon  that  there  were 
sHoiiHTrom  every  part  of  the  house  that  Punic 
trickery  had  led  them  to  choose  men  who  did  not 
themselves  remember  it,  to  ask  that  the  old  treaty 
should  be  revived. 

XXIII.  Then  after  the  envoys  had  been  ushered 
out  of  the  house,2  opinions  began  to  be  called  for. 
Marcus  Livius  ^  moved  that  Gains  Servilius,  the 
consul,  being  the  nearer,  should  be  summoned,  in 
order  that  discussion  of  peace  might  be  in  his 
presence.     Since  there  could  be  no  more  important 

2  I.e.  the  temple  serving  as  a  curia  for  this  occasion. 

3  Consul  in  219  and  207  B.C.,  and  lately  censor  (204  B.C.). 
Fabius  Maximus,  princeps  senatus,  was  probably  ill,  or  had 
already  died;    xxvi.  7. 

447 


LI\T 

ea  1  esset  consultatio  incidere  non  posset,  non  videri 
sibi  absente  consulum  altero  ambobusve  earn  rem  agi 

3  satis  ex  dignitate  populi  Romani  esse.  Q.  Metellus, 
qui  triennio  ante  consul  dictatorque  fuerat :  cum  P. 
Scipio  caedendo  exercitus,  agros  populando  in  eam 
necessitatem  hostes  compulisset  ut  supplices  pacem 

4  peterent,  et  nemo  omnium  verius  existumare  posset, 
qua  mente  ea  pax  peteretur  quam  qui  ^  ante  portas 
Carthaginis  bellum  gereret,  nuUius  alterius  consilio 
quam    Scipionis    accipiendam   abnuendamve   pacem 

5  esse.  M.  Valerius  Laevinus,  qui  bis  consul  fuerat, 
speculatores,  non  legatos  venisse  arguebat,  iuben- 
dosque  Italia  excedere  et  custodes  cum  iis  usque  ad 
naves  mittendos,  Scipionique  scribendum  ne  bellum 

6  remitteret.  Laelius  Fulviusque  adiecerunt  et 
Scipionem  in  eo  positam  habuisse  spem  pacis,  si 
Hannibal    et    Mago    ex    Italia   non  ^   revocarentur ; 

7  ceterum  *  omnia  simulaturos  Carthaginienses,  duces 
eos  exercitusque  exspectantes ;  deinde  quamvis 
recentium    foederum    et    deorum    omnium    oblitos 

8  bellum  gesturos.  Eo  magis  in  Laevini  sententiam 
discessum.  Legati  pace  infecta  ac  prope  sine  re- 
sponse dimissi. 

1  ea  P(3).V  :   orn.  VJK  Aldus,  Frdben. 

2  qui  Alschefski,  Ed^.  :  is  qui  K  Aldus,  Frohen  :  eum  qui 
P{3)NJ. 

3  non  NH'JK  Aldus,  Frohen  :   om.  PiSjX. 

*  ceterum  X'VJK  Aldu^,  Froben  :   om.  P(3)N. 

1  Cf.  p.  246,  n.  1. 

2  This  conflicts  with  Polybius'  positive  statement  that  the 
treatv  was  duly  ratified  at  Rome,  and  that  the  tliree  envoys 
448^ 


BOOK  XXX.  xxiii.  2-8 

subject  for  deliberation  than  that,  it  did  not  seem  to  b.c.  203 
him,  he  said,  that  debate  on  the  question  in  the 
absence  of  one  or  both  of  the  consuls  was  quite  in 
keeping  with  the  dignity  of  the  Roman  people. 
Quintus  Metellus,  who  had  been  consul  three  years  \ 
before  and  also  dictator,  said  that,  whereas  Publius  I 
Scipio  by  slaying  their  armies  and  ravaging  their 
lands  had  reduced  the  enemy  to  such  straits  that  as 
suppliants  they  were  suing  for  peace,  and  whereas 
no  man  in  the  world  could  more  correctly  judge  of 
the  spirit  in  which  they  were  seeking  that  peace 
than  he  who  was  conducting  a  war  at  the  gates  of 
Carthage,  peace  must  be  accepted  or  rejected  ac- 
cording to  the  advice  of  none  other  than  Scipio. 
Marcus  Valerius  Laevinus,  who  had  twice  been 
consul,^  contended  that  spies,  not  envoys,  had  come 
to  them,  and  that  they  should  be  ordered  to  depart 
from  Italy,  and  guards  sent  with  them  all  the  way 
to  their  ships,  and  that  a  written  order  should  be 
sent  to  Scipio  not  to  relax  effort  in  the  war. 
Laelius  and  Fulvius  added  that  Scipio  also  had 
based  his  hope  of  peace  only  upon  the  supposition 
that  Hannibal  and  Mago  were  not  to  be  recalled 
from  Italy.  But  while  waiting  for  those  generals  and 
their  armies,  they  said,  the  Carthaginians  would  use 
every  pretence,  and  then,  forgetful  of  treaties  how- 
ever recent  and  of  all  the  gods,  would  carry  on  the 
war.  Consequently  a  still  larger  number  voted  for 
Laevinus'  motion.  The  envoys  were  sent  away 
without  securing  peace  and  almost  without  an 
answer.2 

named  in  xxv.  2  had  so  notified  the  Carthaginians ;  XV.  i.  3,  9. 
Livy's  view  is  repeated  in  xxx.  28;  xxxi.  9;  cf.  xvi.  15  and 
note. 

449 
VOL.  VIII.  Q 


LRT 

XXI\'.  Per  eos  dies  Cn.  Servilius  consul,  haud 
dubius  quin  pacatae  Italiae  penes  se  gloria  esset, 
velut  pulsum  ab  se  Hannibalem  persequens,  in  Sici- 

2  Ham,  inde  in  ^  Africam  transiturus,  traiecit.  Quod  ubi 
Romae  volgatum  est,  primo  censuerant  patres  ut 
praetor  scriberet  consuli  senatum  aequum  censere  in 

3  Italian!  reverti  eum ;  dein,  cum  praetor  spreturum 
eum  litteras  suas  diceret,  dictator  ad  id  ipsum  creatus 
P.    Sulpicius   pro   iure  ^aioris   imperii)  consulem   in 

4  Italiam  revoca\'it.  Reliquurn  anni  cum  M.  Servilio 
magistro  equitum  circumeundis  Italiae  -  urbibus  quae 
bello  alienatae  fuerant  noscendisque  singularum 
causis  consumpsit. 

5  Per  indutiarum  tempus  ex  ^  Sardinia  a  P.  Len- 
tulo  praetore  centum  onerariae  naves  cum  commeatu 
viginti  rostratarum  praesidio,  et  ab  hoste  et  ab  tem- 

6  pestatibus  mari  tuto,  in  Africam  transmiserunt.  Cn. 
Octavio  ducentis  onerariis,  triginta  ^  longis  navibus  ex 

7  Sicilia  traicienti  non  eadem  fortuna  fuit.  In  con- 
spectum  ferme  Africae  prospero  cursu  evectum  ^ 
primo    destituit    ventus,    dein    versus    in    Africum 

8  turbavit  ac  passim  naves  disiecit.  Ipse  cum  rostratis 
per  adversos  fluctus  ingenti  remigum  labore  enisus 

9  Apollinis     promunturium     tenuit ;      onerariae    pars 

^  inde  in  J K  Aldus,  Frohen  :  inde  et  P{3}N. 

2  Italiae  P(3).Y  Aldus,  Eds.  :  in  Italia  A'JK  Frohen  2, 
Conivay  :    in  italiam  V. 

3  ex  Madvig,  Lucks,  Conicay  :  et  ex  P{Z)NVJK. 

*  triginta  (xxx)  P(3;xV  Aldus,  Frohen  :   xx  VJK. 
^  evectxim  A^VJK  :  yectnm  P{3)N  Aldus,  Frohen. 

1  The  city  praetor  Aelius  Paetus  (i.  9),  presiding  in  the 
senate.  But  he  lacked  authority  to  give  orders  to  a  consul. 
Hence  the  resort  to  a  dictator,  whose  tnaius  imperium  must  be 
respected  by  the  consul. 


BOOK  XXX.  XXIV.  1-9 

.  XXIV.  About  that  time  Gnaeus  Servilius,  the  b.c.  203 
consul,  who  had  no  doubt  that  to  him  belonged  the 
glory  of  giving  peace  to  Italy,  as  if  in  pursuit  of  a 
Hannibal  whom  he  had  driven  out  himself,  crossed 
over  to  Sicily,  intending  to  cross  from  there  to  Africa.' 
When  this  was  noised  abroad  at  Rome,  at  first  the 
senators  had  voted  that  the  praetor  ^  should  write  to 
the  consul  that  the  senate  thought  it  proper  for  him 
to  return  to  Italy.  Then,  as  the  praetor  said  that  Ser- 
vilius would  disregard  his  letter,  Publius  Sulpicius  ^ 
was  made  dictator  for  that  very  purpose ;  and  by 
virtue  of  his  higher  authority  he  recalled  the  consul 
to  Italy.-  The  rest  of  the  year  he  spent  with  his  master 
of  the  horse,  Marcus  Servilius,^  in  making  the  rounds 
of  such  cities  in  Italy  as  had  been  estranged  by  the 
war  and  in  hearing  their  cases  one  after  another. 

During  the  armistice  a  hundred  transports  sent 
from  Sardinia  by  the  praetor  Publius  Lentulus  ^ 
with  supplies  and  convoyed  by  twenty  war-ships 
crossed  to  Africa  over  a  sea  safe  from  the  enemy  and 
safe  from  storms.  Gnaeus  Octavius,  crossing  over 
from  Sicily  with  two  hundred  transports  and  thirty 
war-ships,  was  not  so  fortunate.  When  he  had  almost 
come  in  sight  of  Africa  after  a  favourable  passage, 
the  wind  at  first  failed  him ;  then  shifting  into  a 
southwester,  it  damaged  and  scattered  the  ships  far 
and  wide.  He  himself  with  the  war-ships  battled 
against  head  seas  by  great  efforts  on  the  part  of  the 
oarsmen  and  reached  the  Promontory  of  Apollo.^ 
Most  of  the  transports  were  carried  to  the  island  of 

2  Consul  in  211  and  200  B.C. 

3  Brother  of  the  consul  Gains  Servilius  Geminus  and  him- 
self consul  in  the  following  year;   xxvi.  1;   xxvii.  1. 

*  Cf.  i.  9;   ii.  4;   xxxvi.  2  f.  5  gee  p.  315,  n.  2. 


maxima  ad  Aegimurum — insula  ea  ^  sinum  ab  alto 
claudit  in  quo  sita  Carthago  est,  triginta  ferme  milia 
ab  urbe — ,  aliae  adversus  urbem  ipsam  ad  Calidas 

10  Aquas  delatae  sunt.  Omnia  in  conspectu  Carthaginis 
erant.  Itaque  ex  tota  urbe  in  forum  concursum  est ; 
magistratus  senatum  vocare ;  populus  in  curiae 
vestibulo   fremere   ne   tanta    ex   oculis   manibusque 

11  amitteretur  praeda.  Cum  quidam  pacis  petitae,  alii 
indutiarum — necdum  enim  dies  exierat — fidem  op- 
ponerent,  permixto  ^  paene  senatus  populique 
concilio  consensum  est  ut  classem  ^  quinquaginta 
navium  Hasdrubal  Aegimurum  traiceret,  inde  per 
litora  portusque  dispersas  Romanas  naves  colligeret. 

12  Desertae  fuga  nautarum  primum  ab  Aegimuro, 
deinde  ab  Aquis  onerariae  Carthaginem  puppibus 
tractae  sunt. 

XX\'.  Nondum  ab  Roma  reverterant  legati,^  neque 
sciebatur  quae  senatus  Romani  de  bello  aut  pace 
2  sententia  esset,  necdum  indutiarum  dies  exierat ;  eo 
indigniorem  iniuriam  ratus  Scipio  ab  iis  qui  petis- 
sent  pacem  et  indutias  et  spem  pacis  et  fidem  indu- 
tiarum \-iolatam  esse,  legatos  Carthaginem  L. 
Baebium,  L.  Sergium,  L.   Fabium  extemplo  misit. 

1  insula  ea  P(S)X?JK  Eds.  :  insulam  ea  A'X^?  Aldus, 
Froben,  Conway  (tviih  dash  before  ea)  :    -lam  earn  V. 

-  permixto,  preceded  by  postremo  V  Aldus,  Froben. 

'  classem  P(SjX  :   classe  \'JK  Aid 'is,  Froben. 

*  ab  Roma  reverterant  legati  PCM''B^  :  reverterant  ab  Roma 
legati  AX  Aid 'is,  Froben. 


^  Zembra  (Djamur);   cf,  p.  315,  n.  5. 

2  Across  the  bay  from  Carthage  and  to  the  south-east 
(near  Carpis),  now  Hammam  Kourbes.  The  hot  springs 
are  mentioned   by  Strabo   XVII.    iii.    16,   and   the   Tabula 

45« 


BOOK  XXX.  XXIV.  9-xxv.  2 

Aegimurus  ^ — which  on  the  seaward  side  closes  the  b.c.  203 
bay  upon  which  lies  Carthage,  about  thirty  miles 
from  the  city — the  rest  of  them  to  Aquae  Calidae,^ 
opposite  the  city  itself.  Everything  could  be  seen 
from  Carthage ;  and  so  from  all  parts  of  the  city 
people  ran  to  the  market-place.  The  magistrates 
summoned  the  senate ;  the  people  before  the  en:^ 
trance  of  the  Senate  House  protested  against  letting 
go  so  much  booty  out  of  their  sight  and  reach. 
While  some  objected,  pleading  the  sanctity  of  peace 
negotiations,  others  that  of  the  armistice — for  its 
term  had  not  yet  expired — the  meeting  of  the  senate 
was  all  but  merged  with  that  of  the  people.  It  was 
agreed  that  Hasdrubal  should  sail  over  to  Aegimurus 
with  his  fleet  of  fifty  ships,  and  then  gather  up  the 
Roman  ships  scattered  along  the  shore  and  in  the 
harbours.  Deserted  by  the  flight  of  their  crews 
the  transports  were  towed  by  the  stern  to  Carthage, 
first  from  Aegimurus  and  then  from  Aquae. 

XXV.  Not  yet  had  the  envoys  returned  from 
Rome,  nor  was  it  known  what  had  been  the  decision 
of  the  Roman  senate  in  regard  to  war  or  peace ;  ^ 
not  yet  had  the  term  of  the  armistice  expired. 
For  that  reason  Scipio  thought  it  an  even  more 
shameful  outrage  that  both  the  hope  of  peace  and 
the  sanctity  of  an  armistice  had  been  trea'ted  with 
disrespect  by  men  who  had  sued  for  peace  and  an 
armistice.  At  once  he  sent  Lucius  Baebius,  Lucius 
Sergius  and  Lucius  Fabius  as  envoys  to  Carthage. 

Peutingeriana.     They  are  still  frequented  by  the  people  of 
Tunis. 

3  Cf.  xvi.  15  and  note;  also  Appian  Pun.  34;  Dio  Cass, 
frag.  57.  74  f. ;  Zonaras  IX.  xiii.  8.  All  these  place  ratification 
of  the  treatv  after  Hannibal  had  left  Italy.  Cf.  Gsell  III. 
248. 

453 


LIVY 

3  Qui  cum  multitudinis  concursu  prope  violati  essent 
nee  reditum  tutiorem  futurum  cernerent,  petierunt 
a  magistratibus  quorum  auxilio  vis  prohibita  erat  ut 

4  naves  mitterent  quae  se  prosequerentur.  Datae 
triremes  duae  cum  ad  Bagradam  flumen  per\'enissent, 
unde  castra  Romana  conspiciebantur,  Carthaginem 

5  rediere.  Classis  Punicaad  Uticamstationemhabebat. 
Ex  ea  tres  quadriremes,  seu  clam  misso  a  Carthagine 
nuntio  ut  id  fieret,  seu  Hasdrubale,  qui  classi  praeerat, 

6  sine  publica  fraude  auso  facinus,  quinqueremem 
Romanam  superantem  promunturium  ex  alto  repente 
adgressae  sunt.  Sed  neque  rostro  ferire  celeritate 
subterlabentem  ^  poterant,  neque  transilire  armati  ex 
humilioribus    in    altiorem    navem,    et    defendebatur 

7  egregie,  quoad  tela  suppeditarunt.  Quis  deficientibus 
iam  nulla  alia  res  eam  quam  propinquitas  terrae 
multitudoque  a  castris  in  litus  effusa  tueri  potuit.^ 

8  Concitatam  enim  remis  quanto  maximo  impetu 
poterant  in  terram  cum  immisissent,  navis  tantum 
iactura  facta,  incolumes  ipsi  evaserunt. 

9  Ita  alio  super  aliud  scelere  cum  baud  dubie 
indutiae  ruptae  essent,  Laelius  Fulviusque  ab  Roma 

10  cum  legatis  Carthaginiensibus  supervenerunt.     Qui- 

^  subterlabentem  X*\'JK  Aldus,  Froben  :  super-  P{3)N  : 
sua  prae-  ']Veis6:enborn  :   sua  praeter-  J/.  Miiller. 

2  potuit  Drakenborch :  potuisset  P{3)X\'JK  Aldus, 
Froben . 


^  Now  the  Medjerda,  principal  river  of  Tunisia,  300  miles 
long  but  not  navigable.  See  p.  344,  n.  1  for  the  great  changes 
in  its  lower  course  as  the  bay  has  silted  up.  The  ancient 
mouth  was  half-way  between  Carthage  and  Utica. 

2  At  the  north-east  end  of  the  long  ridge  upon  which  lay  the 
camp,  later  called  Castra  Cornelia.  Cf.  p.  347,  n.  1.  Perhaps 
Livy  is  wrong  in  thinking  the  ship  was  beached  on  the  less 

454 


BOOK  XXX.  XXV.  3-IO 

These  narrowly  escaped  injury  at  the  hands  of  a 
mob  and  foresaw  that  then-  return  would  be  no  safer. 
Accordingly  they  begged  the  magistrates  whose 
help  had  prevented  violence  to  send  ships  to  escort 
them.  Two  triremes  were  furnished,  and  having 
reached  the  river  Bagradas/  from  which  the  Roman 
camp  was  visible,  they  returned  to  Carthage.  The 
Carthaginian  fleet  was  lying  at  anchor  near  Utica. 
Three  quadriremes  from  that  fleet,  just  as  the 
Roman  quinquereme  was  rounding  the  promontory  ,2 
suddenly  attacked  her  from  the  seaward  side,  perhaps 
because  a  secret  order  to  do  so  had  been  sent  from 
Carthage,  possibly  because  Hasdrubal,  who  was  in 
command  of  the  fleet,  made  bold  to  act  without 
complicity  on  the  part  of  the  government.  But  they 
were  unable  to  ram  her  as  she  eluded  them  by  her 
speed,  and  the  marines  could  not  spring  across  from 
the  lower  vessels  to  the  higher  one.  Also  she  was 
brilliantly  defended  so  long  as  their  missiles  held  out. 
When  these  failed  them  there  was  nothing  else  which 
could  protect  the  ship  but  nearness  to  the  land  and 
the  great  numbers  that  poured  out  to  the  shore  from 
the  camp.  For  propelled  at  full  speed  by  the  oars, 
they  ran  her  on  the  shore  with  all  possible  momentum. 
Consequently  the  ship  only  was  lost,  and  the  men 
themselves  ^  escaped. 

Thus  the  armistice  beyond  doubt  had  been  broken 
by  one  crime  after  another  when  Laelius  and 
Fulvius  arrived  from  Rome  with  the  Carthaginian 

favourable  west  side;  Gsell  III.  250,  n.  1.  The  Punic  fleet 
was  no  farther  away  than  Rusucmon  (Porto  Farma;  x.  9); 
Appian  Pun.  34. 

^  Primarily  the  envoys,  but  also  some  of  the  crew ;  Polybius 
XV.  ii.  15;   cf.  Appian  I.e.  fin. 


bus  Scipio,  etsi  non  indutiarum  fides  modo  a  Carthagi- 
niensibus,  sed  ius  etiam  gentium  in  legatis  violatum 
esset,  tamen  se  nihil  nee  institutis  populi  Romani 
nee  suis  moribus  indignum  in  iis  faeturum  esse  cum 
dixisset,  dimissis  legatis  bellum  parabat. 

11  Hannibali  iam  terrae  adpropinquanti  iussus  e 
nauticis  unus  ^  escendere  in  malum,  ut  specularetur 

12  quam  tenerent  regionem,  cum  dixisset  sepulchrum  di- 
rutum  proram  spectare,  abominatus  praetervehi  iusso 
gubernatore  ad  Leptim  adpulit  classem  atque  ibi 
copias  exposuit. 

XX\'I.  Haec  eo  anno  in  Africa  gesta ;  insequen- 
tia  excedunt  in  cum  annum  quo  M.  Serv'ilius  Gemi- 
nus,2  qui  tum  magister  equitum  erat,  et  Ti.  Claudius 

2  Xero  consules  facti  sunt.  Ceterum  exitu  superioris 
anni  cum  legati  sociarum  urbium  ex  Graecia  questi 
essent  vastatos  agros  ab  regiis  praesidiis  profectos- 
que  in  Macedoniam  legates  ad  res  repetendas  non 

3  admissos  ad  Philippum  regem.  simul  nuntiassent  quat- 
tuor  milia  militum  cum  Sopatro  duce  traiecta  in  Afri- 
cam  dici,  ut  essent  Carthaginiensibus  praesidio,  et 

4  pecuniae  aliquantum  una  missum,  legatos  ad  regem 
qui  haec  adversus  foedus  facta  videri  patribus  nun- 

^  e   nauticis   unus   B^A^?   Crevier,    Eds.  :     e    nautis   unus 
y^VJK  Aldus,  Froben  :  enuticusunus  P. 
2  Geminus  om.  P(3)X. 

^  In  Polybius  iv.  9  Scipio  was  absent,  and  Ba^bius,  being 
left  in  command,  carried  out  orders  from  the  general. 

2  On  the  east  coast  of  Tunisia ;  Leptis  Minor  (or  Lepti 
Minus)  to  distinguish  it  from  Leptis  Magna  in  TripoHtania. 
Cf.  p.  308,  n.  1.     It  was  now  probably  autumn. 


BOOK  XXX.  XXV.  lo-xxvi.  4 

envoys.  Scipio  informed  these  men  thcat,  although  b.c.  203 
not  only  the  sanctity  of  an  armistice  had  been 
violated  by  the  Carthaginians,  but  also  the  law  of 
nations  in  regard  to  his  envoys,  nevertheless  he 
would  not  in  their  case  do  anything  unworthy  of  the 
established  usages  of  the  Roman  people  or  of  his  own 
character.  Whereupon  he  dismissed  the  envoys  ^ 
and  made  preparations  for  war. 

As  Hannibal  was  already  nearing  land,  one  of  the 
sailors  was  ordered  to  go  aloft,  in  order  to  make 
out  what  region  they  were  approaching.  When 
he  reported  that  the  bow  was  headed  toward  a 
ruined  tomb,  Hannibal  with  a  prayer  to  avert  such 
an  omen  ordered  the  pilot  to  sail  on,  brought  his 
fleet  in  at  Leptis,^  and  there  disembarked  his 
troops. 

XXVI.  Such  were  the  events  of  that  year  in  Africa. 
What  follows  runs  over  into  the  year  in  which  Marcus 
Servilius  Geminus,  who  at  that  time  was  master  of  , 
the    horse,    and   Tiberius    Claudius    Nero  ^   became    ,    . 
consuls.    But  at  the  end  of  the  previous  year  envoys  i 
from    Greece    representing    allied   cities    had   com-  '' 
plained  that  their  territories  had  been  ravaged  by  the 
king's  forces,  and  that  envoys  who  had  gone  into 
Macedonia  to  claim  damages  were  not  admitted  to  - 
King  Philip's  presence.  \  They  had  at  the  same  time 
brought   word   that    four    thousand    soldiers    under 
the  command  of  Sopater  were  aUegedJto^have  crossed  \ 
over  to  Africa  to'defend  the  CarthagimansTan^Tthal  | 
a  considerable  sum  of  money  was  said  to  have  been 
sent  with  them.     Consequently  the  senate  voted  to 
send  envoys  to  the  king  to  report  that  in  the  opinion 

5  A  first  cousin  of  Gaius,  consul  in  207  b.c. 

457 


LIVY 

tiarent  mittendos  censuit  senatus.  Missi  C.  Terentius 
Varro,  C.  Maniilius,  M.  Aurelius ;  iis  ^  tres  quinque- 
remes  datae. 

5  Annus  insignis  incendio  ingenti,  quo  Clivus  Pu- 
blicius  ad  solum  exustus  est,  et  aquarum  magnitudine, 
sed  et  2  annonae  vilitate  fuit,  praeterquam  quod  pace 

6  omnis  Italia  erat  aperta,  etiam  quod  magnam  vim 
frumenti  ex  Hispania  missam  M.  \'alerius  Falto  et  M. 
Fabius  Buteo  aediles  curules  quaternis  aeris  vicatim 
populo  discripserunt. 

7  Eodem  anno  Q.  Fabius  Maximus  moritur,  exactae 
aetatis,  si  quidem  verum  est  augurem  duos  et  sexa- 

8  ginta  ^  annos  fuisse,  quod  quidam  auctores  sunt.  Vir 
certe  fuit  dignus  tanto  cognomine,  vel  si  novum  ab 
eo  inciperet.  Superavit  paternos  honores,  avitos 
aequavit.  Pluribus  victoriis  et  maioribus  proeliis 
avus  insignis  Rullus ;   sed  omnia  aequare  unus  hostis 

9  Hannibal  potest.  Cautior  tamen  quam  promptior  hie 
habitus ;  et  sicut  dubites  utrum  ingenio  cunctator 
fuerit  an  quia  ita  bello  proprie  quod  turn  gerebatur 
aptum  erat,  sic  nihil  certius  est  quam  unum  hominem 
nobis  cunctando  rem  restituisse,  sicut  Ennius   ait. 

1  iis  P  Aldus,  Froben  :  his  CMBAXVK  :  hiis  J. 

2  sed  et  AN  Aldus  :   sed  x  Conway  :   et  A'VJK  Froben  2 : 

8iP(3). 

3  sexaginta  (lx)  P(SjXJ^  :   XL  CVK  Aldus,  Froben  :   xx  J. 

1  Consul  in  216  B.C. ;  XXII.  xxxv.  2 ;  escaped  from  Cannae, 
XXII.  xlix.  U;  Ixi.  13  ff.  Mamilius  AteUus  had  been 
praetor,  Aurelius  Cotta  an  aedile.     Cf.  xlii.  2,  5,  10. 

2  See  Vol.  VII.  p.  36,  n.  3. 

^  I.e.  one  sesterce.     Cf.  XXXI.  1.  1  (grain  even  cheaper). 

*  Quintus  Fabius  Maximus  Gurges,  three  times  consul, 
last  in  265  B.C. 

5  Quintus  Fabius  Maximus  Rull(ian)us,  five  times,  last  in 
20.5  B.C.      Plutarch  Fab.  1.  makes  him  great-grandfather  of 
Delayer. 
458 


BOOK  XXX.  XXVI.  4-9 

of  the  senators  these  acts  had  violated  the  treaty,  b.c.  203 
The  men  sent  were  Gaius  Terentius  Varro,^  Gaius 
Mamilius,    Marcus    Aurelius ;     three    quinqueremes 
were  furnished  them. 

The  year  was  marked  by  a  great  conflagration  in 
which  the  CHvus  PubUcius  ^  was  burned  to  the  ground, 
and  by  floods,  but  also  by  the  low  price  of  grain, 
because  not  only  was  all  Italy  open  by  reason  of 
peace,  but  also  a  great  quantity  of  grain  had  been 
sent  from  Spain;  and  Marcus  Valerius  Falto  and 
Marcus  Fabius  Buteo,  the  curule  aediles,  distributed 
this  to  the  populace  by  precincts  at  four  asses  ^ 
a  peck. 

In  the  same  year  Quintus  Fabius  Maximus  died 
at  a  very  advanced  age,  if  indeed  it  is  true  that  he 
had  been  an  augur  for  sixty-two  years,  as  some 
authorities  say.  He  certainly  was  a  man  who  de- 
served such  a  surname,  even  if  it  had  been  first 
applied  to  him.  He  surpassed  the  number  of  magis- 
tracies held  by  his  father  ^  and  equalled  those 
of  his  grandfather.^  A  larger  number  of  victories 
and  greater  battles  made  the  fame  of  his  grandfather 
Rullus ;  but  all  of  them  can  be  balanced  by  a  single 
enemy,  Hannibal.  Nevertheless  Fabius  has  been 
accounted  a  man  of  caution  rather  than  of  action. 
And  while  one  may  question  whether  he  was  the 
"  Delayer  "  by  nature,  or  because  that  was  especially 
suited  to  the  war  then  in  progress,  still  nothing 
is  more  certain  than  that  one  man  by  delaying 
restored  our  state,®  as  Ennius  says.     In  his  place  as 

^  A  famous  line  of  the  Annales  ( Vahlen^  v.  370 ;  Warming- 
ton,  Bemains  of  Old  Latin  I.  p.  132),  so  often  cited  or 
imitated  that  it  became  proverbial ;  e.g.  Cicero  Cato  Mai.  10 ; 
Virgil  .4671.  VI.  8-46. 

459 


LI\T 

10  Augur  in  locum  eius  inauguratus  Q.  Fabius  Maximus 
filius ;  in  eiusdem  locum  pontifex — nam  duo  sacer- 
dotia  habuit — Ser.  Sulpicius  Galba. 

11  Ludi  Romani  diem  unum,  plebei  ter  toti  instau- 
rati  ab  aedilibus  M.  Sextio  Sabino  et  Cn.  Tremelio 
Flacco.     Hi  ^  ambo  praetores  facti  et  cum  lis  ^  C. 

12  Livius  Salinator  et  C.  Aurelius  Cotta.  Comitia  eius 
anni  utrum  C.  Servilius  consul  habuerit  an,  quia  eum 
res  in  Etruria  tenuerint  quaestiones  ex  senatus  con- 
sulto  de  coniurationibus  principum  habentem, 
dictator  ab  eo  dictus  P.  Sulpicius  incertum  ut  sit 
diversi  auctores  faciunt. 

XX^'II.  Principio  insequentis  anni  M.  Servilius 
et  Ti.  Claudius  senatu  in  Capitolium  vocato  de  pro- 

2  vinciis  rettulerunt.  Italiam  atque  Africam  in  sortem 
conici,  Africam  ambo  cupientes,  volebant.  Ceterum 
Q.  Metello  maxime  adnitente  neque  negata  neque 

3  data  ^  est  Africa.  Consules  iussi  cum  tribunis  plebis 
agere  ut,  si  iis  *  videretur,  populum  rogarent  quem 

•i  vellent  ^  in  Africa  bellum  gerere.  Omnes  tribus  P. 
Scipionem  iusserunt.     Nihilo  minus  consules  provin- 

1  Hi  VK  H.  J.  MiUler :  hii  A'X'J  :  ti  PCBX  :  ii  x  Aldus, 
Froben,  Eds.,  Conxray. 

2  iis  P^Wm.?,  Frohen,  Eds. :  his  CBAXVK  Comcay:  hiis  J. 

3  negata  neque  data  PCBVJK  Eds.  :  data  neque  negata 
^.V  Aldus,  Froben. 

*  iis  Aldus,  Froben  :   is  PC  :   his  BA  :   hiis  X  :   eis  A'VJK. 
5  veUent   P{Z)NV   Aldus,   Eds.  :     vellet    \''JK   Froben   2, 
Conuriy. 

^  An  error  for  grandson,  since  the  son  of  the  same  name 
(consul  213  B.C.)  died  before  the  Cunctator;   Cato  Mai.  12. 

2  Son  of  the  consul  of  207  B.C.     Cf.  XXIX.  xxxviii.  8. 

'  Scipio's  command  had  been  given  him  for  the  duration; 
i.  10.  That,  however,  would  not  prevent  the  assignment  of  a 
colleague;    cf.  §  5  s^ib  fin. 

460 


BOOK  XXX.  XXVI.  lo-xxvii.  4 

augur  his  son  ^  Quintus   Fabius   Maximus   was  in-  b.c.  203 
stalled ;    likewise  in  his  place  as  pontifex — for  he 
held  two  priesthoods — Servius  Sulpicius  Galba. 

The  Roman  Games  were  repeated  for  a  single  day, 
the  entire  Plebeian  Games  three  times  over  by  the 
aediles  Marcus  Sextius  Sabinus  and  Gnaeus  Tremelius 
Flaccus.  Both  of  them  were  made  praetors,  and  with 
them  Gaius  Livius  Salinator  ^  and  Gains  Aurelius 
Cotta.  As  for  the  elections  of  that  year,  conflicting 
authorities  make  it  uncertain  whether  Gaius  Ser- 
vilius  as  consul  conducted  them  or  Publius  Sulpicius 
as  dictator,  appointed  by  Servilius  because  business 
detained  him  in  Etruria,  where  in  accordance  with 
a  decree  of  the  senate  he  was  conducting  trials  for 
conspiracy  among  the  leading  citizens. 

XXVII.  At  the  beginning  of  the  following  year  b.c.  202 
Marcus  Servilius  and  Tiberius  Claudius  summoned 
the  senate  to  the  Capitol  and  raised  the  question  of 
the  provinces.  They  wished  that  lots  should  be  cast 
for  Italy  and  Africa,  both  of  them  being  eager  to 
have  Africa. 2  But  chiefly  owing  to  the  efforts  of 
Quintus  Metellus  *  Africa  was  not  refused  nor  yet 
given  them.  The  consuls  were  instructed  to  arrange 
with  the  tribunes  of  the  plebs  that,  with  their 
approval,  they  should  bring  before  the  people  the 
question  whom  they  wished  for  the  conduct  of  the  war 
in  Africa.  All  the  tribes  voted  for  Publius  Scipio.^ 
In  spite  of  that  the  consuls  cast  lots  for  Africa  as  a 

*  Cf.  xxiii.  3. 

^  This  of  course  settled  any  controversy  as  to  the  term  of  his 
command,  until  contention  was  renewed  a  year  later.  Cf, 
p.  518,  §  12,  where  the  province  of  one  consul  for  201  B.C.  is 
defined  as  command  of  the  fleet,  while  the  other  was  to  have 
Italy. 

461 


LIVY 

ciam     African! — ita     enim    senatus     decreverat — in 

5  sortem  coniecerunt.  Ti.  Claudio  Africa  evenit,  ut 
quinquaginta  navium  classem,  omnes  quinquerem.es, 
in  Africam  traieeret  parique  imperio  cum  P.  Scipione 
imperator  ^  esset ;    M.   Servilius  Etruriam  sortitus. 

6  In  eadem  provincia  et  C.  Servilio  prorogatum  im- 
perium,   si  consulem    manere  ^  ad  urbem  senatui  ^ 

7  placuisset.  Praetores  M.  Sextius  Galliam  est  sortitus, 
ut  duas  legiones  provinciamque  traderet  ei  P. 
Quinctilius  \'arus ;  C.  Livius  Bruttios  cum  duabus 
legionibus    quibus   P.    Sempronius   proconsul   priore 

8  anno  *  praefuerat ;  Cn.  Tremelius  Siciliam,  ut  a  P. 
\'illio  Tappulo  praetore  prioris  anni  provinciam  et 
duas  legiones  acciperet;  Mllius  pro  praetore  viginti 
navibus  longis,  militibus  ^  mille  oram  Siciliae  tutare- 

9  tur;  M.  Pomponius  viginti  navibus  reliquis  mille  et 
quingentos  milites  Romam  deportaret ;  C.  Aurelio 
Cottae  urbana  evenit.  Ceteris  ita  uti  quisque 
obtinebant  provincias  exercitusque  prorogata  imperia. 

10    Sedecim  non  amplius  eo  anno  legionibus  defensum 

^  imperator  P(3,XJK  Aldus,  Frohen  :  rejected  hy  Crevier, 
Madvig  :   imperatore  V  Luchs,  H.  J.  Muller,  Johnson. 

2  raanere  Ff 3 i.Y -•!/'/'/•« :   remor^vi  y*[alt.)V J K  Frohen  2. 

^  senatui  A'S'VJ K  Aldus,  Frohen,  Conivay  :  -tu  Alschefski, 
Madvig  :   -turn  P(3)X. 

*  priore  anno  \'JK  Frohen  2  :   prioris  anni  P{3)X. 

5  militibus,  hefore  ihis  A*VJK  add  et,  for  ivhich  P  has  si  : 
om.  hy  P''{3)X  Aldus,  Frohen. 

^  But  not  to  command  an  army  in  addition  to  his  fleet; 
probably  not  to  sail  over  to  Africa  except  in  an  emergency. 
In  fact  Claudius  never  reached  African  waters ;   xxxix.  3. 

462 


BOOK  XXX.  XXVII.  4-10 

province,  for  so  the  senate  had  decreed.  Africa  fell  b.c.  202 
to  Tiberius  Claudius,  with  the  provision  that  he  should 
take  a  fleet  of  fifty  ships,  all  of  them  quinqueremes, 
over  to  Africa,  and  that  he  should  be  commanding 
general  with  an  authority  equal  to  that  of  Scipio.^ 
Marcus  Servilius  received  Etruria  by  lot.  In  the 
same  province  Gaius  Servilius'  command  was  also 
continued,  in  case  the  senate  decided  that  the  consul 
should  remain  near  the  city.  Of  the  praetors  Mar- 
cus Sextius  received  Gaul  by  lot,  with  the  under- 
standing that  Publius  Quinctilius  Varus  should  turn 
over  to  him  the  two  legions  with  the  province ; 
Gaius  Livius  received  the  land  of  the  Bruttii  with  the 
two  legions  w^hich  Publius  Sempronius  had  com- 
manded in  the  previous  year  as  proconsul;  Gnaeus 
Tremelius  was  allotted  Sicily,  to  take  over  the  province 
from  Publius  VilHus  Tappulus,  praetor  of  the  previous 
year,  and  the  two  legions.  Villius  as  propraetor  was 
to  defend  the  coast  of  Sicily  with  twenty  war-ships 
and  a  thousand  soldiers.  Marcus  Pomponius  with'^ 
the  remaining  twenty  ships  was  to  transport  fifteen  ^v 
hundred  soldiers  back  to  Rome.  The  city  praetor-' 
ship  fell  to  Gaius  Aurelius  Cotta.  For  the  rest  of 
the  praetors  ^  their  commands  were  continued  just 
as  they  then  held  their  several  provinces  and  armies. 
With  no  more  than  sixteen  legions  ^  the  empire  was 

2  I.e.  Lucretius  at  Genua,  in  Sardinia  Publius  Lentulus, 
in  Spain  Lucius  Lentulus  and  Manlius  Acidinus  (these  two  as 
proconsuls) ;   cf.  i.  9  f. ;   ii.  7  ;   XXIX.  xiii.  7. 

