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'2
LOG-BOOK
OF
.«
TIMOTHY BOARD MAN;
Ebft on Boabd thb Pbitatebb Ouybb Cromwell, dubino a
Oruisb fbom Nbw London, Ct., to Ghablebton,
S. C, AND Rbtubn,
IN 1778;
ALSO,
A BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH
OF THE AUTHOR.
BY THE REV. SAMUEL W. BOARDMAN, D.D.
ISSUED UNDEB THE AUSPICES OF THE BUTLAND
OOITNTY mSTOBICAL SOGIETT.
ALBANY, N. Y.:
JOEL MUNSELL'S SONS.
1885.
PREFACE.
Under the auspices of the Rutland Oounty Historical
Society, is published the Log-Book of Timothy Board -
man, one of the pioneer settlers of the town of Rutland,
Vermont. This journal was kept on board the privateer,
Oliver CromweU, during two cruises ; the second one
from New London, Conn., to Charlraton, S. C. ; the
third from Charleston to New London, in the year 1778.
It seems that the Log-Book of the iirst cruise was either
lost, never kept, or Mr. Boardman was not one of the
crew to keep it. It was kept as a private diary with-
out any view to its ever being published.
When this manuscript, on coarse, unruled paper, was
brought to light, it came to the knowledge of the offi-
cers of the county historical society, who, at once, de-
cided that it was a document of considerable value and
should be published. Correspondence was accordingly
opened with the Eev. Samuel W. Boardman, D.D., of
Stanhope, New Jersey, a grandson of Timothy, to whom
this document properly belonged, asking his permission
to allow the society to publish it. The Reverend Doctor,
immediately gave his consent; and in his own words :
*' Supposed it was largely dry details. Still these may
throw side lights of value, on the history of the times."
At the same time he also consented to furnish a bio-
graphical sketch of his grandfather to be pubUshed with
the Log-Book. Accordingly the sketch was prepared,
but it proves to be not only a sketch, but a valuable
genealogy of that branch of the Boardman family.
This sketch was collected from many sources, mostly
from manuscripts.
The Boardmans in Rutland county are all known as
a strictly industrious, upright, religious, scholarly race;
and they are so interwoven with the early history,
business and educational interests of the county, that
this document must meet with general favor and in-
terest.
John M. Cubrier,
Sec, of the Rutland County
Historical Society.
/
BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH
OP
DEA. TIMOTHY BOARDMAN.
BY
Eev. Samuel W. Boardman, D.D
Stanhope, New Jersey.
BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH.
There is still preserved a letter from England, written
in a fine hand, with red ink, dated Obeydon ? Feb. 5,
1641, and directed,
** to her very loveing sonne
Samuel Boreman,
Ipswich in New England
give this with
haste."
The letter is as follows:
^*Good sonne, I have receaved your letter: whereby
I understand that you are in good health, for which I
give God thanks, as we are all — Praised be God for the
same. Whereas you desire to see your brother Chris-
topher with you, he is not ready for so great a journey,
nor do I think he dare take upon him so dangerous a
voyage. Your five sisters are all alive and in good
health and remember their love to you. Your father
hath been dead almost this two years, and thus trouble -
ing you no further at this time, I rest, praying to God
to bless you and your wife, unto whome we all kindly
remember our loves.
* * Your ever loving mother,
*' JULLAN BORMAN."
8
This letter exhibits many of the characteristics of the
Puritans to whom the Bormans belonged. They were
intensely religious ; this short letter contains the name
of God three times and speaks of both prayer and praise.
The Puritans were an intelligent people, reading and
writing; this letter is a specimen of the correspondence
carried on between the earliest settlers and their kin-
dred whom they had left in England. They were an
affectionate people, * * remembering their loves " to one
another ; and praying, for one another, as this mother
did for her son and his wife. This short letter has the
word " love " four times.
They were a persistent people, those who came hither
did not shrink from the hardships around them. They
came to stay, and sent back for their friends. Samuel
desired Christopher to follow him. Many of their fami-
lies were large, there were at least nine members of
this Puritan household. Samuel was born probably
about 1610 ; he had emigrated from England in 1636 or
1636. His name is found at Ipswich, Mass., about 1637
where land was assigned to him. Ipswich had been
organized in 1635 with some of the most intelligent and
wealthy colonists. His father died after Samuel's emi-
gration to America, in 1639. His wife's name was
Mary ; their oldest child, so far as we have record, was
Isaac, born at Wethersfield, Ct., Feb. 3, 1642. He
probably journeyed through the wilderness from Ips-
wich, Mass., which is twenty-six miles north of Bos-
ton, to Wethersfield, Ct., about one hundred and fifty
miles, m 1639 or 1640.
I
9
Between 1630 and 1640 many of the best families in
England sent representatives to America. It is said
that Oliver Cromwell was at one time on the point of
coming. Between February and August, 1630, seven-
teen ships loaded with families, bringing their cattle,
furniture and other worldly goods, arrived. One ship
of four hundred tons brought one hundred and forty
passengers, others perhaps a larger number. Among
them were Matthew and Priscilla Grant, from whom
Gen. Grant was of the eighth generation in descent.
Bancroft says, **Many of them had been accustomed
to ease and affluence ; an unusual proportion were
graduates of Cambridge and Oxford. The same rising
tide of strong English sense and piety, which soon
overthrew tyranny forever in the British Isles,
under Cromwell, was forcing the best blood in Eng-
land to these shores." The shores of New England
says George P. Marsh, were then sown with the
finest of wheat ; Plymouth Rock had but just received
the pilgrims ; the oldest cottages and log-cabins on
the coast were yet new, when Samuel Boreman first
saw them. The Puritans were a people full of religion,-
ministers came with their people ; they improved the
time on the voyage, Roger Clap's diary, kept on ship-
board 1630, says, ^* So we came by the good hand of our
God through the deep comfortably ^ having preaching
and expounding of the word of God every day for ten
weeks together by our ministers." Mr* Blaine says that
the same spirit which kept Cromwell's soldiers at home
to fight for liberty after 1640, impelled men to America
before that time, so that there was probably never an
10
emigration, in the history of the world, so influential
as that to New England from 1620 to 1643.
It is possible that Christopher Boreman fought and
perhaps fell in the army of the commonwealth . But
why did so many of the early settlers, quickly leave
the Atlantic coast for the Connecticut valley ? Their
first historians say there was even then ' ' a hankering
for new land." They wished also to secure it from
occupation by the Dutch who were entering it. Reports
of its marvelous fertility, says Brancrof t, had the same
effect on their imagination, as those concerning the
Genesee and Miami have since exerted, inducing the
*' western fever," '* Young man go West." The rich-
ness of the soil of the Wethersfield meadows has been
celebrated as widely as the aroma of its onions. It is
only three miles from Hartford and was for two cen-
turies one of the most prominent communities in Con-
necticut. There was scarcely a more cultured society
anywhere. " It were a sin," said the early colonists *Ho
leave so fertile a land unimproved." The Pequod war
had annihilated a powerful and hostile tribe on the
Thames in 1637. Six hundred Indians perished, only
two whites were killed. Connecticut was long after
that comparatively safe from Indians. In 1639, the
people formed themselves into a body politic by a vol-
untary association. The elective franchise belonged to
all the members of the towns who had taken the oath
of allegiance to the commonwealth. It was the most
perfect democracy which had ever been organized. It
rested on free labor. *' No jurisdiction of the English
••• • •
11
monarch was recognized ; the laws of honest justice
were the basis of their commonwealth. They were
near to nature. These humble emigrants invented an
admirable system. After two centuries and a half,
the people of Connecticut desire no essential change
from the government established by their Puritan
fathers. " (Bancroft).
The first emigration of Puritans to the Connecticut
river is supposed to have been to "Pyquag," now Weth-
ersfield, in 1634. The next year 1635, witnessed the first
to Windsor and Hartford ; while in the following year
1636, Rev. Thomas Hooker and his famous colony made
the forest resound with psalms of praise, as in June,
they made their pilgrimage from the seaside ** to the
dehghtful banks" of the Connecticut. Hooker was
esteemed, *^ The light of the western churches," and a
lay associate, John Haynes, had been governor of
Massachusetts. The church at Wethersfield was or-
ganized while Mrs. Boreman's letter given above, was
on its way, Feb. 28, 1641 ; Samuel and Mary Boreman
were undoubtedly among its earliest members. His first
pastor there was Rev. Richard Denton, whom Cotton
Mather describes, as ' ' a little man with a great soul,
an accompUshed mind in a lesser body, an Hiad in a
nutshell ; blind of an eye, but a great seer ; seeing
much of what eye hath not seen." In the deep forests,
amid the cabins of settlers, and the wigwams of sav-
ages, he composed a system of Divinity entitled ' ' Solil- .
oquia Sacra." Rev. John Sherman, born in Dedham,
England, Dec. 26, 1613, educated at Cambridge, who
12
came to America in 1634, also preached here for a short
time. He was afterwards settled at Watertown Mass.,
had twenty-two children and died in 1685. The colony
at New Haven, which was soon united with them, was
founded in 1638, under Rev. John Davenport and Gov.
Theophilus Eaton . They first met under an oak and
afterward in a barn. After a day of fasting and prayer
they established their first civil government on a
simple plantation covenant 'Ho obey the Scriptures."
Only church members had the franchise ; the minister
gave a public charge to the governor to judge right-
eously, with the text : * ' The cause that is too hard for
you bring it unto me, and I will hear it," **Thus,"
says Brancrof t, ' ' New Haven made the Bible its statute
book, and the elect its freemen." The very atmosphere
of New Haven is still full of the Divine favor distilled
from the honor thus put upon God's word in the founda-
tion of its institutions. There were five capital qualities
which greatly distinguished the early New England
Puritans. I. Good intellectual endowments ; they
were of the party of Milton and Cromwell. II. Intense
rehgiousness ; the names Pilgrim and Puritan, are
synonymous with zealous piety. III. Education ; many
were graduates of colleges ; they founded Harvard in
1636. IV. Business thrift; godliness has the promise of
the world that now is, as well as of that which is to
come. V. Public spirit ; they immediately built churches,
schools, court houses, and state houses.
The newly married son to whom Julian Borman, the
Puritan widow, with seven children, wrote from Eng-
13
land in 1641, obviously partook of these common
characteristics. He was soon recognized as a young
man to be relied upon . ' ' Few of the first settlers of
Connecticut," says Hinman, author of the genealogy of
the Puritans, * * came here with a better reputation, or
sustained it more uniformly through life."
