Lollardy and the Reformation in England; an historical survey

Ctltntru itf

UMlrelro

|htrclt<tsc& from

nil

By Dr. JAMES GAIRDNER, C.B.

LOLLARDY AND THE
REFORMATION IN ENGLAND

Vols. I. and II. 8vo. 21s. net. Vol. III. 8vo. 10s. 6d. net.
Vol. IV. 8vo. 10s. 6d. net.

THE ENGLISH CHURCH IN
THE 16th CENTURY

FROM THE ACCESSION OF HENRY VIII.
TO THE DEATH OF MARY (1509-1558).

Crown 8vo. 7s. 6d.

HENRY VII.

Crown 8vo. 2s. 6d. [Twelve English Statesmen Series.]
MACMILLAN AND CO., Ltd., LONDON.

Lollardy and the Reformation in England

MACMILLAN AND CO., Limited

LONDON • BOMBAY • CALCUTTA
MELBOURNE

THE MACMILLAN COMPANY

NEW YORK • BOSTON • CHICAGO
DALLAS • SAN FRANCISCO

THE MACMILLAN CO. OF CANADA, Ltd.

TORONTO

Lollardy and the
Reformation in England

An Historical Survey

BY

JAMES GAIRDNER, C.B.

LL.D., D.LITT.

VOL. IV
Edited by WILLIAM HUNT, M.A., D.Litt.

MACMILLAN AND CO., LIMITED
ST. MARTIN'S STREET, LONDON

i9x3

COPYRIGHT

PREFACE

Dr. James Gairdner, C.B., younger son of an
eminent Scottish physician, was born at Edinburgh
on the 22ncl March 1828, and died at his residence
at Pinner, Middlesex, on the 4th November 1912.
He entered the Record Office as a clerk in 1846,
became Assistant Keeper of the Records in 1859,
and retired from the Office in 1900, his long and
distinguished service being recognised by his pro-
motion to the rank of C.B. In 1856 he became
associated with the Rev. J. S. Brewer in the prepara-
tion of the Calendar of Letters and Papers of the
Reign of Henry VIII., and on Brewer's death, in
1879, after the completion of four volumes of the
Calendar, in nine parts, became the chief editor of
the series, which was completed, in 1910, to the
death of the King, in twenty-one volumes, divided
into thirty-three parts, containing valuable prefaces
to the documents calendared. The series presents a
collection of the historical materials for the reign of
all kinds, letters public and private, and State papers
relating alike to foreign and domestic affairs, whether
existing in the Record Office or elsewhere, and as a

vi LOLLARDY & THE REFORMATION

whole is unrivalled as regards completeness, and
probably unsurpassed as regards the skill and judg-
ment exhibited in its composition. Dr. Gairdner's
predominant share in it entitles him to be remembered
with lasting gratitude by all students of English
history. He edited the prefaces to the volumes
brought out by Brewer as a separate work under
the title of TJie Reign of Henry VIII. from his
Accession to the Death of Wolsey, in two volumes,
1884, and in view of the bulk and cost of the
volumes through which his own prefaces are dispersed,
it is much to be wished that they may receive like
treatment.

Dr. Gairdner was an extraordinarily diligent
scholar, and in addition to this great work found
time to promote historical learning by many other
publications. In the Rolls Series of Chronicles and
Memorials, he edited Memorials of King Henry VII,
1858, and Letters and Papers of the Reigns of
Richard III. and Henry VII, 2 vols., 1861-63 ; and
for the Camden Society, Historical Collections of a
Citizen of London in the Fifteenth Century, 1876;
Three Fifteenth Century Chronicles, 1880; and The
Spousells of the Princess Mary, 1508, in Camden
Miscellany IX., 1895. A more important work, his
edition of the Paston Letters, comprising a large
number of letters not printed in Fenn's earlier
edition, and with an admirable introduction, first
appeared in three vols., 1872-75, again in 1901,
and with additions in 1904. In 1881 he published

PREFACE vii

Studies in English History, collected papers by
himself and James Spedding, the editor of Bacon's
Works, then lately deceased, with an estimate of
Spedding's writings. To the Dictionary of National
Biography he contributed seventy-seven biographies
of various personages of the fifteenth and sixteenth
centuries, amounting together to five-eighths of a
volume, and marked by accuracy and precision of
statement as well as by fullness of knowledge. In
the Cambridge Modern History he wrote a chapter
in each of the first two volumes, 1902, 1903. He
was a constant contributor to the English Historical
Review from its inception in 1886 to the year of his
death, wrote occasionally in the Guardian on subjects
connected with the history of the Church of England,
and read two papers on the " Death of Wolsey " and
on the " Burning of Brighton in the Reign of Henry
VIII." before the Royal Historical Society, which
are printed in its Transactions, the one in the 2nd
series, xiii., 1899, the other in the 3rd series, i., 1907.
The substantive books of which he was the author
are a Life of Richard III., 1878, revised 1898 ;
Henry VII., 1889, in the Twelve English Statesmen
series ; a History of the English Church from the
Accession of Henry VIII. to the Death of Mary,
1902, reprinted with corrections 1903, 1904, 1912,
forming vol. iv. of the History of the English Church,
edited by Dean Stephens and W. Hunt ; and Lollardy
and the Reformation in England, vols. i. and ii.
1908, vol. iii. 1911, and vol. iv. which he left

viii LOLLARDY & THE REFORMATION

nearly finished at his death, and which is presented
here.

During all his long life, then, he worked with
unflagging industry at about a century of English
history, roughly from the beginning of the Wars of
the Roses to the death of Queen Mary. On that
period he was justly considered an authority, and the
value of his work was recognised by the University
of Edinburgh by the grant of an honorary LL.D. in
1897, and too tardily by the grant of an honorary
D.Litt. by the University of Oxford in 1910. That,
owing perhaps to his training and the principal
occupation of his life, he was more successful as an
archivist than as an historian must be conceded, for
his writing lacks some qualities essential to the
literary treatment of history. Yet along with its
accuracy and thoroughness in research, it gives
evidence of philosophic thought and breadth of
view ; for Dr. Gairdner looked on events in their
connection with the influences that shaped them,
whether proceeding from domestic or foreign sources,
and perceived, sometimes perhaps more clearly than
he was able to expound them, the relations in which
a religious or political movement stood to what he
believed to have been its determining causes and its
later developments. And he was thoroughly honest ;
he set down what he found in his authorities with a
fidelity as complete as that with which he calendared
State papers. During the larger part of his life
his perpetual diligence, apart from the performance

PREFACE ix

of his official duties, was simply the outcome of his
love of historical study ; in his latest years an added
motive spurred him on. He believed that he had a
special work to do ; indeed, it may almost be said, a
message to deliver. Modest and humble as he was, he
could not but be conscious that he had gained a fuller
knowledge of the Reformation period in our history,
of the influences which gave rise to it and directed
its course, and of the characters and aims of the
principal persons who favoured or opposed it, than
was in the possession of the public. He felt con-
strained to publish the results of his labours, for he
considered that much error was current on these
matters, that religious prejudice had warped the
judgment of many who had written on them, and
that too little account was taken of the wrongs
inflicted on Catholics, and of the tyranny, greed, and
irreverence, the robbery of God and His Church,
which in his view disgraced the Reformation in
England.

It was under the belief that he had a duty to
perform that he undertook to write the volume in the
History of the English Cliurch mentioned above. Of
that book he says, in a letter that he wrote to me on the
22nd April 1 906, that, while it had met with a recep-
tion more gratifying than he was prepared for, it had
also met with criticism of a kind he fully expected,
and that it had been impossible for him to say all
that he felt he ought to say on his subject within the
comparatively narrow limits necessarily prescribed to

x LOLLARDY & THE REFORMATION

him. He had, therefore, felt " irresistibly impelled to
do something on a larger scale," and had begun his
book on Lollardy and the Reformation in England,
which at first he planned to carry down to the
excommunication of 1570, as the event marking the
final separation of the Church of England from Rome.
It was the resolution of a noble mind, for by the date
of this letter he was, as he proceeds to say, seventy-
eight, and as he had then written about half of his
first volume, it must have been made and acted upon
in the previous year, at an age long past that at
which most of us would hold ourselves fully justified
in ceasing to work, if indeed we should not be
compelled to do so. Nor was this resolution made
in any forgetfulness that the time allowed him would
probably be short: he hoped "to see a volume
(perhaps two) through the press," and he asked me
to promise that if any part of his work was left
unpublished, I would bring it out. His life was
prolonged to the age of eighty-four, but his work
from the very outset grew under his hand, and the
three volumes which he lived to see published only
brought it to the death of Edward VI. : he left the
manuscript of a fourth volume, dealing with the first
year of Mary's reign, from her accession to her
marriage, in an unfinished state. The promise he
asked for was made, and was finally confirmed in a
farewell visit to him shortly before his death. It has
now been fulfilled.

When the author of a book has not lived to see it

PREFACE xi

through the press, an editor in most cases should not
meddle with the text beyond correcting obvious slips.
My work would have been more satisfactory to Dr.
Gairdner's readers and to myself, as well as far less
laborious, had it been possible for me to observe
this general rule. Unfortunately Dr. Gairdner was
prevented from revising his manuscript by physical
weakness and distress, and by rapid failure of eye-
sight, troubles which he bore with manly fortitude
and Christian resignation, and to have published his
work as it stood would have been unjust to his
memory and to his readers. In addition, therefore,
to those trifling matters which an editor usually has
to set right, it has been necessary in this case to
make a large number of verbal alterations and many
excisions of passages more or less repeated, together
with some few abbreviations of the text and of quota-
tions in it from printed books. Perhaps more should
have been done, perhaps less : it was often difficult
to decide between the duty of producing the author's
very own words, and that of doing for him what he
would probably have done for himself had sufficient
time, health, and eyesight been granted him. For,
having read the proofs of his three earlier volumes,
I can confidently say that the alterations made in
this volume, though owing to the author's physical
afflictions far more in number, are of the same nature
as suggestions that I made and that he accepted in
revising the proofs of its predecessors. Headers are
assured that the exact import of every sentence that

xii LOLLARDY & THE REFORMATION

he wrote has been preserved with religious care, and

they are requested kindly to note that I am not

responsible for any of his opinions. I have verified

and in some cases completed his references to

authorities both in manuscript and in print, and

hope that they are stated correctly. Some additions

have been made both in the text and the footnotes,

especially towards the end of the volume, for the

sake of such completeness as seemed possible ; they

are distinguished from Dr. Gairdner's work by means

of square brackets.

WILLIAM HUNT.

CONTENTS

BOOK VII
QUEEN MARY'S FIRST HALF-YEAR

CHAPTER I

PAGE

Mary's First Trials . . . . .3

CHAPTER II

Foreign Influences . . . . .43

CHAPTER III

Mart's First Parliament . . . . .74

CHAPTER IV

Parliament and Keligion . . . . .130

BOOK VIII
THE SPANISH MARRIAGE

CHAPTER I

The Organised Insurrections . . . .191

xiii

xiv LOLLARDY & THE REFORMATION

CHAPTER II

PAGE

The Suppression of the Insurrections . . . 239

CHAPTER III

"The Queen's Proceedings" .... 268

CHAPTER IV

The Lady Elizabeth . . . . .278

CHAPTER V

Heretics painted mostly by Themselves . . . 305

CHAPTER VI

Spirit of the Edwardine Party .... 344

CHAPTER VII

The Queen's Marriage . . . . .371

INDEX ....... 405

BOOK VII
QUEEN MARY'S FIRST HALF-YEAR

I

VOL. IV B

CHAPTER I

mary's first trials

The change which took place on the accession of
Queen Mary was of such profound political and
religious importance, both at home and abroad, that
it requires to be considered from many points of view.
But first of all we must consider what it was to Mary
herself. Her father, as we have seen, had turned the
English Constitution into a despotism, and it con- Mary's
tinued to be a despotism under her brother. Even J^^ as
the provisions of Henry VIII. himself to prevent inheriting a
abuse of the high powers of the Crown during a desP°tlsm-
minority had been set aside, and more despotic powers
than ever were ultimately usurped by the most
unscrupulous statesman of the day, who saw no
safety for himself except in a perfectly unparalleled
outrage on all received principles of government.
The great conspiracy, however, collapsed after
Edward's death, and not only the royal title, but all
the powers of the new despotism came, alike by
inheritance and by statute law, to his sister Mary.

Yet no woman inheriting a despotism was less
despotic by nature, and no woman, if she had wished
to be a despot, could have been worse educated for
such a position. Even an autocrat requires training,
and also requires advisers. What training had Mary ?
And what advice had there ever been within her
reach ? Almost from childhood she had been com-
pletely cut off from every advantage that would

3

4 LOLLARDY & THE REFORMATION bk.vh

naturally have attached to her position. She was
but eleven years old when it was known that her
father was seeking a divorce from her mother, and
when that divorce was effected she was seventeen.
At that time every one wished her well except Anne
Boleyn ; even her father had some natural regard for
her. But Anne Boleyn succeeded in estranging her
own father from her. She was separated also from her
mother lest the two should give each other comfort.
She was told she was a bastard and must yield
precedence to her infant sister Elizabeth, until, on
Anne Boleyn's fall, her sister was declared a bastard
also. Still she was not spared the full bitterness of
an unjust humiliation, and, her mother being then
dead, she was told that the only way to recover her
father's favour was to sign a paper declaring untruly
that she was the child of an unlawful and incestuous
marriage. Unless she complied with that monstrous
condition her very life was unsafe under the statutes,
and when she for a long time resisted, several persons
got into trouble owing to a suspicion that they had
encouraged her obstinacy. At last, making, by
advice of the Imperial Ambassador, a secret pro-
testation that she acted only under compulsion, she
signed the required document with averted eyes.1
After that she was treated better and restored by
her father and by Parliament to her natural place in
the succession.

But under her brother Edward's government, as
we have seen, she was again persecuted, and in a
way that she had not been under her father. She
was the very last person to wish to create trouble,
and yet she was told she must not have Mass in her
own private household as she had in her father's day ;
and even the Emperor's ambassador could not procure
toleration for her in things necessary to her own peace

1 Letters and Papers, xi. pp. 7, 8. Comp. x. 1134, 1137, 1203, 1204 ; xi.
9, 222. The story revealed in these documents seems almost incredible.

ch. i MARY'S FIRST TRIALS 5

of mind. A law that she could not respect, and
which many agreed with her in thinking unconstitu-
tional, was pressed against her conscience as against
theirs ; and the Great Conspiracy against her suc-
cession was but another measure to protect the
perpetrators of injustice and carry it further.

On the Sunday before Edward's death (the 2nd Ridley's
July) Dr. Hodgkin, who had been suffragan of Bedford, JtwSy
preached, no doubt at Paul's Cross, and it was 1553.
remarked that he " did neither pray for Lady Mary's
Grace nor yet for Lady Elizabeth." He had evidently
been instructed by the Council to omit doing so ; for
the next Sunday (the 9th) when Edward was actually
dead, though the fact was yet unknown, Bishop
Ridley did a still bolder thing by their direction, for
preaching at Paul's Cross, he " called both the said
ladies bastards, that all the people was sore annoyed
with his words so uncharitably spoken by him in so
open an audience." * Further, he expressly pointed
out to his hearers " the incommodities and incon-
veniences " that might arise if they accepted Mary as
Queen, " prophesying, as it were before," says Foxe,
" that which after came to pass, that she would bring-
in foreign power to reign over them, besides the
subverting also of all Christian religion then already
established ; showing, moreover, that the same Mary
being in his diocese, he according to his duty (being
then her ordinary), had travailed much with her to
reduce her to this religion, and notwithstanding in all
other points of civility she showed herself gentle and
tractable, yet in matters that concerned true faith
and doctrine, she showed herself so stiff and obstinate
that there was no other hope of her to be conceived
but to disturb and overturn all that which, with so
great labours, had been confirmed and planted by her
brother afore." Preaching like this was a dangerous
duty, if duty it could justly be considered. Shortly

1 Grey Friars' Chronicle, p. 78 ; Foxe, Acts and Monuments, vi. 389.

6 LOLLARDY & THE REFORMATION bk. v..

afterwards, when Queen Mary was proclaimed, the

bold orator repaired to Framlingham to make his

peace with her, but met only with a cold reception.1

On the 23rd July the Council directed a letter to Sir

Thomas Cheyney and Sir John Gage " to receive into

the Tower of London, as prisoners to be safely kept,

the Marquis of Northampton, the Lord Robert Dudley,

andDr Ridley."2

Ridley's The allusion made by Ridley in his sermon to the

past way he iiac[ tried once, as " her ordinary," to convert

with Mary. Mary to his religion deserves a little fuller elucidation

to do it justice, and it may be well to give the whole

story as recorded by the Marty rologist in a previous

chapter : —

About the 8th of September 1552, Dr. Ridley, then Bishop
of London, lying at his house at Hadham in Hertfordshire,
went to visit the Lady Mary, then lying at Hunsdon, two
miles off, and was gently entertained of Sir Thomas Wharton
and other her officers till it was almost eleven of the clock ;
about which time the said Lady Mary came forth into her
chamber of presence, and then the said Bishop there saluted
her Grace, and said that he was come to do his duty to her
Grace. Then she thanked him for his pains, and, for a
quarter of an hour, talked with him very pleasantly, and said
that she knew him in the Court when he was chaplain to
her father, and could well remember a sermon that he made
before King Henry, her father, at the marriage of my Lady
Clinton, that now is, to Sir Anthony Brown, etc. ; and so
dismissed him to dine with her officers.

After dinner was done, the Bishop, being called for by the
said Lady Mary, resorted again to her Grace, between whom
this communication was. First, the Bishop beginneth in
manner as followeth :

Bishop. Madam, I came not only to do my duty to see
your Grace, but also to offer myself to preach before you on
Sunday next, if it will please you to hear me.

At this her countenance changed, and after silence for a
space, she answered thus :

1 Foxe, u.s. p. 390.
2 Acts of the Privy Council, ed. Dasent, iv. 302.

ch. i MARY'S FIRST TRIALS 7

Mary. My Lord, as for this last matter, I pray you make
the answer to it yourself.

Bishop. Madam, considering mine office and calling, I
am bound in duty to make to your Grace this offer, to
preach before you.

Mary. Well, I pray you make the answer (as I have said)
to this matter yourself; for you know the answer well
enough. But if there be no remedy but I must make
you answer, this shall be your answer : the door of the
parish church adjoining shall be open for you if you come,
and ye may preach if you list; but neither I nor any of
mine shall hear you.

Bishop. Madam, I trust you will not refuse God's word.

Mary. I cannot tell what ye call God's word : that is not
God's word now that was God's word in my father's days.

Bishop. God's word is all one in all times, but hath been
better understood and practised in some ages than in others.

Mary. You durst not, for your ears, have avouched that
for God's word in my father's days, that now you do. And
as for your new books, I thank God I never read any of
them : I never did, nor ever will do.

And after many bitter words against the form of religion
then established, and against the government of the realm
and the laws made in the young years of her brother (which
she said she was not bound to obey till her brother came to
perfect age,1 and then she affirmed she would obey them), she
asked the Bishop whether he were one of the Council. He
answered " No." " You might well enough," said she, " as
the Council goeth nowadays."

And so she concluded with these words : " My Lord, for
your gentleness to come and see me, I thank you ; but
for your offering to preach before me, I thank you never
a whit."

Then the said Bishop was brought by Sir Thomas Wharton
to the place where they dined, and was desired to drink.
And after he had drunk, he paused a while, looking very
sadly ; and suddenly brake out into these words : " Surely, I
have done amiss." " Why so ? " quoth Sir Thomas Wharton.
" For I have drunk," said he, " in that place where God's
word offered hath been refused : whereas, if I had remembered

1 As we have seen in the last volume, this was not only Mary's view but
that of many others. But Foxe here appends a note full of his own peculiar
grace : — " It is like she was persuaded by witches and blind prophecies that
King Edward should not live so long."

8 LOLLARDY & THE REFORMATION bk.vii

my duty I ought to have departed immediately, and to have
shaken off the dust of my shoes for a testimony against this
house." These words were by the said Bishop spoken with
such a vehemency that some of the hearers afterwards
confessed their hair to stand upright on their heads. This
done the said Bishop departed, and so returned to his
house.1

The way Bishop Ridley repented his lack of bad
manners is truly edifying. He made up for it after-
wards in that sermon at Paul's Cross, which was
really rather a close imitation of the " shameful
sermon " of Dr. Shaw, preached from that very pulpit
seventy years before to smooth the way for Richard
the Third's usurpation. And if an Edwardine bishop
was capable of such things, can we wonder that there
was a large amount of disloyal bigotry among the
multitude ? To understand the difficulties which
beset Mary's government from the first we must ask
ourselves how was it possible to expect peace within
the kingdom when a considerable section of the people
were imbued with such a spirit.

Mary herself was by no means unconscious of
those difficulties. And even apart from the temper
of many of her subjects, the responsibilities which
had come upon her as a sovereign were peculiar.
Mary the She was the first Queen Regnant England had ever
Reliant6'1 seen> and she had no such ministers at hand as the
Constitution has since provided for every succeeding
sovereign — men who are willing to be answerable
for every act of State and whose position depends
upon the public favour. A Tudor sovereign, indeed,
could choose his own advisers and dismiss them when
they ceased to give him satisfaction. But whom
could Mary choose ? Almost every English states-
man had been against her in the past ; and though
she was willing to weigh what was said to her by
men of so much experience as Gardiner and Paget,

1 Foxe, vi. 354-5. To this story is appended the note, "Testified by a
certain reverend personage yet alive, being then the Bishop's chaplain."

ch. i MARY'S FIRST TRIALS 9

she naturally looked more for counsel and guidance
to her cousin the Emperor, who had befriended her
in past troubles, and whose advice came to her now
through experienced and well-chosen Ambassadors.

There was one subject, first of all, on which she
desired the advice of those Ambassadors some time
before she came up to London. It was about the Her
burial of her brother, whom she wished to inter with difficulties

' , about her

the old Catholic rites. This they felt rather a difficult brother's
point. When so much heresy was abroad the funeral-
Emperor was anxious that she should not be too
hasty in restoring the old religion, and to begin now
with dirge and requiem might alarm the Council. The
ceremonies at interments, they suggested, did not
touch religion closely, and as the late king died in
the new religion, they would be superfluous in his
case. These arguments, however, did not satisfy her,
and a day or two later she replied that during all
King Edward's time she had told both him and the
Council that she would never change her religion ;
that they knew quite well that she had heard Mass in
secret ; and that now when she had so much reason for
gratitude to God, she should feel it against her con-
science to inter her brother otherwise than her own
religion required. She even felt bound to do so, she
said, by the will of her father, which directed the
particular ceremonies, Mass and prayers, that he
desired in his own case ; and if she showed so much
timidity as to refrain, it would encourage her subjects
to become more audacious, and to say openly that she
had not dared to use the ancient rites. She in-
tended, therefore, to have a Mass, which would show
that she did not regard as binding the religious change
initiated by the Protector Somerset.1

On receiving the report of his Ambassadors on this
subject the Emperor fully approved of the advice

1 Imperial Ambassadors to the Emperor, 24th July 1553, R. 0. Transcripts,
ser. ii. 146, pp. 184-5, 187.

io LOLLARDY & THE REFORMATION bk. vii

they had given her, and added a still stronger reason
to dissuade her from using the funeral rites that
were sanctioned by Catholic usage. She could dis-
pense with them all the better, and with an easy
conscience, as her brother had died in a wrong
religion, that in which he had been brought up.1
Mary, however, had by this time made up her mind ;
and though she allowed Edward to be buried at
Westminster with the rites of the Eclwardine book
on the 8th August, she had Mass said for him in the
Tower on the very same day. No one was compelled
to attend the service, but there were three or four
hundred persons present. And it must be admitted
that the cautious advice of the Imperial Ambassadors
and of the experienced Emperor himself, who knew
too well about religious difficulties in Germany, was
fully justified by the sequel. Indeed, even at the
time there were unpleasant symptoms. For the fact
that Mass was actually revived, even within the
seclusion of the Tower, and as something special
for the occasion, did not please the Londoners who
favoured the new religion. The French Ambassador,
indeed, was of opinion that it would do good, and
that conformity with the Queen's religion would
gradually become more general, notwithstanding the
objections entertained by many ; but meanwhile it
did not look well that the Queen had been unable to
persuade her own sister Elizabeth to attend that
Mass.2 Elizabeth, from the very circumstances of
her birth, was a general favourite with the heretics.

Two days later, on Friday the 11th August, Mass
was actually said in one city church.3 But the

1 The Emperor to his Ambassadors, 29th July; Papier s cffitat du Cardinal
de Granvelle (Docs, inedits), iv. 60.

2 Ambassades de Noailles (Vertot), ii. 108-9.

3 St. Bartholomew's in Smithfield ; see Chron. of Queen Jane and Queen
Mary, p. 14. Noailles says at the horsemarket ("en une eglise qui est au
marche aux chevaux et bien pres de nion logis "). There was a market for
horses in Smithfield of no very good repute. See Kingsford's edition of
Stow's Stirvey, ii. 29, 361.

ch. i MARY'S FIRST TRIALS 1 1

service was really illegal, and popular indignation Mass at
showed itself in a most objectionable form. Some ^j^"^
seized the chalice ; others laid hold of the habits and causes a
tore in pieces the ornaments of the altar. A crowd
of two or three hundred persons had gathered, and
the Lord Mayor came to restore order.1 The Lord
Mayor then repaired to the Queen's presence to
report the occurrence, with a notification that if
Mass were permitted it would lead to very serious
trouble.2

The remonstrance grated on the Queen's feelings.
Yet the warning was fully justified, not only by the
general temper of the public, but also by the fact
that from a statutory point of view Mass was at this
time illegal. From Mary's own point of view, indeed,
the law of the land was of no authority, being in
conflict with the law of Christendom.3 But she felt
it necessary to commit the priest to prison to appease
the people, though immediately afterwards she
allowed him to escape. Next day, before leaving
London for Richmond, she summoned the Mayor and
Aldermen to come to her in the Tower, and, com-
mending to their care the administration of justice
within the city, felt it necessary to make an explicit
declaration of the principles which she desired to
maintain in matters of religion. It was her wish
that all who desired to follow the rule laid down by
her father should be at perfect liberty to do so ; and
likewise that others who preferred either the old
religion before his day, or that instituted during the
late reign, should have equal protection. No one
should be forced. She herself had had Mass sung,
and she intended to do so in her Court in future

1 Ambassadors to Emperor, 16th August, R. 0. Transcripts, u.s. p. 280 ;
Ambass. de Noailles, ii. 110, 111.

2 lb.

3 This is a point easily lost sight of, or, we may rather say, difficult to
understand at all in these days. But it was the very ground on which Sir
Thomas More justified himself for disobeying an Act of Parliament. See
Vol. I. pp. 495-6.

12 LOLLARDY & THE REFORMATION bk.vii

without compelling any one to attend, and she hoped
the Mayor and Aldermen would show a like spirit.
They promised to respect her wishes, and she further
warned them that they must choose modest and
temperate preachers, as there were some who used
scandalous and seditious language.1
Dr.Bourne's This was on Saturday the 12th August. But,
interrupted. nowever respectfully the Lord Mayor and Aldermen
received the Queen's commands, the feeling of the
citizens — or at least of some of them — was uncon-
trollable. Next day, Sunday the 13th, a royal
chaplain preached at Paul's Cross, and an uproar
arose because he said things which no candid man
will deny to have been strictly true. The preacher
was Dr. Gilbert Bourne, once chaplain to Bishop
Bonner, and he could not help alluding to the fact
that his late master, now released from prison, had
preached from the same place, almost exactly four
years before, a sermon for which he had been obliged
to spend all those four years in unjust confinement
in the Marshalsea prison. This was too much for
the feelings of some amongst the audience. " Thou
liest," one or more were heard to cry, and a dagger
was thrown at the preacher, whom the mob pulled
out of the pulpit amid much uproar " and casting up
of caps." It is added by the contemporary diarist
from whom these last five words are quoted : " If my
Lord Mayor and Lord Courtenay had not been there,
there had been great mischief done." 2

As soon as the Council in the Tower were informed
of the occurrence they sent at once for the Lord
Mayor and Aldermen, and bade them call a common

1 Ambassadors to the Emperor, 16th August 1553, R. 0. Transcripts, u.s.
pp. 280-2.

2 Machyn, Diary (Camden Soc. ), p. 41. This is just what the Imperial
Ambassadors reported about it to their master on the 16th. But for
the Lord Mayor and Courtenay and his mother, they said there would
have been great seditions ; and some openly declared that if a change of
religion was now aimed at, it would be better to deliver the Duke of
Northumberland out of the Tower.

ch. i MARY'S FIRST TRIALS 13

council next day, and make certain specified arrange-
ments for the preservation of the peace, " declaring
also in the said assembly, in the best words the
Mayor and Eecorder can devise, the Queen's Highness's
determination and pleasure uttered unto them by the
Queen's own mouth in the Tower as yesterday, being
the 12th of this instant; which was that, albeit her
Grace's conscience is staid in matters of religion, yet
she meaneth graciously not to compel or constrain
other men's conscience otherwise than God shall (as
she trusteth), put in their hearts a persuasion of the
truth, that she is in, through the opening of His word
unto them by godly, virtuous, and learned preachers." 1
The Aldermen were at the same time enjoined to
warn the City clergy to forbear preaching themselves,
and not to allow any others to preach in their
churches except persons licensed by the Queen.

According to the account of the outrage given by
Foxe : 2

The matter of his (Bourne's) sermon tended much to the
derogation and dispraise of King Edward, which thing the
people in no case could abide. Then Master Bradford, at
the request of the preacher's brother and others, then being
in the pulpit, stood forth and spake so mildly, Christianly,
and effectuously, that with a few words he appeased all ; and
afterwards he and Master Rogers conducted the preacher
betwixt them from the pulpit to the grammar school door,
where they left him safe, as further in the story of Master
Bradford is declared. But shortly after they were both
rewarded with long imprisonment, and, last of all, with fire
in Smithfield.

We must not look for a full and impartial account
of such a matter to Foxe, though he has been followed
generally by historians ; who, in truth, knew nothing
of Machyn's Diary and other sources of information
since published — not to say others, which are un-
published still. Foxe would have us believe, first of
all, that the preacher had provoked the outrage

1 Acts of the P.O. iv. 317. 2 Foxe, vi. 392.

14 LOLLARDY & THE REFORMATION bk. vii

himself by speaking " in dispraise of King Edward,"
and, secondly, that he was rescued from danger by the
kindly, charitable, and Christian conduct of Bradford
and Rogers, who got him away from the pulpit to the
Grammar School. Not a word here about the Mayor
and Edward Courtenay coming up to appease the dis-
order. Yet if two prebendaries of St. Paul's (for both
Rogers and Bradford were such), did between them,
"at the request of the preacher's brother," rescue a
preacher from danger under the shadow of their own
cathedral, was this such a very high and meritorious act
of charity as to be spoken of with special commenda-
tion ? It does suggest, no doubt, that a preacher of the
new school was more popular with the crowd, when
" with a few words he appeased all " ; but I cannot
help thinking that the arrival of the Mayor and
Courtenay had at least as much to do with the
restoration of order.1 Moreover, if we wish to know
what view the Government took of the matter, it was
certainly not that which was afterwards set forth by
the Martyrologist. For three days later, on the 16th
August, when there had been time to enquire into the
circumstances, the following entries appear in the
Acts of the Privy Council : —

Bradford and Verron, two seditious preachers, committed
to the charge of the Lieutenant of the Tower.

John Rogers, alias Mathewe, a seditious preacher,
ordered by the Lords of the Council to keep himself as
prisoner in his house at Paul's without conference of any
person other than such as be daily with him in household,
until such time as he hath contrary commandment.

Theodore Basill, alias Thomas Becon, another seditious
preacher, committed also to the Lieutenant's charge of the
Tower.2

1 According to the account of Raviglio Rosso, however (7 Successi d' In-
ghilterra dopo la morte di Odoardo tiesto, p. 29), the Mayor only saved
the preacher from the mob by putting another into the pulpit to take his
place, and the new preacher (Bradford) "preached after their fashion"
(predicb secundo il costume loro) .

2 Acts of the P.O. iv. 321-2.

was sen* Mi:-.

ch. i MARY'S FIRST TRIALS 15

The riot was certainly a serious one, and these The riot
were not the only commitments on account of it.
How serious the Council thought it was shown
clearly by the following resolution passed the day
after it occurred : —

The Lord Mayor of London and his brethren have
Wednesday next, being the 16th of this instant, at 8 of the
clock in the morning, to bring unto the Lords of the Council
a full resolution whether they be able or no by their
authority to keep the City committed to their charge
without seditious tumults ; and finding themselves able so to
do, to make declaration by what means or policy they will
do it. And if they be not able, then the Mayor to yield up
his sword unto the Queen's Highness, and to show the lets
and impediments of their unhability.1

The Council must have made very anxious inquiry
into the matter ; and they certainly did not think the
two prebendaries guiltless of encouraging the tumult,
whatever steps these gentlemen took, when it grew
to a head, to prevent injury to the preacher. Eight
days after the occurrence two of the ringleaders, a
priest and a barber, were set on the pillory for it,
and, after the barbarous fashion of the times, had
their ears nailed to the pillory. The priest was parson
of St. Ethelberga within Bishopsgate.2 This was on
the 21st; but cruel as the punishment was, it was
not effective, and on the 23rd " was the same priest
set on the pillory again for mo words." 3

So Mary thus early had ample evidence of the
necessity for great caution — all the more so because
the larger number of her Council were of the new
religion and could not sympathise with the objects
that she had at heart. And, unfortunately, she gave
some dissatisfaction even to those who did so. For
loyal servants complained that she easily admitted to

1 lb. p. 319.

2 His name, it would appear by the list in Newcourt's Repcrtorhcm (i.
346), was John Dey. He was deprived next year, and a successor appointed
to him on the 2nd June.

3 Machyn, Diary, p. 42.

16 LOLLARDY & THE REFORMATION BK.vn

The

Queen's
proclama-
tion, 18th
August.

her Council those who had conspired against her life
and honour, while they who had stood by her in
adversity did not receive their due. Among those
who felt thus was the Earl of Derby, who had assembled
15,000 or 20,000 men for the Queen's service. For
himself, as he informed one of the Imperial envoys,
being independent, he made no complaint ; but he
knew there were many others who might too easily
become disaffected.1

Still, as regards the main subject she had in view
the Queen pursued a wise and tolerant course. At
this time she had retired to Richmond, whence she
issued a proclamation on the 18th, five days after Dr.
Bourne's sermon, of the following tenor : —

First, Her Majesty, being presently, by the only goodness
of God, settled in her just possession of the Imperial crown of
the realm and other dominions thereunto belonging, cannot
now hide that religion which, God and the world knoweth,
she hath ever professed from her infancy hitherto ; which
as her Majesty is minded to maintain for herself by God's
grace during her time, so doth her Highness much desire,
and would be glad, the same were of all her subjects quietly
and charitably entertained.

And yet she doth signify unto all her Majesty's loving
subjects, that of her most gracious disposition and clemency,
her Highness minded not to compel any her said subjects
thereunto, until such time as further order, by common
assent, may be taken therein ; forbidding, nevertheless, all
her subjects of all degrees, at their perils, to move seditions
or stir unquietness in her people by interpreting the laws of
her realm after their brains and fancies, but quietly to
continue for the time till (as before is said) further order may
be taken ; and therefore willeth and straitly chargeth and
commandeth all her good loving subjects to live together in
quiet sort and Christian charity, leaving those new found
devilish terms of papist and heretic, and such like, and
applying their whole care, study, and travail, to live in the
fear of God, exercising their conversations in such charitable
and godly doing as their lives may indeed express the
great hunger and thirst of God's glory, which by rash talk

1 Ambassadors to the Emperor, 16th August, u.s.

ch. i MARY'S FIRST TRIALS 17

and words many have pretended ; and in so doing they shall
best please God and live without danger of the laws, and
maintain the tranquillity of the realm/ whereof as her
Highness shall be most glad, so if any man shall rashly presume
to make any assemblies of people, or, at any public assemblies
or otherwise, shall go about to stir the people to disorder or
disquiet, she mindeth, according to her duty, to see the same
most severely reformed and punished according to her
Highness' laws.

And furthermore, forasmuch as it is well known that
sedition and false rumors have been nourished and
maintained in this realm by the subtlety and malice of
some evil disposed persons, which take upon them without
sufficient authority to preach and interpret the word of God
after their own brains in churches and other places, both
public and private, and also by playing of interludes and
printing of false fond books and ballads, rhymes, and other
lewd treatises in the English tongue, containing doctrine in
matters now in question, and controversies touching the
high points and mysteries in Christian religion ; which books,
ballads, rhymes, and treatises are chiefly by the printers and
stationers set out to sale to her Grace's subjects of an evil
zeal for lucre and covetousness of vile gain : her Highness,
therefore, straitly chargeth and commandeth all and every of
her said subjects, of whatsoever state, condition, or degree
they be, that none of them presume from henceforth to
preach, or by way of reading in churches and other public
or private places, except in schools of the university, to
interpret or teach any scriptures, or any manner of points of
doctrine concerning religion ; neither also to print any book,
matter, ballad, rhyme, interlude, process or treatise, nor to
play any interlude, except they have her Grace's special
licence in writing for the same, upon pain to incur her
Highness' indignation and displeasure. And her Highness
also further chargeth and commandeth all and every her said
subjects that none of them of their own authority do presume
to punish or to rise against any offender in the causes above-
said, or any other offender in words and deeds in the late
rebellion committed or done by the duke of Northumberland
or his complices, or to seize any of their goods, or violently
to use any such offender by striking, or imprisoning, or
threatening the same ; but wholly to refer the punishment
of all such offenders unto her Highness and public authority,
whereof her Majesty mindeth to see due punishment,
VOL. IV C

1 8 LOLLARDY & THE REFORMATION bk. vn

according to the order of her Highness' laws. Nevertheless,
as her Highness mindeth not hereby to restrain and
discourage any of her loving subjects to give from time to
time true information against any such offenders in the
causes abovesaid unto her Grace or her Council, for the
punishment of every such offender, according to the effect of
her Highness' laws provided in that part; so her said
Highness exhorteth and straitly chargeth her said' subjects
to observe her commandment and pleasure in every part
aforesaid, as they will avoid her Highness' said indignation
and most grievous displeasure : The severity and rigour
whereof, as her Highness shall be most sorry to have cause
to put the same in execution, so doth she utterly determine
not to permit such unlawful and rebellious doings of her
subjects, whereof may ensue the danger of her royal estate,
to remain unpunished ; but to see her said laws touching these
points to be throughly executed ; which extremities she
trusteth all her said loving subjects will foresee, dread, and
avoid accordingly ; her said Highness straitly charging and
commanding all mayors, sheriffs, justices of peace, bailiffs,
constables, and all other public officers and ministers,
diligently to see to the observing and executing of her said
commandments and pleasure, and to apprehend all such as
shall willingly offend in this part, committing the same to
the next gaol, there to remain without bail or mainprise till,
upon certificate made to her Highness or her Privy Council
of their names and doings, and upon examination had of
their offences, some further order shall be taken for their
punishment, to the example of others, according to the effect
and tenor of the laws aforesaid.1

This proclamation, it will be seen, was in complete
accordance with what the Queen had already said to
the Lord Mayor and Aldermen in the Tower the day
before the outrage, and a more judicious manifesto
could not well have been issued. She declared that
she would use no compulsion in religious matters till
further order was taken by common assent, and she
therefore warned her subjects not to revile each other
as Papists and heretics, but to strive to live in charity
with each other. No one must preach or interpret

1 Cardwell, Documentary Annals, i. 114-17.

ch. i MARY'S FIRST TRIALS 19

Scripture without a licence, or print books, ballads,
or plays without licence, as the stationers were doing
for mere gain, and none was to attempt even to
punish offenders in the late rebellion on his own
responsibility, but leave all to public authority. The
anxiety that simple justice should prevail was surely
very marked, as it is also iu the paragraph which
forbade undue proceedings even against rebels,
or those implicated in the Great Conspiracy of
Northumberland. Nothing was to be done to fore-
stall due punishment, even of such great offenders,
by regular process of law.

Even the actual punishments inflicted for the The
rebellion were singularly few ; and the fact is surely a ^ts^f
strong evidence of Mary's humanity. No one at this traitors.
time suffered capitally for Northumberland's gigantic
treason except the Duke himself and two others, Sir
John Gates and Sir Thomas Palmer. These had been
arraigned and received sentence at Westminster Hall,
the Duke, with the Marquis of Northampton and the
Earl of Warwick, the Duke's son, on the 18th August,
Sir Andrew Dudley, Sir John and Sir Harry Gates,
and Sir Thomas Palmer on the day following.1 On
the 21st Northumberland and the other prisoners
were confessed in the Tower and partook of the
Mass together. Next day the Duke declared upon
the scaffold that for sixteen years he had been misled
by false teachers, and exhorted all his hearers to be
true to the Old Learning. But of the six others who
had been condemned like him, the lives of four were
spared.

Towards personal enemies it is clear that the
Queen was not revengeful ; and she was admonished
by her cousin the Emperor that she had been far too
lenient — a fact which was impressed upon her later
by the course of events. On the 13th August, five
days before the trial of Northumberland, when she

1 Machyn, Diary, pp. 41, 332.

20 LOLLARDY & THE REFORMATION bk. vii

was at Richmond, Renard did indeed advise clemency
considering the great number of prisoners, but was
afraid that she would carry it too far ; for he was told
she had pardoned even Northampton. She replied
that she had pardoned no one yet, not even Northamp-
ton ; and as to Lady Jane, she could on no account
assent to her death, because she had been the victim
of Northumberland's intrigues, and three days before
they brought her from Sion to the Tower as Queen,
she knew not what to say about it. Moreover, it had
been discovered that her marriage with Lord Guild-
ford was void, owing to a precontract with a servant
of Bishop Gardiner's. Whether there was anything
in this story or not, may perhaps be doubted. Renard
suspected it was only a got-up story to save Jane's
life, and urged upon the Queen by the example of
Theodosius, the Emperor, putting to death not only
the rebellious Maximus but his son Victor, whom he
had intended to be his successor in an usurped dignity,
the danger of allowing even a young usurper to escape.1
But Mary's humanity would not listen to such
counsels. Her chief anxiety, however, was about the
religious problem ; and when Gardiner's chaplain,
Watson, preached at Paul's Cross on the 20th, special
care was taken to prevent a repetition of the disorders
of the previous Sunday. All the crafts of the City
were present in their best livery, " sitting on forms,
every craft by themself, and my lord Mayor and the
Aldermen and 200 of the guard to see no disquiet
done."2
Northum- It was believed — and perhaps not without reason —
repent?8 th.at Northumberland's confession and return to the
ance. Church before he suffered would have a powerful

effect with many others. We should rather suppose,
indeed, that it was due to sincere repentance on his

1 [But see Gibbon iii. 166, ed. Bury, "Victor . . . died by the order,
perhaps by the hand, of the bold Arbogastes." — Ed.]
a Machyn, Diary, u.s. ; Grey Friars' Chronicle, p. 83.

ch. i MARY'S FIRST TRIALS 21

part ; for the prospect of death often has a sobering
effect, even on very bold sinners, and we cannot well
understand his conduct otherwise. He had taken a
mere politician's view of religion hitherto, but he died
a [religious ?] man.1 The Queen's example also had
much effect, for she had Mass regularly said in the Revival of
Tower by Gardiner ; 2 and even in London the Mass was the Mass>
getting gradually restored in one church after another.
On the 23rd August it was sung in Latin, with tapers
and a cross on the altar, at St. Nicholas Cold Abbey
in Old Fish Street ; and next day at St. Nicholas
Olave's in Bread Street.3 At that time the Queen was
at Richmond, and Mass was sung in Court six or seven
times a day.4 But however much might be done in
this way, something more was requisite than protec-
tion for the Queen's religion and toleration for the
forms sanctioned by her father and her brother. She
was, against her will, " Supreme Head of the Church
of England." The title had descended to her by law,
and it was her duty to act up to it as best she could.
The Pope had at this time no jurisdiction within the
realm, for the governments of Henry and Edward alike
had disowned his authority ; and, indeed, it was an
irregularity on Mary's part, for which she wrote to
excuse herself to the Pope, to have divine offices of
the old type performed in a country which had cut

1 A very minute account of Northumberland's confession and execution
is given by the Spaniard Guaras who actually witnessed them (see The
Accession of Queen Mary, edited by Garnett, privately printed, pp. 106-9).
I cannot agree with Dr. Garnett's note at p. 136. No doubt it was suggested
at the time by some that the Duke's recantation was influenced by a faint
hope of pardon ; but Lady Jane Grey's opinion seems to me much more
sound. "For the answering that he hoped for life by his turning," she
said, "though other men be of that opinion, I utterly am not. For what
man is there living, I pray you, although he had been innocent, that would
hope of life in that case, being in the field against the Queen in person as
general, and after his taking so hated and evil spoken of by the commons,
and at his coming into prison so wondered at as the like was never heard by
any man's time ? "

2 Chr. of Queen Jane and Queen Mary, p. 16.

3 Machyn, Diary, pp. 42, 333. See also later cases cited by Dixon, iv.
25 note.

4 Ambassadors to Emperor, 27th August, R. 0. Transcripts, u.s. p. 323.

22 LOLLARDY & THE REFORMATION bk. vi,

itself off from Rome, and was yet unreconciled. Even
the coming act of the Coronation would have no
spiritual validity unless it was condoned by the Pope.
But it was actually necessary, even with a view to
that reconciliation with Rome for which she longed,
that she should make use of her inherited function as
" Supreme Head of the Church " to pave the way for
it. And so the odious title actually appeared shortly
after this in writs for summoning Convocation.