^  Compared  with  20  in  the  previous  year;  ii.  7.  The 
maximum  had  been  25  in  212-211  b.c.  In  the  first  year  of  the 
war  (218  B.C.)  the  number  was  only  6.  The  average  number 
in  the  next  three  years  was  12-7;  in  following  eight  years, 
22-5  (214-207  b.c);  in  the  last  six  years,  17-8  (206-201  B.C.). 
Cf.  De  Sanctis'  table,  p.  633;   CAM.  VIII.  104. 

463 


11  imperium  est.  Et  ut  placatis  dis  omnia  inciperent 
agerentque,  ludos  quos  M.  Claudio  Marcello,  T. 
Quinctio  consulibus  T.  Manlius  dictator  quasque 
hostias  maiores  voverat,  si  per  quinquennium  ^ 
res  publica  eodem  statu  fuisset,  ut  eos  ludos  consules, 
priusquam     ad    bellum     proficiscerentur,    facerent. 

12  Ludi  in  circo  per  quadriduum  facti  hostiaeque  quibus 
votae  erant  dis  caesae. 

XXVIII.  Inter  haec  simul  spes  simul  cura  in  dies 
crescebat,  nee  satis  certum  constare  apud  animos  ^ 
poterat  utrum  gaudio  dignius  ^  esset  Hannibalem 
post  sextum  decimum  annum  ex  Italia  decedentem 
vacuam  possessionem  eius  reliquisse  populo  Romano, 
an    magis    metuendum   quod   incolumi    exercitu   in 

2  Africam  transisset :  locum  nimirum,  non  periculum 
mutatum  ;  cuius  tantae  dimicationis  vatem,  qui  nuper 
decessisset,  Q.  Fabium  baud  frustra  canere  solitum 
gi-aviorem  in  sua  terra  futurum  hostem  Hannibalem 

3  quam  in  aliena  fuisset.  Nee  Scipioni  aut  cum  Syphace, 
inconditae  barbariae  rege,  cui  Statorius  semilixa 
ducere  ^  exercitus  solitus  sit,  aut  cum  socero  eius 
Hasdrubale,  fugacissimo  duce,  rem  futuram  aut  cum  ^ 
tumultuariis  exercitibus  ex  agrestium  semermi  turba 

^  quinquennium,  .4.V  AMns,  Frohen  add  illud. 
2  animos  A*VJK  Frohen  2  :    -mum  P(3).Y  Aldtts. 
■■  dignius  V  Frohen  2  :   dignum  Pi3)XJK  Aldus. 

*  ducere  PCVJK:  ad-  BAN:  docere  conj.  Putsches 
Lucks. 

*  cum  Riemnnn,  Conway  :   om.  P{S)XVJK. 

1  Cf.  p.  373,  n.  1. 
464 


BOOK  XXX.  XXVII.  lo-xxviii.  3 

defended  that  year.  And  that  they  might  begin  b.c.  202 
everything  and  carry  it  on  with  the  favour  of  the  gods, 
inasmuch  as  in  the  consulship  of  Marcus  Claudius 
Marcellus  and  Titus  Quinctius  the  dictator  Titus 
Manlius  had  vowed  games  ^  and  full-grown  victims 
if  the  state  should  remain  for  four  years  as  it  was 
before,  it  was  ordered  that  the  consuls  should  cele- 
brate those  games  before  they  set  out  for  the  war. 
The  games  were  celebrated  in  the  Circus  for  four 
days,  and  victims  were  sacrificed  to  the  gods  to  whom 
they  had  been  vowed. 

XXVIII.  Meanwhile  hope  and  anxiety  alike  were 
increasing  from  day  to  day,  and  men  could  not  quite 
make  up  their  minds  whether  it  was  a  fit  subject  for 
rejoicing  that  Hannibal,  retiring  from  Italy  after 
sixteen  years,  had  left  the  Roman  people  free  to  take 
possession  2  of  it,  and  not  rather  a  ground  for  appre- 
hension that  he  had  crossed  over  to  Africa  with  his 
army  intact.  The  place  doubtless  had  been  changed, 
they  thought,  not  the  danger.  Foretelling  that 
mighty  conflict  Quintus  Fabius,  recently  deceased, 
had  often  predicted,  not  without  reason,  that  in  his 
own  land  Hannibal  would  be  a  more  terrible  enemy 
than  in  a  foreign  country.  And  Scipio  would  have  to 
deal  neither  with  Syphax,  king  of  a  land  of  untrained 
barbarians,  for  whom  Statorius,^  who  was  little  more 
than  a  sutler,  commonly  commanded  his  armies,  nor 
with  the  father-in-law  of  Syphax,  Hasdrubal,  a  general 
very  swift  in  flight,  nor  with  irregular  armies  suddenly 
raised  from  a  half-armed  mob  of  rustics.     Rather 

^  I.e.  to  recover  that  title  to  Italian  soil  which  Hannibal 
had  in  a  way  acquired  by  occupying  it  for  more  years  than 
were  needed  to  acquire  a  title  by  usucapio.   Cf.  XXII.  xliv.  6. 

3  Cf.  XXIV.  xlviii.  9,  U  f. 

465 


4  subito  conlectis,  sed  cum  Hannibale,  prope  nato  in 
praetorio  patris,  fortissimi  ducis,  alito  atque  educate 
inter  arma,  puero  quondam  milite,  vixdum  iuvene 

5  imperatore,  qui  senex  vincendo  factus  Hispanias, 
Gallias,  Italiam  ab  Alpibus  ad  fretum  monumentis 
ingentium  rerum  complesset.  Ducere  ^  exercitum 
aequalem  stipendiis  suis,  duratum  omnium  rerum 
patientia  quas  vix  fides  fiat  homines  passos,  perfusum 
miliens  cruore  Romano,  exuvias  non  militum  tantum,^ 

6  sed  etiam  imperatorum  portantem.  Multos  oc- 
cursuros  Scipioni  in  acie  qui  praetores,  qui  impera- 
tores,^  qui  consules  Romanes  sua  manu  ^  occidissent, 
muralibus  vallaribusque  insignes  coronis,  pervagatos 

7  capta  castra.  captas  urbes  Romanas.  Non  esse  hodie 
tot  fasces  magistratibus  populi  Romani,  quot  captos 
ex  caede  imperatorum  prae  se  ferre  posset  Hannibal. 

8  Has  formidines  agitando  animis  ipsi  curas  et  metus 
augebant,  etiam  quod,  cum  adsuessent  per  aliquot 
annos  bellum  ante  oculos  aliis  atque  aliis  in  Italiae 
partibus  lenta  spe  in  nullum  propinquum  debellandi 
finem  gerere,  erexerant  omnium  animos  Scipio  et 
Hannibal,  velut  ad  supremum  certamen  comparati 

^  Ducere  P{S)XVJK  :   duceret  Gronovius  :   ducente  Allen. 
-  tantum  PCBVJK  :  modo  AX  Aldiis,  Frohen. 
^  qui  imperatores  P(3)A'  Alius  :   om.  VJK  Frohen  2. 
*  sua  manu  P{3)X  Alias,  Frohen  :   manu  sua  VJK. 


1  Cf.  XXI.  xliii.  15. 

2  Slightly  exaggerated,  aa  in  xxx.  10,  but  for  the  sake  of  a 
climax.  He  was  only  4.5  {senior  strictly,  rather  than  senex); 
xxxvii.  9 ;  over  45  says  Polybius,  XV.  xix.  3. 

^  For  the  corona  muralis  cf.  Vol.  ^^.  p.  60,  n.  2;  XXVI. 
xlviii.  5.  The  corona  vallaris  (or  casirensis)  represented 
earthworks  of  a  camp.     Cf.  X.  xlvi.  3 ;  Gellius  V.  vi.  16  f. 


466 


BOOK  XXX.  XXVIII.  3-8 

would  he  have  to  do  with  Hannibal,  who  had  been  b.c.  202 
born,  one  might  almost  say,  at  the  headquarters  of 
his  father,  the  bravest  of  generals,  had  been  reared 
and  brought  up  in  the  midst  of  arms ;  ^  who  even  in 
boyhood  was  a  soldier,  in  earliest  manhood  a  general ; 
who,  ageing  ^  as  a  victor,  had  filled  the  Spanish  and 
Gallic  lands  and  Italy  from  the  Alps  to  the  Straits 
with  the  evidence  of  his  mighty  deeds.  He  was  in 
command  of  an  army  whose  campaigns  equalled  his 
own  in  number ;  was  toughened  by  enduring  such 
hardships  as  one  could  scarcely  believe  human  be- 
ings had  endured ;  had  been  spattered  with  Roman 
blood  a  thousand  times  and  carried  the  spoils,  not  of 
soldiers  only  but  also  of  generals.  Many  men  who 
would  encounter  Scipio  in  battle  had  with  their  own 
hands  slain  Roman  praetors,  generals-in-command, 
consuls  ;  had  been  decorated  with  crowns  for  bravery 
in  scaling  city-walls  and  camp  defences ;  ^  had 
wandered  through  captured  camps,  captured  cities 
of  the  Romans.  All  the  magistrates  of  the  Roman 
people  did  not  at  that  time  have  so  many  fasces  as 
Hannibal  was  able  to  have  borne  before  him,  having 
captured  them  from  fallen  generals.'* 

By  brooding  over  such  terrifying  thoughts  men 
were  adding  to  their  own  anxieties  and  fears,  for  an- 
other reason  too :  whereas  year  after  year  it  had 
been  their  habit  to  carry  on  a  war  before  their  eyes 
in  one  part  and  then  in  another  of  Italy,  with  hope 
deferred  and  looking  to  no  immediate  end  of  the 
conflict,  all  men's  interest  was  now  intensified  by 
Scipio  and  Hannibal,  as  it  were,  pitted  against  each 

^  Coelius  pretended  to  know  the  exact  number  of  fasces 
captured  by  Hannibal,  viz.  72;   Nonius  X.  p.  818  L. 

467 


LIVY 

9  duces.  Eis  quoque  quibus  erat  ingens  in  Scipione  fi- 
ducia  et  victoriae  spes,  quo  magis  in  propinquam 
earn  imminebant  animis,  eo  curae  intentiores  erant.^ 

10  Haud  dispar  habitus  animorum  Carthaginiensibus 
erat,  quos  modo  petisse  pacem,  intuentes  Hannibalem 
ac  rerum  gestarum  eius  magnitudinem,  paenitebat, 

11  modo,  cum  respicerent  bis  sese  acie  victos,  Syphacem 
captum,  pulsos  se  Hispania,  pulsos  Italia,  atque  ea 
omnia  unius  virtute  et  consilio  Scipionis  facta,  velut 
fatalem  eum  ducem  in  exitium  suum  natum 
horrebant. 

XXIX.  lam  Hadrumetum  pervenerat  ^  Hannibal ; 

unde.  ad  reficiendum  ex  iactatione  maritima  militem 

paucis  diebus  sumptis,  excitus  pavidis  nuntiis  omnia 

circa  Carthaginem  obtineri  armis  adferentium,  magnis 

2  itineribus  Zamam  contendit.     Zama  quinque  dierum 

^  erant  A*X*VJK  and  so  {but  with  intentioris)  Aldus, 
Froben  :  om.  P{^)N :  volvebant  Weisseriborn  {with  curas) 
found  in  P{3)N  :   agebant  Mading,  Riemann  {with  curas). 

2  pervenerat  VJK  Aldus,  Froben  :  venerat  P{3)N. 

^  One  defeat  was  obviously  that  on  the  Campi  Magni; 
viii.  3-9 ;  the  other  may  be  that  of  Hanno's  cavalry  in  XXIX. 
xxxiv.  8-17.  The  surprise  attack  on  two  camps  (v.  7-vi.  9) 
made  no  use  of  an  acies. 

2  A  T%Tian  colony  and  the  most  important  town  in  the  region, 
now  Sousse,  20  miles  north-west  of  Leptis  Minor  (Lemta), 
where  Hannibal  had  landed.  But  he  immediately  estab- 
lished his  winter  camp  at  Hadrumetum.  Polybius  cannot 
have  failed  to  give  the  time  and  place  of  Hannibal's  landing 
in  lost  chapters  from  the  beginning  of  Book  XV. ;  for  he  is 
in  Africa  already  at  iii.  5,  if  not  at  i.  10  f.  It  was  now 
autumn,  203  B.C.  He  would  not  have  risked  a  winter 
passage.     Cf  De  Sanctis  545  ff.,  586  f. ;   Scullard  326  f 

^  If  we  could  follow  Livy  here  we  should  place  the  final 
battle  within  an  incredibly  short  time  after  Hannibal's  landing. 
That  this  was  the  case  no  one  can  believe  after  comparing  the 

468 


BOOK  XXX.  XXVIII.  8-xxix.  2 

other  for  the  final  combat.  Even  in  the  case  of  those  b.o.  202 
who  had  great  confidence  in  Scipio  and  high  hope  of 
victory,  the  more  their  minds  were  bent  upon  im- 
mediate victory  the  more  intense  were  their  anxieties. 
Not  unHke  were  the  feeUngs  of  the  Carthaginians, 
who  at  one  moment,  when  they  thought  of  Hannibal 
and  the  greatness  of  his  achievements,  regretted 
having  sued  for  peace,  at  another  moment,  on  re- 
flecting that  they  had  been  twice  defeated  in  battle,^ 
that  Syphax  had  been  captured,  that  they  had  been 
driven  out  of  Spain,  driven  out  of  Italy,  and  all  this 
accomplished  by  the  courage  and  strategy  of  Scipio 
alone,  they  dreaded  him  as  a  predestined  commander, 
born  to  work  their  destruction. 

XXIX.  By  this  time  Hannibal  had  reached 
Hadrumetum.2  From  there,  after  he  had  spent  a 
few  days  that  his  soldiers  might  recuperate  from 
sea-sickness,  he  was  called  away  by  alarming  news 
brought  by  men  who  reported  that  all  the  country 
round  Carthage  was  occupied  by  armed  forces,  and 
he  hastened  ^  to  Zama  by  forced  marches,     Zama  * 

passage  Livy  must  have  had  before  him,  or  tried  to  recall,  as  he 
wrote  our  sentence.  For  Poly  bins'  "  after  a  few  days  " 
(v.  3)  makes  no  connection  with  the  landing,  but  merely  with 
the  receipt  of  an  urgent  message  from  Carthage.  That  may 
have  come  to  him  many  months — even  a  year — after  disem- 
barkation. Hannibal  would  be  the  last  to  shorten  the  long 
preparation  indispensable  to  the  making  of  an  army  out 
of  his  heterogeneous  forces. 

*  Probably  Zama  Regia,  ca.  90  m.p.  due  west  of  Hadru- 
metum  (Sousse).  An  old  Numidian  city,  it  is  now  Seba  Biar, 
on  the  edge  of  a  plain  just  west  of  the  long  dorsal  ridge 
extending  from  Cap  Bon  south-west  some  distance  beyond 
Kasserine  and  Tebessa.  Lying  north  of  Maktar  this  city 
was  a  residence  of  Jugurtha  (Sallust  56-61) ;  strongly  fortified 
by  King  Juba  I. ;    Bell.  Afr.  91  f.,  97  (Caesar  leaves  Sallust 

469 


LIVY 

iter  ab  Carthagine  abest.  Inde  praemissi  speculatores 
cum  except!  ab  custodibas  Romanis  deducti  ad  Sci- 
pionem  essent,  traditos  eos  tribuno  ^  militum, 
iiissosque  omisso  nietu  visere  omnia,  per  castra  qua 

3  vellent  circumduci  iussit ;  percunctatusque  satin  ^ 
per    commodum  ^    omnia     explorassent,    datis    qui 

•i  prosequerentur,  retro  ad  Hannibalem  dimisit.  Hanni- 
bal nihil  quidem  eorum  quae  nuntiabantur — nam 
et  Masinissam  cum  sex  milibus  peditum,  quattuor 
equitum  venisse  eo  ipso  forte  die  adferebant — , 
laeto  animo  audiWt,*  maxime  hostis  fiducia,  quae  ° 
non   de  nihilo  profecto  concepta   esset,  perculsus,^ 

5  Itaque  quamquam  et  ipse  causa  belli  erat  et  adventu 
suo  turbaverat  et  pactas  indutias  et  spem  foederum, 
tamen,  si  integer  quam  si  victus  peteret  pacem, 
aequiora  '  impetrari  posse  ratas,  nuntium  ad  Scipio- 
nem  mi^it,  ut  conloquendi  secum  potestatem  faceret. 

6  Id    utrum    sua    sponte    fecerit    an    publico    consilio, 

7  neutrum    cur    adfirmem    habeo.       Wilcrius    Antias 

1  tribuno  A'VJK  {cf.  Polyh.  XV.  v.  5)  :  -nis  P(3yxY  Aldus, 
Froben. 

2  satin  A'JK  Aldus,  Frohen  :  satin  si  V  :  statim  P(3).V  : 
statim  si  X*. 

^  per  commodum  ^(3)^1' :    -mode  X'JK  Aldus,  Frohen. 

*  audivit  VJK  Aldus,  Froben  :   audit  P{3)X. 

^  fiducia,  quae  Aldus,  Froben,  Gronoviis,  Conway  :  -ciaque 
P{Z)yVJK  (P(3;.V  having  si  before  hostisj  :  fiducia  audaciaque 
Weissenborn,  Madvig. 

*  esset,  perculsus  Gronovius,  Conway  :  est  perculsus  VJK 
AMus,  Froben  :  percussus  est  P{S)X  Weissenborn,  Madvig  : 
perculsus  est  C^A*  Luchs. 

'  aequioraP(3jA'ylW«5  :  -ov^m  A'VJK  Froben  2. 

there  as  proconsul);  Vitruvius  VIII.  iii.  24.  Captured  by 
Sextius  in  41  B.C.  (Dio  Cass.  XLVIII.  xxiii.  4),  it  long  lay 
desolate  (Strabo  XVII.  iii.  9,  12).     Absence  of  ruins  from 

470 


BOOK  XXX.  XXIX.  2-7 

is  distant  five  day's  marches  from  Carthage.    Scouts  b.c.  202 
who  had  been  sent  in  advance  from  that  position 
were  captured  and  brought  before  Scipio  by  their 
Roman  guards.    Thereupon  he  turned  them  over  to  a 

'  tribune  of  the  soldiers,  and  bidding  them  go  and  see 
everything  without  fear,  he  ordered  them  to  be  led 
about  the  camp  wherever  they  wished  to  go ;  and 
after  questioning  them  as  to  whether  they  had  ex- 
amined everything  quite  at  their  leisure,  he  sent  them 
back  to  Hannibal,  furnishing  men  to  escort  them.^ 

I  Hannibal  did  not  indeed  hear  with  joy  any  of  the 
reports  of  his  scouts,  for  they  reported  that  Masinissa 
had  also  arrived  that  very  day,  as  it  happened,  with 
six  thousand  infantry  and  four  thousand  cavalry. 
But  he  was  particularly  dismayed  by  the  enemy's 
confidence,  which  surely  seemed  to  be  not  without 
foundation.  Consequently,  although  he  was  him- 
self at  once  the  cause  of  the  war  and  by  his  coming 
the  breaker  of  a  truce  already  arranged  and  of  a 
prospective  treaty  as  well,  nevertheless,  thinking 
that  fairer  terms  could  be  obtained  if  he  should  sue 
for  peace  while  his  army  was  intact,  rather  than  after 
defeat,  he  sent  a  messenger  to  Scipio,  requesting 
that  he  grant  the  privilege  of  a  conference  with 
him.  Whether  he  did  so  on  his  own  responsibility 
or  that  of  the  state,  I  have  no  means  of  deciding 
either  this  way  or  that.     Valerius  Antias  ^  relates 

the  Empire  shows  that  the  city  was  not  rebuilt.  Polybius 
plainly  indicates  that  the  battle  was  considerably  farther 
inland  than  Hannibal's  first  position  at  Zama  (v.  14;  vi.  2). 
Cf.  p.  472,  n.  1.  For  modern  works  and  the  controverted 
questions  see  Appendix. 

1  The  story  of  the  scouts  is  from  Polybius  XV.  v.  4-7,  as 
also  the  following  figures  for  Masinissa's  forces  (§  12). 

2  Cf.  xix.  11. 

471 


LIVY 

prinio  proelio  victimi  eurn  ab  Scipione,  quo  duodecim 
niilia  amiatorum  in  acie  sint  ^  caesa,  mille  et  septin- 
genti  capti.  legatum  cum  aliis  decern  legatis  tradit  in 
castra  ad  Scipionem  venisse. 

8  Ceterum  Scipio  cum  conloquium  haud  abnuisset, 
ambo    ex    composite    duces    castra   protulerunt,    ut 

9  coire  ex  propinquo  possent.  Scipio  haud  procul 
Naraggara  ^  urbe.  cum  ad  cetera  loco  opportuno  turn 
quod    aquatio    intra    teli    coniectum    erat,    consedit. 

10  Hannibal  tumulum  a  quattuor  milibus  inde,  tutum 
commodumque  alioqui,  nisi  quod  longinquae  aqua- 
tionis  erat,  cepit.  Ibi  in  medio  locus  conspectiLS 
undique,  ne  quid  insidiarum  esset,  delectus. 

XXX.  Summotis  pari  ^  spatio  armatis,  cum  singulis 
interpretibus  congressi  sunt,  non  suae  modo  aetatis 
maximi  duces,  sed  omnis  ante  se  memoriae,  omnium 

2  gentium  cuilibet  regum  imperatorumve  pares.  Pau- 
Hsper  alter  alterius  conspectu,  admiratione  mutua 
prope    attoniti,    conticuere.      Tum    Hannibal   prior : 

3  •'  Si  hoc  ita  fato  datmn  erat,  ut  qui  primus  bellum  in- 
tuli  populo  Romano  quique  totiens  prope  in  manibus 
victoriam  habui,  is  ultro  ad  pacem  petendam  venirem, 
laetor  te  mihi  sorte  *  potissimum  datum  a  quo  pete- 

4  rem.    Tibi  quoque  inter  multa  egregia  non  in  ultimis 

1  sint  VJK  :   sunt  P{3]X. 

2  XaraggaraP(3jJV";  naggaraA'^;  narcara  IVZ :  (Mdpyapov 
Polybius  XV.  v.  Ui. 

'  pari  A'VJK  Aldus,  Frohen  :    par  in  P(2jX  {with  spatium 
BAN). 
*  sorte  P(3).V  Aldus  :   om.  VJK  Frohen  2. 

^  Polybius'  name  for  the  place  is  Margaron,  occurring  no- 
where else.  It  is  accordingly  altered  by  his  editors  to  corre- 
spond with  the  better  class  of  Livy  MSS. — a  bold  correction, 
it  must  be  admitted.  The  site  of  Xaraggara  is  thought  to  be 
occupied  by  Sidi  Youssef,  on  the  boundary  between  Tunisia 

472 


BOOK  XXX.  XXIX.  7-xxx.  4 

that  he  was  defeated  by  Scipio  in  their  first  engage-  b.o.  202 
ment,  in  which  twelve  thousand  soldiers  were  slain 
in  battle  and  seventeen  hundred  captured ;   and  that 
as  an  envoy  with  ten  other  envoys  Hannibal  came 
to  Scipio  in  his  camp. 

To  resume,  once  Scipio  had  assented  to  the  con- 
ference, both  generals  by  agreement  advanced  the 
position  of  their  camps,  so  that  their  meeting  might 
be  at  a  short  distance.  Scipio  established  himself 
not  far  from  the  city  of  Naraggara,i  in  a  situation 
otherwise  favourable,  but  particularly  because  water 
was  to  be  had  within  the  range  of  a  javelin.  Hannibal 
occupied  a  hill  four  miles  away,  safe  and  convenient 
otherwise,  except  that  one  had  to  go  far  for  water. 
Half-way  between  them  a  spot  was  chosen  which 
was  visible  from  all  sides,  that  there  might  be  no 
ambuscades. 

XXX.  Keeping  their  armed  men  at  the  same  dis- 
tance the  generals,  each  attended  by  one  interpreter, 
met,  being  not  only  the  greatest  of  their  own  age,  but 
equal  to  any  of  the  kings  or  commanders  of  all 
nations  in  all  history  before  their  time.  For  a 
moment  they  remained  silent,  looking  at  each  other 
and  almost  dumbfounded  by  mutual  admiration. 
■Then  Hannibal  was  the  first  to  speak:  "  If  it  was 
foreordained  by  fate  that  I,  who  was  the  first  to 
make  war  upon  the  Roman  people  and  who  have 
so  often  had  the  victory  almost  in  my  grasp,  should 
come  forward  to  sue  for  peace,  I  rejoice  that  destiny 
has  given  me  you,  and  no  one  else,  to  whom  I  should 
bring  my  suit.  For  you  also,  among  your  many 
distinctions,  it  will  prove  not  the  least  of  your  honours 

and  Algeria.     It   was   ca.    52    Roman   miles   west  of  Zama 
gia.     Cf.  Appendix,  esp.  p.  547. 

473 


LI\T 

laudum  hoc  fuerit,  Hannibalem,  cui  tot  de  Romanis 
ducibus  victoriam  di  dedissent,  tibi  cessisse,  teque 
hiiic  bello,  vestris  prius  ^  quam  nostris  cladibus  in- 

5  signi.  finem  imposiiisse.  Hoc  quoque  ludibriiim  casus 
ediderit  fortuna,-  ut,  cum  patre  tuo  consule  ceperim 
arma,  cum  eodem  primum  Romano  imperatore  signa 
contulerim.  ad  filium  eius  inermis  ad  pacem  petendam 

6  veniam.  Optimum  quidem  fuerat  earn  patribus 
nostris  mentem  datam  ab  dis  esse  ut  et  vos  Italiae  et 

7  nos  Africae  imperio  content!  essemus :  neque  enim 
ne  vobis  quidem  Sicilia  ac  Sardinia  satis  digna  pretia 
sunt  pro  tot  classibus,  tot  exercitibas,  tot  tarn  egregiis 
amissis  ducibus.     Sed  praeterita  magis  reprehendi 

8  possunt  quam  corrigi.  Ita  aliena  adpetivimus  ut  de 
nostris  dimicaremus.  nee  in  Italia  solum  nobis 
bellum,  vobis  ^  in  Africa  esset,  sed  et  vos  in  portis 
vestris  prope  ac  moenibus  signa  armaque  hostium 
vidistis   et   nos   ab   Carthagine   fremitum  castrorum 

9  Romanorum  exaudimiLs.  Quod  igitur  nos  maxime 
abominaremur,^  vos  ante  omnia  optaretis,^  in  meliore 
vestra  fortuna  de  pace  agitur.  Agimus  ei  quorum  et 
maxime  interest  pacem  esse,  et  qui  quodcumque 
egerimus,  ratum  civitates  nostrae  habiturae  sunt. 
Animo  tantum  nobis  opus  est  non  abhorrente  a 
quietis  consiliis. 

10       '-Quod  ad  me  attinet,  iam  aetas  senem  in  patriam 
revertentem,  unde  puer  profectus  sum,  iam  secundae, 

^  prius  VJK  Frohen  2  :   plus  P(3).V  Aldus. 

-  fortuna,  A*X*V^JK  Frohen  2  have  fortunae  casus  ediderit, 
for  ichkh  Alius  rendi  fortuna  an  casus  ediderit. 

^  nobis  bellum,  vobis  Elsperger,  recent  Eds.,  Conivay  :  vobis 
bellum  nobis  A'Xl'J  Frohen,  Eds.,  Weissenhorn  :  vobis 
PC  AX  :   nobis  B. 

*  abominaremur  ^'^'I-Vir  :    -nsimuT  PCB AX. 

^  optaretis  ^(3;^  :   optare  debetis  Madvig,  Emend. 

474 


BOOK  XXX.  XXX.  4-IO 

that  Hannibal,  to  whom  the  gods    have   given  the  b.c.  202 
victory  over  so  many  Roman  generals,  has  submitted 
to  you,  and  that  you  have  made  an  end  of  this  war, 

I  which  was  memorable  at  first  for  your  disasters  and 
then  for  ours.  This  also  may  prove  to  be  Fortune's 
mocking  sport,  that  having  taken  up  arms  when  your 
father  was  consul,  and  having  fought  with  him  my 
first  battle  with  a  Roman  general,  I  come  to  his  son 
unarmed  to  sue  for  peace.  It  would  indeed  have 
been  best  if  the  gods  had  given  our  fathers  the  dis- 

I  position  to  be  contented,  you  with  rule  over  Italy 
and  us  in  turn  with  ruling  Africa.^  For  even  for 
you  Sicily  and  Sardinia  have  been  no  adequate 
compensation  for  the  loss  of  so  many  fleets,  so  rnany 
armies,  so  many  remarkable  generals.  But  the  past 
is  sooner  disapproved  than  changed  for  the  better. 
In  grasping  at  what  was  not  ours  we  fell  to  fighting 
for  our  own ;  and  for  us  Carthaginians  it  came  to  be 
a  war  not  in  Italy  alone,  nor  for  you  entirely  in  Africa. 
On  the  contrary  you  have  seen  the  enemy's 
standards  and  arms  almost  at  your  gates  and  walls, 
just  as  we  can  hear  from  Carthage  the  noise  of  a 
Roman  camp.  Consequently  we  discuss  terms  of 
peace  while  Fortune  is  favouring  you — a  situation 
most  ominous  for  us,  while  you  could  pray  for 
nothing  better.  We  who  are  treating  have  the  most 
to  gain  by  peace,  and  furthermore,  whatever  terms  we 
are  to  make  our  states  will  ratify.  We  need  only  a 
temper  not  averse  to  measures  calmly  considered. 

"  As  for  myself,  age  has  at  last  taught  me,  re- 
turning   as    an   old   man   to   my   native   city,  from 

^  With  this  thought  begins  the  speech  in  Polybius  vi.  4. 
What  precedes  in  Livy  is  his  exordium,  designed  to  produce 
a  favourable  impression  according  to  rhetorical  rule. 

475 


LIVY 

A.c.c.         iam  adversae  res  ita  erudierunt  ut  rationem  sequi 

11  quam  fortunam  malim ;  tuam  et  adulescentiam  et 
perpetuam  felicitatem,  ferociora  utraque  quam 
quietis  opus  est  consiliis.  metuo.  Xon  temere  incerta 
casuum  reputat   quern  fortuna  numquam  decepit.^ 

12  Quod  ego  fui  ad  Trasumennum,  ad  Cannas,  id  tu 
hodie  es.2  Vixdum  militari  aetate  imperio  accepto 
omnia    audacissime    incipientem    nusquam  ^    fefellit 

13  fortuna.  Patris  et  patrui  persefcutus  mortem  ex 
calamitate  vestrae  domus  decus  insigne  virtutis  pie- 
tatisque  eximiae  cepisti ;  amissas  Hispanias  reci- 
perasti    quattuor    inde    Punicis    exercitibus    pulsis ; 

14  consul  creatus,  cum  *  ceteris  ad  tutandam  Italiam 
parum  animi  esset,  transgressus  in  Africam,  duobus 
hie  exercitibus  caesis,  binis  eadem  hora  captis  simul 
incensisque  castris,.  Syphace  potentissimo  rege  capro, 
tot  m-bibus  regni  eius,  tot  nostri  imperii  ereptis,  me 
sextum  decimum  iam  annum  haerentem  in  posses- 

15  sione  Italiae  detraxisti.  Potest  victoriam  malle  quam 
paeem  animus.  Novi  spiritus  magnos  magis  quam 
utiles ;     et    mihi    talis    aliquando    fortuna    adfulsit. 

16  Quodsi  in  secmidis  rebus  bonam  quoque  mentem 
darent  dei,  non  ea  solum  quae  evenissent,  sed  etiam 
ea  quae  evenire  possent  reputaremus.  Ut  omnium 
obliviscaris  aliorum,  satis  ego  documenti  in  omnes 

IT  casus  sum,  quem,  modo  castris  inter  Anienem  atque 
urbem  vestram  positis  signa  inferentem  ac  iam  prope 

1  decepit  A'X'VJK  Aldus,  Frohen  :   decipit  P(3j.Y. 

2  es  A'X'VJK  Aldus,  Frohen  :   om.  P[^)N. 
^  nusquam  P[Z}N  :  nun  quam  N'VJK. 

*  cum,  after  this  tvord  P  is  lost  to  us  up  to  xxxvii.  3. 

^  Similar  is  Polybius  vii.  1.  ^  q^^  XXVI.  xix.  9. 

2  In  211  B.C. ;  three  miles  from  the  city;   XXVI.  x.  3. 

476 


BOOK  XXX.  XXX.  10-17 

which  I  set  out  as  a  boy,  success  and  failure  have  at  b.c.  202 
last  so  schooled  me  that  I  prefer  to  follow  reason 
rather  than  chance.  In  your  case  I  am  apprehensive 
alike  of  your  youth  and  of  your  unbroken  success, 
both  of  them  too  refractory  for  the  demands  of 
calmly  considered  measures.  It  is  not  easy  for  a 
man  whom  fortune  has  never  deceived  to  weigh 
uncertain  chances.^  What  I  was  at  Trasumennus,  at 
Cannae,  that  you  are  today.  Although  you  had 
received  a  command  when  hardly  of  an  age  to  serve,^ 
and  undertook  everything  with  the  greatest  boldness, 
nowhere  has  fortune  deluded  you.  By  avenging  the 
death  of  your  father  and  uncle  you  won  from  the 
disaster  to  your  family  signal  honour  for  courage  and 
extraordinary  devotion.  You  recovered  the  lost 
Spanish  provinces  by  driving  out  of  them  four  Punic 
armies.  Elected  consul,  while  the  rest  lacked 
courage  to  defend  Italy,  you  crossed  over  to  Africa ; 
and  by  destroying  two  armies  here,  by  taking  and 
at  the  same  time  burning  two  camps  in  the  same  hour, 
by  capturing  Syphax,  a  most  powerful  king,  by  seizing 
so  many  cities  of  his  kingdom,  so  many  in  our  domain, 
you  dragged  me  away  when  now  for  sixteen  years  I 
had  clung  to  the  possession  of  Italy.  It  is  possible 
for  the  heart  to  prefer  victory  to  a  peace.  I  know 
those  aspirations  that  soar  but  are  ineffectual ;  on 
me  too  such  fortune  as  yours  once  shone.  But  if 
in  prosperity  the  gods  blessed  us  with  sound  reason 
also,  we  should  be  reflecting  not  merely  upon  what 
has  happened  but  also  upon  what  can  happen. 
Though  you  forget  everything  else,  I  am  a  sufficient 
warning  against  all  that  may  chance.  For  it  was  I 
that,  pitching  my  camp  not  long  ago  ^  between  the 
Anio  and  your  city,  was  advancing  my  standards 

477 


scandentem  ^  moenia  Romana,^  hie  cernas  duobus 
fratribus,  fortissimis  viris.  clari-^simis  imperatoribus 
orbatiini  ante  moenia  prope  obsessae  patriae  quibus 
terrui  vestram  urbem,  ea  pro  mea  deprecantem. 

18  "Maximae  cuique  fortunae  minime  credendum 
est.  In  bonis  tuis  rebus,  nostris  dubiis,  tibi  ampla  ^ 
ac  speciosa  danti  est  pax,  nobis  petentibus  magis 

19  necessaria  quam  honesta.  Melior  tutiorque  est  certa 
pax  quam  sperata  victoria  ;  haec  in  tua,  ilia  in  deorura 
manu  est.    Xe  tot  annorum  felicitatem  in  unius  horae 

20  dederis  discrimen.  Cum  tuas  vires,  tum  vim  For- 
tunae Martemque  belli  communem  propone  animo. 
Utrimque  ferrum,  utrimque  ^  corpora  humana  erunt ; 
nusquam  minus  quam  in  bello  eventus  respondent. 

21  Non  tantum  ad  id  quod  data  pace  iam  habere  potes, 
si  proelio  vincas,^  gloriae  adieceris,  quantum  dem- 
pseris,^  si  quid  adversi  eveniat.  Simul  parta  ac 
sperata  decora  unius  horae  fortuna  evertere  potest. 

22  Omnia  in  pace  iungenda  tuae  potestatis  sunt,  P. 
Corneli ;     tunc    ea    habenda    fortuna    erit   quam   di 

23  dederint.  Inter  pauca  felicitatis  virtutisque  exempla 
M.  Atilius  quondam  in  hac  eadem  terra  fuisset,  si  ^ 
victor  pacem  petentibus  dedisset  patribus  nostris; 

^  ac  iam  (acie  A*JK)  prope  scandentem  A*VJK  Froben  2  : 
07n.  CBDAN  Allv..?. 

-  Romana  CBDAXl' :  Romana  videras  A'X'JK  Aldus, 
Froben  (ivith  videris  Conicay). 

3  tibi  ampla  .4*.V'IVA'  Eds.:  iam  apta  CBDAN? 

*  ferrum,  utrimque  CA*  :  ferrum  N'VJ K  Aldus,  Froben  : 
ovu  BDAX. 

*  vincas  Aldus,  Froben,  Eds.  :  -ces  D  Conway :  -cens 
CBA  :    -cis  A*X*\''JK  :   viceris  x  :   vinceris  A'. 

*  derapseris  Madvig,  recent  Eds.  :  ademeris  Aldus,  Froben  : 
om.  CBDAXVJK. 