In 1646-7-8. He was a juror.
1649. Appointed by the Gen. Court, sealer of weights
and measures.
1657-8-9-60-61-62-63, and many years afterward,
representative of Wethersfield in the Legislature of
Connecticut, styled '* Deputy to the General Court."
Hinman says, few men, if any, in the colony, repre-
sented their own town for so many sessions.
1660. On the grand jury of the colony.
1670. Nominated assistant
1662. Distributor of William's estate.
1662. Appointed by Gen. Court on committee to pay
certain taxes.
1665. Chairman of a committee appointed by the
Legislature, to settle with the Indians the difficulty
about the bounds of land near Middletown, ^* in an
equitable way."
1660. On a similar committee to purchase of the
Indians Thirty Mile Island.
1665. Chairman of a committee of the Legislature
to report on land, petitioned for by G. Higby.
2
14
1663. Api)ointed chairman of committee to lay out
the bounds of Middletown.
He died just two hundred and twelve years ago in
April, 1673. His estate was appraised by the select-
men of Wethersfield, May 2, 1673 at £742, 155, about
$4,000. His son Isaac then 31 years old is not named in
the settlement of the estate, and had perhaps received his
patrimony. He had ten children, seven sons and three
daughters, of whom the youngest was six years old ;
he had three grandchildren, the children of his oldest
son, Isaac. All his children received scriptural names,
as was common in Puritan families. His descendants
are now doubtless several thousands in number. Only
a very small part, after two hundred and fifty years, of
a man's descendants bear his name. His daughters
and their descendants, his sons' daughters and their
descendants, one-half, three-quarters, seven-eights, di-
verge from the ancestral name, etc., till but a thou-
sandth part, after a few centuries retain the ancestral
name, and those who retain it owe to a hundred others
as much of their lineage as to him. Such is God's plan ;
the race are endlessly interwoven together; no man liv-
eth unto himself. But a few comparatively, of the de-
scendants of Samuel Borman can now be traced. His
own name, however, has been carried by them into
the United States Senate ; into the lower house of Con-
gress ; into many State Legislatures ; to the bar and to
the bench ; into many pulpits, and into several chairs
of collegiate and professional instruction. Yet these
can represent but a few of his descendants who have
15
been equally useful. Probably a larger number of them
are still to be found in Connecticut than in any other
state. Among them is the family of Rev. Noah Por-
ter, D. D., LL. D., the President of Yale College, who
married a daughter of Rev. Dr. N. W. Taylor. The
prayers of Julian Borman for ' ' her good sonne ^' — ' ' her
very loving sonne, Samuel Boreman " already reach,
under the covenant promise of Him who remembers
mercy to a thousand generations, a widely scattered
family.
In the above letter the name is spelled both with
and without the letter '* e " after ''r; " the letter ''d''
is not found until 1712. The letter '' a," was not in-
serted until 1750 ; so that the descendants of Samuel,
may still bear all these names, Borman, Boreman,
Bordman or Boardman, according to the generation at
which the line traced, reaches the parent stock. It is
said that the name, however spelled, is still pronounced
** Borman," at Wethersfield. The rise of Cromwell
in England, the long Parliament, the Westminster
Assembly, the execution of Charles the First, the
establishment of the commonwealth, its power by sea
and land, the death of the Protector, the restoration
of Charles the Second, were events of which Samuel
must have heard by letter from his brother and sisters,
as well as in other ways. He doubtless had numerous
kinsmen on the side of both his father and his mother,
who were involved in these movements of the times
in England. Perhaps Richard Boardman, one of the
first two ^* Traveling Methodist Preachers on the con-
16
tinent," who came here from England in 1769, was
among the descendants.
At the same time the pioneer legislator in the
Colonial Greneral Court just estabUshed in the wilds of
America, was aiding to lay Scriptural foundations
for institutions of civil and reUgious liberty in the New
World. He left a Thomas Boreman, perhaps an uncle,
in Ipswich, Mass. During the thirty-seven years of
his life, after his emigration, he saw new colonies
planted at many points along the Atlantic coast. He
saw the older colonies constantly strengthened by fresh
arrivals, and by the natural increase of the population.
Several other Boremans came to New England very
early, some of whom may have been his kindred. He
accumulated and left a considerable estate for that day,
derived in part undoubtedly, from the increase in the
value of the new lands, which he had at first occupied,
and which he afterward sold at an advanced price.
Some in every generation, of his descendants have
done likewise ; going first north, and east, and then
further and further west. One of the descendants of
his youngest son Nathaniel, now living, a man of
distinguished abiUty, Hon. E. J. H. Boardman of
Marshalltown, Iowa, is said to have amassed in this
manner a large fortune.
Samuel Boreman died far from his early home and
kindred. He was not buried beside father or mother,
or by the graves of ancestors who had for centuries lived
and died and been buried there ; but on a continent
separated from them by a great ocean. He was
17
doubtless buried on the summit of the hill in the old
cemetery at Wethersfield, in a spot which overlooks
the broad and fertile meadows of the Connecticut river.
In the same plot his children and grandchildren lie,
with monuments, though no monument marks his
own grave. In his childhood, he may have seen
Shakespeare and Bacon. He lived cotemporary with
Cromwell ; and Milton, who died, a year after he was
buried at Wethersfield. His wife Mary, the mother
of us all, died eleven years later, in 1684, leaving an
estate of $1,300. As his body was lowered into the
grave, his widow and ten children may have stood
around it, the oldest, Isaac, aged 31, with his two or
three little children ; the second, Mary, Mrs. Bobbins,
at the age of twenty-nine ; Samuel, Jr., twenty-
five ; Joseph twenty-three ; John twenty -one ; Sarah,
eighteen ; Daniel, fifteen ; Jonathan, thirteen ; Na-
thaniel, ten ; Martha, seven. Most of these children
lived to have :;: '; i..;^, HjJlJl ieCt cliiWv:ii. v v j-,,- d^i-
scendants now doubtless number thor vlJs. Iif.;iac
had three sons and one daughter ji'! :'. '4 iu 1710. at
the age of seventy-seven. Samuel had r,vo sons a Lid
three daughters, and died in 1720, at ?t»venr.y-two
years of age. Daniel, then fifteen; from whom Timothy
Boardman, the author of the Log-Book, was descended ;
had twelve children, nine sons and three daughters,
and died in 1724, at the age of seventy-six. Jonathan
had two sons and three daughters, and died September
21, 1712, at the age of fifty-one. Nathaniel married
in Windsor, at the age of forty -four, and had but one
son, Nathaniel, and died two months after his next older
18
brother Jonathan, perhaps of a contagious disease,
November 29, 1712 ; at the age of forty-nine. The
descendants of Nathaniel are now found in Norwich,
Vt., and elsewhere ; and those of Samuel in Sheffield,
Mass., and elsewhere. But the later descendants of
the other sons, except Samuel, Daniel and Nathaniel,
and of the daughter, I have no means of tracing.
They are scattered in Connecticut and widely in other
states. During the lives of this second generation
occurred King Phillip's war, which decimated the New
England Colonies, and doubtless affected this family
with others. Within their time also, Yale College was
founded, and went into operation first at Wethersfield,
close by the original Borman homestead.
The writer of this has made sermons in the old
study of Rector Williams, the president of the college,
near the old Boardman house, which was standing in
1856, the oldest house in Wethei-sfield. The second
generation of Boardmans, of course occupied more
''new lands." Daniel, the fifth son of Samuel, owned
land in Litchfield and New Milford, then new settle-
ments, as well as in Wethersfield. Jonathan married
in Hatfield, Mass.
The third generation, the grandchildren of Samuel,
the names of twenty-nine of whom (seventeen grand-
sons and twelve grand-daughters), all children of
Samuel's five sons, are preserved ; went out to occupy
territory still further from home. We have little
account however, except of the nine sons of Daniel,
the seventh child of Samuel. Daniel the great-grand-
19
father of Timothy, the author of the Log-Book, was
married to Hannah Wright just a hundred years before
the marriage of that great-grandson, June 8, 1683,
while the war-whoop of King Phillip's Narraganset
savages was still resounding through the forest. Of
his twelve children, two sons, John and Charles, died
before reaching full maturity, John at the age of
nineteen, near the death of two of his uncles, Jonathan
and Nathaniel, in 1712 ; and Charles the youngest
child, at the age of seventeen, very near the time of
his father's death, in 1724. One son died in infancy.
Of his daughters, Mabel, married Josiah Nichols, and
for her second husband John Griswold of New Milf ord ;
Hannah married John Abbe of Enfield ; and Martha
married Samuel Churchill of Wethersfield. Of his six
surviving sons, Richard was settled at Wethersfield ;
he married in Milford, and had three children. His
second son Daniel, born July 12, 1687, was graduated
at Yale College in 1709, became the first minister of
New Milford in 1712 and died in the ministry with his
people, August 25, 1744. Hinman says : ^* He gave
character and tone to the new settlement, by his devo-
tion and active service."
He was a man of deep piety, and of great force of
character. It is related that an Indian medicine man,
and this Puritan pastor met by the sick-bed of the same
poor savage. The Indian raised his horrid clamor and
din, which was intended to exorcise according to their
customs the evil spirit of the disease. At the same
time Mr. Boardman lifted up his voice in prayer to
20
Him who alone can heal the sick. The conflict of
rival voices waxed long and loud to see which should
drown out the other. Mr. Boardman was blessed vdth
unusual power of lungs like his nephew Rev. Benjamin
Boardman, tutor at Yale and pastor in Hartford, who
for his immense volume of voice, while a chaplain in
the Revolutionary army was called by the patriots the
''Great gun of the gospel." The defeated charmer,
acknowledged himself outdone and bounding from the
bedside hid his defeat in the forest. Mr. Boardman
died about the time his parishioners and neighbors
were on the famous expedition to Cape Breton and the
capture of Louisburg and when Whitfield's preaching
was arousing the church. He was twice married and
had six children. His second wife, the mother of all
but his oldest child was a widow, Mrs. Jerusha Seeley,
one of nine daughters of Deacon David Sherman of
Poquonnocli. Their children were :
I. Penelopy, Mrs. Dr. Carrington.
II. Tamar, wife of Mr. Boardman's successor in the
pastorate at New Milford, Rev. Nathaniel Taylor ;
mother of Major-Gteneral Augustine Taylor, of the
war of 1812 ; and grandmother of Prof. Nathaniel W.
Taylor, D.D., of New Haven.
III. Mercy, the wife of Gillead Sperry, and grand-
mother of Rev. Dr. Wheaton of Hartford.