On the 9th September the Imperial Ambassadors
reported to their master that though most of the
London churches kept the Edwardine Order, and there
was much secret deliberation among those who
obstinately adhered to it, the old Mass was beginning
to be said in the Universities and in several of the
churches. The Queen, moreover, they thought, was
anxious to carry things further than need be. They
had considered that it would be enough to put back
the Mass and ritual to the state in which things were
at the death of Henry VIII. ; but the Queen was most
anxious to replace the Kingdoms of England and
Ireland as soon as possible under the obedience of the
Church, as they were in earlier days. For this object
she longed for the coming of Cardinal Pole, whom the
Pope had already made Legate for England, but
whom the Emperor was determined to detain upon
the Continent for reasons which we shall see here-
after. Meanwhile she had made application to the
Pope to remit the ecclesiastical censures fulminated
against the kingdom, that the people might the
more easily acquiesce in the restoration of the old
religion.1
Pole to be Here we must enlarge our view a little ; for hither-
sent to to we have been considering only the state of things
Le|ate. M in England. But England, always insular geographic-
ally, had been still more insular in another sense

1 Ambassadors to tbe Emperor, 9th and 13th September 1553, R. 0.
Transcripts, u.s. pp. 348-9, 365.

ch. i MARY'S FIRST TRIALS 23

ever since Henry VIII. 's breach with Rome. For,
however worldly-minded continental rulers might be,
they mostly agreed in maintaining the old deference
to Rome as a centre of Church government, and
whatever their vagaries, there was still a common
understanding that their own authority, and even
their own mutual rights and claims, required con-
firmation in the end from one who was recognised as
the spiritual ruler of Christendom. But Henry VIII.
had utterly rejected that spiritual rule, bringing the
Church in England under subjection to himself, and
those who governed under his son had followed up
his policy with further innovations. Rome could
never, in the nature of things, condone such conduct,
and there was naturally great joy at Rome when the
news arrived that Mary had succeeded to her legitimate
rights and had overthrown, even without bloodshed,
the Great Conspiracy against her. Pope Julius III.
at once determined to send to England as legate one
who, being an Englishman himself, proscribed and
exiled for over twenty years for his fidelity to the
Holy See, seemed exactly the right agent for recon-
ciling that schismatic country to the Church which
it had abandoned. Cardinal Pole was not at Rome
when he was thus appointed legate. He was at the
monastery of Maguzzano on the Lago di Garda, where
he had already been gladdened by the news of Mary's
accession, and had thereupon written to the Pope of
the great opportunity for effecting England's recovery.
But warring nations lay between Rome and England,
and the Pope felt it necessary at the same time to
appoint him also legate to the Emperor Charles V. and
Henry II. of France, soon afterwards recalling the
legates he had already sent to their Courts, whose
efforts to make peace between the belligerents had
turned out very unpromising.1

1 Papiers du Card, de Granvelle, iv. 72 ; Calendar of Venetian State
Papers, v. Nos. 766-769, 771-774, 776, sq. ; Phillips, Life of Reginald Pole
(ed. 1767), ii. 37-40.

24 LOLLARDY & THE REFORMATION bk. vii

Finding himself invested with these functions,
Pole at once wrote to Mary to know when and how
he might best discharge them. He could well
presume upon her sympathy, being one, as he said,
who of all living men had suffered most for her
cause, and he urged upon her to make restoration of
obedience to the Holy See her supreme object, as
neither justice, religion, nor good government could
be restored otherwise. Her success so far in quelling
the factions which opposed her ought to be a great
encouragement. Unhappily, he did not know the
difficulties she had to contend with at that very
moment. His letter was written in the monastic
seclusion of Maguzzano on the 13th August, the very
day of the outrage on Dr. Bourne at Paul's Cross.1
He sent it to England by a messenger named Henry
Penning, who was to visit on his way Cardinal
Dandino at Brussels, — that Papal legate to the
Emperor whom the Pope was going to recall ; and he
wrote himself to Dandino to give Penning such
information as might be useful for his guidance.2
But Dandino, being much nearer to England than
Pole, had already taken steps to ascertain the state
of matters there. He had despatched thither a
young man of great ability named Commendone, who
was afterwards a Cardinal, and what this young man
saw of the country showed clearly that it was not
ripe to receive a papal legate. He had crossed the
Channel in disguise and succeeded by great dexterity
in getting private interviews with the Queen. He
saw the dagger thrown at Dr. Bourne, and he
witnessed the execution of Northumberland. The
Queen persuaded him to delay his return till after the
Coronation, and even till after the meeting of Parlia-
ment. She kept her communications with him a

1 Venetian Calendar, vol. v. No. 766 ; Epp. Poli. IV. 116-119, printed
from an imperfect copy, but the beginning of the letter is supplied from
Raynaldus at p. 428.

2 lb. No. 768.

ch. i MARY'S FIRST TRIALS 25

dead secret from everybody ; and her final decision
was that it would be better for Pole to come
gradually towards Brussels, where she could let him
know what hope there was of advantage in his pro-
ceeding further.1

It is clear enough that, from Mary's point of view,
real order could not be restored in England till the
country was again reconciled to Rome, and even she
saw, as the Emperor did, that the change could only
be effected gradually. Meanwhile she personally
would not touch what was in any way unclean.
The holy oil necessary for her coronation was a
thing that could not be procured at present in
England, and she sent a message to the Bishop of
Arras (Antoine Perrenot, a son of Charles V.'s
minister, Granvelle) to send her some as secretly as
possible.2

But another urgent requisite for the kingdom itself, New
and especially in view of the Coronation and the ^nted*
Parliament, was that the bench of Bishops should
be properly filled. At present, besides the two
Archbishoprics, both held by married men who had
forsaken the ways of Rome, there were nearly a
dozen sees held by heretics, besides two that were
vacant. Two intruders, indeed, Ridley and Ponet,
had already been deprived, and Bonner and Gardiner
restored to their old sees. Voysey, too, was
restored to Exeter, Coverdale being ejected before
the end of the month. But more Bishops (rightly
ordained Bishops, of course) seemed urgently required,
if not for the Coronation at least for the Parliament,
where matters concerning religion would have to be
considered. And how could such Bishops be made in a
schismatic kingdom ? The Queen was told that she
could plead necessity, and the Pope could be persuaded
secretly to confirm her nominations. She could even

1 Venetian Calendar, vol. v. Nos. 807, 813.
2 Ambassadors to Emperor, 9th September, R. 0. Transcripts, u.s. p. 359.

26 LOLLARDY & THE REFORMATION ek.vh

get a Papal dispensation to make such nominations
until the schism was at an end. Or she could make
a protestation before her own Lord Chancellor that
she made such provision of Bishops from sheer
necessity and not to oppose the authority of the
Church. In reply she said she would make the
protestation before the Imperial envoys, Scheyfve
and Renard. But none of these suggestions satisfied
her, and nothing was done to meet the difficulty.1
Cranmer's Such were Mary's views and difficulties at this
position, time. The supreme rule over the Church was
actually in her hands, although she thought it ought
not to be ; and meanwhile she would govern by as
. large a toleration as possible. But she was not even
a spiritual personage, and who, among spiritual men,
held the chief place at this time ? Cranmer, who
had actually declared her a bastard, and who quite
recently, however unwillingly, had been implicated
in the great conspiracy against her ! The situation
was a strange one. As priest and Archbishop
Cranmer's orders were good, whatever his conduct
might have been ; and until he was condemned by
some court, spiritual or temporal, he could not be
set aside. For as yet he had not even been tried for
treason ; and Mary respected his position if not him-
self. Other Bishops of the New Learning, such as
Coverdale, Hooper, and Latimer, had already been
called before the Council in August and the begin-
ning of September.2 Very soon the Primate gave
occasion to the Council to call him likewise before them,
indeed some of his doings had already been made
a subject of inquiry by Royal Commissioners. For on
Sunday, the 27th August, he and Sir Thomas Smith
and Dr. May, Dean of St. Paul's, were cited to appear
in the week following before the Queen's Com-
missioners in the Bishop's Consistory in St. Paul's

1 Ambassadors to Emperor, 19th September 1553, R. 0. Transcripts, u.s.
pp. 378-80. 2 Acts of the P. C. iv. 328, 335-7, 340.

ch. i MARY'S FIRST TRIALS 27

Cathedral ; and he obeyed the summons.1 On the
29th the Commissioners sat to consider the validity
of the deprivations of bishops under the late reign,
and of the titles of those intruded into their sees.2
Among the results of their proceedings, Bonner, as we
have already seen, was restored to London, his appeal
being now heard by a more just tribunal,3 Ridley was
put aside, and Tunstall was reinstated in Durham.

An act of Cranmer himself in his capacity of
Metropolitan, compelled a more special considera-
tion of his case at this time. Mass was gradually
being restored here and there both in London
and in the country, when Dr. Thornden, suffragan
bishop of Dover, once a monk of Christchurch,
Canterbury, and since monasticism was got rid
of, a prebendary of the new cathedral establish-
ment, presuming, perhaps, that the Archbishop,
with whom he at one time had stood high in
favour,4 would now follow what was obviously the
Queen's desire, ventured without his leave to set up
the Mass again in the great metropolitical church.
It was not "unnaturally supposed that the change
really had the Archbishop's sanction, which he had
not given in fact ; and rumour went so far as
to declare that Cranmer himself, when he saw the
turn of affairs, had even offered to say Mass at
Edward VI. 's burial. This was an imputation under
which he felt that he could not rest quiet ; and on
the 7th September he put forth a very outspoken
manifesto in the following terms : —

As the Devil, Christ's ancient adversary, is a liar and the Cranmer's
father of lies, even so hath he stirred up his servants and manifesto.

1 Foxe, vi. 538. 2 Grey Friars' Chronicle, p. 83.

3 The sentence of deprivation against Bonner seems to have been
annulled by a special commission appointed a little later, viz. on the 5th
September, as Collier found from Bonner's register (see his Eccl. Hist. vi.
10, ed. 1840). But the commission of the 29th August probably reported
first that a special commission would be required. On Sunday 17th
September Bonner sang Mass again at St. Paul's. — Grey Friars' Chronicle,
p. 84. 4 See Jenkyns, Remains of Cranmer, i. 238-9.

28 LOLLARDY & THE REFORMATION bk. vii

members to persecute Christ and his true word and religion
with lying ; which he ceaseth not to do most earnestly at this
present time. For whereas the prince of famous memory,
King Henry the Eighth, seeing the great abuses of the Latin
mass, reformed some things therein in his lifetime, and after,
our late sovereign lord King Edward the Sixth took the same
wholly away, for the manifold and great errors and abuses
of the same, and restored in the place thereof Christ's holy
Supper according to Christ's own institution, and as the
Apostles used the same in the primitive Church ; the Devil
goeth about now, by lying, to overthrow the Lord's Supper
again, and to restore his Latin satisfactory Mass, a thing of
his own invention and device. And to bring the same more
easily to pass, some have abused the name of me, Thomas,
Archbishop of Canterbury, bruiting abroad that I have set
up the mass at Canterbury, and that I offered to say mass at
the burial of our late Sovereign Prince King Edward the
Sixth, and that I offered to say mass before the Queen's
Highness, and at Paul's Church, and I wot not where. And
although I have been well exercised these twenty years to
suffer and bear evil reports and lies, and have not been much
grieved thereat, but have borne all things quietly ; yet when
untrue reports and lies turn to the hindrance of God's truth,
they are in no wise to be suffered. Wherefore, these be to
signify unto the world that it was not I that set up the mass
at Canterbury, but it was a false, flattering, lying, and dis-
sembling monk, which caused mass to be set up there
without mine advice or counsel : Reddat Mi Dominus in die
Mo. And as for offering myself to say mass before the
Queen's Highness, or in any other place, I never did it, as
Her Grace well knoweth. But if Her Grace will give me
leave, I shall be ready to prove, against all that will say the
contrary, that all that is contained in the Holy Communion,
set out by the most innocent and godly prince, King Edward
the Sixth, in his high Court of Parliament, is conformable to
that order which our Saviour Christ did both observe and
command to be observed, and which His Apostles and the
primitive Church used many years : — whereas the Mass, in
many things, not only hath no foundation of Christ, His
Apostles, nor the primitive Church, but is manifestly contrary
to the same, and containeth many horrible abuses in it. And
although many, either unlearned or malicious, do report that
Master Peter Martyr is unlearned, yet, if the Queen's High-
ness will grant thereunto, I, with the said Master Peter

ch. i MARY'S FIRST TRIALS 29

Martyr and other four or five which I shall choose, will by
God's grace, take upon us to defend, not only the common
prayers of the Church, the ministration of the Sacraments,
and other rites and ceremonies, but also all the doctrine and
religion set out by our Sovereign lord, King Edward the
Sixth, to be more pure and according to God's word than any
other that hath been used in England these one thousand
years : so that God's word may be judge, and that the reasons
and proofs of both parties may be set out in writing, to the
intent, as well that all the world may examine and judge
thereon, as that no man shall start back from his writing.
And whereas they boast of the faith that hath been in the
Church these fifteen hundred years, we will join with them
in this point ; and that the same doctrine and usage is to be
followed winch was in the Church fifteen hundred years
past — and so they shall never be able to prove theirs.

Cranmer was undoubtedly honest in maintaining He is sent
the Edwardine religion in this way, and offering t0^
to defend it by argument. But if he was right,
Queen Mary had been mistaken in her equally honest
adherence to the Mass while she was Princess, and in
her efforts to restore it now. What was to be done
with an Archbishop who was thus committed to
principles so much opposed to those of her who was
now the " Supreme Head " ? There must inevitably
be some consultation about it, and Cranmer was
summoned before the Council. He appeared on the
13 th September. At an earlier hour Latimer, who
was also summoned, appeared there on that same day,
and " for his seditious demeanour " was committed
to the Tower. The Archbishop's hearing was put
off till next day, the 14th, when, according to the
Council-minute, " after long and serious debating of
his offence by the whole Board, it was thought con-
venient that, as well for the treason committed by
him against the Queen's Highness, as for the aggra-
vating of the same his offence by spreading abroad
seditious bills moving tumults to the disquietness
of the present state, he should be committed to the
Tower, there to remain and be referred to justice,

30 LOLLARDY & THE REFORMATION bk. vii

or further ordered as shall stand with the Queen's
pleasure."1

We are told by Foxe that the Council did not
call Cranmer directly to account for his manifesto,
but ordered him to appear before the Commissioners,
bringing at the same time a true inventory of all
his goods. If this be true, as, indeed, seems not
unlikely, the Archbishop must have made one appear-
ance before the Council, earlier than the two recorded
appearances on the 13th and 14th. He might well
have been before them on the 8th, the very day after
the date of his manifesto, and been at once remanded
for examination by the Commissioners. After they
had received his inventory, one of them, Dr. Heath
(rightful Bishop of Worcester, as he was accounted,
though put aside by Edward VI. 's government to
make way for Hooper), is said to have addressed
Cranmer in these words : " My lord, there is a bill
put forth in your name, wherein you seem to be
aggrieved with setting up the Mass again. We doubt
not but you are sorry that it has gone abroad." The
Archbishop replied that he was indeed the author of
the bill, and that he was sorry that it had got abroad
in that form. " For when I had written it," he said,
" Master Scory got the copy of me, and it is now
come abroad ; and, as I understand, the City is full
of it. For which I am sorry that it so passed my
hands ; for I had intended otherwise to have made
it in a more large and ample manner, and minded to
have set it on Paul's church door, and on the doors
of all the churches in London, with mine own seal
joined thereto." The Commissioners on this had
nothing more to say to him, except that he should
shortly hear further.2

Scory, as Foxe informs us, found the bill lying
in a window in the Archbishop's chamber, and
got the Archbishop's leave to take a copy, which he

1 Acts of the P. C. iv. 345-7. 2 Foxe, viii. 38.

ch. i MARY'S FIRST TRIALS 31

lent to a friend. Copies then got multiplied, so that
" every scrivener's shop, almost, was occupied in
writing and copying out the same." No wonder
the document stirred the public mind deeply. The
dying confession of Northumberland may have made
a temporary impression in favour of the old religion.
But here was a serious counterblast from the chief
spiritual ruler in England. In the Tower or out of
the Tower, he was not yet divested of authority, and
the new school rejoiced greatly to find that they
could still rely on such powerful support. Preachers
who had been preparing to escape abroad, changed
their minds and remained at home. And the effect
was increased by the return at this very time of
Kino; Edward's Ambassadors recalled from foreign
parts ; for men like Sir Philip Hoby and Sir Richard
Morysine, just returned from the Emperor's Court,
understood the politics of the Reformation better
than most people. They could take a European view
of matters, and knew how to help on an anti-Catholic
reaction at home.

Moreover, there was a further source of discomfort The Lady
in the demeanour of the heir- presumptive to the Ehzabeth-
Crown. Elizabeth was as naturally of the new school
of religion as Mary was of the old. Her very birth
and parentage recalled the cruel injustice to the
Queen's mother and the Queen herself, effected
through the force of heresy and by the disruption of
the Church ; yet heretics wanted still to uphold the
unrighteous sentence of divorce procured by Henry
VIII. from the too subservient Cranmer, and so to
place Elizabeth as regards legitimacy at least on a
level with the Queen. For Anne Boleyn had been a
great mainstay of that " New Learning " which had
always been called heresy, and her daughter had been
brought up in the new ways, not in the old. Even
in the middle of August the Queen had been anxiously
considerinof what course to take with her. At the

32 LOLLARDY & THE REFORMATION bk. vii

end of that month, when Mass was regularly sung in
Court, Elizabeth and Anne of Cleves could not be
induced to attend it. In the beginning of September
Elizabeth persuaded two French preachers, who
thought it prudent to leave the country, not to do
so, but to go about openly in the streets. Just
then, however, seeing that the Queen was grieved at
her conduct, she showed signs of repentance. At a
private interview with her sister, she fell on her
knees before her, weeping, and said she knew no
cause for her displeasure but religion, in which she
excused herself by the fact that she had been brought
up differently. She had never heard the teaching
of the old religion, but would be glad, she said, to
study it if she might have books or a learned teacher.
The Queen readily acquiesced and was greatly pleased.
Elizabeth actually attended Mass on the Nativity of
our Lady (8th September), though she complained that
she was not well. She seemed to have begun a new
course of life in this matter. But on Sunday, the
17 th, she withdrew herself from Mass once more,
and people seemed to be forming parties and intrigues
in her name.1

The Queen was warned that rebels communicated
their projects to the Lady Elizabeth and placed all
their hopes in her, knowing that if anything happened
to Mary, she would immediately be raised to the
throne ; in which case heresy would prevail in the
kingdom generally, and Catholics would be per-
secuted. Mary replied that she did not trust her
sister. She had spoken with her a few days before
and asked her if she believed firmly what Catholics
believed about the Holy Sacrament, for it was thought
she only dissembled in going to Mass. She begged
her to speak freely the judgment of her own con-
science. Elizabeth said she intended to declare

1 Ambassadors to Emperor, 16th and 27th August, 9th and 19th
September, R. 0. Transcripts, u.s. pp. 277, 323, 349, 350, 360, 382-3.

ch. i MARY'S FIRST TRIALS 33

publicly that what she did in going to Mass was
what her conscience urged her to do ; and she did it,
she said, of her own free will without fear or false-
hood. Mary told the Imperial Ambassadors that she
was very timid, and trembled in speaking to her.
The Ambassadors, however, put their own interpreta-
tion on her answer and her trembling, insisting
strongly that it would not be well to trust her ; for
the heretics were very bold, declaring that Papists
would have their time, but it would not be long, and
then Elizabeth would rule.1

Even if Mary had been deficient in sisterly feeling,
which there is no reason to believe, however wide a
difference their father's domestic history was calculated
to create between them, she could not but see that it
was her interest to treat with kindness one whose
influence was so great and might well be so mis-
chievous. She herself was not only bent on the
re-establishment of the old religion, but also on one
great personal object which went along with it,
which indeed she could not accomplish without doing
some slight violence to sentiments which no less
naturally would commend themselves to her sister.
For she hoped that the coming Parliament would
put an end to the slur upon her birth inflicted by
a more subservient Parliament in the time of her
father. But there was so strong a force of popular
feeling, at least in London, enlisted against reaction
in matters of religion, that she felt it very necessary
to be prudent.2 And the French Ambassador was
told by a member of Parliament that before any
religious settlement could be arrived at, there would

1 Ambassadors to the Emperor, 23rd September 1553, R. 0. Transcripts,
u.s. pp. 407-8 ; Ambassades de Noailles, ii. 160.

2 The French Ambassador, after speaking of Elizabeth's compliance with
the Queen's wish that she would hear Mass, to which it was feared she had
been driven by fear of consequences, adds: "luy faisant depuis ce temps
ladite dame [i.e. the Queen], pour la mieulx contenir, toutes les faveurs
qu'elle peult, scaichant que cela servira grandement a l'establissement de la
religion et a la definition de ce parlement en faveur d'icelle, qui ne passera,

VOL. IV D

34 LOLLARDY & THE REFORMATION bk. vn

be placards and pamphlets in abundance distributed
in opposition to the Queen's policy. Moreover, things
stronger than pamphlets were still in evidence. A
captain in the service of Elizabeth, who had been
among the followers of Northumberland at the head
of four hundred men, gave one day two strokes of a
poniard to a villager for wishing that Mass were said.
This man, who had been the first of the insurgents
to receive the Queen's pardon, was at once made
prisoner, and, it was believed, stood in danger of
his life ; but what was done with him is not re-
corded.1
Mary's A multitude of anxieties pressed upon the Queen

rectify the during that month of September in view of her
coinage. Coronation and Parliament, which were arranged to be
held in October. And one thing should be remembered
to her credit, of which later events unhappily effaced
the memory. She made one great effort, at least,
thus early in her reign, to correct the debased
currency of her father and her brother. On the 7th
September a proclamation was issued upon the subject,
which had the immediate effect of lowering the price
of victuals by more than a third.2 Matters, indeed,
had become so intolerable that even under Edward
VI. and Northumberland a better coinage had been
minted. But unfortunately the base money still in

ainsy qu'il est aise a, croire, sans grandes difficultez, comme mesme m'a
diet ung de ceulx qui y doibt assister ; lequel n'a crainct de me dire que
entre cy et la se trouveroit grand nombre de placards et aultres choses
escriptes, semees et publiees contre l'intention et vouloir de ceste royne."
— Ambassades, u.s.

1 Our knowledge of this incident is derived from two independent sources,
the despatches of the Imperial Ambassadors and of Noailles. And there
are variations in the two accounts, though the name given to the Captain
in both is the same — Mirtiz or Mertyz. I have followed the account of the
Imperialists that he used his poniard against a peasant for wishing Mass to
be said. But Noailles (u.s. 161) says he beat a priest after he had said Mass
— a more serious thing. Also Noailles, writing on the 22nd September,
dates the incident (or at least the imprisonment of the offender) three
days before, while the Imperialists, writing on the 23rd, state the fact as
having taken place twelve or fifteen days before.

2 Ambassadors to the Emperor, 9th September, R. 0. Transcripts, u.s.
pp. 342-3.

ch. i MARY'S FIRST TRIALS 35

circulation drove out the good, which was soon all
exported ; and the one sure remedy of calling in the
base money was not attempted even now. So the
amelioration was but for a time, and for a real
reformation of the coinage people had to wait till the
days of Queen Elizabeth.1

Another proclamation the same day, not less she
honourable to Mary, tended further to increase her Proimses

J ' . to pay the

popularity for the time. She engaged to pay the debts of
debts alike of her father and of her brother — a thing !^fatlier
which, as the Imperial Ambassadors wrote, was not brother.
expected, as she might very well, they considered,
have excused herself from paying those of her
brother.2 There is no lack of evidence, indeed, of
her generosity of feeling : her clemency in spar-
ing the lives of all but ringleaders of rebellion
has already been noticed. Perhaps it might have
been attended with better effects if she had, from the
first, made it her plan to combine with it a piece of
her grandfather's policy, which she actually adopted,
but apparently not with judgment. For Henry VII.
made rebellions pay their own expenses by the fines
which he levied on the inhabitants of the different
counties implicated. But Mary, in imitating this
policy, did not apply it to districts but to persons,
and, it would seem, on no fixed principle. She
appointed commissioners to make compositions with
Northumberland's adherents, and in this way levied
large sums (of which, doubtless, her Treasury stood
much in need) on some of his more conspicuous fol-
lowers, according to their supposed capacities. On
Lord Clinton, who had been Lord Admiral under
Edward VI., they levied as much as £6000, and on
Lord Ferrers (as he was still called by many, though
he had been created Viscount Hereford in the last

1 See Oman on "The Tudors and the Currency" in Transactions of the
Royal Historical Society, N.S. ix. 184-5. See also Acts of the P. C. iv. 345.

3 Ambassadors to the Emperor, 9th September, R. 0. Transcripts, u.s.
p. 343.

36 LOLLARDY & THE REFORMATION bk. vii

reign) no less than £7000. Such forced compositions
were, of course, much resented.1

Mary, in truth, was not the sort of person to study
the ways of the world for her own security. Her
thoughts were deeply occupied with the question how
the Catholic religion was to be restored and Church
authority placed again upon the old basis. Even at
her Coronation she feared that some new form of
oath would be submitted to her with words inserted
recognising the new religion. On this subject, as on
others, she asked advice of the Imperial Ambassadors,
who advised that the form should be examined before-
hand, and if it made mention of the new religion she
must by no means take an oath of that kind. She
said she had seen the old form, in which there
was no mention of a new religion, but which
bound her to keep the laws of England. Even that
form would be construed now as favouring the new
religion, but she would make it qu'elle gardera les
loix justes et licites — words which would free her
from any obligation to keep those opposed to papal
authority.2
The Queen The Emperor, of whose policy with regard to
imperial England I shall speak more fully in the next chapter,
Am- had been watching for months with grave anxiety
the turn of affairs there, and had feared most of all
that over hasty steps might be taken by Mary for
the restoration of religion. But the progress made
in this matter had been what he called " miraculous " ;
and, imagining that Mary's affairs were now in a good
train, he wrote from Mons on the 14th September
that he thought it advisable, for reasons which do not
concern us here, to recall a special embassy that he
had sent over before the death of Edward VI., leaving
Renard with the Queen as his sole Ambassador. On
receipt of this despatch, the Ambassadors asked an

1 Ambassadors to the Emperor, 13th Sept., R. 0. Transcripts, u.s. pp. 367-8.
2 Ambassadors to the Emperor, 19th September, u.s. p. 380.

bassadors.

ch. i MARY'S FIRST TRIALS 37

audience, but were delayed till Thursday the 21st,
when, being pressed by the Queen, who promised to
write to the Emperor in their excuse, they all agreed
to remain till after the Coronation. The Queen, in
fact, had given them a secret audience the day before
this public audience, directing them to come to the
house at which she was staying (evidently St. James's
Palace) through the park and gardens, so that they
might not be noticed except by two Servants of the
Chamber and " Lady Clarence," whom she made her
special confidants. And it was at this secret audience
that she first requested that they would stay ; for
she confessed that owing to the objections people
took to the Mass, and the conspiracies of ill-willers,
she knew not what course to take without their help,
as she could not entirely trust any of her own
Council.1 A question had been raised whether the
Parliament should be held before the Coronation, or
the Coronation before Parliament as was first intended
(for this had been the plan before the end of August),2
and the Council could not come to an agreement about
it. As one reason for holding the Parliament first,
some urged that there was already an outcry that the
Queen wanted to go against the laws of the country
passed by Parliament. The Ambassadors naturally
sought to excuse themselves from giving advice on a
matter with which they had no commission to meddle;
but they suggested that this objection overlooked
the provisions made in Henry VIII. 's will, which
(they understood) had been approved and registered
by Parliament. Yet they thought that the order of
the Parliament and the Coronation already published

1 " Que ses afferes estoient tant troublez et incertains, tant pour le fait
de la messe que pour les conspirations des malings qu'elle ne seavoit comme
s'assurer et disposer ses afferes, moins les osoit communiquer, sinon a nous
pour non se confier trop de son conseil et congnoistre les hunieurs des
particuliers y estans."

2 It had been definitely arranged before the 27th August that the
Coronation should take place on the 1st October, and that Parliament
should meet on the 5th. — Ambassadors to the Emperor, 27th August.

38 LOLLARDY & THE REFORMATION bk. vii

should be followed ; 1 that the Queen and the country-
were well furnished with Councillors to see to these
things ; and that if people were to distribute bills
such as one laid before them by a friend of Courtenay
and of Elizabeth to put the Parliament before the
Coronation, in order to upset the arrangements of the
Queen,2 it would be very dangerous.3
Doubts as As to the Coronation, indeed, there were doubts
Queen's raised about the security of the Queen's person in
safety. passing through the town. But the Queen herself,
by the advice of the Ambassadors, determined to have
her Coronation on the day already named for it, the
1st October, and said she would have an armed force
to accompany her. This the Ambassadors strongly
approved, being convinced that there were intrigues
afloat ; and they pointed to Elizabeth as a centre of
conspiracy in the way that we have already seen.
The Queen also told them she had a great scruple
about her title of " Head of the Church" given to her
in official documents by virtue of Acts of Parliament,
and it distressed her that she could not get rid of it
at her Coronation. She had conferred on the subject
with a man of Cardinal Pole, seeing that she could
not consult his master, who, she understood, though
he had been created Legate for England, had not
thought it advisable to come until he saw matters in
better train. His man, however, had given her much
good advice for the establishment of her kingdom.

After their audience, while a child was playing
the lute and a young lady singing, the Queen in-
formed the Ambassadors that the Bishop of Winchester
had had a guard of a hundred men in his house the
night before, fearing a tumult which took place at

1 This, I think, must be the meaning of the words : " Et neantmoins que
nous sembloit l'ordre de la publication du Parlement et Coronement se
debvoir ensuyvre."

2 " Pour traverser les afferes de la Royne."

3 The Emperor to his Ambassadors, 14th September. Ambassadors to
the Emperor, 19th and 23rd September, R. 0. Transcripts, u.s. pp. 369 sq.,
386, 403 sq.

ch. i MARY'S FIRST TRIALS 39

Greenwich among the peasants on account of the
celebration of the Mass. No wonder there were
great misgivings as to what might occur to the Queen
herself on the Coronation day, or on the day before
it, when she passed in procession to Westminster.
Nor was it merely heretics from whom disturb-
ance was to be apprehended. Rebels might easily
be stirred up for two other causes besides religion :
by the resentment entertained on account of the
compositions and loss of offices consequent on
Northumberland's treason, or by a spirit of revenge
which some nourished for the death of the Duke.
Thus the prospects of peaceful government were
clouded, and the Ambassadors strongly recommended
the Queen to have as large a force as possible for her
safety. They also thought she should appoint a
trustworthy Admiral and have always three or four
seaports at her command. They further warned her
that delay in doing justice on the prisoners might
be dangerous, and that it was said some of her
Councillors and ladies took bribes to procure their
pardons.1

All this was unsatisfactory enough, and there were The
other causes of anxiety still, which I reserve for J^Sto
fuller explanation hereafter. On the 28th September, the
three days before the Coronation, the Queen made in CounciL
the Tower an extraordinary appeal to her Council,
which I cannot but relate as nearly as possible in the
very words of the Imperial Ambassadors, translated
from the original French : — " She knelt before her
Councillors and made a long oration to them, calling
to their remembrance her accession to the Crown,
the duties of a King and a Queen, her intention to
administer the charge which it had pleased God to
give her to His praise and service, and for the good
of the public and the individual ; that she had chosen
them that she might be aided, assisted, and main-

1 Ambassadors to the Emperor, 23rd September (as above).

40 LOLLARDY & THE REFORMATION bk. v.i

Her

progress
through
London,
30th

tained in her position ; that she placed her affairs and
her person in their hands, requesting, and neverthe-
less charging, them to do that to which they were
bound by their oath and duty ; admonishing par-
ticularly her High Chancellor, and charging his
conscience with the affairs concerning the administra-
tion of justice." The Councillors were so moved that
not one could refrain from weeping, and they knew
not what to reply to an address so humble and
unwonted from their Queen and mistress. The
scene, it was thought by some, might have been
prepared beforehand, being due to fear and timorous-
ness ; but it softened the hearts of many and diverted,
them from thoughts of intrigue.1

After all, things went off pretty smoothly. Oi
the 29th September the Queen, who had come by
water to the Tower two days before, with a view to
September, her Coronation, made fifteen Knights of the Bath ;
and the fact that there was now a female Sovereign
had an important effect on the accustomed cere-
monies of the Order. It had been the fashion for
the new-made knights to bathe and then for the
King to kiss them on the shoulder and on the cheeks ;
but Mary appointed the Earl of Arundel to act as her
substitute in this matter. On the 30th she made her
state progress through London to Whitehall, " sitting

1 "Elle fit appeller venir tous ceulx de son Conseil, devant lesquelz elle
se mist a genoul, et leur tint ung long propoz, rememorant son advenement
a, la Coronne, les offices de roi et roine, l'intention qu'elle ha de adminstrer
la charge qu'il a pleu a Dieu lui donner a sa louenge et service, utilite du
publicque et particulier ; qu'elle les avoit choisis pour estre aidee, assistee,
et maintenue ; qu'elle remectoit ses afferes et personne en leurs mains, les
requerant, et neantmoins enjoignant, de fere ce a quoi ilz sont obligez par
leurs seiremens et debvoirs ; admonestant particulierement son Grand
Chancellier, et chargeant sa conscience des affaires concernant l'administra-
tion et distribution de justice. Et furent sesdits conseillers si esmeuz qui
n'y avoit celui qui ne larmoia ; de sorte qu'ilz ne scavoient que respondre,
admirans ceste tant humble representation et non accoustumee en Angleterre,
la grand bont6 et integrity de ladite roine. Et ne doubtons, Sire, que
plusieurs 1'interpreteront et estimeront avoir est6 consultee et faicte par
craincte et timidite ; mais comme que en soit, ha fiechi les cueurs de
plusieurs et divertie de suspecte practicque et intention." — Ambassadors
to the Emperor, 30th September 1553, R. 0. Transcripts, u.s. pp. 424-5.

ch. i MARY'S FIRST TRIALS 41

in a chariot of tissue drawn with six horses, all
betrapped with red velvet." Before her rode a
number of gentlemen and knights, then divers judges,
then divers doctors of divinity. Then followed some
of the bishops, after whom came certain lords, then
the most part of the Council. Next came the new-
made Knights of the Bath, then the Lord Chancellor
(Bishop Gardiner) and the Marquis of Winchester,
Lord High Treasurer, with the Seal and Mace borne
before them ; and after these the Duke of Norfolk,
the Earl of Oxford, who bore the sword before the
Queen, and Sir Edward Hastings, who led her horse
by his hand. After the Queen's chariot came another
with a canopy of cloth-of-silver "and six horses
betrapped with the same." In this second chariot sat
" the Lady Elizabeth " at one end with her face
forward, and at the other end, with her back forward,
" the Lady Anne of Cleves." Then came a company
of forty-six gentlewomen on horses, and two other
chariots with gentlewomen in them.

On the way there was no lack of pageants : one
made by the Genoese at Fenchurch Street, another
by the Easterlings at Gracechurch Corner, another by
the Florentines at the end of Gracechurch Street ; a
much-admired one at the Conduit in Cornhill, another,
made by the City, at the Great Conduit, and another
at the Little Conduit — all these, and others besides,
with curious and elaborate devices, characteristic of
the times, which it would take too much space to
describe here ; not to talk of the performances of a
Dutch acrobat on St. Paul's steeple, who did seem-
ingly impossible things " on the very top or back of
the weathercock, waving a little flag, standing on one
foot and shaking the other leg ; then kneeling upon
the weathercock itself." At the Little Conduit a
purse containing a thousand pounds, or perhaps, as
the careful Stow makes the amount, a thousand
marks of gold, was presented to the Queen by a child

42 LOLLARDY & THE REFORMATION bk. v..

in the name of the City, and was most thankfully
received. But she was even more interested in a
pageant at the Schoolhouse at the east end of St.
Paul's, where she stayed some time to hear children
singing, with a few men's voices among them.1
Her Next day, Sunday, the 1st October, was the actual

So^Tst c^ay °^ *^e Coronation ; and that, too, passed off well.
October. The Queen, first of all, went by water to Westminster
Palace, where she remained till about eleven o'clock.
Then she went on foot to the Abbey, preceded and
accompanied by bishops with their mitres on and
crosiers in their hands, a path being railed in the
whole way and blue cloth laid over it for their feet.
Inside the church, Gardiner, as Lord Chancellor, called
out, " If any man will or can allege any cause why
Queen Mary should not be crowned, let them speak
now." And the people in every part of the church
cried out, " Queen Mary ! Queen Mary ! " Gardiner
then proclaimed the Queen's general pardon, from
which were excepted the prisoners in the Tower and
the Fleet and certain others. There were so many
ceremonies besides the anointing and crowning, that
it was nearly four o'clock in the afternoon before she
returned. But one remarkable effect of the solemni-
ties was that there was no service that day at St.
Paul's — neither Matins, Mass, nor Evensong — nor was
there any sermon at the Cross. The Queen would
have no married clergy, and the whole staff of St.
Paul's Cathedral who were not thus disqualified were
needed for the Abbey.2

Parliament then met on the 5th, but what was
done must be reserved for another chapter, especially
as a good many things still require to be explained
beforehand.

1 Chr. of Queen Jane and Queen Mary, pp. 27-30 ; Grey Friars' Chronicle,
p. 84 ; Machyn, Diary, pp. 45, 334.

2 Chr. of Queen Jane and Queen Mary, pp. 30, 31 ; Grey Friars' Chronicle,
p. 84 ; Machyn, pp. 45, 46.

CHAPTER II

FOREIGN INFLUENCES

We have already seen that even from the beginning Mary and
of her reiom Mary was unable to confide fully in lhe

~ J •> Emperor.

any of her Council, and that she sought advice on
some matters from the Ambassadors of her cousin, the
Emperor Charles V., especially from the very able
and astute Renard. That she should trust a foreign
adviser in anything in preference to her native
ministers was in itself a serious misfortune. But
it was no more than a natural consequence of the
particularly cruel treatment to which she had been
subjected, alike by her father and by her brother.
Living like a private lady under their despotism,
and cut off from all help and counsel, even in matters
which concerned her soul, except secret advice given
by envoys of the Emperor, she looked still to the
same source for guidance after she became Queen,
simply because she could not do otherwise in matters
which were to her of very profound concern. And
the result was that in some things she followed advice
which was not altogether for the interest of England,
but very much for that of the Emperor.

Charles V., indeed, felt kindly towards his cousin,
and had every wish to befriend her ; but with him
questions of policy were always matters of first con-
cern. And policy governed him here far more than
natural affection, though the two motives may not
have seemed to him at variance when once it was

43

44 LOLLARDY & THE REFORMATION bk. vn

clear that intrigues and conspiracies would not
prevent Mary's succession. For it is something
more than probable that if the Great Conspiracy of
Northumberland had been successful in keeping her
from the throne, the Emperor, though he would still
have befriended her personally so far as he had the
power, would then have been most anxious to
cultivate the best possible relations with the usurper,
though in that case he could hardly have succeeded
in greatly weakening the French alliance with
England.
The As a matter of fact, when he knew that Edward

Embassy was *u a declining state and his death imminent, he
sent over a special embassy to England to ascertain
the state of affairs and to give Mary advice as
to her policy towards her future subjects. The
Ambassadors were Jean de Montmorency, Sieur de
Courrieres; Jacques de Marnix, Sieur de Toulouse; and
Simon Regnard, or Renard, the Emperor's Master of
Requests, the real diplomatist of the three. There
was already in England an Ambassador Resident
named Scheyfve ; * but the three envoys now sent had
a special mission. They were to advise Mary that, if
the Council would not admit her claim to the Crown
without assurances that religion and government
should continue on the Edwardine footing, she
should make no difficulty about the matter. It was,
in that case, simply a thing that could not be helped.
But she should still, for herself, keep her own religion
inviolate, and wait till God gave her the opportunity
to restore it fully.2

That was the line of action that the Emperor
would have recommended to Mary even before her
accession. Afterwards, when he heard that she had
been actually proclaimed as Queen, he still recom-
mended to her the same policy. " Let her be

1 Mentioned in Vol. III. p. 400.
2 Papiers d'Etat du Cardinal de Granvelle, iv. 12, 13.

ch. ir FOREIGN INFLUENCES 45

particularly careful at the beginning," he wrote, " not
to make too great haste to set right what she finds
amiss, but with all gentleness accommodate herself to
the decisions of Parliament, yet not doing anything
herself against her conscience and religion, merely
hearing Mass apart in her chamber without any
demonstration ; and, for the rest, dissembling, so as
not, for the present, to make constitutions contrary
to those which now exist in the realm, or allow
herself to be induced thereto by any individuals.
Let her wait till she can assemble Parliament, gaining,
as she can, the good-will of those who attend it, so
that, working with the participation of Parliament,
she may bring things gradually into better order.
And she should not only keep in view the good of
the realm as her principal aim, but should act so
that people may see that she has no other end.
Above all things, let her be, as she ought to be, a
good Englishwoman, and, as above shown, let people
see that she will not do things of herself without the
participation of the chief men of the kingdom." *

It was no wonder that the Emperor advised Charles
caution. He had been well aware even before 3ithP°hcy
Edward's death that there was likely to be some respect to
opposition to his cousin Mary's succession ; and he JJjJJfoL
instructed his Ambassadors to plead her cause with
Northumberland and those who then held the reins,
using such arguments as might be addressed to selfish
politicians. That they might not despair of one of
themselves getting possession of the royal power, he
wished to assure them that he thought it would be good
policy in Mary to marry a born Englishman, who
would understand the affairs of the country better
than a foreign prince.2 But Northumberland had
made his own plans even before the Emperor wrote ;
and the real strength of his cause, such as it was, lay
in the presumption that Mary, to whom the Crown

1 lb. pp. 55, 56. 2 lb. p. 10.

46 LOLLARDY & THE REFORMATION bk. vii

would naturally descend, would certainly marry a
foreign prince, if only to strengthen her position as a
ruler. For though the Salic law did not prevail in
England, a Queen-regnant was at this time a novelty,
and Mary herself, as she in fact declared frankly
a little later to Renard,1 would never have thought
of marrying but that she did not feel equal to the
high responsibilities of a Sovereign unless she had
a man to share them with her. Nor is it likely that
Northumberland, even if his policy at this time had
not been fully formed, would have paid much atten-
tion to the Emperor's suggestion that he would advise
his cousin to marry an English subject. No man
understood better than Northumberland the worth of
mere diplomatic assurances : that the Emperor wished
his cousin to marry a foreign prince was probable
upon the face of it ; that he said he would advise her
otherwise was simply to any politician a confirmation
of what might be naturally suspected.

Still, the statement implied that the Emperor
would do nothing to prevent her marrying an
Englishman ; and this, if it did not weigh much
with Northumberland, had probably some effect
in discouraging his half-hearted faction. On the
11th July the Emperor, having just heard by
letters from his Ambassadors dated the 7th that
King Edward was certainly dead, was all the more
anxious that they should assure the Council that
there was no fear of his urging his cousin Mary to
marry a foreigner, or to make any change in matters
of government and religion.2 But on that same 11th
July Mary's prospects in England were anything but
encouraging ; for on that day the Emperor's Ambassa-
dors wrote to him how things were going on under
the rule of Queen Jane. The Council had, three days

1 See a despatch of the Imperial Ambassadors of the 2nd August referred
to later.

2 Papiers du Card, dc Granvelle, iv. 25 sq.

ch. ii FOREIGN INFLUENCES 47

before, warned Gardiner, Courtenay, and the Duke of
Norfolk to prepare for execution, and they intended
to carry it out that day or the day following.1 They
were not bold enough, however, to give effect to the
unjustifiable threat. For some days the question who
should be the real Sovereign was still doubtful. On
the 16th the Imperial Ambassadors wrote that gentle-
men would be sent on behalf of " the new Queen " to
explain to the Emperor the grounds on which Edward
had chosen her to succeed him. Several lords, how-
ever, had by this time declared in Mary's favour,
and the Council, as the Ambassadors wrote, were in
great pain to find out what the Emperor would do.2
Northumberland's anxieties increased daily, and his
ignorance of the Emperor's intentions clearly made
him still more uneasy. That the Imperial Ambassadors
had, in a general way, recommended the cause of their
master's cousin, and suggested her marrying an
Englishman, was cold comfort to the Duke, especially
as they had shown no approbation of the new
Queen's assumption. The desperate straits to which
he was reduced appeared in a momentous step which
he induced that unwilling usurper to take. She
despatched Henry Dudley, a relation of her husband,
into France to get aid from the French King. Such a
step was in the highest degree dangerous ; for, as the
Duke knew well enough, the landing of French troops
in England in support of Lady Jane could not but
create general disgust. But without them it seemed
as if his enterprise must speedily collapse, and he
would very likely be slain.3

It was on the 19th — at least that is the date
assigned to the despatch by the editor of the Gran-

1 lb. p. 31.