'  fuisset,  si  DVJK  Froben  2  :  fuisse  et  si  CB^  :  fuisse 
fertur  qui  sic  (si  AN)  AN  Aldus. 

478 


BOOK  XXX.  XXX.  17-23 

and  now  almost  scaling  the  walls  of  Rome.  But  here  b.c.  202 
bereft  of  my  two  brothers,  the  bravest  of  men,  the 
most  eminent  of  generals,  you  see  me  before  the  walls 
of  my  native  city,  already  almost  invested,  and  I  am 
praying  that  she  may  be  spared  the  terrors  which  I 
brought  to  yours. 

"  The  greatest  good  fortune  is  always  the  least  to 
be  trusted.  In  your  favourable  circumstances,  in 
our  uncertain  situation,  peace,  if  you  grant  it,  will 
bring  you  honour  and  glory ;  ^  for  us  who  sue  it  is 
necessary  rather  than  honourable.  Better  and  safer 
is  an  assured  peace  than  a_ victory  hoped  for.  The 
one  is  in  your  own  power,  the  other  in  the  hands  of 
the  gods.  Do  not  commit  the  success  of  so  many 
years  to  the  test  of  a  single  hour.  Bear  in  mind 
not  only  your  own  resources  but  also  the  might  of 
Fortune  and  the  impartial  god  of  war.  On  both  sides 
will  be  the  sword,  on  both  sides  human  bodies. 
Nowhere  less  than  in  war  do  results  match  men's 
hopes.  You  will  not  add  so  much  glory,  if  victorious 
in  battle,  to  what  you  can  now  have  by  granting 
peace,  as  you  will  lose  in  case  of  any  reverse. ^  The 
fortune  of  a  single  hour  can  lay  low  honours  already 
won,  and  with  them  those  in  prospect.  In  making 
peace,  Publius  Cornelius,  you  have  everything  in 
your  own  power.  In  the  other  case  you  will  have  to 
bear  the  lot  which  the  gods  may  give.  Among  the 
foremost  examples  of  success  and  courage  would  have 
been  Marcus  Atilius  ^  formerly  in  this  same  land,  if  as 
victor  he  had  granted  the  peace  which  our  fathers 

^  Cf.  the  closing  words  of  Hannibal  in  Polybius  vii.  9. 

2  The  thought  of  Polybius  vii.  6. 

^  Regulus  had  been  used  as  an  exemplmn  deterrens  in  a  speech 
by  Fabius  in  XXVIII.  xlii.  1 ;  cf.  ibid,  xliii.  17  in  Scipio's 
reply. 

479 


LIVY 

sed  non  statuendo  felicitati  modum  nee  cohibendo 
efferentem  se  fortunam..  quanto  altius  elatus  erat,  eo 
foedius  conruit. 

24  "Est  quidem  eius  qui  dat,  non  qui  petit,  condiciones 
dicere   pacis :     sed   forsitan   non   indigni   simus   qui 

25  nobismet  ipsi  ^  multam  inrogemus.  Non  recusamus 
quin  omnia  propter  quae  ad  bellum  itum  ^  est  vestra 
sint,  Sicilia,  Sardinia.  Hispania,  quidquid  insularum 
toto    inter    Africam     Italiamque    continetur    mari. 

26  Carthaginienses  inclusi  Africae  litoribus  vos,  quando 
ita  dis  placuit,  externa  etiam  terra  marique  videamus 

27  regentes  imperio.^  Haud  negaverim  propter  non 
nimis  sincere  petitam  aut  exspectatani  nuper  pacem 
suspectam  esse  vobis  Punicam  fidem.  Multum  per 
quos   petita   sit    ad   fidem   tuendae   pacis   pertinet, 

28  Scipio.  Vestri  quoque,  ut  audio,  patres  non  nihil 
etiam   ob  hoc,   quia  parum   dignitatis  in  legatione 

29  erat,  negaverunt  pacem :  Hannibal  peto  pacem,  qui 
neque  peterem,  nisi  utilem  crederem,  et  propter  ean- 

30  dem  utilitatem  tuebor  eam  propter  quam  petii.  Et 
quern  ad  modum,  quia  a  me  bellum  coeptum  est,  ne 
quern  eius  paeniteret,  quoad  ipsi  invidere  dei, 
praestiti,  ita  adnitar  ne  quern  pacis  per  me  partae 
paeniteat." 

XXXI.  Adversus    haec    imperator    llomanus    in 

1  ipsi  CBD  :   ipsis  AXVJK  Aldus,  Froben. 

2  itum  CBDX'l'JK  :   initum  {om.  ad)  ^.V  Aldus,  Froben. 

3  imperio  Mad  tig,  Eds.  :   -ia  CBD  AXVJK. 


^  Sicily  had  been  lost  by  Carthage  in  the  peace  of  241  B.C., 
Sardinia  three  years  later.  Unsuccessful  attempts  to  recover 
them  in  the  present  war,  however,  justify  mention  of  both 
here. 


480 


BOOK  XXX.  XXX.  23-xxxi.  I 

requested.     But  by  setting  no  limit  to  his  success  b.c.  20- 
and  not  reining  in  an  unruly  fortune,  the  higher  he 
had  climbed  the  more  terribly  did  he  fall. 

"  It  belongs,  to  be  sure,  to  the  giver  of  peace,  not 
to  the  suitor,  to  name  the  terms.  But  possibly  we 
may  not  be  unworthy  to  impose  a  penalty  upon 
ourselves.  We  do  not  reject  the  condition  that  all 
the  possessions  for  which  we  went  to  Mar  shall  be 
yours — Sicily,  Sardinia, ^  Spain,  and  any  islands  exist- 
ing in  all  the  sea  between  Africa  and  Italy.  Let  us 
Carthaginians,  confined  by  the  coasts  of  Africa,  be- 
hold you  ruling  under  your  authority  even  foreign 
countries  by  land  and  sea,^  since  that  has  been  the 
will  of  the  gods.  I  would  not  deny  that,  on  account 
of  a  lack  of  sincerity  in  our  recent  suit  for  peace,  and 
because  we  did  not  wait  for  it,  Punic  honour  for 
you  Romans  is  now  tainted  with  suspicion.  For  the 
faithful  observance  of  a  peace  much  depends,  Scipio, 
on  the  persons  by  whom  the  suit  is  presented.  Your 
senators  also  have  refused  the  peace,^  I  hear,  partly 
for  the  reason  that  the  embassy  was  lacking  in  dignity. 
I,  Hannibal,  am  suing  for  peace,  I  who  should  not 
be  so  doing  if  I  did  not  think  it  an  advantageous 
peace ;  and  I  shall  uphold  it  because  of  the  same 
advantage  on  account  of  which  I  have  sued  for  it. 
And  just  as  I,  having  begun  the  war,  therefore  made 
sure — until  the  gods  themselves  became  envious — 
that  no  one  should  regret  it,  so  will  I  strive  to  prevent 
any  man  from  regretting  the  peace  obtained  through 
me." 

XXXI.  To  these  pleas  the  Roman  general  replied 

2  Nothing  is  said  of  Scipio's  other  demands  in  xvi.  10  fif., 
including  a  heavy  indemnity. 

3  See  p.  449  and  n.  2. 

481 
VOL.  VIII.  R 


LIVY 

A.u.c.         banc  fere  sententiam  respondit :   '*'  Non  me  fallebat, 

^°^  Hannibal,  adventus  ^  tui  spe  Carthaginienses  et  prae- 

sentem  indutiarum  fidem   et  spem  pads  turbasse ; 

2  neque  tu  id  sane  dissimulas,  qui  de  condicionibus  supe- 
rioribiLS  ^  pacis  omnia  subtrahas  praeter  ea  quae  iam 

3  pridem  in  nostra  potestate  sunt.  Ceterum  ut  ^ 
tibi  curae  est  sentire  cives  tuos  quanto  per  te  onere 
leventur,  sic  mihi  laborandum  est  ne  *  quae  turn  ^ 
pepigerunt  hodie  subtracta  ex  condicionibus  pacis 

4  praemia  perfidiae  habeant.  Indigni  quibus  eadem 
pateat  condicio,  etiam  ut  prosit  vobis  fraus  petitis. 
Neque  patres  nostri  priores  de  Sicilia,  neque  nos  de 
Hispania  fecimus  bellum ;  et  tunc  ^  Mam.ertinorura 
sociorum  periculum  et  nunc  Sagunti  excidium  nobis 

5  pia  ac  iusta  induerunt  arma.  Vos  lacessisse  et  tu 
ipse  fateris  et  dei  testes  sunt,  qui  et  illius  belli 
exitum  secundum  ius  fasque  dederunt  et  huius  dant 
et  dabunt. 

6  "  Quod  ad  me  attinet,  et  humanae  infirmitatis 
memini  et  vim  Fortunae  reputo  et  omnia  quaecumque 

7  agimus  subiecta  esse  mille  casibus  scio ;  ceterum, 
quem  ad  modum  superbe  et  violenter  me  faterer 
facere,  si,  priusquam  in  Africam  traiecissem,  te  tua 
voluntate  cedentem  Italia  et  inposito  in  naves 
exercitu    ipsum    venientem    ad    pacem    petendam 

8  aspernarer,;  sic   nunc,   cum   prope   manu  conserta  ^ 

^  adventus  A'X'VJK  Aldus,  Froben,  Eds.  :    avere  (habere 
CDAN)  adventus  CBDAN  :    ab  adventus  Alschefski  :    aura 
adventus  conj.  Madvig. 

*  superioribus   CBDAN  Aldus,   Froben,   Eds.  :    superioris 
X'VJK  ("  perhaps  correct  "  Conway). 

3  ut  CBDVJK  :   sicut  ^.V  Aldus,  Froben. 

*  ne  Aldus,  Froben  :  ne  si  CBDAN  V J K. 
^  turn  CBDAN  :  tune  .V^  or  N'l'JK  Aldus,  Froben. 
«  tunc  N*VJK  Froben  2  :   turn  CBDAN  Aldu3. 
'  conserta  z  :  -turn  (supine)  CBDANVJK. 

482 


BOOK  XXX.  XXXI.  1-8 

somewhat  to  this  effect :  "I  was  not  unaware,  b.c.  202 
Hannibal,  that  the  Carthaginians,  anticipating  your 
arrival,  showed  no  respect  either  for  present  obliga- 
tions to  the  armistice  or  for  the  peace  in  prospect ; 
and  you  surely  make  no  concealment  of  that  fact 
when  you  omit  from  the  earlier  terms  of  peace  every- 
thing except  what  has  long  been  in  our  possession.^ 
But  just  as  you  are  concerned  to  have  your  citizens 
appreciate  how  great  is  the  burden  of  which  they  are 
relieved  by  you,  so  I  must  exert  myself  that  they  do 
not  have  as  the  reward  of  perfidy  any  relaxation  of 
the  terms  of  peace  to  which  they  at  that  time  agreed. 
Unworthy  to  have  the  same  terms  open  to  you  as 
before,  you  Carthaginians  are  asking  to  have  your 
dishonesty  profit  you.  Our  fathers  were  not  aggres- 
sors in  making  war  for  Sicily ;  no  more  were  we  for 
Spain.  In  the  former  case  the  peril  of  our  allies, 
the  Mamertines,  as  in  the  latter  instance  the  de- 
struction of  Saguntum,  armed  us  with  the  weapons 
of  duty  and  justice.  That  your  people  were  the 
aggressors  you  yourself  admit,  and  the  gods  as  well 
are  our  witnesses,  who  gave  for  that  war  and  are 
giving  and  will  give  for  this  one  an  outcome  in 
accordance  with  justice  and  the  right. 

"  So  far  as  I  am  concerned,  I  am  mindful  of  human 
weakness,  and  I  reflect  upon  the  might  of  Fortune 
and  know  that  everything  that  we  do  is  exposed  to  a 
thousand  chances.  But,  just  as  I  should  admit  that 
I  were  acting  with  arrogance  and  violence  if,  before 
I  had  crossed  over  to  Africa,  I  were  to  reject  you 
when  you  were  voluntarily  withdrawing  from  Italy 
and,  while  your  army  was  already  on  shipboard,  you 
were  coming  in  person  to  sue  for  peace,  so   now, 

1  Cf.  xvi.  10. 

483 


restitantem  ac  tergiversantem  in  Africam  ad- 
traxerim,^  nulla  sum  tibi  verecundia  obstrictus. 
9  Proinde  si  quid  ad  ea  in  quae  turn  pax  conventura 
\'idebatur,  quasi  ^  multa  navium  cum  commeatu  per 
indutias  expugnatarum  ^  legatorumque  violatorum, 
adicitur,  est  quod  referam  ad  con«;ilium ;  sin  ilia 
quoque  gravia  videntur,  bellum  parate,  quoniam 
pacem  pati  non  potuistis." 
10  Ita  infecta  pace  ex  conloquio  ad  suos  cum  se  re- 
cepissent,  frustra  verba  iactata  *  renuntiant :  armis  de- 
cernendum  esse  habendamque  eam  fortunam  quam 
dei  dedissent.  XXXII.  In  castra  ut  est  ventum,  pro- 
nuntiant  ambo  arma  expedirent  milites  animosque  ad 
supremum  certamen,  non  in  unum  diem  sed  in  per- 

2  petuum,  si  felicitas  adesset,  victores.  Roma  an  Car- 
thago iura  gentibus  daret  ante  crastinam  noctem  sci- 
turos ;  neque  enim  Africam  aut  Italiam,  sed  orbem 
terrarum  \1ctoriae  praemium  fore :  par  periculum 
praemio   quibus    adversa  ^   pugnae    fortuna   fuisset. 

3  Nam  neque  Komanis  effugium  ullum  patebat  in 
aliena  ignotaque  terra,  et  Carthagini,  supremo  ^ 
auxilio  effuso,  adesse  videbatur  praesens  excidium. 

^  adtraxerim  {or  at-)  CBDAX  Aldus,  Froben  :  traduxerim 
S'VJK  Frohen'l. 

•  quasi  A^  conj.  Gronoviiis,  Eds.  :  quae  si  CBA?  :  que  si 
.4/.V  :    (\wa.Q  six  Alschef ski  :   que  sunt  .4* IV A"  :   si  D. 

^  expugnatarum  BDAX  Aldu.'^,  Froben,  Eds.  :  -gnarum  C  : 
oppugnatarum  (or  ob-)  A*\'JK  Riemann. 

^  iactata  Gronovius,  many  Eds.  :  t^mptata  x  Conway : 
praelata  AUcheJski :  praecata  (prec-)  BD  :  pcata  CN?  :  pcata 
A  :   pacata  A*N*VJK  Aldus,  Froben. 

^  adversa  K  J.Perizonius,  Eds.  :  adversae  CBDAXVJ 
Aldus,  Froben. 

*  -que  .  .  .  supremo  oin.  CBDAX  {evidently  P  had  om, 
two  lines  of  the  archetype) :   supplied  from  A*X'VJK, 

484 


BOOK  XXX.  XXXI.  8-xxxii.  3 

when  I  have  dragged  you  to  Africa,  resisting  and  b.c.  202 
shifting  ground  as  we  almost  came  to  blows,  I  am 
under  no  obligation  to  respect  you.  Therefore,  if  to 
the  terms  upon  which  peace  was  formerly  about  to 
be  made,^  as  it  seemed,  you  are  adding  some  kind 
of  compensation  for  the  ships  loaded  with  supplies  | 
that  were  taken  by  force  during  the  armistice,  and 
for  violence  done  to  my  envoys,  I  have  reason  to 
bring  it  before  the  council.  But  if  that  addition  also 
seems  too  severe,  prepare  for  war,  since  you  have 
been  unable  to  endure  a  peace." 

Accordingly  without  making  peace  they  returned 
from  the  conference  to  their  armies,  reporting  that 
words  had  been  of  no  avail ;  that  arms  must  decide 
the  issue  and  they  must  accept  whatever  lot  the 
gods  should  give  them.  XXXII.  Arrived  at  their 
camps,  they  both  ordered  their  soldiers  to  have  arms 
and  their  spirits  in  readiness  for  the  final  conflict 
to  make  them  victors,  if  success  attended  them, 
not  for  one  day  but  forever.  Whether  Rome  or 
Carthage  should  give  laws  to  the  nations  they  would 
know  the  next  day  before  nightfall.  For  not  Africa, 
they  said,  or  Italy  but  the  whole  world  would  be  the 
reward  of  victory  ^ — a  reward  matched  by  the  danger 
for  those  whom  the  fortune  of  battle  should  not 
favour.  In  fact  the  Romans  had  no  way  of  escape 
open  in  a  foreign  and  an  unknown  land,^  and  for 
Carthage,  once  it  had  poured  out  its  last  resources, 
immediate  destruction  seemed  impending. 

1  Cf.  XXX.  28. 

2  So  Polybius  ix.  5  and  again  x.  2,  in  a  later  speech  of 
Scipio  to  his  troops.  The  suspense  of  a  great  historical 
moment  deeply  impressed  both  historians.     Cf.  §§  4  f. 

3  This  statement  added  by  Livy  reflects  what  Scipio  says 
to  his  men  in  Polybius  x.  4.     Cf.  Appian  Pun.  4:2  fin. 

485 


LIVY 

4  Ad  hoc  discrimen  procedunt  postero  die  duorum 
opulentissimorum  populorum  duo  longe  clarissimi 
duces,   duo   fortissimi   exercitus,   multa   ante   parta 

o  decora  aut  cumulaturi  eo  die  aut  eversuri.  Anceps 
igitur  spes  et  metus  miscebant  aniraos ;  contem- 
plantibusque  modo  suam  modo  hostium  aciem,  cum  ^ 
oculis  magis  quam  ratione  pensarent  \'ires,  simul 
laeta,  simul  tristia  obversabantur.  Quae  ipsis  sua 
sponte  non  succurrebant.  ea  duces  admonendo  atque 

6  hortando  subiciebant.^  Poenus  sedecim  annorum  in 
terra  Italia  ^  res  gestas,  tot  duces  Romanes,  tot 
exercitus  occidione  occisos  et  sua  cuique  decora, 
ubi  ad  insignem  alicuius  pugnae  memoria  militem 

7  venerat,  referebat :  Scipio  Hispanias  et  recentia  in 
Africa  proelia  et  confessionem  hostium,  quod  neque 
non  petere  pacem  propter  metum  neque  manere  in  ea 

8  prae  insita  animis  perfidia  potuissent.  Ad  hoc 
conloquium     Hannibalis     in     secreto     habitum     ac 

9  liberum  fingenti  qua  ^  volt  flectit.^  Ominatur,  quibus 
quondam  auspiciis  patres  eorum  ad  Aegates  pugna- 
verint  insulas,  ea  illis  exeuntibus  in  aciem  portendisse 

0  deos.  Adesse  finem  belli  ac  laboris  ;  in  manibus  esse 
praedam  Carthaginis.  reditum  domum  in  patriam  ad 

^  cum    CDANVJK   Aldus,    Froben,    Conway:     cum    non 
Weisseiibom,  Mad  fig,  most  recent  Eds.  :  cui  B. 
2  subiciebant  X*VJK  :   -iciunt  AN  Aldus,  Froben. 
^  Italia,  .4-V  Imve  italiam  with  intra,  for  in  terra. 
^  qua  A'X'VJK  Aldus,  Froben  :   quae  CBDAX. 
^  ^ectit,  V  Aldus,  Frobe7i  have  ^ecti. 

^  Even  the  month  is  much  debated.  Those  who  place  the 
"  battle  of  Zama  "  in  the  spring  or  early  summer  are  unable  to 
explain  such  delay  in  making  the  peace  (spring  of  201  B.C.). 
Against  the  summer  is  the  heat  of  a  Tunisian  sun,  both  for 
European  troops  and  African  elephants  in  action.  More 
probable  is  October.     Cf.  Appendix,  pp.  551-554. 

486 


BOOK  XXX.  XXXII.  4-10 

For  this  decision  on  the  foUoM'ing  day^  two  generals  b.c.  202 
far  and  away  the  most  distinguished  and  two  of  the 
bravest  armies  of  the  two  wealthiest  nations  went 
forth, 2  on  that  day  either  to  crown  the  many  dis- 
tinctions heretofore  won,  or  to  bring  them  to  naught. 
Consequently  a  wavering  between  hope  and  fear  con- 
fused their  spirits ;  and  as  they  surveyed  now  their 
own  battle-line,  now  that  of  the  enemy,  while  weigh- 
ing their  strength  more  by  the  eye  than  by  cal- 
culation, the  bright  side  and  at  the  same  time  the 
dark  was  before  their  minds.  What  did  not  occur  to 
the  men  themselves  of  their  own  accord  the  generals 
would  suggest  in  admonition  and  exhortation. 
The  Carthaginian  kept  recalling  to  their  minds  the 
achievements  of  sixteen  years  in  the  land  of  Italy,  so 
many  Roman  generals,  so  many  armies  wiped  out 
completely,  and  brave  deeds  of  individuals,  whenever 
he  came  to  a  soldier  distinguished  in  the  record 
of  some  battle.  Scipio  would  recall  the  Spanish 
provinces  and  recent  battles  in  Africa  and  the 
enemy's  admission,  in  that  on  account  of  fear 
they  could  but  sue  for  peace,  and  yet  had  been 
unable  to  abide  by  the  peace  on  account  of  their 
ingrained  perfidy.  Furthermore,  as  his  conference 
with  Hannibal  had  been  in  private  and  could  be  freely 
altered,  he  gave  it  the  direction  he  desired.  He 
divined  that  as  the  Carthaginians  went  out  into 
battle-line,  the  gods  had  given  them  the  same  omens 
as  when  their  fathers  fought  at  the  Aegates  Islands. 
The  end  of  the  war  and  hardship  was  at  hand,  he  said, 
the  spoils  of  Carthage  within  reach,  and  the  return 
home    to    their    native    city,    to    parents,    children, 

2  At  daybreak ;   Polybius  ix.  2. 

487 


k.y.c.  11  parentes,  liberos,  coniuges  penatesque  deos.  Celsus 
haec  corpore  voltuque  ita  laeto  ut  vicisse  iam  cre- 
deres  dicebat. 

Instruit  deinde  piimos  hastatos,  post  eos  principes  ; 
triariis  postremam  aciem  clausit.  XXXI 1 1.  Non 
confertas  auteni  cohortes  ante  sua  quamque  signa 
instruebat,  sed  manipulos  aliquantum  inter  se 
distantes,  ut  esset  spatium  qua   elephant!  hostium 

2  Hcti  ^  nihil  ordines  turbarent.  Laelium,  cuius  ante 
legati,  eo  anno  quaestoris  extra  sortem  ex  senatus 
consulto  opera  utebatur,  cum  Italico  equitatu  ab 
sinistro   cornu,    Masinissam   Xumidasque   ab   dextro 

3  opposuit.  Mas  patentes  inter  manipulos  ante- 
signanorum  velitibus — ea  tunc  levis  armatura  erat — 
complevit,  dato  praecepto  ut  ad  impetum  elephan- 
torum  aut  post  directos  ^  refugerent  ordines  aut  in 
dextram  laevamque  discursu  applicantes  se  ante- 
signanis  ^  viam  qua  inruerent  in  ancipitia  tela  beluis 
darent. 

4  Hannibal  ad  terrorem  primes  ^  elephantos — 
octoginta  autem  erant,  quot  nulla  umquam  in  acie 

5  ante   habuerat — instruxit,    deinde    auxilia    Ligurum 

1  acti  CBDAX :  capti  X'ialt.)  :  rapti  V  :  accept!  JK 
Aldus,  Froben. 

2  directos  AUchefski,  Eds.  :  in  rectos  CBDAXVJK : 
rectos  A*?  Aldus,  Frohen. 

^  se  antesignanis, /or  this  CBDAX  have  signis. 

*  primos  CBD  Eds.  :   -mum  AXVJK  Aldus,  Froben. 

^  This  is  confused.  Polybius  does  not  mention  cohorts, 
but  is  merely  using  both  of  his  terms  for  maniple  in  the 
same  sentence,  ix.  7  ;  cf.  pp.  62  f.,  n.  2.  Novel  was  the  forma- 
tion with  principes  directly  behind  hasiali,  instead  of  behind 
the  normal  intervals  between  front  line  maniples.  This  was 
Scipio's  device  to  reduce  losses  in  the  charge  of  the  elephants. 

488 


BOOK  XXX.  XXXII.  lo-xxxiii.  5 

wives  and  household  gods.  So  erect  did  he  stand 
as  he  spoke  these  words,  and  with  so  happy  a  look 
on  his  face  that  one  would  have  believed  him  already 
the  victor. 

Thereupon  he  drew  up  in  the  first  line  the  hastati, 
behind  them  the  principes,  in  the  rear  the  triarii 
closing  the  formation.  XXXIII.  However,  he  did 
not  form  cohorts  ^  in  close  contact,  each  in  ad- 
vance of  its  standards,  but  rather  maniples  at  a 
considerable  distance  from  each  other,  so  that  there 
should  be  an  interval  where  the  enemy's  elephants 
might  be  driven  through  without  breaking  up  the 
ranks.  Laelius,  whom  he  had  previously  had  in  his 
service  as  lieutenant,  but  in  the  present  year  as 
quaestor,!  assigned  not  by  lot  but  by  decree  of  the 
senate, 2  was  posted  with  the  Italic  cavalry  on  the 
left  wing,  Masinissa  and  the  Numidians  on  the  right. 
The  open  passages  between  the  maniples  of  the  front 
line  troops  Scipio  filled  with  velites,^  the  Hght-armed 
of  that  day,  under  orders  that,  upon  the  charge  of  the 
elephants,  they  should  either  flee  behind  the  ranks 
in  the  line,  or  else  dashing  to  right  and  left  and 
closing  up  to  the  maniples  in  the  van,  should  give 
the  beasts  an  opening  through  which  they  might 
rush  among  missiles  hurled  from  both  sides. 

Hannibal  in  order  to  create  a  panic  drew  up  his 
elephants  in  front,  and  there  were  eighty  of  them, 
a  number  he  had  never  before  had  in  any  battle. 
Next  in  order  he  placed  the   Ligurian  and  Gallic 

Cf.  Frontinus  Strat.  II.  iii.  16;  E.  Meyer,  Kleine  Schriften  II. 
206  f. 

2  A  rare  procedure.  His  election  is  passed  over  by  both  of 
our  authorities. 

»  So  Polybius  §§  9  f. ;  Frontinus  i.e. 

489 


L.U.C.         Galloriimque    Baliaribus    Maurisque    admixtis ;     in 
secunda  acie  Carthaginienses  Afrosque  et  Macedoniun 

6  legionem ;  modico  deinde  intervallo  relicto  sub- 
sidiariam  aciem  Italicorum  militum — Bruttii  plerique 
erant,  vi  ac  necessitate  plures  quam  sua  voluntate 

7  decedentem  ex  Italia  secuti — instruxit.  Equitatum 
et  ipse  ^  circumdedit  cornibus ;  dextrum  Cartha- 
ginienses, sinistrum  Nuniidae  tenuerunt. 

8  Varia  adhortatio  erat  in  exercitu  inter  tot  homines, 
quibus  non  Ungua,  non  mos,  non  lex,  non  arma,  non 
vestitus  habitusque,  non  causa  militandi  eadem  esset. 

9  Auxiliaribus  et  praesens  et  multiplicata  ex  praeda 
merces  ostentatur ;  Galli  proprio  atque  insito  in  Ro- 
manos  odio  accenduntur ;  Liguribus  campi  uberes 
Italiae    deductis    ex    asperrimis    montibus    in   spem 

10  victoriae  ostentantur :  Mauros  Numidasque  Masinis- 
sae  inpotenti  futuro  ^  dominatu  terret ;    aliis  aliae 

11  spes  ac  metus  iactantur.  Carthaginiensibus  moenia 
patriae,  di  penates,  sepulcra  maiorum,  liberi  cum 
parentibus  coniugesque  pavidae,  aut  excidiura 
ser\-itiumque  aut  imperium  orbis  terrarum,  nihil  aut 
in  metum  aut  in  spem  medium,  ostentatur. 

12  Cum  maxime  haec  imperator  apud  Carthaginienses, 
duces  suarum  gentium  inter  populare-,  pleraque  per 
interpretes    inter   immixtos  ^    alienigenis  *   agerent, 

^  ipse  CBDA*y  :   ipsum  I'JK  Alius,  Frohen  :   om.  N^. 
-  futuro  SV  Frohen  2  :    -ros  CBDAX^JK  Aldus. 
^  inter  immixtos, /or  this  JK  Aldus,  Frohen  have  intermixtos. 
■*  alienigenis    CBDANV    Aldus,    Frohen,    Eds.  :     -generis 
J K  :   -genas  Freinsheim,  M.  Millhr. 

^  Cf.  xxvi.  3.     Not  mentioned  by  Poly  bins,  but  by  Fron- 
tinus ;   doubted  or  rejected  by  modem  historians. 

2  More  than  a  furlong  in  Polvbius  xi.  2. 

3  Cf.  XXVIII.  xii.  3  f.  and  note. 

490 


BOOK  XXX.  XXXIII.  5-12 

auxiliaries  in  combination  with  Balearic  and  Maure-  o.o.  202 
tanian  troops ;  in  the  second  line  Carthaginians  and 
Africans  and  the  legion  of  Macedonians.^  Then, 
leaving  a  moderate  interval, ^  he  drew  up  a  reserve 
line  of  Italic  soldiers,  most  of  these  Bruttians,  more 
of  whom  had  followed  him  under  compulsion  and  of 
necessity  than  of  their  own  consent  as  he  retired  from 
Italy.  As  for  the  cavalry,  he  also  placed  them  on  the 
wings ;  the  Carthaginians  held  the  right  wing,  the 
Numidians  the  left. 

In  an  army  made  up  of  so  many  men  who  had  no 
language,  no  custom,  no  law,  no  arms,  no  clothing 
and  general  appearance  in  common,^  nor  the  same 
reason  for  serving,  exhortation  took  various  forms. 
To  the  auxiliaries  was  offered  pay  in  cash  and  greatly 
increased  by  a  share  in  the  booty.  The  Gauls  had 
their  own  inbred  hatred  of  the  Romans  fanned  into 
flame.  Ligurians  were  offered  as  an  incentive  to 
victory  the  rich  plains  of  Italy,  once  they  were 
brought  down  from  their  rugged  mountains.  Maure- 
tanians  and  Numidians  were  frightened  by  Hannibal 
with  the  prospect  of  Masinissa's  tyrannical  rule. 
To  different  nations  different  hopes  and  fears  were 
displayed.  The  Carthaginians'  attention  was  called 
to  the  walls  of  their  city,  to  household  gods,  tombs  of 
ancestors,  children  and  parents  and  terror-stricken 
wives,  to  destruction  and  servitude  on  the  one  hand, 
on  the  other  to  rule  over  the  world,  to  the  absence 
of  any  ground  between  the  extremes  of  fear  and 
hope. 

Just  as  the  general  was  thus  speaking  among  the 
Carthaginians,  and  the  national  leaders  among  their 
countrymen,  mainly  through  interpreters,  since 
foreigners  were  intermingled,  trumpets   and  horns 

491 


LRT 

A.u.c.  13  tubae  cornuaque  ab  Romanis  cecinerunt,  tantusque 
clamor  ortus  ut  elephanti  in  suos,  simstrum  maxime 
comu,  verterentur,^  Mauros  ac  Numidas.  Addidit 
facile    Masinissa   perculsis   terrorem   nudavitque    ab 

14  ea  parte  aciem  equestri  auxilio.  Paucae  tamen 
bestiarum  intrepidae  ^  in  hostem  actae  inter  velitiun 
ordines  cum  multis  suis  volneribas  ingentem  stragem 

15  edebant.  Resilientes  enim  ad  manipulos  velites, 
cum  \-iam  elephantis..  ne  obtererentur,  fecissent,  in 
ancipites  ad  ictum  utrimque  coniciebant  hastas,  nee 

16  pila  ab  ^  antesignanis  cessabant,  donee  undique 
incidentibus  telis  exacti  ex  Romana  acie  hi  quoque  in 
suos  dextrum  *  cornu,  ipsos  Carthaginienses  equites, 
in  fusram  verterunt.  Laelius  ut  turbatos  \'idit  hostes 
addidit  perculsis  terrorem. 

XXXIV.  Utrimque  nudata  equite  erat  Punica 
acies  cum  pedes  concurrit.  nee  spe  nee  viribus  iam 
par.  Ad  hoc  dictu  parva  sed  magna  eadem  in  re 
gerenda  momenta :  ^  congruens  clamor  ab  Romanis 
eoque  maior  et  terribilior,  dissonae  ilHs,  ut  gentium 
2  multamm  discrepantibus  Unguis,  voces ;  pugna 
Romana  stabilis  et  suo  et  armorum  pohdere  ineum- 

^  verterentur  CBDAN :  con-  T'  (cor-)  JK  Aldu^ :  ver- 
terent  Froben  2. 

2  intrepidae  CBDAN  Froben  2  :  trepide  VJK  :  intrepide: 
Aldus. 

'  hastas,  nee  pUa  ab,  these  words  and  also  an-  of  the  next 
were  probably  oynitted  by  P,  as  is  shown  by  the  same  omission 
in  CBDAX. 

*  suos  dextrum  VJK  :  suo  dextro  {or  -ero)  CBDAN 
Alius,  Froben. 

»  magna  .  .  .  momenta  CBDAX V  (adding  res  A* J)  : 
magni  ,  .  .  momenti  res  K  Aldus,  Froben,  Madvig  (om.  res). 

^  The  account  of  the  battle  should  be  compared  throughout 
with  that  of  Polybius  XV.  xii.-xvi.     Cf.  Frontinus  II.  iii. 

492 


BOOK  XXX.  XXXIII.  I2-XXXIV.  2 

sounded  on  the  Roman  side,  and  such  shouts  were  b.c.  202 
raised  that  the  elephants  turned  against  their  own 
men,  especially  against  the  left  wing,  the  Maure- 
tanians  and  Numidians.^  Masinissa  easily  increased 
their  panic  and  stripped  that  end  of  the  line  of  its 
cavalry  support.  A  few  of  the  beasts,  however,  being 
fearlessly  driven  into  the  enemy,  caused  great  losses 
among  the  ranks  of  the  light-armed,  though  suffering 
many  wounds  themselves.  For  springing  back  to  the 
maniples  the  light-armed  made  way  for  the  elephants, 
to  avoid  being  trampled  down,  and  then  would  hurl 
their  lances  from  both  sides  against  the  beasts  doubly 
exposed  to  missiles.  Nor  was  there  any  slackening 
in  the  javeHns  of  the  men  in  the  front  lines  until  these 
elephants  also,  driven  out  of  the  Roman  line  and  into 
their  own  men  by  missiles  showered  upon  them 
from  all  sides,  put  the  right  wing,  even  the  Cartha- 
ginian cavalry,  to  flight.  Laelius,  on  seeing  the 
enemy  in  confusion,  increased  their  panic. 

XXXIV.  On  both  sides  the  Punic  battle-line  had 
been  stripped  of  its  cavalry  when  the  infantry  clashed, 
now  no  longer  matched  either  in  their  hopes  or  in 
their  strength.  In  addition  there  were  what  seem 
small  things  to  mention,  but  at  the  same  time  were 
highly  important  in  the  battle  :  a  harmony  in  the 
shouting  of  the  Romans,  which  consequently  was 
greater  in  volume  and  more  terrifying ;  on  the  other 
side  discordant  voices,  as  was  natural  from  many 
nations  with  a  confusion  of  tongues  ;  for  the  Romans 
a  battle  of  little  movement,  as  they  pressed  on  into  the 

16;  Zonaras  IX.  xiv.  7  ff.  Appian's  narrative  includes  much 
fiction,  with  single  combats  in  the  epic  manner;  Pvn.  45. 
Cf.  Scullard  237  ff . ;  Veith  645  ff . ;  Kahrstedt  564  ff , ;  De 
Sanctis  552  ff.,  604  ff.;   CAM.  VIII.  105  ff. 

493 


LI\T 

A.u.c.         bentiuin   in   hostem,   concursatio   et   velocitas  illinc 

3  maior  quam  \-is.  Igitur  primo  impetu  extemplo 
movere  loco  hostium  aciem  Romani.  Ala  deinde  et 
umbonibus  ^  pulsantes,  in  summotos  gradu  inlato, 
aliquantum   spatii   velut   nullo   resistente   incessere, 

4  urgentibus  et  no\'issimis  primos  ut  semel  motam 
aciem  sensere,  quod  ipsum  vim  magnam  ad  pellendum 

5  hostem  addebat.  Apud  hostes  auxiliares  cedentes 
secunda  acies,  Afri  et  Carthaginienses,  adeo  non 
sustinebant  ut  contra  etiam,  ne  resistentes  pertina- 
citer    primos  ^    caedendo    ad    se    perveniret    hostis, 

6  pedem  referrent.  Igitur  auxiliares  terga  dant 
repente,  et  in  suos  versi  partim  refugere  in  secundam 
aciem,  partim  non  recipientes  caedere,  ut  et  paulo 

7  ante  non  adiuti  et  tunc  exclusi.  Et  prope  duo  iam 
permixta  proelia  erant,  cum  Carthaginienses  simul 
cum   hostibus,    simul    cum    suis    cogerentur   manus 

8  conserere.  Non  tamen  ita  perculsos  iratosque  in 
aciem  accepere,  sed  densatis  ordinibus  in  cornua 
vacuumque  circa  campum  extra  proelium  eiecere,^ 
ne  pavido  ^  fuga  volneribusque  ^  milite  sinceram  et 
integram  aciem  miscerent. 

^  umbonibus  A*VJK  Aldits,  Frohen  :  umboni  CBDA  : 
-one  .-1^. 

^  primos  A'VJK  Aldus,  Frohen  :  primo  CBDAN. 

^  eiecere  X'VJK  Aldus,  Frohen  :   eicere  CBDAN. 

*  pavido  CBD  :  -dos  ^l^VTVA'  Aldus,  Frohen  {with  milites 
below,  as  have  DAX\'JK). 

^  -que  N  Aldus,  Frohen,  Madidg,  Conway  :  om.  CBDA  : 
VJK  have  et  before  noun. 