IV . Jerusha, wife of Rev. Daniel Farrand of Canaan,
Ct., and mother of Hon. Daniel Farrand (Yale, 1781),
Judge of the Supreme Court of Vermont. This judge
21
had nine daughters, one of whom married Hon,
Stephen Jacobs, of Windsor, also a Judge of the Su-
preme Court of Vermont.
Rev. Daniel Boardman left but one son, the Hon.
Sherman Boardman, who was but sixteen years old at
the time of his father's death . From the age of twenty-
one he was for forty-seven years constantly in civil or
mihtary office. He was for twenty-one sessions a
member of the General Assembly of Connecticut, of
which his great-grandfather Samuel, had been so long
a member. His four sons, Major Daniel (Yale, 1781),
Elijah, Homer, and David Sherman (Yale, 1793), were
all members of the Connecticut Legislature, in one or
both branches, for many years. Elijah was also
elected a United States Senator, from Connecticut in
1821. He foimded Boardman, Ohio, and died while on
a visit there Aug. 18, 1823. His son, William W.
Boardman (Yale, 1812), was speaker of the house of the
Connecticut Legislature, and elected to Congress in
1840. He left an ample fortune, and his large and
comely monument stands near the centre of the old
historic cemetery of New Haven, Ct., in which city he
resided. This branch of the family, second cousins of
the author of the Log-Book, though descended from the
Puritan pastor Daniel Boardman, are now associated
with the Protestant Episcopal church.
The brothers of the pastor, grandsons of Samuel, were
scattered in various places. Eichard settled in Wethers-
field, as already noticed. Israel settled at Stratford, and
3
22
had two sons and one daughter. Joshua, received by his
father's will the homestead, but afterward removed to
Springfield, Mass. Benjamin settled at Sharon, and
received from his father lands in Litchfield and New
Milf ord, lands which the family had probably purchased
while the son and brother was preaching there.
Timothy, the ninth child of Daniel, only twelve years
old when his brother became pastor at New Milf ord, died
only a few days before the birth of his namesake, and
first grandchild, the author of the Log-Book. He
lived and died in Wethersfield. His enterprise however,
like that of his grandfather who emigrated from Eng-
land, and that of his father who acquired lands in
Litchfield and New Milford, went out, as that of many
of their descendants does to-day, in the west, for
*' more land." He and his brother Joshua, and other
thrifty citizens of Wethersfield, fixed upon the province
of Maine as the field of their enterprise. Timothy and
Joshua owned the tract of land, thirty miles from
north to south, and twenty-eight from east to west,
which now, apparently, constitutes Lincoln Co. They
had a clear title to eight hundred and forty square
miles, about twenty-two townships, along or near the
Atlantic coast. By the census of 1880, the assessed
valuation of real estate in this county was $4,737,807 ;
of personal property $1,896,886. Total $6,634,693. It
embraces 3,213 farms ; 146,480 acres of improved land,
valued, including buildings and fences at $4,403,985 ;
affording an annual production, valued at $759,560.
The population was 24,326 of whom 23,756 were natives
of Maine.
23
This tract which should have been called '^ Boardman
county," had been originally purchased of the Indians
by one John Brown, probably as early as the close of
King Phillip's war. It was purchased by the Board-
man brothers in 1732, from the great-grandchildren of
John Brown, requiring a considerable number of deeds
which are now on record in the county clerk's office at
York, Maine. These deeds were from Wm . Huxley,
Eleazar Stockwell, and many others, heirs of John
Brown, and of Richard Pearse his son-in-law. Two of
them show $2,000 each as the sums paid for their pur-
chase.
WilUam Frazier, a grandson of Timothy, and an own
cousin of the author of the Log-Book, received some-
thing more than two townships, and although German
intruders early settled upon these lands, many of whose
descendants are now among the leading citizens of that
county, yet there seems to be little reason to doubt
that if, after the close of the Revolutionary war, the
author of the Log-Book and other heirs had gone in
quest of those ample possessions, something handsome,
perhaps half of the county, might have been secured.
There is a tradition that the true owners were betrayed
as non-resident owners of unimproved lands often are,
by their legal agents, who accepted of bribes to defraud
those whose interests they had promised to secure.
Timothy Boardman 1st, died in mid-hfe, at the age of
fifty-three, and this noble inheritance was lost to his
heirs. The county became thickly settled, and the
Boardman titles though acknowledged valid, were it is
24
said, confiscated by the Legislature of Massachusetts
in favor of the actual occupants of the soil, as the
shortest though unjust settlement of the difficulty.
The fourth generation, the great-grandsons of Samuel
included several men of prominence, some of whom
have been already noticed. Hon. Sherman Boardman
of New Milford ; Rev. Benjamin Boardman, the army
chaplain, of Hartford, and others. The majority of the
family, however, were plain and undistinguished men of
sterUng Puritan qualities, and of great usefulness in
their several spheres, in the church and in society.
Many were deacons and elders in their churches, these
were too numerous for further especial mention, except
in a single line. The third child of Timothy, the Maine
land proprietor, only four years old when Lincoln Co.,
Me. was purchased by his father, became a carpenter,
ship-builder and cabinet maker, and settled in Middle-
town, Ct., which his great-grandfather Samuel had sur-
veyed nearly a century before. He married Jemima
Johnson, Nov. 14, 1751, and his oldest child, born Jan .
20, 1754, was the author of the Log-Book. The preach-
ing of Whitfield, and the ''Great Awakening" of the
American churches, North, South and Central, at this
time, and for a whole generation, immediately preced-
ing the Revolutionary war, had very much quickened
the rehgious Ufe even of the children of the New Eng-
land Puritans. The Boardman family obviously felt
the infiuence of this great revival. The country was
anew pervaded with intense religious influences.
25
Many letters and other papers remain from different
branches of the family of this and of more recent dates,
exhibiting a deeply religious spirit. The boy Timothy
grew up in an atmosphere filled with such influences .
Many of the habits and feelings brought by the Puritans
from England still prevailed. To the day of his death he
retained much of the spirit of those early associations.
He left a double portion to his oldest son. He inherited
the traits of the Puritans ; intelligence ; appreciation of
education ; deference for different ages and relations in
society ; piety, industry, economy and thrift. His
advantages at school in the flourishing village of Mid-
dletown must have been exceptionally good ; he early
learned to write in an even, correct and handsome
hand, which he retained for nearly three-quarters of
a century ; his school book on Navigation is before me .
More attention was paid to a correct and handsome
chirography, at that time, the boyhood of Washing-
ton, Jefferson, Sherman and Putnam, than at a later
day when a larger range of studies had been introduced.
**The Young Secretary's Guide," a volume of model
letters, business forms, etc., is preserved; it bears on the
first leaf ** Timothy Boardman, his Book, A. D. 1765."
The hand is copy -like, and very handsome, and extra-
ordinary if it is his, as it seems to be ; though he was
then but eleven years old. A large manuscript volume
of Examples in Navigation, obviously in his hand-
writing, doubtless made in his youth, is also before me.
The writing and diagrams are like copper-plate. No
descendant of his, so far as known to the writer could
26
have exceeded it in neatness and skill. In his early boy-
hood the French and Indian war filled the public mind
with excitement ; reports of the exploits of Col. Israel
Putnam were circulate, as they occurred. The con-
quest of Canada under Gen. Wolf filled the colonies
with pride and patriotism. But already disaffection
between the mother country and the colonies had arisen.
Resistance to the tea tax and other offensive measures
were discussed at every fireside. The writer before he
was seven years old caught from the author of the Log-
Book, then over eighty, something of the indignant
feeling toward England which the latter had acquired at
the very time when the tea was thrown overboard into
Boston harbor. Timothy Boardman was ripe for partici-
pation in armed resistance when the war came. He was
just twenty-one as the first blood was shed at Lexington
and Concord, April 19, 1775. Putnam who had left
his plow in the furrow, was with his Connecticut
soldiers, in action, if not in chief command at Bunker
hill. Timothy Boardman joined the army which
invested Boston, under Washington in the winter of
1776-1776. He was stationed, doubtless with a Con-
necticut regiment, on Dorchester Heights, now South
Boston .
After completing this service, in the great uprising of
the people to oppose the southward progress of Bur-
goyne, he was called out and marched toward Saratoga,
but the surrender took place before his regiment arrived.
With his father he had worked at finishing houses, and
the inside of vessels built on the Connecticut river, on
27
which Middletown is situated. In the winter he was
employed largely in cabinet work, in the shop ; I have
the chest which he made and used on the Oliver Crom-
well,
Congress early adopted the poUcy of sending out pri-
vateers or armed vessels to capture British merchant ves-
sels. These vessels became prizes for the captors. The
Oliver Cromwell wa& chartered by Connecticut, with
letters of marque and reprisal from the United States.
Captain Parker was in command. The Defence accom-
panied the Oliver Cromwell ; they sailed from New
London ; Timothy Boardman then twenty-four years of
age enlisted and went on board ; he commenced keep-
ing the Log-Book April 11, 1778 ; he seems to have been
head carpenter on board the ship, and to have had
severe labors. His assistants appear to have deserted
him before the close of the voyage. It was his duty to
make any needful repairs after a storm, or in an en-
gagement and to perform any such service necessary
even at the time of greatest danger. In a terrific
storm it was decided to cut away the mast. His hat
fell from his head, but he scarcely felt it wortli while
to pick it up, as all were Uable so soon to go to the
bottom. In action, his place was below deck, to be in
readiness with his tools and material to stop instantly ,
if possible, any leak caused by the enemies' shot. At
one time the rigging above him was torn and feU upon
him, some were killed ; blood spattered over him, and it
was shouted ** Boardman is killed." He, however, and
another man on board, a Mr. Post, father of the late
28
Alpha Post of Rutland, were spared to make their
homes for half a century among the peaceful hills of
Vermont.
In the following year 1779, he seems to have sailed
down the Atlantic coast on an American merchant
vessel. He was captured off Charleston, S. Carolina,
by the British, but after a few days' detention, on
boaixJ his Majesty's vessel, it was thought cheaper to
send the prisoners on shore than to feed them, and he
and his companions were given a boat and set at
liberty. They reached Charleston in safety. The
city was under martial law, and the new-comers were
for about six weeks put upon garrison duty. About
this time Lord Cornwallis was gaining signal advan-
tages in that vicinity, while Gen. Gates, who had re-
ceived the surrender of Burgoyne, three years before,
was badly defeated. After completing this service the
author of the Log Book, started to walk home to Con-
necticut. He proceeded on foot to North Carolina,
where Andrew Jackson was, then a poor boy of twelve
years. Jackson's father, a young Irish emigi'ant died
within two years after entering those forests, and his
widow soon to become the mother of a President, was
*' hauled" through their clearing, from their deserted
shanty, to his grave, among the stumps, in the same
lumber wagon with the corpse of her husband. He
had been dead twelve years when the pilgrim from
Connecticut passed that way. Overcome, probably by
fatigue and by malaria, his progress was arrested in
North Carolina by fever, and he lay sick all winter
among strangers.