2 R. 0. Transcripts, ser. ii. 146, pp. 131 sq.

3 Papiers du Card, de Oranvelle, iv. 38. The Ambassadors follow up
this intelligence with the comment: "Tel est le couraige d'ung homme,
tiran obstine et resolu, signamment quant il est question de se demesurer
pour regner."

48 LOLLARDY & THE REFORMATION bk. vn

velle Papers — that the Imperial Ambassadors wrote
thus. In the afternoon of that day Mary was pro-
claimed in London, and Lady Jane's performance as
Queen was at an end.
The Now all this time, while there was an Imperial

French Embassy watching with anxious eyes the turn of
bassador. events in England, there was also a French
Ambassador watching them with equal interest
from an opposite point of view. The policy of
Northumberland, ever since he had ousted Somer-
set from power, and made peace with France by the
cession of Boulogne, had been to cultivate the friend-
ship of France in order to keep the Emperor in
check, and at the same time preserve good relations
with Scotland. It was really a wise policy. But
the foreign relations of England would be completely
changed if the new Sovereign was to listen to Imperial
envoys rather than to French, especially as France
and the Empire were now at war. Mary, indeed,
loved peace and was bent on preserving neutrality ;
but of the two hostile Powers the one which got the
better of the other in diplomatic relations with
England would certainly secure an important advan-
tage as a belligerent.

For, consider the state of matters. The great
weakness of the Emperor in the contest, as it was
also of his son Philip after him, consisted in the fact
that France lay exactly between Spain and the
Low Countries, the richest part of his dominions.
Communication between them in time of war
could only be by sea, and could be intercepted
by a maritime Power like France. Flemish vessels
trading with Spain were in constant danger from
French men-of-war. But if England were an ally of
Spain, then English vessels would naturally protect
this traffic, and if the war were protracted, England
might even be compelled to join in it against France.
And further, if the Queen of England married the

ch. ii FOREIGN INFLUENCES 49

Prince, soon to become the King, of Spain, how, one
might very well ask, could the issue be otherwise ?

The French Ambassador was Antoine Seigneur de
Noailles. A man of middle age or rather more,
already well experienced in diplomacy and also in
war, he had been selected by Henry II. in December
1552 to succeed the Sieur de Boisdauphin as his
representative at the Court of Edward VI. But for
some reason he was detained in France and did not
reach England till April 1553.1 On the 7th May he
and Boisdauphin wrote a joint letter to their king
about the difficulty they had found in procuring an
audience of the enfeebled invalid, King Edward, till
they urged on Northumberland that it would be good
policy to let them go into the King's chamber, even
if they could not see him, that it might be supposed
that they had done so. From that time until Edward's
death, Noailles knew that his state was very precarious,
though the Council were seeking to conceal its gravity ;
that there were divisions among the Councillors ; that
they had ordered the City watch to be doubled, had
shut up Norfolk and the other prisoners in the Tower
more closely than ever, and had equipped a fleet of
twenty vessels, and were getting artillery out of the
Tower daily in anticipation of some great crisis,
which they were keeping as close as possible ; and
that they had no desire whatever for peace between
France and the Emperor, which would evidently spoil
their plans.2 It was a comfort to Noailles that the
three Ambassadors from the Emperor did not meet
with more attention than himself before the death of
King Edward ; and though he knew that at that very
time Mary had taken flight from Hunsdon into
Norfolk, he seems to have looked hopefully forward
at first to the reign of the " virtuous, wise, and
beautiful " Lady Jane Grey as Queen. He even,

1 See Calendar of State Papers, Foreign, Edward VI., pp. 258, 261.
2 Ambassadcs de Noailles, ii. 39-44.

VOL. IV E

50 LOLLARDY & THE REFORMATION bk.vi.

strange to say, in a memorandum for the informatioD
of Henry II. , not only talked of her husband as King,
but wrote that he had been crowned at the Tower and
at Westminster — information which seems to have
been dictated by a delusive spirit of prophecy, for
the event was said to have occurred on the 11th July,
while the memorandum itself is dated on the 10th.1
Perpiexi- But by the 14th he had begun to doubt whether

French ^ would be in the power of Northumberland to crush
diplomacy. Mary's party ; and if not, he feared it would be a
bad time for foreigners in London, and that he
himself would be among the first to suffer from
popular fury.2 On the 18th, when the Duke of
Northumberland was at Cambridge, things looked
decidedly worse, and Noailles perceived that a good
many of the Council were ready to change sides.3 On
the 20th he had to announce to his sovereign that
Mary had been proclaimed the day before. Her
succession did not look so well for France as the
continued rule of her rival ; but he hoped to
make a sufficient excuse for having been too ready
to acknowledge the usurper. He had only declared
to the Council the message he was commanded
to deliver ; and if, as people were beginning to
surmise, Mary was likely to marry Courtenay, who
had so long been a prisoner in the Tower, that
nobleman, he believed, would be favourable to the
French. And in any case Mary would have enough
to do before winter in reversing the judgments given
against her legitimacy, rewarding her adherents, and
punishing her opponents, some of whom were even
members of the Council.4

The changes which had taken place were, indeed, a
trial to diplomacy — at all events to French diplomacy.
The Emperor had taken account of possibilities in
England much more completely than the French

1 Ambassades de Noailles, ii. 56, 57. 2 lb. p. 72.

3 lb. p. 73. 4 lb. pp. 79-81.

ch. ii FOREIGN INFLUENCES 51

Government; and Charles V., thoroughly devoted to
Eome as he was, was prepared, as we have seen, for
a more prolonged reign of Edwardine religion in
England, to which he urged Mary to submit for
a while till she could get the evil redressed by
Parliament. Henry II. 's devotion to Rome was
much of the same kind. He afterwards com-
mended Mary's policy in proposing to restore the
true religion, and was quite sincere in doing so.
National interests, however, must come before every-
thing, and the news at first received from his
Ambassador had led him at this time to mis-
apprehend the situation. But on the same day,
20th July, on which Noailles wrote from London
that Mary had been proclaimed the day before,
Constable Montmorency wrote to him from the
French Court, where they had just received his
despatch of the 13th, which showed that by the
escape of Mary into Norfolk, Northumberland's
schemes were in danger of breaking down. The
French King had already despatched to England —
no doubt to salute Lady Jane Grey as Queen —
two very prominent men, Francois de Rohan,
Sieur de Gi£, and Jean de Morvilliers, Bishop of
Orleans. But on receiving Noailles' letter of the
13th, the Constable instructed him immediately to
send a courier to them across the Channel with full
information of the exact state of affairs, in order that
they might delay their crossing, or complete their
mission, if advisable, as envoys to Queen Mary.1

Four days later the Constable was still so much The French
in the dark as to matters in England that he wrote ^^e
from Amiens to Lord William Howard, Deputy of Deputy of
Calais, representing the King his master as a friend Calais'
of an unfortunate country torn by civil divisions.
Knowing well, he said, what an opportunity such
divisions might afford to a neighbouring prince (he

1 lb. pp. 82-83.

52 LOLLARDY & THE REFORMATION bk. vii

meant the Emperor) ambitious to get a footing
there, especially if the nobles were inclined to
him, and also how it would grieve his master that
a realm with which he desired to maintain perpetual
friendship should be injured or perhaps invaded by
foreigners, in order to set up a king who was not of
their nation, he offered him the assistance of all the
forces at his command, for the security both of
England and Calais ; and he would come him-
self to lead them if Lord William had any need
of it.1

This was the fruit of Henry Dudley's mission to
France. Dudley on his return was arrested by the
Deputy of Calais, and this despatch was found upon
him, along with letters addressed to Lady Jane as
Queen. The papers were forwarded to Mary, who
was then at Beaulieu (Newhall) in Essex, and on
receiving them she sent for the Imperial Ambassadors,
to whom she showed the intercepted letter of the
Constable.2 Lord William had answered it formally
on the 26th, assuring the Constable that his infor-
mation about England was mistaken ; that there
had only been some division about the election
and nomination of a Queen who did not succeed
by direct inheritance ; that this was owing to the
treason of the Duke of Northumberland, who had
not only set aside Mary, the true heiress of the
Crown, but levied war upon her to deprive her of
her rie:ht ; and that the nobles had abandoned
him, and all his followers had been taken prisoners.
As to the Constable's offer to come to Calais with an
army on pretext of defence, the Constable must
understand that he, Lord William, was not en-
trusted with the keeping of the place in order to
deliver it to the French King ; and that if the
Constable proposed to make any attempt on the

1 Ambassadcs de Noaillcs, ii. 85.

2 A copy of it was enclosed in a despatch of the Imperial Ambassadors
from Beaulieu written on the 29th July, R. 0. Transcripts, u.s. p. 209.

ch. ii FOREIGN INFLUENCES 53

town, in war or peace, he would have reason to
repent it.1

There was a good deal of indignation in England
at the Constable's proposal, and it was rumoured that
the French King was sending over a body of 6000 foot;
and Noailles, who was believed to have an understand-
ing with Northumberland, had an uncomfortable time
of it. But he wrote that the English would soon under-
stand that the French King was better pleased with the
accession of Mary than he would have been with that
of any other, both for her amicable disposition and
for her desire to promote the good of religion, in
which he felt sure that a great part of the kingdom
agreed. Many French heretics in England, indeed,
were much mortified, feeling that it would be
necessary for them now to quit the country ; but for
this Noailles was not sorry.2

On being questioned about his mission to France,
Henry Dudley said that the Duke of Northumberland,
when he despatched him, did not expect there would
be any need of prompt succours from that quarter
unless the Emperor interfered. But he saw the
French King, who said he would employ his army
by sea and land for the Duke's succour, and even
leave his own expedition against the Emperor to
aid him. News of the capture of Hesdin came while
they were speaking — at which King Henry swore
vengeance.3

It was not until the 29th July that new credentials
were made out for Noailles at Compiegne with a letter
to Queen Mary from Henry II.4 On the 3rd August
he and M. d'Oysel, a French ambassador returning
from Scotland, had audience of the Queen together,
and met with a most favourable reception. But long

1 Ambassades de Noailles, ii. 86-88. 2 lb. p. 91.

3 Ambassadors to the Emperor, 16th August, R. 0. Transcripts, u.s. pp.
289, 290.

4 Ambassades de Noailles, ii. 95-96. Calendar of State Papers, Foreign,
Mary, p. 1.

54 LOLLARDY & THE REFORMATION bk.vi,

before that date the Imperialists had gained Mary's
ear, especially Renard.
Mary win On the 2nd August the Imperial Ambassadors
bytheled wrot;e to their sovereign from London, that being
Emperor, charged with a special credence to the Queen to be
related to her in private, she had agreed to receive
one or two of them in her oratory (at Newhall, for
she had not yet reached London), at 4 or 5 o'clock in
the afternoon, and that they should enter by the
back door to avoid suspicion. They chose Renard
as their deputy, and he made a long communication
to her, chiefly about the preparation of vessels the
Emperor had made for her security, and his advice,
which has been already related, about religion and
the best method of bringing the realm to a settled
state. The Emperor also, as Renard told her,
advised her to marry, as a lady could not well
govern alone ; in reply to which suggestion she
intimated what has already been recorded — that she
never thought of marrying before she became Queen,
but considering the strong arguments for it in the
charge she now sustained, she was resolved to
marry, and she intended to follow the advice of the
Emperor in her choice. She would obey him, she
said, as her father, trusting that he would consider
she was thirty-seven years old, and that he would
not press her to accept any one whom she had not
seen or heard described to her. She repeated that
her intended marriage would be against her inclina-
tion. She understood that what the Imperial Ambas-
sadors had said to the Council about the Emperor
not intending her to take a foreigner was a remon-
strance dissimulee pour servir au temps ; and she
remitted both this and all other affairs to the dis-
posal of his Majesty.1

It was certainly desirable, when the Queen gave him

1 Ambassadors to the Emperor, 2nd August, R. 0. Transcripts, u.s. pp.
224-233.

ch. ii FOREIGN INFLUENCES 55

audiences on such a very delicate subject, that Renard's Renard's
access to her should be unobserved, even bv his own sec,ret

,,.,,*' audiences.

colleagues, so as to prevent all possible rumours.
By her direction, accordingly, after she had taken
up her abode in the Tower, he was to have come
again in disguise to avoid the strict guard at the
Tower gates. But he felt it better to postpone the
pursuit of the matter till he could see her at Rich-
mond, whither she was to remove on Saturday the
12th. The delay would be advantageous, for it
would allow of his hearing from the Emperor or his
ministers before his audiences. But he proposed,
when admitted to her presence, to sound the Queen's
own inclination on the choice of a husband, for there
were rumours about Edward Courtenay, whom she
had liberated from the Tower. He was too young
for the Queen, and if she were bent that way
Renard would endeavour to dissuade her from such a
match. If, in the course of their conversations, other
names should be suggested, and the Queen should
take exception to the Emperor's son Philip, Prince
of Spain, who was twenty-six years old and had
been eight years a widower, on the ground that
he was at this time committed to a second marriage
with Princess Mary of Portugal (aunt of his first
wife and of the same name),1 Renard was ready
to give her an assurance that matters had not

1 Marriages made and pi'oposed, even putting aside those that were
annulled (for insufficient dispensations, or on account of pre-contracts), are
a strange study in the history of great houses in the sixteenth century.
Philip married first, in 1543, Mary, daughter of John III., King of Portugal.
She died in 1545, and he next thought of marrying another Mary, also of
Portugal, daughter of King Emmanuel, who was John III.'s father. His
intended second was therefore aunt to his first wife ! But her mother was
Eleanor, sister of the Emperor Charles V., and therefore Philip's aunt, so
that she was also his own cousin-german — another point which would
have required a dispensation. It is further to be noted (for the fact had
some bearing on diplomacy) that she was a half-sister of the reigning King
of France, Henry II., as Eleanor became the second wife of Francis I.,
and was now Queen Dowager of France. Notwithstanding all these
affinities (very easily dispensed for), it was reported at this time that Ruy
Gomez had gone to Portugal to complete the matter, which Renard was
prepared to deny. — Papier s du Card, de Granvelle, iv. 72.

56 LOLLARDY & THE REFORMATION bk. vn

advanced so far, and that Philip was free from his
engagement.

After the Queen had gone to Richmond, Renard
found a better opportunity of entering on the subject.
When he did so she began to laugh, not once, but
several times, looking at him in a way that showed
she was pleased at the idea of a foreign marriage.
As to Courtenay, it was clear that she had no
particular feeling towards him. She had never spoken
to him, she said, except when she gave him his
pardon, and she did not know any one in England
with whom she could ally herself. She asked if the
Emperor had made up his mind about the person best
suited to her. Renard said he had not yet heard
from the Emperor, and that it might be difficult for
him to resolve upon any one of middle age like
herself who would satisfy her other conditions.
Renard himself had thought of many, and mentioned
some, Philip among the rest. She at once said that
she understood Philip to be married to his cousin the
Princess of Portugal, daughter of the Queen Dowager
of France (Eleanor, widow of Francis I.). Renard
said he did not think that marriage had been con-
cluded ; it had, indeed, been arranged before the
war, but war had since occupied both the Emperor
and his son. Mary said that she was very sorry that
the Prince was engaged to the Princess of Portugal,
who was his own near relation, and that all the other
persons named by Renard were very young — she might
be the mother of them all. She was twelve years
older even than Philip, and he would stay in Spain
administering his other dominions. Her marriage
with a foreign prince who had another kingdom to
govern would not be popular, and during her father's
life many such proposals for her had broken down for
that very reason, or for the dislike of a French
alliance. Renard said there were two parties to a
match, and he hoped she would choose one as well

ch. ii FOREIGN INFLUENCES $7

qualified by virtue, age, and other conditions as she
could desire.1

It thus appears that Mary was conscious, even at Mary's
the outset, that the path into which she was being JJ^JJJJ
led was not unattended with dangers. But to whom
could she look for advice ? Renard lost no oppor-
tunity, in such interviews as he could obtain without
awaking the suspicions of his colleagues (one of whom
was already jealous of him), of promoting the matter
with seeming candour, laying before her arguments
that might appear to tell either way. He did not
fear even to remind her that Philip had been once
married already, and had a son (the unhappy Don
Carlos) " now six or seven years old." 2 He wished
her, apparently, to weigh everything. Thus in the
strictest secrecy, unknown even to his own colleagues, who for-
he gradually laid the foundations of a marriage which p^>s
Mary did not personally desire, and to which she claims.
herself saw political objections by no means in-
considerable. She was prepared to sacrifice herself
upon the altar of matrimony for high political reasons,
being fully convinced that she could not sustain alone
the high responsibilities of a sovereign, and conscious
that her own political insight was far inferior to that
of her cousin the Emperor, whose advice in this
matter she felt bound to follow. Moreover, to her
religion was above politics, which it really was not to
any other sovereign, not even to the Pope himself,
except officially ; and yet it was a part of politics, as
all other sovereigns knew it to be. She considered
that religion had been utterly disorganised by her
father and by her brother ; and in restoring it to its
proper position she must use such agents as wiser
heads approved.

Was it wonderful, from this point of view, that Mary
trusted the Emperor's very able ambassador far more

1 Papiers du Card, de Granvelle, iv. 78, 96.

2 [Don Carlos was born in July 1545. — Ed.]

58 LOLLARDY & THE REFORMATION

Divisions
in the
Privy
Council.

The

Emperor's

caution.

than any of her own Councillors ? The advice given
by her Councillors was contradictory and perplexing.
While she was still at Newhall the question was dis-
cussed whether she should go on to London at once,
or defer her entry into the capital for a while.
Some said one thing, some another. One party urged
that the sooner she could make her entry the better
for the establishment of order and government. The
other party urged that she should avoid the heat,
the bad air, and danger of pestilence which usually
prevailed in London in the month of August. And
deeper matters seemed to be involved ; for the Coun-
cillors quarrelled with each other, and their counsels
varied so much that she was unable to get at the
truth of what had taken place about the will of
Edward VI., the intrigues of the French, and the
conspiracies against herself.1 Some of them, one
would think, were too much implicated in question-
able proceedings. But it would have been unwise to
show distrust.

In Renard she could confide pretty well as one
who was certainly faithful to his master, and she
conceived that her own interests and those of her
kingdom were in harmony with those of the Emperor.
We have seen already how she took counsel with
Renard in other things ; but how gradually and
skilfully he led her on in the great subject of
matrimony to a match which did not even fulfil all
the conditions she would fain have made with the

1 She confessed "qu'elle se treuvoit esbahye de cognoistre la division
qu'est entres ceulx du Conseil, s'accusans les ungz aux autres, les autres se
deschargeans, les autres varians tellement qu'elle ne povoit enfoncer la
verite de ce qu'est passe quant au testament dudit feu roi son frere, des
practicques de France, ny des conspirations que Ton a dresse [sic] contre elle ;
qu'elle leur avoit mis en avant si elle devroit accelerer son entree a Londres,
ou la differer ; que les ungz estoient d'une opinion, les autres d'autre, que
disoient que non pour les chaleurs, malvais air et danger de peste et maladie
qu'est d'ordinaire a Londres au mois d'aoust ; les autres lui conseilloient
qu'elle deust faire ladite entree le plus tost que lui seroit possible, pour
mectre ordre en ce que seroit requis pour se conserver audit royaulme, et
pourveoir a l'administration d'icellui." — Ambassadors to the Emperor, 2nd
August, R. 0. Transcripts, «.». pp. 229, 230.

ch. ii FOREIGN INFLUENCES 59

Emperor, is a matter that deserves separate treatment.
The game, indeed, might seem to have been won at
the very outset when she told him that she would
submit to the Emperor's guidance in her choice. But
the Emperor, Renard said, would advise her to consult
her Council, for it would be hard for him to give her
good advice if it were found that the choice he should
recommend were such a one as the kingdom could
not endure. Mary thought that the Emperor might
himself more appropriately lay a proposition before
her Council, as it did not become ladies to make
overtures of marriage. Renard replied that it would
be much easier for her to get the assent of individual
members of her Council than for the Emperor to do
it through his Ambassadors. But they would tell the
Emperor of her reply ; for she had made it clear in
conversation that there was no suitable match for her
in England, and that she would accept a foreigner,
trusting that the man chosen would be a Catholic,
that she might have an opportunity of seeing him
and hearing him speak, and that he would not be
too young.1

But the Emperor, being assured that the Queen
was willing to marry a foreigner, thought it might be
as well to defer the matter for some time. The
Ambassadors had written to him of a seditious libel
scattered through the streets of London, and if the
Queen's religion was so unpopular, the disaffected
might say that what Northumberland pretended was
true enough. The question would probably come up
when Parliament was held, when she would be urged
to marry in order to have succession, and then the
Council could give the Queen their advice. This
would be better than that the proposal should come
from the Emperor, for in that case people would say
that he was seeking his own ends. If, however, the
Queen thought it best not to delay, the Ambassadors

1 Ambassadors to the Emperor, 16th August, R. 0. Trans, u.s. pp. 284-6.

60 LOLLARDY & THE REFORMATION bk. vn

might propose it to the Council on the Emperor's
behalf, but only in general terms ; for there were
difficulties in the conditions laid down by the Queen,
especially the point of age, and her desire to see the
personage, which the Ambassadors were aware was
scarcely practicable, whoever might be named, for no
prince would care to go to England on such an
adventure and to be refused. And this was the
cause why princes, lords, and even private individuals
married without having seen their brides.1
piniip and So cautious was the Emperor at a time when
*ess^rfin' Mary was actually waiting to know his decision as to
Portugal, her future bridegroom. It might be supposed that
he had made up his mind already, and that Renard
knew well enough he wanted to give her his own
son. But in truth, apart altogether from the ques-
tion how the choice might be received in England,
there was the ecclesiastical difficulty arising from
Philip's engagement to the Portuguese Princess to
be considered ; and the Emperor's valued minister,
the Bishop of Arras, was not sure that Philip was
altogether a free man. In England, too, it was the
general belief that that marriage was too far advanced
to be annulled. If that were so, Renard wrote
to the Bishop, the negotiation might divert the
Queen from her intention of following the Emperor's
advice. But Renard himself, who had at first enter-
tained the same suspicion, believed that Philip had
not fully committed himself to the Princess. The
Queen, however, was very anxious to know the
Emperor's determination, and whenever she saw
Scheyfve she inquired if he had any letters from his
master. From what he could gather from Scheyfve,
Renard believed that Mary and a part of her Council
were inclining to a match with Ferdinand, King of
the Romans (at this time a widower), though they

1 The Emperor to his Ambassadors, 23rd August, R. O. Trans, u.s. pp.
299-301.

ch. ii FOREIGN INFLUENCES 61

admitted that Philip, if he were at liberty to marry,
would be very suitable. Scheyfve said he knew that
the English did not favour the Emperor and Philip
so much as the King of the Romans and his son the
Archduke, both for fear of Spanish government and
on account of religion ; and the Queen had been
warned that Philip would have trouble in securing
the Low Countries after the Emperor's death.1

Renard, however, knew his game. " Whatever
be the case," he wrote to the Bishop of Arras, " I
know the said Queen to be so easy, good, and ill-
experienced in affairs of the world and of state, such
a novice in everything ; and those here so governed
by avarice, that if you would talk them over and buy
them with presents and promises, you would convert
them to whatever you liked by one single method —
propose to them to depute four of their number to
administer the realm in the Queen's absence ; and,
whatever exception or condition she would make, as
that she would fain see the personage, if she is shown
what his Majesty has written on the subject, she will
not insist on it."2

It is not pleasant to read this acute foreigner's
estimate of English statesmen ; and scarcely more so
to learn from his own words how easily the good,
gentle, inexperienced Queen could be entrapped, as
she actually was, into a marriage which was not for
the good of her kingdom, though it was only from a
high sense of duty that she was induced to marry at
all. The Bishop of Arras wrote to Renard from Mons
in reply on the 13th September, that the Emperor

1 Painers du Card, de Granvelle, iv. 99, 100.

2 " Et comme que ensoit, je congnoys ladite Royne tant facille, tant bonne,
tant peu experinientee des choses du monde et d'estat, tant novice en toute
chose, et ceulx de pardeca tant subjectz a l'avarice, que, si Ton les veult
practiquer et racheter de pr^sens et promesses, Ton les convertira ou Ton
vouldra par ung seul moien, que Ton leur proposera de deputer quatre
d'eulx pour, en l'absence de la royne, administrer le royaume ; et quelque
exception ou condition qu'elle remonstre de vouloir veoir le personnai^e,
quant Ton luy remonstrera ce que sa majeste" en a escript, elle ne insistera
en ce." — lb.

62 LOLLARDY & THE REFORMATION bk. vii

approved of his caution in not having advanced further
till the state of the negotiations for Queen Eleanor's
daughter had been fully ascertained, and till he knew
the will of Philip in case they were really broken off.
But the Emperor had heard from Spain only two days
before that the match had not been concluded, and so he
proposed to make the overture himself to the Queen.1
The Queen Meanwhile, as nothing was known at Court about
Courtenay Penard's interviews with the Queen, speculation ran
high that she would marry Courtenay, and men
naturally paid court to him in the hope of future
favours. Copious presents were made to him by the
Earl of Pembroke, Northampton's brother-in-law, to
procure his restoration to the Council — a sword and
a poniard, a basin and ewer, and horses, worth in all
over 4000 crowns. Courtenay's mother had already
made Pembroke's peace with the Queen. The bribe
was effectual, and Pembroke was readmitted to the
Council on the 17th August.2 Courtenay, indeed,
was favoured as the Queen's suitor by Bishop
Gardiner, the Lord Chancellor, who thought it
decidedly for the interests of the kingdom that
she should not marry a foreigner ; while Paget, as
soon as he understood the Queen's own inclination,
seems to have encouraged it. But even before the
27th August, when it is not likely that the question
of the Queen's marriage could have come before the
Council, it was openly said that Gardiner and Paget
could not agree well together.

In the beginning of September there was much
talk about the Queen's marriage from another point
of view, as Don Diego de Mendoza and another had
passed through England, despatched by Philip from
Spain with a message to her. She told Scheyfve that
Philip was very young ; to which the only reply was
that it was very difficult to find a person in every

1 Papiers du Card, de Granvelle, iv. 102.

a Ambassadors to the Emperor, 27th August, R. 0. Transcripts, u.s.
pp. 327-8 ; Acts of the P. C. iv. 322.

ch. ii FOREIGN INFLUENCES 63

way fit for her, and this she was obliged to admit.
Paget was persistently inquiring the ages of Don Luis
of Portugal, brother of King John III., and the
Prince of Piedmont, Emmanuel Philibert, who had
just become Duke of Savoy. But it was still the
general opinion of those not in diplomatic secrets
that she would marry Courtenay.1 And Gardiner
one day induced a few of the Queen's most trusty
servants to address her expressly on the expediency
of getting married, recommending that she should
take Courtenay. She replied that he was very
young, and had always been brought up in captivity,
adding that she would not enter into particulars
before Parliament met. But she confessed she was
very much astonished at a report which Hoby and
Morysine had made to the Council on their return
from the Emperor, that his Majesty had told them
he was in favour of her marrying an Englishman, a
thing of which they seemed very confident, and that
the Lord Warden (Cheyney) had also spoken to her
about it, confirming what was said to be the
Emperor's intentions ; she must interrogate my Lord
Warden further about this. Meanwhile she was
surprised that the Emperor was so long in giving her
his advice.2

The question raised in the Council in the middle
of September as to the policy of holding the Parlia-
ment before the Coronation rather than after,3 was
not unconnected with the feeling entertained by so
many in favour of the match with Courtenay. The
change of plan had a strong advocate in Bishop
Gardiner, who thought such a match would be a
great help to the re-establishment of the old religion.
But while that was his motive, the proposal found

1 Ambassadors to the Emperor, 9th September, R. 0. Transcripts, u.s.
pp. 356-7.

2 Ambassadors to the Emperor, 19th and 23rd September, R. 0. Tran-
scripts, u.s. pp. 375-8, 405.

3 See above, p. 37.

64 LOLLARDY & THE REFORMATION bk. vn

favour with many, even of the new religion, who
desired more than he did to bring the Queen and
her matrimonial projects under the control of Parlia-
ment and the majority of the Council. Her Im-
perial advisers, however, as we have already seen,
rightly opposed the change of plan, and advised
that a pretty strong guard should be raised for her
protection.
Noaiiies By this time the portentous secret of the proposed

hears of the gpanish match had got wind. As early as the 6th

proposGtl j. o •/

Spanish September, Noaiiies, who had already suspected it,
match. received private information that it was actually being
negotiated, and he sent the intelligence next day to
his master, the French King, who could hardly bring
himself to believe it. The Emperor, Noaiiies writes,
had offered Mary his own son, who would give up
every title for that of England, and make that country
his continual abode, giving the Low Countries as
dower to his wife. He understood that the Queen's
confessor (Father Peto) had already been won over to
the project, and he feared that Gardiner and Paget
would also be won over, the former by the promise
of a cardinal's hat and the latter by the promise of
money. The Queen, indeed, had been advised against
the match by some mysterious personage, when she
broke the matter to him : he had just returned from
the Emperor, and he is called by Noaiiies Lord
Warwick. This, except as regards the person from
whom the advice came, is pretty nearly what the
Imperial Ambassadors reported. Hoby and Mory-
sine, who had just returned from the Emperor,
had informed the Council that his Majesty was in
favour of the Queen marrying an Englishman.
Neither of these, indeed, could have been the person
Noaiiies intended. Still, it is a little strange that
the Queen should have been so much astonished as
the Imperialists wrote, for she knew very well that
the Emperor had advised this at one time as a

ch. ii FOREIGN INFLUENCES 65

remonstrance dissimule'e, and there was no reason
why he should tell two creatures of Northumberland
that he had changed his mind.1

o

At length, on the 20th September, the Emperor The
wrote from Valenciennes to his ambassadors the JeTsion^8
decision to which he had come about Mary's marriage.
Considering, he said, how the Queen had subdued her
enemies and won the favour of the people, so that
the state of religion (as he judged) was continually
improving ; also, that she had expressly refused
Courtenay, the most likely man at home ; and that
Cardinal Pole, who was already a deacon, would not
be a very fitting husband even if he desired to marry,
which he had expressly declared that he did not,
the question was how to find her a match suitable
to her quality and royal blood. Charles wrote that
he would have been glad to marry her himself (a
match which had been actually proposed long before
when he was a bachelor),2 but ever since he became
a widower (fourteen years before this time) he had
made a resolution to remain in that state, and now,
even if inclined to marry, his ailments would not
permit him. But in place of himself he knew no

1 Ambassades de Noailles, ii. 143, 149, 150. The first mention by Noailles
of this "Lord Warwick " is in a despatch of the 4th September (p. 139), where
he speaks of him as having returned from a mission to the Emperor on which
Mary herself had sent him. But the only " Lord Warwick" of the period
known to peerage historians was John Dudley, eldest son of the Duke of
Northumberland, who indeed bore the courtesy title Earl of Warwick, but
who, being implicated in his father's treasons, was at this time a prisoner
in the Tower. Yet the words of Noailles on the 4th September are to the
following effect : — " My Lord Clinton is no longer Admiral. He has been
dismissed that Millord Warvick might be put in his place, who arrived
yesterday from the Emperor with an honourable company of gentlemen,
and was received by her Majesty with a pleased countenance." Although
this would just be the time of the return of Morysine and Hoby, these were
emissaries of Edward VI., not of Mary. Sir Thomas Cheyney, indeed, came
with them from the Emperor's court, and no doubt he was sent by Mary.
Was there any thought of creating him Lord Warwick, or was he made
Admiral for a time ? It is true enough that Lord Clinton had ceased to
be Admiral on the 4th September {Acts of the P. C. iv. 339). But the first
known appointment of an Admiral by Mary is that of Lord William Howard
on the 26th October 1553 {ib. p. 359).

2 [A marriage between Charles and Mary was more or less seriously con-
templated from 1519, when Mary was in her fourth year, until 1525 (Brewer,
Reign of Henry VIII., i. 326, ii. 46-7).— Ed.]

VOL. IV F

66 LOLLARDY & THE REFORMATION bk. vn

one whom he could suggest more suitable than his
own son the Prince, by whom she would have a fair
prospect of having children. One of the chief objec-
tions which the English might raise would no doubt
be their hatred and jealousy of foreigners ; but
assurance might be given to the Queen that the
affairs of England should be governed solely by
her and by her English Councillors. The Prince
was free from any contract with the Infanta of
Portugal.1
Reuard This important despatch came to the hands of

and Paget. Renar(j before Parliament met on the 5th October.
And before communicating it to the Queen, for which
he had to make special arrangements, he apparently
considered it advisable to take soundings of the
waters in which the great project would by-and-by
have to float or sink. He knew from the Queen herself
that Paget, at least, was in favour of a foreign match
for her, and hearing that he made repeated inquiries
about the ages of Don Luis of Portugal and of the
Duke of Savoy, he first sought out that very able
diplomatist. He judged rightly that Paget, who had
suffered disgrace and injury in the last reign at the
hands of Northumberland,2 would be glad to repair
his fortunes, and that his ambition would be fired
when he was shown that it was in his power to win
the favour of the Emperor. Renard, accordingly, told
him some truths not quite up to date : that owing
to the talk about the desirability of having the Queen
married, he had despatched a courier to inform the
Emperor of what was said about it in England, where
much surprise was expressed that the Emperor had
made no overture to her on the subject ; that he had
received a reply that the Emperor had not yet thought
about it, being much more anxious to learn that the
Queen was securely settled in her government ; and

1 Papiers du Card, de Granvclle, iv. 108-16.
2 See Vol. III. 328. Paget was at that time deprived of the Garter.

ch. ii FOREIGN INFLUENCES 67

that not being aware of her inclination, or whether
it would be advisable to make any suggestion so
soon, he wished Renard to find out what some of her
Council, and especially Paget, expected of his Majesty
in the matter.

Paget, of course, expressed his humble thanks
for the Emperor's good opinion of him ; but asked
had his Majesty really desired to address him con-
fidentially ? Renard assured him positively of the
fact. On which Paget told him that some of
the Council were so impressed with the difficulties
under which the Queen laboured, the state of
the kingdom, and the absence of any true heir
in a direct line, for Elizabeth was notoriously a
bastard, that they thought it advisable that the
Queen should marry, and the sooner the better con-
sidering her age. They were indeed surprised, he
said, that the Emperor, who favoured her so much,
had forgotten this point of marriage. They found
that there was no one in England suitable for her,
and that outside the kingdom there were three :
first, Philip, if he were not already married ; second,
Don Luis ; and third, the Duke of Ferrara. To
ascertain the Queen's own inclinations they had put
the matter to her in general terms ; and found from
her answer that she would incline to marriage, not
of her own will, but for the public weal and to have
posterity. Paget could assure the Emperor she
would not marry without his advice and the assent
of her Council. He also mentioned that the French
ambassador was using all possible arguments with
some of the Council to dissuade them from an
alliance with the Emperor, even going so far as to
say that if they did make such alliance it would
be impossible for his master to remain at peace
with England, for the Emperor would never relax
his hold on Milan, Naples, and Sicily, and if he
died his son would be quite as obstinate ; and France

68 LOLLARDY & THE REFORMATION bk. vn

would never make peace till these territories were
restored.1

And the Frenchman, Paget said, went on to point
out other considerations by which the Queen ought
to be warned against marrying Philip : first of all,
the trouble that the Prince might have from the
King of Bohemia (his uncle Ferdinand), who would
make war upon him if he attained the Empire,* so
inextinguishable was the hatred between them. This
would trouble Philip's succession in the Low Countries,
and the King of Bohemia would find help both in
Germany and elsewhere, especially as several of the
German Princes had a bitter recollection of the doings
of the Emperor, Philip's father. So Philip would get
little help from Germany, while others would chase
the Spaniards from Italy. And the Duke of Florence
(Cosmo de' Medici), who seemed well enough disposed
towards the Emperor, bore a grudge against Philip.

Renard thanked Paget for his information, and
said they were sufficiently aware of the aims of the
French. The marriage of the Dauphin with the
young Queen of Scots in itself gave ample warning
of their designs against England. The ill-will of
Ferdinand was all nonsense, and the Duke of Florence
was so bound to the Emperor that he could not
show ingratitude to his son.

But Paget said that if the Queen married, she
ought to have a husband who could stay with her,
and Philip, even if he was not married to the Infanta
of Portugal, had so many realms that he could not
remain in England. He was only twenty-six, and
he knew no language but Spanish ; if he did not
learn others, it would be a dumb wedding. At
another interview next day, however, he suggested
that the Emperor would do well to write to the
Queen exhorting her to marry according to his

1 Renard to the Emperor, 5th October, R. 0. Transcripts, u.s. pp.
439-445.

ch. ii FOREIGN INFLUENCES 69

judgment, and also that he should send separate
letters to the Earl of Arundel, to Gardiner, and to
various others of the Council to favour the design,
though he saw too well that it would be difficult to
overcome the objections of Gardiner to a foreign
match.1

Meanwhile Noailles was very uncomfortable, and, NoaMes
without waiting for instructions from the French Qnardiner
Court how to meet the Imperial diplomacy, he sought
out Gardiner on the 9th September and had two
hours' conversation with him on this subject, using
all his eloquence to impress him with the dangers of
the match. Of these Gardiner was fully aware, and,
indeed, confessed them before the interview ended.
But in spite of his diplomatic reserve the Frenchman
got clear evidence from him, first, that the proposal
had actually been made ; but, secondly, that the Queen
would come to no determination upon it till after her
Coronation and the Parliament. All that Gardiner
could say was, to assure Noailles that she was so good
and prudent that she would never do anything to
provoke war either with herself or with the Emperor.2

Noailles sought to probe the depth of disaffection
that prevailed in England. He heard something at
this time about an insurrection in Norfolk which Lord
"Wantour" and others had been sent to quell; but
his information on this point lacks support from other
sources. He noted the inconvenience arising from the
attitude of Elizabeth before she agreed to go to Mass,
and he believed the Queen would have to change her
company, and possibly shut her up in prison.3 He
judged that the coming Parliament would be attended
with no small difficulties, and he was informed by
one who was to take his place in it, that before its
assembly there would be hosts of placards written and
published calculated to cross the Queen's intent. His

1 Renard to the Emperor, 5th October, R. 0. Transcripts, u.s. pp. 445-
457.

2 Ambass. de Noailles, ii. 157. 3 lb. pp. 146, 147.

70 LOLLARDY & THE REFORMATION bk. vn

informant, indeed, told him plainly he had no love for
the Queen, believing that the Crown belonged right-
fully to the Queen of Scots, for whom he was willing
to do much, both in England and in Ireland.1

Noailles strove hard, also, to get further news
about the negotiations for the Spanish match, and,
having heard from his King, sought out Gardiner
again on the pretext of imparting intelligence rather
than of obtaining it. But after he had read some
letters to him, Gardiner took him by the hand and
drew him apart to tell him very earnestly how much
the Queen deplored the continual war between the
Emperor and his master, and that, as perfectly
friendly to both Princes, she would be glad to be
able to put an end to it, and establish not only peace
but religion, which she saw declining every day. She
would willingly be a mediator, and he asked Noailles
his opinion. Noailles was careful not to commit
himself, and said several others had offered to mediate
quite lately, including the Pope and the Queen's
brother, King Edward. The Chancellor said none of
those who had done so really intended peace, and
the Queen was sincere. Noailles said he could only
assure him that the Erench King would welcome any
efforts Mary might make, notwithstanding the kin-
ship between the Emperor and her. He, indeed,
thought it would be very difficult to bring the
Emperor to reason, and get him to restore the
territories he withheld from Henry II. But he was
sure there was no Prince or Princess whose mediation
his master would more willingly accept than that of
Mary. Nevertheless, he took the opportunity of
mentioning that rumours daily increased that a
marriage was on foot between her and the Prince
of Spain ; and that inclined him to believe that she
could not do anything as mediator. Indeed, if the
match were accomplished, he knew it would lead the

1 Ambass. de Noailles, ii. 160, 161.

ch. ii FOREIGN INFLUENCES 71

Queen into perpetual wars. Putting the matter in
this way, he drew from Gardiner the reply that when
the Queen had made a good agreement between the
Emperor and France, King Henry's interests would
be nowise affected by her marriage. This convinced
the ambassador that the negotiations for it were
far advanced, and he began to think that the
proposed mediation was intended to facilitate them.1

In fact, Noailles was of opinion that it was the
Imperialists who had started the mediation policy,
and that without a peace or truce on the Continent
Mary could hardly have peace with her own subjects.
From what he knew, Noailles expected a commotion
such as was in the time of Northumberland. Pam-
phlets and libels were scattered abroad daily, even in
the City Chamber,2 reflecting on the Queen and her
Chancellor, and speaking of the book he wrote in
Henry VIII. 's days in support of royal supremacy
against the Pope's authority.3 Rumours and prophecies
were circulated that Mary would not reign one whole
year. The counties of Suffolk and Norfolk, which had
preserved her from Northumberland, were awaiting
a signal for revolt ; and even the people of Kent
had conspired six days before to seize the horses and
furniture of Edward VI. at Greenwich, and sack
Bishop Gardiner's house at Southwark — a thing which
they actually did in Wyatt's rebellion four months
later. The reader has already heard about this
conspiracy against Gardiner. The Bishop was com-
pelled to wear a coat of mail on his back and have
a guard about his house ; and there was little doubt
that the majority of the Londoners were in sympathy
with the disaffected.4

Later in the year, indeed, there appeared in

1 lb. pp. 164-166.

2 " Chascun jour il se trouve une infinite de choses escriptes par la ville et
jusques dans la Chanibre d'icelle " (ib. p. 167). "The city chamber," no
doubt, was the Guildhall.

3 [Gardiner's book, De vera Obedicntia, 1535. — Ed.]

4 Ambass. de Noailles, ii. 167, 168.

72 LOLLARDY & THE REFORMATION

A transla-
tion of
Gardiner's
book.

Informa-
tion given
to Noailles.

London more than one edition of a book professedly
printed at " Roane " (or Rouen) on the 26th October
1553, and "in Rome before the Castle of St. Angel
at the sign of St. Peter" in November 1553, of very-
disagreeable contents. For it was an English trans-
lation of Gardiner's book just referred to, which, it
was alleged, had been reprinted in the original Latin
at Hamburg in 1536, with a preface from the pen of
Bishop Bonner, then only Archdeacon of Leicester.
And it is probable enough that Bonner, who was
then at Hamburg on a mission from Henry VIII. to
see what political help he could get from the German
Protestants, did really write such a preface or circular
to accompany the book ; but its actual publication
at Hamburg is rather doubtful. It was a clever
thing, however, to republish Gardiner's book with a
treatise by Bonner in front, recommending its con-
tents, so as to bring both of them into bad odour
at this time. And the effect was heightened by a
scurrilous preface by the translator in which, among
other taunts and insults to bishops generally, even to
the mild Tunstall, Bishop of Durham, Gardiner is
described as " now Lord Chancellor and common cut-
throat of England." The translator, who disguised
himself by the name of " Michael Wood," was really
the notorious, foul-mouthed Bale, whom Edward VI.
had made Bishop of Ossory in Ireland : he was now a
refugee on the Continent, and found means to spit
his venom out in other publications as well and get
them printed in England with false dates.

To return to Noailles. While he was writing the
information above detailed, he received a visit from
two persons, one a Scotsman and the other an English-
man, who informed him of various intrigues and
conspiracies against the Queen's government, and
that disaffection was greatly augmented by the fact
that the negotiation of the Spanish marriage was
now known by almost all. They said people would

ch. n FOREIGN INFLUENCES 73

fight rather than allow it to take place. This,
Noailles wrote, would make it all the easier for the
French to intercept the Prince's passage. But he
saw little hope now of diverting the Queen from her
matrimonial project, and it was evident that Gardiner
would yield on this point and give up the cause of
Courtenay. Noailles adds that Gardiner, knowing
that he was generally hated, would not only be
willing to have a Spanish sovereign in England, but
would be glad to see the country garrisoned by
Spaniards and Germans, to keep the people down.
But in this surmise he certainly did Gardiner great
injustice ; and he was equally astray in a further
surmise that Gardiner was jealous of Cardinal Pole,
whose minor orders in the Church were not a fatal
bar to matrimony, and whom it was generally thought
the Queen loved better than any other Englishman.1
She was certainly anxious for his coming, but it was
for another reason, although her high regard for him
was unquestionable.