^  Livy  here  departs  from  Polvbius'  statements  (xiii.  1), 
which  probably  had  already  suffered  a  text  corruption  still 
remaining  in  our  MSS.  and  some  editions.  If  the  enemy 
were  at  once  dislodged  there  would  seem  to  be  no  need  of 

494 


BOOK  XXX.  XXXIV.  2-8 

enemy  by  their  own  weight  and  that  of  their  arms  ;  on  b.o.  202 
the  other  side  repeated  charges  at  high  speed  but  mth 
less  power.  Consequently  by  the  first  attack  the 
Romans  at  once  dislodged  the  enemy's  line.  Then 
beating  them  back  with  their  shoulders  and  the  bosses 
of  their  shields, ^  being  now  in  close  contact  with 
men  forced  from  their  position,  they  made  con- 
siderable progress,  as  no  one  offered  any  resistance, 
while  as  soon  as  they  saw  that  the  enemy's  line  had 
given  way,  even  the  rear  line  pressed  upon  the  first, 
a  circumstance  which  of  itself  gave  them  great  force 
in  repulsing  the  enemy.  Among  the  enemy  so  far 
was  their  second  line,  the  Africans  and  Carthaginians, 
from  supporting  the  auxiliaries  as  they  gave  way, 
that  on  the  contrary  they  even  drew  back  for  fear 
the  enemy,  by  slaying  the  men  of  the  first  line  if 
these  stoutly  resisted,  should  reach  themselves. 
Accordingly  the  auxiliaries  suddenly  retreated  and 
facing  their  own  men,  some  found  refuge  in  the  second 
line,  others,  having  been  refused  aid  shortly  before, 
and  also  admission  now  to  the  ranks,  slashed  at  those 
who  would  not  make  place  for  them.  And  by  this  time 
there  were  almost  two  battles  in  one,  since  the  Cartha- 
ginians were  forced  to  engage  with  the  enemy  and 
at  the  same  time  with  their  own  men.  Nevertheless 
even  so  they  did  not  admit  the  panic-stricken, 
angry  men  into  the  line,  but  closing  up  their  ranks, 
they  forced  them  out  upon  the  wings  and  into  the 
empty  plain  on  this  side  and  that  outside  of  the 
battle,  in  order  not  to  contaminate  their  own  line, 
still  intact  and  fresh,  with  soldiers  alarmed  by  the 
flight  and  their  wounds. 

pushing,   instead   of  continuing  to   use  their  weapons.     Cf. 
Meyer  Ic.  408  f. ;   De  Sanctis  607. 


9  Ceterum  tanta  strages  ^  hominiun  armorumque 
locum  in  quo  steterant  paulo  ante  auxiliares  com- 
pleverat  ut  prope  difficilior  transitus  esset  quam  per 

10  confertos  ^  hostes  fuerat.  Itaque  qui  primi  erant, 
hastati,  per  cumulos  corporum  armorumque  et 
tabem  ^  sanguinis,  qua  quisque  poterat,  sequentes 
hostem  et  signa  et  ordines  confuderunt.  Principum 
quoque    signa    fluctuari    coeperant    vagam    ante    se 

11  cernendo  aciem.  Quod  Scipio  ubi  vidit,  receptui 
propere  canere  hastatis  iussit  et  sauciis  in  postremam 
aciem  subductis  principes  triariosque  in  cornua 
inducit,  quo  tutior  firmiorque  media  hastatorum  acies 

12  esset.  Ita  novum  de  integro  proelium  ortum  est ; 
quippe  ad  veros  hostes  perventum  erat,  et  armorum 
genere  et  usu  militiae  et  fama  rerum  gestarum  et 

13  magnitudine  vel  spei  vel  periculi  pares.  Sed  et 
numero  superior  Romanus  erat  et  animo,  quod  iam 
equites,  iam  elephantos  fuderat,  iam  prima  acie 
pulsa  in  secundam  pugnabat. 

XXXW   In  tempore  Laelius  ac  Masinissa  pulsos  * 

per  aliquantum  spatii  secuti  equites,  revertentes  in 

aversam  hostium  aciem  incurrere.     Is  demum  equi- 

2  tum  impetus  perculit  ^  hostem.      Multi  circumventi 

1  strages  X-  or  X'ialt. )  VJK  Froben  2  :  strage  CBDAX  Aldus. 
-  confertos  CBD^VJK  Froben  2  :    -tissimos  AX  Aldus. 

3  tabem  Aldus,  Eds.  :  tabe  C  :  tabes  BDAX  :  labem 
A*JK  Froben  2  :  luem  V. 

*  pulsos  CBDAX  Aldus,  Froben  :   fusos  A'X'V.JK. 

5  perculit  A'X'JK  Froben  2  :  pertulit  V  :  fudit  CBDAX 
Aldus. 

^  After  a  pause,  while  Hannibal  also  was  reforming  his  lines, 
in  what  manner  we  are  not  told.  For  Scipio's  reorganization 
of  his  front — a  notable  feat — see  Polybius  xiv.  3  ff. 

2  I.e.  the  Carthaginians  in  the  second  Une,  together  with  the 
Libyan  and  Macedonian  mercenaries ;   xxxiii.  5.     In  Polybius 

496 


BOOK  XXX.  XXXIV.  9-xxxv.  2 

But  such  heaps  of  bodies  and  arms  had  covered  the  b.o.  202 
place  where  the  auxiliaries  had  stood  shortly  before 
that  to  make  their  way  across  was  almost  more 
difficult  than  it  had  been  through  the  dense  mass  of 
the  enemy.  Accordingly  the  men  of  the  front  line, 
the  hastati,  pursuing  the  enemy  wherever  they  could 
over  heaps  of  bodies  and  arms  and  through  pools  of 
blood,  broke  up  both  their  own  maniples  and  their 
ranks.  The  maniples  of  the  principes  also  began 
to  waver,  as  they  saw  the  unsteady  line  in  front  of 
them.  When  Scipio  saw  this  he  ordered  the  recall 
to  be  sounded  at  once  for  the  hastati,  and  after  with- 
drawing the  wounded  to  the  rear  line,  he  led  the 
principes  and  triarii  to  the  wings,  in  order  that  the 
centre,  composed  of  hastati,  might  be  safer  and 
steadier.  Thus  began  an  entirely  new  battle.^  For 
they  had  reached  the  real  enemy ,2  their  equals  in  the 
character  of  their  weapons  and  their  experience  in 
war  and  the  celebrity  of  their  deeds  and  the  great- 
ness whether  of  their  hopes  or  of  their  danger. 
But  the  Roman  was  superior  both  in  numbers  and 
in  spirit,  because  he  had  already  routed  the  cavalry, 
had  already  routed  the  elephants,  and  was  already 
fighting  against  the  second  line,  having  repulsed 
the  first. 

XXXV.  At  the  right  moment  Laelius  and  Masi- 
nissa,  who  had  pursued  the  routed  cavalry  for  a 
considerable  distance,  returned  and  dashed  into  the 
rear  of  the  enemy's  line.  That  charge  of  the  cavalry 
finally  worsted  the  enemy.    Many  were  overpowered 

xiv.  6  the  new  battle  begins  when  Hannibal's  third  line 
(Italians  so  far  held  in  reserve)  is  at  last  engaged.  Of  these 
troops  as  veterans  Polybius  had  a  much  higher  opinion  than 
Livy  and  Frontinus  I.e. ;   of.  xxxiii.  6  and  xxxv.  9  Jin. 

497 


K.v.c.         in  acie  caesi ;    multi  ^  per  patentem  circa  campum 
fuga  sparsi  tenente  omnia  equitatu  passim  interie- 

3  runt.  Carthaginiensium  sociorumque  caesa  eo  die 
supra  viginti  milia ;  par  ferme  numerus  captus  cum 
signis  militaribus  centum  triginta  duobus,^  elephantis 
undecim  ;    victores  ad  mille  et  quingenti  ^  cecidere. 

4  Hannibal  cum  paucis  equitibus  inter  tumultum 
elapsus  Hadrumetum  perfugit.  omnia  et  ante  aciem 
et  in  proelio,^  priusquam  excederet  pugna,  expertus, 

5  et  confessione  etiam  Scipionis  omniumque  peritorum 
militiae  illam  laudem  adeptas.  singulari  arte  aciem  eo 

6  die  instruxisse :  elephantos  in  prima  fronte,  quorum 
fortuitus  impetus  atque  intolerabilis  vis  signa  sequi 
et  servare  ordines,  in  quo  plurimum  spei  ponerent, 

7  Romanos  prohiberent ;  deinde  auxiliares  ante 
Carthaginiensium  aciem,  ne  homines  mixti  ex  ^ 
conluvione  omniimi  gentium,  quos  non  fides  teneret, 

8  sed  merces,  hberum  receptum  fugae  haberent,  simul 
primum  ardorem  atque  impetum  ^  hostium  excipien- 
tes  fatigarent  ac,  si  nihil  aliud,  volneribu.s  suis  ferrum 

1  multi  Froben  2  :   om.  CBDAXVJK  Aldus. 

2  cxxxii  CBDAN  :  cxxxni  Aldus,  Froben  :  xxxn  {or  in 
fuU)  VJK. 

'  mille  et  quingenti  C  (  zz  et  d),  cj.  Polyb.  XV.  xiv.  9  :  mille 
et  c  r  :   X  et  BD  :   x  B^L-iX  :   decern  milia  JK  Aldus,  Froben. 

*  et  ante  aciem  et  in  proelio  conj.  Duker,  Drakenborch,  Eds.  : 
phrases  are  reversed  in  CBDAXVJK  :  et  in  proelio  et  labante 
acie  Madvig,  Emend.  :  et  ante  proclium  et  in  acie  Weidner  : 
et  integro  proelio  et  inclinante  acie  M.  M  tiller. 

*  ex  A^/X'VJK  Alius  :   et  CBDAX  :   om.  Froben  2. 

^  atque  impetum  CBDAX  Aldus  :   om.  VJK  Froben  2. 

^  His  base  (Sousse),  xxix.  1.  His  ships  were  there.  The 
distance  from  Zama  is  greatly  exaggerated  by  Nepos  Hann. 
6.  3  (300  miles,  he  says),  while  Appian  Pun.  47  makes  it  even 
375.     Both  claim  that  he  covered  the  distance  in  two  days 

498 


BOOK  XXX.  XXXV.  2-8 

and  slain  in  the  battle-line,  many  were  scattered  in  b.c.  202 
flight  over  the  open  plain  all  around,  and  as  the 
cavalry  were  in  complete  possession,  they  perished 
everywhere.  Over  twenty  thousand  of  the  Cartha- 
ginians and  their  allies  were  slain  on  that  day. 
About  the  same  number  were  captured,  together 
with  one  hundred  and  thirty-two  military  standards 
and  eleven  elephants.  Of  the  victors  about  fifteen 
hundred  fell. 

Hannibal,  escaping  with  a  few  horsemen  in  the 
midst  of  the  confusion,  fled  to  Hadrumetum,^  having 
tried  every  expedient  both  before  the  battle  and 
during  the  engagement  before  he  withdrew  from  the 
fray.  And  even  by  Scipio's  admission  and  that  of  all 
the  military  experts  he  had  achieved  this  distinction, 
that  he  had  drawn  up  his  line  that  day  with  extra- 
ordinary skill :  the  elephants  in  the  very  front,  that 
their  haphazard  charge  and  irresistible  strength 
might  prevent  the  Romans  from  following  their 
standards  and  keeping  their  ranks,  upon  which 
tactics  they  based  most  of  their  hopes ;  then  the 
auxiliaries  in  front  of  the  line  of  Carthaginians,  that 
men  who  were  brought  together  from  the  ofFscouring 
of  all  nations  and  held  not  by  loyalty  but  by  their  pay 
might  have  no  way  of  escape  open  to  them  ;  that  at 
the  same  time,  as  they  met  the  first  fiery  attack  of 
the  enemy,  they  might  exhaust  them,  and  if  they 
could  do  no  more,  might  blunt  the  enemy's  swords 

and  two  nights.  In  reality  Zama  Regia  is  about  90  mUes 
due  west  of  Hadrumetum.  Naraggara  would  be  ca.  170  Roman 
miles  from  that  seaport,  if  the  shorter  and  less  rugged 
southerly  route  was  taken.  Every  probability,  however, 
favours  the  supposition  that  the  battle  was  fought  much 
nearer  to  Sicca  Veneria,  and  not  more  than  120  miles  from 
Hadrumetum;  cf.  p.  547  ff. 

499 


LIVY 

A.c.c.  9  hostile  ^  hebetarent ;  turn,  ubi  omnis  spes  e.sset,^ 
milites  Carthaginienses  Afrosque,  ut,  omnibus  rebus 
aliis  pares,  eo  quod  integri  cum  fessis  ac  sauciis  pugna- 
rent  superiores  essent ;  Italicos  intervallo  quoque  di- 
remptos,^  incertos  socii  an  hostes  essent,  in  postre- 

10  mam  aciem  sunimotos.  Hoc  edito  velut  ultimo  \ir- 
tutis  opere,  Hannibal  cum  Hadrumetum  refugisset,* 
accitusque  inde  Carthaginem  sexto  ac  tricesimo  post 

11  anno  quam  puer  inde  profectus  erat  redisset,  fassus  in 
curia  est  non  proelio  modo  se  sed  ^  bello  victum,  nee 
spem  salutis  alibi  quam  in  pace  impetranda  ^  esse. 

XXXVI.  Scipio  confestim  a  proelio  expugnatis 
hostium  castris  direptisque  cum  ingenti  praeda  ad 

2  mare  ac  naves  rediit,  nuntio  allato  P.  Lentulum  cum 
quinquaginta  rostratis,  centimi  onerariis  cum  omni 

3  genere  commeatus  ad  Uticam  accessisse.  Ad- 
movendum  igitur  undique  terrorem  perculsae  Car- 
thagini  ratus,  misso  Laelio  Romam  cum  \-ictoriae 
nuntio,  Cn.  Octa\1um  terrestri  itinere  ducere  legiones 
Carthaginem  iubet ;  ipse,  ad  suam  veterem  nova 
Lentuli  classe  adiuncta,  profectus  ab  Utica  portum 

4  Carthaginis  petit.  Haud  procul  aberat  cum  velata 
infulis  ramisque  oleae  Carthaginiensium  occunit 
na\-is.       Decern    legati    erant,    principes    civitatis, 

1  hostile  VJK  Froben  2  :  hostium  CBDAX  AlJus. 

-  esset  A'JK  Aldus,  Frolen  :  essent  S*  :  erat  V  :  om. 
CBDAX. 

^  intervallo  quoque  diremptos  A*/X']'JK,  Aldus,  Froben, 
most  Eds.  :  transposed  to  fcUoiv  summotos  Comvay;  to  follow 
hostes  essent  Harant,  Biemann  :  om.  CBDAX  Alschejski, 
Madvig  1872. 

*  refugisset  CBDAX  Froben  2  :  fugisset  ]'JK  :  per-  Aldus. 
'=  se  sed  V'K  Froben  2  :  si  sed  J  :  sese  .d.  C  :    xse  xse  B  : 

(modo  .8  esse  D  :  se  esse  sed  (set  X)  AX  Aid  vs. 

*  impetranda  C.B-4*-V'r  .4  Ww5:  -ivRUiXG  B^DAX  :  -trata 
J K  Froben  2. 

500 


BOOK  XXX.  XXXV.  8-xxxvi.  4 

by  their  own  wounds ;  next  in  order  the  soldiers  in  b.c.  202 
whom  lay  all  his  hopes,  the  Carthaginians  and 
Africans,  that  being  equal  to  the  Romans  in  every- 
thing else,  they  might  have  the  advantage  in  fighting 
with  strength  undiminished  against  the  weary  and 
the  wounded;  then,  removed  to  the  last  line  and 
separated  by  an  open  space  as  well,  the  Italic  troops, 
of  whom  it  was  uncertain  whether  they  were  allies  or 
enemies.  Having  produced  this  as  his  last  master- 
piece Hannibal  after  his  flight  to  Hadrumetum  was 
called  away,  returning  to  Carthage  in  the  thirty- 
sixth  year  after  he  had  left  it  as  a  boy.  Thereupon 
in  the  Senate  House  he  admitted  that  he  had  been 
defeated  not  only  in  a  battle  but  also  in  the  war, 
and  that  there  was  no  hope  of  safety  except  in 
successfully  suing  for  peace.  \ 

XXXVI.  Scipio  immediately  after  the  battle 
stormed  and  plundered  the  enemy's  camp  and 
with  immense  booty  returned  to  the  sea  and  his 
ships,  having  received  word  that  Publius  Lentulus,i 
in  command  of  fifty  war-ships  and  a  hundred  trans- 
ports with  supplies  of  every  kind,  had  arrived  near 
Utica.  Thinking  therefore  that  he  must  bring  terror 
to  bear  from  every  side  against  disheartened 
Carthage,  after  sending  Laelius  to  Rome  with  a 
report  of  the  victory,  he  ordered  Gnaeus  Octavius 
to  bring  the  legions  to  Carthage  by  land.  He  himself 
went  to  his  old  fleet,  now  enlarged  by  the  new  fleet 
of  Lentulus,  and  then  sailed  from  Utica  towards  the 
harbour  of  Carthage.  He  was  not  far  away  when  a 
Carthaginian  ship  bedecked  with  fillets  and  olive 
branches  met  him.    There  were  ten  envoys,  leading 

^  Cf.  ii.  4;  xxiv.  5;  xxvii.  9.  The  same  passages  apply 
to  Octavius,  §  3,  commanding  a  fleet, 


auctore     Hannibale     missi     ad     petendam    pacem. 

5  Qui  cum  ad  puppim  praetoriae  navis  accessissent 
velamenta    supplicum    porrigentes,    orantes    implo- 

6  rantesque  fidem  ac  misericordiam  Scipionis,  nullum 
iis  aliud  respon<ium  datum  quam  ut  Tynetem  veni- 
rent ;  eo  se  moturum  castra.  Ipse  ad  contemplan- 
dimi  Carthasfinis  situm  ^  non  tam  noscendi  in  praesen- 
tia  quam  dcprimendi  ^  hostis  causa  provectus  * 
Uticam,  eodem  et  Octavio  revocato,  rediit. 

7  Inde  procedentibus  ad  Tynetem  nuntius  allatus 
Verminam  Syphacis  filium  cum  equitibus  pluribus 
quam    peditibus    venire    Carthaginiensibus    auxilio. 

8  Pars  exercitus  cum  omni  equitatu  ^  Saturnalibus  ^ 
primis  agmen  adgressa  Xumidarum  ^  levi  certamine 
fudit.  Exitu  quoque  fugae  intercluso  ab  omni 
parte  circumdatis  equitibus  quindecim  milia  hominum 
caesa,  mille  et  ducenti  vivi  capti,  et  equi  Numidici 
mille  et  quingenti,  signa  militaria  duo  et  septuaginta ; 
regulus    ipse    inter    tumultum    cum    paucis    effugit. 

9  Turn  ad  Tvnetem  eodem  quo  antea  ^  loco  castra 
posita,  legatique  triginta  ab  Carthagine  ad  Scipionem 
venerunt. 

^  situm,  after  this  Johnson,  Conway  insert  provectus  in 
portum  as  omittel  line.  Froben  emended  ad  contemplandum 
.  .  .  situm  to  ab  contemplato  .  .  .  situ  (-ando  Gronovius); 
AlschefsH  to  contemplatus  .  .  .  situm. 

2  deprimendi  {varied  spellings)  CBDAN :  terrendi 
A*{alt.)VJK  froben  :   deterrendi  x. 

^  provectus  Alschefski,  most  Eds.  :  om.  all  MSS.,  Conway. 

*  equitatu,  after  this  A'X'VJK  Aldus,  Froben,  Conway 
have  missa  :  om.  CBDAN  Eds. 

*  Saturnalibus  CBDAXVJK  Eds.  :  turraalibus  Aldus, 
Froben  :   maturantibus  Madvir/ :   om.  (primis  also)  Biemann. 

*  Numidarum  CBDAX  Aldus,  Eds.  :  uumidas  A'JK 
Conway  :   icith  in  agmine  V  Froben  2. 

'  antea  VJK  Aldus,  Froben  :   ante  CBDAN, 

$02 


BOOK   XXX.  xxx\i.  4-9 

citizens,  sent  at  the  instance  of  Hannibal  to  sue  for  pc-  '-^^2 
peace.  When  they  approached  the  stern  of  the 
flagship,  holding  out  the  symbols  of  suppliants, 
begging  and  beseeching  the  help  and  pity  of  Scipio, 
no  other  answer  was  given  them  than  that  they  should 
come  to  Tynes ;  ^  that  thither  he  would  move  his 
camp.  Scipio  sailed  near  in  order  to  view  the  situation 
of  Carthage,  not  so  much  for  the  purpose  of  an  im- 
mediate reconnaissance  as  to  humiliate  the  enemy, 
and  returned  to  Utica,  recalHng  Octavius  also  to 
the  same  place. 

While  proceeding  from  there  to  Tynes  they  re- 
ceived  news   that    Vermina,^    the    son   of  Syphax, 
commanding  more  cavalry  than  infantry  was  coming 
to  the  help  of  the  Carthaginians.     Part  of  the  in- 
fantry and  all  the  cavalry  attacked  the  column  of 
the  Numidians  on  the  first  day  ^  of  the  Saturnalia,  • 
and  routed  it  after  a  slight  engagement.     As  even 
the  way  of   escape  was   cut   off,  with    the    cavalry 
surrounding  them  on  all  sides,  fifteen  thousand  men 
were  slain,  twelve  hundred  captured  alive,  fifteen 
hundred   Numidian   horses  taken   and   seventy-two 
military  standards.    The  prince  himself  in  the  midst 
of  the  confusion  escaped  with  a  few  men.    Then  camp  1 
was  pitched  near  Tynes  on  the  same  site  as  before,   | 
and  thirty  envoys  from  Carthage  came  to  Scipio.         i 

1  Cf.  ix.  10;   xvi.  1. 

"  Cf.  XXIX.  xxxiii.  1  f.,  8.  Still  ruling  a  large  part  of  his 
father's  kingdom;   Appian  Pun.  33. 

^  I.e.  a.d.  XIV  Kal.  Ian,,  or  17th  December.  Uncommon 
is  so  exact  a  date  for  a  minor  event.  It  suggests  one  of  the 
annahsts  as  a  source;  hence  rejected  by  those  who  place  the 
greater  battle  in  spring  or  summer.  Other  examples,  however, 
are  :  XLI.  xxii.  1 ;  XLIV.  xx.  1 ;  XLV.  ii.  3.  See  Macrobius 
Sat.  I.  X.  1  ff.     Cf.  Appendix,  p.  552  f. 

503 


LIVY 

Et  illi  quidem  multo  miserabilius  quam  antea,  quo 
magis  cogebat  fortuna,  egerunt ;  sed  aliquanto  minore 
cum    misericordia    ab    recenti    memoria    perfidiae 

10  auditi  sunt.  In  consilio  quamquam  iusta  ira  omnes 
ad  delendam  stimulabat  Carthaginem,  tamen  cum  et 
quanta  res  esset  et  ^  quam  longi  temporis  obsidio  tam 

11  munitae  et  tam  ^  validae  urbis  reputarent,  et  ipsum 
Scipionem  exspectatio  successoris  venturi  ad  para- 
tam  ^  alterius  labore  ac  periculo  finiti  belli  famam 
sollicitaret,  ad  pacem  omnium  animi  versi  sunt. 

XXX\'II.  Postero  die  revocatis  legatis  et  cum 
multa  castigatione  perfidiae  monitis  ut  tot  cladibus 
edocti  tandem  deos  et  ius  iurandum  esse  crederent, 
condiciones  pacis  dictae,  ut  liberi  legibus  suis  \'iverent ; 

2  quas  urbes  quosque  agros  quibusque  finibus  ante 
bellum  tenuissent  tenerent,  populandique  finem  eo  die 

3  Romanus  faceret ;  perfugas  fugitivosque  et  captivos 
omnes  redderent  Romanis,*  et  naves  rostratas 
praeter  decem  triremes  traderent  elephantosque 
quos    haberent    domitos,    neque    domarent  ^    alios ; 

1  et  X'VJK  Aldus,  Froben  :   om.  CBDAX. 

'  tam  A  Aldus  :  iam  CBDX  :  om.  VJ K  Froben  2. 

2  paratam  CBDAJK  Aldus,  Froben,  Eds.  :  paratum 
XS'V  Conway,  addinq  victoriae  fructum,  which  he  thinks 
made  a  line  omitted  by  P  and  hence  by  the  rest,  except  that  VX*?z 
have  movere  fructum. 

*  redderent  Romanis  CBDAX  Aldus  :   077i.  VJK  Froben  2. 
^  neque  domarent,  here  P  resumes  {cf.  xxx.  14  and  xxxriii. 

2;. 

^  But  the  consiil  (Claudius  Nero)  who  aspired  to  succeed 
Scipio  never  reached  Africa.  Cf.  xxvii.  1  f. ;  xxxviii  ff. ; 
xxxix.  1-3 ;    xliv.  3. 

2  Condensing  Polybius  xvii.  3.  The  following  peace  t^rms 
(with  minor  differences)  are  taken  from  his  ch.  xviii.  Cf. 
above  xvi.  10  ff.  for  terms  previously  proposed.     See  Appian 


"> 


BOOK  XXX.  XXXVI.  9-xxxvii.  3 

Their  pleading  was,  to  be  sure,  much  more  piteous  b.o.  202 
than  before,  in  proportion  as  misfortune  was  more 
compelling;  but  they  were  heard  with  much  less 
pity  owing  to  the  memory,  still  fresh,  of  their 
treachery.  In  the  council,  although  righteous 
indignation  spurred  them  all  to  the  destruction  of 
Carthage,  nevertheless  they  reflected  how  serious  a 
matter  and  how  protracted  also  was  the  siege  of  a 
city  so  well  fortified  and  so  strong.  Scipio  himself.* 
was  also  troubled  as  he  looked  forward  to  a  successor  ^ 
who  would  come  into  what  had  been  won  by  the  hard- 
ship and  danger  of  another — the  glory  of  finishing 
the  war.  Consequently  they  all  were  inclined  to 
peace.  H 

XXXVII.  On  the  following  day  the  envoys  were 
recalled  and  with  repeated  upbraiding  for  their 
treachery  ^  were  advised  that,  being  taught  at  last  by 
so  many  disasters,  they  should  beheve  that  the  gods 
and  an  oath  mean  something.  Whereupon  the  peacej 
terms  were  stated  to  them  :  they  were  to  live  as  / 
free  men  under  their  own  laws ;  to  hold  the  cities  *' 
and  territories  ^  which  they  had  held  before  the  war, 
with  the  same  boundaries ;  and  the  Roman  was  on 
that  day  to  make  an  end  of  devastation.  They  were 
to  deUver  all  deserters  and  runaway  slaves  and 
captives  to  the  Romans,  and  to  surrender  their 
war-ships  except  ten  triremes,  and  the  trained 
elephants  *   in   their   possession,    and   not   to   train 

P»n.  54;  Dio  Cass.  frag.  57.  82;  De  Sanctis  616  ff.;  Scullard 
254  ff. 

3  In  Africa,  that  is,  as  Livj^'s  source  (xviii.  1)  takes  care  to 
make  clear. 

*  The  most  were  sent  to  Rome,  the  rest  given  to  Masinissa ; 
Zonaras  IX.  xiv.  11.  Some  of  them  were  used  by  the  Romans 
(first  instance)  in  Macedonia,  200  B.C. ;   XXXI.  xxxvi.  4. 


4  bellum  neve  in  Africa  neve  extra  Africam  iniussu 
populi    Romani    gererent ;     Masinissae    res    redde- 

5  rent  foedu?;que  cum  eo  facerent ;  frumentum  stipen- 
diumque  auxiliis,  donee  ab  Roma^  legati  redissent, 
praestarent ;  decern  milia  talentum  argenti,  di- 
scripta    pensionibus   aequis  in   annos   quinquaginta, 

6  solverent ;  obsides  centum  arbitratu  Scipionis  darent, 
ne  minores  quattuordecim  annis  neu  triginta  maiores. 
Indutias  ita  se  ^  daturum,  si  per  priores  indutias 
naves  onerariae  captae  quaeque  fuissent  in  navibus 
restituerentur ;  aliter  nee  indutias  nee  spem  pacis 
ullam  esse. 

7  Has  condiciones  legati  cum  domum  referre  ^  iussi 
in  contione  ederent  et  Gi^^go  ad  dis'^uadendam  pacem 
processisset    audireturque    a    multitudine    inquieta 

8  eadem  ^  et  inbelli,  indignatus  Hannibal  dici  ea  in 
tali  tempore  audirique,  arreptum  Gisgonem  manu 
sua  ex  superiore  loco  detraxit.  Quae  insueta  liberae 
civitati     species    cum    fremitum    populi     movisset, 

9  perturbatus  militaris  vir  urbana  libertate  "  Xovem  " 
inquit  "  annorum  a  vobis  profectus  post  sextum  et 
tricesimum  annum  redii.  Militares  artes,  quas  me 
a  puero  fortuna  nunc  privata  nunc  publica  docuit, 
probe  videor  scire ;    urbis  ac  fori  iura,  leges,  mores 

10  vos  me  oportet  doceatis."    Excusata  inprudentia  de 

1  ab  Roma  .4^.V'TVA' :    ab  romanis  P{3)N. 

'  se  PiSjXl'JK  Al'hi.',  Frohen,  Eds.  :   om.  Conwaij. 

^  referre,  here  VJK  Frohen  2  have  ferre. 

*  eadem  om.  AN  Aldus. 


^  In  Polybius  xviii.  6  grain  for  the  entire  army  for  three 
months  and  pay  until  a  replv  from  Rome  came. 

2  Pliny  N.U.  XXXIII.  51  (16,000  lbs.  of  silver  a  year  for 
50  years). 


506 


BOOK  XXX.  XXXVII.  3-10 

others  ;  to  wage  war  neither  in  Africa  nor  outside  of  b.c.  202 
Africa  without  consent  of  the  Roman  people.  They 
were  to  make  restitution  to  Masinissa  and  frame  a 
treaty  with  him ;  to  fui-nish  grain  and  pay  to  the 
auxiharies  ^  until  the  envoys  should  return  from 
Rome ;  to  pay  ten  thousand  silver  talents  ,2  divided 
into  equal  payments  for  fifty  years  ;  to  give  a  hundred 
hostages  selected  by  Scipio,  not  younger  than 
fourteen  nor  older  than  thirty  years.  He  would 
grant  an  armistice,  he  said,  provided  the  transports 
captured  during  the  previous  armistice  and  whatever 
was  on  board  the  ships  should  be  returned ;  otherwise 
there  would  be  no  armistice  nor  any  hope  of  a  peace. 
Such  terms  the  envoys  were  bidden  to  carry  home, 
and  as  they  announced  them  in  the  assembly  Gisgo  ^ 
came  forward  to  oppose  the  peace.  While  the 
multitude  was  listening,  equally  incapable  of  keep- 
ing a  peace  and  of  carrying  on  a  war,  Hannibal, 
indignant  that  such  things  should  be  said  and  heard 
at  so  critical  a  moment,  seized  Gisgo  and  v/ith  his 
own  hand  dragged  him  down  from  the  platform. 
When  this  novelty  for  a  free  state  called  forth 
protests  from  the  people,  the  man  of  arms,  con- 
founded by  freedom  in  the  city,  said  "  At  nine  years 
of  age  I  left  you,  and  after  thirty-six  years  I  have 
returned.  With  the  soldier's  arts,  in  which  from 
boyhood  first  my  own  lot,  and  then  a  public  exigency 
gave  me  training,  I  may  pass  as  well  acquainted.  In 
the  rights,  laws,  usages  of  the  city  and  the  market- 
place it  is  you  who  should  train  me."  Having 
apologized  for  his  ignorance,  he  discoursed  at  length 

^  Unknown.     Polybius  is  here  the  main   source,   but  he 
mentions  no  name ;   xix.  2  tf . 


LR'Y 

pace  multis  verbis  ^  disseruit,  quam  nee  iniqua  et 

11  necessaria  esset.  Id  omniiini  maxime  difficile  erat, 
quod  ex  navibus  per  indutias  captis  nihil  praeter 
ipsas  comparebat  naves ;    nee  inquisitio  erat  facilis, 

12  adversantibus  paci  qui  ^  arguerentur.  Placuit  naves 
reddi  et  homines  utique  inquiri ;  cetera  quae  abessent 
aestimanda  Scipioni  pemiitti  atque  ita  pecunia  luere 

13  Carthaginienses. — Sunt  qui  Hannibalem  ex  acie  ad 
mare  pervenisse,  inde  praeparata  nave  ad  regem  An- 
tiochum  extemplo  profectum  tradant.  postulantique 
ante  omnia  Scipioni  ut  Hannibal  sibi  traderetur  re- 
sponsum  esse  Hannibalem  in  Africa  non  esse. 

XXXVni.  Postquam  redierunt  ad  Scipionem  le- 
gati.  quae  publica  in  na\1bus  fuerant  ex  publicis  de- 
scripta  rationibus  quaestores.^  quae  privata  profiteri 

2  domini  iussi ;  pro  ea  summa  pecuniae  viginti  quinque  * 
milia  pondo  argenti  praesentia  exacta ;  induti- 
aeque    Carthaginiensibus  ^    datae    in    tres    menses. 

3  Additum  ne  per  indutiarum  tempus  alio  usquam  quam 
Romam  mitterent  legatos,  et  quicumque  legati 
Carthaginem  venissent,  ne  ante  dimitterent  eos  quam 
Romanum    imperatorem    qui    et    quae  ®    petentes 

^  de  pace  multis  verbis  A'X*{marg,)VJK  Eds.  :  orn. 
P(3)X,  one  line. 

2  adversantibus  paci  qui  P[Z)X  {om.  qui  DAN)  :  cum 
adversantes  paci  A'VJK  Aldus,  Froben  :  adversantes  paci 
qui  X*{alt.). 

^  quaestores  P{3)XVJK  Eds.  :   quaestor  Forchhammer. 

\  XXV  P(3).V  Eds.  :   xv  VJK. 

^  Carthaginiensibus,  in  this  u-ord  P  comes  to  an  end. 

^  qui  et  quae  .4':\'«IVA'  Eds.  :    qui  ita  CBDAX. 


^  Livj'  condenses  Hannibal's  plea  for  a  treaty  of  peace; 
Polyb.  xLx.  5-7. 


508 


BOOK  XXX.  XXXVII.  lo-xxxviii.  3 

upon  the  peace,  showing  how  far  from  unjust  it  was  b.o.  202 
and  how  inevitable. ^  The  most  troublesome  point 
of  all  was  that  of  the  ships  captured  during  the 
armistice  nothing  was  to  be  seen  except  the  ships 
themselves,  and  investigation  was  not  easy  since 
the  accused  were  opponents  of  the  peace.  It  was 
decided  that  the  ships  should  be  returned  and  the 
men  at  all  costs  traced ;  that  appraisal  of  whatever 
else  was  lacking  be  committed  to  Scipio,  and  that 
thus  the  Carthaginians  should  pay  the  amount  in 
cash. — There  are  some  historians  ^  who  relate  that 
Hannibal  leaving  the  battle  made  his  way  to  the 
sea  and  then  on  a  ship  prepared  for  him  at  once 
sailed  to  King  Antiochus ;  and  that  when  Scipio 
demanded  above  all  things  that  Hannibal  be  sur- 
rendered to  him,  the  answer  was  that  Hannibal  was 
not  in  Africa. 

XXX Vn I.  After  his  envoys  had  returned  to  Scipio 
the  quaestors  were  ordered  from  entries  in  the 
public  accounts  to  make  a  declaration  of  what  public 
property  had  been  on  the  ships,  and  owners  were  to 
do  the  same  for  private  property.  In  place  of  that 
sum  total  twenty-five  thousand  pounds  of  silver  were 
exacted  in  immediate  payment.^  And  an  armistice 
for  three  months  was  granted  the  Carthaginians. 
In  addition  they  were  not  to  send  envoys  during  the 
period  of  the  armistice  to  any  other  place  than  to 
Rome,  and  in  case  any  envoys  should  come  to  Car- 
thage they  were  not  to  let  them  go  until  they  in- 
formed the  Roman  commander  who  they  were  and 

"  Unknown.  For  his  escape,  195  B.C.,  to  Tyre,  and  so  to 
Antiochus  at  Ephesus  cf.  XXXIII.  xlviii  f. 

^  It  must  have  been  quite  impossible  to  complete  a  list  of 
individual  claims. 


A.u.c.  4  venissent  certiorem  facerent.  Cum  legatis  Car- 
thaginiensibus  Romam  missi  L.  Veturius  Philo  et 
M.    Marcius   Ralla   et   L.   Scipio  imperatoris  frater. 

5  Per  eos  dies  commeatus  ex  Sicilia  Sardiniaque 
tantam  \ilitatem  annonae  effecerunt  ^  ut  pro  vectura 
frumentum  nautis  mercator  relinqueret. 

6  Romae  ad  nuntium  primum  rebellionis  Cartha- 
giniensium  trepidatum  fuerat,  iassusque  erat  Ti. 
Claudius  mature  classem  in  Siciliam  ducere  atque 
inde  in  Africam  traicere,  et  alter  consul  M.  ServiUus 
ad  urbem   morari,   donee   quo   statu  res   in   Africa 

7  essent  sciretur.  Segniter  omnia  in  comparanda 
deducendaque  classe  ab  Ti.  Claudio  consule  facta 
erant,  quod  patres  de  pace  P.^  Scipionis  potius 
arbitrium  esse  quibus  legibus  daretur  quam  consulis 

8  censuerant.  Prodigia  quoque  nuntiata  sub  ipsam 
famam  ^  rebellionis  terrorem  ^  adtulerant :  Cumis 
solis  orbis  minui  visus  et  pluit  lapideo  imbri^  et  in 
\'eliterno    agro   terra   in^entibus   cavernis   consedit, 

9  arboresque  in  profundum  haustae ;  Ariciae  forum  et 
circa  tabernae,  Frusinone  murus  aliquot  locis  et 
porta  de  caelo  tacta ;  et  in  Palatio  lapidibus  pluit. 
Id  prodigium  more  patrio  novemdiali  sacro,  cetera 

^  effecerunt  VJK  Frohen  2,  Lucks :  fecerunt  CBDAN 
Aldus,  Eds.,  Conway. 