29
In the spring of 1780, unable probably, to proceed on
foot, he embarked from some port, on a merchant ship
bound for St. Eustatia, a Dutch island, in the West
Indies. He was again captured and taken prisoner
by the British.
He was, however, transferred to a British merchant
vessel on which he rendered a little service by way of
commutation, when he was set at liberty on St.
Eustatia. The island has an area of 189 square miles,
population 13,700 ; latitude 17°, 30', North. Climate
generally healthy, but with terrific hurricanes and
earthquakes, soil very fertile and highly cultivated by
the thrifty Hollanders, with slave labor. It has be-
longed successively to the Spanish, French, English
and Dutch. Having been enfeebled by his fever of the
winter before, Timothy Boardman now twenty-six
years old, worked for several months at his trade with
good wages. I have heard him say that there the
tropical sun shone directly down the chimney. He
used to relate also, how fat the young negroes would
become in sugaring time, when the sweets of the cane-
field flowed as freely as water. He returned home to
Connecticut probably late in the year 1780. Vermont
was then the open field for emigration. It was
rapidly receiving settlers from Connecticut. I have no
knowledge that he ever made any account of the im-
mense tract in Maine, purchased and held by deeds,
still on record at York, Me., by his grandfather, and
in which he, as the oldest grandson, born a few days
after his grandfather's death and named for him,
might have been expected to be interested.
4
30
He was now twenty-seven. A large family of
younger chOdren had long occupied his father's house.
He sought a home of his own. His younger brothers
Elisha and Oliver were married and settled before him.
He seems to have inherited something of the ancestral
enterprise of the Puritans, *' hankering for new land."
All his brothers and sisters settled m Connecticut, but
he made his way in 1781 to Vermont. For a year 1781-
1782, he worked at his trade in Bennington. During
this time, he purchased a farm in Addison, it is sup-
posed of Ira Allen, a brother of the redoubtable Ethan
Allen ; but the title proved, as so often happened, with
the early settlers to be defective. He recovered, many
years afterward, through the fidelity and skill of his
lawyer, the Hon. Daniel Chipman of Middlebury, the
hard earned money which he had paid for the farm at
Chimney Point. It shows how thrifty he must have
been, and how resolute in his purpose to follow a
pioneer life in Vermont, that after this great loss he
fitill had money, and a disposition to buy another farm
among the Green Mountains. Having put his hand to
the plow, he did not turn back. He did not perhaps
like to have his Connecticut kindred and friends think
he had failed in what he had undertaken. He had
saved a good portion of his wages for six or seven
years. He had received, as the most faithful man in
the crew, a double share in the prizes taken by the
Oliver Cromwell, He had perhaps received some aid
from his father. Though he had paid for and lost one
unimproved farm, he was able to buy, and did pur-
chase another. He came to Rutland, Vt., in 1782 and
31
bought one hundred acres of heavily timbered land from
the estate of Rev. Benajah Roots, whose blood has
long flowed in the same veins, with his own. He
perhaps thought that if he bought of a minister, he
would get a good title. He may have known Mr.
Roots, at least by reputation, in Connecticut, for he had
been settled at Simsbury, Ct. , before coming to a home
missionary field in Rutland. The owner of the land
was in doubt whether to sell it.
The would-be purchaser had brought the specie with
which to buy it, in a strong Unen bag, still it is supposed
preserved in the family, near the same spot. '' Bring in
your money," said a friend, ** and throw it down on a
table, so that it will jingle well." The device was suc-
cessful, the joyful sound, where silver was so scarce,
brought the desired effect. The deed was soon secured,
for the land which he owned for nearly sixty years.
A clearing was soon made on this land at a point
which lies about one-half mile south of Centre Rutland,
and a-half mile west of Otter creek on the slope of a
high hill. It was then expected that Centre Rutland
would be the capital of Vermont. In 1783, he erected
amid the deep forests, broken only here and there by
small clearings, a small framed house. He never occu-
pied a log-house ; as he was himself a skillful carpenter,
house-joiner and cabinet maker and had been reared
in a large village, a city, just as he left it, his taste
did not allow him to dispense with so many of the com-
forts of his earlier life as many were compelled to re-
linquish .
32
He returned to Middletown, and was married, Sept.
28th, 1783, to Mary, the eighth child and fifth daughter
of Capt. Samuel Ward of Middletown, who had twelve
children. The Ward family were of equal standing
with his own. The newly married couple were each
a helpmeet unto the other, and had probably known
each other from early life in the same church and
perhaps in the same public school. They were both
always strongly attached to Middletown, their native
place ; it cost something to tear themselves away and
betake themselves to a new settlement, which they knew
must long want many of the advantages which they
were leaving. I remember the pride and exhileration
with which, in his extreme old age, he used to speak
of Middletown, as he pointed out on his two maps, one
of them elaborate, in his native city, the old familiar
places. He revisited it from time to time during his
long life, the last time in 1837, only a year and a-half
before his death.
In his journeys between Rutland and Middletown,
ivhich he visited with his wife, the second year after
their marriage, he must have met many kindred by the
way. His Uncle Daniel Boardman Uved in Dalton, and
his Uncle John in Hancock, Mass., while three brothers
of his wife, and a sister, Mrs. Charles Goodrich, resided
in Pittsfield. Mrs. Ward, his mother-in-law, lived also
in Pittsfield with her children, till 1815, when she was
ninety-six years old, her oldest son seventy- six, and
her eighth child, Mrs. Boardman, over sixty. She and
her son-in-law. Judge Goodrich, the founder of Pitts-
33
field, who was of about her own age, lived, it is said to
be the oldest persons in Berkshire Co. He had also a
cousin Mrs. Francis at Pittsfield, and a favorite cousin
Elder John Boardman, at Albany and another cousin,
Capt. George Boardman in Schenectady. These three
cousins were children of his uncle Charles of Wethers-
field. His grandmother Boardman, the widow of the
Maine land proprietor, also spent her last days in
Dalton, and died there at her son Daniel's, about the
time when Timothy first went to Vermont.
His youngest brother WiUiam, distinctly remembered
my grandfather's playing with him, and bantering him
when a little child, and also the September morning
when with his father and mother he rode over in a chaise
to Capt. Ward's to attend Timothy's wedding. He told
me that when Timothy was there last, he shed some
tears, as he cut for himself a memorial cane, by the
river's bank, where he used to play in boyhood, and
said he should never see the place again. WilUam,
whom he used to call *'Bill," named a son for him,
Timothy.
The spot where he built his first house, and called on
the name of the Lord, and where his first two or three
children were bom, is now off the road, at a considera-
ble distance, about a-half mile north-east of the house,
occupied by his grandson, Samuel Boardman, Esq., of
West Rutland. It is near a brook, in a pasture, cold, wet,
bunchy and stony, and does not look as if it had ever
been plowed. He had better land which he cultivated
afterward, and which yielded abundantly. But at first
84
he must have wrung a subsistence from a reluctant soil.
Yet the leaf -mould and ashes from burned timber on
fields protected by surrounding forests would produce
good w^heat, com and vegetables. Near that spot
still stands one very old apple tree and another lies
fallen^and^ decaying near by. So tenacious are the
memorials of man's occupancy, even for a short time.
After a few years he removed this small framed
house, fifty rods westward and dug and walled for it a
cellar which still remains, a pit filled with stones, water
and growing alders. He then made some additions to
the house as demanded by his gi-owing family. He
alsogbuilt near it a barn. His house was still on the
cold, bushy land which slopes to the north-east, and is
now only occupied for pasturage. Here seven young
children occupied with him his pioneer home.
The tradition used to be, that at first he incurred
somewhat the derision of his neighbors, better gkilled
in backwoodsman's lore than himself, by hacking all
around a tree, in order to get it down. It is said that
some imagined his land would soon be in the market,
and sold cheap ; that the city bred farmer, better taught
in navigation and surveying, than in clearing forests
and in agriculture, would become tired and discouraged
and abandon his undertaking. But he remained and
persevered, and his good Puritan qualities, industry,
frugality, good management, and persistency for the
first ten or fifteen years, determined his whole subse-
quent career and that of his family. He was never
rich, but he secured a good home, dealt well with his
35
children, and became independent for the remainder of
his life. Indeed, like most New England Puritans, of
resolute and conscientious industry, and of moderate
expenditures, he was always independent after he was
of age.
A man of such character, and of so fair an education
would, of course, soon be valued in any community,
and be especially useful in a new settlement where
skill with the pen and the compass are rarer than in
older places.
He was appreciated and was soon made town clerk
of Rutland, and county surveyor for Rutland county.
He was also in time made captain of the miUtia, in
recognition perhaps, in part, of his Revolutionary
services. He was also made clerk of the Congregational
church, I have some of his church records. On Nov.
20th, 1806, he was elected a deacon. He was also on
the committee to revise the Articles of Faith and Rules
of Discipline. About 1792, he bought fifty acres of
good land lying west of his first purchase, and on this
ground, one hundred rods west of his previous home,
and about half a mile south-west of the spot first
occupied, he erected in 1799, a good two-story house,
which is still in excellent preservation, where till his
death, he lived in a home as ample and commodious
as the better class of those with which he had been
familiar in his native state.
In sixteen years after coming to the unbroken forest
on what has sinc« been called ' ' Boardman hill, " he
had won a good position in society and in the church,
36
and a comfortable property. He was afflicted in
the death of his oldest daughter and child, Hannah,
October 26, 1803. But this was the only death that
occurred in his family for more than fifty-three years.
His six remaining children lived to an average age of
about eighty.
The Congregational church in West Rutland, one of
the oldest in Vermont, had been formed in 1773,
nine years before his arrival. He became a member
in 1786, and his wife in 1803. Not long after his com-
ing. Rev. Mr. Roots, the pastor, died, and the widely
known Rev. Samuel Haynes, a devout, able and witty
man, became their pastor, and so continued for thirty
years, until his dismission in 1818. Timothy Boardman's
children were early taken to church, were trained
and all came into the church under, the ministry of
Rev. Mr. Haynes.