1 Ambuss, de Noailles, ii. 168-170.

CHAPTER III

mary's first parliament

what Mary Mary was crowned and her first Parliament met just
fr°omd f°r witnin three months of the death of her brother, King
Pariia- Edward. What took place in various quarters
ment' during that brief interval has been shown to some
extent in the two preceding chapters. It was im-
possible to relate in one continuous narrative all that
was done, and especially all that was felt at home and
abroad on the accession of a Catholic sovereign after
twenty years of what Europe mostly regarded as
religious anarchy. And how the old order was to be
restored under the old spiritual ruler of Christendom
in a schismatic kingdom, was a problem attended
with far more practical difficulties than devout souls
could well bring themselves to believe. Mary herself
was impatient for that great consummation ; her
cousin, Cardinal Pole, was even more so. But the
Emperor saw clearly, and made Mary see as well,
that the establishment of temporal authority was
a matter of more immediate concern, and that
obedience to the Pope need not be pressed till
obedience to the sovereign otherwise had been fully
vindicated. And the meeting of Parliament was
wanted, first, to clear Mary's title to the throne,
shamefully aspersed by enactments under her father,
and then to lay the foundation of a better order
in the Church.

Until that better order could be established, Mary

74

ch. in MARY'S FIRST PARLIAMENT 75

had sought to govern by the principle of religious
toleration — if she could only get it for her own
religion, which was assuredly still that of more than
half the nation. But how ill she could secure this
we have already seen, and the only remedy for
incessant disorders seemed to be, what the Emperor
advised her to wait for — a new Parliamentary settle-
ment of religion, even before the Papal religion, in
which she and most of her subjects believed, could be
restored by a Papal legate fully commissioned to
reconcile the kingdom to Eome. Such new Parlia-
mentary settlement would be simply a return to
the state of religion that existed at the end of
Henry VIII. 's reign, all the Edwardine innova-
tions being abrogated. This, when established by
law, might surely be accepted for the time, and have
at least as much validity as either of the legal
settlements of Edward VI. 's days.

There might be difficulties, however, about estab-
lishing it by law, and even further difficulties about
getting the law observed when passed. The later
Lollardy had triumphed by disregarding existing law
with the connivance of those in power, and then
getting the law altered to suit the law-breakers.
And the spirit of lawlessness, having thus been
encouraged, was not likely to submit easily to a
reversal of the past and a renewal of old restraints,
like those on clerical marriage, or of old observances
for which the very means had been largely taken
away. Moreover, the heretics saw the signs of the
times and were only too sensitive to coming danger.
There was no secret, indeed, about the Queen's
intentions when she had power to give effect to
them ; nor was it difficult to read, even from the first,
in a general way, the political conditions under which
she proposed to work. As heresy in England had
been fostered mainly by encouraging Lutheranism in
Germany, and so keeping in check the Emperor, who

Elizabeth.

76 LOLLARDY & THE REFORMATION bk. vn

would otherwise have interfered to protect Mary's
religious freedom as Princess, so now the Emperor
would be Mary's firm ally in what was politically
a common cause in England and in Germany. This,
however, involved a reversal of foreign policy, for it
was by a firm alliance with France that Northumber-
land had been able to defy the Emperor and encourage
Lutheranism in Germany ; and it was clear that the
French alliance was now to be weakened, and English
neutrality imperilled at a time when France was at
war with the Emperor. So it was no wonder that
the French Ambassador took alarm and cultivated a
secret understanding with all the heretics in England.
The Lady In these circumstances what did it import that
the Queen's half-sister Elizabeth certainly held
communication with heretics and also with the
French Ambassador ? Here is what the Imperial
Ambassadors wrote to Charles V. after describing the
Coronation : —

" We took note from the countenance of the Lady
Elizabeth that she has dealings and intelligence with
the French Ambassador, and saluted him as often as
she passed before him ; and as for us, who were on
the opposite side, she gave us no recognition. In
further proof of this we heard that the said Ambassador
said to the said Elizabeth, in answer to a remark of
hers, that she was weary of wearing her coronet, that
she must have patience, and that very soon that
crown would give birth to a better one." x

Mary's health had been delicate at all times ; and
when suggestions like this were uttered under breath
at her very Coronation, it is not difficult to divine

1 "Nous notasmes de la contenance de la Dame Elisabeth qu'elle ha
practicque et intelligence avec 1'ambassadeur de France, et le salua a quantes
fois elle passa pardevant lui, et quant a nous, qu'estions a l'opposite, elle
ne nous fit semblant ; et en confirmacion de ce, nous ouismes que ledit
Ambassadeur dit a ladite Elisabeth, lui respondant a ce qu'elle lui avoit dit
estre lasse de porter la couronne qu'elle portoit, que failloit qu'elle eust
patience, et que bientost la couronne en engenderoit une meilleure." —
Ambassadors to the Emperor, 5th Oct., R. O. Transcripts, u.s. pp. 436-7.

ch. in MARY'S FIRST PARLIAMENT 77

what hopes were entertained by heretics that her
reign would be a short one. Charles V., on receipt of
this despatch from his Ambassador, wrote at once to
Renard that the Queen should be warned to take
all possible precautions against intrigues to her
prejudice.1

What pains had she not taken, what difficulties had Mary's
she not endeavoured to surmount, even at the Papal toSaf6
Court, to bring about the desired consummation, or sove-
rather the first steps towards it ! Early in August 2 relgnty>
she had made application to the Pope to remit the
ecclesiastical censures passed upon the kingdom, so as
to draw the inhabitants the more easily to acquiesce
in the restoration of religion, and encourage those who
had unwillingly submitted to its perversion to return
to the old order of things. To this the Pope had
gladly agreed and had appointed Pole as legate. But
Pole's journey to England was delayed against his
will, and, indeed, against hers, though she saw that
the state of the kingdom would not admit of his
speedy entry. Still, her mind was dominated by the
theory that Church authority was above secular rule.
Pole, however, sent to England, as we have seen, a
confidential messenger named Henry Penning, his
secretary, who visited Cardinal Dandino at Brussels
on his way. Mary detained him till after her
Coronation, and then sent him to Rome with a copy
of her Coronation oath in the form in which she had
taken it, well considered, as we have seen, by herself
beforehand in order to avoid committing herself to
anything derogatory to the Holy See. This was the
utmost she felt that she could do. Penning, indeed, as
Pole's representative, had pressed upon her beforehand
the claims of Holy Church in a way that even she
felt impracticable ; and when she snowed him that
she required an absolution, even for the Bishop of

1 The Emperor to Renard, 10th Oct., ib. p. 472.

2 A month ago, as the Queen herself told the Imperial Ambassadors in a
conversation reported by them to the Emperor on the 9th Sept., ib. p. 351.

78 LOLLARDY & THE REFORMATION bk. vn

Winchester, to crown her in a land not yet reconciled
to Rome, told her that, as he understood, Mother
Church only absolved those who repented of their
errors, not those who continued in them. But in
reply she informed him that Commendone, when he
visited her and saw how matters stood, had well-nigh
promised her the absolution. And this she charged
him to keep secret.1
Her secret But what was her consternation when she heard
knowiT afterwards that the secret had leaked out ! This was
not Penning's fault, but must, it seems, be attributed
to Commendone who, after his visit to England, had
passed on to Rome before Penning, and published it
— so Renard was informed — both in and out of the
Consistory. Perhaps publication was inevitable of
some things Mary would rather have had kept secret,
but Commendone, as afterwards appeared, was guilt-
less of breach of trust. More news than Mary liked,
however, seems to have come to England by the middle
of October, when Parliament was actually sitting — a
Parliament that dreaded nothing more than the re-
storation of the Pope's authority. Her utmost hope
at this time was to humour the Legislature into the
restoration of Henrician religion, and now men heard
that she thought not even her Coronation valid with-
out the Pope's sanction.2 In short, she had been
keeping in the dark the fervour of her allegiance to
Papal supremacy, her belief that her very right to rule
could only come from Rome.

From a religious point of view, however, the claims
of the Pope could not at present be considered, and
until they were so considered they were practically
ignored. Religion was a subject, not for Parliament,

1 Venetian Calendar, v. Nos. 807, 813.

2 Ambassadors to the Emperor, 9th Sept., R. 0. Transcripts, u.s. pp.
351 sq., and 13th Sept., p. 365 ; Renard to the same, 19th Oct., ib. pp.
534-5. Graziani, Vita J. F. Commendnni [pp. 37-47 contain an account
worth reading of Commendone's mission to England, but nothing concerning
the Coronation question. Possibly Dr. Gairdner's incomplete reference was
intended to remind him again to consult Graziani's book. — Ed.].

ch. in MARY'S FIRST PARLIAMENT 79

but for Convocation ; and Convocation was summoned
to meet the day after Parliament. But in order that
even Convocation might deal with religious questions,
it must for the present acknowledge Royal Supremacy;
and the writ by which it was summoned contained the
hated words, " Supreme Head of the Church of
England," in the Queen's style. As Parliament,
however, began one day earlier, let us see first what
Parliament did.

Parliament began on the 5th, just four days after Mary's
the Coronation, and even on the opening day the mrent.aria
religious question caused a stir. Mass of the Holy
Ghost was celebrated "after the Popish manner,"
though there were in the Assembly some married
prelates, of whom the Archbishop of York was one,
his fellow of Canterbury being at this time in the
Tower. There were one or two other bishops in
confinement besides, as Barlow in the Tower and
Hooper in the Fleet ; but the New School was still
represented in the House of Lords by Holgate, Arch-
bishop of York, and two Edwardine bishops, John
Taylor of Lincoln and John Harley of Hereford.
When they saw the mass begin these two bishops
withdrew, as they could not approve it. Bishop
Taylor was stripped of his parliamentary robe and
committed to the Tower. Harley was also excluded
from the House as being a married man.1

It is curious that Foxe, from whom a large part of
the information here is derived, says nothing, in his
own account of the matter, of Taylor being divested
of his robe and committed to the Tower.2 He says,
on the contrary, that, after his withdrawal, " being
examined and protesting his faith [he] was upon the
same commanded to attend ; who not long after, at
Ankerwyke, by sickness departed." Bishop Taylor's

1 Grey Friars' Cliron., p. 85 ; Foxe, vi. 394.

2 Foxe, however, prints near the end of his work "an oration of John
Hales to Queen Elizabeth," in which it is mentioned (viii. 676) that Bishop
Taylor " was in his robes by violence thrust out of the House."

8o LOLLARDY & THE REFORMATION BK. vh

Composi-
tion of the
House of
Commons.

death at Anker wyke [in Buckingham shire] did not
take place till next year. He was deprived in March
1534, and died before the end of that year. So it
seems probable that the examination in which he
" protested his faith " was that which led to his
deposition from the bishopric.

As to the House of Commons which assembled at
this time, the late Canon Dixon was able to make an
interesting analysis of its composition as compared
with that of the last Parliament of Edward VI., by a
study of the Returns of Members published in 1879.
" To Edward's last Parliament," he says, "there had
been returned no members from the counties affected
to the old religion — Devon, Dorset, Hereford, Mon-
mouth, Somerset, Wiltshire, and Northumberland ;
which all were represented in Mary's first. For the
City of London no member sat in Mary's first ; in
Edward's last there sat members for the City of
London. In Edward's last there were many well-
known names who had participated in the Reforma-
tion, as Sir Edward North, Sir Anthony Kingston,
Sir John Gates, Sir Walter Mildmay, Sir John Norton,
Sir Robert Bowes, Sir Thomas Wroth, Sir Richard
Throgmorton, Sir John Cheke, Thomas Legh ; none
of whom were in Mary's first." x There is, moreover,
the testimony of Robert Beal, clerk of the Council
under Queen Elizabeth, who declares that for this
Parliament persons were chosen in many places by
force or threats ; that " in other places those employed
by the Court did by violence hinder the Commons
from coming to choose ; in many places false returns
were made ; and that some were violently turned
out of the House of Commons ; " concluding that
it was no Parliament since it was under a force,
and so might be annulled, as the Parliament held at
Coventry in the 38th year of King Henry VI. was,
upon evidence of the like force, declared afterwards

1 Dixon, Hist, of the Church of England, iv. 55.

ch. in MARY'S FIRST PARLIAMENT 81

to be no Parliament.1 This may be true or have
some truth in it ; but BeaFs own impartiality in
recording it is by no means above suspicion. There
was violence probably on both sides, and no Parlia-
ment was ever quite impartial.

The Parliament was opened by the Queen in Parliament
person. No journals of the House of Lords for this °PenecL
session are extant, and the only official sources of
information are those of the Commons. But, accord-
ing to Penning's report, the Chancellor, Bishop
Gardiner, " made a very fine speech, in which he
treated amply of the union of the religion, and that
it should be resumed, without which nothing good
could be done, demonstrating how many disadvan-
tages had befallen the realm owing to its separation.
He accused himself and all the bystanders as guilty
of it, telling them that Parliament was assembled by
Her Majesty and Council to repeal many iniquitous
laws made against the said union, and to enact others
in favour of it." 2 The main object of the assembly
of the Legislature was thus clearly stated. How
many obstacles were to be encountered in the pursuit
of it was, perhaps, not fully apprehended.

The Commons elected as their Speaker John "The first
Pollard, learned in the laws of the realm, and he was sesslon- '
presented to the Queen on Monday following, the 9th
October. As early as Thursday the 12th an important
bill was received from the Lords, described as " the
Bill for avoiding treasons and praemunire signed
by the Queen." But it was only read a first time
next day. It was a bill to repeal certain statutes
touching treasons enacted since the 25th year of
Edward III., and others concerning felonies and prae-
munire since the first year of Henry VIII. It re-
ceived a second reading on the 14th, and a third on
the 18 th. But there was still matter for argument

1 Burnet, Hist, of the Reformation, ii. 406.
2 Henry Penning's Report to the Pope, Venetian Calendar, v. 431.

VOL. IV G

hesitation.

82 LOLLARDY & THE REFORMATION bk. vn

left over, and it was finally passed on the 19th.
This Act was the principal work of what is called
" the first session," though the Houses on Saturday
the 21st were only adjourned till the 24th, when a
so-called second session began.

During this " first session " of the Parliament
the Lower House of Convocation had also, no doubt,
been busy with great matters ; but as we do not
know the chronology of their proceedings, they may
be left for consideration later. Meanwhile, it is
time to return to the secret negotiation for the
Queen's marriage.
Mary's For a long time Renard found no safe opportunity

of delivering secretly to the Queen the Emperor's
weighty despatch of the 20th September, offering her
his son. But he obtained an audience on the 7th
October, in which he told her that he had a letter for
her written in the Emperor's own hand, with credentials
for himself, to make such declarations as she desired
respecting the overture of marriage, and he would come
to her when she pleased and declare his message. She
appointed him Tuesday the 10th at Westminster Palace,
directing him to enter by the gallery over the Thames.
She got so close to him while making this appoint-
ment, that he was able to deliver the Emperor's letter
to her without being observed by any one in the room.
On the appointed day she sent her chambrier to
him to bring him to her presence. He gradually
unfolded to her the reasons by which the Emperor
was led to propose to her a marriage with his son
rather than any other. In reply she expressed her
thanks, but did not know how the English people
would take it, their character being such as the
Emperor well knew, or whether her Council would
agree to it. They might object, she said, that after
the Emperor's death, Philip would have several realms
and provinces to govern, which he would not leave to
live in England. Who would be Emperor after

ch. in MARY'S FIRST PARLIAMENT 83

Charles's death? A more honourable and Catholic
match, undoubtedly, she could not have ; but she
knew nothing about Philip's character. She had
heard that he was not so wise as his father. He
was only twenty-six, and if he were voluptuous she
could never love him. If he attempted to govern
her realm she could not put up with it, and the realm
would not allow strangers to meddle. Then, it was
difficult to come to any determination without con-
sulting her Council. The matter was of great weight
and concerned her whole life. Yet it would not be
becoming in her to broach it to her Council without
occasion. She had hitherto repelled all who had
spoken about it, so that they durst not mention it.
She was as free as she was at her birth, and had no
fancy, as yet, for any one.1

Mary rightly regarded the matter as a woman, and she feels
though her wTords look something like a strange dash
of cold water after she had actually asked the Emperor
to select a bridegroom for her, we must remember
she had by no means given herself away completely.
She had made it a condition that the man should be
suitable in age and character, and that she should see
him and know something of him before she pronounced
her decision, on which all depended. It was hard
enough that a woman who had no personal desire to
marry should feel it a duty to do so when she became
a Queen. Much better would it have been, as Cardinal
Pole advised, and as her sister Elizabeth afterwards
wisely determined, not to marry at all, but to keep
the functions of royalty exclusively in her own hands,
provided she had had power to perform them with
judgment and clear political insight. But that was a
thing for which she did not feel competent. No one
expected her, as no one expected Elizabeth at first, to
be able to sustain the heavy burden of a crown
unaided ; and she herself was fully aware that there

1 Renard to the Emperor, 12th October, R. 0. Transcripts, u.s. pp. 481-7.

bound to
marry.

84 LOLLARDY & THE REFORMATION bk. vn

were great questions of policy that required for their
true solution far-seeing statesmanship in the actual
ruler. One absorbing feeling she had, for which it
would be wrong to blame her : she felt from the
very bottom of her heart that neither social nor
international morality, nor the internal peace of her
kingdom, could be restored till England had come
back into the unity of Christendom by acknowledging
once more that allegiance to the See of Rome which
her father had so rudely shaken off, in order to gratify
a mad and transient passion.
she desires But even to achieve this object she found that
poor's1 sne must marry. Thus politics crossed the field of
help. devotion and personal feeling. Her cause was one
with that of the Emperor, the chief upholder of
Catholicism in Europe, to whom she felt grateful for
his past efforts on her behalf, however ineffectual
they had been to obtain toleration for her under her
brother's government. She had promised not to
marry without his counsel and consent. Could he
not write letters, she suggested, to her in general terms,
and to five or six of her Council, such as those Paget
had named in a paper he gave her, and she might then
have the matter discussed and learn their opinion ?
If the Council suggested some one who did not please
the Emperor, she would carry out what he intended
as best she could. She felt strongly that she could
not come to any determination merely by herself;
and she asked Renard what was thought of Philip.
She had heard that [Maximilian] the King of
Bohemians son], being in Spain when Philip was
absent, had gained great renown by his administra-
tion of that kingdom, while on the other hand Philip
was not thought of so highly as Maximilian.1

1 " Elle avoit entendu que le Roi de Boheme [qu. le fils du Roi de Boherne ?],
estant en Espaigne, avoit acquit ung grand renom par l'administration des
affaires du roiaulme d'Espaigne en absence de son Alteze, et que par le
contraire son Alteze n'estoit estime a comparaison deMaximilien." — Renard
to the Emperor, u.s. pp. 487-8. In this extract from the transcript in the

assurances.

ch. in MARY'S FIRST PARLIAMENT 85

Kenard made a clever reply. He did not see, he Eenard's
said, how the Emperor could think it advisable to
write the letters she proposed, seeing that her own
inclination was the thing he wanted to ascertain. But
he thought her objections were easily answered. As
to the people, they would surely not take ill an alliance
so advantageous to the realm. Still less would the
Council do so if they desired the greatness of the king-
dom and the surety of her person. As to the number
of realms His Highness would hold, they ought to desire
a king rather than a simple lord for the Queen's good
and the country's : and if the alliance were made,
Philip would hold nothing so dear as to remain with
her. Besides, his own dominions were so near that
when there they could not call him absent, and he
had the Infant his son to supply his place in Spain
and administer the affairs of Italy and Naples. As
he was powerful the kingdom would be strengthened
by the alliance, and the nobles gratified from Philip's
own resources without any charge to the country. As
to the succession in the Empire, it was elective under
prescribed conditions. Eenard made no doubt that
the Queen had abundance of persons trop suspects
and inclined to speak evil, governed more by
passion than by truth. Philip's life was so laud-
able, virtuous, and modest " que cestoit plustot chose
admirable que liumainer The Queen might perhaps
think Renard was speaking as his subject and his
servant, but that was truly what people said. He
understood well enough that Frenchmen and followers
of Northumberland would dislike the alliance, because
it was against their own particular interests ; but the
Emperor had weighed and examined everything that
favoured the greatness of the Queen and her kingdom,

Record Office I think it is clear that the words "fils du" have been omitted
before "Roi de Boheme." In 1548, Maximilian, son of Ferdinand, King of
Bohemia, went to Spain, where he married his cousin Mary, daughter of the
Emperor Charles V., and he and his wife governed Spain, in Philip's
absence, till recalled by his father in 1550.

86 LOLLARDY & THE REFORMATION bk. vii

and he had not been able to think of a more suitable
match for her.

Moreover, he added, her Council should consider
that she had four open enemies — the heretics and
schismatics, the rebels, and the Lady Elizabeth,1 who
never ceased to trouble her; and in case of any
attempt against her and the kingdom the match
would give her additional strength. Philip's age
was twenty-seven. It would be difficult to find a
prince of the age she desired, and one of fifty would
be too old to give her posterity. Philip had been
married and had a child of eight ; he was so discreet
and staid that he was no longer young, and nowa-
days a man getting near thirty was thought of as a
man of forty had been in past times. Then she
ought to dismiss the idea that he would attempt
the government of the realm. The treaty would
provide against that.
Cour- This was the main substance of a long conversation

prS- which le(i on to some curious discourse about Elizabeth
sions. and Courtenay ; for Mary said she was well aware of
the intrigues of the French, but was confident that
they could do nothing with Courtenay or Elizabeth
without her being informed of it by Courtenay's
mother. Only three days before 2 she had spoken to
Courtenay himself more than she had ever done
previously, and he had told her that a gentleman (or
nobleman, perhaps), whom she mentioned by name,
had said to him that he ought to marry Elizabeth

1 In the mivioire that he afterwards sent to the Queen of this conversation
he makes her four enemies : (1) the heretics and schismatics ; (2) the rebels
and adherents of Northumberland ; (3) the Kings of France and Scotland ;
and (4) Elizabeth. In neither the despatch nor the mimoire are they
numbered thus ; but apparently he did not specify in the despatch all those
that he had in view. The me'moire seems to have been an enclosure in his
letter of the 15th October.

2 That would be on the 7th, as this interview with Renard was on the
10th ; but the 6th appears to have been the true date. On that day, as
Noailles learned from a man in Courtenay's service, he had an interview
with the Queen in his mother's chamber from 1 to 6 P.M. But this was a
much exaggerated report as regards its duration, which by later information
was only for half an hour. — Ambassades de Noailles, ii. 217-19.

ch. in MARY'S FIRST PARLIAMENT 87

since he could not have the Queen, and so doing he
would have children to succeed to the kingdom, for
the Queen was too old. But Courtenay said he had
replied to him that he had never felt himself worthy
of so great an alliance as that with the Queen, nor
with Elizabeth either; and he begged the Queen to
consider that he acknowledged himself to be always in
servitude, and would never claim other liberty than she
of her grace would allow him ; he was not ungrateful
for what she had done for him, and would always obey
her. He would rather, if she desired him to marry,
have a simple lady than a proud heretic like Elizabeth,
whose mother's character laid her under suspicion.
As to the French, they had held several conversations
with him, but only general talk.1

The Queen thought deeply over Renard's arguments The Queen
for her marrying Philip, and next day sent a wishpv}°1
messenger to ask him to put them in writing ; which
he readily did for her. She felt his reasons very
cogent, and being confirmed in that opinion by a
conversation with Paget on the 13th, she called the
Ambassador, on the 14th, to another private interview.
Again they had a long conversation, and in the end
she took him by the hand and conjured him to tell
her if His Highness was really such a man as he had
described him — if he was staid, self-restrained, and
well-conditioned. Renard said if his own security for
Philip's character was sufficient he would give it
readily. Philip was as virtuous a prince as any in
the world. " Well ! " said the Queen, pressing his
hands without saying more. Then again she asked
him if he were not influenced by the feelings of a
servant or a subject, love or fear. Renard said, she
could take his honour and his life as hostages if when
the alliance was accomplished, and he might call her
his princess, she did not find true what he had said.
Yet before saying the last word, she asked if it would

1 R. 0. Transcripts, u.s. pp. 493-5.

88 LOLLARDY & THE REFORMATION bk. vii

not be possible to see the Prince, and whether Renard
knew if the Emperor had informed his son of the
proposed alliance. She understood that Philip was
shortly going into Flanders. Could he not take
England on his way, either before or after she had
given her promise — at least before the marriage —
going to Flanders as if only to see the Emperor?
Renard said he could not be sure that Philip would
visit England except with a view to the alliance,
and doubted if it would be becoming that he should
write to the Emperor to ascertain his son's intentions.
The Queen then asked if Philip would venture to take
the sea in such a season without fear of the French.
Renard said he would have such a force to accompany
him that the French could not hinder his passage,
and he would not mind the season if she desired it.1
Mary's The subject was then dismissed for the time, but

anxiety t]ie Queen went on to inquire about another matter

concerning /» -i • i • i t-» -i i 1 • /> -n

the title ol high importance to her. Kenard and his iellows
Head1"1"6 nac^ intended to delay their despatch of the 30th
September, describing the royal procession of that day
from the Tower to Westminster, in order to add an
account of the Coronation next day, but the Queen was
very anxious, in view of the Parliament which was to
follow so soon, to procure a copy of the sentence
given at Rome maintaining the validity of her father's
and mother's marriage, in opposition to the Act of
Parliament ; and she hoped one might be found
among the papers of the Emperor's secretaries, or
perhaps those of Chapuys. There was no time to
send to Rome itself about this matter, so the
despatch had been sent off in haste to Brussels.2

And now, a fortnight later, the Queen was anxious
about it again, for the House of Lords had resolved
that it was right to annul 3 all Acts passed in deroga-

1 Renard to the Emperor, 15th Oct. 1553, R. 0. Trans, u.s. pp. 497-504.

2 Ambassadors to the Emperor, 30th September, ib. pp. 423-7.

3 The words of the original are: — "a resolu qu'il convenoit annuller."
This seems to imply a mere resolution of the House of Lords ; and as yet

ch. in MARY'S FIRST PARLIAMENT 89

tion of the authority of the Holy See from a year before
the divorce. So she hoped they would restore the
Pope's authority and withdraw from the Crown the title
of Supreme Head of the Church of England. As to
her father's and mother's marriage, Parliament would
make no difficulty about approving it, not by the
Pope's authority but by their own. This, however,
would be unsatisfactory to her, and she did not
know what to do about it. She felt sure that the
Parliament would ask her to accept the title of
Supreme Head, which her conscience did not ap-
prove. Apart from these points, however, she had
good hope that the substance of religion would be
restored.

Renard said that the marriage of her parents
remained valid by the repeal of the statutes, and that
it would be sufficient for Parliament to confirm it in
general terms ; that she need have no scruple about
the authority of the Pope which they have tacitly
approved, and the matter was a spiritual one ; that
the time was not yet come for explicit recognition of
the Pope's authority — she ought to wait for another
Parliament, and meanwhile establish true religion.
As to what she should answer if asked whether
she would accept that title of Supreme Head, he
would give her in writing eight reasons by which
she might excuse herself in terms which he thought
the Parliament could not object to. What those
eight reasons were does not appear. The diplomatist
was amused at being consulted on difficult points
of theology, which he confessed would require

there was certainly no Act passed. The words of Noailles on the 17th
October seem also to agree with this hypothesis. For he writes: — "J'ay
sceu pour certain qu'en ce parlement n'a este encores tenu propoz sur la
religion, et pour remettre 1'eglise de ce royaume en 1'obeissance du pape,
sinon qu'en la chambre desditz millords oil a este aussy propose de casser
tous les arrestz qui ont este par cy-devant donnez sur le divorce du mariaige
du feu roy Henry dernier et de la royne Catherine, mere de la dicte Dame ;
ce qui n'est toutesfois encores venu jusqu'a l'aultre chambre." — Ambas-
sades de Noailles, ii. 221.

90 LOLLARDY & THE REFORMATION BK. v..

another brain than his. "Yet I am the bolder,"
he wrote, " because I see those here are no better
equipped." *

What perplexing thoughts in the Queen's head
were those that Renard was trying to answer? Her
father's and mother's marriage, no doubt, was valid,
but was not esteemed so by those who had no regard
for the Pope's authority. Her coronation, she hoped,
was valid, but the Pope would have to make it so
notwithstanding that it was done in a schismatic
country. Her own authority and settled peace under
it were as yet only prospective ; and when could she
allow the Pope's legate to come and absolve the
realm from schism ? Things seemed to be getting
worse in England for those who favoured the Queen's
religion. On Sunday, the 15th October, there were
outrages in two London churches. In one a preacher
was severely wounded by a merchant for saying that
all that had been done for the establishment of the
new religion had been done to the damnation of souls,
and that their " sacramentary " communion had not
profited them. In the other the preacher had a
difficulty in saving himself for preaching that it was
necessary to believe that the true Body and Blood of
God were in the Host after the words of consecration.
" It will be difficult to keep the heretics in without
scandal," wrote Renard, " as the Bishop of Winchester
knows, who is lodged at the Palace to be under the
Queen's guard." The Ambassador feared that the
Queen was too anxious to restore religion all at once.2

He was quite convinced, indeed, that the great
majority of the Parliament would not hear of the
restoration of the Pope's authority. The holders of
church property would sooner be massacred, he said,
than relax their hold of it ; and he almost suspected
that Noailles, the French Ambassador, was fomenting

1 Renard to the Emperor, 15th October 1553, R. 0. Transcripts, u.s. pp.
506-8.

2 Renard to the Emperor, 19th October, ib. pp. 535-7.

ch. in MARY'S FIRST PARLIAMENT 91

conspiracies among them to promote resistance. But Dangerous
he thought it more likely that Noailles was using all ^JJJ^
his efforts to prevent their agreeing to the Queen's
marriage with Philip. The Venetian Ambassador, he
knew, had been actually pursuing that course, for he
had held long conferences with Courtenay to induce
him to forsake the Queen, if she would not marry him.
Company in that Ambassador's house had been
abusing Spaniards shamefully, and he himself had
been telling people that, if the alliance took effect,
Philip would make himself monarch of all Christendom.
So much did Frenchmen and Venetians alike dread
the Spanish match.

As to Courtenay, Eenard believed he would do
himself no good that way. He had been forgetting
himself and showing himself so haughty that he was
disliked by all the Court, especially those of the
Council. He had received an affront from Lord Grey,
Suffolk's brother, a witty man in favour with the
Queen, and would not venture into Grey's presence ;
and at a banquet given by the Queen to the Imperial
Ambassadors he had shown his consciousness of their
opposition to him by omitting either to salute or take
notice of them.1

The Queen herself, in the midst of all her difficulties,
was gracious as ever to old opponents. Henry
Dudley, who had sought aid for Northumberland in
France, was at this time liberated from the Tower;
and so was Lord Huntingdon, who had committed
himself to Edward's device for excluding her from
the succession. Yet she could not get her way easily
with Parliament in matters of importance to herself,
such as the legitimation of her father's and mother's
marriage, about which she had to make a sort of
bargain with the Legislature. Parliament would
agree to it willingly, provided that no mention
was made of the Pope's authority ; and this, though

1 Renard to the Emperor, 19th Oct. 1553, ib. pp. 530-3.

92 LOLLARDY & THE REFORMATION bk. vn

she looked upon it as a hard condition, she felt
that she must accept. Renard pointed out to her
that it was not a matter that ought to trouble her
conscience, as there was no question of the Pope's
authority for the present.1
Proceed- The bill repealing various statutes of treason
pSn™ Passed just before the adjournment which concluded
ment. " the first session " of that Parliament ; and its
history seems to have been somewhat peculiar. It
was introduced in the Lords, from which House, on
the 12th October, a week after the opening day of
Parliament, it was brought down to the Commons by
Mr. Attorney, and is described on the Journals at
that date as a bill " signed by the Queen." Having
been so signed, even at this early stage, we must pre-
sume— in fact, it seems certain — that it did contain
some reference to the Pope such as Mary desired. It
was read a first time on the 13th, a second time on
the 14th, a third time on the 18 th. But there were
points reserved for discussion after the third reading,
and these being argued out on the 19th, it was
passed.2

That this discussion after the third reading had
reference to the mention of the Pope in the original
bill, is an irresistible conclusion from what Renard
writes to the Emperor on the 21st. He had just heard
that day that Parliament had annulled all the Acts
made since, and a little before, the divorce of Henry
and Katharine, which imposed penalties of treason
on those who spoke against it — that is to say, the
Acts concerning the divorce and concerning religion.
But they would not consent to their repeal except by

1 "Ce lui seroit une pacience bien dure. Sur quoi je lui ai fait responce
qu'il n'estoit question de l'auctorite du Pape pour le present, et qu'il ne me
sembloit sa conscience pouvoir recevoir interestz en ce." — Renard to the
Emperor, 19th October 1553, R. 0. Transcripts, U.S. p. 539.

a Possibly the Lords sat next day to consider amendments made in
it. We have no Lords' Journals for this Parliament, and the above
particulars are derived only from the Commons' Journals. It is to be noted
that Renard only heard of the passing of the bill on the 21st, the day that
both Houses met and were prorogued.

ch. in MARY'S FIRST PARLIAMENT 93

an Act drawn in general terms without mention of the
Pope or his authority.1 " Whereupon," he writes,
" the Bishops assembled to conclude what the said
Lady (i.e. the Queen) can and ought to do. And, for
my part, talking with the Bishop of Norwich, I told
him that it seemed to me that she ought to accept
things as they were and accommodate herself to them,
hoping that a better occasion will arise to set forth in
terms the authority of the Church. The Bishop is of
the same opinion, but he told me that the Bishop of
Winchester holds the contrary." It seemed a matter
of high principle, but high principle was a guide
impossible to follow consistently.

Renard adds that he had heard they had found a
statute which gave absolute power to Henry VIII.
to dispose of the succession by will, whereby he made
Elizabeth, notwithstanding her bastardy, co-heiress of
the Crown ; and that this will and statute ought to
be annulled, otherwise she could always claim the
succession and so give trouble in spite of her being
declared a bastard. " And," he writes, " as the said
Lady [the Queen] does not succeed by virtue of the
said will, and as it does not matter to her, she being
the only true heir of the said Crown, I think she will
easily consent to the said annulment, to avoid the
difficulties that the said Elizabeth will raise, if she has
the means." 2 Mary, no doubt, would easily have con-
sented to it, but a great many other people would not.

Another interesting piece of information follows in Gardiner
the same letter. Renard had learned that Bishop ^gde°athers
Gardiner, the Comptroller Rochester, Waldegrave, marriage
Englefield, and another whose name is given as courtenay.
" Sudvez " (apparently Sir Richard Southwell), had
suggested to the Queen the expediency of marrying,

1 " . . . n'aiant voulu consentir que generalement ladite revocation se
feit, et que si la Roine d'Angleterre se contente d'une declaration generale,
elle se fera, sans fere mention du Pape ne de son auctorite."

2 Renard to the Emperor, 21st October 1553, R. O. Transcripts, u.s. pp.
541-3.

94 LOLLARDY & THE REFORMATION bk. vh

and expressly named Courtenay as the match that
would give the greatest satisfaction in the kingdom.
No foreigner had been king in times past — the
idea was hateful. Courtenay was well-born, well-
mannered, and virtuous ; the Queen's age was pass-
ing, and it was very necessary she should make up
her mind. The Queen, in reply, said she could not
take such advice ill at their hands ; but as they dis-
suaded her from marrying a foreigner, she asked them
to weigh the arguments in favour of it, and expounded
them in such a way that her advisers saw clearly one
thing at least — that she had no favour for Courtenay.
Account of She doubtless judged well, though the young man
Courtenay. j^ many recommendations. For, first of all, besides
coming of the ancient family of the Courtenays, Earls
of Devon, whose story in different countries has
been traced from a remote period by Gibbon in his
Decline and Fall,1 he was the Queen's cousin, being
a great-grandson of Edward IV., of whom she was a
great-granddaughter. He was also tall and hand-
some, and had turned his fourteen years' imprisonment
in the Tower to good account, acquiring various
languages and learning to play upon various instru-
ments. He is credited further with artistic talent,
and no small proficiency in mathematics. His mis-
fortunes and the injustice done to his family had
attracted popular sympathy ; for he was the son of
Henry Courtenay, Earl of Devon, whom Henry VIII.
in the seventeenth year of his reign had advanced to
the dignity of Marquis of Exeter, and fourteen years
later had beheaded for privately expressing dislike of
the king's proceedings.2 The Marquis's widow and
their only son had been shut up from that day
in London's gloomy fortress, till on the 21st July
they were released by Mary ; and at the very time
of his liberation there was a general surmise that

1 In chapter lxi. Gibbon is altogether wrong, however, about "the secret
love of Queen Mary " for this young man.

2 See Vol. II. 157-8.

ch. in MARY'S FIRST PARLIAMENT 95

the young man would be a fitting match for the
Queen.1

Although the Queen herself did not take this view,
and hardly spoke to him much for some weeks after
she had released him, she did a few things later which
naturally tended to keep alive the general expectation.
On Sunday, 3rd September, she restored him to the
ancestral dignity of Earl of Devon.2 But she could
hardly have approved, if aware of them, the bribes
offered to him and his mother for Court favours, and
she seems to have felt that a young man who from
boyhood had been so secluded from the world, required
a little guidance, nay, careful supervision, to keep
him out of dangerous company when he became the
recipient of such honours, for she made him under-
stand that she must know everything that he did.
" She bears such favour and has such reverence
towards him," wrote the self - deceived French
Ambassador, " that he never goes out of doors, scarcely
out of his chamber, without leave. Even when he
came to dine at my lodging fifteen days ago, where
were present the Sieur de Gye' and the Bishop of
Orleans, he required to ask leave first, and it was
granted to him with great difficulty, as I myself had
asked him (de tant que moi-meme je Ven avois prie)s;
and the Queen, in giving him permission, commanded
a gentleman, one of her favourites, never to leave
him. Moreover, I know that she has given him the
choice of whatever house he may find most agreeable
in this town ; and further I know the friendship
which, as I wrote, she bears to his mother, sleeping
every night with her. I can also tell you, Sire, that
between the Chancellor and the said Courtenay there
is a friendship, real or dissembled."4

1 Ambassadors to the Emperor, 22nd July 1553, R. 0. Transcripts, u.s.
p. 177 ; Strype, Eccl. Mem. iii. pt. ii. 422.

2 " Comte d'Ampchier," as Noailles (ii. 141) makes it.

3 The French idiom used here, I believe, is obsolete ; but this apparently
is the meaning.

4 Ambassades de Noailles, ii. 147.

96 LOLLARDY & THE REFORMATION bk. vn

It was very unjust to suspect Gardiner of a
dissembled friendship for Courtenay. They had been
fellow -prisoners in the Tower, and this itself was
a bond of sympathy between them ; and in other
respects Gardiner thought the match with Courtenay
expedient, until he found that the Queen's inclina-
tion was irrevocably fixed in another quarter. But
Noailles was not the man to understand Gardiner.
Just a fortnight before this, he had been trying to
take the measure of things in a situation not altogether
clear. "We see," he wrote, "the Queen very desti-
tute of men possessed of eminent parts or qualities,
either for war or to counsel her in peace. The Bishop
of Winchester is he to whom it is supposed she will
give most authority as to matters of State, and Paget
after him ; and Winchester shows at the beginning,
in the opinion of many, that he will not be less
arrogant and violent in the administration of affairs
than others who have hitherto had authority. One
can easily perceive that he has forgotten nothing of
his accustomed behaviour in the prison in which he
has been confined for seven years." 1 This again is a
harsh and premature judgment, founded avowedly on
the opinion of others ; and assuredly a candid estimate
of Gardiner was not to be expected from politicians
so destitute of great qualities as the writer himself
quite truly said Mary's Councillors were for the most
part. Besides, there were some of them, such as
Paulet, Marquis of Winchester, Lord Eiche, and Mr.
Secretary Petre, who were accomplices in the injustice
done to Gardiner under Edward VI. ; and if such
men had not sought even now to injure his character,
they would have given a very bad impression of their
own.

But to come back to Courtenay, whose history
we have just been treating retrospectively from his

1 Ambassades de Noailles, ii. 123. Written by Noailles in concert with
de Gye and the Bishop of Orleans to Henry II. on the 23rd August.

ch. in MARY'S FIRST PARLIAMENT 97

liberation. A month after his creation as Earl of
Devon it was clear that the Queen would not marry
him, and when some one suggested to him that he
might marry Elizabeth, and so he, or at least his
heirs, might come to the throne, he rejected the idea,
and most humbly begged the Queen to believe that he
considered himself in servitude to her, ready to marry,
if she desired it, a simple damsel rather than the
proud heretic Elizabeth. In existing circumstances
the word "servitude" was scarcely unbecoming if
it was quite sincere ; for it meant that he was
positively grateful for the restrictions the Queen had
placed upon him to preserve his inexperience from
being played upon by others. Any way he was on his
best behaviour, and he had reason to be so. For that
interview with the Queen, as we have seen, was on the
6th October, a time when, backed by the favour of
the Lord Chancellor,1 he was seeking to procure Acts
of Parliament in favour of himself and his mother ;
and it was certainly not many days later that two
bills were introduced into the House of Lords, the
first for the restitution in blood of " Lady Gertrude
Marques Courtenay," as she is called in the Commons'
Journals (the only Parliamentary record we have for
this session), and the second for his own restitution
in blood as Earl of Devon. These two bills came
down from the Lords into the other House on
Saturday the 14th October, and they had a first,
second and third reading in the Commons on the
16th, 17th and 18th.2

Just after this Renard reported that Courtenay Elizabeth's
was in disgrace with Elizabeth, for talking more '-lteiltl011

o » o # to li;ave

freely than she expected of the love affairs said to the court.

1 Renard thought these Acts had been hastened unduly with a view to
promote Courtenay's marriage ; and he asked the Queen who had solicited
them. She replied that Courtenay and his mother had petitioned for them
by advice of the Chancellor, and she did not know that it was done with a
view to marriage. — Renard to the Emperor, 23 id October, R. 0. Tran-
scripts, u.s. pp. 554-5.

2 Commons' Journals, i. 28.

VOL. IV H

98 LOLLARDY & THE REFORMATION bk. vii

be between them ; and that Elizabeth had resolved
shortly to leave the Court.1 So she told Renard on
Tuesday the 17th, and Renard seems to have thought
her chief object was to get out of the way of tittle-
tattle. But no doubt she was more uncomfortable
about what passed in Parliament, as it affected her
prospects not a little ; and this was the view taken by
the French Ambassador, Noailles. " The enactments
of this Parliament," he wrote on the 20th, "are as yet
only these : — for the restitution in blood and honour
of my Lord Courtenay and the Marchioness, his
mother ; and for annulling the penalties of treason,
felony, and praemunire, and an infinitude of other
Acts of preceding Kings, too long to recount. But
the only object towards which all that tends is to be
abje at this time more easily to declare null the
divorce of Queen Katharine, mother of the Queen,
and to place the Kingdom again under the obedience
of the Church, as the said Queen does not wish to
bear any longer the title of Supreme Head of the
Church of England and of Ireland. I assure you,
nevertheless, Madam " — the letter is written to the
Queen Dowager of Scotland — "that this Act, annulling
the penalties of the other preceding Acts, has not
passed without great difficulties being raised, inas-
much as it was well known what consequence was in
view as regards the Church and religion. The Lady
Elizabeth, being very ill pleased, has asked leave to
withdraw from this company, and was to go away on
Monday (the 23rd) ; but I think the Queen will still
cause her to delay her departure, and also, from what
I can learn, will give her company, that she may be
informed from hour to hour what her said sister will
do, fearing that sedition may arise." 2

Elizabeth felt naturally that if her sister succeeded
first in getting her father's divorce from her mother

1 Renard to the Emperor, 19th October, R. O. Transcripts, u.s. p. 538.
2 Ambassades de Noailles, ii. 227-8.

ch. in MARY'S FIRST PARLIAMENT 99

annulled, and then in procuring the reconciliation of
the kingdom to Rome, Mary's title to the Crown would
thereby be made to rest on legitimate right, and the
testamentary settlement of her father would be
discredited. In that case she, Elizabeth, was a
bastard, with no claim to the succession at all. But
she had the sympathy of all the grantees of monastic
lands, who, if papal authority was restored, might
well be treated as receivers of stolen goods and be
made to disgorge the plunder. So the situation was
extremely awkward, and no doubt it was very
necessary to keep careful watch over Elizabeth, lest
there should be some disloyal confederacy in her
behalf to prevent even the parliamentary legitimation
of the Queen's birth. For her parliamentary legiti-
mation itself would imply an acknowledgment that
separation from Rome had been wrong from the
beginning, forasmuch as the cause which prompted
it had been wicked and unjustifiable. And then
papal pretensions might rise again to their old ex-
orbitance, and the law of the land, whether just
or not, would be of inferior authority to Church
law which extended over all Christendom.