2  P.  A*VJK  Luchs  :   om.  CBDAX  many  Ed?.,  Conway. 

^  famam  CX^  Aldus,  Frohen  :  om.  BDAN  :  fama  {ivith 
ipsa)  A'^l'JK. 

*  terrorem,  before  the  verb  DAXV  Aldus,  Frohen,  Eds., 
but  after,  CBJK  Conioay. 

1  Veturius  had  been  consul  in  206  B.C.  (XXVIII.  x.); 
Marcius,  city  praetor  in  204  B.C.  (XXIX.  xiii.  2).  Lucius 
Scipio  reached  the  eonsulship  with  Laelius  in  190  B.C. 
(XXXVII.  i.j. 

510 


BOOK  XXX.  XXXVIII.  3-9 

for  what  purpose  they  had  come.     With  the  Car-  b.c.  202 
thaginian  envoys  Lucius  Veturius  Philo  and  Marcus  "T   .  ^  ^^ 
Marcius   Ralla   and   Lucius   Scipio,   brother   of  the^  ^ 
general-in-command,  were  sent  to   Rome.^     About 
that  time  supplies  from  Sicily  and  Sardinia  lowered 
the  price  of  grain  so  much  that  the  merchant  would 
leave  his  grain  to  the  mariners  to  cover  the  freight. 

At  Rome  upon  the  first  news  of  the  Carthaginians' 
renewed    hostilities    there    had    been    alarm,    and-* 
Tiberius    Claudius   had   been   ordered   to   take   his  I 
fleet  promptly  to  Sicily  and  then  to  cross  to  Africa,"^ 
and  the  other  consul,  Marcus  Servilius,  to  remain 
near  the  city  until  it  should  be  known  what  was  the 
state  of  affairs  in  Africa.     Everything  in  the  assem- 
bling and  launching  of  his  fleet  had  been  carried  on 
without  spirit  by  Tiberius  Claudius,  the  consul,  be-  ; 
cause  the  senate  had  voted  that  authority  over  the  j 
terms  on  which  peace  should  be  granted  belonged  to  | 
Scipio  rather  than  to  the  consul.  ^    Reports  of  prodigies  J, 
also  at  the  very  time  when  there  were  rumours  of 
fresh  hostilities  had  inspired  alarm.     At  Cumae  the 
sun  was  partially  eclipsed  and  it  rained  stones,  and 
in  the  district  of  Velitrae  ^  the  ground  settled  in  huge 
cavities   and  trees   were   swallowed  in  the  depths. 
At  Aricia  the  forum  and  shops  round  it,  at  Frusino  ■* 
the  city  wall  at  a  number  of  places  and  a  gate  were 
struck  by  hghtning ;  and  on  the  Palatine  there  was  a 
shower  of  stones.     That  portent  was  atoned  for  by 
nine  days  of  rites  according  to  ancestral  custom,^ 

2  Cf.  xxiii.  3  f. ;   xxvii.  1-4. 

2  Now  Velletri,  just  beyond  the  Alban  Hills  and  8  miles 
from  Aricia. 

*  Now  Frosinone ;  on  the  Via  Latina,  while  Aricia  lay  on 
the  Appia,  16  m.p.  from  Rome. 

5  Cf.  Vol.  VII.  p.  90,  note. 


LI\T 

Ax.a  10  hostiis  maioribus  expiata.  Inter  quae  etiam  aquarum 
insolita  magnitudo  in  religionem  versa ;  nam  ita 
abundavit  Tiberis  ut  ludi  ApoUinares  circo  inundate 
extra  portam  Collinam  ad  aedem  Erycinae  \'eneris 

11  parati  sint.  Ceteruni  ludoriim  ipso  die  subita 
serenitate  orta  pompa  duci  coepta  ad  portam  Collinam 
revocata  deductaque  ^  in  circum  est  cum  decessisse  ^ 

12  inde  aquam  nuntiatum  esset ;  laetitiamque  populo  et 
ludis  celebritatem  addidit  sedes  sua  sollemni  specta- 
culo  reddita. 

XXXIX,  Claudium  consulem,  profectum  tandem 
ab  urbe,  inter  portus  Cosanum  Loretanumque  atrox 
\-is  tempestatis  adorta  in  metum  ingentem  adduxit. 

2  Populonium  inde  cum  pervenisset  stetissetque  ibi, 
dum  reliqumii  tempestatis  exsaeviret,  Ilvam  insulam 
et  ab  Ilva  Corsicam,  a  Corsica  in  Sardiniam  traiecit. 
Ibi  superantem  Insanos  montes  multo  et  ^  saevior  et 
infestioribus  locis  tempestas  adorta  disiecit  classem. 

3  Multae  quassatae  armamentisque  spoliatae  naves, 
quaedam  fractae.  Ita  vexata  ac  lacerata  classis 
Carales  tenuit.  Ubi  dum  subductae  reficiuntur  naves, 
hiems  oppressit  circumactumque  anni  tempus,  et 
nullo    prorogante    imperium    privatus    Ti.    Claudius 

4  classem  Romam  reduxit.    M.  Ser\-ilius,  ne  comitiorum 

^  deductaque  A'VJK  Aldus,  Froben  :   ductaque  CBDAN. 
•  decessisse    A'y*?VJK    Aldus,    Froben,    Eds.  :     cessisse 
CDAS  :   re-  Alschef.<l:i,  Madvig. 

3  et  CBDA'VJK  Froben  2  :   orn.  AX  Aldus. 

^  On  the  Via  Salaria  outside  (but  near)  the  Porta  Collina. 
Not  built  until  181  B.C.  LivA-  uses  it  here  merely  as  a  land- 
mark;   XL.  xxxiv.  4;   Strabo  VI.  ii.  6. 

2  Mentioned  in  XXII.  xi.  6;  cf.  XXVII.  x.  8.  Portus 
Loretanus  is  unknown. 

3  Now  Piombino;   cf.  XXVIII.  xlv.  15. 


BOOK  XXX.  XXXVIII.  9-XXXIX.  4 

the  rest  by  full-grown  victims.  Meanwhile  the  un-  b.c.  202 
usual  height  of  rivers  was  also  interpreted  as  a 
portent.  For  the  Tiber  so  far  overflowed  that,  as  the 
Circus  was  flooded,  preparations  for  the  Games  of 
Apollo  were  made  outside  the  Porta  Collina,  near  the 
Temple  of  Venus  of  Eryx.^  On  the  very  day  of  the 
games,  however,  after  a  sudden  clearing  the  pro- 
cession, already  on  its  way  to  Porta  Collina,  was  re- 
called and  directed  into  the  Circus  when  word  w^as 
received  that  the  water  had  retired  from  it.  Restora- 
tion of  its  normal  scene  to  the  customary  spectacle 
also  added  to  the  delight  of  the  people  and  to  the 
throngs  who  attended  the  games. 

XXXIX.  Claudius,  the  consul,  had  at  last  left  the 
city  when  a  very  violent  storm,  which  he  encountered 
between  the  harbour  of  Cosa  ^  and  the  Portus 
Loretanus,  caused  him  great  alarm.  Then  after 
reaching  Populonium  ^  and  lying  at  anchor  there  until 
the  rest  of  the  storm  should  abate,  he  crossed  over 
to  the  Island  of  Elba  and  from  Elba  to  Corsica, 
from  Corsica  to  Sardinia.  There  as  he  was  passing 
the  Raving  Mountains,  a  much  more  savage  storm, 
descending  upon  him  in  a  much  more  dangerous 
situation,  scattered  the  fleet.  Many  of  the  ships 
were  leaking  and  had  lost  their  rigging,  some  wereX 
Avrecked.  In  this  storm-tossed,  damaged  condition 
the  fle^t  reached  Carales.*  There,  while  the  beached 
ships  were  undergoing  repairs,  winter  overtook  him, 
and  as  the  turn  of  the  year  came  while  no  one  sought  1 
to  prolong  his  command,  it  was  as  a  private  citizen  P 
that  Tiberius  Claudius  brought  the  fleet  back  to 
Rome.    Marcus  Servilius,  to  avoid  being  recalled  to 

'  Cagliari ;   several  times  in  XXIII.  xl.  f. ;   cf.  Vol.  VII.  p. 
226,  note. 

VOL.  VIII.  S 


LIVY 

A.u.c.  causa  ad  urbem  revocaretur,  dictatore  dicto  C. 
Senilio  Gemino,  in  pro\inciam  est  profectus. 
Dictator  magistriim  equitum  P.  Aelium  Paetum  dixit. 
6  Saepe  comitia  indicta  perfici  tempestates  prohi- 
buerunt;  itaque  cum  pridie  idus  Martias  veteres 
magistratus  abissent,^  novi  sufFecti  non  essent,  res 
publica  sine  curulibus  magistratibus  erat. 

6  T.  Manlius  Torquatus  pontifex  eo  anno  mortuus ; 
in  locum  eius  suffectus  C.^  Sulpicius  Galba.  Ab  L. 
Licinio  Lucullo  et  Q.  Fulvio  aedilibus  curulibus  ludi 

7  Romani  ter  toti  ^  instaurati.  Pecuniam  ex  aerario 
scribae  natoresque  aedilicii  clam  egessisse  per 
indicem  *   damnati   sunt,,   non   sine   infamia   Luculli 

8  aedilis.  P.  Aelius  Tubero  et  L.  Laetorius  aediles 
plebis  \1tio  creati  magistratu  se  abdicaverunt,  cum 
ludos  ludorumque  causa  epulum  Io\i  fecissent  et 
signa  tria  ^  ex  multaticio  argento  facta  in  Capitolio 
posuissent.  Cerialia  ludos  dictator  et  magister 
equitum  ex  senatus  consulto  fecerunt. 

XL.  Legati    ex    Africa    Romani    simul    Carthagi- 

niensesque  cum  venissent  Romam,  senatus  ad  aedera 

2  Bellonae  habitus  est.     Ubi  ^  cum  L.  \'eturius  Philo 

pugnatum  cum  Hannibale  esse  suprema  Carthaginien- 

1  abissent  CBDANJK  Aldus,  Frohen  :   -essent  N^V. 

2  C.  CA'JK  Froben  2  :  Cn.  .VF  :   om.  BDAN  AMns. 

3  ter  toti  CBDAN  Alius  :   tertio  ^'.V'lVA'  Froben  2. 

*  indicem,  after  this  z  Aldus,  Froben,  Eds.  add  comperti; 
om.  by  CBDAXVJK  Ahchefski,  Conuay. 

*  tria   -4^  Aldus,   Frohen:    aerea   C:     (signa)ria   BDAX  : 
militaria  A'JK. 

«  Ubi  CBDAX  Aldu^,  Froben  :   ibi  VJK. 

1  Consul  in  203  B.C.;   xix.  6  ff . ;    XXIX.  xxxviii.  .3. 

2  The  stem  defender  of  every  ancient  custom ;   cf.  especially 

XXII.  Ix  ff.,  after  Cannae,  19  years  after  his  first  consulship; 

XXIII.  xxii.  7;   above,  ii.  8. 


BOOK  XXX.  XXXIX.  4-xL.  2 

the  city  to  hold  the  elections,  named  Gaius  Servilius  b.c.  202 
Geminus  ^  dictator  and  went  to  his  province.     TheJ        V 
dictator  named  Publius  Aelius  Paetus  master  of  the      ^ 
horse.      Repeatedly   a   date   for   the    elections   was 
announced,  but  storms  prevented  them  from  taking 
place.     Consequently,  since  the  old  magistrates  had 
left  office  on  the  eve  of  the  Ides  of  March  and  new 
men  had  not  been  elected  in  their  places,  the  state 
had  no  curule  magistrates. 

Titus  Manlius  Torquatus,^  the  pontiff,  died  that 
year  and  Gaius  Sulpicius  Galba  was  named  in  his 
place.  The  Roman  Games  were  repeated  three 
times  throughout  by  Lucius  Licinius  Lucullus  and 
Quintus  Fulvius,  the  curule  aediles.  For  having 
secretly  abstracted  money  from  the  Treasury,  clerks  |V 
and  messengers  of  the  aediles  were  condemned  onr 
evidence  of  an  informer,  not  without  disgrace  for 
Lucullus  as  aedile.  Publius  Aelius  Tubero  and 
Lucius  Laetorius,  owing  to  a  defect  in  their  election  jT 
as  plebeian  aediles,  abdicated  their  office  after  they 
had  conducted  the  games  and  in  connexion  with 
them  a  banquet  for  Jupiter,  and  had  placed  on  the 
Capitol  three  statues  of  which  the  cost  was  met  by 
money  paid  in  fines.  The  festival  of  Ceres  was 
under  the  direction  of  the  dictator  and  master  of 
the  horse  by  decree  of  the  senate. 

XL.  Upon  the  arrival  at  Rome  of  the  envoys  from 
Africa,  the  Roman  and  the  Carthaginian  at  the  same 
time,  the  senate  sat  in  the  Temple  of  Bellona.^ 
There  Lucius  Veturius  Philo  *  to  the  great  joy  of  the 
senators  set  forth  how  they  had  fought  with  Hannibal 
in  a  battle  that  was  for  the  Carthaginians  their  last, 

3  Cf.  xxi.  12  and  note.  *  Cf.  xxxviii.  4. 

5^5 


sibus  pugna  finemque  tandem  lugubri  bello  inpositum 

3  ingenti  laetitia  patriim  exposuisset,  adiecit  Verminam 
etiam  Syphacis  filiiun,  quae  parva  bene  gestae  rei 
accessio  erat,  devictum.    In  contionem  inde  ^  prodire 

4  iussus  gaudiumque  id  populo  inpertire.  Turn  pate- 
facta  2  gratulationi  ^  omnia  in  urbe  templa  suppli- 
cationesque  in  triduum  decretae.  Legatis  Cartha- 
giniensium  et  Philippi  regis — nam  hi  *  quoque  vene- 
rant — petentibus  ut  senatus  sibi  daretur  responsiim 
iussu  patrum  ab  dictatore  est  consules  novos  iis 
senatum  daturos  esse. 

5  Comitia  inde  habita.  Creati  consules  Cn.  Cornelius 
Lentulus,  P.  Aelius  Paetus ;  praetores  M.  lunius 
Pennus,  cui  sors  urbana  evenit,  M.  Valerius  Falto 
BruttioS;    M.    Fabius    Buteo    Sardiniam,    P.    Aelius 

6  Tubero  Siciliam  est  sortitus.  De  provinciis  consuluni 
niliil  ante  placebat  agi  quam  legati  Philippi  regis  et 
Carthaginiensium  auditi  essent ;  belli  finem  alterius, 
alterius  principium  prospiciebant  animis. 

7  Cn.  LentuliLs  consul  cupiditate  flagrabat  provinciae 
Africae,  seu  bellum  foret,  facilem  ^  victoriam,^ 
seu  iam  finiretur,  finiti  tanti  belli  se  '  consule  gloriam 

8  petens.  Negare  itaque  prius  quicquam  agi  passurum 
quam  sibi  provincia  ®  Africa  decreta  esset,  concedente 

1  inde  A'X'VJK  Alius,  Froben  :   om.  CBDAN. 

2  patefacta  C'BK\'S*VJK  Froben  2:  paterfacta  CBD  \ 
patuere  facta  AN  Aldus  (faciendae  Gronovius). 

^  gratulationi  Gronoviis  :    -ne  CBDANVJK. 

4  hi  BAXV  :   hii  CD  A' J  :   ii  K  Aldus,  Froben. 

5  facilem  CBDX'VJK  :   facUe  AX. 

*  victoriam  N*]'JK  Froben  2  :  victoriam  fore  CBDAN 
Aldus. 

'  se  CBDANVJK  Aldus,  Froben,  AlschefsH,  Conway:  a 
se  J.  Perizonius,  Eds. 

8  provincia  A*X*VJK  :  -iam  C:  om.  BDAX  Aldus, 
Froben. 

516 


BOOK  XXX.  XL.  2-8 

and  that  at  length  an  end  had  been  made  of  a  war  b.c.  202 
of  grievous   losses.     He   then   added  that  Vermina 
also,  the  son  of  Syphax,  had  been  defeated — a  small 
supplement  to  a  victorious  campaign.    Upon  that  he  , 
was  bidden  to  go  out  into  the  assembly  and  share  the^ 
joyful  news  with  the  people.     Then  all  the  temples 
in  the  city  were  opened  for  the  offering  of  thanks,      j^ 
and  three  days  of  thanksgiving  were  ordered.    When    v       ik 
the  Carthaginian  envoys  and  those  of  King  PhiHp —  A  ' 

for  these  also  had  arrived — requested  that  a  hearing 
in  the  senate  be  granted  them,  by  order  of  the 
senate  the  dictator  replied  that  the  new  consuls 
would  grant  them  a  hearing  in  the  senate.^ 

Thereupon  the  elections  were  held.  As  consuls  »  ?/  *" 
Gnaeus  Cornelius  Lentulus  and  Publius  Aelius 
Paetus  were  elected,  as  praetors  Marcus  Junius 
Pennus,  to  whom  fell  the  city  praetorship,  Marcus 
Valerius  Falto,  to  whom  the  land  of  the  Bruttii, 
Marcus  Fabius  Buteo,  to  whom  Sardinia,  Publius 
Aelius  Tubero,  to  whom  Sicily  was  allotted.  As  for 
the  consuls'  provinces,  the  senators  were  not  dis- 
posed to  take  up  the  matter  until  the  envoys  of  King 
Philip  and  those  of  the  Carthaginians  had  been  heard. 
They  foresaw  the  end  of  one  war,  the  beginning  of  A 
another. 

Gnaeus  Lentulus,  the  consul,  was  fired  with  the  b.c.  201 
desire  to  have  Africa  as  his  province,  aspiring  to  an  ^ 
easy  victory  if  the  war  continued,  or  if  it  were  already 
ending,  to  the  glory  of  having  so  great  a  war  end  in 
|Tiis__consulship.^  Accordingly  he  declared  that  he 
would  allow  nothing  to  be  taken  up  before  Africa 
had  been  assigned  him  by  decree  as  his  province. 

^  An  embassy  had  been  sent  to  Philip  the  year  before; 
xxvi.  4.     Cf.  xlii.  1  £f. 


conlega,  moderato  viro  et  prudenti,  qui  gloriae  eius 
certamen  cum  Scipione,  praeterquam  quod  iniquum 
9  esset,  etiam  inpar  futurum  cernebat.  Q.  Minucius 
Thermus  et  M'.  Acilius  Glabrio  tribuni  plebis  rem 
priore  anno  ^  nequiquam  temptatam  ab  Ti.  Claudio 

10  consule  Cn.  Cornelium  temptare  aiebant ;  ex  auctori- 
tate  patrum  latum  ad.  populum  esse  cuius  vellent 
imperium  in  Africa  esse ;   omnes  quinque  et  triginta 

11  tribus  P.  Scipioni  id  imperium  decrevisse.^  Multis 
contentionibus  et  in  senatu  et  ad  populum  acta  res 
postremo   eo  deducta   est  ut  senatui  permitterent. 

12  Patres  igitur  iurati — ita  enim  convenerat — censu- 
erunt  uti  consules  pro\-incias  inter  se  conpararent 
sortirenturve  uter  Italiam,  uter  classem  navium  quin- 
quaginta  haberet ;    cui  classis  obvenisset  in  Siciliam 

13  navigaret;  si  pax  cum  Carthaginiensibus  componi  ne- 
quisset,  in  Africam  traiceret ;   consul  mari,  Scipio  eo- 

U  dem  quo  adhuc  iure  imperii  terra  rem  gereret ;  si 
condiciones  convenirent  pacis,  tribuni  plebis  populum 
rogarent  utrum  consulem  an  P.  Scipionem  iuberent 
pacem  dare,  et  quem,  si  deportandus  exercitus  victor 

15  ex  Africa  esset,  deportare  ;  si  pacem  per  P.  Scipionem 
dari  atque  ab  eodem  exercitum  deportari  iussissent, 

16  ne  consul  ex  Sicilia  in  Africam  traiceret.    Alter  con- 

^  priore  anno  A*X*\'JKx  Aldus,  Frohen:    anno  C:    om. 
BDAX. 

*  decrevisse  CB'^?DA^  :    -cresse  BAXJK  :    -cretum  X'. 

1  Cf.  xxvii.  2  S. 


BOOK  XXX.  XL.  8-16 

He  had  the  consent  of  his  colleague,  a  moderate  b.c.  201 
man  and  wise  who  saw  that  a  contest  with  Scipio  1 
for  that  glory  not  only  was  iijifoir^but  also  would  I 
prove    unequal.      Quintus    Minucius'  Thermus    and 
Manius    Acilius    Glabrio,    tribunes    of    the    plebs, 
declared  that  Gnaeus  Cornelius  was  attempting  what 
had  been  vainly  attempted  in  the  preceding  year  by 
Tiberius  Claudius,  the   consul ;  ^    that  by  authority 
of  the  senators  the  question  whom  they  wished  to  D 
have  the  high  command  in  Africa  had  been  brought  n 
before  the  people ;    that  all  thirty-five  tribes  had 
awarded    that    command    to    Scipio.      After    many    . 
disputes,  while  the  matter  was  before  the  senate  and    I 
the  people  as  well,  the  decision  was  ultimately  left  ' 
to  the  senate.    The  senators  therefore  under  oath  ^ — 
for  such  had  been  the  agreement — decided  that  the 
consuls  should  determine  their  provinces  by  mutual  ,  V. 
agreement  or  by  lot,  which  of  them  was  to  have  Italy  J  !^ 
and  which  the  fleet  of  fifh^jhips ;   that  he  to  whom 
the  fleet  fell  should  sail  to  Sicily,  and  if  peace  could 
not  be  arranged  with  the  Carthaginians,  he  should 
cross  over  to  Africa ;   that  the  consul  should  conduct 
operations  on  the  sea  and  Scipio  on  the  land,  with  the 
same  authority  to  command  as  heretofore ;    that  if 
the  peace  terms  should  be  agreed  upon,  the  tribunes 
of  the   plebs   should   bring   before   the   people   the 
question   whether   to   order  the   consul   or   Publius 
Scipio  to  grant  peace,  and,  if  the  victorious  army  was 
to  be  brought  back  from  Africa,  who  was  to  bring  it 
back.     If  the    people  should  order  that  peace  be 
granted  through  Publius  Scipio,  and  that  the  army 
should  be  brought  back  by  him  as  well,  the  consul 
should  not  cross  over  from  Sicily  to  Africa.    The  other 

2  An  exceptional  practice;  XXVI.  xxxiii.  14;  XLII.  xxi.  5. 


sul,  cui  Italia  evenisset,  duas  legiones  a  M.  Sextio 
praetore  acciperet. 

XLI.  P.  Scipioni  cum  exercitibus  quos  haberet  in 
provincia  Africa  prorogatum  imperium.  Praetoribus  ^ 
M.  ^'alerio  Faltoiii  duae  legiones  in  Bruttiis  quibus 

2  C.  Livius  priore  anno  praefuerat  decretae  ;  P.  Aelius  ^ 
duas  legiones  in  Sicilia  ab  Cn.  Tremelio  acciperet; 
legio  una  M.  Fabio  in  Sardiniam  quam  P.  Lentulus 

3  pro  praetore  habuisset  decernitur.  M.  Servilio  prioris 
anni   consuli   cum   suis   duabus   item   legionibus   in 

4  Etruria  ^  prorogatum  imperium  est.  Quod  ad 
Hispanias  attineret,  aliquot  annos  lam  ibi  *  L. 
Cornelium  Lentulum  et  L.  Manlium  Acidinum  esse ; 
uti  ^  consules  cum  tribunis  agerent  ut,^  si  iis  videretur, 
plebem  rogarent  cui  iuberent  in  Hispania  imperium 

5  esse ;  is  ex  duobus  exercitibus  ^  in  unam  legionera 
conscriberet  Romanos  milites  et  in  quindecim  cohortes 
socios  Latini  nominis,  quibus  provinciam  obtineret; 
veteres  milites  L.  Cornelius  et  L.  Manlius  in  Italiam 

6  deportarent.  Consuli  quinquaginta  navium  classis  ex 
duabus  classibusj^  Cn.  Octa\'i  quae  in  Africa  esset, 

1  Praetoribus  BDAXV  :  -torio  C :  -tori  A'JK  Aldus, 
Frohen.  

2  Aelius,  after  tJiis  praetor  {or  pr)  CBDAXVJK  Aldus, 
Frohen,  Eds.  :    rejected  by  Conway  as  probably  a  gloss. 

3  Etruria,  with  this  D  comes  to  an  end. 

*  annos  iam  ibi  CA*VJK  :  iam  annos  ibi  z  Aldus,  Frohen : 
om.  BAN. 

5  uti  C  :   ut  K  :   ut  hii  .4*.V»T'(hi)J  :   ut  ii  x  Aldus,  Frohen. 

6  ut  CBAS  :   after  videretur  A'X'VJK  Aldxs,  Frohen. 
'  ex  duobus  exercitibus  CA*X*VJK  Eds.  :   om.  BA. 

8  classibus,  here  AX  desert  us,  but  missing  text  is  supplied 
hy  A*X: 

520 


BOOK  XXX.  XL.  16-XL1.  6 

consul,  to  whom  Italy  should  fall,  was  to  receive  two  b.c.  201 
legions  from  Marcus  Sextius,  the  praetor.^ 

XLI.  Publius  Scipio's  command  in  his  province  of  / 
Africa   was    continued   with   the    armies    which    he  J 
already  had.    Of  the  praetors  Marcus  Valerius  Falto 
was  assigned  in  the  land  of  the  Bruttians  two  legions 
which  Gaius  Livius  had  commanded  in  the  preceding 
year ;    Publius  Aelius  was  to  receive  two  legions  in  1 
Sicily  from  Gnaeus  Tremelius ;    Marcus  Fabius  was  ' 
assigned  for  Sardinia  the  one  legion  which  Pubhus 
Lentulus    had    held    as    propraetor.      For    Marcus 
Servilius,  consul  in  the  previous  year,  his  command  in 
Etruria  was  continued,  likewise  with  his  own  two 
legions.     As  for  the   Spanish  provinces,  they  said 
that  for  some  years  already  Lucius  Cornelius  Lentulus 
and    Lucius    Manlius    Acidinus    had    been   there ;  ^ 
that  the  consuls  should  urge  the  tribunes,  if  it  met 
with  their  approval,  to  bring  before  the  people  the 
question  who  by  their  decree  should  be  commander 
in  Spain.    Out  of  the  two  armies  the  general  was  to 
enrol  Roman  soldiers  in  a  single  legion  and  Latin 
allies  in  fifteen  cohorts,  in  order  that  with  these  he 
might    hold   the   province.      As    for   the    veterans, 
Lucius  Cornelius  and  Lucius  Manlius  were  to  bring"?, 
them  back  to  Italy .^     The  consul  *  was  assigned  a 
fleet  of  fifty  ships,  made  up  from  two  fleets,  that  of 
Gnaeus  Octavius,  which  was  in  African  waters,  and 

1  Cf.  xxvii.  7. 

2  I.e.  since  206  B.C.  (late  in  the  year) ;   XXVIII.  xxxviii.  1 ; 
XXIX.  xiii.  7 ;  above,  ii.  7. 

3  Lentulus  returned  to  Rome  in  200  B.C.,  Manlius  in  199; 
XXXI.  XX.  1  and  XXXII.  vii.  4. 

■*  Cf.  xl.  12  ff. ;  here  also  the  same  absence  of  a  name,  since 
the  allotment  of  provinces  was  still  to  be  made;  see  xliii.  1. 


LRT 

^•R-^-         €;t  ^  P.  Villi  quae  Siciliae  oram  tuebatur,  decreta,  ut 

7  quas  vellet  naves  deligeret.  P.  Scipio  quadraginta  ^ 
naves  longas  quas  habuisset  habere! ;  ^  quibus  si 
Cn.  Octa\-ium,  sicut  praefuisset,  praeesse  vellet, 
Octavio    pro    praetore    in    eum    annum    imperium 

8  esset ;  si  Laelium  praeficeret,  OctaA-ius  Romam  dece- 
deret  reduceretque  naves  quibus  consuli  *  usus  non 
esset.    Et  M.  Fabio  in  Sardinian!  decern  longae  naves 

9  decretae.  Et  consules  duas  urbanas  legiones  scribere 
iussi,  ut  quattuordecim  legionibus  eo  anno,  centum 
na^-ibus  longis  res  publica  administraretur. 

XLII.  Tum  de  legatis  Philippi  et  Carthaginien- 

2  sium  actum.  Priores  Macedonas  introduci  placuit ; 
quorum  varia  oratio  fuit,  partim  purgantium  quae 
questi  erant  missi  ad  regem  ab  Roma  legati  de  popu- 
latione  sociorum,  partim  ultro  accusantium  quidem  et 

3  socios  populi  Romani,  sed  multo  infestius  M.  Aure- 
lium,  quem  ex  tribus  ad  se  missis  legatis  dilectu 
habito  substitisse  et  se  bello  lacessisse  contra  foedus  et 
saepe  cum  praefectis  suis  signis  conlatis  pugnasse, 

4  partim  °  postulantium  ut  Macedones  duxque  eorum 
Sopater,  qui  apud  Hannibalem  mercede  militassent, 

1  et  Cx:   o)n.  BA'S'VJK  Aldus,  Frohen. 

2  quadraginta  {or  numerals]  BA*X*\'J K  :  xxx  C  :  L 
Aldus,  Frohen. 

^  haberet,  here  CB:  before  quas  habuisset  A'N'VJK 
Aldus,  Frohen. 

*  consuli  2  Eds.  :  cons  C  :  cos  B  :  consulibus  A*N*VJK  : 
proconsuli  Aldus,  Frohen. 

5  partim  Frohen,  Eds.  :  om.  CBA'N'VJK  Aldus. 

522 


BOOK  XXX.  xLi.  6-xLii.  4 

that  of  Publius  Villi  us,  which  was  defending  the  coast  b.c.  201 
of  Sicily,  the  consul  being  free  to  select  such  ships 
as  he  pleased.     Publius  Scipio  was  to  have  the  forty  \ 
war-ships  which  he  had  before,^  and  if  he  desired   ' 
that  Gnaeus  Octavius  should  command  them,  as  he 
had  done,  Octavius  was  to  have  military  authority  as 
propraetor  for  that  year.     If  he  should  name  LaeUus 
commander,  Octavius  was  to  leave  the  province  for 
Rome  and  to  bring  back   such   ships  as  the  consul 
did  not  need.     Ten  war-ships  also  were  assigned  to 
Marcus  Fabius  for  Sardinia.     And  the  consuls  were 
ordered  to  enrol  two  city  legions,  so  that  in  that  year 
the   state   was   carried   on   with   fourteen   legions  ^ 
and  a  hundred  war-ships. 

XLII.  Then  the  senate  deliberated  concerning 
the  embassies  of  Philip  and  the  Carthaginians. 
It  was  decided  that  the  Macedonians  should  be 
brought  in  first.  Their  speeches  were  in  different 
veins,  as  some  of  them  tried  to  excuse  acts  of  which 
envoys  who  were  sent  from  Rome  to  the  king  in 
regard  to  the  ravaging  of  alHed  territory  had  com- 
plained. Others  actually  turned  accuser,  attacking! 
allies  of  the  Roman  people,  to  be  sure,  but  Marcus ' 
Aurelius  with  much  more  violence,  alleging  that, 
being  one  of  three  envoys  ^  sent  to  them,  he  had 
conducted  a  levy,  had  remained  and  made  war  upon 
them  in  violation  of  the  treaty,  and  had  repeatedly 
engaged  in  regular  battles  with  their  commanders. 
Still  others  demanded  that  the  Macedonians  and 
their    general,    Sopater,    who    as    mercenaries    had 

1  For  Scipio's  original  fleet  (30  ships)  cf.  XXVIII.  xlv.  21 ; 
then  40,  XXIX.  xxvi.  3.  Fifty  more  from  Sardinia  (above, 
xxxvi.  2  f.),  now  under  the  command  of  Octavius. 

-  Including  the  two  in  Gaul;   xl.  16 j   xxvU.  7. 

^  Cf.  xxvi.  4, 


LI\T 

turn    capti  ^    in    vinclis    essent,    sibi    restituerentur. 

5  Adversus  ea  M.  Furius,  missus  ad  id  ipsum  ab  Aurelio 
ex  Macedonia,  disseruit  Aurelium  relictum,  ne  socii 
populi  Romani  fessi  populationibus  vi  atque  iniuria  ad 
regem  deficerent ;    linibiis  socioriun*non  excessisse  ; 

6  dedisse  operam  ne  impune  in  agros  eorum  populatores 
transcenderent.  Sopatrum  ex  purpuratis  et  pro- 
pinquis  regis  esse  ;  eum  cum  quattuor  milibus  Mace- 
donum   et  pecunia  missum  nuper  in  Africam   esse 

7  Hannibali  et  Carthaginiensibus  auxilio.  De  his  rebus 
interrogati  Macedones  cum  perplexe  responderent, 
nequaquam  ipsi  simile  ^  responsum  tulerunt :  bellum 
quaerere  regem  et,  si  pergat,  propediem  inventurum. 

8  Dupliciter  ab  eo  foedus  violatum,  et  quod  sociis 
populi  Romani  iniurias  fecerit  ac  ^  bello  armisque 
lacessiverit,  et  quod  hostes  auxiliis  et  pecunia  iuverit. 

9  Et  P.  Scipionem  recte  atque  ordine  fecisse  videri  et 
facere,  quod  eos  qui  arma  contra  populum  Romanum 
ferentes  capti  sint  hostium  numero  in  vinclis  habeat, 

10  et  M.  Aurelium  e  re  publica  facere,  gratumque  id 
senatui  esse  quod  socios  populi  Romani,  quando  iure 
foederis  non  possit,*  armis  tueatur. 

11  Cum  hoc  tam  tristi  responso  dimissis  Macedonibus, 

^  turn  capti  CB :  capti  A'S*VJ  :  captique  K  Aldus, 
Frohen. 

2  nequaquam  ipsi  simile  Novak,  most  recent  Eds.  :  nequa- 
quam ipsi  mite  Coniray  :  neq.  ipsi  mite  C  Ahchefiki  (neque) : 
om.  B  [lacvna)  :  ipsi  ante  A*N*VJK  Aldus,  Frohen:  ipsi 
non  anceps  Madvig  :   ipsi  apertum  Weissenbom. 

=  ae  CB  Eds.  :  om.  A*y*\'JK  Aldus,  Frohen. 

*  possit  C^iZ  :   i^os^et  A'S*V J K  Aldus,  Frohen. 

^  As  being  mercenaries,  not  really  belligerents. 
^  No  doubt  still  disputed,  so  that  ex  Slacedonia  just  above 
is  only  an  apparent  conflict. 

524 


BOOK  XXX.  XLii.  4-1 1 

served  with  Hannibal  and  at  the  time  were  captives  b.o.  201 
in  chains,  be  restored  to  them.^  In  reply  Marcus 
Furius,  who  had  been  sent  for  the  very  purpose 
from  Macedonia  by  Aurelius,  maintained  that 
Aurelius  had  been  left  behind  in  order  to  prevent 
allies  of  the  Roman  people  from  being  exhausted 
by  raids  and  forced  by  acts  of  violence  to  go  over  to 
the  king's  side ;  that  he  had  not  gone  beyond  the 
boundaries  ^  of  the  alUes  ;  that  he  had  exerted  him- 
self that  raiders  should  not  come  over  into  the 
alUes'  lands  with  impunity.  He  said  that  Sopater 
was  one  of  the  king's  high  officials  and  of  his  kin ; 
that  he  had  been  sent  recently  to  Africa  with  four 
thousand  Macedonians  ^  and  money  to  bring  aid  to 
Hannibal  and  the  Carthaginians.  Inasmuch  as  the 
Macedonians,  when  questioned  in  regard  to  these 
matters,  gave  ambiguous  answers,  they  in  turn  re- 
ceived an  answer  of  a  very  different  sort :  that  the 
king  was  looking  for  war  and  if  he  kept  on  would  soon 
find  it ;  that  he  had  twice  violated  the  treaty,  in  that 
he  wTonged  allies  of  the  Roman  people  and  harried 
them  with  war  and  arms,  and  in  that  he  aided  the 
enemy  by  reinforcements  and  money ;  that  not  only 
had  Scipio  acted  and  was  now  acting  in  their  opinion 
with  perfect  propriety  in  keeping  in  chains  as  enemies 
men  who  had  been  captured  while  bearing  arms 
against  the  Roman  people,  but  also  that  Marcus 
AureUus  was  acting  in  conformity  with  the  interest 
of  the  state,  and  that  the  senate  was  grateful  that 
he  was  defending  allies  of  the  Roman  people  by  arms, 
since  he  was  unable  to  do  so  by  the  obligations  of  a 
treaty. 

With  so  stern  an  answer  as  this  the  Macedonians 

^  Cf.  xxxiii.  5. 

525 


legati  Carthaginienses  vocati.  Quorum  aetatibus 
dignitatibusque  conspectis — nam  longe  primi  civi- 
tatis    erant — tum    pro    se    quisque    dicere    vere    de 

12  pace  agi.  Insignis  tamen  inter  ceteros  Hasdrubal  erat 
• — Haedum  populares  cognomine  appellabant — ,  pads 

13  semper  auctor  adversasque  factioni  Barcinae.  Eo 
tum  plus  illi  auctoritatis  fuit  belli  culpam  in  paucorum 

1-i  cupiditatem  ab  re  publica  transferenti.  Qui  cum 
varia  oratione  ilsus  esset,  nunc  purgando  crimina, 
nunc  quaedam  fatendo,  ne  impudenter  certa  neganti- 
bus  difficilior  ^  venia  esset,  nunc  monendo  etiam  patres 
conscriptos  ut  rebas  secundis  modeste  ac  moderate 

15  uterentur — si  se  atque  Hannonem  audissent  Cartha- 
ginienses et  tempore  uti  voluissent,  daturos  fuisse 
pacis  condiciones  quas  tunc  peterent.  Raro  simul 
hominibus  bonam  fortunam  bonamque  mentem  dari ; 

16  populum  Romanum  eo  invictum  esse  quod  in  secundis 
rebus  sapere   et  consulere  meminerit.     Et  hercule 

17  mirandum  fuisse,  si  aliter  faceret.^  Ex  insolentia 
quibus  nova  bona  ^  fortuna  sit  inpotentes  laetitiae 
insanire ;  populo  Romano  usitata  ac  prope  iam  obso- 
leta  ex  victoria  gaudia  esse,  ac  plus  paene  parcendo 

18  victis  quam  vincendo  imperium  auxisse.  Ceterorum 
miserabilior  oratio  fuit,  commemorantium  *  ex 
quantis  opibus  quo  reccidissent  Carthaginiensium  res  : 

»  difficilior  r'B  Froben  2  :  difficilis  A'X'VJK  Aldus. 