He said that he would sooner do without bread than
without preaching, and he was always a conscientious
and liberal supporter of the church. He appreciated
and co-operated with his pastor. In the great revival
of 1808, five of his children were gathered into the
church. One of them, perhaps all of them, were pre-
viously regarded by their parents as religious.
In politics he was a Federalist. In respect to the
war with Great Britain 1812-1815, his views did not
entirely coincide with those of some others, including
his associate in the diaconate, , Dea. Chafcterton, who
was a rigid Democrat. This eminently devout and
useful man, was so burdened with Dea. Boardman's
37
lukewarmness in promoting the second war with
Great Britain, against whose armies both had fought
in the Revolution, that he felt constrained to take up
a labor with him, hoping to correct his political errors
by wholesome church disciphne. It must have been a
scene, for a painter.
Perhaps no better man or one more effective for good,
ever lived in West Rutland than Dea. Chatterton. In
both politics and religion he was practical and fervid.
The church meeting was crowded.
The occasion compelled my grandfather, as Paul was
driven, in his epistle to the Corinthians, and as Demos-
thenes was forced in his oration for the crown, to enter
somewhat upon his own past record. Though a very
modest and unpretentious man, yet it is said that the
author of the Log-Book, on this memorable occasion
straightened himself up, and boldly referred his hearers
to the glorious days of the war for Independence,
which had tried men's souls, and when he had forever
sealed the genuineness of his own patriotism, by
hazarding his life both by sea and land for his
country.
Weighed in the balances on his own record, so far
from being found wanting, his patriotism was proved
to be of the finest gold ; and his place like that of Paul,
not a whit behind that of the chief est apostle. Though
he did not feel it to be his duty to fall in behind the tap
of the drum, and volunteer to fight, beside the aged
democratic veteran who served with him at the com-
munion table ; yet he showed that the older was not a
5
88
better soldier ; that with diversities of politics, there
was the same loyalty, and that his own patriotism
was no less than his brother's.
The tremendous strain which the struggle for
American Independence put upon the generation who
encountered it, was touchingly illustrated in the lives of
these two men, a generation, or two generations after
the struggle had been successfully closed. Amid the
quiet hills of Vermont, the minds of both were affected
for a time, with at least partial derangement. Dea.
Boardman labored temporarily imder the hallu-
cination, that he was somehow liable to arrest, and
prepared a chamber for his defence. He was obliged,
for a time to be watched, though he was never confined.
A journey to Connecticut, on horseback, with his son
Samuel, when he was perhaps sixty years old, effected
an entire cure. Dea. Chatterton in his extreme old
age, after a life of remarkable piety, became a maniac
and was obliged to be confined. He had suffered
peculiar hardships, perhaps on the prison-ships, in the
Revolution; and his incoherent expressions, in his
insanity, sixty years afterward, and just before his
vdeath, were full of charges against the *' British."
Timothy Boardman's supreme interest in life, how-
ever, was in his loyalty to Christ, and his intense de-
sires were for the extension and full triumph of Christ's
kingdom. The revivals which prevailed in the early
part of the century and the consequent great expan-
sion of aggressive Christian work, were in answer to
his life-long prayers, as well as those of all other
39
Christians ; and he entered heartily, from the first,
into all measures undertaken for the more rapid spread
of the gospel. He was greatly interested in the for-
mation of the American Board of Commissioners for
Foreign Missions, and read the Missionary Herald^
with interest from its first pubUcation, until his
death. The formation of the Bible Society, Tract
Society, Seaman's Friend Society, Sunday School
Society, American Home Missionary Society, etc.,
engaged his interest, and received his support. He
made himself an honorary member of the A. B. C. F. M.
near the close of his life, in accordance with the sug-
gestion of his sister Sarah, whom he greatly valued,
the wife of Rev. Joseph Washburn, and afterward of
Dea. Porter, both of Farmington, Ct., by the contribu-
tion to Foreign Missions, at one time, of one hundred
dollars.
In social and domestic life, he was a son of the
Puritans and of the Connecticut type. He exacted
obedience, . and somewhat of reverence from his
children. They did not dare, to the last, to treat him
with unrestrained famiUarity. His wife and children
stood, waiting at their chairs, until he was first seated
at the table. He gave his children a good education
for the time, sending them to *' Master Southard."
His habitual temper of mind was one of deep reverence
toward God. He sat in awe during a thunder storm,
and a cyclone which passed over his home deeply
impressed him. His letters abound in affectionate
and in religious sentiments. He was scrupulous in
40
the observance of the Sabbath ; required it of his
children, and he expected it of the stranger] within his
gates. The family altar probably never failed from
the day he first entered with his newly married wife,
into their pioneer home, amid the forests, till|his death.
He was solemn, earnest and felicitous in prayer. The
atmosphere of his home was eminently that of a
christian household. Two of his four sons became
officers in their churches, and also both his sons-in-law.
Four of his grandsons entered the Christian ministry,
and a granddaughter is the wife of a clergyman.
Those who regard the Puritans in general, as too
severe in industry, in frugality, in morals and in re-
ligious exercises, would have regarded him as too
exacting in all these directions. He certainly could
not on one hundred and fifty acres of Jand, which he
found wild, and not all of it very good, have reared
a large family, and supported public institutions as
he did ; have given each of his sons at settlement
in life, six hundred dollars, and left to each at his
death, eight hundred, if he had not practiced through
life, a resolute industry, and a somewhat rigid
veconomy.
It is worthy of notice that like his grandfather,
Timothy Boardman of Wethersfield, he owned, what by
a little change of circumstances, might have brought,
not a competence merely but wealth to his heirs.
Early in his residence at Rutland, he became possessed,
with many others of a small lot in what was called
the ' * Cedar Swamp. " These lots were valued almost
41
exclusively for the enduring material for fences which
they afforded. Their cedar posts supplied the town.
They obtained also on the rocky portions of these lands
a white sand, which was employed for scouring pur-
poses, and also for sprinkling, by way of ornamentation,
according to the fashion of the times, the faultlessly
clean, white floors of the * ' spare rooms. " Timothy
Boardman's cedar lot, is now one of the largest marble
quarries in Rutland, a town which is said to furnish
one-half of all the marble produced in the United
States. It brought to one of his sons, a handsome
addition to farm profits, but was disposed of just before
its great value was appreciated and lost, as in case of
the Maine lands.
His grandfather Timothy Boardman, is said to have
been '* a short, stocky man;" his monument, and until
recently that of his father Daniel, son of the emigrant
from England, might both be seen, near together in
the old cemetery at Wethersfield.
The author of the Log-Book, was a little below the
average height, of rather full face, with a peach-bloom
tinge of red on each cheek in old age, and of light com-
plexion, and light hair. His motions were quick, and
his constitution healthful, though he was never strong.
He had undoubtedly a mind of fair ability ; inclined
perhaps to conservative views, and acting as sponta-
neously, it may be in criticism, as in any other exercise
of its energies. I remember to have received reproof
and instruction in manners, from him when I was five
42
or six years of age. He was careful of his possessions,
and articles belonging to him, were very generally
marked '^T. B."
It is a tradition among the older kindred, that the
writer, though he does not remember it, finding at the
age of five or six, on grandpa's premises, some loose
tufts of scattered wool, and being told that they were
his, expressed the candid judgment, that it could not
be 80, '' because they were not marked T. B."
I am not aware that he was much given to humor,
yet he would seem not to have been entirely destitute of
it from the philosophical account he gave of the advan-
tages of his position, when some one ventured to con-
dole with him on the steep hiU of nearly a mile which
lay between his house and the church. He said it
afforded him two privileges, first that of dropping down
quickly to meeting, when he had a late start; and
secondly, that of abundant time for reflection on the
sermon while he was going home.
His wife, undoubtedly his equal in every respect, to
whom much of his prosperity, usefulness, and good
repute, as well as that of his family was due, after a
married life of fifty -three years and three months, died
in Dec, 1836. She had long been feeble. Her children
watched around her bedside on the last night in silence
till one of her sons, laying his hand upon her heart,
and finding it still, said ** we have no longer a mother."
I remember the hush of the next morning, throughout
the house, when we young children awoke. It was
43
lonely and cold in grandma's room, and only a white
sheet covered a silent form.
At eighty -three he was alone, and he deeply felt, as
was natural, that loneUness. Yet he had affectionate
children, and with his youngest son, who had four
daughters, to him kind and pleasant granddaughters,
he made his home for the remainder of his life. With
the oldest of these he made in 1837, as already noticed,
his last visit to Connecticut, going as far as New Haven
and the city of New York. On this journey he went
in his own carriage. He visited us, once at least in
Castleton, at the house where the Log-Book was so
long concealed. I remember his figure there, as
that of a "short and stocky man," who seemed to
me very old. He died while on a visit to Middlebury,
where two of his children had been settled for more
than twenty years, at the house of his youngest daugh-
ter and youngest child, Betsey, then the widow of Dea.
Martin Foot. She and her six daughters did everything
possible for his comfort. A swelling made its appear-
ance upon his shoulder, and the disease advanced stead-
ily to a fatal termination. His appointed time had co me.
From his death-bed he sent to his children a final letter
of affectionate greeting and counsel. The feeble hand,
whose lines had been so fair and even for nearly three-
quarters of a century, wandera unsteadily across the
pages, expressive of a mind perhaps already wandering
with disease. And so the fingers that had traced the
neat lines of the Log Book, on board the Oliver Crom-
welly in 1778, "forgot " sixty years afterwards " their
44
cunning," and wrote no more. He was buried beside
his wife, in the cemetery at West Butland, near the
church where he had worshipped nearly sixty years.
On the death of his wife, he had ordered two monu-
mental stones to be prepared just alike, except the in-
scriptions; one of which was to be for her, and the
other for himself. They may be seen from the road,
by one passing, of bluish stone standing not very far
from the fence, and about half way from the northern
to the southern side of the lot. On these stones was
inscribed at his direction, where they may now be read,
the words, contained in Rev. 14: 13, divided between
the two stones; on the one: " I heard a voice from
heaven saying unto me, write Blessed are the dead,
which die in the Lord from henceforth; " and on the
other: '• Yea saith the Spirit that they may rest from
their labors and their works do follow them:"
His children were:
Hannah, born July 23, 1734; died Oct. 26, 1803.
Timothy, born March 11, 1786; settled in Middlebury,
and died there April, 1857.