Was it due to these considerations that there was Queen
a pause in the proceedings of Parliament, and that Ka*a"
the " first session " was wound up by a mere adjourn- marriage
ment for a few days ? Parliament may have looked ^^b
to Convocation for some enlightenment on a matter Pariia-
which concerned Church authority ; for Convocation men '
was at that time transacting business at St. Paul's, of
which more hereafter. But it does not seem that
Convocation actually took up the subject, or, indeed,
could very well do so, for reasons to be mentioned
by and by. The Lords had really gone much further
than Convocation by passing a resolution that it
would be right to annul previous Acts against the
authority of the Holy See. This, however, was only
a resolution, and nothing had been done to give effect

ioo LOLLARDY & THE REFORMATION bk. vn

to it by repealing the anti-papal statutes, or even
to declare the validity of Katharine of Aragon's
marriage. All we can tell is that in the limited work
of the " first Session " of this Parliament even this
last question had not been dealt with, when the Houses
were prorogued on Saturday, 21st October. The new
Session began on Tuesday the 24th, and on the
Thursday following a bill declaring Henry VIII.'s
marriage with Katharine lawful was read a first time
in the Commons. It received a second and third
reading on the two following days, was sent up to
the House of Lords,1 and after passing through the
different stages there it ultimately became law.
should the Again we must come back to Courtenay, for he is
Queen ^ imp0rtant a personage at present to be lost sight

marry i J-. ox o

Courtenay? of. The reader, indeed, knows that the Queen will
have nothing to do with him, except to protect him,
if possible, from politicians and courtiers who want to
make use of him. But politicians and courtiers have
not been admitted, at this date, into the Queen's
confidence, and they cannot easily believe that she
has decisively rejected him as a suitor. Nay, many
of her best friends think her marriage with him would
be highly expedient for her and for the common weal.
It was on the 20th October that Mary was pressed so
strongly by Bishop Gardiner and others not to marry
a foreigner but to marry Courtenay, and replied in the
way we have already seen.

She was, however, by no means comfortable, and
sent for Renard to give him an account of the inter-
view. She was constantly sending him little notes
of summons to these private conferences, written
with her own hand. And she told him all the
arguments they had used against her marrying
Philip. Englefield had said that he not only had one
Kingdom already and would not leave it, but that
his own subjects spoke so ill of him that she would

1 Commons' Journals, i. 29.

ch. in MARY'S FIRST PARLIAMENT 101

do far better to marry an Englishman. And
Waldegrave had added that the marriage would
bring England into war with France. Seeing how
they had laid their heads together to beset her, she
had replied that putting private inclinations aside
they should consider the state of the Kingdom, the
intrigues of the French, and the marriage of the
Dauphin with Mary Queen of Scots, and weigh, in
the light of these things, what profit would come to
the Kingdom if she married Courtenay, and what if
she married a foreigner. No conclusion had been
come to ; but they certainly would return to the
subject, and she did not know well how to answer
them except by setting before them the question of
the public good.

Renard said he had the Emperor's letters that she
had asked for, and would deliver them on Monday
following, when his colleagues who had been recalled
had left ; and he recommended her to put off making
further answer till he had executed His Majesty's
commands. If she wished to follow their advice he
begged her to say so, for the decision rested with
her, and she could incline her Council to what view
she pleased. Mary replied that she had no inclina-
tion to Courtenay, and was not resolved either for
the one or for the other. She understood that the
French were doing all they could to hinder the
alliance with Philip, as her Ambassador, Wotton, had
expressly written so to her ; and she would be glad
to hear the conditions and articles that the Emperor
proposed. If he would communicate them through
Renard, she would keep them so secret that no one
could talk about them. Not that she wished Renard
to write that she had given her word for the marriage,
for she would not give it if she did not intend to keep
it ; but by these articles she might better convert
the Council to choose the most convenient match.
Renard said that he would write to the Emperor to

102 LOLLARDY & THE REFORMATION bk. vn

do what he thought reasonable ; and he was surprised
that she deferred so much to her Councillors as to
let them command her inclination in urging her to
marry a subject against her will. Not so, Mary said,
they had no such influence in a matter that touched
her so closely. She would rather trust what Eenard
had told her about the virtues of His Highness, and
did not believe what was said of him, that his own
subjects blamed him as too proud and deficient in
wisdom. If the Emperor would send the Articles
suggested for the marriage, he should see that they
contained provisions by which foreigners would be
made incapable of holding any office, administration,
charge, or benefice in England ; that the Prince
should not employ Spaniards only in his service, but
people of the Low Countries and of England ; that
the Kingdom should not enter into war ; that His
Highness should remain in England, or in the Low
Countries near ; that the two countries should be
allies and confederates generally for mutual aid and
defence ; that His Highness make no change or
innovation in the laws, nor in any matter of common
order [police) ; and other conditions should be laid
down to remove all objections as to foreigners
becoming a charge upon the finances of the realm
or on its government.1
Seditious As to Courtenay, she said he had two servants with
projects. Yiirxi who had discovered two intrigues against herself
and the good of the realm. First, when Sir Anthony
St. Leger, reappointed as Lord Deputy of Ireland,
was about to take leave of her on his return to that
country 2 with money for the pay of the soldiers
there, Courtenay had learned that three English

1 Renarcl to the Emperor, 23rd October 1553, R. 0. Transcripts, u.s. pp.
547-52.

2 Sir Anthony St. Leger was just on his departure for Ireland on the
23rd October, the very day this letter was written, and had taken leave of
the Queen a day or two before. He obtained a warrant on the 23rd "to
take to himself, as by way of reward, out of the £20,000 for Ireland, the
sum of 500 marks." — Acts of the Privy Council, iv. 358.

ch. in MARY'S FIRST PARLIAMENT 103

captains who were to go with him had been corrupted.
They were to have seized all the money, killed every
one who was not in the plot, and escaped to Scotland
or France. Secondly, several heretics in England
had applied to the French Ambassador to know if the
King his master would agree to a project, and furnish
them with money for some exploit to do him service.
The Ambassador had answered that his master would
not supply them with money for such a purpose at
present, but if they had the means to do him service
they should be heard and well rewarded.

The fact that several Englishmen had applied in
this way to the French Ambassador, is confirmed by
Noailles himself in a despatch of the 17th October to
Henry II. He says they had frequently proposed to
him to raise great seditions, both in England and in
Ireland, but that he had given them a very cold
hearing, being assured that Henry would never
listen to anything which might give offence to
the Queen.1 So it seems that Renard, or perhaps
the Queen herself, was in this case a little over
suspicious. There was disloyalty enough in England
without foreign instigation. But the Queen believed
that Noailles was making the utmost use of Courtenay
that he possibly could (pratiquoit ledit Cortenai tout
le possible) ; and as the rumour was still so strong that
she was going to marry him, she durst not speak
with him except in presence of his mother. She was
resolved to do so, however, next day, to learn about
those pratiques. Renard said that they were very
dangerous, and the French were at the bottom of
them. She might draw an argument from them in
answer to the advice of her Councillors to marry
Courtenay, and when she spoke to Courtenay she
might interrogate him as to what the Venetian
Ambassador had said to him four or five days before.
He could tell her that Pickering, who had been

1 Ambassades de Noailles, ii. 221-2.

104 LOLLARDY & THE REFORMATION bk. vn

Ambassador for Edward VI. in France, had talked for
two hours with the lady Elizabeth, and he presumed
" les devises se faire soubz le nom de l'ambassadeur
de France." Mary said that her Council had already
begun to receive information about those pratiques,
and that the Bishop of Winchester was staggered at
them, and did not know what to say except that God
had revealed them.1
The The Queen further told Renard at the same inter-

Emperor's view (on Saturday the 21st) that she had been that
the Queen, day to Parliament to hear the Acts there passed ; but
of these the reader is already sufficiently informed.
On the 27th, the day that Scheyfve left on his return
to the Emperor's Court, Renard had audience of the
Queen and her Council and presented the Emperor's
letters. The Queen, having already seen a separate
copy, read them promptly, and at once told Renard
that she had wept more than two hours that very
day, and prayed God to inspire her on the great
question. Remembering all that Renard had told
her, and having, as she said, chosen him for a second
father confessor, she could no longer withhold the
declaration that she believed she would agree to the
marriage with Philip as proposed by the Emperor,
trusting that neither he nor his father had proposed
it for any other reasons, than those which Renard had
explained to her, and she held Renard himself as
a hostage of the life, virtues, and qualities of the
Prince. She saw no other course for her than
to follow the good counsel of the Emperor. She
desired to speak with Renard apart and tell him
the language she had used towards Courtenay, and
she could not go further without bursting into tears.
She would give Renard audience before her Council.
There was none in the Chamber but Gardiner,
Arundel, Paget, and Secretary Petre. She told them
that she had received letters from the Emperor per-

1 Renard to the Emperor, R. O. Transcripts, n.$. pp. 553-4.

ch. in MARY'S FIRST PARLIAMENT 105

suading her to marriage, and that it was enough for
her to have learned thereby his intention. She asked
them to give a hearing to Renard, who would speak
more fully on the matter.1

Renard's plan of operations seems accidentally to and to
have been upset. He had got special letters from J?™^'
the Emperor for himself to address to Gardiner
and a few other Councillors, that each might think
himself specially honoured with Imperial recognition,
and be disposed to promote the Queen's marriage
in the way desired. But Gardiner thought it right
to present his letter to the Queen as soon as he
came into Council, to which he was called when
Renard had just begun to open the subject to him in
private ; and not knowing that other Councillors were
favoured with similar letters, he afterwards sent for
the Ambassador to see him in his own house and finish
what he had to say. He also sent for the Earl of
Arundel, the Lord Privy Seal (Earl of Bedford),
Thirlby, Bishop of Norwich, Paget, and Petre. So
Renard, instead of treating individually with a few
in the first place, had to open the general subject
to the audience, saying that he was instructed to
show them, first, how the Emperor had not thought
it advisable to recommend marriage to the Queen
until the Coronation and first business of Parlia-
ment were over, and had expected that before
then her Councillors would have made some over-
ture ; and, secondly, that His Majesty, considering
that it would be one of the greatest boons to the
Kingdom for the Queen to leave posterity, had com-
missioned him to lay the matter before them for
consideration. On this the Council conferred together
at great length, and finally told Renard that His
Majesty had never done the Queen and realm a more
obliging turn, for which they humbly thanked him in
the name of the Queen and themselves ; for though

1 Renard to the Emperor, 28th October, R. 0. Transcripts, u.s. pp. 567-9.

106 LOLLARDY & THE REFORMATION bk. vh

many of them had thought upon the subject, none
would have had the boldness to bring it forward of
themselves ; and they would do what they could to
ascertain the Queen's inclination and promote it.1

Having succeeded thus far, Renard next went to
see the Comptroller (Sir Robert Rochester), to whom
he presented the Emperor's letter, telling him what
he had already done with the Council and who were
present there, adding that the Emperor, knowing his
willingness to risk his goods and even life in the
Queen's service, had charged him with a special
message to him to learn from him what he thought
best in the interests of the Kingdom. Renard pro-
fessed that he was ready to go further by his advice,
and intimated that the Emperor would remember the
pains he took in the matter. This was a bold stroke,
for he knew that Rochester was one of that little
company, with Gardiner at their head, who had lately
been urging the Queen to marry Courtenay, and it is
not to be supposed that Rochester was much influenced
by the suggestion that the Emperor would reward
him for deciding the other way. But Renard was
feeling his ground carefully ; and though even the
Queen had authorised him to lay the whole negotia-
tion before her Comptroller, he thought it well to limit
himself in a first interview to the general subject
and learn what Rochester thought about it. A
special letter to Rochester from the Emperor was,
of course, a very great compliment, and after he had
read it he expressed his thanks to His Majesty. He
would discuss the matter with Renard confidentially
with entire frankness. The Queen, he said, had in
her Council some very dangerous persons, who only
did her outward service. Their inward thoughts were
disloyal, and he had found that in Parliament they
did her ill-service, alike as regarded religion and as
regarded the maintenance of her authority. Renard

1 Renard to the Emperor, 28th October, R. 0. Transcripts, u.s. pp. 569-73.

ch. in MARY'S FIRST PARLIAMENT 107

should be on his guard with whom he communicated
on such a matter. Among the Queen's servants were
Englefield and Waldegrave. As to Waldegrave, who
was his own kinsman, he would not enlarge upon his
character, but he was a man entier et confident.
Within two days, however, Rochester said he would
come again to Renard and tell him more. Renard
said that he had a letter for Waldegrave also ; but
Rochester begged him not to deliver it till he had seen
him again.1

Thus the marriage was so far advanced, as Renard
wrote at this point to the Emperor, that there
remained only the advice of the Councillors, for the
Queen had already given her word for it, and though
she had limited her assent par croire, the Emperor
understood well enough what that meant. Renard
was now pretty well assured that when she next sent
for him to speak to him apart she would go further.
As to the Councillors there was no fear. They
saw well enough that the Queen had no liking for
Courtenay. They were banded against each other,
each considering his own private interests, and if one
of them took any step without the knowledge of the
rest, it might lead to disturbance of the whole realm.
Renard's policy, he said, was to speak fair to one and
confide in another. But the matter was so weighty
that he begged for distinct assurance of the Emperor's
will, in case he should omit anything necessary to the
furtherance of the Imperial policy. He hoped the
Emperor had made up his mind as to the conditions of
the treaty, which the Queen was most anxious to see.

The contents of the last few pages are all derived
from one single letter — one of those long despatches
that Renard himself was continually writing to the
Emperor ; but they are far from exhausting the
matter of that despatch, and contemporary informa-
tion like this is so interesting and important that

1 lb. pp. 573-6.

108 LOLLARDY & THE REFORMATION bk. vii

I must go on, still drawing new draughts from the
same source.
Parliament He added, " Parliament is much hindered {fort
vocation arr&e) ou the point of religion ; and for eight days
nothing has been done but to discuss and put
forward Articles which the General Council would
have some trouble to resolve." Here the writer,
under the name of Parlement, seems to be con-
founding together two things, to either of which,
indeed, the French word would be equally appli-
cable, and what he says has really some relation to
both assemblies. In the next chapter I propose to
speak of the Convocation which sat at St. Paul's
discussing matters of religion while Parliament was
sitting at Westminster. There had been a marked
stoppage of business alike in Parliament and in Con-
vocation. On Saturday the 21st October, as we have
seen, Parliament was prorogued and its " first Session "
was over. On Friday the 20th Convocation was
adjourned till Monday the 23rd, the day before
Parliament resumed, and the Privy Council, as will
be shown hereafter, took a very special interest
in that Monday's proceedings. Eenard's letter is
dated the 28th, the day that the Commons passed
the third reading of the bill declaring Henry VIII. 's
marriage to Katharine lawful, and sent it up to
the Lords. On the previous Monday (the 23rd),
the writer goes on to state, the Bishops were
assembled (this, however, was in Convocation) —
four of them Schismatics and Protestants, and six
doctors of the old religion. The discussion became
so violent that it was scandalous, and when the
news of it got abroad, Parliament (Convocation) was
more disliked than it had been before.1 Gardiner

1 " Mais la communication se convertit en contention injurieuse et
scaudaleuse ; de sorte que, coinme elle est parvenue aux oreilles du peuple
et du Parlement, Ton a plus desgoust^ le Parlement qu'il n'estoit auparavant."
Here the word " Parlement" is used twice, Mist, apparently, in the sense of
our word Parliament, the second referring to the disputation allowed in
Convocation.

ch. in MARY'S FIRST PARLIAMENT 109

had recommended a policy which, Renard said, was
felt to be impossible in existing circumstances, arjd
Paget told Renard in confidence that the Emperor
ought to get Cardinal Pole detained in Flanders ; for
if he came nearer it was to be feared Parliament
might pass very objectionable measures, and, being of
kin to Courtenay, he might interfere to prevent the
marriage. This Paget not only said by word of
mouth, but wrote and repeated it strongly to Renard.1

For the same reasons Renard advised the Queen
by no means to allow Pole's servant, Throgmorton, to
come to England, out of consideration for the Parlia-
ment and the Pope's authority, from which people
in England were more averse than ever. But he
refrained from giving her the other reason — that
nothing might be treated prejudicial to the marriage.

Then, besides other matters, this despatch speaks Courtenay
as^ain of the withdrawal of Elizabeth from the Court *nf, Eliza-

/•i-ii c \ beth.

(which, however, was found not to be a fact),2 and
the question whether it would not have been
better to keep her there, as it would be difficult to
take away her right to the succession under Henry
VIII. 's will. A suggestion had also been put for-
ward, in order to reconcile the people to the Queen's
marriage with a foreign prince, that Courtenay should
marry Elizabeth and Henry VIII. 's disposition of the
succession in her favour should be confirmed, pro-
vided that she adhered to the old Catholic religion.
But this was objected to by others as not very safe
for the Queen. On the other hand, an influential
person had suggested, as a means of recommending
the Queen's marriage with a foreigner, three points
against her marriage with Courtenay which ought to

1 Noailles also (ii. 244) mentions that the Emperor had prevented Pole
from going near England, and that he had done this at the instigation of
Paget, who also procured the return of Michael Throgmorton to Louvain.

8 On the 4th November Renard writes that Paget had given him reasons
why he had advised that Elizabeth should not be removed from London
but left to occupy the house given her by the Queen ; and she was still
there at that time. — R. 0. Transcripts, u.s. p. 627.

no LOLLARDY & THE REFORMATION bk. vii

be well impressed upon the Council. First, in case
she had no heirs it would be needful to make
Courtenay King, otherwise the realm would be
troubled by the claims of Elizabeth. Second, if she
had heirs he would usurp the Kingdom while the
children were under age, not as Protector but as
actual King. Third, he was proud, poor, headstrong,
of little experience, and vindictive in an extreme
degree. So, when he was married he would prob-
ably drive out all the Queen's servants and appoint
others. Of these three points Renard thought the
first two of considerable importance. As to the last,
though it was true, it was not so much to the
purpose.

Do we understand history better by passing over
the things that might have been ? For the most
part we look merely on the record of things actually
done. The arguments for and against them have
generally passed away into silence, and even when
they are recoverable we fancy they are not worth
the trouble. Thus the historical student seeks to
batten upon barren facts, without attempting to
resuscitate from the tomb of oblivion the hopes and
fears and uncertainties which preceded and followed
things now known as certain. But apart from general
comments, I have an object in connection with
these speculations and arguments — a small object,
indeed, but still worth noting. For I am a little
was disposed to question a statement about Courtenay,

dissolute certainly plausible enough in itself, which was made
by the French Ambassador in a despatch dated the
17th October — eleven days earlier than this despatch
of Renard's. In this he reported to his King that
he had been visited the day before by an English
gentleman in Courtenay's service, who came to correct
his previous information about the hours his master
had been with the Queen on the 6th. Instead of
five hours, the interview, he affirmed, had only lasted

ch. in MARY'S FIRST PARLIAMENT i i i

half an hour. But he had further information to
impart, which perhaps was not more accurate ; and
about this I give the exact words of Noailles in
translation : —

He added that the friends of his master had begun to
doubt of his arriving at that honour which every one promised
him, because he did not, as it seemed to them, take the road
that he ought to have taken ; and that the Queen had a bad
opinion of him, having heard that he commits many youthful
indiscretions {fait beaucoup de jeunesses), and, indeed often
goes with public women of evil life, and keeps other bad
company, without considering the gravity and rank which he
ought to maintain to aspire to such a high position.1

This is undoubtedly not unlike what many a
young man would do, especially if not long since
emancipated from captivity and intoxicated with the
pleasures of a large town. But if it was true, why
did not Renard hear of it also ? Such conduct on
the part of Courtenay would have given additional
weight to the arguments the Imperialist was always
urging against his marriage with the Queen. In fact,
from Mary's own statement in her anxious inquiries
about the purity of Philip's morals, we may say that
with her it would have been a conclusive reason
for rejecting him. But nothing of this appears in
Renard's despatches ; and although Mary had no
particular fancy for Courtenay, yet she had never
seen Philip, and the question was still in the
balance even to the 21st October — four days after
Noailles wrote — which of the two possible husbands
would be more suitable from a political point of
view. Nay, more, so far as the Council and the
public out-of-doors were concerned it was an open
question still, and no one appears to have known
anything whatever very derogatory to Courtenay's
being chosen. And if it was known to Noailles on
the 16th October through a gentleman in Courtenay's

1 Ambassades de Noailles, ii. 219.

mistake.

ii2 LOLLARDY & THE REFORMATION bk. vii

own service that Courtenay had become so demoralised,
how could Bishop Gardiner, along with such devoted
friends of the Queen as Rochester, Waldegrave, and
Englefleld, have pressed her to take him as one " well
born, well mannered, and virtuous," as appears by
Renard's letter of the 21st ? Such misconduct as was
imputed to Courtenay by his servant on the 16th
must have been going on already for some little time
if his transgressions, as stated then, had been frequent,
and they could hardly have escaped observation for
a long time in such a conspicuous personage.1
Noaiiies' The fact of the matter seems rather to be that
Noailles took an entirely wrong view from the first
of Courtenay's prospects and the Queen's feelings
towards him. Although he discovered early in Sep-
tember that the Imperial Ambassadors had been work-
ing to bring about the Queen's marriage with Philip,
he believed that the favour she bore to Courtenay was
such that a combination in his behalf might defeat
the Imperial diplomacy. But on the 22nd September
he wrote to his Sovereign that Courtenay's influence
was declining, for the Queen had forbidden him to
wear a magnificent blue velvet accoutrement covered
with goldsmith's work, which he had ordered expressly
for his entree at the Coronation. This seemed to
show that she was jealous of his grandeur, and sorry
that she had hitherto encouraged him so much.2 Then
afterwards she had told his adherents that he was too
young and inexperienced.3 But the news of his five
hours' conference with the Queen revived for a while
the Frenchman's sanguine expectations, until the
intelligence was corrected by his informant, who,
being now convinced that Courtenay had lost favour,

1 The fact that Gardiner at a later date, viz. in January following, did
actually warn Courtenay against the company he kept, does nothing to
contirm the imputation made by Noailles ; for it does not appear that even
then Gardiner suspected him of dissoluteness. He only warned him against
the company of heretics in league with the French.

2 Ambassadcs de Noailles, ii. 163.

3 lb. p. 169.

ch. in MARY'S FIRST PARLIAMENT 113

attributed it to some scandalous reports which he had
easily swallowed. This new statement, indeed, was
not corrected ; but Noailles took care afterwards to
lessen the effect of it, and on despatching to the Court
of France a messenger named La Marque, instructed
him to inform King Henry, among other things, that
Courtenay had become a reformed character, and
that, after making many enemies by his former evil
courses, he had done so much to reconcile them " that
now he is held to be the handsomest and most agree-
able gentleman in England."1

Three days later Renard writes of the final success Renard
of his policy with the Queen. But before coming ^Jhe
to it he relates how he continued his dealings with tiiiors.
individual Councillors, visiting each separately, and
delivering to each a letter from the Emperor himself.
Each of these letters had a "credence" along with it
— that is to say, a message to be delivered by word
of mouth by Renard himself. In this way he
besieged the Earl of Arundel, just as he had done
the Comptroller the day before ; and the Earl, of course,
was very grateful, though he had learned the sub-
stance of the message already at the Queen's Council,
and fully intended to do his duty and show his
devotion to her Majesty. And to carry out fully his
plan of personal appeals, Renard told Secretary Petre,
who lodged in the Earl's house, that he had a letter
for him also, to remind him of what he, Renard, had
proposed to the Council; and Petre promised to do all
that could be expected of a faithful servant. Thus
he had addressed himself successively to all who had
any influence in the government of the realm, when
on Sunday night, the 29th October, the Queen sent
for him again.

In the chamber where she received him was the
Holy Sacrament, and the words she used to him
were full of pathos and solemnity. But we had

1 Ambassades de Noailles, ii. 246-7.
VOL. TV I

1 14 LOLLARDY & THE REFORMATION bk.

The Queen
pledges
herself to
marry
Philip.

better let Renard himself describe the interview in
his own way, and this is his account of it translated
from the French : —

She declared to me that, since I had presented the
Emperor's letters to her, she had never slept, but continually
wept and prayed God that He would inspire and counsel her
how to answer me on that subject of marriage which I had
first broached to her at Beaulieu,1 — that the Holy Sacrament
had been in her chamber all the time, and that she had
continually invoked Him as her protector, conductor, and
counsellor. And she heartily prayed Him again to aid her
in this, kneeling on both knees and saying Veni Creator
Spiritus. And there was no one in the said chamber except
Mistress Clarence and myself, and we did the like ; but, as to
Clarence, I do not know if she heard the said prayer, though
I believe she did by the smile which she gave me. And after
the said Lady [the Queen] had risen up she told me that,
as your Majesty had chosen me to conduct this negotiation
with her, she had chosen me for her first Father Confessor,
and your Majesty [the Emperor] for the second, and that
as she had weighed everything and called to mind the
conversations I had had with her, and had also spoken with
the said Arundel, Paget, and Petre, and with the assur-
ance I am giving her of the qualities and manner of life of
his Highness, trusting that your Majesty will take good
care and thought for all things requisite for the public
weal of the realm ; that you will remain to her a good father
as hitherto, and all the more because you will be twice a
father; that you will procure from his Highness that he
be a good husband and spouse to her ; and believing herself
counselled by God who has already done such miracles in
her behalf, she gave me her word as a Princess before
the said Holy Sacrament for her marriage with his Highness,
feeling absolutely that her inclination was so bent ; and say-
ing that she would never change, but would love him per-
fectly, and would not give him occasion to be jealous ; that
she had feigned to be ill these two days past, but that the
illness was owing to the labour she had had in coming
to this resolution.'2

The fortress had capitulated, and the engineer

1 See pp. 52, 54.

2 Renard to the Emperor, 31st October 1553, R. 0. Transcripts, u.s. pp.
600-602.

ch. m MARY'S FIRST PARLIAMENT 115

who had besieged it so long and carefully could hardly
express his joy sufficiently. " If she had invoked the
Holy Spirit," he wrote to Charles V., "I had invoked
the Trinity to inspire her to this desired answer."
After assuring the Queen that the Emperor could not
have more agreeable news, and that he would certainly
observe what she desired, there was some conversation
about Courtenay, to whom Cardinal Pole had written
from Innsbruck, enjoining him to be thankful to the
Queen for her goodness. What was to be done with
him ? The question whether he should marry
Elizabeth must be very carefully weighed. Then
further as to Philip : Could he cross the sea during
the winter? It was much to be desired that the
marriage now agreed on should be celebrated as soon
as possible, after the articles had been settled.1

Courtenay, however, had many friends, and as it a petition
was not known yet that the Queen had decisively £°™iament
rejected him, they were preparing to advance his prepared.
claims by a petition from Parliament that she would
not marry a foreigner. This petition, as Renard
understood, was favoured by Gardiner, mainly for
two reasons. First, because the marriage with Philip
would involve many complications : it would drag
England into a war with France, in which it might
be expected that Ferdinand, King of Bohemia, would
stir up opposition in Germany to Philip's succession
to his inheritance ; that the Italian princes would join
with France to secure themselves against Spain ;
that thus, in case of the Emperor's death, Philip
would find himself weaker than was expected ; that
the Landgrave would seek to avenge himself for his
treatment by Charles V. ; and that England would
never be at peace. Secondly, because the people and
nobles would never endure Spaniards in England,
holding them ambitious, proud, and insatiable. There

1 Renard to the Emperor, 31st October and 1st November, R. 0.
Transcripts, u.s. pp. 602-5, 613.

1 16 LOLLARDY & THE REFORMATION

Renard
hears
Gardiner's
opinion.

was no doubt that the French and Venetian Am-
bassadors were both in the plot, although they
were very careful to keep their participation in it
from being known, as their communications with
Courtenay himself had been.1

Renard, at the Queen's instigation, pressed Gardiner
for an interview, which, though much occupied, the
Chancellor granted him at daybreak on Sunday the
5th November. He told Gardiner that ten days had
elapsed since he had informed the Council about the
Emperor's letter and overture, and that they had
given him no answer. What was he to write to the
Emperor ? He feared the proposal had been ill taken.
Gardiner excused himself for having put off the
matter. What with the Parliament and matters of
religion, and the common affairs of the realm, he
had no leisure to breathe. But when brought to the
point, he said that the Queen's own inclination should
be ascertained in the first instance ; and that he would
never press her to take any particular person as a
husband, but to consider whom she preferred. If she
decided on an Englishman, he would do his best to
give effect to her wishes, if on a foreigner, he would
do the like. But if the Queen were to ask him which
of the two would be the more advisable, he would
strongly recommend her, for the public weal, the
surety of her person, and the peace of her subjects, to
make a match within the kingdom, because the people
would not easily consent to a foreigner; the very name
was odious, and they would never endure Spaniards,
who were so much hated in Flanders.

Besides, the nation would be dragged into war, for
the French would never leave Philip or the Low
Countries at peace ; and if his cause fared badly,
the kingdom would fall into the hands of the French,
who already had access to it by land by way of

1 Renard to Charles V., 4th November 1553, R. 0. Transcripts, u.s. pp.
622-624. Cp. a letter of Noailles of the same date, which shows clearly that
the plot was organised by him (Ambassades, ii. 233).

ch. in MARY'S FIRST PARLIAMENT 117

Scotland and were trying to gain a dominant influ-
ence in Ireland. The Scots, too, laid claim to the
Crown of England for their Queen by proximity of
blood. Then, if a match with Philip were made, a
Papal dispensation would be necessary on account of
kinship ; and this would have to be obtained in secret,
for the people would not permit the Pope's authority
to be recognised again. Then, if a child were born
of the marriage, the marriage itself might be impugned
for want of a public dispensation. And with all the
willingness of the Emperor and Philip to accommodate
themselves to the ways of England, the people might
still be afraid that they would act otherwise ; and
fear on the part of a nation is quite as mischievous as
the fact itself. So it would be necessary to better
religion before talking of a foreign match, for the
French King, it was well known, was secretly en-
couraging the heretics in England, and the words,
"foreign marriage," would greatly promote their
designs, for it suggested that Philip would bring back
the old religion. In fact, it was the fear of a foreign
marriage that had induced many to take part with
the late Duke of Northumberland. Moreover, though
the heart of the people was perfectly friendly to the
Emperor, the consequences of a marriage were not
always such as were anticipated.

For himself, Gardiner said, he was not a man
of affairs, and was more withdrawn than one
would think from discourse of the world and things
of state ; but while he had been in prison he had
meditated upon the present state of affairs, upon the.
Emperor's difficulties, the troubles of Christendom,
and the ways of Frenchmen and Germans ; and
paradoxically he considered that it would be better
that the Emperor should retain the friendship of the
realm without closer alliance, and also better that the
realm should be friendly to the Emperor and his
countries, than his having the lordship of the Low

i 1 8 LOLLARDY & THE REFORMATION bk. vn

Countries ; for the marriage would not better the
affairs of the Emperor or those of religion. More-
over, it was dangerous to meddle in the marriages
of princes, as was shown in the case of Cromwell,
who procured the marriage of Anne of Cleves
to Henry VIII. , to the end that Germany should
thereby always be ready to assist England ; but
it was a one-night's marriage, and Cromwell was
ruined by it. So he was resolved not to meddle in
the Queen's marriage, lest blame should be imputed
to him. Moreover, it should be considered that
Philip and his men spoke no English, and it would
be a source of great confusion if people could not
understand each other. He admitted, however, that
if there were to be a match with a foreign prince the
Emperor could not propose a greater one than his
Highness. Speaking freely, he said, that be had some
doubt whether his Highness could obtain sufficient
security for his person. Renard, however, might be
assured there was no man more devoted to the
Emperor's service than himself; he knew his high
character, and he would be failing in the part of an
honest man if he did not recognise his merits and
express his desire to serve him.1

I have been the more particular to give the
substance of Gardiner's views as reported by Renard,
as the only English historian who has consulted the
MS. has given, to my mind, a very strange account
of them, wholly unwarranted by the evidence to which
he appeals. For most assuredly, in this despatch,
which is Froude's authority (though he dates it
November 9 instead of November 6), Renard does
not say that he found the Bishop of Winchester
" relaxing in his zeal for Rome, and desiring a solid
independent English government, the re-enactment of
the Six Articles, and an Anglican religious tyranny

1 Renard to the Emperor, 6th November 1553, R. 0. Transcripts, u.s. pp.
637-645.

ch. in MARY'S FIRST PARLIAMENT 119

supported by the lords of the old blood." Nor does
he report the Bishop as crowning his advice with the
suggestions : " Let the Queen accept the choice of
her people, marry Courtenay, send Elizabeth to the
Tower, and extirpate heresy with fire and sword."
Not a word of all this is to be found in the despatch
cited in support of it. Yet Froude actually follows
it all up with the statement : " These wTere the views
of Gardiner."1 As to sending Elizabeth to the
Tower, that was the Emperor's policy and Renard's,
with which indeed it may be inferred from a passage
in a despatch of Renard, of the 4th November, that,
for the Queen's security, Gardiner had agreed. At
least Paget told Renard that Gardiner was displeased
with him for recommending a gentler course.2 But it
was not exactly the time to talk of extirpating
heresy with fire and sword, when, from a Roman
point of view, the whole kingdom still lay under the
curse of schism, when Mary herself, though un-
willingly, still bore the title " Supreme Head of the
Church of England," and when she, far from desiring
to persecute, had been only too anxious hitherto to
obtain toleration for her own religion. But the old
picture of a bloodthirsty Gardiner must, it seems,
still be revived in the pages of a late nineteenth
century historian, though the very document from
which he derives his information is itself sufficient to
show that it is a gross libel upon one of the most
able, modest, and humane men of the day.3

After his interview with Renard Gardiner gave an
account of it to the Queen, dwelling chiefly on what

1 History of England, vi. 119-20.

2 [R. 0. Transcripts, u.s. pp. 628-31.— Ed.]

3 I ought to add that the injustice which Froude does to Gardiner in this
place is only a supplement to that which he has done him a few pages earlier.
In that previous instance, too, he professes, and with somewhat greater
justification, to found himself on contemporary authority, viz. that of
Noailles. But Noailles only expresses a suspicion about Gardiner's conduct,
and it can be shown to demonstration that he was wrong in his suspicion.
Yet Froude builds upon this unjust suspicion as if it were a fact ! See
Appendix to this chapter.

120 LOLLARDY & THE REFORMATION bk. vii

The Queen he had said of her inclination as the governing factor
Gardiner m tne situation, and without going into his arguments
her de- against a foreign match. The Queen, however, having
fully made up her mind, told him that she had been
for eight days deeply distressed ; she had prayed
God with tears for inspiration what to do, and had
finally resolved not to marry any one within the
realm ; she would rather not marry at all. And she
asked him as her chief Councillor what he would say
to this. Gardiner answered, "And what will the
people say ? How will they be pleased ? How will
they endure the foreigner ? And what if they promise
things which they will not keep when the marriage
is accomplished?" The Queen replied that she was
quite resolved upon it, and that if Gardiner preferred
the will of the people to her inclination, he would not
be keeping the promises he had always made. As
for her she intended to do it for the best weal of the
realm. Here the interview was interrupted by the
Earl of Arundel and the Lord Privy Seal entering the
chamber.1 Surely Gardiner was doing the very best
that a loyal subject could do to divert his Sovereign
from an unfortunate policy. There was no such
change in his religious views as Froude suggests. As
a churchman his wishes were always the same, and
indeed agreed with Mary's ; but as a spectator of this
world's politics of long experience, he saw difficulties
which the Queen did not.
Renardand As soon as Gardiner had withdrawn, the Queen
geJba line" sent f°r Renard> and stated in Paget's presence
of action, what had taken place between them, adding that
" those of the Parliament " were pressing her to
give them audience on the subject of her marriage
— a thing to which she felt sure they had been
instigated by the Lord Chancellor and Courtenay ; but
that she would only give audience to the Speaker.
Renard and Paget, however, advised that before giving

1 Renard to the Emperor, 6th November, U.S. pp. 656-7.

ch. in MARY'S FIRST PARLIAMENT 121

audience even to the Speaker, Renard should ask for
an audience and request an answer to the letter and
overture which he had made on the Emperor's behalf;
to which she might reply that she had allowed herself
to be persuaded to marry for the public good, and that
finding the Emperors advice agreeable to that of her
own Council, she left it to Renard to explain his
Majesty's offer. The Queen would then say, after
she had communicated with her Council, which she
might reduce to six persons — the Chancellor, Arundel,
Bishop Thirlby of Norwich, Paget, the Comptroller,
and Petre — that she could not but thank his Majesty
for so great an honour and accept his overture,
trusting that he would always respect the welfare
of the kingdom.1

Renard had some doubt whether the Emperor
himself desired the matter concluded so suddenly,
but thought it best, as the Queen and Paget had
agreed to the proposal, not to allow them any
opportunity of changing their minds. He had care-
fully kept from the Queen all the arguments brought
forward by Gardiner against the marriage.2

Gardiner, however, as may well be imagined, Gardiner
though he yielded to the Queen's will, was not com- deia^tmtii
fortable, and wanted some satisfaction with regard to after a
the objections he had raised to the proposed match, settlement.
He called Renard to a conference between six and
seven in the morning on Tuesday, the 7th November,
and told him of the answer given him by the Queen.
He then asked if Renard had authority to name
the person and conditions, and Renard showed
him all about the Emperor's offer, and how Philip,
having already a son, if he had children by Mary,
would divide his dominions, giving Spain and
Italy to him, and the Low Countries to another, and
would " accommodate himself to the humours, laws,
and conditions of England," leaving the government

1 lb. pp. 657-9. 2 lb. p. 660.

122 LOLLARDY & THE REFORMATION bk. vii

to him and other faithful Councillors who might be
chosen ; that Philip would make use of Englishmen for
his service, and govern himself in such wise that the
people could not be dissatisfied, but on the contrary
much benefited ; and that the Kingdom should not go
to war with the French on account of the marriage.
Gardiner said he was glad to hear these particulars ;
it was a great offer, and so forth. But as Renard
was a man of discretion, he would suggest to him
that it would be more prudent to keep the matter
quiet till the question of religion had been settled by
Parliament ; for at that very time there was a bill in
the House of Commons for repealing nine Acts of
Edward VI., so as to bring back religion to the state
it was in at the death of Henry VIII. The Queen's
decision about her marriage might at least be with-
held from the public, not to add one difficulty to
another ; for he knew not what wicked men would
say about it except that they wanted to enrich and
favour foreigners, giving them access to the realm, and
to impoverish their own native subjects. There was
much complaint, indeed, about a recent restoration of
old privileges to the merchants of the Steelyard.1

Renard replied that if the Queen approved of the
delay, he could not but approve it likewise ; but it
was fifteen days since he had presented to her the
Emperor's letters, and he wished to know her answer,
that the Emperor might not impute negligence to
him. As for the objections that the merchants might
make, he thought the decision more for their advantage
than for their impoverishment, because navigation
would be more open and safe and trade more free.
Renard, therefore, wished him to urge that he should
have an answer from the Queen. Gardiner said he
would speak to her and let him know her opinion.
Renard believed that he was only seeking to prolong

1 Renard to the Emperor, 8th November, R. 0. Transcripts, u.s. pp.
669-672.

ch. in MARY'S FIRST PARLIAMENT 123

the matter in Courtenay's interest, and he afterwards
learned from Paget that the Queen was much vexed
with her Lord Chancellor.

But next day, when Renard obtained his audience Renard's
of the Queen, he saw from the first by his manner that caS'^ut!
Gardiner was half-conquered. The programme before
arranged was gone through, and the Queen made her
reply "with royal countenance, becoming modesty,
timid visage and trembling gestures." She took advice
of the Councillors present, namely, Gardiner, Arundel,
Thirlby, Paget, and Petre, saying that she thanked
the Emperor for his kindness, and though not
inclined to marry she would subdue her disinclina-
tion for the good of the realm. Renard then declared
to her before those present that the Emperor would
make formal overture for his son's marriage by
influential persons, with conditions which the Queen
would find reasonable. On this she withdrew and
discussed the matter with her Council, with a fine
make-believe as if she had never heard anything
about it before ; after which with a smiling counten-
ance she again thanked the Emperor, saying that she
could not but take well such an overture from him,
and that she would remember the oath that she took
at her Coronation [to promote her people's welfare].1

Just before this audience Gardiner got Renard to Gardiner
come with him into the Council chamber, and
informed him that Parliament had that clay (the
8th November) concluded the matter of religion as
desired, and that out of 350 members who had
voted only 80 had opposed the bill,2 and that religion
would be restored to the condition in which it stood
at the death of Henry VIII. , the mass, the sacraments,
the procession, confession, and other ordinances
that had been abolished being revived. Thus one
of Gardiner's difficulties was removed. So he was

1 lb. pp. 672-677.

2 Noailles (Ambassades, ii. 247) says that a third part of the Commons
were opposed to it, but Gardiner's statement is no doubt more accurate.

won over.

tion of the
Commons

124 LOLLARDY & THE REFORMATION bk. vh

gained, and of the other Councillors not consulted by
the Queen the Comptroller, Waldegrave, and Engle-
field gave Renard good hope.
The peti- The fact that the Commons had been stirred up

to petition the Queen not to marry a foreigner, was
reported by Noailles to Henry II. on the same day
(4th November) on which it was reported by Renard
to Charles V. But it is clear from what Noailles says
about it that he himself, the French Ambassador, was
a prime mover in the matter. The Commons,
however, had not been able to present their petition
owing to the Queen's state of health, for she had for
six or seven days been subject to palpitation of the
heart — a complaint which, Noailles understood,
attacked her yearly, though on this occasion, at least,
it manifestly had been brought on by excitement
over this question of marriage. Her weakness and
her incessant weeping were so well known that many
gros Chretiens, as Noailles called them, meaning
undoubtedly those of the new school, prophesied her
early death. And in connection with this Noailles
mentions that Elizabeth had not been able to get
leave to retire to her own house as she had intended,
but had remained six or seven days without seeing
the Queen, and had not gone to Mass at the season
of All Hallows. The Queen, it was said, was so angry
with her that, not content with Parliament having
declared her own birth legitimate, she wanted them
to declare her sister a bastard ; but there was not the
least likelihood of Parliament consenting to do so.1

Noailles fully believed that after the Commons
had presented their petition, it would be extremely
difficult, if not practically impossible, for the Queen
to marry the Prince of Spain, even if she desired it.
Three days later, however, he writes that it was
considered certain that the marriage was concluded.
No doubt the Queen was still keeping the matter

1 Noailles, Ambassadcs, ii. 233-235.

ch. in MARY'S FIRST PARLIAMENT 125

close and bad not yet given a hearing to the Commons,
which it was believed that she would put off till the
bill about religion in Parliament was passed to her
satisfaction. This, as we have seen, was the course
recommended by Gardiner, and not without good
reason ; for notwithstanding that the bill had been
carried by such a large majority on the 8th November
(a fact which, curiously enough, Noailles seems not to
have known on the 9th), it was only passed after
strong and persistent opposition continued for
eight days.1

At length, on the 16th November, the Queen TheQuee
received the expected deputation. The Speaker, j^J^.
accompanied by the Duke of Norfolk, the Earls
of Arundel, Shrewsbury, Derby, and Pembroke,
the Bishops of Winchester and Norwich, the Lords
Privy Seal, Paget, and others, of both Houses, waited
on her and made her a long address, setting forth
with much rhetorical artifice reasons, in the first
place, why she should marry, and, secondly, why she
should choose a husband within the kingdom. The
arguments were certainly weighty, — they need
not be rehearsed as the reader knows them ;
but the speech was wearisome, and no wonder the
Queen was impatient. The Speaker, as she told
Renard, got so confused with the multitude of
impertinent allegations that she was obliged to sit
down, till at last he unluckily said that it would be
better for her to marry a subject of her own. This
provoked her to a breach of established form, for when
Parliament addressed the Sovereign it was usual for
the Chancellor to make answer. But the Speaker's
recommendation tried her patience too much and
she answered for herself. She thanked the Parlia-
ment for their good office in advising her to marry,
and even against her own inclination she would do so
for the peace and welfare of the kingdom. But the

1 lb. pp. 237-38, 241, 243, 247.

126 LOLLARDY & THE REFORMATION

The Queen
displeased
with
Gardiner.

second proposal she felt strange, as Parliament had
never been accustomed to hold such language to Kings

© © ©

and Princes of England. There was no record of such
a thing in histories or chronicles ; and seeing that

O 7 ©

private persons allowed their children liberty in the
matter of marriage, princes ought to enjoy the same
freedom. To force her into a match which she
disliked would be to procure her death, for she would
not survive it three months, and she would leave no
posterity, though the prospect of that was one of their
arguments. She appealed to the nobles present
whether such conduct was becoming. The Speaker
had enlarged upon various inconveniences, but had
not weighed the opposite advantages, nor considered
her own private inclination ; while for her part she
was mindful of her Coronation oath to study the
good of the realm, and she would pray for God's
guidance in that matter.1

The nobles appealed to said that she was right.
But she had certainly sprung a surprise upon the
Parliament, and when the Speaker and the main body
of the members had left, the Earl of Arundel said to
Gardiner that he had lost that day his office of
Chancellor, which the Queen had usurped. It was
a bitter taunt, for indeed it was true that the Queen
could hardly trust her Chancellor that day to speak
her real sentiments, but that was scarcely his fault.
A day or two later, apparently on Sunday the 19th,2
when he and Arundel were together at Court, the
Queen took occasion to tell him she had suspected
him of having prompted what the Speaker said,
because he had said the same things to her himself
in Courtenay's favour, and she wished to tell him
frankly, as her faithful councillor, that she would

1 Renard to the Emperor, 17th November, R. 0. Transcripts, u.s.
pp. 713-717. Compare Noailles' account of the matter, Ambassades, ii. 269,
270, 284.