•  faceret  CB  Aldus  :   -rent  A*X*VJK  Froben. 

^  bona  CBA^JK  Eds.  :   om.  .4*A'*l'(nova  also). 

*  commemorantium  A*X*VJK  Eds.  :    -ratio  CB. 


^  Cf.  xliv.  5;   Appian  Pun.  49  Jin.,  53,  but  the  occasion  is 
different. 

2  Seep.  440,  n.  1. 


526 


BOOK  XXX.  xLii.  11-18 

were  dismissed  and  the  Carthaginian  ambassadorSiS.c.  201 
summoned.  When  the  senators  observed  the  age' 
and  high  station  of  each — for  these  were  the  very 
first  of  the  citizens — thereupon  all  agreed  that  they 
were  really  treating  for  peace.  Most  conspicuous 
among  them,  however,  was  Hasdrubal  surnamed 
Haedus  ^  among  his  people,  always  a  supporter  of 
peace  and  an  opponent  of  the  Barcine  party.  Hence 
he  had  all  the  more  weight  then,  as  he  shifted  the 
blame  for  the  war  from  the  state  to  the  greed  of  the 
few.  His  speech  was  in  different  keys,  now  excusing 
what  was  charged,  now  making  some  admissions, 
lest  pardon  should  be  harder  to  obtain  if  they  shame- 
lessly denied  known  facts,  and  now  even  admonish- 
ing the  conscript  fathers  ta  make  a  moderate  and 
restrained  use  of  their  good  fortune.  He  said  that  if 
the  Carthaginians  had  listened  to  him  and  to  Hanno  ^ 
and  had  been  minded  to  take  advantage  of  the  rightj 
moment,  the  Romans  would  have  given  the  terms  of 
peace  which  they  were  at  that  time  seeking ;  that 
seldom  were  men  given  good  fortune  and  good 
judgment  at  the  same  time ;  that  the  Roman  people 
was  invincible  for  the  reason  that  in  its  good  fortune  it 
remembered  to  be  wise  and  to  take  counsel.  And 
certainly,  he  said,  it  would  have  been  wonderful  if 
its  practice  were  different.  Men  whose  good  fortune 
was  new  because  of  its  strangeness  went  wild, 
unable  to  control  their  rejoicing;  for  the  Roman 
people  the  joys  of  victory  were  familiar  and  now  all 
but  threadbare,  and  they  had  enlarged  their  empire 
almost  more  by  sparing  the  vanquished  than  by  con- 
quest. The  rest  of  the  speakers  employed  more  pathosl 
as  they  stated  from  what  wealth  the  Carthaginians'^ 
situation  had  fallen  to  what  depths;   that  men  who/ 

527 


nihil  iis   qui  modo  orbem  prope  terrarum  obtinue- 
rint  ^  armis  superesse  praeter  Carthaginis  moenia ; 

19  his  inclusos  non  terra,  non  mari  quicquam  sui  iuris 
cemere ;  urbem  quoque  ipsam  ac  penates  ita  habi- 
turos,2  si  non  in  ea  ^  quoque.  quo  nihil  ulterius  sit, 

20  saevire  populus  Romanus  velit.*  Cum  flecti  miseri- 
cordia  patres  appareret,  senatorum  ^  unum  in- 
festum  perfidiae  Carthaginiensium  succlamasse  ferunt 

21  per  quos  deos  foedas  icturi  essent,  cuni  eos  per  quos 
ante  ictum  esset  fefellissent.  '•  Per  eosdem  "  inquit 
Hasdrubal,  "  quoniam  tam  infesti  sunt  foedera  vio- 
lantibas  ". 

XLIII.  Inclinatis  omnium  ad  pacem  animis  Cn. 
Lentulus  consul,  cui  classis  pro\-incia  erat,  senatus 

2  consulto  intercessit.  Tum  M'.  Acilius  et  Q.  Minucias 
tribuni  plebis  ad  populum  tulerunt  vellent  iuberentne 
senatum  decemere  ut  cum  Carthaginiensibus  pax 
fieret ;     et    quem    eam    pacem    dare,    quemque    ex 

3  Africa  exercitum  deportare  iuberent.  De  pace 
'Uti  rogas' ^  omnes  tribas  iusserunt ;    pacem  dare 

•4  P.  Scipionem,  eundem  exercitum  deportare.  Ex 
hac  rogatione  senatus  decrevit  ut  P.  Scipio  ex  decern 
legatorum    sententia    pacem    cum    populo    Cartha- 

^  obtinuerint  CB{-rant)  :  -uissent  A'X'VJK  Aldm, 
Froben. 

*  habituros  CBK  Aldus,  Froben  :    -taturos  A*X*VJ. 

'  ea,  CA^f  add  moenia  :   Aldxi-^,  read?  ea  quoque  moenia. 

*  velit  A'X'VJK  Alhi.^,  Froben  :   vellet  CB. 

^  senatorum  CBA^  Aldus,  Froben  :   -rem  A'X'VJK. 

*  rogas  C  Sigonius  :  rogatae  erant  B  Froben  2  :  -asset 
A^ :  -assent  Aldus:  rogant  C^? :  the  entire  sentence  is  cm.  by 
A'X'VJK. 

1  A  relative  of  Lentulus  the  consul  according  to  Appian 
Pun.  62. 


BOOK  XXX.  xLii.  18-XL111.  4 

recently  held  almost  the  whole  world  by  their  b.c.  201 
arms  had  nothing  left  but  the  walls  of  Carthage/ 
Shut  up  within  these  walls,  they  said,  they  saw  nothing ' 
on  land  or  sea  subject  to  their  rule.  Even  the  city 
itself  and  their  homes  they  would  hold  only  in  case 
the  Roman  people  did  not  choose  to  vent  its  animosity 
upon  those  possessions  also,  the  last  possible  step. 
When  it  was  clear  that  the  senators  were  inclining 
to  pity,  one  of  their  number,^  outraged  by  the 
perfidy  of  the  Carthaginians,  is  said  to  have  called 
out  to  them,  asking  who  were  the  gods  in  whose 
name  they  were  to  make  the  treaty,  inasmuch  as 
they  had  proved  false  to  the  gods  in  whose  name  the 
former  treaty  had  been  made.  "  The  same  "  said 
Hasdrubal,  "  since  they  are  so  hostile  to  treaty- 
breakers." 

XLIII.  When  all  were  now  disposed  to  make  peacex 
the  consul  Gnaeus  Lentulus,  to  whom  the  fleet  had 
been    assigned,^    vetoed    a    decree    of  the    senate.  X 
Thereupon   Manius  Acilius  and  Quintus   Minucius, 
tribunes  of  the  plebs,^  brought  before  the  people  the 
question  whether  it  was  their  will  and  command  that ;, 
the  senate  should  decree  that  peace  be  made  with  the 
Carthaginians ;     and   whom   they   should   command 
to  grant  that  peace,  and  whom  to  bring  the  army 
back  from  Africa.     In  regard  to  the  peace  all  the 
tribes  voted  affirmatively  ;  that  Publius  Scipio  should  ^ 
grant  the  peace,  that  he  also  should  bring  back  the  -X 
army.    In  accordance  with  this  enactment  the  senate     «, 
decreed  that  Publius  Scipio  on  the  advice  of  ten   x*" 
envoys  should  make  peace  with  the  Carthaginian  ^ 

2  Cf.  xl.  12  f. ;    xli.  6.     Consuls  rarely  exercised  their  right 
of  veto.     They  could  not  veto  a  plebiscite. 
^  Supporting  Scipio,  as  in  xl.  9  ff. 

529 


Ln^Y 

5  giniensi  quibus  legibus  ei  videretur  faceret.  Gratias 
deinde  patribus  egere  Carthaginienses  et  petiemnt 
ut  sibi  in  urbem  introire  et  colloqui  cum  civibus  suis 

6  liceret  qui  capti  in  publica  custodia  essent ;  esse  in  lis 
partim  propinquos  amicosque  suos,  nobiles  homines, 
partim    ad    quos    mandata    a    propinquis    haberent. 

7  Quibus  conventis  cum  rursus  peterent  ut  sibi  quos 
vellent  ex  iis  redimendi  potestas  fieret,  iussi  nomina 

8  edere ;  et  cum  ducenta  ^  ferme  ederent,  senatus 
consultum  factum  est  ut  legati  Romani  ducentos  ex 
captivis,  quos  Carthaginienses  vellent,  ad  P.  G)me- 
lium  2  in  Africam  deportarent,  nuntiarentque  ei 
ut,    si    pax    convenisset,    sine    pretio    eos    Cartha- 

9  giniensibus  redderet.  Fetiales  cum  in  Africam  ad  foe- 
dus  feriundum  ire  iuberentur,  ipsis  postulantibus 
senatus  consultum  in  haec  verba  factum  est,  ut  pri- 
vos  ^  lapides  silices  privasque  ^  verbenas  secum 
ferrent,  ut,  ubi  ^  praetor  Romanus  iis  imperaret  ut 
foedus  ferirent,  illi  praetorem  sagmina  poscerent. 
Herbae  id  genus  ex  arce  sumptum  fetialibus  dari 
solet. 

10       Ita    dimissi    ab    Roma    Carthaginienses    cum    in 
Africam  venissent  ad  Scipionem,  quibus  ante  dictum 

^  ducenta  Hertz  :  -tos  J K  Aldus  :  in  numerals  CBA*S*V 
Froben  2. 

2  Comelium,  to  this  A'JK  Aldus,  Froben  add  Scipionem. 

"^  privos  ^*J  AUs.  :   ipximos  A^N'V J K  {alt.)  :   ^vins  C^?B. 

*  privasque  x  Alias,  Froben :  -masque  CBA*N*JK : 
-mas  V. 

^  ut,  ubi  Madvig  :  et  uti  C  :  et,  ubi  Eiemann  :  uti  A'X'BV 
Aldus,  Froben  :  ubi  JK  apparently. 


BOOK  XXX.  xLiii.  4-10 

people  upon  such  terms  as  he  saw  fit.  The  Cartha-  b.c.  20^ 
ginians  thereupon  thanked  the  senators  and  begged 
permission  to  enter  the  city  and  to  converse  with 
fellow-citizens  who  as  captives  were  in  prison,  saying 
that  among  them  some  were  their  own  relatives  and 
friends,  men  of  rank,  and  others  men  for  whom  they 
had  messages  from  their  relatives.  When  this  was 
arranged  and  they  made  a  further  request  that  they 
might  have  the  opportunity  of  ransoming  such  of 
them  as  they  desired,  they  were  bidden  to  furnish 
the  names.  And  when  they  furnished  some  two 
hundred  names  a  decree  of  the  senate  was  passed 
that  the  Roman  envoys  should  carry  to  Publius^ 
Cornelius  in  Africa  two  hundred  selected  by  the 
Carthaginians  from  the  number  of  the  captives, 
and  should  report  to  him  that,  if  the  peace  should  be 
agreed  to,  he  was  to  deliver  the  captives  to  the 
Carthaginians  without  ransom.  When  orders  were 
being  given  to  the  fetial  priests  ^  to  go  to  Africa 
in  order  to  make  the  treaty,  at  their  own  request  a 
decree  of  the  senate  was  passed  in  these  terms : 
that  they  should  each  take  one  flint  knife  and  one 
tuft  of  foliage  with  them,  in  order  that  when  the 
Roman  general  ^  ordered  them  to  make  the  treaty 
they  should  demand  of  the  general  the  sacred  tufts. 
It  is  customary  to  gather  foliage  of  this  kind  from 
the  Citadel  and  give  it  to  the  fetials. 

Under  these  circumstances  the  Carthaginians  were 
sent  away  from  Rome,  and  having  presented  them- 
selves to  Scipio  in  Africa,  they  made  peace  upon  the 

^  For  the  fetials  and  their  ceremonial  see  I.  xxiv.  4  ff. ; 
xxxii.  5  ff. ;  Servius  on  Aen.  IX.  52;  X.  14;  Varro  L.L 
V.  86 ;   Festus  424  ff .  L. ;   Polybius  III.  25. 

2  Conservative  religious  usage  retained  this  older  meaning 
of  praetor. 


LRT 

A.u.c.  11  est  legibus  pacem  fecerunt.  Naves  longas,  elephan- 
tos,  perfugas,  fugitivos,  captivonim  quattuor  milia 
tradiderunt,  inter  quos  Q.  Terentius  CuUeo  senator 

12  fuit.  Naves  provectas  in  altum  incendi  iussit. 
Quingentas  fuisse  omnis  generis  quae  remis  agerentur 
quidam  tradunt ;  quarum  conspectum  repente  in- 
cendium  tarn  lugubre  fuisse  Poenis  quam  si  ^  ipsa 

13  Carthago  arderet.  De  perfugis  gravius  quam  de 
fugitivis  ^  consultum ;  nominis  Latini  qui  erant 
securi  percussi,  Romani  in  crueem  sublati. 

XLIV.  Annis  ante  quadraginta  pax  cum  Cartha- 
giniensibus  postremo  facta  erat,  Q.  Lutatio,  A.  Man- 

2  Ho  consulibus.  Bellum  initum  annis  post  tribus  et  vi- 
ginti,  P.  Cornelio,  Ti.  Sempronio  consulibus,  finitum 
est   septimo   decimo   anno,   Cn.    Cornelio,   P.    Aelio 

3  consulibus.^  Saepe  postea  ferunt  Scipionem  dixisse 
Ti.  Claudi  primum  cupiditatem,  deinde  Cn.  Cornell 
fuisse  in  mora,  quo  minu-s  id  bellum  exitio  Carthaginis 
finiret.* 

1  si  CK^C'''BA'X']'JK  Frohen  2  :   si  turn  Cx  Aldus. 

-  quam  de  fugitivis  CBA*X*VJK  Aldus,  Frohen,  Eds.  : 
corrupt  according  to  Koehhr,  Conway,  comparing  Vol.  Max.  ii. 
vii,  12,  who  imitated  Livj/,  perhaps  from  a  text  already  cor- 
rupted (since  captured  slaves  could  hardly  fail  to  be  mentioned 
here):  fdloics  a  lacuna,  Weissenbom :  tamquam  de  fugitivis 
coni.  Johnson. 

^  consulibus,  preceded  by  a  cognomen  Paeto  (peto)  BA'N'JV 
Frohen  2,  Ed>:.  :   om.  by  CK  Aldus,  Conway. 

4  finiret  CA*N*VJ  Frohen  2,  Eds.  :   -retur  BN'^K  Aldus. 

^  With  all  the  traditional  formalities,  these  (and  nothing 
else)  being  in  the  hands  of  the  fetials. 

2  He  had  been  captured  in  Africa.  Cf.  xlv.  5.  In  195  B.C. 
he  returned  to  Carthage  on  an  embassy;  XXXIII.  xlvii.  7; 
again  in  171  B.C.;   XLII.  xxxv.  7. 

532 


BOOK  XXX.  xLiii.  lo-xLiv.  3 

terms   above  mentioned.^     They  surrendered  war-  b.c.  201. 
ships,  elephants,  deserters,  runaway  slaves,  and  four         ^ 
thousand     captives,     among     whom     was     Quintus      A ' 
Terentius    Culleo,^    a    senator.      The    ships    Scipio 
ordered  to  be  put  to  sea  and  to  be  burned.    Some 
historians  ^  relate  that  there  were  five  hundred  of 
them — every  type  of  vessel  propelled  by  oars  ;  *  and 
that  when  the  Carthaginians  suddenly  caught  sight 
of  the  fire  it  was  as  doleful  for  them  as  if  Carthage 
itself  were   in   flames.      The    deserters   were    more 
severely   treated   than    the   runaway   slaves,    Latin 
citizens  being  beheaded,  Romans  crucified. 

XLIV.  Forty  years  before,  in  the  consulship  of 
Quintus  Lutatius  ^  and  Aulus   Manlius,  peace  had 
last  been  made  with  the  Carthaginians.     The  war 
which  began  twenty-three  years  later,  in  the  consul- 
ship of  Pubhus  Cornelius  and  Tiberius  Sempronius, 
was  brought  to  an  end  in  the  seventeenth  year,  the 
consulship  of  Gnaeus  Cornelius  and  Publius  Aelius. 
Later  Scipio   often  stated,  so  they  say,  that   first  j 
Tiberius  Claudius'  thirst  for  fame,^  and  then  that  of  j 
Gnaeus   Cornelius   had  hindered  him   from   ending /I 
that  war  with  the  destruction  of  Carthage.'^  ^ 

3  Chiefly  Valerius,  as  we  may  infer  from  the  large  figures. 
Livy  expressly  condemns  his  exaggerations,  e.g.  at  XXVI. 
xlix.  3.     Cf.  above,  xix.  11  and  XXXIII.  x.  8. 

*  The  annahsts  wished  to  include  not  only  rosiratae  or 
longae  of  our  extant  sources,  but  also  smaller  vessels  such  as 
pentekontors  (cargo  vessels  with  50  oars)  and  lesser  craft. 

^  Not  to  be  confused  with  his  brother  Gains,  victor  off  the 
Aegates  Islands  shortly  before.     See  p.  446  and  n.  1 . 

^  Cf.  xxvii.  4  f. ;   and  for  CorneHus  Lentulus  xl.  7  £f. 

'  Cf.  xxxvi.  10.  According  to  Appian  Pvn.  65  Cato  in  his 
speech  for  the  Rhodians  declared  that  Scipio  wished  Carthage 
to  remain  as  a  stimulus  to  Roman  discipline.  So  Nasica  in 
St.  Augustine  CD.  I.  30. 

533 


A.r.c. 
553 


LIVY 

■i  Carthagini  ^  cum  prima  conlatio  pecmiiae  diutino 
bello  exhaustis  difficilis  \ideretur,  maestitiaque  et  Ac- 
tus in  curia  esset,  ridentem  Hannibalem  ferunt  con- 

5  spectum.  Cuius  cum  Hasdrubal  Haedus  risum  incre- 
paret  in  publico  fletu,  cum  ipse  lacrimarum  causa 

6  esset,  ''Si,  quem  ad  modum  oris  habitus  cernitur  ocu- 
lis,"  inquit,  "  sic  et  animus  intus  cerni  posset,^  facile 
vobis  appareret  non  laeti,  sed  prope  amentis  malls 
cordis  hunc  quem  increpatis  risum  esse ;  qui  tamen 
nequaquarn  adeo  est  intempestivus  quam  vestrae 
istae    absurdae    atque    abhorrentes    lacrimae    sunt. 

7  Tunc  flesse  decuit  cum  adempta  sunt  nobis  arma, 
incensae  naves,  interdictum  externis  bellis ;  illo 
enim  volnere  concidimus.     Nee  est  cur  ^  vos  otio  * 

8  vestro  consultum  ab  Romanis  credatis.  Nulla  magna 
ciWtas  diu  ^  quiescere  potest ;  si  foris  hostem  non 
habet,  domi  invenit,  ut  praevalida  corpora  ab  ex- 
ternis causis  tuta  ^'identur,   sed  ^  suis  ipsa  \'iribiis 

9  onerantur.  Tantum  nimirum  ex  publicis  malis 
sentimus  quantum  ad  privatas  res  pertinet,  nee  in  iis 
quicquam  acrius  quam  pecuniae  damnum  stimulat. 

10  Itaque  cum  spolia  victae  Carthagini  detrahebantur, 
cum  inermem  iam  ac  nudam  destitui  inter  tot  armatas 

11  gentes  Africae  cerneretis,'  nemo  ingemuit ;    nunc, 

1  Carthagini  BA'X*  Eds.:  -ne  C:  -niensibus  A^VJK 
{-nens-;  Aides,  Frohen. 

-  posset  CBV  Froben  2  :  potuisset  A'X*JK  Aldus. 

^  Xec  est  cur  Madvig,  recent  Eds.  :  nee  est  causa  cur 
]V eissenhorn  :  necesse  est  ne  CB  :  necesse  in  B^?A'S*VJK  : 
nee  esse  in  Alius,  Frohen. 

*  otio  C  Eds.  :   odio  BA'X'VJK  All"s,  Froben. 

5  diu  Cx  Aldus,  Froben  :   om.  BA'X'VJK. 

«  sed  BA'X'VJK  Eds.:  Johnson  would  delete:  Conway 
'placed  Sed  at  beginning  of  next  sentence,  following  C,  which 
however  om.  sms  .  .  .  onerantur. 

534 


BOOK  XXX.  xLiv.  4-11 

At  Carthage  when  raising  money  for  the  first  b.c.  201 
payment  seemed  difficult  to  men  whose  resources 
were  drained  by  the  long  war,  and  in  the  Senate 
House  there  was  mourning  and  weeping,  they  say 
that  Hannibal  was  seen  laughing.  When  Hasdrubal 
Haedus  ^  upbraided  him  for  laughing  while  the 
people  wept,  he  being  himself  the  cause  of  their 
tears,  he  said  :  "  If  the  mind  within  us  could  be  seen, 
just  as  expression  of  face  is  seen  by  our  eyes,  it  would 
readily  be  clear  to  you  that  this  laughter  which  you 
upbraid  is  not  that  of  a  happy  spirit  but  of  one  almost 
beside  itself  through  misfortunes.  Nevertheless  it 
is  by  no  means  so  untimely  as  are  those  senseless, 
misplaced  tears  of  yours.  The  time  for  us  to  weep 
was  when  our  arms  were  taken  from  us,  our  ships 
burned,  foreign  wars  forbidden ;  for  that  wound  was 
fatal  to  us.  And  you  have  no  reason  to  believe  that 
the  Romans  had  regard  for  your  domestic  peace. 
No  great  state  can  long  be  in  peace.  If  it  lacks  an 
enemy  abroad  it  finds  one  at  home,  just  as  powerful 
bodies  seem  protected  against  infection  from  with- 
out, but  are  of  themselves  weighed  down  by  their 
very  strength.  Of  course  we  feel  only  so  much  of 
the  public  misfortunes  as  bears  upon  our  private  con- 
cerns, and  in  these  nothing  has  so  painful  a  sting  as 
the  loss  of  money.  Hence  when  the  spoils  were  being 
stripped  from  vanquished  Carthage,  although  you 
saw  her  placed,  now  unarmed  and  naked,  in  the  midst 
of  so  many  armed  tribes  of  Africa,  no  one  moaned, 

1  Cf.  xlii.  12. 

'  cerneretis    BA'N'VJK  :    -netis  A^ :    -natis  C:    -nebatis 
Schenkl. 

535 


quia  tributum  ex  private  conferendiim  est,  tamquam 
in  publico  funere  eomploratis.  Quam  vereor  ne 
propediem  sentiatis  le\-issimo  in  malo  vos  hodie 
lacrimasse.  "     Haec  Hannibal  apud  Carthaginienses. 

12  Scipio  contione  advocata  Maslnissam  ad  regnum 
paternum  Cirta  oppido  et  ceteris  urbibiLS  agrisque 
quae  ex  regno  Syphacis  in  populi  Romani  potestatena 

13  venissent  adiectis  dona\'it.  Cn.  Octa\dum  classem  in 
Sicilian!  ductam  Cn.  Cornelio  consuli  tradere  iussit, 
legatos  Carthaginiensium  Romam  prolicisci,  ut  quae 
ab  se  ex  decern  legatorum  sententia  acta  essent,  ea 
patrum  auctoritate  populique  iussu  confirmarentur. 
XLV.  Pace  ten*a  marique  parta,  exercitu  in  naves  in- 

2  posito,  in  Sigiliam  Lilybaeum  traiecit.  Inde  magna 
parte  militum  na\ibus  ^  missa  ipse  per  ^  lactam  pace 
non  miniLS  quam  victoria  Italiam,  efFusis  non  urbibus 
modo  ad  habendos  honores,  sed  agrestium  etiam  turba 
obsidente  \-ias,  Romam  pervenit  triumphoque  omnium 

3  clarissimo  urbem  est  invectus.  Argenti  tulit  in 
aerarium  pondo  centum  viginti  tria  milia.^    Militibus 

^  navibus  B :  in  navibus  A'X*VJ  AMu-s,  Frohen  :  in 
naves  K. 

2  militum  .  .  .  per  om.  C. 

2  centum  viginti  tria  milia  [or  in  numerals)  BA*N*VJK 
Aldus,  Frohen,  Madviq,  Conway  :  cxxxin  milia  C  Luchs,  H.J. 
and  J/.  Millkr,  Lv.terhacher. 


1  See  p.  334,  n.  1. 

2  He  may  have  landed  at  Puteoli.     The  time  is  probably 
the  autumn  of  201  B.C. 


536 


BOOK  XXX.  xLiv.  ii-xLv.  3 

while  now  because  tribute  must  be  raised  from  private  b.o.  201 
property  you  are  mourners,  as  it  were,  at  a  public 
funeral.     How  much  I  fear  you  will  very  soon  be'? 
aware  that  today  you  have  wept  over  a  very  slight  \ 
misfortune!"     So    spoke    Hannibal  to  the  Cartha-''^ 
ginians. 

Scipio  summoned  an  assembly  and  assigning  to  him 
his  father's  kingdom,  presented  Masinissa  with  the 
city  of  Cirta  ^  in  addition  and  the  rest  of  the  cities 
and   lands    which,   he    said,   had    passed   from    the 
kingdom  of  Syphax  into  the  power  of  the  Roman     . 
people.     He  ordered  Gnaeus  Octavius  to  take  the  ">  i 
fleet  to  Sicily  and  turn  it  over  to  Gnaeus  Cornelius,  S\ 
the  consul;   also  the  Carthaginian  envoys  to  go  to      ' 
Rome,  in  order  that  all  his  acts  on  the  advice  of  his 
ten  legati  might  be  confirmed  by  the  authority  of 
the  senate  and  command  of  the  people. 

XLV.  When  peace  had  been  secured  by  land  and 
sea,  Scipio  embarked  his  army  and  crossed  over  to 
Lilybaeum  in  Sicily.  Then  after  sending  a  large 
part  of  the  army  by  sea,  he  himself,  making  his  way 
through  Italy ,2  which  was  exulting  in  peace  no  less 
than  in  the  victory,  while  not  cities  only  poured  out 
to  do  him  honour,  but  crowds  of  rustics  also  were 
blocking  the  roads,  reached  Rome  and  rode  into  the 
city  in  the  most  distinguished  of  all  triumphs.^ 
He  brought  into  the  treasury  one  hundred  and 
twenty-three  thousand  pounds  weight  of  silver.     To 

^  No  details  are  furnished  by  Polybius  either;  XVI.  xxiii 
(one  exception  below,  §  5).  For  picturesque  descriptions  see 
Appian  Pun.  66;  Silius  Ital.  XVII.  625-654,  at  the  very  end 
of  the  poem.  So  dramatic  an  arrangement  had  not  com- 
mended itself  to  Livy  as  he  wrote  the  final  paragraph  of  his 
ten  books  on  the  Hannibalic  War. 

537 


A.u.c.  4  ex  praeda  quadringenos  aeris  divisit.  Morte  sub- 
tractus  spectaculo  magis  hominum  quam  trium- 
phantis  gloriae  Syphax  est,  Tiburi  baud  ita  multo 
ante  mortuus,  quo  ab  Alba  traductus  fuerat.  Con- 
specta  tamen  mors  eius  fuit,.  quia  publico  funere  est 

5  elatus.  Hunc  regem  in  triumpho  ductum  Polybius, 
haudquaquam  spemendus  auctor,  tradit.  Secutus 
Scipionem  triumphantem  est  pilleo  capiti  inposito 
Q.  Terentius  Culleo,  omnique  deinde  vita,  ut  dignum 

6  erat,  libertatis  auctorem  coluit.  Africani  cognomen 
militaris  prius  favor  an  popularis  aura  celebraverit 
an,  sicuti  Felicis  SuUae  Magnique  Pompei  patrum 
memoria,    coeptum    ab    adsentatione    familiari    sit 

7  parum  compertum  habeo.  Primus  certe  hie  im- 
perator  nomine  victae  ab  se  gentis  est  nobilitatus; 
exemplo  deinde  huius  nequaquam  victoria  pares  in- 
signes  imaginum  titulos  claraque  cognomina  famili- 
anmi  ^  fecerunt.^ 

1  familiarum  CA*?  Ed-?.  :  familiae  {or  -ie)  BA'^PX'VJK 
Aldu?,  Frohen. 

2  fecerunt  C  Conivijy:  -cere  A*^JK  Aldu^,  Froben :  lique- 
runt  B  AhchefsH,  Weissenborn  :  sunt  V :  cepenmt  Madvig^ 
Emend.,  most  recent  Eds. :    asciverunt  Leo,  M.  MiXlhr  :    am. 

A'X: 

^  Alba  Fucens ;  xvu.  2  and  note. 
-  So  Val.  Max.  V.  i.  16. 

3  And  so  (from  a  different  source)  Val.  Max.  VI.  ii.  3; 
Polybius  I.e.  §  6;  Tacitus  Ann.  XII.  38;  Silius  Ital.  I.e.  629  f. 
Officially  the  triumph  was  over  Hannibal,  the  Poeni  and 
S}-phax';    XXXVIII.  xlvi.  10.     Here  for  the  very  first  time 


538 


BOOK  XXX.  xLv.  3-7 

his  soldiers  he  distributed  four  hundred  asses  apiece|B.o.  201 
out  of  the  booty.     The  death  of  Syphax  withdrew 
him  rather  from  the  eyes  of  spectators  than  from  the 
glory  of  the  triumphing  general.     He  had  died  not 
long  before  at  Tibur,  to  which  he  had  been  trans- 
ferred from  Alba.i    Nevertheless  his  death  attracted 
attention   because   he   was   given   a   state   funeral. ^ 
Polybius,  an  authority  by  no  means  to  be  despised,    j 
relates   that   this   king   was   led   in   the   triumphal   I 
procession. 3     Follo\\ing  Scipio  as  he  triumphed  was '"] 
Quintus  Terentius  Culleo  *  wearing  the  liberty  cap ;  3 
and  for  all  the  rest  of  his  life,  as  was  fitting,  he 
honoured  in  Scipio  the  giver  of  his  freedom.     As 
for  the  surname  Africanus,  whether  his  popularity 
among  the  soldiers,  or  fickle  favour  of  the  people  first 
gave  it  currency  I  am  unable  to  state,  or  whether  it 
began  with  the  flattery  of  his  intimates,  as  did  the 
surname  Felix  for  Sulla  and  Magnus  for  Pompey 
in  the  time  of  our  fathers.    What  is  certain  is  that  he 
was  the  first  general  to  be  distinguished  by  the  name 
of  a  nation  conquered  by  him.     Later,  following  his 
example  men  who  were  by  no  means  his  equals  in 
their  victories   gained   outstanding  inscriptions   for 
their  masks  ^  and  glorious  surnames  for  their  families. 

Livy  mentions  Polybius.     Cf.  XXXIII.  x.  10  {non  incertum 
auctorem),  where  a  statement  of  his  is  preferred. 

4  Cf.  p.  533  and  n.  2. 

5  In  wall-cases  {armaria)  usually,  each  mask  provided  with 
its  own  tit  ill  as. 


539 


LIBRI   XXX   PERIOCHA 

Scrpio  in  Africa  Carthaginienses  et  eundem  Syphacem 
Xumidiae  regem  Hasdrubalemque  pluribus  proeliis  vicit 
adiuvante  Masinissa ;  bina  hostiuin  castra  expugnavit, 
in  quibus  quadraginta  milia  hominum  ferro  ignique 
consumpta  sunt.  Sj^hacem  per  C.  Laelium  et  ]\Iasinis- 
sam  cepit.  Masinissa  Soplionibam,  uxorem  Syphacis, 
filiam  Hasdnibalis,  captam  statim  adamavit  et  nuptiis 
factis  uxorem  habuit.  Castigatus  a  Scipione  venenum 
ei  misit,  quo  ilia  hausto  decessit.  EfiFectumque  multis 
Scipionis  victoriis  ut  Carthaginienses  in  desperationem  acti 
in  auxilium  publicae  salutis  Hannibalem  revocarent. 
Isque  anno  sexto  decimo  Italia  decedens  in  Africam 
traiecit  temptavitque  per  conloquium  pacem  cum  Scipione 
conponere,  et  cum  de  condicionibus  pacis  non  convenisset, 
acie  victus  est.  Pax  Carthaginiensibus  petentibus  data 
est.  Hannibal  Gisgonem  pacem  dissuadentem  manu  sua 
detraxit;  excusata  deinde  temeritate  facti  ipse  pacem 
suasit.  Mastnissae  regnum  restitutum  est.  Reversus  in 
urbem  Scipio  amplissimum  nobilissimumque  egit  trium- 
phum,  quem  Q.  Terentius  Culleo  senator  pilleatus  secutus 
est.  Scipio  Africanus  incertum  militari  prius  favore  an 
populari  aura  ita  cognominatus  sit;  primus  certe  hie 
imperator  victae  a  se  nomine  gentis  nobilitatus  est.  Mago 
bello  quo  in  agro  Insubrium  cum  Romanis  conflixerat 
volneratus,  dum  in  Africam  per  legatos  revocatus  revertitur, 
ex  volnere  mortuus  est. 


540 


SUMMARY   OF   BOOK   XXX 

Scipio  in  Africa  defeated  the  Carthaginians  and  the 
same  Syphax,  King  of  Numidia,  and  Hasdrubal  in  a 
lumber  of  battles  with  the  aid  of  Masinissa.  He  took  by 
issault  two  camps  of  the  enemy,  in  which  forty  thousand 
2ien  were  wiped  out  by  sword  and  fire.  He  captured 
Byphax  by  the  help  of  Gaius  Laelius  and  Masinissa. 
Vlasinissa,  having  captured  Sophoniba,  wife  of  Syphax 
md  daughter  of  Hasdrubal,  at  once  fell  in  love  and 
ifter  marrying  her  had  her  to  wife.  When  rebuked  by 
Scipio  he  sent  her  poison,  and  upon  drinking  it  she  died. 
The  consequence  of  Scipio's  many  victories  was  that  the 
IJarthaginians,  driven  to  despair,  recalled  Hannibal  to  the 
iefence  of  the  state.  And  he,  withdrawing  from  Italy 
n  the  sixteenth  year,  crossed  over  to  Africa  and  en- 
lea  voured  by  a  conference  to  make  peace  with  Scipio; 
md  as  there  was  no  agreement  on  the  peace  terms,  he  was 
vanquished  in  battle.  The  Carthaginians  sued  for  peace 
ind  it  was  granted  them.  When  Gisgo  argued  against  a 
Deace,  Hannibal  with  his  own  hand  dragged  him  down. 
Chen  after  apologizing  for  the  rashness  of  his  act,  he  him- 
self argued  in  favour  of  peace.  Masinissa' s  kingdom  was 
•estored  to  him.  Returning  to  the  city  Scipio  celebrated 
I  most  splendid  and  distinguished  triumph,  followed  by 
^uintus  Terentius  Culleo,  a  senator,  wearing  a  liberty 
;ap.  Whether  Scipio  Africanus  received  that  cognomen 
irst  from  his  popularity  with  the  soldiers  or  from  fickle 
avour  of  the  people  is  not  known.  Certainly  he  was  the 
irst  commander-in-chief  to  be  distinguished  by  the  name 
)f  a  nation  he  had  conquered.  ]\Iago  was  wounded  in  a 
var  in  which  he  had  come  in  conflict  with  Romans  in  the 
and  of  the  Insubrians,  and  while  returning  to  Africa, 
laving  been  recalled  by  envoys,  he  died  of  his  wound. 

541 


APPENDIX 

THE  ZAMA  PROBLEM 

The  so-called  battle  of  Zama  is  unique  in  that 
efforts  to  localize  its  field  have  ranged  between  two 
points  more  than  eighty  miles  apart.  ^  Today  historical 
and  military  critics  in  all  their  disagreements  are 
convinced  that  Hannibal  was  defeated  neither  in  the 
vicinity  of  Zama  to  the  east  nor  in  that  of  Naraggara 
to  the  west. 

For  the  former  we  have  only  the  authority  of  Corne- 
lius Nepos,  who  in  his  brief  sketch  of  Hannibal  says 
the  battle  was  fought  at  Zama ;  Hann.  6.  Annalists 
whom  the  biographer  presumably  consulted  must  have 
rested  content  to  mention  the  first  place  named  in 
their  sources.  Polybius,  for  example,  names  Zama 
merely  as  a  town  near  to  which  Hannibal  placed  his 
camp  after  removing  from  the  coast  at  Hadrumetun^ 
(Sousse) ;  XV.  v.  3.  He  adds  that  it  was  five  day's 
journeys  from  Carthage,  an  item  which  Livy  re- 
peats without  attaching  to  it  any  special  importance ; 
XXX.  xxix.  2.  Both  have  other  names  for  a  town 
which  to  their  minds  was  near  the  field  of  the  final 
battle ;  v.  14  and  xxix.  9  respectively  (p.  472,  n.  1). 
Appian  also  mentions  Zama  only  in  connection  with 
a   cavalry   engagement    several    days    beforehand; 

^  Now  that  the  eastern  Zama  (No.  2  below)  is  no  longer 
considered,  the  span  of  controversy  is  reduced  to  about  fifty 
miles. 

543 


APPENDIX 

Pun.  36.  None  of  these  three  intimates  that 
Hannibal's  camp  remained  near  Zama. 

Merely  as  marking  a  first  stage  on  Hannibal's 
westward  march  to  meet  Scipio  Zama  would  claim 
our  attention,  even  if  tradition  had  not  clung  to  that 
name  for  the  field  of  his  defeat. 