Mary, bom Jan. 27, 1788; married Dea. Robert Barney
of East Rutland 1824; died at her son's house, in Wis-
consin, 1871.
Dea. Samuel Ward, bom Nov. 27, 1789; died in
Pittsford, Vt., May 13, 1870.
Dea. Elijah, born March 9, 1792; died Sept. 24,
1873.
45
Capt. Charles Goodrich, born Feb. 19, 1794; died
Dec. 17, 1875.
Betsey, bom, 1796; married Dea. Martin Foot of
Middlebury; died April 26, 1873.
The proclivity of the Puritans for education is illus-
trated in the fact, that only five years after the found-
ation of Yale College one of this family, Daniel a
grandson of Samuel, the emigrant from England,
became a student there and was graduated in 1709, and
that wherever different branches of the family have
since been settled they have generally sent sons to the
nearest colleges, not only many to Yale, but several to
Dartmouth, Wilhams, Middlebury, Union, and others.
The eighth and ninth generations are now in the pro-
cess of education, in various institutions east and west,
The descendants of Timothy Boardman who have en-
tered professional life, are :
Hon. Carlos Boardman (grad. Middlebury College
1843), a lawyer and judge, in Linnaeus, Mo., oldest son
of Capt. Charles. G. Boardman, of West Rutland.
Rev. George Nye Boardman, D.D. (Middlebury Col-
lege 1847). Prof, of Systematic Theology, in Chicago
Theological Seminary, Chicago, 111.
Rev. Samuel W. Boardman, D.D. (Midd. Col., 1851).
Pastor of the First Presbyterian Church, Stanhope, N. J.
Rev. Simeon Gilbert Boardman (Midd. Col., 1855).
Pastor of the Presbyterian Church, Champlain, N. Y.
Charles Boardman, a member of the class of 1850, in
Middlebury College, and who died of typhoid fever in
6
46
the sophomore year, doubtless had in view the chris-
tian ministry.
These four were sons of Dea. S. W. Boardman, of
Castleton.
Horace Elijah Boardman, M.D. (Midd. Col., 1857), in
practice at Monroe, Wis. , youngest son of Dea. Elijah
Boardman, of West Rutland.
Harland S. Boardman M.D., (Midd., 1874), a grand-
son of Timothy 4th, and son of Timothy 5th, of Mid-'
dlebury, was graduated at the Homeopathic Hospital
College of Cleveland, Ohio," 1877. He is now prac-
ticing at Ludlow, Vt.
WiUiam Gilbert Boardman, in practice of dentistry
in or near Memphis, Tenn., a grandson of Dea. Elijah
Boardman.
Edgar William Boardman, M.D., son of Dr. Horace
E., now practicing at Janesville, Wis.; both he and his
father were graduated at the * * Hahneman Medical
iJoUege and Hospital, of Chicago."
Webster, M.D., grandson of Mary, Mrs. Dea.
Robert Barney, in practice in Schuylerville, N. Y.
Dea. Martin Foote, the husband of Betsey, was a stu-
dent in Mid dlebury College for two years, it is believed,
in the distinguished class of 1818, but by reason of im-
paired health, he was unable to complete the course.
A few words in regard to the Log Book may not be
inappropriate. It seems to be a mere waif that has
floated on the current, and among a thousand things
that have perished, to have been, as it were by accident,
47
preserved. A portion of the volume seems to be a
kind of a private journal kept by my grandfather, for
a feviT weeks in 1778. He does not appear to have
valued it greatly, as on the blank leaves, he has made
some entries of his business, as town clerk, and some
as county surveyor, and afterward, a few notes of
account with his son Elijah, who took a part of his
farm. His last entry in it, as if it were in part a waste
blank book, was made forty-eight years after he left
the Oliver Cromwelly in 1826.
It must have come into my father's hands with some
other papers, on the division of his father's effects in
1839. Both seem to have been reluctant to destroy
anything, though they did not much value it. My
father, at last, weary of keeping it, would seem to
have given it to me merely for its blank pages, as
scribbling paper. Six leaves, apparently blank, were
torn out. Several pages are covered with mere vacant
scrawling by my boyish hand; whether I threw it away
in utter contempt, or concealed it back of the old
chimney, in curious conjecture whether some unborn
generations, would not at some distant day discover it,
and puzzle over it, I cannot tell. I have no recollec-
tion of it whatever; except that I had a general im-
pression that we used to have more of grandfather's
writings than we possessed in later years. Whether
we had still others I know not. How little of such
writing survives for a century ! It was lost for forty
years, till a quarter of a century after we had sold and
left the house. It was found in 1884, in a dark recess,
48
back of the chimney, in the garret, by Master Fred.
Jones, the son of an esteemed friend, who in her child-
hood, about the time of the loss of this manuscript,
was a member of my father's household. Many years
afterwards, she became the worthy mistress of the
house, and this lad, exploring things in general, came
across this old Log Book. If it is of any interest or
value; to him and to Dr. J. M. Currier, the accompUshed
secretary of the Rutland County Historical Society, and
to James Brennan, Esq., an old schoolmate who took
an interest in the manuscript, is due all the credit of
its publication.
JOURNAL
▲ND
SAILING DIRECTIONS
OF THE
OLIVER CROMWELL
SECOND CRUISE.
JOURNAL OF THE SECOND CRUISE.
April 7th the Defence had Five Men Broke out With
the Small Pox.
9th they Lost a Man w* the Small Pox.
10th Exerais* Cannon & Musquetry.
11th Saw a Sail the Defence Spoke with her She was
a Frenchman from Bourdeaui Bound to the "West
Indies.
13th Cros* the Tropick Shav* & Dnck About 60 Men.
14th at four Oclock Afternoon Saw a Sail Bearing
E S E, We Gave Chase to her & Came Up With her
at 8 Oclock She was a Large French Ship we Sent the
Boat on Board of her She Informed us of two English
Ships which She Left Sight of at the time we Saw her.
15th at Day Break We saw two Sail Bareing SEbS
Distance 2 Leagues We Gave Chase Under a Moderate
Sail at 9 oClock P. M. Came Up with them they at
First Shew French Colours to Decoy us when we Came
in About half a Mile of us the Ups with English Colours
52
We had Continental Colours Flying We Engaged the
Ship Admiral Kepple as Follows When We Came in
About 20 Rods of her We Gave her a Bow Gim She
Soon Returned us a Stern Chaise & then a Broad Side
of Grape & Round Shot Cap* Orders Not to fire till we
Can See the white of their Eyes We Got Close Under
their Larbard Quarter they Began Another Broad Side
& then We Began & heV Tuflf & Tuff for About 2
Glasses & Then she Struck to Us at the Same time the
Defence Engaged the Cyrus who as the Kepple Struck
Wore Round Under our Stem We Wore Ship & Gave
her a Stern Chase at which She Immediately Struck.
The Loss on our Side was One Kill* & Six Wounded
one Mortally Who Soon Died Our Ship was hull*
9 Times with Six Pound Shott Three of which Went
through Our Birth one of which wounded the Boat-
swains yoeman the Loss on their Side was two Kill* &
Six wounded their Larbourd quarter was well fill* with
Shott one Nine Pounder went through her Main Mast.
Imploy* in the After-noon Takeing out the Men &
Maning the Prise The Kepple Mounted 20 Guns 18
Six Pounders & two Wooden D** with about 45 Men,
the Cyrus Mounted 16 Six Pounders with 35 Men Let-
ters of Marque Bound from Bristol to Jamaica Laden
with Dry Goods Paints & C.
18th Cap* Day Died.
19th Cap* Brown of The Ship Adm» Kepple & Cap*
Dike of the Cyrus with Three Ladies & 8 Men Sett oflE
in a Long Boat for S* Kitts 0' Cap*" Parker & Smed-
leys Permition
53
20th Imploy* in taking things out of the Prise Viz.
One Chist of Holland a Quantity of Hatts & Shoes
Cheeses Porter & Some Crockery Ware Small Arms
Pistols Hangers two Brass Barrel Blunderbusses a
Quantity of Eiggen & C .
21"* At Three oClock Afternoon we wore Ship to the
Southward The Prises Made Sail to the Northward we
Lost Sight of them at Six.
May 2** Sprung Our Foretopmast Struck it & Ship*
Another in its Room.
8*** Saw a Sail over Our Starboard bow We Gave
Chase to her She was a French Guineaman Bound to
the Mole With 612 Slaves on Board Our Cap* Put 6
Prisoners on Board of Her Left her Just at Dark.
11*** At 5 o'clock in the Morning Saw a Sail at the
Windwai'd two Leagues Distance Bearing Down Upon
Us we Lay too for her till She Came in half Gun
Shott of us the Man at Mast head Cry** out 4 Sail to the
Leeward Our Officers Concluded to Make Sail from her
Supposing her to be a Frigate of 36 Guns after we Made
Sail We Left as Fast as we wanted She Gave Over
Chase at two oClock Afternoon She was the Seaford of
28 Guns.
22'^ Sprung our Maintop sail Yard.
28** Made the Land at Port Royal.
29** the Ship Struck Bottom Thrice
30** Came over the Bar this Morning & Arriv** in this
Harbour In Company with the Ship Defence Com** by
Sam" Smedly. Charlestown, S**. C". May r 30** 1778.
7
54
SAILING DIRECTIONS OF THE SECOND
CRUISE.
April
2
8
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
18
14
16
16
17
18
19
20
21
22
28
24
25
26
27
28
29
80
May
1
2
8
H
1
4
10
Course
7
12
1
11
1
8
1
8
8W
SE
EbS
ESE
SE
ESE
8EbE
SE
ESE
SSbS
8W
SSW
South
SSW
SSW
South
West
East
WNW
NNW
NW
NbW
NNW
SbE
SbE
SbE
South
South
NbW
SbE )
NbWf
NbW
Calm
NNW
NNW
NNW
South
NNW
South
Nth Latt
May
H
Course
81.18
4
North
6
7
North
81.20
9
SbW
80.68
6
1
SSW )
80.21
9
North
29.44
7
1
SbW
29.22
6
North
29 64
8
1
NbE)
2a7
9
South V
26.29
11
NbE)
266
9
1
8W)
NWf
NoObs
12
22.86
10
East
NoObs
11
WNW
20.17
12
1
North )
NWf
19.18
8
19.16
13
1
NW
West
19.14
14
SE
19.36
16
SW
19.46
16
West)
NW '
NoObs
20.20
17
West)
North \
19.16
18.10
18
West
16.80
19
West
14.80
20
West)
NWf
12.64
13.8
21
NW
12.85
22
23
NbW
NW
13.16
24
26
NW
West
15.00
2«
West
27
West
16.63
28
29
NW
West
16.21
30
West
16.66
Nth Latt
17.21.