2 The day of an audience given to the French ambassador which
Noailles himself dates on Sunday last in his letter of the 24th, Ambassades,
ii. 267.

ch. in MARY'S FIRST PARLIAMENT 127

never marry Courtenay, and she had been somewhat
angry at being addressed with so little respect.
Gardiner answered with tears that he neither orally
nor by writing instructed the Speaker, though he
confessed he had the same sentiments, and it was
true that he felt kindly towards Courtenay who had
been so long his fellow-prisoner. "And for your
friendship to him in prison," said the Queen, "you
would force me to marry him ? " But the Chancellor
answered that it would certainly not be reasonable
to force her to marry one more than to another,
and assured her that he whom she chose would
command his loyal obedience.1

The Queen had, undoubtedly, been severely tried Her health
by the deputation which she had been so long unable suffers-
or unwilling to receive. On the Sunday after (the
19th) Noailles found her much aged and worn since
the day that he had last seen her. There was little
hope, he said, of her bearing children, and if she did,
the first was pretty sure to kill her — a thought which
aroused in Englishmen serious alarm and disgust,
as it seemed to involve as a natural consequence that
they would be ruled by Spaniards. The coming of
Cardinal Pole was now wished for, even by Protest-
ants (always well inclined to France), as a means of
establishing peace securely between the two countries.2

As for Courtenay, he seems not only to have given courte-
up all hope of his suit before the Queen received the nay'sfolly-
deputation in his favour, but even to have been afraid
for his life. He had meditated escaping to France
for a while, and had received promises from several
lords that they would await his return in his own
country of Devonshire and Cornwall with considerable
bodies of men to promote his marriage either with
the Queen or with her sister. From this dangerous
design the French ambassador endeavoured to dissuade

1 Renard to the Emperor, 20th November, R. 0. Transcripts?, u.s. pp.
735-6. '* Ambassades de Noailles, ii. 270-1.

128 LOLLARDY & THE REFORMATION bk. vn

him ; yet it would appear that he was only diverted
from it by accident. His plan was first to go to
Greenwich on pretence of giving a gallop to the great
horses of King Edward, as he had frequently done ;
and then to embark with a good number of friends,
while that night another body of his adherents would
kill the two greatest obstacles to his ambition, the
Earl of Arundel and Lord Paget. The design against
Paget, at least, was not a new one ; but it had been
formed by Courtenay's friends almost a week earlier,
and would have been executed too, but that Courtenay
himself had restrained them. Now it seems as if
the young man had become less scrupulous. But the
project was put off, as the Queen, who had lately
dispensed with the services of Courtenay's mother,
had taken her again into favour.1

APPENDIX TO CHAPTER III

(See p. 119, note 3)

In vol. vi. of his History, p. 103, Froude, after noticing
a pamphlet against the marriage with Philip, which he says
" was but the expression of the universal feeling," makes the
following observations : —

" Gardiner, indeed, perplexed between his religion and his
country, for a few days wavered. Gardiner had a long debt
to pay off against the Protestants, and a Spanish force,
divided into garrisons for London and other towns, would
assist him materially."

The marginal date of the paragraph in Froude is "a.d.
1553, October." The authority he quotes is a letter of
Noailles to the French King in the Ambassades, vol. h. p. 169,
which letter is dated 25th September ; and it is absolutely
certain that what Noailles thought was in Gardiner's mind at
that date was not in his mind at all, either then or afterwards.
For Noailles writes that he can scarcely doubt the Queen is
labouring to the utmost of her power for the marriage, and

1 Ambassades de Noailles, ii. 245-6, 253-4, 259.

ch. in MARY'S FIRST PARLIAMENT 129

that the Chancellor is already gained, and that though he
has always professed great love for Courtenay, he had no
doubt, " qu'en telle chose que ceste cy il ne luy ayt faict un
tour de la nation et l'abandonner, pour en cela suyvre toute
l'intention de la royne, y voyant pour lui plus d'avantaige
que aultrement, congnoissant combien il est hay generallenient
de tous ceulx de ce pays, et que par la il est a croire que
non seullement voudra-il ung Espaignol estre souverain en ce
pays, mais encores j'estime qu'il desire presentement y veoir
une bonne partie de l'Espaigne et Allemaigne y tenir grosses
et fortes garnisons pour mortiffier ce peuple et s'en vanger,
tant il luy veult de mal : joint aussi, sire, que je scay que la
royne sa maistresse a declaire a ceulx qui luy ont parl4 de
Courtenay, qu'elle s'est excusee sur sa jeunesse et le peu
d'experience et suffisance qu'il peult avoir au manienient des
affaires qui sont et seront en ce royaulme. Ce qui feroit
craindre ledit chancellier, voyant icelle dame donner telle
excuse, qu'elle s'attendroit au cardinal Polus, qui n'est
encores lie en l'eglise, comme Ton diet, et que Ton tienct
pour certain qu'elle l'ayme sur toutes personnes de ce
royaulme, et par ainsy, il se peult assez juger combien ce
chancellier, qui est extresmement ambitieux d'honneur et de
maniement, comporteroit mal tel mariaige, et est a croire
que, se congnoissant hors de toute esperance d'estre jamais
ayme- ce ceulx de sa patrie, il sera tres ayse de tenir le
chemin d'amener icy ung estrangier."

All this, so far as Gardiner is concerned, is nothing but
wild speculation on the part of Noailles about a course which
he expected him to pursue, and which he actually did not
pursue. How little he was induced to give up the cause of
Courtenay from ambitious motives this chapter has fully
shown.

VOL. IV K

CHAPTER IV

PARLIAMENT AND RELIGION

Convoca- We have not quite finished the story of that autumn
tion. Parliament of 1553, and there is more to be said of
the significance of facts already recorded. But as
the great question behind all other questions con-
cerned a return to old standards of religion, ultimately
pointing, as every one saw, to a restoration of Papal
authority, let us now notice the proceedings of the
Southern Convocation, which was summoned as usual
to meet about the same time as Parliament. How
far could this Convocation advance matters in the
desired direction ? Clearly not the whole way, for
there was one serious obstacle at the outset. The
writ, in obedience to which it was summoned, gave
the Queen her legal title of " Supreme Head of the
Church of England," thus excluding Papal jurisdiction
entirely. There was no help for this, and the realm
was still under excommunication at Rome until it
should seek reconciliation. But there might be an
examination of the Church principles and doctrines
upheld during the late reign, and that was to be the
leading business.

As Cranmer * was at this time in prison, awaiting
his trial for treason, it was Bonner who presided
over the Convocation. He sang the Mass of the Holy
Ghost at its opening on the 7th October, in St. Paul's

1 The writ to summon this Convocation had been directed to him on
the 4th August. Wilkins, Concilia, iv. 88.

130

ch. iv PARLIAMENT AND RELIGION 131

at the high altar, which had just been set up again
after its demolition by Ridley, and delivered " a
goodly sermon ad clerum in the choir." l

Dr. Hugh Weston, who had recently been made The Pro-
Dean of Westminster on the deprivation of Dr. Cox, JjJjK8
was elected Prolocutor ; but Bonner immediately after- oration.
wards prorogued the Convocation till Friday the 1 3th,
and from that to the 20th. So at least the record
stands in Cranmer's register.2 But according to a
carefully composed report of the disputation which
was the main business of this Synod, it began on the
18th;3 and to that date, doubtless, in spite of some
other difficulties, we may refer the published oration 4
of Weston as Prolocutor with which the proceed-
ings began. After a classical exordium appealing to
the benevolence of the assembled fathers who had
imposed upon him such a serious responsibility, he
declared the object for which they were met — to
raise up Mother Church now fallen, cruelly oppressed
and wounded by the darts of heretics, and to restore
faith and religion which had been driven off the
stage. I will not trouble the reader with a further
account of this oration, which appears to have been
preceded by an equally eloquent sermon from Bonner's
chaplain, John Harpsfield, of which Strype has given

1 Grey Friars' Chronicle, p. 85.

2 Wilkins, u.s.

3 The 18th was a Wednesday, and I think it must be the Wednesday
referred to in the following passage of the Chronicle of Queen Jane and Queen
Mary, edited by Gough Nichols for the Camden Society (p. 32) : —

"Note that on Wednesday, the (blank) daye of October, was an Act
passed in the Parliament, that men might reason whether the Quene were
Supreme Hedd, or whether the Busshoppe of Rome might not lawfully have
the same agayn, with certayn other mattyers."

A footnote to this passage (strangely inaccurate) says that Parliament
did not meet till the 12th November. How such an usually careful editor
as the late Mr. Gough Nichols committed himself to this statement is a
mystery. The Commons actually sat on Wednesday the 18th October,
when the first session was near coming to an end ; but no mention of this
business is upon the journals. Nevertheless parliamentary sanction would
naturally be required for the disputation which followed. But it may
have been given at the Queen's request by a mere resolution.

4 Printed by Strype in Eccl. Mem. III. ii., 182 (" Catalogue of Originals,"
No. viii.).

ness to be
done

132 LOLLARDY & THE REFORMATION bk. vn

a brief outline in one work, and a fuller account in
another.1

The busi- The Queen had determined to untie the hands of

Convocation, otherwise fast bound by the Statute 25
Henry VIII. cap. 19, which forbade it to make laws
or canons for the Church without the consent of
the sovereign. This Act, as the reader may have
seen, had kept the Church in virtual anarchy for
nearly twenty years ; for it should not be forgotten,
though it too easily is, that the Committee of Thirty-
two provided for by that very statute to examine
the existing Canon law, to weed out all the canons
which should be annulled as obnoxious to Royal
Supremacy, and to declare which of them deserved
to be continued, was never constituted till late in
the reign of Edward VI., and even then could get no
sanction for the result of its labours. So the clergy,
all this while, had had no safe law for their guidance,
and the rulers of the kingdom had not wished them
to have any. The Queen therefore caused it to be
intimated by Weston, the Prolocutor, that it was
her pleasure that the divines assembled " should
debate of matters of religion and constitute laws
thereof, which her Grace and the Parliament would
ratify." On this business, accordingly, the Convoca-
tion entered on Wednesday, the 18th October, and
the Prolocutor first called attention to a matter
mentioned in the last volume.2
Demmcia- " There is a book," he said, " of late set forth, called
"Cat°eniie The Catechism, bearing the name of this honourable
chism." Synod, and yet put forth without your consents, as I
have learned ; being a book very pestiferous and full of
heresies ; and likewise a book of Common Prayer, very

1 Memorials of Cranmer, i. 161-3 ; Eccl. Mem. III. i. 60, 61. Harpsfield's
sermon was printed in December following by Cawood with other Orationes
laudatoriae of William Pye, Dean of Chichester, and John Wymsley, Arch-
deacon of London, and with Weston's after them. The tract is exceedingly
rare. But, curiously enough, Harpsfield's sermon seems in it to be dated 26
October. Dibdin, Ames's Typographical Antiquities, iv. No. 2523.

2 Vol. iii. 373-9. See particularly p. 377.

ch. iv PARLIAMENT AND RELIGION 133

abominable. I thought it therefore best first to begin
with the Articles of the Catechism concerning the sacra-
ment of the Altar, to confirm the natural Presence
of Christ in the same, and also Transubstantiation.
Wherefore it shall be lawful, on Friday next ensuing,
for all men freely to speak their conscience in these
matters, that all doubts may be removed, and they
fully satisfied therein." l

Of what took place that Friday and on further
days of the conference I will now give a very con-
densed account, taken from the carefully composed
report above mentioned : —

On Friday the 20th the Prolocutor exhibited to the House a disputa-
two bills, one for the natural Presence of Christ in the Sacra- g°°ra°^e*e
ment, the other repudiating the Catechism as not set forth of the
by the authority of that House ; and he requested all present Altar,
to subscribe these bills, as he himself had done. The call
was readily obeyed, and the bills were signed by all but six
of the House. These were : the Dean of Rochester (Walter
Philips) ; the Dean of Exeter (James Haddon, who had been
Lady Jane Grey's tutor) ; the Archdeacon of Winchester
(John Philpot) ; the Archdeacon of Hereford (Richard
Cheyney, whom Elizabeth made Bishop of Gloucester) ; the
Archdeacon of Stow (John Elmer, or Aylmer, who had also
been tutor to Lady Jane, and became another Elizabethan
bishop), and one other member of the House, who, it seems,
was Thomas Young, Chanter of St. David's, an Elizabethan
Archbishop of York.

Before the Articles were signed, Archdeacon Philpot
endeavoured, by a poor sophistry (which has been already
exposed), to invalidate the objection to the Catechism ; and
he further protested that it was unreasonable to be asked
to subscribe to the doctrine of the Real Presence ; but finding
the great majority against him, he requested the Prolocutor
to ask leave of the Lords to allow some of the setters-forth
of the Catechism to appear in the House to vindicate them-
selves, and that Dr. Ridley and Master Rogers, with two or
three more might also be licensed to be present at the dispu-
tation ; and further, that he might be associated with them.
This request was thought reasonable, and was proposed to

1 Foxe, vi. 396.

134 LOLLARDY & THE REFORMATION bk. vii

the bishops ; whose answer was that it was not competent
for them to call such persons into the House, some of them
being prisoners ; but they would be petitioners that, if any
were absent who ought to be present, they might be allowed
to appear if required. The disputation would then have
commenced, but a gentleman came from the Lord Great
Master, signifying that that • nobleman and the Earl of
Devonshire (Courtenay) wished to be present when it took
place. It was therefore deferred till Monday the 23rd, when
there was a great assemblage of earls, lords, knights, and
gentlemen of the Court to hear the discussion in " the long
chapel in Paul's."

The Prolocutor opened the business by a protestation that
the House had appointed the disputation, not to call the
truth into doubt, as they had already, all of them, subscribed,
except five or six, "but that those gainsayers might be
resolved of their arguments in the which they stood," and no
doubt they would " condescend " to the majority. He then
asked Haddon if he was prepared to reason against the ques-
tions proposed. Haddon replied that he had certified him
before in writing that he would not, as the assistance of the
learned men he had asked for had not been conceded.
Aylmer was next asked the same thing and gave a like
answer, adding that they had already prejudged the points
by subscribing before the matter was discussed, and it was
little use reasoning when they were all determined against
the truth. The Prolocutor next turned to Cheyney, inform-
ing the audience that he agreed with them about the Presence,
but denied Transubstantiation, on which he wished his doubts
to be resolved. "Yea," said Cheyney, and gave reasons
against the doctrine which Dr. Moreman was called on to
answer. The answer given did not satisfy Cheyney, who
added some further arguments and sat down. Then Aylmer
entered the lists "as one that could not abide to hear so
fond an answer " as that given by Moreman ; and Moreman's
defeat seems to have been afterwards still more completely
effected by Philpot. And so the combat continued, of which
it would be needless here to give details. Dean Philips
argued from Scripture and ancient doctors against the
natural Presence. Dr. Watson disputed his interpretation
of St. Augustine, and was answered by Philpot. Weston,
the Prolocutor, also took part in the discussion.

On Wednesday the 25th, which was the fourth day of the
Conference, Philpot was called upon to set forth his view of

ch. iv PARLIAMENT AND RELIGION 135

the subject, and would have introduced it by a Latin oration,
winch the Prolocutor forbade. Philpot protested that the
prohibition was a breach of the order originally taken ; but
he defined Ins position, not denying utterly the Presence of
Christ in the Sacrament duly ministered according to His
institution, but only " that gross and carnal presence which
you of this House," he said, " have already subscribed unto
to be in the Sacrament of the Altar, contrary to the truth
and manifest meaning of the Scripture," viz. by Transub-
stantiation. Indulging, apparently, in too much preliminary
definition, he was again interrupted by the Prolocutor and
ordered to descend to the argument. On this he fell down on
his knees, appealing to the earls and lords present, and some
of the Queen's Counsel, that he might have liberty to go on,
" winch was gently granted him of the Lords." But the
Prolocutor still cried, " Hold your peace, or else make a short
argument." " I am about it," Philpot answered ; but he
must first ask a question of his respondent, Dr. Chedsey,
what he meant by " the Sacrament of the Altar." And
when he had obtained Chedsey 's confession that they took
" the Sacrament of the Altar " and " the Sacrament of the
Mass" to be all one, Philpot offered to prove before the
whole House, or even before the Queen and her Council, or
before six of the best learned men of the House of the con-
trary opinion, that it was no Sacrament at all. " And if I
shall not be able," he added, " to maintain by God's Word
what I have said, and confound those six which shall take
upon them to withstand me in this point, let me be burned
with as many faggots as be in London, before the Court
gates."

The Prolocutor, finding him so vehement, again interfered
and asked him if he knew what he was saying. " Yea," he
replied, " I wot well what I say," and referred to the Queen's
grant that they should freely utter what was in their con-
sciences on these matters, though he was aware that some of
them disliked his sentiments. On this several besides the
Prolocutor blamed him for speaking so audaciously against
the sacrament of the Mass. The Prolocutor himself said
that he was mad, and threatened to send him to prison " if
he would not cease his speaking." Then Philpot, casting up
Ms eyes, said, " 0 Lord, what a world is this, that the truth
of Thy Holy Word may not be spoken and abiden by ! "
And tears trickled from his eyes. At length the Prolocutor
" was content that he should make an argument so that

136 LOLLARDY & THE REFORMATION bk. vii

he would be brief therein." So he again proceeded, was
answered by Chedsey, and replied to him, not without further
interruptions from the Prolocutor, who at length told him
that he had said enough, and threatened to send him to
prison if he did not forbear, though he protested that he had
scarcely finished his first argument, and had a dozen more
in reserve. At the end of the day Aylmer and Moreman
had some discussion. Haddon was called upon to speak, and
was answered by Watson ; and Pern, arguing against Tran-
substantiation, was reminded by the Prolocutor that he had
subscribed to the doctrine on the Friday before. But Aylmer
claimed that a man was free to speak his conscience there in
spite of having subscribed, and that the Prolocutor himself
had conceded this.

The fifth day of the Conference was Friday the 27th.
" Weston, the Prolocutor, did first propound the matter,
showing that the Convocation hath spent two days in
disputation already about one only doctor, Theodoret, and
about one only word ; yet were they come, the third day,
to answer all things that could be objected so that they
would shortly put their arguments. So Master Haddon,
Dean of Exeter, desired leave to oppose Master Weston, who,
with two other more, that is, Morgan and Harpsfield, was
appointed to answer."

The one word debated was the Greek ova-la, com-
monly translated "substance," and it still continued the
subject of controversy, Watson preferring to translate it
" essence," when Theodoret was appealed to as saying that
the bread and wine remained the same before as after
consecration. But being pushed by a further argument,
Watson " fell to a denial of the author," whom he called a
Nestorian, and desired leave to answer Cheyney, who had
admitted the Real Presence, though he denied Tran-
substantiation. But Cheyney supported Haddon's view
that ova- la meant substance, and said it was a "lewd
refuge" to deny the author. After much discussion, in
which Morgan, and afterwards Harpsfield, were called in to
help, the latter citing new authorities with new arguments,
the Prolocutor asked of the company " whether those men
were sufficiently answered or no." Some priests cried
" Yea," but were not heard for the great multitude that
cried " No, no," a cry which was " heard and noised almost
to the end of Paul's." At this Dr. Weston was much
moved, and "answered bitterly that he asked not the

ch. iv PARLIAMENT AND RELIGION 137

judgment of the rude multitude and unlearned people, but
of them which were of the House." He then turned
to Haddon and his fellows, and asked if they would be
respondents for other three days instead of opponents.
Haddon, Cheyney, and Aylmer said No; but the valiant
Archdeacon Philpot stood up and said he was ready to
answer though all the others refused, and he would answer
those on the opposite side, one after the other. " With this
proffer the Prolocutor was not contented, but railed on him,
and said that he should go to Bedlam. To whom the
Archdeacon soberly made this answer that he was more
worthy to be sent thither, who used himself so ragingly in
that disputation without any indifferent equality."

Then the Prolocutor rose up and said : — " All the company
have subscribed to our article, saving only these men which
you see. What their reasons are you have heard. We have
answered them three days, upon promise (as it pleased him
to descant without truth, for no such promise was made),
that they should answer us again as long as the order of
disputation doth require ; and if they be able to defend their
doctrine, let them do so."

Aylmer on this got up and protested that he and his
friends had never promised to dispute, but only to testify
their consciences ; for when asked to subscribe they had
simply refused and offered to show good reasons for doing
so. It was ill called a disputation, for they had no intention
of disputing, nor did they mean to answer now till the
arguments which they had to propound were solved, " as it
was appointed."

On Monday the 30th, the sixth day of the Conference,
the Prolocutor asked Philpot " whether he would answer on
the questions before propounded to their objections or no ? "
He said he would willingly do so " if, according to their
former determination, they would first answer sufficiently to
some of his arguments, as they had promised to do, whereof
he had a dozen, and not half of the first being yet decided ;
and if they would answer fully and sufficiently but to one of
his arguments, he promised that he would answer to all the
objections that they should bring."

The reader has probably come to the conclusion Authorship
by this time, if not before, that the " carefully ££e Re'
composed report," of which I have been endeavouring
to give an abstract sufficient for modern requirements,

138 LOLLARDY & THE REFORMATION

An official
record of
the dis-
putation.

could have been drawn up by no one else than the
redoubted Archdeacon Philpot himself. The fact,
indeed, is beyond question ; and it would be rash to
pronounce judgment from his own report whether
he was fairly treated or not. Logical combats of
this sort do not appeal to us moderns as they did
to divines even at the close of the Middle Ages.
But it is clear that to meet all Philpot's requirements
the debate must have been indefinitely prolonged.
The Prolocutor, however, made some concession, and
allowed him to propound the argument, which had
been cut short on the preceding Wednesday, to prove
that the body of Christ, being a human body, could
not be on earth and in heaven at the same time.
Morgan was appointed to answer him, and a long dis-
cussion arose in which the Prolocutor himself and
Harpsfield took part, and afterwards Moreman.
At last the Prolocutor, denouncing Philpot as a
man unlearned, yea, a madman, ordered that he
should come no more into the House — a decision
that had the approval of " a great company." Yet,
at Morgan's suggestion, he recalled the order lest
Philpot should allege that he had not been suffered
to declare his mind, and said he should be free to
come as before, provided he were apparelled, like his
opponents, in a long gown and a tippet, and that he
should not speak except when commanded. " Then,"
said Philpot, " I had rather be absent altogether." 1
Here, accordingly, comes to an end the most minute
account we possess of a conference which had so far
occupied six separate days of three weeks, being held
on Mondays, Wednesdays, and Fridays.

The official record of the proceedings in Cran-
mer's Register (that is to say, the Register during
Cranmer's archiepiscopate, though Cranmer himself
had nothing now to do with it) was much more
brief, and naturally told a different tale. After

1 Foxe, vi. 395-411.

ch. iv PARLIAMENT AND RELIGION 139

giving the names of those who refused to subscribe,
it goes on to say (in official Latin) : — " Who on
the Monday assigned for hearing the disputations
were opponents, and Masters Moreman, Chedsey,
Glyn, Watson, Feckenham, Morgan, Philip, and
Harpsfield were respondents. After three days the
Prolocutor wished sides to be changed in these dis-
putations for the next three days ; but those first
elected as opponents expressly refused to undertake
the parts of respondents. Therefore, on the 30th
October, Master Philpot, on account of his ignorance,
arrogance, insolence, and pertinacity, was not further
admitted to dispute except in civil causes." !

What shall we say about the matter with such Arch-
imperfect lights ? The official record seems hardly p^°°t
fair in imputing ignorance to Philpot, however justly
he may have been charged with arrogance and
pertinacity. Indeed, if the charge of irreverence had
been added we should not have been much surprised ;
for his language about the sacrament recorded by
himself was naturally revolting to men of the old
belief, and seemed to pass the bounds of legitimate
discussion. But ignorant he could hardly be called,
at least in an ordinary sense ; for he was really a
highly educated man and a great lover of learning.
The son of a Hampshire knight, he had been brought
up at William of Wykeham's school and at New
College, Oxford. His proficiency in Greek and Latin
is undoubted ; and he even took up the study of
Hebrew, though he meant to devote himself to the
civil law. These advantages, moreover, he had
improved by foreign travel. He had visited Italy
and seen Eome, and after his return he had lectured
in Winchester Cathedral on the Epistle to the
Romans.2 He was now forty-two years old, and with
all his experience in life had, no doubt, a very good

1 Wilkins, u.s.

2 See biographical notice prefixed to Eden's Examinations of Philpot
(Parker Society).

140 LOLLARDY & THE REFORMATION bk. vii

opinion of himself. His minute report of the dis-
cussion has, indeed, a look of being candid and
trustworthy as to the facts, amusing as it is in some
points bearing upon himself, as where he records
(anonymously) that the " Archdeacon " answered
" soberly " to the Prolocutor that he was more worthy
to be sent to Bedlam than himself. But it must be
observed that the accuracy of his narrative was by
no means admitted by his opponents ; for, two years
later, Chedsey, who was one of the disputants,
declared in the presence of Philpot himself that it
was not at all correct. " There is a book abroad," he
said, " of the report of the disputation, in the which
there is never a true word."1 This probably at least
is an exaggeration.
The pro- The disputation seems still to have gone on after

ineffective. n^s withdrawal, but there is no record of it. Writing
on the 1st November, Renard says it still continued
then, but nothing was to be expected from it, as the
disputants were so obstinate that they could not be
converted by reason, learning, or fear, " daring death
for their professions."2 There was no coercive
authority as in past times, with its painfully con-
clusive argument : " Submit or burn." There was no
religious authority for the nation at all ; for though
some might and did uphold Edwardine religion as
that ordained by law, and claimed for it obedience on
that ground, even they rested its claims on a higher
ground, while those whose moral compass pointed to
Rome regarded ancient doctrine alone as having that
higher authority, and looked upon Edwardine religion
as an unwarrantable usurpation which human law
could never justify. A conference between men

1 Philpot' s Examinations (Parker Society), p. 63.

2 " L'on continue la disputation des articles de la religion entre les
Catholicques et Sacramentaires, dont Ton ne espere sinon confusion et
inconvenience ; pour ce que, ni par raison, ni par doctrine, ni par craincte,
Ton ne peult convertir les disputans qui sont obstinez, et pour toute
resolution ilz se exposent voluntairement a la mort."— -R. 0. Transcripts,
u.s. pp. 614-15.

ch. iv PARLIAMENT AND RELIGION 141

whose views were so radically different could not
really effect anything at all. And so its history is
summed up in the Grey Friars' Chronicle : —

" The xxi day of that same month began the
disputation in the long chapel in Paul's between the
new sort and the old, as Monday, Wednesday, [and]
Friday, and there came much people, but they were
never the wiser, and with many words of . . . that
the Queen's Graces Council was fain to send word
that there should be no more dis[pu]tations, but that
it should be discussed by the whole Parliament." *

Yet, curiously enough, the fundamental principle
of controversy in both parties was the same : all
truth must be ascertained and vindicated by logical
arguments and valid syllogisms, otherwise it could
not be received, and if so vindicated, it should be
both received and enforced. Syllogisms, no doubt,
are very cogent ; but what was the ultimate basis,
and who were to be the ultimate judges ? If, on a
complete survey of the facts, a logical conclusion is
irresistible to all reasonable minds, there is no ground
for tolerating the arrogance of dissent at all. But
if there be dissent, obstinately set in its own way,
and claiming victory and a moral right to rule over
the majority, what tribunal is to decide the points
of difference? Men of the world, spectators of a
combat in which their own personal judgments are of
little worth, easily throw their influence into the scale
which promises the most convenient settlement ;
and it was not without significance that Philpot,
himself in the arena, appealed to the non-combatants
of the Privy Council. But though present as moder-
ators of the controversy, they had refused to liberate
preachers imprisoned as seditious when the minority
desired their aid. What was to be done ? Privy

1 Grey Friars' Chronicle, p. 85. The date at the beginning is certainly
"the xxi. day" in the MS., Vitellius, F. xii. But this only adds one more
instance to the diversity of testimonies about dates in the original authorities
for this discussion.

142 LOLLARDY & THE REFORMATION bk. vn

Councillors must hear the disputations. There was

at this time no appeal to Rome, and no hope, it

seems, of bringing . back Roman authority until royal

supremacy had cleared the way.

Corre- Mary would fain have had it otherwise ; and so

between00 would Cardinal Pole, who had written to the Queen

the Queen from Maguzzano, telling her that all good men were

di°Poie. intent to see what she would do further to repair

past mischief. She must restore the primacy to Rome

— that must be her chief aim. Martyrs had borne

testimony to the value of that primacy. Her own

past tribulations would teach her to relieve others

from bondage ; and taught by adversity, she would

doubtless rule with justice to the comfort of all good

men. This, Pole said, was his expectation, and he

would be the more confirmed in it when he should

witness the return of the kingdom to the Church

and to obedience to its Supreme Head on earth. That

obedience was the only means of introducing true

order into her kingdom, and it would do more to

establish her throne securely than any alliance with

foreign princes.1

These were Pole's sentiments as Legate, and as
Legate he could hold no other. He left Maguzzano
on the 29th September, and arrived on the 1st
October at Trent, from which place he next day
wrote again to Queen Mary — this was the third letter
he had written her since receiving the news of her
success.2 Within a week of the date of this letter the
Queen told Renard that, hearing of the state of affairs
in England, the Cardinal much desired to get nearer
to it — as far as Liege, he particularly suggested,
though apparently this suggestion was not committed
to writing. But Renard told her that would not be

o

1 Venetian Calendar, vol. v. No. 776. See also in No. 777 for what Pole
wrote to Gardiner at the same time on the new turn of affairs, and the hopes
he had conceived of him. If Gardiner had had a good prince to serve, Pole
believed that his ability and goodness would have yielded much better
fruit.

2 lb. No. 805.

ch. iv PARLIAMENT AND RELIGION 143

advisable before the dissolution of Parliament, as
Pole's legative commission was published everywhere,
and it was very unpopular.1 Pole himself had by Poiedis-
that time already received a dash of cold water after *£ ^ves
notifying his legative commission to the Emperor. Emperor's
For the Bishop of Arras, while replying to him prudence-
courteously on His Majesty's behalf, commending
the Pope's choice of him as Legate, and entirely
sympathising with his aim, intimated that it was not
expedient to take immediate steps, as the people in
England were so rebellious in matters of religion. As
to this Pole wrote to the Queen that he had no doubt of
the Emperor's prudence, but he had always considered
Mary to be governed by a higher light than worldly
wisdom, and he ventured to give her counsel not to
be swayed too much by the Emperor's advice in the
matter of the restoration of the supremacy of the
Church of Pome. He urged her, on the contrary,
to quiet the Emperor's fears before he himself should
arrive on his mission to the Imperial Court, and to
allow the discussion of obedience to Eome in her
approaching Parliament.2 It will be noted that he
still hoped to reach the Emperor's Court.

On the 8th October the Queen wrote in reply, He is
thanking him warmly for his advice ; but she seems to omifen
have committed a good deal to his messenger, Henry
Penning, to be notified to the Cardinal by word of
mouth. She had by that time been crowned, and her
first Parliament had already begun. Eeturning to his
master, Penning found him at Dillingen, in Bavaria,
awaiting the arrival of safe-conducts from the Duke
of Wiirtemberg and the Count Palatine for his further

1 R. 0. Transcripts, u.s. pp. 468-9.

2 Venetian Calendar, vol. v. No. 805. See also No. 797. Pole wrote
from Trent on the same day an interesting letter to Courtenay, No. 806.
It would seem that a few days later he wrote to him again from Innsbruck
a letter which the Queen opened in England and showed to Renard. In
this he only spoke of his legation to the Emperor and the King of France,
and admonished Courtenay to be thankful to the Queen for her humanity.
—Renard to Charles V., 31st October 1553, p. 606.

i44 LOLLARDY & THE REFORMATION bk. vh

advance. The Cardinal sent Penning on to Eome
with a copy of the letter that Mary had written him,
and with instructions to report what she had told
him. For she had given Penning an audience in the
strictest privacy, not trusting her own Council, and
had recommended Pole to come leisurely on towards
Brussels, where the policy of proceeding further could
be considered. But Pole found that the Emperor
objected to his coming further ; for a dignified Im-
perial messenger, Don Juan de Mendoza, came to
request him to stay at Dillingen for a while with the
Cardinal of Augsburg, although he had not only a
mission to England, but another (for peace) to the
Emperor and Henry II. of France.1 With all possible
respect for the Emperor, Pole insisted in conversa-
tion with Don Juan that his mission to England was
so important that he must proceed on his journey.
But ultimately he thought it well to return to
Dillingen, from which he had already gone as far as
three leagues ; 2 and there he found himself compelled
to remain till the end of the year.
The House Meanwhile the Queen had difficulties in England,
of com- about which she had written him further letters. In

inons and

the one of these, dated on the 28th, she said he could

supremacy. kave iearneci from her last (perhaps she meant from
the messenger who took the last) the existing state
of affairs, and for what reasons she wished him to
put off going to Liege. The announcement of his
public legation had occasioned disquietude in England,
and was actually hateful to her subjects, so that, much
as she desired his early coming, she felt that it would
do more harm than good. The House of Lords had

1 Venetian Calendar, vol. v. Nos. 807, 809, 813, 819.

2 lb., No. 820. How completely the Emperor was set against Pole's
mission from the first appears plainly in a letter from De Selve, the French
ambassador at Venice, written to the Constable of France on the 12th
September. See appendix to this chapter. This letter also shows how
early De Selve, at Venice, like Noailles in England, divined the Emperor's
policy of marrying his son to Mary, and by what methods he considered it
ought to be thwarted. De Selve's second letter in the same appendix will
also be read with interest.

ch. iv PARLIAMENT AND RELIGION 145

shown itself of opinion that all statutes affecting
religion passed since and shortly before her mother's
divorce should be repealed. But when this became
known to the House of Commons they immediately
took alarm, fearing that it would bring in papal
authority again and take away the title of Supreme
Head attached to the crown ; nor was it any recom-
mendation of the measure that it would open the
way to the execution of Pole's legative functions.
Apart from this, she was informed that there would
be no difficulty about the repeal of the statutes and
the acknowledgment of the validity of her mother's
marriage. But she feared they would insist on her
retaining the title of Supreme Head. She could
only answer that she had always professed the old
religion in which she was brought up and meant to
hold by it till death. She did not agree that such a
title became a king ; still less did it become a queen.
The body politic had nothing in common with the
ecclesiastical ; and she desired of her Parliament that
they would at least put off determining any matter in
a way that would offend her conscience. But if they
persisted in their present counsels she did not know
what to do, and she appealed to Pole for advice.
Another thing which made her anxious was the dis-
closure of her application to the Pope for the general
absolution of censures already mentioned.1

Unfortunately, this urgent letter did not come to
Pole's hands so soon as might have been expected ;
and the Queen, who meanwhile had been holding
long conferences with his messenger in England2
(apparently Michael Throgmorton), wrote to him
again on the 15 th November. In this letter she told
him very distinctly that it was too dangerous for
him to come to England then. Her subjects, she

1 Epistolae Poll, iv. 119-121.

2 See Renard's letter to the Emperor, 14th November, R. 0. Transcripts,
u.s. p. 689. She showed Renard three letters from Pole about his anxiety
to fulfil his mission to England.

VOL. IV L

146 LOLLARDY & THE REFORMATION bk. vn

Pole's
letter of ex-
hortation
to the
Queen.

said, were so perverted by false doctrine that his
very life would be insecure. It would be better to
delay his journey and suspend the execution of his
commission for some days. In spite of her desire to
see him, she felt that his coming at that time would
disturb the kingdom and not promote his object.
Religion and ecclesiastical authority along with it
could not be fully restored in this Parliament. But
the messenger would tell him how the Edwardine
statutes had been repealed already and the religion
of Henry VIII. 's days restored, not without much
contention and difficulty ; and also how Parliament
had declared the marriage of the Queen's parents
legitimate. There were other things besides which
he would show him, not only about Parliament,
which would soon be prorogued, but about the Scots,
an Irish rebellion, and French intrigues, by which
her government was troubled.1

Pole did not reply either to this or to the pre-
ceding letter till the 1st December, when he wrote to
the Queen from Dillingen. The letter of the 28th
October came to him in a budget along with others
forwarded from the Emperor's Court, and the friend
who forwarded the budget wrote nothing to him
about its containing a letter from the Queen. More-
over, when he himself took it out, he did not at first
think that it was from her, for it was written in
Latin, and he had not looked at the last page with
the Queen's signature at the bottom. He half
wondered, he wrote, whether the Queen thought he
had forgotten his native tongue in his long exile ; for
sovereigns usually wrote to their subjects as they
spoke to them, in the vernacular. Indeed, she had
written to him in English not long before. But he
now replied in Latin to her inquiry how to avoid
danger.

The fact that she so inquired showed really

1 Epistolae Poli, iv. 121-3.

ch. iv PARLIAMENT AND RELIGION 147

that she was not sufficiently aware of the danger
she was in. If a person was shipwrecked and
hesitated to lay hold of a plank or embark in a small
skiff, but took counsel of others about doing so,
could we say that he sufficiently understood his
danger? One who was really aware of it would
think a plank a godsend, and still more a skiff, to
enable him to get to shore. The Queen had suffered
shipwreck ; or, if not the Queen, the nation, by
jumping out of St. Peter's ship into the sea of this
secular world. Perhaps it should not be called ship-
wreck, seeing that that vessel cannot be wrecked ;
but those who throw themselves out of it incur the
same danger as those who suffer shipwreck. Yet
there was now no question of seizing a plank or
skiff, for God was again offering her and the nation
St. Peter's ship, the safest of all vessels. Nor must
the Queen comfort herself with the thought that
she never in mind departed from the Church, while
she held personal intercourse with those who had
plunged overboard. She might have been excused
for doing so before her accession ; but now being
safe herself, she should save her subjects as well.1

This seems scarcely practical advice when the His
Cardinal who gave it could not fulfil his mission and ^Ty6 to
bring back an erring nation into the Church's bosom. Goidweu.
Yet it was the only advice that an honest Legate in
Pole's position could be expected to give ; and he
sent it to her by Thomas Goldwell, afterwards Bishop
of St. Asaph, with a set of instructions to show how
he meant her to put it in practice. He advised her
first to seek counsel of God in prayer, as he himself
did, that He would give her the spirit of counsel
and fortitude. As in her attainment of the crown
He had given her those two graces, she must still
persevere in seeking them. If she had drawn back
hitherto for any peril, she would have been lost.

1 lb. pp. 123-7 ; Venetian Calendar, vol. v. No. 836.

148 LOLLARDY & THE REFORMATION

Let her
personally
urge the
renuncia-
tion of the
supremacy,

and an in-
vitation to
himself as
legate.

And if she were now to draw back, and not renounce
" that title of supremacy which had taken the name
of Princess and right heir from her," she could not
hold what she had won. She must be no less
ardent in giving up that title of supremacy than her
father had been in asserting it — nay, more so, as her
father's assertion of it was against all right, and it
was a positive duty to renounce it if it cost her both
state and life. But God put no such hard conditions
on her now if she did not draw back for fear of
men. If she was determined on renunciation of the
supremacy, let her stand forth, casting away fear, and
cause it to pass by the Parliament.

The question was who was to propound the
matter, and Pole saw no one who could do so but
herself, for he saw no lords spiritual or temporal
who had not defended the contrary cause. She
should follow the example of the Emperor Charles V.
at Rome, justifying his cause against France before
the Pope and Cardinals ; when, if he had left it
to another, it might have met with contradiction
from the party that favoured France.1 She should
come personally into the Parliament and put the
matter forth herself. "And I dare be bold to say,"
Pole adds, " what for her authority and the justness
and the equity of the cause itself, she shall have no
contradiction. And if need were also to show herself
to the Lower House, the thing itself so near toucheth
her wealth, both godly and temporally, that it should
be taken rather cum applausu than otherwise."

With this she must also make mention of the Pope's
Legate, Pole himself, " to be admitted and sent for."
First, she should "entreat" that the law under which
he was banished should be abolished and himself
restored in name and blood. She knows well what
injustice was done to him and all his house. And

1 [Refers to the Emperor's attack on Francis I. in the consistory held at
Rome on the 17th April 1536.— Ed.]

ch. iv PARLIAMENT AND RELIGION 149

for himself, what just cause of banishment was ever
alleged against him? It was really because he was
devoted, heart and mind, to the King's honour and
the wealth both of him and his realm. The King
himself could not persuade him, even though he
offered him great reward, " to do or sentence anything
against his honour and the wealth of the realm, and
to his damnation." "Here," he said, "is all the
cause why I suffered banishment, with so great loss
of those kinsfolk that were dearer to me than my
life. And this being done by the consent of the
Parliament, though, I doubt not, against their mind,
the Parliament is bound, afore God and man, to
revoke me again, and specially now, coming with
that commission that bringeth the stablishment of
your Grace's crown, to the comfort of the whole
realm, both temporally and spiritually."1

How true these words were Mary knew well Political
enough, and Parliament itself recognised a twelve- ence«»m-
month later. But for the present, justice must pels delay.
wait. The Imperial Ambassador was Mary's prime
minister, simply because there was no English
statesman who had not committed himself in the
past to a policy unjust to Mary herself. The flexible
Paget, who understood the changes of the times,
bowed readily, as he had done before, to expediency,
and promoted the Imperial policy. The more steadfast
Gardiner had bowed unwillingly, and was a little
out of favour now for opposing it. And the still
more steadfast Cardinal Pole was in exile pleading for
justice to enable him to return to his native land ;
but that too must wait the convenience of politi-
cians, even though he was furnished with a legatine
commission by the Pope, which deserved respect
above all things from Catholic princes and states.
Nay, Pope Julius himself bowed to political con-
venience, as Pole now had discovered ; and though

1 Strype, Memorials of Cranmer, App. No. 75.

i 50 LOLLARDY & THE REFORMATION bk. vii

Pole was clear as to the course which was best for
his native country, he sadly feared that the failure of
his mission would lead to overwhelming disaster. For
after a further passage about himself, defying any
one to prove him guilty of disloyalty to his country,
he goes on in these instructions to Goldwell as
follows : —

The prob- After this ye shall show her Grace, if this way be not
able conse- followed or deferred, what I most fear. And this is, first,
fether5 °f tnat tne P0Pe's Holiness being already persuaded to grant
delay. to the stay of my journey, contrary to his first commission,
when her Grace showed more fervency to receive the obedi-
ence of the Church, that the next commission I shall have
shall be to return back to Italy again. And the cause why
I fear this is that the Pope shall think, by offering to her
Grace and the realm all those graces that do pertain to the
reconciliation of both to the Church, when he seeth it is not
accepted with that promptness it is offered, he shall think
that both afore God and man he hath satisfied all that could
be required of him touching the demonstration of his paternal
affection to her Grace and the realm. In the which the
College of Cardinals, peradventure, will judge that his
Sanctity hath been overmuch bountiful, specially when they
hear of this my staying being made without their consent ;
which they will ever take for a great indignity, hearing no
greater nor more urgent cause thereof than hath hitherto
been showed ; and knowing how her Grace cannot maintain
her right, nother afore God nor man, without having recourse
to his Holiness and to the See Apostolic, of whose authority
and dispensation the whole right of her cause doth depend,1
as some of them then would have had his Holiness at the
beginning not to have sent his Legate until he had been
required, so, much more now after he hath sent, and he not
accepted, they will all be of opinion that he shall be revoked.
And then, what peril both her Grace and the whole realm
standeth in by the reason of the Schism yet remaining, it is
manifest of itself.2

His fear, he goes on to show, was that worse things

1 That is to say, the legitimacy of Mary's birth and her true right to the
Crown depended entirely, in Pole's view, on the validity of the dispensation
for the marriage of her parents.

2 Memorials of Cranmer, ?t.s.

ch. iv PARLIAMENT AND RELIGION 151

might follow if, not being accepted, he returned to Pole's
Rome. It would aggravate difficulties hereafter and gj"^8^
encourage all who would impugn Mary's title. To
avoid these evils it was important, first, to persuade
the Pope and the College of Cardinals that his stay
at Dillingen should be brief; and he had sent a
servant to Rome to show the purport of a note
written by the Queen and despatched by his servant
Harry (i.e. Penning), declaring that she trusted " the
matters of the Parliament should have that conclusion
that I most desired." In this hope he had actually
sent on his baggage to Flanders, and had despatched
afterwards part of his company to await him there.
Secondly, he had done his best by letters to persuade
the Emperor that he was wrong in recommending the
Queen not to be over hasty in renouncing royal
supremacy, and he had also persuaded the Emperor's
confessor (Soto), whom he found to be a man of
great sanctity and learning, to repair to his Majesty
and do his best personally to remove the worldly
fear of consequences which had influenced that
advice. Thirdly, the Queen must be well informed
of her peril, " which in mine opinion," says the
Cardinal, "is now more great than when the Duke
of Northumberland did set against her. And the
same must be overcome with that means that her
Grace then had the victory ; which was by putting
her trust wholly in God and in the justice of her
cause, casting away all fear worldly."