We  have  first  to  weigh  the  claims  of  two  different 
Zamas  some  thirty  miles  apart  and  separated  by 
mountain  ridges : 

(1)  The  city  later  called  Zama  Regia,  on  a  site  now 
occupied  by  Seba  Biar,  w^est  of  the  long  dorsal 
range  running  north-east  and  south-west ;  see  p.  469, 
n.  4,  and  authorities  there  cited.  It  was  a  royal 
residence  for  this  part  of  Numidia  in  the  time  of 
Jugurtha.  Juba  I.  provided  his  capital,  on  the  edge 
of  a  plain  and  devoid  of  natural  defences,  with  stout 
walls  which  made  it  necessary  for  Titus  Sextius  to 
star^-e  Zama  out  after  a  long  siege  in  41  b.c.  Much 
building  material  must  have  been  available  for  the 
subsequent  restoration  years  afterward  on  a  different 
site.  The  extant  remains  of  Zama  Regia  are  therefore 
wholly  Xumidian,  for  under  Roman  rule  no  attempt 
seems  ever  to  have  been  made  to  rebuild  on  the  same 
spot.  The  distance  from  Carthage  was  less  than  100 
m.  p.  Cf.  Kromayer-Veith,  Antike  Scklachtf elder  III. 
626 ;  IV.  630 ;  ^Iommsen,  Roman  History  I.  and 
Historiscke  Schriftcn  I.  36  ff . ;  Gsell,  Histoire  ancienne 
de  VAfrique  du  Xord  III.  255  ff. ;  De  Sanctis,  Storia 
del  Romani  III.  ii.  549  ff. ;  589  ff. ;  Scullard,  Scipio 
Africanus  310  ff . :  Pais,  Guerre  puniche-  II.  523  f., 
670  ff. ;  Gianelli,  Roma  nelV  Eta  delle  Guerre  puniche 
323  f.  ;  Cagnat  et  Merlin,  Atlas  archeologique  de  la 
Tunisie,  2nd  series,  No.  XXX  (upper  left  for  Seba 
Biar);   Poinssot  in  Rev.  Africaine  1928,  163  ff.  (map) 

544 


APPENDIX 

It  is  probable  that  long  after  the  abandonment  of 
the  desolate  site  of  this  Zama  a  new  city  on  a  much 
smaller  scale  was  built  in  a  far  stronger  situation 
nine  miles  to  the  north-east  of  what  is  now  Seba 
Biar.  At  that  distance  the  modern  village  of  Jama  ^ 
preserves  essentially  the  ancient  name,  and  there 
an  inscription  was  discovered  which  has  since  ceased 
to  be  quite  legible,  if  it  is  indeed  still  extant.  This 
{C.I.L.  VIII.  16442 ;  Dessau  7689)  identifies  the  place 
as  Zama  M(aior),  probably  Ptolemy's  Zaji-a  [i.£i(^cov 
(IV.  3).  The  site  is  commanding  and  the  remains 
are  of  the  time  of  the  Empire,  none  earlier.  Ob- 
viously it  did  not  exist  in  the  age  of  Hannibal.  The 
new  city,  which  was  much  smaller,  assumed  the  style 
of  Zama  from  its  predecessor,  but  was  also  called 
Zama  Maior  presumably  to  distinguish  it  from  the 
following  city. 

(2)  Another  Zama,  later  known  as  Colonia 
Zamensis,  identified  with  Sidi  Abd-el-Djedidi.^ 
Upon  this  site  has  been  found  an  inscription  not 
earHer  than  the  time  of  Antoninus  Pius  and  in 
honour  of  a  magistrate  of  the  colony  who  was  also  a 
'flamen  of  the  Deified  Hadrian.  This  is  C.I.L.  VIII. 
12018;  Eph.  Epigr.  V.  p.  281,  with  map:  Dessau 
4454 ;  a  photograph  in  Comptes  rendus  de  I' Acad. 
Inscr.  1883,  p.  262. 

The  site  is  about  33  miles  to  the  east  of  Seba  Biar 
(Zama  Regia),  in  a  region  where  there  are  no  plains. 
It  is  some  35  miles  north-west  of  Kairouan  and  only 
about  55  miles  from  the  coast  at  Sousse  (Hadru- 
metum).  Some  have  held  this  eastern  Zama  to  be 
the  city  in  question,  e.g.  J.  Schmidt  in  Rkein.  Museum 

^  Cagnat,  op.  cit.  No.  XXV. 

2  Ibid.  No.  XXXI  (upper  left  comer). 

545 

VOL.    VIII.  T 


APPENDIX 

XLIV.  397  ff.  and  in  C.I.L.  VIII.  pp.  210,  1240; 
and  Meltzer-Kahrstedt,  Gesckickie  der  Karthager 
III.  562.  But  that  view  no  longer  finds  a  supporter. 
No  one  now  believes  that  this  eastern  Zama  was 
meant  by  any  of  our  sources ;  cf.  Veith  III.  628  fF. ; 
Mommsen,  Hist.  Schr.  I.  46  ff.  Proof  that  it  was 
called  Zama  as  early  as  the  Second  Punic  War  has 
not  been  furnished. 

Historians  M'ho  located  the  battle  near  Zama  could 
not  possibly  have  meant  this  town  if  they  paid  the 
least  attention  to  the  dorsal  range  which  played  so 
important  a  part  in  the  strategy  of  the  Tunisian 
campaign  of  1943.  The  place  lay  on  the  eastern 
side  of  the  first  range  and  in  a  strong  situation  where 
cavalry  would  be  useless.  It  is  unthinkable  that 
Scipio  should  risk  his  connections  with  Utica,  his 
distant  base,  by  crossing  over  mountain  ridges. 
On  the  other  hand  if  the  battle  took  place  some- 
where between  Zama  Regia  and  Naraggara,  or  any- 
where west  of  the  same  chain,  even  a  Nepos  would 
not  have  localized  the  scene  by  naming  a  town  on 
the  eastern  slopes. 

Which  of  tvvo  Zamas  existing  under  the  Empire 
became  a  colony  in  the  time  of  Hadrian  cannot  be 
determined  from  the  oft-quoted  inscription  found  at 
Rome,  in  which  stands  the  official  name  Colonia 
Aelia  Hadriana  Augusta  Zama  Regia ;  C.I.L.  VI. 
1686;  Dessau  6111  c.  In  Pliny's  time  there  was 
an  oppidum  Zamense,  last  in  his  alphabetical  list  of 
thirty  such  oppida  libera  (N.H.  Y.  30),  but  whether 
he  meant  what  is  now  Jama,  or  what  today  is  Sidi 
Abd-el-Djedidi,  we  have  no  means  of  deciding. 
Probably  Jama  was  intended,  since  a  third  century 
inscription  has  the  coloni  of  Zama  Regia  under  the 

546 


APPENDIX 

same  curator  as  those  of  Mactaris  (Maktar),i  which 
is  only  20  miles  from  Jama.  This  justifies  the  in- 
ference that  the  latter  was  meant  in  the  words 
curatori  reip.  col.  Mactaritanorum  Zamensium  regioruvi. 
The  inscription,  dating  from  the  first  half  of  the  third 
century  a.d.,  was  found  a  few  miles  south  of  Maktar, 
the  stone  having  evidently  been  carried  from  the  ruins 
of  that  town;  C.I.L.  VIII.  23601;  P.  Gauckler  in 
Comptes  rendus  de  VAcad.  Inscr.  1898,  pp.  275  ff.  It  is 
not  to  be  connected  with  the  old  Numidian  Zama 
of  Jugurtha  and  Juba  (No.  1,  above),  for  that  site 
shows  no  trace  of  occupation  under  the  Empire. 
Possibly  there  were  special  reasons  why  Hadrian's 
coloni  should  be  established  in  both  of  the  Zamas 
then  in  existence. 

As  for  the  final  battle-field,  we  have  the  conflicting 
statements  of  our  two  leading  authorities.  Livy 
names  Naraggara,  over  fifty  miles  west  of  Zama 
Regia,  as  the  nearest  town ;  XXX.  xxix.  9.  Sidi 
Youssef,  on  the  western  boundary  of  Tunisia,  has 
been  generally  accepted  as  its  modern  successor. 
Unimportant  in  Livy's  time,  Naraggara  became  a  city 
of  some  consequence  on  one  of  the  roads  connecting 
Hippo  Regius  (Bone)  with  Carthage ;  Itin.  Anton. 
44;  cf.  Ptolemy  IV.  3.  The  distance  from  Hadru- 
metum  (Sousse),  to  which  Hannibal  fled  post  haste, 
would  be  ca.  170  to  180  Roman  miles  according  to  the 
route  taken.2    Modern  authorities,  however,  who  find 

1  Cf.  Cagnat,  op.  cit.  No.  XXX. 

2  Veith  thought  the  southerly  route  via  modern  Maktar  and 
Kairouan  was  chosen  (III.  600  &.,  645).  Appian  Pun.  47  fin. 
and  Nepos  Hannibal  6  agree  that  escape  to  Hadrumetum  was 
accompUshed  within  48  hours,  but  in  giving  the  distance  they 
wildly  exaggerate,  the  former  making  it  3,000  stades  (375 
Roman    miles).      Even    Nepos'    300    miles    would    carry    us 

547 


APPENDIX 

no  plain  suitable  for  this  battle  near  that  site,  accept 
Naraggara  as  merely  a  rough  indication  of  the 
general  region,  and  place  the  battlefield  as  much  as 
20-25  miles  farther  to  the  east  or  south-east;  cf. 
De  Sanctis  I.e.  588  ff. 

Pareti  in  Atti  Accad.  di  Torino  XLVI.  302  ff.  (1911, 
with  map)  put  the  battle  five  miles  south  of  Sicca 
Veneria  (Le  Kef)  and  east  of  the  river  Muthul  (modern 
Mellegue),  between  its  tributar}',  the  Remel,  and  a 
branch  of  the  latter,  the  Tine.^  But  Sicca  was  an 
important  centre  already  in  241  b.c.  (Polvbius  I. 
lx\-i  f.),  and  if  the  victory  of  Scipio  was  won  on  a  field 
so  near  a  well-kno^\^■l  place  the  battle  would  surely 
have  been  named  from  that  town,  and  not  from 
Naraggara,  insignificant  as  it  then  was  and  distant 
some  30  miles  by  road  from  Sicca ;  Itin.  Anton.  41. 

Kromayer,  revising  his  collaborator's  opinion, 
follows  Pareti  in  general,  but  avoiding  so  close  a 
proximity  to  Sicca  Veneria,  puts  the  field  about  ten 
miles  south  of  that  toA^Ti,  south  also  of  the  Remel, 
in  a  plain  known  as  Draa-el-Meinan.  That  would 
be  some  20  miles  south-east  of  Naraggara,  about 
30  miles  Mest  of  Zama  Regia  (Seba  Biar).  See  Antike 
Schlachtfelder  IV.  626  ff. ;  cf.  III.  637  and  map  11a; 
also  the  Schlachfenatlas,  Rom.  Aht.  No.  8,  6  and  text 
cols.  38  ff. ;  Liddell  Hart,  A  Greater  than  Napoleon 
176  (plan). 

The  site  finally  accepted  by  Kromayer  is  particularly 

well  to  the  west  of  Lambese  and  Timgad.  If  the  field  of  battle 
is  to  be  placed  not  far  from  Sicca  Veneria  the  distance  covered 
by  Hannibal  in  flight  would  be  about  120  miles.  Cf.  p.  498, 
n.  1. 

^  See  a  large  scale  map  also  in  Alias  archeol.,  1st  series 
No.  57,  Environs  du  Kef. 


APPENDIX 

commended  by  the  presence  of  two  elevations  suit- 
able for  the  camps,  one  having  a  spring  and  abundance 
of  water,  the  other  waterless,  just  as  Polybius  XV. 
vi.  2  and  Livy  XXX.  xxix.  9-10  require,  while  the 
distance  between  them  (5J  km.)  agrees  substanti- 
ally with  the  statements  of  the  same  passages  (30 
stades  and  4  m.p.  respectively).  This  possible  field, 
chosen  by  a  leading  military  expert  as  meeting  all 
the  requirements,  has  more  recently  been  visited 
and  found  suitable  by  Scullard;  History  of  the 
Romaji  World,  Appendix  461  ff. 

Turning  to  Polybius,  Livy's  prime  source  and  ours 
as  well,  we  find  that  his  best  MSS.  name  Margaron 
as  the  town  near  which  Scipio  encamped  just  before 
the  battle ;  v.  14.  No  place  so  named  is  elsewhere 
mentioned.  Hence  a  presumption  that  the  name  may 
have  been  corrupted  by  copyists.  Accordingly 
Schweighauser  (1790)  boldly  substituted  Napayapo 
"  ex  eodem  Livio  .  .  .  pro  mendoso  Mapyapov." 
So  generally  was  this  brilliant,  but  now  far  from  con- 
vincing, emendation  adopted  that  most  recent  editors 
and  translators  of  Polybius  give  no  intimation  that 
their  reading  is  in  fact  an  XVIIIth  century  correction. 
A  geographical  proper  name,  however,  especially 
in  a  region  almost  unknown  to  the  outside  world,  is 
not  necessarily  corrupt  because  it  occurs  but  once. 
Polybius'  strange  name  otherwise  unsupported  may 
after  all  stem  from  Africanus  himself,  with  whose 
adoptive  grandson,  the  Younger  Scipio,  this  particular 
writer  lived  on  intimate  terms.  We  may  well 
imagine  a  family  tradition  in  protest  against  the 
absurdity  of  naming  the  victory  from  either  Zama 
or  Naraggara,  as  current  misnomers  calling  for 
correction  in  view  of  distance  from  the  scene  of  Han- 

549 


APPENDIX 

nibal's  defeat.  It  is  quite  possible  that  they  in- 
sistently reiterated  their  Margaron  to  any  \vho  used 
a  different  name. 

Naraggara  may  have  been  mentioned  in  early 
sources  merely  as  a  temporary  position  from  which 
Scipio  and  Masinissa  advanced  eastward  to  confront 
Hannibal  moving  westward  from  Zama.  In  that 
case  Livy  must  be  as  culpable  in  fixing  the  actual 
field  of  battle  there  as  was  Nepos  in  naming  Zama, 
and  by  a  similar  carelessness  in  omitting  the  marches 
which  brought  the  combatants  face  to  face.  Masi- 
nissa may  well  have  objected  to  linking  the  victory 
itself  with  the  name  of  Xaraggara,  as  implying  that 
his  Xumidians  and  his  Roman  allies  were  hesitating 
to  advance  farther  east  to  meet  Hannibal  in  open 
countr}'.  In  any  case  Polybius  had  conceivably 
heard  from  the  lips  of  the  aged  king  the  name  used 
by  him  in  alluding  to  the  battle.  We  know  at  least 
that  the  historian  had  actually  conversed  with 
Masinissa  (cf.  p.  320,  n.  1). 

It  is  certainly  unsafe  to  assume  that  in  his  text  of 
Polybius  Livy  found  Xaraggara  or  something  closely 
similar.  For  Livy's  handling  of  foreign  place  names, 
particularly  in  the  Spanish  campaigns  of  the  Second 
Punic  War,  is  most  untrustworthy.  The  reprehensible 
habit  of  substituting  for  unfamiliar  names  in  his 
best  sources  others  presumably  better  known  to  his 
readers  from  the  annalists  has  been  the  subject  of 
pointed  comment  by  recent  critics,  e.g.  Eduard 
Meyer,  to  whom  Livy's  Naraggara  in  place  of 
Polybius'  Margaron  is  a  senseless  correction ;  Kleine 
Schriftcn  II.  407  f. 

An  African  example  cited  by  Meyer  is  Obba  in 
XXX.  vii.  10  for  Polybius*  Abba  in^'XIV.  vi.  12,  a 

550 


APPENDIX 

town  which  he  says  was  near,  while  Livy  makes 
Syphax  retreat  after  the  burning  of  his  camp  to  a 
quite  different  toAvn  far  away  in  the  interior,  a 
dozen  miles  south  of  Sicca  and  in  Carthaginian 
territory  at  that.      Cf.  p.  387  and  n.  1 ;    389,  n.  2. 

From  such  arbitrary  substitutions  we  return  to  the 
text  of  Polybius  and  find  that  his  best  MSS.  give  only 
Margaron  as  the  name  of  a  town  near  the  scene 
of  the  final  conflict.  Until  further  light  shall  some 
day  make  a  real  solution  possible  we  need  not  hesitate 
to  speak  of  the  Battle  of  Margaron,  or  to  use  Zama- 
Margaron  as  a  concession  to  practical  convenience. 

Slight  as  is  available  evidence  for  the  location  of 
the  battle,  its  date  has  long  remained  even  more 
unsettled.^  Every  season  from  early  spring  to  late 
autumn  has  been  named  by  one  or  more  of  our 
modern  authorities.  A  total  eclipse  of  the  sun 
alleged  by  Dio  Cassius  (Zonaras  IX.  xiv.  7)  to  have 
occurred  on  the  very  day  of  the  battle  seemed  at 
first  likely  to  solve  the  problem  in  favour  of  19th 
October,  202  b.c,  when  astronomers  over  sixty  years 
ago  proved  that  there  actually  was  an  eclipse  on  that 
date,  but  that  it  was  total  only  in  Senegambia  and 
Central  Africa ;  that  in  North  Africa  on  that  day  it 
was  very  partial,  incapable  of  exciting  alarm  among 
the  combatants,  as  described  by  Dio.^  Calculations 
in  fact  have  disclosed  that  in  the  October  eclipse  less 
than  one-tenth  of  the  sun's  disc  was  obscured  for 
possible  observers  in  Numidian  and  Carthaginian 
territory ;  further,  that  the  time  was  two  hours 
before  noon,  the  sun  32  degrees  above  the  horizon. 

1  Cf.  p.  469,  n.  3  and  p.  486,  n.  1. 

2  Another  partial  eclipse  on  the  25th  April  of  the  same  year 
was  visible  only  in  Central  Africa  and  at  sunset. 


APPENDIX 

Consequently  it  is  safe  to  assert  positively  that  in 
the  midst  of  the  fray  no  one  could  conceivably  have 
noticed  a  diminution  of  sunlight  so  immaterial.  The 
astronomers  report  also  that  in  202  B.C.  there  was  no 
total  echpse  visible  in  North  Africa.  (Cf.  Oppolzer 
in  Hermes  XX.  318  ff.  (1885)  and  Mommsen,  Hist. 
Schr.  I.  45,  n.  5 ;  Ginzel,  Spezieller  Kanon,  etc.  189 ; 
Bruhns  in  Zielinski,  Die  letzten  Jahre  des  2tefi  pjiniscken 
KriegeslSf^.,  1880). 

Accordingly  Dio's  alleged  total  eclipse  has  been 
reduced  to  pure  fiction,,  of  no  value  in  determining  a 
date  which  historians  have  sought  to  obtain  approxi- 
mately by  weighing  plausibilities  in  a  more  or  less 
conjectural  succession  of  events  leading  up  to  Scipio's 
victor}\  At  the  very  earUest  the  battle  has  been 
placed  in  the  spring  of  202  b.c.  As  it  is  kno%\'n, 
however,  that  the  peace  was  not  made  until  the  spring 
of  201,  this  theory  puts  an  entire  year  between  the 
decisive  battle  and  the  granting  of  peace,  an  im- 
probable interval  for  that  age. 

Objection  to  any  part  of  the  summer  is  raised  on 
account  of  the  heat  both  for  elephants  in  action  and 
for  troops  brought  over  from  a  less  torrid  climate. 
Yet  not  a  few  historians  have  ventured  to  decide 
upon  that  season.  Autumn  is  commended  to  others 
especially  by  the  brief  interval  between  Zama- 
Margaron  and  the  lesser  victory  over  \>rmina  the 
son  of  Syphax. 

For  this,  the  last  engagement  in  a  war  which  had 
lasted  sixteen  years,  Livy  saw  fit  to  give  an  exact 
date,  \-iz.  17th  December,  the  first  day  of  the  Satur- 
naUa  (XXX.  xxxvi.  8).  So  rarely,  however,  does  he 
give  a  precise  date  for  an  event  relatively  insignificant 
that  Saiurnalibus  primis  has  been  rejected  by  many 


APPENDIX 

editors  from  Aldus  down  to  Madvig  and  Riemann, 
as  by  Mommsen  and  other  historians.  On  the  other 
hand  the  MSS.  reading  is  defended  by  Conway  and 
Johnson.  Rejection  of  an  exact  date  for  that  event, 
of  small  importance  in  itself  yet  marking  the  end  of 
all  resistance,  was  certainly  hasty,  since  similar 
instances  in  Livy  are  cited. 

Thus  in  174  b.c.  Roman  emissaries  return  from 
Carthage  on  the  Nones  of  June,  with  nothing  to 
account  for  such  precision,  unless  the  historian  found 
it  so  in  his  source,  presumably  an  annalist  (XLI.  xxii. 
1).  In  168  B.C.,  more  than  five  months  before  the 
victory  at  Pydna,  Roman  ambassadors  returned  from 
Macedonia  on  the  last  day  of  the  festival  of  Quin- 
quatrus  (23rd  March) — again  a  minor  event  exactly 
dated  (XLIV.  xx.  1).  Similarly,  21  days  after  Pydna, 
and  nine  days  after  a  courier  had  brought  the  good 
news,  the  arrival  of  the  legati  of  Paulus  is  mentioned 
with  the  day  (25th  September)  and  even  the  hour  of 
their  entry  into  the  city  (XLV.  ii.  3).  There  remains 
therefore  no  sufficient  reason  to  dispute  a  precise 
date  for  Vermina's  defeat. 

Accepting  the  17th  December  as  its  date,  we  first 
apply  a  necessary  correction  due  to  the  disordered 
Roman  calendar,  a  month  at  least  in  advance  of  the 
actual  season  at  the  time.  Thus  we  are  brought 
back  to  mid-November,  while  the  date  of  the 
demonstrably  partial  eclipse  has  been  fixed  by 
modern  astronomers  as  19th  October  (corrected 
calendar).  Not  that  this  can  at  once  be  set  down 
as  the  actual  day  of  the  battle.  For  in  dealing  with 
a  wild  exaggeration,  which  made  a  terrifying  total 
eclipse  out  of  one  so  partial  that  in  the  excitement 
of  battle  no  one  could  possibly  have  noticed  anything 

553 


APPENDIX 

ominous,  identification  with  the  precise  date  of 
Hannibal's  disaster  would  be  palpably  unsound 
procedure.  It  is  quite  possible,  however,  that  about 
the  date  of  the  battle  someone  at  a  safe  distance 
from  the  field  may  have  noted  the  partial  eclipse, 
perhaps  employing  the  method  described  by  Seneca 
{Xat.  Quaest.  I.  xii.  1).  In  such  actual  observation, 
possibly  some  days  before  or  after  the  fatal  day,  we 
may  find  a  plausible  origin  for  a  popular  report  which 
by  repetition  spread  the  myth  of  totality,  arbitrarily 
fixed  the  date,  and  added  a  consequent  panic  in  the 
Carthaginian  ranks. 

Adopted  by  local  narrators  of  the  downfall  of 
Carthage  as  a  dressing  for  her  wounded  pride,  the 
story  passed,  apparently,  into  the  work  of  a  Roman 
annalist.  If  Valerius  of  Antium  gave  an  exact  date 
for  Zama-Margaron,  as  was  still  customary  even  for 
minor  events,  Dio  or  his  abridger  Zonaras  neglected 
to  include  its  mention.  Had  not  Polybius  and  Livy 
done  the  same  ?  The  latter  not  unreasonably  con- 
tented himself  ^^-ith  a  date  that  marked  the  cessation 
of  all  hostilities,  not  long  after  the  historic  victor}', 
which  recent  opinion  now  inclines  to  place  in  October. 
(Cf..  for  example,  De  Sanctis  598  ff. ;  Cavaignac. 
Klio  XI\\  41 ;    Piganiol,  Hist,  de  Rome  102). 


554 


INDEX   OF  NAMES 


{The  References  are  to  Pages) 


ACARNANES,  16,  30,  252,  254 
Achaei,  16,  30,  32  {bis),  34,  254 
Acilius  Glabri  •>,  M'.  {tribune,  201  B.C. ; 

consnl,  191),  518,  528 
Adherbal,  124,  126 
Aegates  insulae,  486 
Aegimurus  (Zembra),  314,  452  {ter) 
Aegina,  16,  28 
Aegiam,  30,  34 
Aelius  Paetus,  P.  {consul,  201  B.C.; 

censor,  199),  356,  358,  368,  426,  444, 

514,  516,  532 
Aelius  Tubero,  P.  {jrraetor,  201  B.C.), 

514,  516,  520 
Aemilius  Papus,  L.  {praetor,  205  B.C.), 

162,  154 
Aemilius    Paulus,    L.    {consul,    219, 

216  B.C.),  118 
Aemilius  RegiUus,  M.  {flamen),  248, 

358 
Aenianes.  20 
Aeropus,  252 
Aesculapius,  244 
Aetolia,  250 
Aetoli,  16, 18  {bis),  26,  28  {bis),  34,  248, 

250  {bis),  252 
AetoUcum  bellum,  16,  28  {ter) 
Africa,   2,   14,    70  {bis),   {et  passim); 

Afri,  58,  62,  84,  122,  {et  passim); 

Africanus  {cognomen),  538 ;  Africum 

bellum,  170  ;   Africus  (ventus),  450 
Agathocles,  tyrant  of  Syracuse,  182 
Agrianes,  18 

Alba  (Fucens),  46,  262,  426,  538 
Albingauni,  224 

Albius,  C,  100,  110,  114,  116, 120 
Aliphera,  32 
Alpes,  176,  226,  436,  446,  466;   Alpi- 

num  oppidum,  196 
Ainiternini,  194 
Amynander,  252 
Anagnia,  258,  372 
Anio,  476 


Auticyra  (Locris),  32 

Autiochus  III,  of  Syria,  508 

Antium,  46 

Apoll''nares  ludi,  512 

Apollinis  promimturium  (Eas  Sidi  Ali 

el  Makki),  450 
Apollo  Pytliius,  244 
ApoUonia,  250;  another,  34;  Apollo- 

niates,  250 
Apriles  idus,  260 
Apulia,  40 
Ardea,  262 
Argentanum,  438 
Argi  (Argos),  276 ;  Argivi,  16 
Aricia,  510 

Ariminum,  154,  198,  228,  368 
Arniensis  tribus,  354 
Arpinum,  372 

Arretium,  198;  Arretini,  192 
Asia,  28,  244,  246 
Astapa,  90,  94 
Athamanes,  252 
Athenienses,  168,  182,  254 
Atilius  Eegulus,  M.  {consul,  267,  256 

B.C.),  168,  180,  182,  316,  478 
Atintania,  252 

Atrius,  100,  110,  114  {bis),  120 
Attains  I,  of  Pergamum,  16  {bis),  18 

{bis),  20  {bis),  22  26  {ter),  28  {bis), 

30,  32,  34,  246  {bis),  254 
Attenes.  66 
Attica,  34 
Aufugum,  438 
Augustus  Caesar,  52 
Aurellus  Cotta,  C.  {praetor,  202  B.C.; 

consul,    200),    460,    462;     Aurelius 

Cotta,  M.  358,  458,  522,  524  {bis) 
Ausetani,  212,  214,  218;    Ausetanus 

ager,  212 

BAEBros,  L.,  452 

Baebius  Tamphilus,  Cn.  {consnl,  182 
B.C.),  356 

555 


INDEX   OF   NAMES 


Baecula,  54 

Baesidiae,  438 

Baetica,  8 

Baetis,  66,  8S,  122  (bis) 

Baga,  322 

Baeradas  (Medjerda),  454 

Baliares,     62,     148,     490;      Baliares 

insulae,  148  (bis),  150,  172,  196 
Barcinus,    2;     Barcini,    52;     Barcina 

factio,  386,  526 
Bargullum,  252 
Bastetana  gens,  10 
BeUona,  temple  of,  36,  150,  444,  514 
Bellas  mons,  328 
Bergae,  438 
Bithvnia,  28,  254 
Boii,  438 
Boeotia,  18,  34;    Boeoti,  16,  18,  30, 

254 
Bruttii,  42,  48,   151,   184,   190  (bis), 

194,  198,  22S.   24S,  254  (bis),  256, 

348,  356,  366,  368  (bis),  438,  490, 

516,   520;    Bruttius  ager,   50,  174, 

440 ;  angulus,  50 
Bucar,  328,  330,  332 
Bulotus,  234 

GAECTLIUS  M;etelluS,  M.  (praetor, 
206  B.C.),  42  (bis),  246;  Caecilius 
Metellus,  Q.  (consul,  206  B.C.),  40, 
42  (bis),  48,  190  (bis),  194,  242,  248, 
284,  288,  448.  460 

Caere,  46 ;  Caerites,  192 

Caesar,  v.  Augustus 

Cales,  262;  Calenus.  100,  110,  120 

Calidae  Aquae,  452  (bis) 

Camert«s,  194 

Campani,  116;  Campanus  ager,  194; 
civis,  194,  196 

Campi  Magni,  390 

Cannae,  304,  442,  476;  Cannensis 
clades,  184;  exercitus,  256,  302, 
304;  victoria,  442;  Cannenses 
legiones,  44,  304 

Capena  porta,  248 

Capitolium,  40,  152,  154,  158  (bis), 
358,  372,  460,  514;  CapitoUna  arx, 
158 

Capua,  44,  116,  168,  256,  372 

Capussa,  320  (bis),  324 

Carales,  512 

Garsioli,  262 

Carteia,  122,  124,  126 

Carthago,  70,  118,  124  (et  passim); 
Carthaginienses,  6,  12,  14  (et  pas- 


sim) ;  Carthaginiensis  ager,  14,  324, 
328;  civis,  298,  418;  dux,  130,  156, 
180;  equitatus,  318;  exercitus, 
156;  femina,  320;  hostis.  180; 
matrona,  414;  populus,  154,  292, 
29S  (bis),  312,  .344,  412,  44fi,  528: 
seaatus,  440,  446 ;  Carthasiuieuses 
legati,  426,  451,  510.  514,  526 

Carthago  Nova,  14,  72  (bis),  78,  l 
96,  104,  106  (ter),  116,  126,  128 

Casilinum,  442 

Cassandrea,  34 

Castulo,  54,  78  (ter),  86 

Catius,  Q.  (aedile,  210  B.C.),  192 

Celtiberia,  2,  4;  Celtibfri,  4,  6  (ter), 
8  (bis),  98,  170,  386,  390 

Cenchreae,  34 

C«rdubelus,  86  (bis) 

Ceres,  temole  of,  46 

Cerialia,  514 

Certis  (=  Baetis),  88 

Chalcis,  18,  20,  22,  24,  32,    4  (bis) 

Cimbii,  148 

Cincius  Alimentus,  M.  (tribune,  204 
B.C.),  288 

Circeii,  262 

Cirta  (Constantine).  334,  406  (ter), 
536 ;  Cirtenses,  406 

Clampetia,  438 

Clastidium,  248 

Claudia,  Quinta,  260 

Claudius,  Q.  (praetor,  208  B.C.),  44 
(bis),  48 

Claudius  A.?ellus,  Ti.  (praetor,  206  B.C.), 
42,  44  (bU),  248 

Claudius  Marcellus,  M.  (consul,  222, 
214,  210,  208  B.C.),  118,  208,  266, 
464 ;  his  son  M.  (consul,  196  B.C. ; 
censor,  189),  248,  288 

Claudius  Nero,  C.  (consul,  207  B.O.; 
censor,  204),  36  (bis),  40  (quinquies), 
42,  44,  48,  174,  350,  352,  354 
(quater) ;  Claudius  Nero,  Ti.  (consul, 
202  B.C.),  248,  254,  256,  346,  456, 
460,  462,  510  (bis),  512  (bis),  518, 
532 

Clodius  Licinus,  C.  (the  historian),  294 

Clupea  (in  Numidia),  330 

Clusini,  192 

Coelius  Autipater,  L.  (the  historian), 
198,  304,  314,  342 

Collina  porta,  512  (bis) 

Oonsentia,  356, 438 ;  Consentinus  ager, 
48 

Corbis,  88  (bis) 


DO^ 


INDEX   OF   NAMES 


Corinthus,  30,  34;    Corinthius  sinus, 

30,32 
Coriolanus,  Cn.  Marcius,  118 
Cornelius,  Ser.,  214,  216 
Cornelius   Cethegus,   M.   {censor,   209 

B.C. ;    consul,  "204),   248,   264,   348, 

356,  368,  430  {ter) 
Cornelius  Lentulus,  Cn.  {consul,  201 

B.C.),  248,  516  ibis),  518,  528,  532 

(bis),   536;    his  brother  L.  (aedile, 

205  B.C. ;   consul,  199),  248 
Cornelius  Lentulus,   L.   {praetor,   211 

B.C.,  proconsul  in  Spain,  206-200), 

150,  212,  214,  256,  370,  520  (pis) 
Cornelius  Lentulus,  Ser.  {aedile,  207 

B.C.),  42 
Cornelius     Lentulus     Caudinus,      P. 

(praetor,  203  B.C.),   356,   368,   370, 

450,  500  (bis),  520 
Cornelius  Scipio  Cahnas,  Cn.  (consul, 

222  B.C.),   78,   118,   130,   154,    182, 

210,  258 ;  his  son  P.  (Nasica,  consul, 

191  B.C.),  258,  260 
Cornelius  Scipio,  L.,  brother  of  Airi- 

canus  (consul,  190  B.C.),  8,  14,  70, 

118,  232,  306,  510 
Cornelius  Scipio,  P.  (consul,  218  B.C.), 

78,   118,   154,   156,   182,  210,   532; 

his  son  Cornelius  Scipio  Africanus, 

P.  (consul,  205,   194  B.C.;    censor, 

199),   2   (bis),   8   (bis),   10  (bis)  (et 

passim) 
Corsica,  512 
Cosanus  portus,  512 
Cosconius,  M.,  434 
Cremonenses,  48  (bis) 
Cretenses,  26 
Croto(n),     348;      Crotonienses,     278; 

Crotoniensis  ager,  348,  438 
Culchas.  54 
Cumae,  442,  510 
Cynus,  44 


DARDAKt,  36 
Delphi,  192,  244,  246 
Demetrias,     16     (bis),     20, 

Demetriacus  sinus,  20 
Demetrium,  22 
Derclas,  252 
Dimallum,  250,  252 
Doris,  28 

Drepana  (Trapani),  166 
Drumiae,  28 
Dyrrachium,  250 


24,     34; 


Elatia,  26,  28 

Elei,  28,  254 

Emporia  Punica,  308,  336 

Emporiae  (Spain),  170 

Ennius,  458 

Epanterii  Montani,  196 

Epirus,  252 ;  Epirotae,  252  (ter),  254 

Erythrae,  34 

Eryx,  166 

Etruria,  42,  44,  192,  198,  226  (ter), 
254,  350,  356  (bis),  366,  368  (bis), 
436,  460,  520;  Etrusci,  42,  350; 
Eti-usca  praeda,  198 

Euboea,  16,  20  (ter),  34 

Eugenium,  252 

Eupalium,  34 

Euripus,  20,  22 

FABros,  L.,  452 

Fabius  Buteo,  M.  (praetor,  201  B.C.), 
458,  516,  520,  522 

Fabius  Maximus  Verrucosus,  Q.  (con- 
sul, 233,  228,  215,  214,  209  B.C.; 
dictator,  217),  160,  176  (bis),  178, 
184  (bis),  186,  262,  280,  284,  350, 
458,  464 ;  his  son  Fabius  Maximus, 
Q.  (consul,  213  B.C.),  36;  grandson 
Q.,  460 

Fabius  Maximus  Rullus,  Q.  (consul,  V. 
295  B.C.),  458 

Flaminius,  C.  (consul,  223,  217  B.C.; 
censor,  220),  118 

Flaminius  circus,  46 

Fortuna  Primigenia,  348 

Fossa  Graeca,  194 

Fregellae,  46 

Frusino,  372,  510 

Fulvius  Centumalus,  Cn.  (consul,  211 
B.C.),  118 

Fulvius  Flaccus,  Q.  (consul,  237,  224, 
212,  209  B.C.),  168,  188  (bis),  262 

Fulvius  GiUo,  Q.  (praetor,  200  B.C.), 
444,  448,  454,  514 

Furius,  M.,  524 

Cades,  2,  8  (bis),  14,  52,  68,  70,  96, 
122,  124,  126  (bis),  140,  144  (bis), 
148;  Gaditani,  144,  150;  Gaditana 
provincia,  8 

Gala  (father  of  Masinissa),  320,  324 
(bis),  326  (bis) 

Gallia,  36,  40,  44,  154,  170,  220,  226 
(bis),  248,  254,  256,  368,  424,  436 
(bis),  462  ;  GalUae,  466  ;  Galli,  44, 
48,   144,   198,   224,   226  (ter),   430, 

557 


INDKX   OF   NAMES 


434;    Grallicua  sinus,   436;    Gallic! 

populi,  226 
Garamantes,  336 
Genua,  196,  224,  363 
Gi^o,  2,  52,  296,  316,  506  {bis) 
Graecia,  18,  34,  36,  246  (bis),  248  (bis), 

456;     Graeci,    210,    268;     Graeci 

auctores,    314;     Graecae    fabulae, 

182 ;  litterae,  198 

Hadrumetum  (Sousse),  468,  498,  500 

Hamilcar  Barca.  52. 164, 196 ;  another 
Hamilcar  (Locri),  232,  236,  270; 
another,  336 

Hannibal,  36,  40  (bis),  42  (et  passim) 

Hanno  (opponent  of  Hannibal),  440, 
526;  a  general,  2,  6,  14;  another 
(under  Mago),  96,  122;  another, 
318;  another  (Salacca),  336,  338, 
340  (bis),  342 

Hasdrubal  (brother  of  Hannibal),  2 
(bis),  40  (bis),  42,  44,  50,  172  (bis), 
192, 198  ;  the  son  of  Gisgo,  2,  8  (bis), 
10,  (et  passim);  another  (an 
admiral,  452,  454;  Hasdrubal 
Haedus,  526,  528,  534 

Helvius,  C,  434 

Heraclea,  IS  (bis),  26,  28 

Heraea,  30,  32 

Hiberus  (Ebro),  98,  132,  158,  170,  446 

Himilco,  86 

Hippo  (Diarrhvtus  =  Bizerte),  con- 
fused with  the  following,  218,  222, 
224 

Hippo  (Regius  =  B6ne),  334 

Hispania,  2,  4,  8,  14  (et  passim) :  His- 
paniae,  2,  70,  76.  78  (bis),  118,  170, 
178,  370,  466,  476,  486;  Hispani,  6, 
58,  60,  62,  80  (et  passim) ;  Hispanus, 
12;  miles,  134;  Hispani  equites, 
214;   populi,  214;   tirones,  62 

Hostilius  Cato,  A.  (praetor,  207  B.C.), 
44 

Hostilius  Tubulus,  C.  (praetor,  209 
B.C.),  44,  256 

IDAEA  MATER,  244,  258 

Hergetes,  110,  120,  128,  130  (bis),  132, 

138,  140,  214  (few),  218  ;  Herges,  210 
Hienses,  254 
Hiturgi(s),  78  (few);    Ilitui^tani,  78, 

86  ,102  (few) 
Ilva,  512 
Indibilis,  96,  104,  106,  110,  112,  116, 


128,  138  (few),  144,  172,  210    216, 

218 
Ingauni,  196,  436 
Insani  Montes,  512 
Insubres,  430 
Interamna  (Lirenas),  262 
Italia,    2   (et   passim);    Italici,    500; 

ItaUcus  equitatus,  390,  488;   Itali- 

cum  genus,  210, 440 ;  Italici  milites, 

490 
lunius  Pennus,  M.  (praetor,  201  B.C.), 

248,  516 
lunius    Silamus,    M,    (propraetor    in 

Spain),  2  (bis),  4,  8,  54  (few),  60,  68, 

70  (few),  72,  106,  118,  140 
luno   Lacinia,   temple  of,   198,   440; 

Sospita,  temple  of,  at  Lanuvium, 

258 
luppiter,  116,  152,  158,  358;  temple, 

at  Satricum,  46 ;  at  Tarracina,  46 

Laced AEMOX  (Sparta),  30;  Lace- 
daemonii,  254 ;  Lacedaemonius, 
182;  tvrannus,  16 

Lacetani,  96,  106,  110,  138 

Lacumazes,  320,  322,  324,  326 

Laelius,  C.  (consul,  190  B.C.),  72  (few), 
74  (few),  80,  82  (et  passim) 

Laetorius,  C,  250 

Laetorius,  L.  (aedile,  202  B.C.),  514 

Lanuvium,  258 

Larisa,  16,  18 

Latium,  46,  220;  Latinus  miles,  62; 
Latina  lingua,  272;  Latinum 
nomen,  130,  282,  304,  310,  520, 
532;  Latini  auctores,  314;  Latinae 
coloniae.  262 

Lemnus,  16,  18 

Leptis  (minor  =  Lepti  minus),  456 

Licinius  Grassus  Dives,  P.  (censor, 
210  B.C. ;  consul,  205),  46,  152  (few), 
168,  186,  194,  242,  254,  348  (few), 
366 

Licinius  Lucullus,  L.  (aedile,  202  B.C.), 
514  (few) 

Ligures,  144,  198,  224,  226  (ter).  366, 
368,  436,  488,  490;  Albingauni, 
224;  Alpini,  172,  196;  Ingauni,  436 

Lilvbaeum,  14,  302  (ter),  310,  536 

Livius  Salinator,  M.  (consul,  219,  207 
B.C. ;  censor,  204).  36  (ter),  38  (few), 
42.  44,  174,  198,  226  (few),  254,  350, 
352,  354  (quater),  446;  Livianufl 
eiercitus,  38 ;  his  son  C.  (praetor^ 
202  B.C.),  358,  460,  462,  620 


558 


INDEX  OF   NAMES 


Locri,  228  (ter\  230,  232,  234  (fits), 
240,  268  ibis\  270,  272,  274,  276, 
280,  282  {bis),  286,  288  (6w),  290; 
Locrenses,  228  (bis),  232,  234,  236 
(ter),  242,  266,  268  {bis\  270  {bis), 
282  {bis),  284  {bis),  286,  290  (qnater), 
294 

Locris,  24 

Loretanus  portus,  512 

Lucani,  50,  114 

Lucretius,  Sp.  (praetor,  205  B.C.),  152, 
154,  198  226  (bis),  254,  368 

Lutatius  Catulus,  C.  (consul,  242  B.C.), 
152,  164,  446;  his  son  0.  (consul, 
220  B.C.),  438  (bis);  his  brother  Q. 
Lutatius  Cerco  (consul,  241  B.C.), 
532. 