17.8
17.20
17J87
17.89
17.80
18J30
19.82
21.7
21.60
NoObs
NoObs
22.25
22J^
22.22
NoObB
28.88
26.8
27.45
NoObs
8018
30.10
80.81
NoObfl
82.7
82.28
NoObe
55
An Account of the Months, Days And Knots Run,
by the Ship Oliver Cromwell in her Second Cruise.
Months
Days
Knots
March
April
May
1
1
1
9
30
30
1148
2084
3086
Total 3
69
63.18
CONTRACT
BBTWBEN
TIMOTHY BOARDMAN
AND
CAPT. PARKER.
POB TEB THIIU) CBUISB.
Charlestown, July 6^ 1778.
Conversation Between Cap* Parker & My Self this Day.
P'. What are you Doing a Shore.
My Sf . I wanted to See You Sir.
P'. Verry well.
My Sf . The Term of my Inlistment is up & I would
be glad of a Discharge Sir.
P'. I cannot Give you One, the Ship is in Distress
Plumb has been trying to Get You away.
MySf. No Sir, I can have Good Wages here & I
think it Better than Privatiering I can* Think of Going
for a Single Share I had a hard task Last Cruise &
they all Left me.
P'. You have had a hard task of it & I will Consider
you. & You Shall have as Much again as You Expect.
Eanny & those that Leave me without a Discharge
will Never Get anything you Better go aboard Board-
man. I will Consider you & you, 11 Lose Nothing by it.
My Sf . I am Oblig* to you Sir. & So went on Board.
JOURNAL
AND
SAILING DIRECTIONS
OP THE
OLIVER CROMWELL
THIRD CRUISE.
JOURNAL OF THE THIRD CRUISE.
July 24 Weigh*' Anchor at 5 Fathom hole & Came
Over the Bar In Comp' with the Notredanie a 16 Gun
Brig & two Sloops. Mett a French Sliip of 28 Guns on
the Bar Bound in,
25* A Smooth Sea.
29* Saw A Sail Gave Chace.
30" Saw A Sail Gave Chace.
31" Saw two Sail Gave Chace. Light winds.
August e"" at half after Sis Afternoon Saw a Sail &
Gave Chace, at 11 Gave her a Bow Gun which Brought
her too She was a Big from New Orleans in Missippi
Bound to Cape Francois a Spainard Went on Board
Kept her All Night & Lett her Go at 10 °aock the
Nest Day her Cargo was Furr & Lumber She had
Some Englismen on Board the Occasion of our Detain-
ing her So Lo:^.
T"" At 5 OClock Afternoon Made the Land the Island
of Abaco.
64
8** at 10 *»Clock Harbour Island Bore East Dis* 2
Leagues.
9*** Hard Gales of wind.
10*^ Fresh Gales of wind & Heavy Squals.
11*** Fresh Breeses & a Rough Sea.
12 at Six Afternoon Caught a Great Turtle which
was Kook* the Next Day for the Entertainment of the
Gentlemen of the Fleet No Less than 13 Came on
Board to Dine.
14 At 2 oClock P M Harbour Island Bore SbW 1
League Dis* Sent the Yoll on Shore The Brig Sent
her Boat a Shore too.
jgth rpj^^ ^y^Q Boats Returned with a two Mast Boat
& 4 Men Belonging to New Providence Squally Night
& Smart Thunder & Lightning.
16*** Cros** the Bahama Banks from 8 Fathom of
water to 3f Came to Anchor at Night on the Bank.
17*** Arrivd at the Abimenes Fill** our Water Cask &
Hogg^ Ship & Boot Top* the Ship.
18*^ At Day Break Weigh** Anchor together with the
Bice Thumper Fleet at Noon Parted with Them &
Fired 13 Guns the Other fir,d their Guns Which was a
16 Gun Brigg the Notredame Command by Cap* Hall
A 10 Gun Sloop Com** by Cap* Robberts A 12 Gun
Sloop Com** by John Crappo or Petweet & Stood to the
westward a cross* the Gulf.
19*** at Day the Cape of Floriday bore west we stood
for it a Cross* the Gulf we Came out of the Gulf in five
65
fathom of Water & Within 30 Eods of a Rieflf in the
Space of 15 Minutes in About a League of the Shore
Which Surpris** the Capt. & Other Officers we have the
Ship in Stays & beat off the wind being moderate .
20**» Saw a Sail & Gave her Chace & Came Up She
was a Saniard a Palacca from Havanna Bound to
Spain She Inform** us of the Jamaica Fleet that they
Pass** the Havanna ten Days Back Which made us Give
over the Hopes of Seeing them.
22 Saw this Spaniard about a League to the Wind-
ward.
23 a Sunday, Saw a Ships Mast in Forenoon &
Just at Night A Large Jamaica Puncheon Floating we
hoisted out our Boat* & went in Persuit of it but
Could not Get it we Suppos** it was full of Rum this
Afternoon a Large Swell brok & Soon after A fine
Breese Which Increas** harder in the Morn*.
24*** Sun about two hours high we Saw white water
in About a Mile Under our Lee Bow we Saw the
Breakers which was on the Bahama Banks which
Surpris** our Officers & Men Greatly we Put our Ship
About & had the Good Fortune to Clear them the
wind Blew harder we Struck Top Gallant Yards &
Lanch** Top Gallant Masts Lay too Under one Leach
of the Four Sail Got 6 Nine Pounders Down in the
Lower hold & Cleard the Decks of unecessary Lumber
The Wind Continued verry hard The air was Verry
Thick Just before Night the Sea Came in Over our
Larboard Nettens on the Gangway. All the officers
Advis* to Cut away the Main Mast which we Did, Just
66
at Dusk, All the hope we had was that it would not
Blow harder, but it Continued harder till After Mid-
night About one oClock it Seemd to Blow in whirlwinds
which obUg* us to Cut away our Four Mast & Missen
Mast. Soon after the Wind Chang^ to the Eastward
which Greatly Encourag** us Being Much Aff raid of the
Bahama Banks the fore Mast fell to the windward &
Knock* our Anchor off the Bow So that we Cut it away
for fear it would Make a hole in the Bow of the Ship
our Fore Mast Lay along Side for two hours After it
fell, it Being Impossible to Gtet Clear of it We Bent our
Cables for fear of the Banks that we Might try to Ride
it out if we Got on.
35 Moderated Some But Verry Rough So that we
Could Do no work.
26 Got a Jury Mast Up on the Main Mast.
27 Got up Jury Masts on the Fore & MiSon Masts.
30 at 8 oClock in the Morning Saw a Brigg over our
weather Bow 2 Leagues Dis* We Kept our Course She
Stood the Same way Just at Night we gave her two
Guns but She kept on at Night we Lost Sight of her.
SI"* at 5 in the Morning Saw the Brigg a Head Gave
her Chace Came up with her about Noon we hoisted
our Colours She hoisted EngUsh Colours, we Gave her
one gun which made them come Tumbling Down.
Sep*' 1" We Saw a Sail a Head Giving us Chace She
hoisted Englis Colours & we & the Brigg hoisted Eng-
lish Colours She Came Down towards us we Put the
Ship about & She Came Close too us we up Parts & Our
67
Colours She put about & we Gave her about 12 Guns
Bow Chaces & She Got Clear She was a Small Sloop of
6 or 8 Guns.
Sep* 2*^ Got Soundings of Cape May 46 Fath".
Sep* 3** at Night Lost Sight of The Prise.
Sep* 4*** Saw a Sail A Privatier Schoner She kept
Bound us all Day & hoisted English Colours we hoisted
English Colours but She thought Best Not to Speak
with.
Sep* 5**" Made the Land at 9 oClock in the Morning
the South Side of Long Island against South Hampton
& Came to Anchor Under Fishes Island at 12 oClock at
Night Saw five Sail at 2 Afternoon Standing to the
Westward two of them Ships.
Sep* 6*** 1778 New London. Arriv^ in this Harbour.
68
SAILING DIRECTIONS OF THE THIRD
CRUISE.
1
3
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
19
20
21
\i
Days
U
Course
July
25
SW
26
8SW
27
EbS
28
W8W
29
S£
30
8SE
81
SEbS
Obser'n
August
Stood
SE
Calm
SE
8SW
SSW
South
SW
NNE
East
East )
West)
SE
WNW
WNW
Off & on
wsw
West
West
Abimeues
West
East
No Latt
82.19
82.07
31.88
81.29
80 20
80.80
80.15
80.05
29.44
28.88
27.02
26.20
No Obsn
No Obsn
26.15
26 82
26.24
No Obsn
No Obsn
25.88
25.50
No Obsn
No Obsn
25.80
No Obsn
No Obsn
Days
22
28
24
25
26
27
28
29
30
81
H
1
2
3
4
5
Course
NW
NE
West
West
NE
NE
NE
NE
NE
NbE
North
NbW
East
Obser'n
26.04
27.40
28.14
L78.54
No Obsn
L78.89
80.02
L77.42
80.86
L77.n
32.02
L75.89
8408
L74.51
86.02
L78.01
88.10
L72.58
SeptemlKT
j North
ISE
jSE
^NbE
NW
EbS
NWbW
EbS
88.88
L72.52
88.46
L72.18
88.85
L72.01
88.25
L72.18
89.25
L7-.>.06
69
An Account of the Months, Days, & Knots the Ship
Olv* Cromwell Run the Third Cruise.
Months
Days
Knots
July
August
September
1
1
1
7
31
6
211
860
151
Total 3
44
1222
9
GUNNER'S REMARKS.
REMARKS OF OUR GUNNER ON CHAR-
LESTOWN, IN S. C.
Charlestown is Pleasantly Situated on Ashley River
on verry low Land it was Extreamly well Built but the
Fire which happen** in January last has Spoiled the
Beauty of the Place, it may if times alter be as pleasant
& Beautifull with Regard to y* Buildings as ever. But
I Cannot Behold such a Number of my fellow beings
(altho Diflfering in Complexion) Dragged from the Place
of their Nativity, brought into a Country not to be
taught the Principles of Religion & the Rights of Free-
man, but to Be Slaves to Masters, who having Nothing
but Interest in View without ever Weting their own
Shoes, Drive these fellows to the Most Severe Services,
I say I cannot behold these things without Pain . And
Expressing my Sorrow that are Enlighten** People, a
People Professing Christianity Should treat any of
God's creatures in Such a Manner as I have Seen them
treated Since my arrival at this Place. & I thank God
who Gave me a Disposition to Prefer Freedom to
Slavery.