There is much more in these lengthy instructions
that is of high interest and importance : first, an ex-
planation of Commendone's conduct, showing that he commen-
had not really revealed the Queen's secret at Rome ; fn°^creet.
and, secondly, Pole's judgment of what had been done
in Parliament, which he commends as very good in
itself, but not satisfactory, as the Acts made no
reference to Papal authority. There are also some
other points mentioned, in which he says Goldwell

152 LOLLARDY & THE REFORMATION bk. vii

needs no written instructions as he knows Pole's
mind fully,
was Pole Was Pole really unpractical ? He could not get

unpracti- even Mary to adopt his policy. But he was the very
last man of the age who deserved to be despised.
For conscience' sake, and for that alone, had he
endured over twenty years of exile, — merely because,
if he had remained at home and not falsified his
opinions to suit Henry VIII. 's policy of divorce,
there is no doubt that he would have suffered the
same fate as his mother and his brother Montague.
For his mother, daughter of that unhappy Clarence
who was said to have been drowned in a butt
of malmsey, had been Queen Mary's governess in
her early years, and being devotedly attached to
Katharine of Aragon, naturally hated the injustice
of Henry to his Queen. Pole himself had been
highly educated at Henry's expense — a fact which
made the King hope that out of gratitude to him he
would pervert his conscience. But he fled abroad to
avoid giving an opinion in Henry's favour, which he
knew would be absolutely wrong, and the tyrant
revenged himself upon his near relations at home.
He was valued at Rome and was made a Cardinal
against his will ; but this only increased the King's
ferocity against him ; and under Edward VI. he
was still proscribed as a public enemy lest the
supremacy of Rome should reassert itself. But now ?
Could he not come back to his native land, even
now, to recall it from past errors and restore the
ancient order? The cause which he had at heart,
too, was the Queen's own cause which, she fully
agreed with him, was the Pope's cause as well.
Worldly No, Royal Supremacy must still govern in

ti^nstome England — even the Royal Supremacy of a female to
first. whom such government was odious ; and the re-

conciliation to Rome must wait till she had got a
husband — the Emperor was quite clear about that.

ch. iv PARLIAMENT AND RELIGION 153

The world must be served first, and the policy
of secular princes fulfilled. Then, when powerful
sovereigns have had their way, and powerful nobles
and gentlemen within the kingdom are assured that
they will not be called upon to surrender the estates
carved out for them from ecclesiastical property —
why then, perhaps, the English nation will not mind
being reconciled to Rome.1 But the time is not
come yet, and Cardinal Pole, who is to do the work
of reconciliation, is delayed upon the road.

Paget, as we have seen, had advised that the
Emperor should stop Pole's coming into England, or
even into Flanders, lest the Parliament then sitting
should be induced to pass things inconvenient for the
Emperor's policy ; but the Emperor needed no warn-
ing to that effect, and had already taken action.
The unpractical man was evidently one of whom all
practical statesmen were afraid. Before the end of
November, indeed, the Spanish marriage being then
quite safe, Renard suggested to the Emperor that it
might be no great harm to let Pole advance as far
as Brussels.2

Now let us come back to Parliament, whose doings Actspassed
in its second session have as yet been but slightly
touched upon. That second session began on
Tuesday, the 24th October, and on Thursday follow-
ing the bill declaring Henry VIII. 's marriage with
Katharine lawful was read a first time in the
Commons. The second and third readings were
taken on the 27th and 28th, on which latter day the
bill was sent up to the Lords, where we know that it

1 This advice is mentioned by Renard on the 28th October and repeated
on the 31st. R. 0. Transcripts, u.s. pp. 578, 609.

2 His reason for thinking the marriage safe, however, was only that the
Queen was so firm in adhering to her promise ; and he thought the Cardinal
might possibly do as much to shake the alliance from Dillingen as from
Brussels. When asked by Englishmen why Pole was not allowed to come
nearer Brussels, he was driven to say that the Emperor would have liked
better that he had gone to France than that he should come to him, for the
French would say that the Emperor had solicited his coming in order to
procure peace. Renard to the Emperor, 29th November.

in Parlia-
ment.

VI

154 LOLLARDY & THE REFORMATION bk. vn

ultimately passed. Thus was annulled the unjust
ecclesiastical sentence given by Cranmer, the Acts
of Parliament which confirmed it being repealed, and
the previous process of obtaining university opinions
being likewise denounced as corrupt. No reference
was made, however, to the Papal decision declaring
the validity of the marriage, nor to Papal authority at
all, which Parliament was in no humour to recognise.
The bill made its way through both Houses apparently
with very little difficulty.1 The day it was sent up
to the House of Lords Renard mentions that Gardiner
confessed in that assembly that he had solicited the
dissolution of the marriage at Rome to please King
Henry, and that therein he had done amiss.2
Acts re- The next great measure laid before the Legislature

Statutes of ^d not pass so easily. On the last day of the month
Edward the Commons3 read a first time "the bill to repeal divers
Acts touching divine service and marriage of priests,
etc., made in the time of King Edward the Sixth."
This simply abrogated the Prayer Book and annulled
the whole ecclesiastical legislation of the last reign,
leaving religion in the state in which it was at the
death of Henry VIII. , with the old Latin services, but
with no recognition of the Pope. The new services
were declared "to have partly altered and in some
part taken from us " the sacraments of the Catholic
Church, and to have given rise to " divers strange
opinions and diversities of sects, great unquietness,
and much discord?' Nine Acts of Parliament were
repealed, including those for receiving in both kinds,
for the election of bishops, for uniformity, for the
marriage of priests, about books and images, and

1 Journals of the Commons, i. 28, 29 ; Statute I. Mary (2) cap. 1.

2 Renard to the Emperor, 28th October, R. 0. Transcripts, u.s. p. 582.

3 I cannot see what authority Burnet had for the statements {Hist. Be/.,
ii. 410, Pocock's ed.) that this bill was sent down from the Lords, or that,
after being argued six days in the Commons, it was sent back to them.
The Commons' Journals say nothing to prevent us believing that it originated
in their House, and do not even expressly state, what we should naturally
infer, that it was sent up to the other. They show, however, that the bill
was before the Commons on eight several days, not six merely.

ch. iv PARLIAMENT AND RELIGION 155

about orders of ministers. On Friday, the 3rd
November, the bill was read a second time, and on
Saturday the 4th it was much debated ; on Monday
the 6th it was still further discussed, but was ordered
to be engrossed. On the 7th it was read a third
time, but still did not pass till after a final discussion
on the 8th.1 We have seen already how Gardiner
reported its passing on that day to Renard. The
Act, 1 Mary (2) cap. 2, was to come into force on the
20th December.

If there was so much contention within Parliament Act against
itself against reactionary legislation in matters of aJembHes.
religion, there could be no doubt whatever that there
would be some danger to the peace of the country in
enforcing it. There was, therefore, introduced in the
House of Commons on Tuesday, the 14th November, a
" bill for revising the Act made for the punishment of
rebellion, and for riots and routs." The Act revised
was 3 and 4 Edward VI. c. 5 — that notable Act pro-
cured by Warwick just after the fall of Somerset, by
which twelve persons or more assembled to kill or
imprison a Privy Councillor, or to alter the laws,
incurred the guilt of high treason if they did not
retire within an hour on being so commanded by the
authorities. This bill was read a second time on the
20th, but seems not to have been proceeded with ;
perhaps it was altered in some way that made it look
like a new bill. At all events, on the 21st " the bill for
avoiding of rebellion or unlawful risings " is recorded
to have been read a first time, and it had a second
reading on the 24th, when it seems to have been
committed to " Mr. Higham " for presentation to the
House of Lords. The measure took its place upon
the Statute Book, 1 Mary (2) cap. 12, as "an Act
against unlawful and rebellious assemblies " ; and it
was really, even verbally, almost the same as the Act
of Edward VI. 's time, but with some significant

1 Commons' Journals, i. 29.

156 LOLLARDY & THE REFORMATION bk. vn

exceptions. First, it was to come into operation on
the 20th December following — the same day on
which the use of Edwardine Church services was to
cease ; and, secondly, the penalty on persons more
than twelve in number not withdrawing when com-
manded was only to be that of felons, not of traitors.
This degree of mildness was in accordance with an
Act of the first session. With these exceptions the
Act was almost identical Math its predecessor.
Act against Then, for further protection of the revived
disturbing jjenrician order, was read a first time on the 28 th

divine ' , ,. .

service. November a "bill for such as disturb divine service
or preachers." This had a second reading on the
29th, and a third on the 30th. But perhaps the
third reading was not concluded on the 30th ; for
next day, the 1st December, the Journal of the
Commons again records that the bill was read a third
time. This bill also became an Act of Parliament,
1 Mary (2) cap. 3 ; and it, too, was to come into
operation on the 20th December. After that date
any person attempting to molest a licensed preacher,
or to disturb a priest celebrating the Mass after the
form used in Henry VIII.'s reign, or any other form
hereafter authorised by the Queen, or attempting to
treat the Host with irreverence, or to pull down altars,
should be liable to be arrested and brought before a
justice of the peace, who with another justice might
commit him to gaol for three months, and further to
the next quarter sessions after the expiration of that
term, when he might be liberated on repentance,
finding sufficient surety for his good conduct for a
whole year more ; or otherwise was to remain in
gaol without bail or mainprise until he should be
"reconciled and penitent." There was, however, a
significant proviso at the end, that this Act should not
derogate from the authority of the ecclesiastical laws
for the punishment of such offenders.

Akin to this was a bill " for such as come not to the

ch. iv PARLIAMENT AND RELIGION 157

church or receive not the sacrament," which had a a t>m for
second reading (perhaps two readings the same day, J^ticS
for I find no record of a first) on the 29th November, jurisdic-
and was ordered to be engrossed. It was read a third tlon lost
time on the 1st December, and the docket of this
reading gives us a further light upon the character
of the proposed enactment. It is called "the Bill
for divers punishment referred to the Ecclesiastical
Power, for such as say not their service, or come not
to the church." This bill, however, was lost in the
Lords. That ecclesiastical power should inflict punish-
ment for not coming to church or not receiving the
sacrament was a principle that many in the new age
viewed with jealousy. And it might have been a
question, even with those favourable to reaction in
matters of religion, how far the ecclesiastical power
was at that time strong enough to do the work desired,
or whether, if so, it should be invoked by Act of Parlia-
ment. The correction of people not going to church
had been entrusted to the Bishops by the second
Edwardine Act of Uniformity ; and as this Act was
now repealed, no doubt new legislation in the matter
seemed desirable. But, according to the old theory,
Episcopal authority was higher than the authority of
any Act of Parliament ; so the secular power need
not invoke it. " After long debate," writes Renard,
" they have determined for the present that no
penalty shall be attached to the fault, except
indirectly as against those who contravene the law
and statutes of Parliament. And when the people
understood this they were much relieved of the
trouble they feared. At the publication of the said
Acts and Statutes their repugnance to them will be
manifested ; and to meet this, charge has been given
to all officers to be on their guard." l

Thus, although matters were going generally in

1 Renard to the Emperor, 8th December 1553, R. 0. Transcripts, u.s.
p. 854.

158 LOLLARDY & THE REFORMATION bk. vii

Nobles of

doubtful

loyalty.

Abp.
Cranmer,
Lady Jane
Grey, and
others
sentenced
to death.

the direction desired by the Queen, there was grave
reason for anxiety about the temper of the people.
And yet, perhaps, there might have been even more
reason to doubt the fidelity of noblemen who had
been unduly trusted. On the 1st November Renard
writes that the Lord High Treasurer (the Marquis of
Winchester) was arrested at his lodging, and there
was talk of giving his office to Waldegrave. No
mention of this arrest occurs elsewhere, and it may be
that having conciliated the Queen — perhaps by a very
large fine1 — he was immediately reinstated. In the
same letter Renard writes that the Duke of Suffolk
was giving great offence to the Queen in matters of
religion, in spite of her clemency towards him.

But erelong Suffolk had a practical warning by
which he profited for a time. For on the 13th,
Cranmer, with the three brothers, Lords Ambrose,
Henry, and Guildford Dudley, and Lady Jane Grey,
were tried by a special commission at the Guildhall
for high treason, and received sentence to be hanged,
drawn, and quartered — all but Lady Jane, who was
either to be burned on Tower Hill as a heretic or
beheaded as a traitor at the Queen's pleasure. On
the 17th Renard writes again that the Duke of
Suffolk had mended his demeanour as to religion
(s'est recogneu quand a la religion) ; for which reason
the Queen had remitted his composition of £20,000
and given him a general pardon. As to his daughter
Jane, it was understood that her life was even yet
safe, though many urged that she should be put to
death. Not less gracious was the Queen in pardon-
ing Lord Huntingdon, who afterwards did her loyal
service.2 In fact, none of those sentenced was at
present put to death, and it may be questioned

1 Renard says lie was esteemed the richest man in England, " tant en
biens d'Eglise que pour avoir manie- les biens des pupilles et moindres dans
lesquelz les Rois d'Angleterre ont la garde jusques a ce qu'ilz aient dix huit
ans." Renard to the Emperor, 1st November, R. 0. Transcripts, u.s. p. 615.

2 Renard to the Emperor, 17th November, ib. pp. 722-3.

ch. iv PARLIAMENT AND RELIGION 159

whether it was intended that any of them should
suffer that extreme penalty.1 There was, indeed,
some talk of carrying out the sentence upon Cranmer.
But Cranmer was a churchman in true Orders, and
according to Mary's own principles could not rightly
be put to death until he had been degraded.2 More-
over, he must undergo another sort of trial first ; of
which by-and-by.

But there was serious danger from causes less French
conspicuous. The Queen having made the Imperial mtrlsues-
Ambassador her chief counsellor, and trusting not a
single Englishman so much, had almost thrown her-
self into the arms of a great belligerent power. It is
true she was anxious to declare her neutrality, and
that even Renard and the Emperor saw the necessity
of guarding it in the articles proposed for the alliance.
But it could be no matter of astonishment in the
sixteenth century that the other belligerent power
was not only very much provoked, but endeavoured
by its agents to stir up the minds of Englishmen
against the proposed Spanish match. " This morn-
ing," Renard writes on the 29th November, " I gave
warning to Lord Paget that they are making un-
lawful assemblies day and night in this town, in
which the heretics and several Frenchmen take part ;
and I named to him several houses and persons, of
whom some were providing themselves with arms."
And Renard suggested that foreign heretics should
be made to quit the kingdom.3

1 It should be noted that Lord Henry Dudley was a different person
from Henry Dudley who had been in France seeking aid for Northumber-
land (see p. 47), who was only a commoner. Nichols, in Queen Jane and
Queen Mary (p. 175), believes him to have been a son of Sir Andrew Dudley.

2 Froude's utterly unjustifiable statement (Hist. vi. 122) about Mary
being "triumphant" at this time and relieved from a "melancholy which
had weighed upon her from childhood " by the prospect of Cranmer's
execution, has already been denounced by Wiesener (Miss Yonge's transla-
tion), i. 243-4. Froude says, indeed, that Renard actually wrote this on
the 17th November ; but there are no such words in the despatch, and I
suspect the historian had a confused recollection of something very different
in another despatch a month later.

3 Renard to the Emperor, 29th November, R. 0. Transcripts, u.s. p. 809.

160 LOLLARDY & THE REFORMATION bk. vii

The reiigi- The Parliament was to have ended on the day that
effected^ Renard wrote this. But it was adjourned mainly on
by Pariia- account of a claim of the Duke of Norfolk — the same
who had only escaped the block because Henry VIII.
died just before the day of his intended execution —
for restitution of some goods sold by Edward VI.
It was at last dissolved on the 4th December,
and Convocation on the 13th.1 Why the spiritual
assembly should have been allowed to outlive the
temporal by nine days does not appear. One
might have thought, indeed, that the restoration
of a true religion, which was Mary's aim, was more
a matter for the Convocation than for Parliament ;
but, curiously enough, the opposite principle had been
acted on almost completely. Convocation, summoned
by the Queen as Supreme Head of the Church of
England, was ineffective if the main object of its
summons was to get rid of that title and restore the
Pope ; and it was of little use even to discuss
doctrines while the ultimate tribunal was doubtful.
Parliament, on the other hand, though it did not
discuss doctrines nor attempt to remove supremacy,
did annul the most part of what had been done
under supremacy. And so doing, it actually effected
a religious change, abolishing the Edwardine Church
services and restoring those in use at the death of
Henry VIII. But what was the authority of that
religious change now ordered by Act of Parliament ?
Surely as good, at least, as the authority of the
Edwardine changes. Both had been effected by Royal
Supremacy and Parliament, though the direction each
took was a different one.

But it was not to be expected that the new school
would accept reactionary legislation with the same
submissiveness with which the old school had bowed
to legislation little to their mind. Again Elizabeth

1 The Queen's precept of that date, addressed to Bonner for the dissolu-
tion of Convocation, is printed in Foxe, vi. 411.

and the
succession.

ch. iv PARLIAMENT AND RELIGION 161

asked leave to quit the Court, wishing to go home on Elizabeth
Wednesday, the 4th December.1 That was the last
day of the Parliament, when the Acts would be pub-
lished, and how they would be received by the public
was a question. What was in Elizabeth's mind ?
Mary had not long before been considering questions
about the succession which, in the case of her dying
without heirs, would be in dispute between the Queen
of Scots, now fiancee to the Dauphin, and Frances,
Duchess of Suffolk, both of whom had lineal rights ;
and if the Queen of Scots was excluded as not being
a native of the realm, Elizabeth might contest the
Crown by her father's disposition confirmed by Act
of Parliament. But the Duchess of Suffolk, it seems,
was objectionable, as the Duke before marrying her
had fully engaged himself to a sister of the Earl of
Arundel, and as for Elizabeth, the Queen could never
agree to her succession, she was such a heretic, and a
bastard besides — inheriting, moreover, a bad disposi-
tion from her mother, who had caused so much trouble
in the kingdom. Mary, therefore, considered the
Countess of Lennox, daughter of Margaret, late Queen
Dowager of Scotland (Henry VIII. 's sister), to be the
fit person to succeed if she herself died without heirs.
These ideas she had laid before Paget, who thought that
with this arrangement the people might be better
satisfied that she should marry Philip ; for the
English did not like the idea of his being Kino;
of England and claiming to rule the country, if he
should survive the Queen and she should leave no
children. But, while admitting the strength of the
Queen's arguments against Elizabeth's succession, he
thought that an attempt to set it aside would be
dangerous and might encourage a French invasion.
So it would be better to make some provision that,
if Elizabeth came to the Crown, she should make no
change in the old religion ; and if Courtenay were her

1 Renard to the Emperor, 3rd December, R. 0. Transcripts, u.s. p. 829.
VOL. IV M

cernmg
Elizabeth ?

162 LOLLARDY & THE REFORMATION bk. vn

husband and a Catholic, as he professed himself, that
would be an additional security that no religious
innovation should be made without Parliamentary
sanction. It was probable, moreover, that the
number of Catholics would be much greater than that
of heretics, and that a return to error would be
resisted, since the nation had already had so much
experience of its consequences,
what By Paget' s advice the Queen called Renard into

theOueen's consultation, wishing to have the Emperor's opinion
policy con- and to know what Renard himself thought about it.
Renard said it was a very weighty matter, on
which he hoped that she would consult her own
Council, as he did not understand the humours
and affairs of the kingdom sufficiently. He agreed
that the marriage of Courtenay with Elizabeth would
be popular and would tend to settle matters and
facilitate the Queen's own marriage, if the couple con-
ducted themselves with discretion ; otherwise there
might be more trouble. On the other hand, if they
attempted to exclude Elizabeth, she would continually
set herself to cross the Queen's purposes by means
of French intrigues with heretics. No doubt Paget
wanted to secure himself and his family for the
future, and he had told Renard that if the Queen
wished to repeal the Succession Act Parliament
would never consent. The Queen, however, was
not satisfied, and said that she should feel it a
burden on her conscience to agree to the suc-
cession of Elizabeth ; for her going to Mass was
mere hypocrisy, and she had not a single man or
maid in her service who was not a heretic. She
conversed with heretics daily and gave ear to all
mischievous projects. Mary said she would think
further about the matter and await the Emperor's
advice.1

1 Renard to the Emperor, 28th November, R. 0. Transcripts, u.s. pp.
765-73.

ch. iv PARLIAMENT AND RELIGION 163

That was the Queen's feeling about her sister Mary
before the end of November, and now, in the begin- ^£™10Ui
ning of December, Elizabeth had asked leave to
go to her home at Ashridge, in Buckinghamshire.
Again the Queen consulted Renard, who again
advised her to lay the whole matter before her
Council, merely saying for his part that the time was
suspicious for the reason already given. If any new
movement took place it would, he thought, be when
the Acts, one of which affected Elizabeth herself, were
published ; and as the heretics all fixed their hopes on
her, it might be as well to keep her some time at the
Court. There seemed to Renard just two alternatives,
either to dissemble entirely with her or to shut her
up in the Tower. Mary said she would consult her
Council, as he suggested. She told him that on St.
Andrew's day (30th November) at Court, while she was
going to vespers, a man cried out with a loud voice,
" Treason ! " She did not abstain on that account
from going to chapel, but Elizabeth was much troubled
and put out of countenance, excusing her agitation by
saying to Mistress Clarence she was astonished that
the Queen did not withdraw on such a warning, and
that she feared some outrage would be done to her.1
Mary also told the Ambassador of some recent events
which were serious enough. A priest had been shot
at with a harquebus while celebrating Mass in a
village. In various churches in Norfolk and in
Kent they had refused to celebrate it. Two church-
men had been killed for religion, and rebellion was
beginning to show itself.

Renard forbore to aggravate the danger more than Reuard
needful, but advised the Queen at once to see to pafednit
her ships and to the security of the seaports. She

1 " Et que ladite Elisabeth, oiant ceste voix, fut si perturbee quelle
contenance tenir, et pour excuse et couverte de sa rauance, elle feit toucher
son estomach par Maistresse Clarence, lui disant qu'elle s'esbahissoit
comme ladite Dame ne se retiroit sur tel advis, et qu'elle trembloit, pour la
craincte qu'elle avoit Ton ne oultragea ladite Dame." — R. 0. Transcripts,
u.s. p. 830.

1 64 LOLLARDY & THE REFORMATION bk. vh

must get her Council to advise her, though by Paget's
account they were very factious : the Chancellor did
nothing in matters of State, Arundel dissembled,
fearing what might come to him if Elizabeth attained
the Crown by the aid of heretics and French intrigues,
and when the doings of heretics were talked about,
Gardiner said that they were only due to the favour
promised them by the French, and that the foreign
marriage was as great a source of danger as the
heretics. In fact, though the Council knew the danger
from heretics they did nothing to avert it, and Paget
did not see anything better to do than to publish that
their designs were discovered. The man who cried
" Treason ! " Renard said, was unable to make any
definite charge except against the Chancellor who had
put him in prison, and whom he accused of having
made a book against Queen Katharine twenty-three
years before.1 He meant apparently the book De
vera Obedientia, published less than twenty years
before, the recent republication of which in English
was undoubtedly a fine stroke of malice.
Elizabeth's The Queen thought it best to let Elizabeth depart
fair pro- on j^r journey, and, not to show herself suspicious of

1 6 SSI OILS %) J ' 7 X-

her, she gave her a fine sable hood.2 Two days before
she left, Arundel and Paget conversed with her and
strongly advised her to avoid communication with
heretics or Frenchmen ; otherwise she might repent it.
She replied that as to religion she was acting con-
scientiously, and would show her sincerity by taking
ecclesiastics with her to her house, and by dismissing
any of her servants that lay under suspicion ; and
offered to prove that she had not listened either to
Frenchmen or to heretics. On leaving she begged the
Queen not to lend too ready an ear to ill reports of
her, but to let her know anything said against her
that she might justify herself. She was sorry, she

1 R. O. Transcripts, u.s. pp. 832-34.

2 [And, Noailles says, two rich ornaments of large pearls, Ambassades,
ii. 309.— Ed.]

ch. iv PARLIAMENT AND RELIGION 165

said, for the injustice that had been done to the
Queen's mother at the instigation of her own mother,
and for the troubles which had beset the Queen both
before and at her accession.1

She left on the 6 th, accompanied by a mighty Her depar-
train of noblemen and nearly 500 horses.2 But after London™
having gone ten miles of her journey, feeling or and her
professing to feel ill, she wrote to the Queen for leave conformity.
to borrow her litter, and at the same time begged
for chapel ornaments, copes and chasubles, chalices,
crosses, patens, and other articles for divine service.
The Queen thereupon gave orders to send her
what she asked for, "seeing that it was for God's
service." 3 Elizabeth, no doubt, felt that as the
Act of Parliament restoring the religion of Henry
VIII. 's time was just about to come into force, it
was most important for her to assume a proper
attitude ; and she now made every manifestation of
good-will to the Queen, to whom even her outward
conformity was a comfort. But in the country she
was closely watched, a fact of which she was pain-
fully conscious. Yet there was good reason for it, if
what Noailles believed was true. For he understood
that Courtenay could easily get her to marry him
and follow him into Devonshire and Cornwall, where
they would have a fair chance of attaining the Crown,
or at least giving the Emperor and the Prince of Spain
plenty of trouble. Only the young man himself was
so timid he did not dare make the venture ; for he,
too, was surrounded by spies. Such was the French
Ambassador's view.4

Another matter reported at this time was that the
Duke of Savoy was coming to England to marry
Elizabeth — a match which seemed to be in favour

1 Renard to the Emperor, 8th December, R. 0. Transcripts, u.s. pp.
851-3.

2 Ambassades de Noailles, ii. 301-2.

3 Renard to the Emperor, 17th December, R. 0. Transcripts, u.s. p. 887 ;
Ambassades, ii. 308-9.

4 Ambassades, ii. 310.

i66 LOLLARDY & THE REFORMATION

BK. VII

Her pro- with the nobility, who saw in it some security for
posed mar- ^ succession if Mary died without heirs. Indeed,

riage to J '

the Duke Elizabeth herself, it appears, had sent her cousin
of Savoy. Qarey (apparently Henry Carey, afterwards Lord
Hunsdon) to visit the Duke, of whom he made an
excellent report ; and Noailles believed, but wrongly,
that Renard had spoken to her in favour of the
match before she left for Ashridge. Renard was,
indeed, urged to do so, but made no answer to those
solicitations " for the reasons that your Majesty will
understand," he writes to the Emperor.1 Emmanuel
Philibert, Duke of Savoy, was a high-spirited young
prince of twenty-five, who had just succeeded his
father ; but his lands were overrun by the French,
and he was at this time serving Charles V. in the
Low Countries.

Wide-
spread dis-
like to the
Spanish
marriage.

Whether Queen Mary, now that she had so fully
committed herself — and all for the sake of her people,
that she might govern them better — to marriage with
a prince whom she had never seen, had any inward
misgivings about her position being absolutely right,
is a question to which, in the nature of things, history
can furnish no direct or explicit answer. But it is
certain that she was ill at ease, and she had good
cause to be so. For undoubtedly that which she
thought a duty to the nation was anything but an
agreeable piece of intelligence to a very large number
of her subjects, and as the fact became generally
understood, the symptoms of popular dislike became
more and more abundant. She had avoided re-
ceiving the deputation from Parliament concerning
her marriage as long as possible, pretending, so
Noailles believed, that she was ill ; and for weeks

1 Renard to the Emperor, 11th December, R. 0. Transcripts, u.s. pp.
861-2 ; Ambassades, u.s. ii. 309. Renard did converse with Elizabeth the
day she left for Ashridge, but it was only to use all the arguments he could
think of to warn her against the French. — Renard to the Emperor, 8th
December, u.s. p. 852.

ch. iv PARLIAMENT AND RELIGION 167

she would go no further than a little chapel adjoining
her chamber, while ardent members of the Commons
actually talked about breaking up the Parliament
themselves and leaving for their own homes, if they
did not get satisfactory assurance that the Queen
would not marry the Spaniard.1

She had, as we have seen, felt it necessary to Mary ais-
ingratiate herself as much as possible with her sub- ^t deter-
jects and had shown leniency to those who had mined.
opposed her, to the Suffolk family and others,2 but
she could not help feeling much anxiety and de-
pression. On the 17th December she sent for Kenard,
whose counsel she felt to be more necessary to her
than ever. When he came she told him that hence-
forth she intended to communicate with him openly,
and that her Council agreed to her doing so, as she
regarded the alliance and marriage as concluded.
She told him that of late she had been ill of melan-
choly owing to reports of what was commonly said
among her subjects, and to hearing that both by word
and writing many things had been published against
the Spaniards and against the proposed alliance,
tending to disturbance. Even her own Ladies of
the Chamber were terrified by what they heard.
And Wotton, her Ambassador in France, informed her
that the French King could not stomach the alliance,
and that the French were preparing to strengthen
themselves at sea. From day to day, moreover,
discoveries were made of insurrections organised
against the Acts of Parliament touching religion ;
and, worse still, her own Council was divided in
feeling about the marriage. Yet she protested that
she remained constant to Philip, and would rather
die than have any other husband.

She had sent for her Council that very day into her
chamber, and showed them all this, saying she trusted
in them not to be factious nor set themselves against

1 Ambassades de Noailles, ii. 233, 256. - lb. p. 287.

i68 LOLLARDY & THE REFORMATION

to her
Council,

and de-
sires the
Emperor's
opinion.

she appeals what they knew to be her will for the honour and weal
of the realm. And they had replied unanimously that
they would do their duty and die at her feet for her
service, protesting that if the alliance had not been
already concluded, they could be of no other
opinion than that it ought to be concluded now ;
and they would give every possible support to it.
This reply, she said, had consoled her not a little.
They were already taking order for the equipment
of English men-of-war, and making preparations
against trouble from Scotland and Ireland. One
ship laden with munitions and artillery for Ireland
had been lost at sea, but the artillery had been saved.

She desired the Emperor's opinion on some other
points. Many Englishmen thought that Elizabeth's
marriage with Courtenay would be advisable to content
the people rather than the match with the Duke of
Savoy, which would create a suspicion that the govern-
ment of England would always be in the hands of
foreigners. And she should be glad to know the
Emperor's opinion about these things, and also about
what she had done in acceding to Elizabeth's request
for chapel ornaments, and so forth. She had pro-
mised Courtenay not to speak to him of marriage
with her sister, and would not press it upon him ; but,
understanding from some of the Council that he mioht
agree to it if she wished it, she would not make any
answer without first consulting the Emperor.1

In reply to all this Renard said, in the first place,
that he saw no good reason why she should be de-
pressed by what she had heard, and that since her
Council had accepted the full responsibility for what
she had done, he trusted they would do all that was
required. Of late he had himself given them much
information of a similar character, and the Emperor
would take good care that the French should not have

Renard
encourages

her,

1 Renard to the Emperor, 17th December, R. 0. Transcripts, u.s. pp.
883-8.

ch. iv PARLIAMENT AND RELIGION 169

the means of setting so many projects afoot and
raising up so many enemies. He had already written
fully to His Majesty about the marriage of Elizabeth
and Courtenay, and was expecting an answer daily.
He had been confidentially informed that if that
marriage were treated of, the nobility and the people
would be well satisfied with her own marriage to
Philip when it was accomplished. As Courtenay's
wife Elizabeth would no longer have the power she
had, and she might promote religion rather than
otherwise, while, if she was driven to despair, she
might give ear to French intrigues. If the Queen
had children by Philip, Elizabeth's marriage would
be of no consequence, and if she remained in the true
religion all would be well. The succession depended
chiefly on Parliament ; it rightfully belonged to the
Queen of Scotland. Yet in spite of all his reassuring
words to the Queen, Renard told the Emperor that he but teiis
was somewhat puzzled by things that had been said p^That
to him by certain gentlemen whom he did not name, he is some-
and that he daily received information that Lords "
Thomas and John Grey, the Duke of Suffolk's
brothers, the Earl (he meant Marquis) of Winchester,
and some other noblemen whose titles are confused,
were conspiring to prevent Philip's landing and to
attack the Spaniards, though they had no further
reason for opposing the alliance, except a fear that the
Spaniards would govern, for the Council had published
the articles in general terms. But no doubt measures
would be taken to stop this conspiracy, and the
Queen would raise 3000 or 4000 men if necessary.1

1 " Et me dit Ton de jour a autre que Millord Thomas Grey et son frere
nomine Jehan, freres du Due de Suffocq, le Comte de Wincestre, Millord
Faltre, Sommerset, celui qui vouloit estre Admiral, ung parent de Cortenai,
le beaufils du feu Due de Northumberlant, et plusieurs autres que Pelisayn
m'a nomme, conspirent pour empescher le desembarquement de son Altesse,
et pour ruer desus les Espaignolz, n'aians plus d'occasion de contredire
ladite alliance, sinon par la craincte qu'ilz ont que les Espaignolz vouldront
gouverner, puisque ilz ont entendu les articles et condicion [sic] que le Conseil
a publie en termes generaulx ; neantmoins, puisque tout le Conseil accord e
en ce, j'espere que Ton pourvoira et previendra ladite conjure et conspiration,

what un-
easy.

170 LOLLARDY & THE REFORMATION bk. vii

The ofFence It was not surprising that Englishmen should be
to France. aiarme(} at ^he prospect of a foreign King-regnant ;
for such seemed to be the natural result of the
proposed Spanish match. Nor was it surprising
that the English opposition to that match should
be fostered by foreign influences. For such a match
not only changed entirely the foreign policy that had
prevailed in King Edward's day, but established close
relations with a belligerent Power in Europe to the
manifest disadvantage of another belligerent Power
with which friendly intercourse had for some time
been unbroken. That it should have given deep
offence in France was only what ought to have
been expected ; and no one who knows anything
of sixteenth century diplomacy will think it strange
that the French Ambassador should have set himself
to encourage English prejudices against it, and to stir
up disloyalty and insurrection. He writes, indeed, to
his own King that it would be an admirable way of pro-
moting insurrection, if he could tell the English people
that Philip's passage from Spain to Flanders would
be prevented by a powerful French fleet. Elizabeth
and Courtenay, too, might be very useful ; only the
young man's timidity and inexperience might prevent
his taking action so readily as other Englishmen,
and he might rather allow himself to be taken prisoner.
This should be avoided ; and he should be advised to
escape from England to whatever place the French
King should think advisable.1
The Queen As to Mary, who can wonder that she was dejected ?
There were conspiracies brewing in various parts, and
her clemency and toleration had been very ill rewarded.
She was now completing the first half-year of her
reign, and what were the prospects ? On the last day
of the Parliament, just before the dissolution, a dog

mesmes si la dite Dame fait trois ou quatre inille hommes pour sa garde, que
je tiens elle fera si le bruit ne s'appaise." — Renard to the Emperor, 17th
December, R. 0. Transcripts, u.s. pp. 889, 890.
1 Ambusstut'.'s Je Xuailles, ii. 289, 290.

insulted.

ch. iv PARLIAMENT AND RELIGION 171

with shaven head and cropped ears and a chenestre
(whatever that may have been x) round his neck, was
thrown into the presence chamber, with a writing-
attached that all priests and bishops in England
should be hanged. The Queen was much annoyed
at the outrage, and told Parliament that by such acts
she might be driven to a severity of justice from
which she had been averse hitherto.2

She had begun her reign, almost as soon as she Pole
had got settled on the throne, by announcing a policy JJ come to
of religious toleration. She wanted it for her own Brussels,
religion, and was willing to allow it to that of others,
which she thought had no just sanction, till some
settlement could be reached in Parliament. This was
in accordance with the advice of the Emperor, the
most powerful and experienced friend she had. The
advice of Cardinal Pole seemed nobler — at once to
step again into St. Peter's bark and save herself and
the nation thereby. But unfortunately it was quite
impracticable. It was enough that she never dis-
guised her own religion, and desired to bring all
her subjects back to it as soon as Parliament had
removed impediments. And Parliament had now
done enough to alarm progressives in religion, though
reconciliation to Rome seemed yet a long way off,
and Cardinal Pole, who was to effect it, was hardly
allowed to get even so near England as Brussels.
Only on Christmas eve, after much entreaty, did the
Emperor agree to let him come so far.3 By that time
it was tolerably certain that he could do nothing to
hinder the marriage with Philip, and so the Emperor
was willing that he should come to Brussels.

Mary, who was eager to see Pole in England, told
Renard on the 26th December, that she understood
he would come thither at her pleasure, either as

1 [Chenestre, evidently a mistranscription for chevestre or chevetre, a
halter. — Ed.]

2 Renard to the Emperor, 8th December, R. 0. Transcripts, u.s. p. 851.

3 The Emperor to Renard, 24th December, ib. p. 936.

172 LOLLARDY & THE REFORMATION bk. vii

in what Legate or as a private person. This led her to think
shmddhe °^ sending f°r him t° celebrate her marriage with
come to Philip if the Emperor would let him come over. But
England? Renarc[ objected that, though Legate, Pole was not yet
a priest and had never sung Mass, and was therefore a
most unfit person to marry her. Besides which, Pole
had a commission from the Pope for peace, and Kenard
feared his coming to England would be the cause of
trouble. Renard, indeed, had heard that the Queen
had suggested to the Cardinal's messengers that he
should come to England as a Prince. One John " Ally,"
he found, was a great promoter of that scheme, and
those who had lost favour with the Queen by trying
to promote her marriage with Courtenay, had been
trying to bring about the coming of the Cardinal in
order to shake Paget's influence.1
The old Political and party motives lay at the bottom of

piled a everything. What had become of the old theory of
away. a great spiritual power ruling the whole of Christen-
dom ? The temporal ruler of Christendom had been
keeping back the Legate of that great spiritual power
for " a more convenient season," and the salvation of
England was, it seemed, to depend on the temporal
power in the first place ! Nay, the Pope himself had
been instructing Pole to accommodate himself to what
the Emperor thought best.2 Pole might be un-
practical, but he was right in principle. Only the
times were out of joint, and the Pope could never
be an universal Bishop again. Pole himself was
hereafter to meet with a strange reward from the
Pope for his devotion, and Mary also.
Philip's Meanwhile, as matters stand, the salvation of

England depends first on Philip's coming. Hasten,
Philip, for surely a mightier object could not possibly
be offered thee ! But what steps has Philip himself
taken in the matter as yet ? The wooing has been

1 Rcnard to the Emperor, 29th December, R. 0. Transcripts, u.s. p. 958.

2 Papiers du Card, de Granvelle, iv. 156.

W001M

ch.iv PARLIAMENT AND RELIGION 173

done for him by his father's Ambassador in England.
Has he not yet courted his bride himself? Well,
perhaps so. It would surely be strange if he had
done nothing that way ; but how far he had gone,
or tried to go, is a point not exactly clear. We have
seen already that two agents of his had been in
England in the beginning of September, namely,
Don Diego de Mendoza and Philip's major domo,
Diego de Azevedo. They had come immediately from
Brussels and stayed only six days in London, " pour
entenir propoz pour son Alteze," as Eenard put the
matter. They each kissed the Queen's hand, and
the major domo spoke with her apart from any of
the Council. They then left together on the 6th
for Spain, no one in England knowing precisely what
had passed between them and the Queen, though it
was reported at their departure that the Prince would
come to England in March, visiting the Queen, his
cousin, on the way to Flanders.1

This apparently was what first raised a suspicion
in England that a marriage of Philip and Mary was
in contemplation ; but the Queen herself had by no
means made up her mind to it at that time. It was
certainly suggested by the major domo, for the Queen
told Scheyfve at first that Philip was too young.
But a month later Don Inigo de Mendoza, son of
the Viceroy of India, next came to London ; but
though despatched with a commission to the Queen
from Philip, he tried hard, though not with complete
success, to escape observation, for the state of things
was so unfavourable to the object for which he had
come that he did not even dare to visit the Queen,
fearing that his access to her might do positive
injury. So he went over to Brussels and reported
his failure to the Emperor, who thereupon instructed
Renard to apologise for him to the Queen. And

1 Ambassades de Noailles, ii. 146 ; Ambassadors to the Emperor, 9th
September, R. 0. Transcripts, u.s. p. 356.

174 LOLLARDY & THE REFORMATION bk. vn

Renard was further to say that in the Emperor's
opinion Mendoza's visit to her ought still to be
delayed ; for as yet nothing definite was known at
Brussels of the issue of Renard's conferences with
her, though, as a matter of fact, they had been
fully successful at the date of the Emperor's despatch.
Mary accepted the apology for Don Inigo, and said
that she had no doubt the Emperor's advice was
judicious.1

It was not expressly said in the Emperor's letter
that Don Inigo's mission had any more important
object than to congratulate the Queen on her accession,
and to declare the great satisfaction it gave to one
so nearly related to her as Philip. Yet it is quite
clear that something more was implied, and that it
was really the very special character of his commission
that made it un advisable for him to attempt to carry
it out.2 And now, apparently, it had become alto-
gether superfluous, for Renard had done the vicarious
wooing, and had persuaded the Queen to pledge herself
to Philip on the 29th October. Since her rebuff to
the Speaker and the Parliamentary deputation on
the 16th November, every one knew that she was
not going to marry Courtenay. But it was still
necessary that a formal proposal should be made on
Philip's behalf, and terms of a marriage contract
settled. The Queen also desired to see a good
painted likeness of her intended bridegroom before
she saw him in the flesh. In this, Philip's aunt,
Queen Mary of Hungary, was glad to gratify
her, and despatched from Brussels a portrait painted
by Titian three years before.3

1 The Emperor to Renard, 30th October, R. 0. Transcripts, u.s. pp. 563-
65 ; Renard to the Emperor, 6th November, ib. p. 661.

2 " Et ceste commission si expresse a este cause que, combien il soit passe
par Angleterre, voire et par Londres, aiant fait (a ce qu'il dit) ce qu'il a
peu pour non estre congneu, il ne s'est voulu avancer en ce qu'il avoit en
charge sans prealablement venir devers nous." — The Emperor to Renard, u.s.

3 R. 0. Transcripts, u.s., viz. :— Queen of Hungary to Renard, 19th
November, pp. 725-8 (printed in Papiers du Card. Granvtlle, iv. 149-51) ;
Renard to the Queen of Hungary, 29th November, pp. 811-3.

ch. iv PARLIAMENT AND RELIGION 175

The most important matter, however, from a national The
point of view was the terms of the marriage settle- Trae7tiage
ment ; and the Council very properly insisted on seeing
them and coming to some agreement about them, before
the great personages were sent who were to make the
formal offer of marriage and conclude the matter. The
Emperor had been left to draw up the articles, which the
Council might afterwards criticise ; and he took great
pains to have them draughted in such a way as to avoid
wounding English susceptibilities. If the Queen
died without heirs Philip was no longer to have any
right whatever in the kingdom. He was not to suffer
Spaniards to be in any way burdensome to the people,
but while in England he was rather to use the services
of Englishmen and men of the Low Countries. Any
children that came of the marriage might have
portions in the Low Countries along with the realm
of England. The Emperor believed the articles he
had drawn would be accepted on the Queen's behalf
without dispute ; and he was justified in his opinion.1
The Council called the principal men of the kingdom
to consider them and weigh the conditions of the
marriage ; and though Renard understood that some
criticisms were made, the general opinion was that
they were satisfactory. The Council, accordingly,
having consulted with the Queen, made a gracious
answer to the Emperor, thanking him for the great
consideration he had shown for the realm. They
had made some changes in three or four articles, and
some little additions, which Renard had no doubt
the Emperor would accept, as he actually did, without
hesitation.2

The special embassy was then appointed to make
formal demand of the Queen's hand in marriage ; but

1 R. 0. Transcripts, u.s. viz. : — Renard to the Emperor, 21st November,
pp. 755, 761-4 ; the Emperor to Renard, 28th November, pp. 781-99 (printed
in Papiers du Card. Granvelle, iv. 157-66) ; Renard to the Emperor, 3rd
December, pp. 599-819.

2 Renard to the Emperor, 8th December, 11th December, and 20th
December, ib. pp. 839-45, 855-7, 898.

176 LOLLARDY & THE REFORMATION

French
feeling.
Noailles is
active.

as it did not reach London till a new year had
begun, we shall pursue the matter no further here.
So far as Imperial and Spanish diplomacy was con-
cerned everything was going on smoothly.