Lymphaeum,  438 

MACEDONIA,  16,  252,  456,  524;  Mace- 
dones,  18,  22,  490,  522  (bis),  524 
(ter) 

Machanidas,  16,  28,  30,  32 

Maecia  tribus,  354 

Maedi,  16 

]iI&€!S6SS6S    10 

Maesulii,  320,  326  (ter),  328,  330,  332, 
402 

Maevius,  M.,  434 

Magni  Carapi,  390 

Mago  (brother  of  Hannibal),  2,  4,  6 
(bis),  52,  54,  70,  96,  122,  124,  128, 
130,  140,  144  (bis),  148,  150,  170, 
172,  196,  220,  222,  224,  226  (bis), 
256,  350  (bis),  368,  430,  432  (bis), 
434,  436  (bis),  440,  442,  448 

Mamertini,  116,  482 

Mamihus  Atellus,  0.  (j>raetor,  207 
B.C.),  44,  458 

Mamilius  Turrinus,  Q.  (praetor,  206 
B.C.),  42  (bis),  44  (bis),  48 

Mandonius,  96,  104,  106,  110,  112, 
114, 128,  138  (bis),  140,  172,  218  (ter) 

Manlius  Acidiuus,  L.  (praetor,  210  B.C. ; 
proconsul  in  Spain,  206-199),  150, 
212,  214,  256,  370,  520  (bis) 

Manhus  Torquatus,  A.  (consul,  241 
B.C.),  532 

Manlius  Torquatus,  T.  (consul,  235, 
224  B.C. ;  censor,  231),  372,  464,  514 

Manlius  Vulso  Longus,  L.  (consul,  256 
B.C.),  316 

Marcius  Coriolanus,  On.,  118 

Marcius  Ralla,  M.  (praetor,  204  B.C.), 
248,  254.  370.  610 


Marcius  Septimus,  L.  (commander  in 

Spain,  211  B.C.),  60,  72,  78,  86,  88, 

94,  96,  118,  122,  126,  140  (bis),  170 
Marracmi,  194 
Mars,   80,  88,  220;    Mars  belli,   168, 

478  ;  flamen  Martialis,  248,  358 
Marsi,  194 
Martiae  idus,  514 
Masaesuli,  72,  324,  332,  404  (bis) 
Masinissa,  54,  68,  140  (bis)  (et  passim) 
Mater  Magna,  temple  of,  350 
Mater  Matuta,  temple  of  (Satricum), 

46 
Matienus,  P.,  230,  238 
Mauretania,  322 

Mauri,  72,  322  (ter),  490  (bis),  492 
Mazaetullus,  320  (bis),  324  (ter) 
Megalesia,  262 
Megalopolitae,  32 
Megara,  30 
Menippus,  18 
Mercuri    promunturium    (Cap    Bon), 

312 
Messana,  116,  232,  234,  236,  240,  242, 

288,  290 
Messenii,  254 
Minucius  Thermus,   Q.   (tribune,   201 

B.C.;  consul,  183),  518,  528 
Montani,  196  (bis),  198 

Nabis,  254 

Naraggara,  472 

Narnia,  262 

Neapohs,  288 

Nepete,  262 

Neptunus,  altar  of,  46 

Nicaea,  20 

Nicias,  34 

Nola,  442 

Numidia,  402,  410,  422,  426;  Numi- 
dae,  56,  140,  170,  172,  184,  228, 
234,  270,  298,  300,  320,  322,  324, 
328,  338,  376  (bis),  380,  382,  388, 
390  (ter),  408,  410  (bis),  426,  428, 
430,  432,  488,  490  (bis),  492,  502; 
Numidae  agrestes,  388  ;  iaculatores, 
48;  nobiles,  410;  Numida,  140, 142 
(bis),  298,  326,  378,  408 ;  Numidici 
equi,  384,  502;  Numidicus  equi- 
tatus,  392 

Nursini,  194 

Obba,  388 

Oceanus,  2,  8,  52,  68,  96,  122,  130, 
140,  146,  150,  158,  180 

559 


INDEX   OF   NAMES 


Ocricnlum,  433 

Octarius,  Cn.  (jpraetor,  205  B.C.),  152, 

154,  198,  256,  346  (bis),  370,  450, 

500,  502,  520,  522  (jer),  536 
Oezalces,  320,  322,  324,  326 
Olympia,  28 
Opus,  26,  28  {bis),  32 ;  Opuntii,  24,  26 

(bis),  34 
Oremn,  20,  22,  24  (bis),  26  (bis).  28,  30, 

34 ;   Oritani,  34 
Orongis,  10,  14 
Orsua,  88  (bis) 
Ostia,  260 
Oxeae,  30 


PAELIGJa,  194 

Palatium,  260,  350,  510 

Pandosia,  356 

PanCh)ormus  (Palermo),  210 

Parthini,  250,  252 

Peparethus,  18,  20  (bis) 

Pergamum,  246 

Perusini,  192 

Pesslnus,  244,  246 

Pheneus,  30 

Philippus  V,  of  Macedonia,  16,  18,  20, 
24  (bis),  26  (bis),  23  (ler),  30,  222, 
246,  250  (bis),  252,  456,  516  (bis), 
522 ;  an  EDirote,  252  (bii) 

PhUus,  30 

Phocis,  20,  26 

Phoenice,  252 

Phrrgia,  246 

Phthiotis,  22 ;  Phthioticae  Thebae,  28 

PitTusa.  148 

Placentini,  48  (bis) 

Plator,  20,  22  (bis),  24 

Pleminius,  Q.  (propraetor,  205  B.C.), 
230,  232,  236  (bis),  238  (bis),  240 
(guinquias),  242,  268  (bis),  270,  272, 
274,  276,  280,  282,  284  (bis),  288 
(ter),  290  (ter),  292,  294  (ter) 

Pleuratus,  16,  254 

Poeni,  2  (et  passim);  Poenus,  12,  406, 
430,  442 ;  (=  dux  Poenics),  8,  58 
(bis),  74,  124,  148,  158,  196,  226 
(bis),  348,  486;  (collective),  58; 
Poenus  imperator,  412;  Poeni 
duces,  54  ;  veterani,  62 
Pollia  tribus.  352 

Polybius,  538 
Polyphantas,  18 

Pompeius  Magnus,  Cn,  (his  cogno- 
men), 538 


Pomponius  Matho,  M.  (augur  and 
decemnr),  358 

Pomponius  Matho,  M.  (praetor,  204 
B.C.),  42,  192,  248,  254,  256,  286 
(bu^),  302,  306,  310,  370,  462 

Populonium,  512;  Populonenses,  192 

Porcius  Cato.  M.  (consul,  195;  ceiisor, 
184  B.C.),  306 

Porcius  Licinus,  L.  (consul,  184  B.C.), 
36,  44 

Postumius  Albinus,  L.  (consul,  234, 
229  B.C.),  118 

Potidania,  34 

Praeneste,  36 

Proserpina,  238,  274  (bis),  276,  282, 
286 

Pnxsias,  28,  254 

Ptolomaeus  IV  Philopator,  28 

Publicius  Clivus,  458 

Pulchri  promunturium  (=  Apollinis), 
314 

Rmicus  exercitus,  170,  180,  198,  476; 
Punica  acies,  58,  492 ;  classis,  14, 
30,  454;  fides,  480;  fraus,  446; 
societas,  228 ;  Punicum  bellum,  42, 
50,  78,  152  (bis),  164,  166,  182,  186, 
254.  256,  284,  366,  438;  imperium, 
270;  praesidium,  12,  96,  130,  232, 
270;  Punici  auxiliares,  86 ;  Punic ae 
litterae,  198  ;  naves,  400;  stationes, 
4,  60 ;  Punica  anna,  324 ;  castra,  4, 
380:    Emporia,  336 

Puteoli,  444 

Pyrrhus,  King  of  Epirus,  114,  238,  274 

QuiNCTrLnrs  Varus,  P.  (praetor,  203 

B.C.),  356,  368,  430  (bis),  432,  462 ; 

his  son  M.,  432 
Quinctius   Crispinus,   T.   (consul,  208 

B.C.),  118,  464 
Quinctius  Flamininus,  T.  (consul,  198 ; 

censor,  189  B.C.),  256 
Quirinus,  temple  of,  46 

Reate,  372 ;   Reatini,  194 

Regium,  114,  116,  228  (bis),  230  (6w), 
238,  288,  290;   Regini,  288 

Rbium,  30 

Rhodii,  28 

Roma,  14  (6w)  (et  passim);  Romani, 
2,  6  (bis)  (et  passim);  Romanua 
(coUective),  14,  56,  58,  66,  496; 
(substantive),  408;  (=  dux  Roma- 
nus),  24,  58,  66,  86,  250,  296,  378, 
390,     604 ;      Romanus    ager,     46 ; 


560 


INDEX   OF    NAMES 


civis,  80,  272,  352;  craor,  466; 
cultus,  284;  dux,  72,  76,  186,  474, 
486 ;  equitatus,  340  (bis),  390,  392  ; 
exercitus,  114,  226,  304,  316,  318; 
imperator,  20,  216,  252  (bis),  374, 
412,  474,  480,  508;  miles,  26,  60, 
62,  80,  90,  134,  184,  228,  236,  268, 
520;  pedes,  404;  populus,  50  (et 
passim);  praetor,  530;  senatus, 
452;  Romana  acies,  492;  classis, 
14,  26,  220,  222,  224,  234,  308,  336, 
400,  436 ;  constantia,  386  ;  dicio,  2  ; 
plebs,  220,  310;  pugna,  492; 
quinqueremis,  126,  454;  res,  142, 
320,370;  societas,  16,  412;  static, 
214;  urbs,  46,  118,  222,  260;  Roma- 
Dura  agmen,  382;  imperium,  270; 
nomen,  102,  130,  246;  praesidium, 
232 ;  Romani  censores,  264 ;  con- 
sules,  466;  custodes,  470;  equites, 
208,  216;  legati,  376,  514,  530; 
ludi,  42,  248,  358,  460,  514 ;  mores, 
76;  pabulatores,  214;  Romanae 
legiones,  54,  68 ;  muuitiones,  344 ; 
naves,  400,  452;  res,  28,  294; 
urbes,  466;  Romana  aiTQa,  172, 
324;  auxilia,  84;  castra,  98,  124, 
128,  138,  186,  214,  226,  338,  374, 
422,  454,  474;  moenia,  220,478; 
praesidia,  170 

Rusellani,  192 

Rusucmon  (Porta  Farina),  398 

Sabdtos  ager,  194 

Saguntum,   156   (bis),   158  (bis),  482; 

Saguntini,  154,  156  (bis),  158  (bis), 

160,  442,  446;  Saguntiuus  senatus 

populusque,  158 
Salaeca,  338,  342 
Salinator  (the  cognomen),  352 
Salus,  temple  of,  46 
Samnites,  114 

Sardinia,  44,  154,  198,  254  (et  passim) 
Satricum,  46 ;   Satricani,  46 
Saturnalia,  502 
Savo  (Savona),  196 
Scerdilaedus,  16 

Scipiones,  78,  118,  130,  182,  210 
Scotussa,  18,  20,  26 
Scribonius  Libo,  L.  (praetor,  204  B.C.), 

248,  254,  368 
Sedetanus  ager,  98,  128,  212 
Sempronius    Gracchus,    Ti.    (consul, 

215,   213  B.C.),   118;    probably  his 

son  Ti.,  358 


Sempronius  Longus,  Ti.  (consul,  218 

B.C.),  532 
Sempronius    Tuditanus,    P.    (censor, 

209   B.C.;     consul,    204),    248,    250 

(bis),  252  (ter),  254  (bis),  348  (bis), 

366,  462 
Sergius,  L.,  452 
Sergius,  M.,  230,  238 
Servihus  Caepio,  Cn.  (consul,  203  B.C.), 

42,    152,   154,    196,    198,    356,   366, 

368,  438,  450 
Servilius  Geminus,  C.  (praetor,  before 

218  B.C.),  438;    his  son  0.  (consul, 

203  B.C.),  42,  44  (ter),  190,  356,  366, 

368,     436,     438,     446,     460,     514; 

another  son  M.  (consul,  202  B.C.), 

358,  450,  456,  460,  462,   510,  512, 

520 
Setia,  258,  262 
Sextius  Sabinus,  M.  (praetor,  202  B.C.), 

460,  462,  520 
Sibyllini  libri,  244 
Siciha,  14  (bis),  44  (bis),  48,  116  (et 

passim);   Sicuh,  206,  208  (ter) 
Silpia  (Ilipa),  52 
Sopater,  456,  522,  524 
Sophoniba,  406,  410,  418,  420 
Sora,  262 
Statorius,  464 

Sucro,  98,  106,  116,  122,  284 
Suessa,  262 

Suessetanus  ager  (Spain),  98 
Sulla  Felix  (his  cognomen),  538 
Sulpicius   Galba,    C.   (pontifex),    514; 

Sulpicius    Galba,    P.    (consul,    211, 

200  B.C.),  16,  22  (bis),  26,  28,   32, 

250,  450,  460 ;  Sulpicius  Galba,  Ser. 

(aedile,  209  B.C.),  246,  460 
Sunium,  34 
Sutrium,  262 
Syphax,   King  of  Numidia,   72  (bis), 

74,  76  (bis),  78  (et  passim) 
Syracusae,   208,   210,   230,   242,   284, 

292,  300;    Syracusani,  210;    Syra- 

cusanus  rex,  182 
Syrtis  minor,  336 


TANNETUM,  438 

Tarentum,  44 

Tarquinienses,  192 

Tarracina,  46,  258  (bis) 

Tarraco,  14,  54,  68,  70,  72,  78,  140, 

144,  170 
Tereutius  Culleo,  Q.,  532,  538 


561 


INDEX  OF   NAMES 


Terentiua  Varro,  C.  {consul,  216  B.C.), 

44,  458 
Thapsus  (not  Caesar's),  322 
Thebae  (Phthiotis),  28 
Thermopylae,  18,  26 
Thessali,  254 
Thraces,  16 
Throniom,  28  (ter) 
Tiberis,  512 ;  Tiberinus  amnis,  260 
Tibur,  538 
Tisaeus,  20 
Tithronion,  28 
Trasumeanus,  442,  476 
Tremelius  Flaccus,  Cn.  (jpraetor,  202 

B.C.),  246,  460,  462,  520 
Triphylia,  32 
Tullianum,  296 

Turdetania,  156 ;  Turdetani,  66 
Turduli,  156 
Tusci,  116 
Tynes  (Tunis),  394,  422,  502  (ler) 

UMBRU,   194;    Umbri,   42;    Umber, 

100,  110.  114,  120 
Utica,  14.  318,  333,  344  {bis),  346,  374, 

378,   3>i6,  3S8,   392,   394  {ter\  454, 

500    {bis),    502;     Uticenses,    344; 

Uticensis  ager,  14 


VALERros  ANTIA3  (the  historian),  198, 

342,  374,  438,  470 
Valerius  Falto,  M.  {praetor,  201  B.C.), 

246,  248,  258,  458,  516,  520 
Valerius    Laevinus,    M.    {consul,    210 

B.C.),  14,  44,  198,  246,  266,  448  {bis) 
Velitemus  ager,  510 
Venus  (Obsequens),   temple  of,   350; 

Venus  Erycina,  temple  of,  512 
Vermina  (son  of  Syphax),  334  {bis\ 

336,  502,  516 
Vesta,  temple  of,  46  {bis) 
Vesta  lis,  46 
Veturius  Philo,  L.  (consul,  206  B.C.), 

40,  42  (bis),  48,  152,  190.  194,  248, 

510,     514;      Veturius     Philo,     Ti. 

(flamen),  358 
Vibellius,  D.,  114 
Victoria,  temple  of,  260 
Villius  Tappulus,  P.  {fraetor,  203  B.C. ; 

consul,  199),  356,  358,  368,  370,  522 
Virtus,  temple  of,  248 
Volaterrani,  192 
Volcanus,  384 

Xaxihippus,  183 

Zama,  468  ;  appendix  on,  543 


NORTH  ITALY 


GREECE  AND  MACEDONIA 


CENTRAL    GREECE 


AFRICA  AND   NUMIDIAT 


T*S>^        icon  sum  re^  ^ 


^'^  '   ^^4-'^<t'^^ 


:^ 


m 


uTHIlMUGADI 


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.    y. 


lonft  tude  East.  9  f  om  GryenvTi 


STANfOttO.  LONDON.  1945 


i 


UTICA  AND  CARTHAGE 


Utica,  a  Tyrian  colony  considerably 
older  than  Carthage,  was  a  seaport  for 
more  than  1200  years.  A  gradual  change 
in  the  lower  course  of  the  Bagradas  river, 
however,  brought  its  mouth  from  a  distance 
of  ten  miles  southeast  of  the  city  to  an 
immediate  proximity,  just  west  of  the  pro- 
montory on  wliich  had  stood  the  camp  of 
Scipio  African  us.  Since  alluvial  deposits 
steadily  continued,  by  the  second  century 
after  Christ  the  harbour  had  silted  up  so 
that  there  was  left  merely  an  open  road- 
stead. Mariners  were  warned  of  the  danger, 
e.g.  in  the  Stadiasmus  (Geographi  Graeci 
Minores  1. 472).  The  island,  lying  a  short 
distance  beyond  the  end  of  the  ridge  on 
which  was  the  greater  part  of  the  city, 
could  give  no  further  protection  to  shipping. 
Utica  thus  lost  all  its  commercial  impor- 
tance, and  the  site  is  now  six  miles  from 
the  sea  at  the  nearest  point  and  ten  miles 
from  the  river- mouth. 

Babelon-Cagnat-Reinach,  Atlas  arch6o- 
logiciue  de  la  Tunisie,  map  bfo.  VII,  Porto 
Farina  (with  a  plan  of  the  ruins  as  they  were 
in  1875  to  1893):  also  No.  XITI ;  Gseil, 
Histoire  ancienne  de  I'Afrique  du  Nord 
III.  109  (map);  Kromayer-Veith,  Antike 
Schlachtfelder  III. 2,  map  13a  ;  DeSanotis, 
Storia  dei  Romani  III. 2,  map  VII. 


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Aristotle  :     Gexer.\tiox    of    Aximals.     A.    L.    Peck.     {2nd 

Imp.) 
Aristotle  :    Metaphysics.     H.  Tredennick.     2  Vols.     (Vol.  I. 

3rd  Imp.,  Vol.  II.  2nd  Imp.) 
Aristotle  :     Mixor   Works.     W.    S.   Hett.     On   Colours,   On 

Things  Heard,  On  Physiognomies,  On  Plants,  On  Marvellous 

Things  Heard,   Mechanical   Problems,   On   Indivisible   Lines, 

On  Position  and  Xames  of  Winds. 
Aristotle  :    Nicomacheax  Ethics.     H.  Rackham.     {5th  Imp. 

revised. ) 
Aristotle  :    Oecoxomica  and  Magna  Moralia.     G.  C.  Arm- 
strong;   (with  Metaphysics,  Vol.  II.).      {2nd  Imp.) 
Aristotle  :   Ox  the  Heavens.     W.  K.  C.  Guthrie.     (2nd  Imp. 

revised. ) 
Aristotle  -.    Ox  the  Soul,  Parva    Naturalia,  Ox   Breath. 

W.  S.  Hett.     {2nd  hnp.  revised.) 
Aristotle  :    Orgaxox.     H.  P.  Cooke  and  H.   Tredennick.     2 

Vols.     (Vol.  I.  2nd  Imp.) 
Aristotle:    Parts  of  Animals.     A.   L.  Peck;    Motion  and 

Progression     of     Animals.     E.     S.     Forster.     {2nd     Imp. 

revised.) 
Aristotle  :   Physics.     Rev.  P.  Wicksteed  and  F.  M.  Cornford. 

2  Vols.     {2nd  Imp.) 
Aristotle  :     Poetics    and    Longinus.     W.    Hamilton    Fyfe ; 

Demetrius  ox  Style.     W.  Rhys  Roberts.      (3rd  Imp.  revised.) 
Aristotle  :    Politics.     H.  Rackham.      (3rd  Imp.  revised.) 
Aristotle  :    Problems.     W.  S.  Hett.     2  Vols.     (Vol.  I.   2nd 

Imp.  revised.) 

4 


Akistotle  :    Rhetorica   Ad   Alexandrum   (with   Problems, 

Vol.  II.).     H.  Rackham. 
Arrian  :   History  of  Alexander  and  Indica.     Rev.  E.  IliSe 

Robson.      2  Vols.     (2nd  Imp.) 
Athenaeus  :      Deipnosophistae.     C.     B.     Gulick.     7     Vols. 

(Vols.  I.,  v.,  and  VI.  2nd  Imp.) 
St.  Basil  :    Letters.     R.  J.  Deferrari.      4  Vols.     (Vols.  I.,  II. 

and  IV.  2nd  Imp.) 
Callimachus  and  Lycophron.     A.  W.  Mair;    Aratus.     G.  R. 

Mair.     {2nd  Imp.) 
Clement    of   Alexandria.     Rev.    G.    W.    Butterwortli.     (2nd 

Imp.) 

COLLUTHUS.       Cf.   OpPIAN. 

Daphnis     and     Chloe.     Thornley's    Translation     revised     by 

J.     M. Edmonds;      and      Parthenius.      S.      Gaselee.       {3rd 

Imp.) 
Demosthenes  I :  Olynthiacs,  Philippics  and  Minor  Orations  : 

I.-XVIl.  and  XX.     J.  H.  Vince. 
Demosthenes   II :     De   Corona   and    De    Falsa    Legations. 

C.  A.  Vince  and  J.  H.  Vince.     {2nd  Imp.  revised.) 
Demosthenes  III :  Meidias,  Androtion,  Aristocrates,  Timo- 

crates  and  Aristogeiton,  I.  and  II.     J.  H.  Vince. 
Demosthenes  IV-VI  :    Private  Orations  and  In    Neaeram. 

A.  T.  Murray.     (Vol.  I.  2nd  Imp.) 
Demosthenes  VII :  Funeral  Speech,  Erotic  Essay,  Exordia 

and  Letters.     N.  W.  and  N.  J.  DeWitt. 
Dio  Cassius  :    Roman  History.     E.  Cary.     9  Vols.     (Vols.  I. 

and  II.  2nd  Imp.) 
Dio  Chrysostom.     J.   W.   Cohoon  and   H.   Lamar  Crosby.      5 

Vols.     Vols.  I.-IV.     (Vols.  I.  and  II.  2nd  Imp.) 
DiODORUs  SicuLus.      12  Vols.     Vols.  I.-IV.     C.  H.  Oldfather. 

Vol.  IX.     R.  M.  Geer.     (Vol.  I.  2nd  Imp.) 
Diogenes  Laertius.     R.  D.  Hicks.     2  Vols.     (Vol.  1.  ord  Imp., 

Vol.  II.  2nd  Imp.) 

DiONYSIUS    OF    HaLICARNASSUS  :      ROMAN     ANTIQUITIES.       Spel- 

man's  translation  revised  by  E.  Cary.      7  Vols.  Vols.  I.-VI. 

(Vol.  IV.  2nd  Imp.) 
Epictetus.     W.  a.  Oldfather.     2  Vols.     (Vols.  I.  and  II.  2nd 

Imp.) 
Euripides.     A.  S.  Way.     4  Vols.     (Vols.  I.  and  II.   6th  Imp., 

Vols.  III.  and  IV.  5th  Imp.)     Verse  trans. 
EusEBius :      Ecclesiastical    History.     Kirsopp    Lake    and 

J,  E.  L.  Oulton.     2  Vols.     (Vol.  I.  2nd  Imp.,  Vol.  II.  3rd  Imp.) 
GrALEN  :     On   the   NATURAL    FACULTIES.     A.   J.    Brock.     (3rd 

Imp.) 
The  Greek  Anthology.     W.  R.  Paton.     5  Vols.     (Vols.  I.  and 

II.  Uh  Imp.,  Vols.  III.  and  IV.  3rd  Imp.) 
jREEK   Elegy   and   Iambus   with  the    Anacreontea.     J.   M. 

Edmonds.     2  Vols.      (Vol.  I.  2nd  Imp.) 
Fhe  Greek  Bucolic   Poets   (Theocritus,   Bion,   Moschus). 

J.  M.  Edmonds.     {6th  Imp.  revised.) 


Greek  Mathematicai.  Works.     Ivor  Tliomas.     2  Vols.     (2nd 

Imp.) 
Herodes.     Cf.  Theophrastus  :   Characters. 
Herodotts.     a.  D.  Godley.     4  Vols.     (Vol.  I.  ith  Imp.,  Vols. 

II.-IV.  Zrd  Imp.) 
Hesiod   and   The   Homeric    Hymxs.     H.    G.    Evelyn    White. 
{6th  Imp.  revised  and  enlarged.) 
Hippocrates  and  the  Fragments  of  Heracleitus.     W.  H.  S. 

Jones  and  E.  T.  Withington.     4  Vols.     (Vol.  I.  3rd  Imp.,  Vols. 

II.-IV.  2n/f  Imp.) 
Homer:    Iliad.     A.  T.  Mvirray.     2  Vols.     {6th  Imp.) 
Homer:   Odyssey,     A.T.Murray.     2  Vols.     {~th  Imp.) 
ISAEUS.     E.  W.  Forster.     {2nd  Imp.) 
IsocRATEs.     George  Xorlin.      3  Vols. 
St.  John  Damascene  :    Barlaam  and  Ioasaph.     Rev.  G.  R. 

Woodward  and  Harold  Mattingly.      {2nd  Imp.  revised.) 
Josephus.     H.  St.  J.  Thackerav  and  Ralph  Marcus.      9  Vols. 

Vols.  I.-VI.     (Vol.  V.  Srd  Imp.,  Vol.  VI.  2yid  Imp.) 
Julian.     Wilmer   Cave  Wright.      3  Vols.     (Vol.   I.    2nd   Imp., 

Vol.  II.  3rd  Imp.) 
LuciAN.     A.  M.  Harmon.     8  Vols.     Vols.  I.-V.     (Vols.  I-UI. 

3rd  Imp. ) 
Lycophron.     Cf.  Caixi>iachi:s. 
L^-RA  Graeca.     J.  M.  Edmonds.     3  Vols.     (Vol.  I.  3rd  Imp.. 

Vol.    II.    2nd   Ed.   revised  and   enlarged.   Vol.   III.    3rd   Imp. 

revised.) 
Lysias.     W.  R.  M.  Lamb.     {2nd  Imp.) 
Maxetho.     W.  G.  Waddell  :    Ptolemy  :    Tetrabiblos.     F,  E. 

Robbins.     {2nd  Imp.) 
Marcus  Aurelius.     C.  R.  Haines.     (3rd  Imp.  revised.) 
Menander.     F.  G.  Allinson.     {2nd  Imp.  revised.) 
MrsoR    Attic    Orators    (Antiphox,    Axdocides,    Demades, 

Deinarchus,    Hypereides).      K.    J.    Maidment    and    J.    O. 

Burrt.     2  Vols.     Vol.  I.     K.  J.  Maidment. 
NoNxos.     W.  H.  D.  Rouse.     3  Vols.     (Vol.  III.  2nd  Imp.) 
Oppiax,  Colluthus,  Tryphiodorus.     a.  W.  Mair. 
Papyri.     Nox -Literary  Selectioxs.     A.  S.  Hunt  and  C.  C. 

Edgar.     2  Vols.     (Vol.  I.  2nd  Imp.)     Literary  Selections. 

Vol.  I.  (Poetr>').     D.  L.  Page. 
Parthenius.     Cf.  Daphnis  and  Chloe. 
Pausanias  :    Description   of  Greece.     W.   H.   S.   Jones.     5 

Vols,  and  Companion  Vol.     (Vols.  I.  and  III.  2nd  Imp.) 
Philo.      10  Vols.     Vols.  I.-V.;    F.  H.  Colson  and  Rev.  G.  H. 

Whitaker.     Vols.  VI.-IX. ;    F.  H.  Colson.     (Vols.  I.,  II.,  V., 

VI,  and  VII.  2nd  Imp.,  Vol.  IV.  3rd  Imp.) 
Philostratus  :    The  Life  of  Apolloxius  of  Tyaxa.     F.  C. 

Conybeare.     2  Vols.     (Vol.  I.  4th  Imp.,  Vol.  II,  3rd  Imp.) 
Philostratus  :      Imagines  ;     Callistratus  :      Descriptions. 

A.  Fairbanks. 
Philostratus    and    Eunapius  :      Lives    of    the    Sophists. 

\Mlmer  Cave  ^^  right.     {2nd  Imp.) 
6 


Pindar.     Sir  J.  E.  Sandys.     {7th  Imp.  revised.) 

Plato  :    Chabmides,  Alcibiades,  Hipparchus,  The  Lovers, 

Theaoes,  Minos  and  Epinomis.     W.  R.  M.  Lamb. 
Plato  :    Cbatylus,   Parmenides,   Greater  Hippias,   Lesser 

HipPiAS.     H.  N.  Fowler.     (2nd  Imp.) 
Plato  :     Euthyphro,   Apology,   Crito,   Phaedo,   Phaedrus. 

H.  N.  Fowler.     (9th  Imp.) 
Plato  :  Laches,  Protagoras,  Meno,  Euthydemus.     W.  R.  M. 

Lamb.     (2nd  Imp.  revised.) 
Plato  :    Laws.     Rev.  R.  G.  Bury.     2  Vols.     (2nd  Imp.) 
Plato  :    Lysis,  Symposium,  Gorgias.     W.  R.  M.  Lamb.     (4/^ 

Imp.  revised.) 
Plato  :    Republic.     Paul  Shorey.     2  Vols.     (Vol.  I.  Uh  Imp., 

Vol.  II.  3rd  Imp.) 
Plato  :  Statesman,  Philebus.     H.  N.  Fowler ;  Ion.     W.  R.  M. 

Lamb.     (Zrd  Imp.) 
Plato  :  Theaetetus  and  Sophist.     H.  N.  Fowler.     (3rd  Itnp.) 
Plato  :   Timaeus,  Critias,  Clitopho,  Menexenus,  Epistulae. 

Rev.  R.  G.  Bury.     (2nd  Imp.) 
Plutarch:    Moralia.     14  Vols.     Vols.  I.-V.     F.  C.  Babbitt; 

Vol.  VI.     W.  C.  Helmbold  ;  Vol.  X.     H.  N.  Fowler.      (Vols.  L, 

III.,  and  X.  2nd  Imp.) 
Plutarch  :      The    Parallel    Lives.     B.     Perrin.      1 1     Vols. 

(Vols.  I.,  II.,  and  VII.  3rd  Imp.,  Vols.  III.,  IV.,  VI.,  and  VIII.- 

XI.  2nd  Imp.) 
PoLYBius.     W.  R.  Paton.     6  Vols. 
Procopius  :    History  of  the  Wars.     H.  B.  Dewing.     7  Vols. 

(Vol.  I.  2nd  Imp.) 
Ptolemy  :   Tetrabiblos.     Cf.  Manetho. 

Quintus  Smyrnaeus.     a.  S.  Way.     Verse  trans.     (2nd  Imp.) 
Sextus   Empiricus.     Rev.   R.   G.   Bury.     4   Vols.     (Vol.   III. 

2nd  Imp.) 
Sophocles.     F.  Storr.     2  Vols.     (Vol.  I.  1th  Imp.,  Vol.  II.  5th 

Imp.)     Verse  trans. 
Strabo  :    Geography.     Horace  L.  Jones.     8  Vols.     (Vols.  I, 

3rd  Imp.,  Vols.  II.,  V.,  VI.,  and  VIII.  2nd  Imp.) 
Theophrastus  :     Characters.     J.    M.    Edmonds;     Herodes, 

etc.     A.  D.  Knox.     (2nd  Imp.) 
Theophrastus  :     Enquiry   into   Plants.     Sir  Arthur  Hort., 

Bart.     2  Vols.     (2nd  Imp.) 
Thucydides.     C.  F.  Smith.     4  Vols.     (Vol.  I.  3rd  Imp.,  Vols. 

II.,  III.  and  IV.  2nd  Imp.  revised.) 
IFbyphiodorus.     Cf.  Oppian. 

Xenophon  :  Cyropaedia.     Walter  Miller.     2  Vols.     {3rd  Imp.) 
I^ENOPHON  :  Hellenica,  Anabasis,  Apology,  and  Symposium. 

C.  L.  Brownson  and  O.  J.  Todd.     3  Vols.     (3rd  Imp.) 
I'Cenophon  :  Memorabilia  and  Oeconomicus.     E.  C.  Marchant. 

(2nd  Imp.) 
Kknophon  :   Scripta  Minora.     E.  C.  Marchant.     (2nd  Itnp.) 


IN   PREPARATION 


Greek  Authors 

Aristotle  :    De  MrNco.     W.  K.  C.  Guthrie. 
Aristotle  :   History  of  Animals.     A.  L.  Peck. 
Aristotle  :   Meteorologica.     H.  P.  Lee. 


Latin  Authors 

St.  ArGusTLSE  :   City  of  God.     \V.  H.  Sample. 
[Cicero]  :   Ad  Herexnilm.     H.  Caplan. 

Cicero  :  Pro  Sestio,  In  Vatinium,  Pro  Caelio,  De  Provinciis 
CoNSULARiBCS,  Pro  Balbo.     J.  H.  Freese  and  R.  Gardner. 


DESCRIPTIVE   PROSPECTUS   OA    APPLICATION 


London 
Cambridge,  Mass 


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HARVARD   UNIVERSITY    PRESS 


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