I have Just mentioned a People Professing Christian-
ity. I believe there is a few who now & then go to
Church but by all the Observation I have been able to
74
make I find that Horse Racing, Frolicking Rioting
Gaming of all Kinds Open Markets, and Traffick, to be
the Chief Business of their Sabbaths. I am far from
Supposing there is not a few Righteous there But was
it to have the chance which Soddom had, that if there
was five Righteous men it Should Save the City. I
believe there would be only a Lot & Family, & his wife
I should be afraid would Look Back.
Another remark that I shall make is this, Marriage
in Most Countrys is Deemed Sacred, and here there are
many honourable and I believe happy Matches, But to
see among the Commonalty a Man take a Woman
without so much Ceremony as Jumping over a Broom
Stick at the time of their Agreement, to see her Con-
tent herself to be his Slave to work hard to maintain
him & his Babs & then to Content herself with a flog-
ging if she only says a word out of Doors at the End
of it, and then take his other Doxy who Perhaps has
Served him well — and so one Lover to another. Succeeds
another and another after that ^he last fool is as wel-
come as the former, till having liv,d hour out he Gives
Place & Mingles with the herd who went Before him.
These things may to some People who are unacquainted
with such Transactions appear Strange and Odd, but
how shall I express myself — what Feelings have I had
within myself to behold one of these Slaves or Rather
whole Tribes of them belonging to one Master who
Perhaps has the happiness of an Ofspring of beautiful!
Virgins whose Eyes must be continually assaulted with
a Spectacle which Modesty forbids me to Mention. I
75
have Seen at a Tea table a Number of the fair Sex,
which a Man of Sentiments would have almost Ador,d
and a man of Modesty would not have been so Indecent
as to have Unbutton** his knee to adjust his Garter —
Yet have I Seen a Servant of both Sexes Enter in Such
Dishabitable as to be oblige** to Display those Parts
which ought to be Concealed. To see Men Approach
the Room where those Angelick Creatures meet & View
those Beautifull Countenances & Sparkling Eyes, which
would almost tell You that they abhor, d the Cruel im-
position of their Parents, who Perhaps Loaded with a
PlentifuU fortune, would not afford a decent Dress to
their Servants to hide their Shame from such Sight I
have turn** my Eyes. I would not mean to be two
Severe nor have it thought but there are great numbers
who have a Sence of the Necessity of a Due decorum
keep their Servants in a Verry Genteel manner and do
honor to their keepers but those who have Viewed such
scenes as well as myself will testify to this Truth & Say
with me that Droll appearances would Present them-
selves to view that in Spite of all that I could Do would
ObUge me to give a total grin, the Particular above
mentioned altho they appear a Little forecast are abso-
lutely matters of fact & not Indeed to Convey any P
Idea to y* mind.
In a Commertial way by what little opportunity I
have had to make any Remarks on them. I find that
in Casting up their accounts that there are a Number
which Deservs to be Put on y* C Side. But money
getting being Mankinds Universal harvest I find as
76
many Reapers as one would wish to see in Such an
Open Field for every one to have a fare Sweep with
the Sickle which as frequently cuts your purse Strings
as anything Else, their Bakes are Most Excellent
nothing is lost for want of geathering & you may
depend on it their Bins are so Close that But a trifle of
what they Put in ever Comes out of the Cracks.
Sometimes you will see a small Trifle peep its Nose
out on a Billiard Table, now & then the four knaves
will tempt a Small Parcell to walk on the Table, & I
believe Black Gammon, Shuffle Board, horse Racing,
& that Noble Game of Boleing two Bullets on the
Sandy Ground Where if there Should be y* Least
Breath air it would BUnd you all those would help a
little of it to Move & if I added Whoreing and Drinking
they would Not Deny the Charge. If the things
Mentioned above are to be Deemed Vices. I think no
Person that Comes to Carolina will find any Scarcity,
Provided they have such articles as Suits such a Market.
I cannot from my hart Approve of their Method of
Living — not but that their Provision is Wholesome but In
Q^nral they Dont Coock it well. Rice bares the Sway,
in Room of Bread, with any kind of victuals and Ever
in Families of Fashion you will see a Rice Pudding (If
it Deserves the Name) to be Eat as we do our Bread, I
am affraid of Being too cencorious or I would Remark
Numberless things which to a Person unacquainted
with Place would even Look Childish to mention but
as I only make this Obs' for my own amusement never
Intending they Shall be ever seen but by Particular
friends. I shall omit any niceities of Expressions and
77
Shall write a few more Simple facts I have seen
Gamblers, Men Pretended Friends to you that would
hug you in their Bosoms till they were Certain they
had Gotten what they could from you, & then for a
Shilling would Cut Your Throat. I would not Mean
by this to Convey the Idea of their being a Savage
people in General. There are Gentlemen of Charracter
& who Ritchly Deserve the Name — but as there are
Near Seven Blacks to one White Man, the Austerities
used to the Slaves in their Possessions, is the Reason
as I immagion of their looking on & Behaving to a
White Man who Differs from them in their Manners
and not bred in their Country in a Way Not much Dif-
ferent from which they treats their Blacks. I Have
been told that the Place is Much alterd from what it
was Before the Present Dispute & that a Number of
the Best Part of People are Moved out of Charlesfcown
for the honour of Charlestown. I will believe it and
wish it may be Restor** to its Primitive Lusture. How-
ever let me not look all on the Dark Side there are
Many things well worth Praise, there Publick Buildings
are well finish** & Calculated for the Convenience of
Publick & Private Affairs, their Churches make a verry
fine Appearance and are finish** Agreeable to the Rules
of Architecture. I do not Mean that they are the Most
elegant I ever Saw, but so well Perform** as would
Declare those who Reared them Good Artissts, the
Streets are well Laid out & a verry good Brick Walk
on Each Side for foot Passengers, their Streets are not
Pav** but Verry Sandy, and the heat of the Climate is
Such that the Sand is Generally verry Disagreeable &
10
78
Occasions a number of Insects Commonly Call'* Sand
flies, the Lowness of the Land and the Dead water in
Different Places in the Town & out of it Occasions
another Breed of Insects well Known by the Name of
Musketoes. These Creatures are well disciplined for
they do Not Scout in private Places nor in Small
Companies as tho Affraid to att^k but Joining in as
many Different Colloums as there are Openings to
Your Dwellings they make a Desperate push and
Seldom fail to Annoy their Enemy in Such a Manner
that they leave their Adversary in a Scratching
humor the Next Morning thro** Vexation. It would be
endless to mention the advantages & Disadvantages of
the Place but this I am fully Assur** of. If the White
People would be so Industrous as to till the Land them-
selves and see every thing Done so as to have less of
those Miserable Slaves in the Country the Place to me
would have a verry Different Appearance. I have
heard it Alleg^ as a Pretext for keeping so many Slaves
that white People cannot Endure the heat of the CUmate
& that there can be but verry little done without these
Slaves, that there could be but a verry Uttle done is to
me a Matter of Doubt, but that there would be but
Verry little If the People Retain their Luxury & Love
of all kinds of Sport is to me Beyond all doubt. I have
Seen more Persons than a few worry themselves at
Gaming In an Excessive hot Day in Such a Manner
that a Moderate Days work would be a Pleasure to it.
These things have convinc** me of the Foolish wicked
and Absurd Notions which People seem to have
Adopted in General that Because these Issacars are
79
like Issacars of Old. Strong Asser Couching Down be-
tween two Burthens and have not Got the means of
Preserving their Liberty ]were they Ever So Desirous
of it and are kept in Such a miserable manner as never
to know the Blessings of it. I say these things have
Convinc** me of the Notorious Violation of the Bights
of Mankind and which I think no Rational Man will
Ever try to Justify. America my Earnest Prayer is
that thou mayst preserve thy Own Freedom from any
Insolvent Invaders who may attempt to Rob the of the
Same — but be Sure to let Slavery of all kinds ever be
Banish'* from thy habbittations.
Fins Oamsiocelo.
SONGS.
A SEAMAN'S SONG.
Come all you Joval Seaman, with Conrage Stout & bold
that Value more your Honour, than Mysers do their Gold
When we Receive Our Orders, we are Oblig^ to go
O'erthe Main toProud Spain, Let the Winds Blow high or Low.
It waa the fifteenth of September, from Spithead we Sat Sail
we had Rumbla In our Company, Blest with a Pleaaant Gale
we Sailed away together, for the Bay of Biscay, o
Going along Storms Come on, and the winds Began to Blow.
The winds and Storms inoreas^ the Bumbla Bore away
and left the Cantaborough, for No Longer Could She Stay
£ when they Came to Qibralter, they told the People So
that they thought we were Lost, in the Bay of Biscay, 0.
84
But as Proyidence would have it, it was not quite so Bad
But first we lost our Missen Mast, and then went off our Flag
the Next we Lost our Main Mast, one of our Guns also
With five Men, Drowned then, in the Bay of Biscay, O.
5
The Next we Lost our foremast, which was a Dreadfull Stroke
and in our Larboar Quarter, a Great hole there was Broke
and then the Seas come Roleing in, our Gun Room it Did flow
Thus we Bold and we told, in the Bay of Biscay, O.
6
It was Dark and Stormy Weather, Sad and Gloomy Night
Our Captain on the Quarter Deck, that Day was kill*^ Outrite
the Rings that on his fingers were, in Pieces burst Also
Thus we were in Dispare, in the Bay of Biscay, O.
But when we Came to Gibralter, and lay in our New Hold
the People they Came flocking Down, our Ship for to Behold
they Said it was the Dismalest Sight, that Ever they Did know
We never Pind, But Drunk Wine, till we Drowned all our Woe.
86
A COUNTRY SONG.
On the Sweet Month of May we'll Repair to the Mountain
And Set we Down there by a Clear Crystial fountain
Where the Cows sweetly Lowing In a Dewy Morning
Where Phebus oer the Hills and Meddow are Adorning.
A Sweet Country Life is DelightfuU and Charming
Walking abroad in a Clear Summer's Morning
O your Towns and Tour Cities Tour Lofty high Towers
Are not to be Compared with Shades & Green Bowers.
O Little I regard your Robes and fine Dresses
Tour Velvets & Scarlets and Other Excesses
My own Country Fashions to me is More Endearing
Than your Pretty Prisemantle or your Bantle Cloth Wearing.