But what of France ? Something has already
been said of French feeling on this subject, and here it
may be advisable to say a few words more in detail.
Henry II. had been slow to believe, when it was
first suggested by Noailles, that the Queen of England
would take so ill-advised a step as to engage herself
in marriage to the son of his mortal enemy. That
she would cherish her political ties with the Emperor
was likely enough. But as to a marriage with his
son, surely, the French King thought, Noailles must
have been forming exaggerated inferences from the
declining favour shown to Courtenay, whom he and
his master, on his information, supposed at first that
the Queen affected. But, to prepare for the worst,
Noailles had better, with all possible skill, impress
on every influential man with whom he came in
contact, the extreme danger that the kingdom would
incur of being ruled by Spaniards, if such a match
should take effect.1 That the Ambassador followed
this advice we know, and the Parliamentary petition
which the Queen so much resented was the result.
That was the state of matters in November ; but
diplomatic relations between the Queen and France
still continued to be most friendly, while the rival
Ambassadors of Henry and the Emperor were con-
tinually jealous of each other and of the doings of
each other's masters.2

On the 24th November Noailles wrote of an audience
given him by the Queen, in which he seemed success-
fully to have removed all suspicion that France had
been fomenting trouble for her in Ireland.3 But
on the 14th December Henry II. had received from

Ambassades de Noailles, ii. 191-3.

3 lb. pp. 264-5.

2 lb. pp. 224-5.

ch. iv PARLIAMENT AND RELIGION 177

his Ambassador, through a special envoy named the Special in-
Sieur de Hogius, such confirmation of the projected J^toTL
marriage with Philip that he instructed Noailles to ontheuth
demand an audience of the Queen. The object for December-
which that audience was desired was assuredl)T a
delicate one ; and what he was to say, he was to
say fas if totally uninstructed, merely from his own
observation of the state of matters, and from his own
desire to fulfil his functions better. He was to tell the
Queen that one of the things his master had most de-
sired was sincere and perfect friendship with her, and
between their realms, to be continued by their suc-
cessors. And his master had felt so assured of this, that
he had refused to listen to various proposals made to
him to give her trouble since suspicions had begun to
be entertained of her marriage with the Prince of Spain.
He was a prince of good faith. But as Noailles now
saw that the Queen's marriage was held as con-
cluded, although he had no doubt that she, too, would
keep her promises, he could not help thinking that
when she had married the Prince of Spain, who, with
the Emperor his father, was the greatest enemy the
French King had, she would accommodate herself to
the feelings of her husband, who was only seeking to
make all the use he could of her realm against France.
And for this reason he, Noailles, would beseech her
to declare how, if the marriage took effect, she
proposed to conduct herself with regard to the King
his master, so that he might assure him of her
disposition towards him, and there was no prince
whose friendship could be more valuable to her for
the tranquillity of her kingdom.1

Noailles seems to have received these instruc- Noauies
tions by a messenger named La Marque on Monday, desires an
18th December, and he sent next day to desire an '
audience of the Queen. She was that day leaving
Westminster for Richmond ; but the Council, anxious

1 lb. pp. 312-15.
VOL. IV N

178 LOLLARDY & THE REFORMATION bk. vn

to promote his object, promised him an answer
by Thursday, when an audience was appointed
him for next day (the 22nd). To Richmond he
went, and before he saw the Queen Paget endeavoured
to extract from him what he came for. Oh, he said,
he had no letters, but he felt it like ten years since
he had seen Her Majesty, and there were matters on
which he wished to communicate with her. Not to
be put off in that way, Paget suggested to him the
desirability of the Queen's mediation between France
and the Emperor, and the ways in which a peace might
be effected ; to which Noailles could only reply in
general terms. Then passing from one subject to
another, Paget touched upon the common report of
the Queen's marriage with the Prince of Spain, which
he thought as suitable a match as the Dauphin's with
the young Queen of Scots. But as time was getting
on, Noailles begged that Paget would see if the Queen
was ready to receive him.
He carries Soon afterwards the Chancellor, Arundel, and
others came to escort him to the Queen, to whom
he delivered the g'wem- spontaneous message as he
had been instructed. The Queen replied that she
certainly intended to maintain perfect friendship
with the King of France as she had promised
at Noailles' first interview with her at Havering.1
She had never varied from that purpose ; and though
she married the Prince of Spain she would keep her
treaties with France all her life. Far from yielding
to the feelings of the Emperor, she desired with all
her heart to see a firm peace between him and the
King, as necessary for the whole of Christendom.
Noailles caused her to repeat her words before the
lords of her Council, and she added that if she acted
otherwise she should offend God, from whom she had
received greater grace than any other princess. If
she could only effect a pacification she would think

1 " Haury," as Noailles or his editor makes it.

out his in-
structions

ch. iv PARLIAMENT AND RELIGION 179

herself the happiest princess living. Noailles assured
her that God had prospered all her enterprises so
much that he had little doubt that she would succeed
in this, and that his master could not wish the
management of it in better hands. With that he
took leave of her.1

But four days after this interview with the Queen, would the
Hogius returned from France, and Noailles sent to Qu?en
request a new audience, which was at once accorded treaty with
to him on Wednesday, 27th December. Again Paget France?
endeavoured just before he saw the Queen to ascertain
his object, and led him once more into a discourse
about mediation, repeating some ideas that he had
suggested on the former occasion as to how peace
might be made between the two continental powers
by certain diplomatic marriages. When admitted to
the Queen's presence, Noailles presented the letters
brought by Hogius and at once proceeded to follow
his instructions ; in answer to which the Queen
repeated what she had said before about her strong
desire to mediate, adding that she had written on the
subject to the Emperor, who was also most willing
that she should do so, as the Chancellor and Paget and
the Emperor's own ambassadors could testify. And
as Henry was, no doubt, about to receive a communi-
cation on this matter from the Queen herself, Noailles
goes on to record what he had said to her further, on
his own responsibility : of the need there would be
of some security that when she was married her
ships entering French harbours should not be laden
and armed by enemies of France, and that French
merchants trafficking with England should not be
liable to capture by Flemings and Spaniards. He
asked also if the Prince of Spain, after marrying her,
would be able to use her vessels and ships against
France ; and when she said No, he asked if it would
not be well to make a new treaty by which this should

1 Ambassades dc Noailles, ii. 334-40.

i So LOLLARDY & THE REFORMATION bk. vii

be assured. The Queen protested, as she had done
before, that she loved her conscience better than a
husband, as Noailles should see after she was married,
but she left it to her Council to give him a more
definite answer.
The coun- Thereupon he withdrew with the Council to another
cu declares room where he told them that the greatest honour

xliti exist-

ing treaties that he hoped for was that he might preserve a lasting
sufficient. peace . an(} he begged them to consider not only the
evils of war, and the blessings of peace, but the in-
fluence that a foreign prince might have upon them, if
provision were not made beforehand to prevent a
breach of existing engagements. As the Council with-
drew to deliberate upon their answer, Noailles could
see that Paget was alone in resisting the opinions of
several others. It was left to Gardiner to reply in
the name of all, that the existing treaties were suffi-
cient, and that nothing could be added by a new
treaty that would either increase or diminish the
security for the preservation of the peace, for which
the Queen herself had given her word. In answer to
this Noailles observed that the existing treaties had
been made by Henry VIII. and Edward VI., and that
as the English were now making a new alliance with
a prince who was France's enemy, it seemed to him
reasonable that the Queen should reconfirm them. If
there was any one among them, he said, who from
his own individual inclination was enveloped in the
wings of that great eagle (the Imperial eagle), he
begged him to divest himself of his inclination and
to think only of the common good of their realm ;
he would find Noailles' proposal not less profitable
to England than to France. Paget, who felt the
shaft aimed at him, asked scornfully, "You would
like hostages, then, to assure you ? " Noailles
answered with great civility that he valued the
Queen's word more than any hostages, and that he
had not made the proposal from any doubt of her,

ch. iv PARLIAMENT AND RELIGION 181

but in order that a prince who might have power
over both her and them, should be under the like
obligation.

On this Paget at once said that there was an express Noauies
article in the marriage treaty concerning France as {^Page't
satisfactory as Noailles could wish for. Noailles
said he would like to see it, and Paget promised
that it should be shown him. On taking leave
of the Council, Noailles said he did not count their
answer as a refusal of his suggestion. Paget,
however, said there was really no need of so much
jealousy ; and just as the French had made the
English friends with the Scots, so this marriage
would make the French friends with the Emperor.
This was a provoking reply ; and Noailles retorted
that the goodness of the Queen and the strong desire
of King Henry for the good of Christendom might lead
to a pacification, but not by their means nor by the
forces of the Emperor.

Noailles wrote that he thought it best not to argue His opinion
too much with the Council. They seemed all to be qu*£
governed by the opinion of Paget, whom he took to and her
be as much devoted to the Emperor's policy as Renard ounci1'
himself ; and that in fact all the Council did nothing
except according to the Emperor's will. As to the
Queen, she was so entirely under his influence that
there was no hope of getting anything from her that
was not sent from the Imperial court ; and she was
besides so obstinate after having once adopted an
opinion, that it was impossible to move her from
it.1 The French Ambassador's judgment was not
altogether unjust. Mary was not a politician. She
could only form resolutions by the advice of
those whom she trusted, and having formed them,
she held fast by them — with Tudor wilfulness, but
not with Tudor wisdom. As for Paget, he had to
mend a broken political fortune by studying the will

1 Ambassades de Noailles, ii. 349-56.

1 82 LOLLARDY & THE REFORMATION bk. vii

of his new mistress and doing all in his power to
carry it out. But what effect was this war of intrigue
between belligerent foreign Powers to have on the
domestic affairs of the nation ?

APPENDIX TO CHAPTER IV

(See p. 144, note 2)
LETTERS OF THE SIEUR DE SELVE FROM VENICE

I. To the Constable of France, 12 September 1553

[From Ribier's Lettres et Mimoircs d'Estat, ii. 457]

Monseigneur, Ces jours passez, le Cardinal d'Angleterre
estoit party d'aupres de Luna, pour s'en aller a Trente et
dela Legat deuers 1'Empereur & le Roy, en intention de passer
apres en Angleterre, et est certain qu'il auoit fait tous pre-
paratifs pour son voyage, achepte" cheuaux & mulets, & enuoye
querir quelques vns en cette ville qu'il vouloit mener quant
& soy; & neantnioins tout soudain il s'en est reuenu tournant
bride vers ledit lieu d'ou il estoit party pres de Luna, et y
fait des prouisions comme pour y deuoir seiourner, qui est
signe que son voyage est rompu, ce qui ne peut estre par sa
faute, car il y alloit tres-volontiers, & ne luy est suruenu mal
ny accident qui Ten empeche, & moins doit estre aduenu par
le Pape, qui l'y enuoyoit encore de rneilleure deuotion,
tellement que s'il l'eust voulu croire, il fut, ce dit-on, party
il y a long-temps. II faut done ce me semble que cette
rupture de voyage soit procedee de la part de 1'Empereur.
Ce que presupposant, ie soupgonnerois facilement que le dit
Sr. voulust essayer de faire quelque mariage de la Reyne
Marie d'Angleterre auec son Fits, & craignant que ledit
Cardinal d'Angleterre fut plustost pour luy rompre son
dessein qu'autrement, pour la faueur que vray-semblement
il portera a Milord de Courtenay qui est son parent, il luy
ait voulu rompre son voyage. Ce qui me fait estimer que
1'Empereur y pense, & par aduenture ladite Reyne Marie
mesme est 1° que combien que Ton tient le mariage de sondit
Fils auec la Fille de Portugal pour tout asseure, et que ses
ministres mesmes par deqa le diuulguent comme chose

ch. iv PARLIAMENT AND RELIGION 183

conclue, depuis que ladite Dame Marie est paruenue a la
Couronne d'Angleterre, Ton dit que ledit mariage de
Portugal ne se fera point, & que les deniers que Ton en
pensoit auoir comptans ne se peuuent deliurer ; qui est une
maigre allegation d'empeschement, car il est bien croyable si
ledit mariage auoit este long-temps traicte & conclu comme il
se disoit, que Ton deuoit bien auoir sq.eu quels deniers il y
auoit, et quand et comment le payenient s'en deuoit faire.
Secondement, Ton dit que ledit Prince d'Espagne se prepare
pour partir d'Espagne, aucuns disent pour passer en Italie, &
autres en Flandre, & y a des particuliers icy qui ont aduis
qu'il auoit fait descharger quelques grosses nauires Venitiennes
qui s'en alloient chargees de marchandises en Angleterre,
pour s'en seruir en son voyage. D'ailleurs ie considere que
ladite Reine Marie ne se haste pas fort de se marier, ni faire
couronner, qui sont les deux premieres choses quelle deuoit
faire si elle auait enuie de prendre pour mary vn Anglois &
acquerir la grace de son peuple ; ie la connois Dame de grand
coeur & hautain, & qui ne se rangera pas facilement a espouser
vn de ses suiets, si elle en peut auoir vn de plus grande
estoffe. II est vray que si elle a ce dessein, ie croy qu'elle se
gardera fort bien d'en faire Anglois qui viue, participant,
& feindra tousiours de vouloir espouser Courtenay, ou
quelqu'autre Seigneur de dela, ne conferant ses conseils
qu'auec l'Empereur seul le plus secretement qu'elle pourra,
iusques a ce que le Prince d'Espagne a l'aduenture sous
couleur de passer en Flandre, pourroit aller descendre en
Angleterre feignant ou estre iette du temps, ou bien aller voir
la Reyne sa parente ; & se pourroit ainsi conclure & effectuer
le mariage auant que personne y eust pense ; et quand il
seroit fait, ie ne sc,ay quel remede ceux du pais y pourroient
trouuer, & m'a este dit ici qu'il est sorti de la bouche de
Vargas, qui est icy Ambassadeur de l'Empereur, que ledit
Sr. enuoioit Dom Diego en Angleterre pour y resider
Ambassadeur, qui est vn cerueau inquiet et remuant, & qu'on
n'enuoie pas la, sinon pour maniement de quelque grande
chose. I'entends aussi que ladite Reyne Marie faisoit
assemblee de quatre cens hommes sous couleur de se faire
obeir a ceux de Londres quant au fait de la reduction de la
Religion, & combien que ie veuille croire qu'elle aye bien
l'intention telle, si est-ce que Ton voit bien par la que ce
n'est pas vne femme de petit cceur, ny de petite entreprise,
& s'il luy reiissit de se faire obeir en cet endroit par force et
a coups de baston, elle pourroit bien presumer de se faire

1 84 LOLLARDY & THE REFORMATION bk. vii

apres obeir en ses autres volontez, & de monstrer a son
peuple qu'elle n'est pas pour receuoir la loy de luy, ny se
niarier a son' appetit ; & se trouuant asseurer de ces forces
qu'elle pourra encore augmenter d'estrangers, elle parlera
apres a cheual, & ne se laissera conduire qu'a ce qu'elle
voudra, & sera comme il est vray semblable l'Empereur son
principal conseil: car ie pense qu'elle est en son interieur
plus Espagnole qu'Angloise, & qu'il luy semble sous ombre
que l'Empereur fait fort le bigot et l'hypocrite, qu'il n'y a
pas au monde vn meilleur Chrestien que luy. Ce ne sont
que soupQons et coniectures, ausquelles neantmoins il me
semble qu'il n'est que bon de penser d'heure, car ce n'est
chose qui ne puisse aduenir ; & si vous iugez que ce discours
ait quelque fondement et apparence de vostre coste\ & que
vous en voiez quelques autres indices, il me sembleroit, sauf
meilleur aduis, que ce seroit bien fait d'imprimer en l'opinion
dudit Milord de Courtenay dextrement et fort secrettement
& couuertement, tant lesdits soupcons que les aduertissemens,
que vous aurez tendans a cette fin, & que quand Ton n'en
auroit point, feindre d'en auoir & faire entendre que pour
l'amour que le Roy luy porte & au Royaume d'Angleterre
qu'il ne voudroit point voir perir, ni venir ^s mains des
Espagnols & estrangers, il le veut aduertir de tout ce qu'il
doit considerer, qu'estant le premier dudit Roiaume, & du
plus noble sang et luy estant mieux d'espouser ladite Reine
qu'a nul autre, la raison veut que si elle espouse vn
Espagnol, Ton le remette prisonnier, & qu'on le traite plus
mal que iamais, comme celuy qu'on pensera se tenir le plus
offense" dudit mariage, & auoir plus de cause de s'en ressentir,
& que si luy et lesdits Srs. d'Angleterre ont enuie qu'elle
espouse vn Anglois, qu'ils Ten fassent resoudre bien-tost sans
plus differer, autrement qu'ils se tiennent tout asseurez si
elle temporise, qu'elle ne tend a autre fin qu'a leur bailler
vn Estranger pour Roy, auant qu'ils s'en doutent & qu'ils
soient preparez pour y remedier. Ce que facilement ils
pourront faire, en y pensant, & pouruoiant d'heure ; du quel
office ledit de Courtenay ne pourroit iamais que scauoir gre
& obligation au Roy, & luy en seroit tenu, & tous les
Seigneurs qui sont de vrais Anglois & qui aiment le bien de
leur patrie ; & si S.M. & vous iugiez a propos qu'on mist le
mesme soupgon en teste dudit Cardinal d'Angleterre, qui est
parent dudit Courtenay, & doit desirer sa grandeur, cela se
pourroit bien faire, afin qu'il y obuiast de son coste" en ce
qu'il pourroit ; & s'il falloit venir iusques a contrarier et

ch. iv PARLIAMENT AND RELIGION 185

resister par force a ladite Reine Marie en ce dessein, il est
croyable que la plus-part des Seigneurs et du peuple seroient
en faueur dudit Courtenay, pourueu qu'on les preparast
d'heure, & qu'il ne se declarast contraire quant a la Religion,
ni aux Catholiques, ni a ceux qui se disent Euangelistes,
tenans les nouvelles doctrines, mais monstrast de vouloir
seulement le bien de sa patrie, le soulagement du peuple &
le reglement de la Religion, par l'opinion & aduis des Estats
& Parlemens du Roiaume bien et deuement conuoquez &
assemblez, & se vouloir gouuerner en cela, & toutes autres
choses par lesdits Estats, & le Conseil des Srs. du pays ; &
pour luy donner cceur d'entreprendre, Ton luy pourroit dire
que le Roy le fauoriseroit & garderoit, & que le Roy
Henry VII fut bien mis au Roiaume d'Angleterre par l'aide
du Roy Charles VIII, & qu'a plus forte raison il seroit facile
au Roy d'a present de l'y conseruer desia a demy estably.
De Venise, 12 Septembre 1553. De Selve.

77. To Henry II of France, 18 December 1553
[From Ribier, ii. 461-63]

18 Decembre MDLIII.

Le Sr. de Selue au Roy,

Sire, L'on dit que Rostan Bassa a plus d'authorite" qu'il
n'eust iamais, non obstant sa demission, & qu'il n'a este" priue,
ny renuoye a Constantinople, qu'a sa sollicitation & poursuite :
& pour se sauuer des mains des Janissaires, ayant este seul
cause de la mort de Mustafa, comme l'on dit que luy mesme
s'en est decouuert a quelques vns en secret : & se iuge
que le Grand Seigneur fera toutes choses pour auoir le fils
dudit Mustafa qu'on pense s'estre retire au Sophy, & que
cela pourra estre cause d'vne paix entr'eux ; and que ledit
Seigneur ne passera pas si auant que l'on pensoit, dont l'on
verra ce qui succedera. Sire, il n'est maintenant icy autre
nouuelle que de la conclusion du mariage du Prince d'Espagne
auec la Reyne d'Angleterre, que les Imperiaux disent auoir
pour tout certain par lettres de Flandres, & en ay veu a des
Marchands qui en parlent fort auant, & ces Seigneurs par
leur Ambassadeur, qui est pr£s le dit Empereur, en ont
conformes aduis. A quoy ie croy bien que l'ambition dudit
Empereur aspire & fait tous ses efforts, & que la dite Reyne

1 86 LOLLARDY & THE REFORMATION bk. vn

en soit tres-bien d'accord avec luy, & par aduenture aucuns
de son Conseil corrompus de luy & d'elle : mais ie ne puis
penser que cela me semble dur au peuple, & qu'il ne fasse
quelque mouuement s'il pense estre tourmente. I'ay ou'i
dire que le Roy des Romains en pourchassoit le niariage
pour vn de ses fils, ce qui vray-semblement le deura rendre
d'autant plus mal content, voyant que son frere sans auoir
esgard a sa pauurete, n'y a la multitude des enfans qu'il a,
cherche d'empieter tout pour son fils seul. Aussi y a-il
apparence que les villes maritimes des Ostrelins, qui de tout
temps ont grand trafic de marehandises et grands priuileges
en Angleterre, ne se trouuant gueres amis de l'Empereur, ne
doiuent pas auoir plaisir du succes dudit mariage. Ce qui
pourroit bien mouuoir ledit Roy des Romains & toute
l'Allemagne a auoir d'autant plus volontiers quelque bonne
intelligence auec vostre Majeste : ie pense bien qu'en ce cas
die n'oubliera rien de ce qui se deura faire, & semble que si
ledit Roy des Romains leue vne Ms le masque a bon escient
contre sondit frere, de sorte qu'on ne doiue craindre secrette
intelligence entr'eux, qu'il seroit bon de faire, stimuler &
tenter de venir querir avec les armes au poing son partage
en Flandres ; luy remonstrant que c'est le moien non
seulement d'auoir ce qui luy appartient iustement, mais
encore de se conseruer l'Allemagne & sans trop grand frais.
Car estant l'Empereur en guerre avec V.M. & accule audit
pais de Flandres, s'il auoit a tourner le visage de deux costez
a la fois, il seroit bien empesche quelque secours qu'il put
auoir d' Angleterre : de laquelle il n'est pas croyable qu'il
dispose comme il voudra des le commencement. Ioint que
si les Anglois estoient de sa partie, estans aussi infestez du
coste d'Escosse & des Ostrelins, & du Roy de Dannemarck
par mer, s'ils sen vouloient mesler, vne partie de la feste se
pourroit faire chez eux. Ie pense, Sire, que si l'Empereur veut
effectuer ledit mariage se sentant auoir gaigne vne partie des
Ministres d'autour la Reyne, qui sont Imperiaux, il taschera
d'abord de s'asseurer de Calais, pour estre maistre du Passage
& du Traiet de la mer, avec lequel et l'intelligence de ladite
Reyne et de son Conseil, il fera son compte de vaincre toute
la repugnance que le peuple du pays luy pourroit faire, qu'il
vaincra aisement a mon aduis, si ledit peuple du pays est
sans chef. Aussi la plus grande & importante chose en tel
cas, pour le bien de vos affaires, seroit de quelque chef d'estoffe
audit peuple, comme Milord Courtenay ; car sans chef, ce sera
vn feu de paille, comme i'y en ay veu par fois, & si ledit mariage

ch. iv PARLIAMENT AND RELIGION 187

va auant, ils ne manqueront pas de depescher ledit Courtenay,
s'il ne prend garde a ses affaires.

Sire, allant auiourd'huy a la Messe, i'ay rencontre
l'Ambassadeur d'Angleterre, auquel me demandant des
nouuelles, i'ay respondu qu'il falloit qu'elles vinsent de son
coste, & que sa Reyne pour le temps de maintenant donnoit
a parler par tout le monde en beaucoup de fagons ; & luy
ayant priuement demande- si elle espouseroit le Prince
d'Espagne, il m'a hire & afferme qu'il auoit nouuelles bien
fraiches d'Angleterre, par lesquelles on ne luy en mandoit
rien, & qu'on ne luy faisoit mention, que des reformations &
abrogations d'aucunes Loix faites du temps des Roys Henry &
Edouard,& de la restauration & restitution de la Religion et des
Sacremens,sans luy parler en aucune fagon de mariage de ladite
Dame ; mais qu'il estoit bien vray que Me. Masson a present
Ambassadeur pres l'Empereur, luy escriuoit qu'au lieu ou il
est, ledit mariage se mettoit fort chaudement et instamment
en auant, et qu'il esperoit que Dieu, qui auoit conduit & guide
ladite Reyne iusques icy, l'inspireroit & conformeroit a ce qui
seroit le plus honorable & utile pour elle & pour son peuple ;
& m'a dit qu'il s'ebahissoit extremement de l'impudence
d'aucunes personnes qui publioient ledit mariage par tout le
monde, & qu'on n'auoit pas eu honte de feindre & forger des
lettres, & les monstrer par tout, les intitulant doubles de
lettres d'Angleterre venues a luy, portans la conclusion dudit
Mariage, duquel ne luy auoit iamais este escrit que par ledit
Mre. Masson en la fagon que dessus. Ie luy ay demande, si
Ton ne luy mandoit rien de certaines protestations, faites
par les Seigneurs du Parlement, & les Estats du pays a
l'encontre de ladite Dame, en cas qu'elle se voulust marier
au Prince d'Espagne. II m'a respondu que non, me disant
en riant, que diriez vous si ledit mariage s'ensuivoit, & si ce
n'estoit pas vne belle chose que d'vnir vne Comte de Flandres
auec vn Royaume d'Angleterre. A quoy ie luy ay replique"
que c'estoit encore vne plus belle addition & augmentation a
vn Comte de Flandre d'acquerir & gaigner sans coup frapper
vn Royaume d'Angleterre. II m'a apres cela dit qu'on
s'esbahissoit fort icy que les Sacremens & toutes autres choses
de la Religion eussent este remis et restituez en leur entier
audit pays, & que l'obeissance n'eust point este rendue au
Pape, & que plusieurs de ees Seigneurs luy auoient dit qu'ils
s'en esmerueilloient. Auquel propos ie luy ay dit, Sire, qu'il
deuoit respondre que ce dernier poinct se reseruoit au Prince
d'Espagne, comme le plus a propos & important pour s'en

1 88 LOLLARDY & THE REFORMATION bk. ™

gratifier avec sa Saintete\ et en faire quelque bon marche
avec elle, quand il auroit pris possession dudit Royaume
d'Angleterre, luy disant tout en riant que s'il espousoit
leur Reyne, ie croyois qu'il en aduiendroit ainsi, & qu'vn
Espagnol les feroit meilleurs chrestiens qu'ils n'auoient
enuie d'estre, & la dessus nous estans entresaluez, nous nous
soinnies quitter. De Venise, 26 Dec. De Selve.

BOOK VIII
THE SPANISH MARRIAGE

189

CHAPTER I

THE ORGANISED INSURRECTIONS

From what has been already written it must be Foreign
sufficiently apparent that at the end of the year ™fl"heence
1553, when Mary had reigned no more than six domestic
months, a most dangerous state of public feeling England.
existed, both about her intended marriage and about
what seemed a retrogressive policy in religion, bring-
ing Church order back to the state it was in just
before the death of Henry VIII. There is no reason,
indeed, to believe that, apart from questions about
the Pope's authority, which it was evidently intended
to restore, when possible, the old services of the
Church were disliked by more than a section of the
people, principally in London and other large towns,
and in the populous eastern counties. But the
marriage and the return to Henrician religion, though
both settled by authority before the close of the year,
had met with a large amount of opposition, both
within and outside of Parliament ; and these things,
together or singly, added fuel to disloyal thoughts
that had been for some time burning.

Yet if either of these had been in its nature a
purely domestic question, opposition would doubtless
have been more easily overcome. Unfortunately, as
we have also seen, there was, in both cases, a foreign
power in the background. The whole of Northumber-
land's policy had been based on a cordial amity
with France, and on a very just confidence that

191

192 LOLLARDY & THE REFORMATION bk. vni

Charles V., beset with difficulties within the Empire,
would be totally unable to interfere with anti-papal
England. But Mary, without troubling her head
about questions of the balance of power, believed
that the weal of nations depended on their spiritual
obedience to the Pope ; and in the Emperor she
recognised the one constant friend who in the past
had done his best to protect her from her father's
and her brother's tyranny. Unversed in the ways of
statesmanship, she needed counsel, and did not always
see clearly who were her best friends at home. So
the Emperor's ambassador became her chief adviser,
and the match with Philip seemed to her the only
way of putting her government on a sure foundation.
But this, as it inevitably alarmed France, not less
inevitably set the French ambassador intriguing to
encourage sedition and tumult in England.
The law The religious question would have been trouble-

couid s^ill1 some enough without this ; but it would only have

dg invoked o * •/

against the been a minor trouble. Henry VIII. himself knew
how to temporise, and to keep within politic bounds
those revolutionary tendencies in religion which had
helped him to throw off the Pope ; but it had not
been the Edwardine policy to put much restraint on
a religious revolution. And as Edwardine religioD,
based on Acts of Parliament, was in actual possession
of the field, Mary's task was a particularly hard
one. She had begun by proclaiming principles of
religious toleration, of which she trusted that her
own religion would get the benefit as well as that of
Cranmer and the new school, until some parliamentary
settlement could be achieved. But here she found
herself thwarted. Edwardine religion, if not of
divine foundation, had existing statutes to support
it, and its adherents were not at all inclined to yield
toleration to a religion that hoped to supplant it.
Owing its ascendancy, even under Edward, to acts of
tyranny and violence, it prevented men from listening

old religion.

ch. i THE ORGANISED INSURRECTIONS 193

with patience to Dr. Bourne or other preachers in
favour with the new Sovereign, and disorders enough
were the result. But apart from mob law, the Queen
was opposed by the upholders of law itself, and the
statutes of Edward VI. could too easily be invoked
to thwart her effort to secure toleration for her own
religion.

This constituted the peculiar feature in the case of Judge
Sir James Hales — a judge who has always been the Hales-
object of much sympathy as a man of high honesty
and independence. Alone among the judges, he had
refused to put his signature to Edward's device for
altering the succession. It has been suggested, how-
ever, that he was able to maintain his independence
because he was not so much urged as they were ; for
the whole body of the judges disliked the matter, and
he was not present at the most painful scenes.1 Thus
it was, apparently, that he escaped the responsibility
in which the other judges and the Council were
involved by the threats of Northumberland. In
other matters he had been an important agent of
the Edwardine policy as regards religion. In 1549
he had been one of a Commission to suppress heresies
and enforce respect for the new Prayer Book. In
1550 he had been one of the judges who confirmed
the deprivation of Bonner. In 1551 he had been
one of those who pronounced a similar sentence upon
Gardiner; and in 1552 he had been on the Com-
mission of Thirty-two for amending and codifying
Ecclesiastical Laws.2

It was difficult for such a man to acquiesce in a He acts in
state of affairs which implied that the steps taken to JS^JjJ"6
reform religion under Edward had been altogether
wrong : and at the first assizes in Kent under the
new reign, when some priests were brought before
him for saying Mass, he charged the jury to pass a

1 Dixon, Hist, of the Church of England, iii. 542 note.
2 lb. pp. 41, 257, 439 ; Foxe, v. 798-99.

VOL. IV 0

i94 LOLLARDY & THE REFORMATION bk. vm

verdict in accordance with the still existing law.
One might say that he simply did his duty. The
law of the land was against the saying of Mass.
But was it a law that deserved to be respected
as not interfering with a higher duty than secular
obedience ? The Queen, although tolerant of the
new religion, expected toleration for the old,1 and
Gardiner, as Lord Chancellor when swearing in the
judges before Michaelmas term, declined to administer
the oath to Sir James Hales.2
andisim- Although unsworn, as having lost the Queen's
pnsoned. favourj Hales left Westminster Hall' a free man ; but
within a few days he was committed to the King's
Bench prison, where, if we may trust Foxe in this
place, he remained till Lent. But in another passage3
Foxe informs us that he was committed to the
Marshalsea on Saturday, the 27th January 1554,
which was eleven days before Lent began. Be that

1 The following is Foxe's view of the situation (Acts and Mon. vi. 712) :—
" As yet the Mass was not by the laws received and restored, although the
Queen herself, by her consent and example, set it forward, wherewith
divers priests, being couraged, presumed to say Mass. And, like as in a
main and set battle there are certain nimble and light-armed soldiers, who
in skirmishes amongst their enemies go before the force of battle ; even so,
in this troublesome time, there lacked none before-law prelates, or light-
armed but much more light-hearted soldiers, who ran before the law, who
of duty should rather have followed and obeyed it." How much running
before the law was there in Edward VI. 's time in the case of Hancock and
in that of the image-breakers at Portsmouth ? How much putting down of
altars before Ridley enforced it, even in his own diocese, for the sake of
"godly unity"? But here royal authority was avowed, and royal aims
not concealed. Under Edward transgressions were encouraged but dis-
avowed, and were pardoned after they had been committed. Mary's
government at least did nothing underhand. But when, even by Bishop
Ridley's orders, the high altar at St. Paul's was taken down, it had to be
done in the night-time !

2 Gardiner's language on this occasion, when Hales pleaded his duty as
a judge, is not a little significant. "Why, Master Hales," he said, "although
you had the rigour of the law on your side, yet ye might have had regard to
the Queen's Highness's present doings in that case. And further, although
ye seem to be more than precise in the law, yet I think ye would be very loth
to yield to the extremity of such advantage as might be gathered against
your proceedings in the law, as ye have some time taken upon you in place
of justice ; and if it were well tried, I believe ye should not be well able to
stand honestly thereto." This was a reference to the part taken by Hales
in the prosecution of Gardiner himself — a prosecution which he would have
found it difficult to justify.

3 Foxe, vi. 543, 713-14.

ch. i THE ORGANISED INSURRECTIONS 195

as it may, he seems to have been removed at times
from one prison to another, and ultimately to the
Fleet. Here he was induced to make a recantation, He re-
to which Foxe alludes in very mysterious language.
" Being in the Fleet," he says, " what it was that he
had granted unto the Bishops by their fraudulent
assaults and persuasions (namely, of Dr. Day, Bishop
of Chichester, and of Judge Portman, as it is thought,
overcome at last), I have not to say." Translating
this language by what we may call the key of Foxe's
Puritan cipher, we may say that Bishop Day and
Judge Portman were both benevolently anxious to
induce Hales to conform to the Queen's proceedings,
and that their persuasions were not without effect.
There was also, it seems, a Hampshire gentleman
named Forster (his fellow-prisoner in the Fleet, as
Hooper tells us),1 suborned, as Foxe presumes, by the
Bishops, to " draw him from the truth to error" ; and
so the poor Justice, " assaulted with secret assaults,
reculed and gave over." 2 Perhaps also these assail-
ants had another fellow-worker ; for Ridley, writing
to Cranmer in April, just after their Oxford disputa-
tions, says it was reported that Justice Hales had
recanted, "perverted by Mr. Moreman." 3 At all
events Hale's recantation did not make him more
happy. He lost appetite, and next morning stabbed
himself in different places with a penknife, but was
stopped in the act of self-destruction. Some time
afterwards, however, having not only recovered from
his wounds, but been delivered from prison, he con- destroys
trived to drown himself.4 himself.

Just after his first attempt, Bishop Gardiner,
sitting as Lord Chancellor in the Star Chamber on
the 13th April, spoke of the Edwardine religion as

1 See Hooper s Later Writings (Parker Soc), p. 378.

2 Foxe, vi. 714. 3 lb. p. 536.

4 lb. p. 715. Foxe is certainly wrong in dating the suicide in January
or February 1555, as the application of the deodand was considered in
August 1554, see Acts of the Privy Council, v. 61.

196 LOLLARDY & THE REFORMATION bk. vin

Hooper's
" Brief
Treatise"
concerning
him.

Restora-
tion of old
religious
usages in
London.

one that brought men to despair and suicide. The
imputation was deeply resented by Hooper, who
retorted in "a brief treatise," written in prison to
show " that Mr. Justice Hales never hurt himself
until such time as he condescended unto their papis-
tical religion and waxed weary of the truth. But
now there is hope he will repent and continue in the
same as he did before."1 His future, unfortunately,
was not such as Hooper endeavoured to forecast.
His mind, we may well believe, was unhinged by so
great a change as the new reign had ushered in. Not
many weeks after his uncomfortable interview with
Bishop Gardiner in Westminster Hall, Parliament
had passed Acts repealing the Edwardine legislation
which he had enforced, restoring the Mass as it had
been under Henry VIII., and protecting preachers
authorised by the Queen or any of the Bishops from
being disturbed in divine service. Judge Hales, no
doubt, felt that the old religion was coming back in
spite of him ; and what must have pained him the
more as a conscientious man, looking back on his past
career, he knew that in his readiness to go with the
Edwardine current, he had not been a righteous judge
in the case either of Gardiner or of Bonner.

The religious change effected by Parliament was
to come into operation on the 20th December. But
even before that day London saw some revival of old
usages. The 25 th November was St. Katharine's
Day ; " and they of Paul's went a procession about
Paul's steeple with great lights, and before them St.
Katharine, and singing with a 500 lights almost half
an hour. And when all was done, they rang all
the bells of Paul's at 6 of the clock."2 That was
an entertainment that must have pleased many
Londoners, and the Lollards in the City could not
throw missiles at the procession as at a preacher.

1 This treatise, originally printed by Strype (Memorials, III. ii., Cat. of
Originals, No. 24), also appears in Hooper's Later Writings, pp. 375-380.

2 Machyn, Diary, p. 49.

ch. i THE ORGANISED INSURRECTIONS 197

Next day, the 26th, " Master White, Warden [of Win-
chester], at Paul's made a goodly sermon that we
should have procession." That is to say, the old
Latin litany sung in procession was to be revived,
which it actually was on St. Andrew's Day (the 30th),
and the day following (which was a Sunday), and
then the Wednesday after. On Sunday the 8th
December, too, "was procession at Paul's "; and " when
all was done, my lord of London commanded that
every parish church should provide for a cross and a
staff and cape for to go of procession every Sunday
and Wednesday and Friday, and pray unto God for
fair weather through London." Then on another day
proclamation was made both in London and through-
out England that English Church services must be
put aside after the 20th December ; that no married
priest should say Mass ; that every parish should
make an altar, and have a cross and staff, providing
also such old accustomed necessaries as holy bread,
holy water, palms, and ashes.1

These orders were given, and no doubt were very
generally obeyed, now that the law could no longer be
pleaded in support of the Edwardine religion. But
unquestionably there was a good deal of concealed ill-
will, and it has been seen already what a strong spirit Mary
was showing itself, even in the Queen's palace, just i^ngth of
after the changes made by Parliament. Unfortunately popular
the Queen would not let herself believe how very agtXher
seriously that spirit was aggravated by the knowledge marriage.
of the match to which she had committed herself, and
though the Parliamentary address to her contained a
strong enough warning on this point, she endeavoured
to win over her nobility one after another by acts of
clemency towards political opponents.2 We have
already seen that in November she pardoned the
Duke and Duchess of Suffolk the heavy fine to

1 lb. pp. 49, 50.

2 So Noailles interpreted her conduct, Ambassades, ii. 273.

198 LOLLARDY & THE REFORMATION bk. vm

which they were condemned, and that there was no
doubt that she meant to be gracious also to their
daughter, the Lady Jane. In the same month Sir
Harry Gates, though condemned, was released from
the Tower. So also, in December, was Katharine
Parr's brother, the Marquis of Northampton ; and on
the 18th of the month Lady Jane, although it was
not felt safe to give her entire freedom, had " the
liberty of the Tower, so that she might walk in the
Queen's garden and on the Hill." Her husband,
Lord Guildford Dudley, and his brother the Lord
Robert, later so well known as Elizabeth's Earl of
Leicester, had " the liberty of the leads in the Bell
Tower." *

It was easy to fill people's minds with mis-
givings about the Spanish match. Although the
terms of the marriage treaty, drawn up by the
Emperor himself, had studiously been devised to pro-
tect England from foreign interference in all matters
of government, the fact, even so far as it was known,
did not counterbalance the very natural prejudice
against having a foreign King ; and among foreigners
Spaniards had a special reputation of being haughty
and unbearable. By followers of the Edwardine
religion they were more particularly disliked, because
of all Continental Powers Spain was that which always
maintained the most unshaken devotion to the Holy
See. But apart from religious feeling, how could
Englishmen relish having a King to rule over
them so little qualified as Philip to understand their
ways?

There was a conflict of feeling in the country ; and
while some were grateful to the Queen and the Parlia-
ment for restoring the Mass, others were dangerously
outspoken on the subject of the royal marriage, as
the following letter shows : —

1 Chr. of Queen Jane and Queen Mary, p. 33.

ch. i THE ORGANISED INSURRECTIONS 199

Sir John Arundel of Treryse to the Earl of Arundel.1

In most humble wise, my duty remembered unto you, my seditions
right honourable and singular good lord, May it please the talk in
same to be advertised that on the 6th day of January last ornwa '
past being the feast of the Epiphany of Our Lord, one John
Come, of the parish of Lynkynhorne, came unto my house of
Efford of his own free will, saying that he had matters to
disclose ; and there in the presence of Thomas Arundell of
Lee, John Beechampe, John Roscarocke, Robert Beckat and
Roger Prydyax, esquires, declared and uttered that on
Christmas Even last past Sampson Jackman and John
Cowlyn of Stouke parish, came to the house of the said
John Come; and the said Jackman demanded of the said
Come when he came from church. He answered " An hour
agone." And the said Come said that he had heard and seen
that day that thing he saw not in four years before ; " for I
have, thanked be God, heard mass and received holy bread
and holy water." And Jackman said, " I would all priests
were hanged ! " And Come said, " God forbid ! For the
Queen's Grace hath granted it." And then said Cowlyn,
" The Queen ! A vengeance take her ! " " Amen," said Jack-
man. Cowlyn said, " I may say it well, for before New
Year's day outlandish men will come upon our heads; for
there be some at Plymouth already." And Jackman said that
"before twelve months you shall see all houses of religion
up again, with the Pope's laws." Cowlyn said, " We ought
not have a woman to bear the sword." Jackman said, " If a
woman bear the sword, my lady Elizabeth ought to bear it
first."2 Which matter, as I have here written unto your
Lordship, I declared unto Richard Chamonde, John Trelauny,
Thomas Treffry, Robert Hyle, William Carnsew, and Henry
Chynerton, Justices of Peace, at the Sessions golden at Bod-
min the 10th of the said month of January ; who notwith-
standing at the said Sessions bailed the said Jackman and
Cowlyn. Whereof I have thought it my duty to signify
unto your Lordship, being one of the Queen's Highness' most
honorable Council, the whole circumstances of the premises.
And thus to the tuition of the Lord I commend your good

1 State Papers, Domestic, Mary, ii. 2.

2 The theory of the invalidity of Henry VIII. 's first marriage was evi-
dently still cherished by religious partisans.

2oo LOLLARDY & THE REFORMATION bk. vih

As yet tlie

religious

change

gratified

the

majority,

Lordship, wishing the same long life with increase of honor.
From Cornwall, the 13th of January. — Yours to command,

John Arundell of Trerys.

Addressed: To the Right Honorable and my singular
good Lord, my Lord Earl of Arundel.

Endorsed: Sir John Arundell of Treryse to my Lord
Steward xiii0 Januarii 1553.

We have the advantage now of living in an age of
religious toleration, and any one of us would repro-
bate such persecution as Mary herself was compelled
to endure under her brother's reign, when she was
not allowed to hear Mass in her own household. And
if this was the case in her particular instance, we may
well imagine how the prevailing tyranny must have
vexed the consciences of thousands, devoted in heart
to the Mass as it used to be said, if not to Papal
authority as well. Mary had determined on carrying
her " Catholic Emancipation Act," and she had
succeeded in the ODiy way that such an Act at that
time could have been carried. For there was but
one feeling everywhere, that religious authority must
be supreme over all, and that it was the business of
the temporal ruler to enforce true religion. This
principle, no doubt, tended ultimately to repression,
and the only difference might seem to be, on which
side the dice were loaded. But as yet there was no
severe coercion of heretics, and there could not very
well be till England was reclaimed for the Pope.
Only the services in churches were altered back
again, and by-and-by, as we shall see, steps were
taken to deprive married priests. Burning for heresy
was not to be practised for a twelvemonth ; and,
so far, it may reasonably be surmised, the Queen's
policy gave much more general gratification than
otherwise.

But undoubtedly there were many zealots who
hated it, and there were interested men, especially
among the landed gentry, who saw danger in the

ch. i THE ORGANISED INSURRECTIONS 201

distance to the new holders of Church property, but the
It was with these men — not with the masses — church °f
that the alarm at the Spanish marriage was most rroperty

were
uneasy.

serious. For the Spanish marriage was clearly %;

intended to strengthen the Queen's hands in bringing
back the nation wholly to the Church of Rome ;
though perhaps it is not far from the truth that
hardly anything could have been a greater hindrance
to that result. But without discussing its con-
sequences, it concerns us here, having already seen
its diplomatic origin, to follow up the story of the
negotiations.

More than a week before Christmas preparations Arrival
had been made for the special Ambassadors whom the °f the ,

-inn i -r /r > i i • Emperor s

Emperor was to send, formally to ask Mary s hand in special Am -
marriage for his son. Lodgings had been taken for bassadors-
them both in London and at Richmond, whither the
Queen went down as early as the 19th December to
await their coming.1 But it was only on the 21st
that the Emperor despatched them from Brussels
with letters of credence.2 The persons were the
Counts Egmont and Lalaing, the Sieur de Courrieres,
and Philip de Nigry, Chancellor of the Order of the
Golden Fleece. They arrived at Calais on the 23rd
and stayed there over Christmas, awaiting the arrival
of certain ships of war sent by the Queen for their
escort.3 On what day they sailed is not recorded,
but they landed at Tower Wharf on the 2nd January
1554. Their retinue and harbingers landed the day
before, and were pelted with snowballs by the boys
of London as they passed through the streets.4

But little would seem to have gone amiss as Their
regards their reception here, of which they wrote If^l
to the Emperor afterwards as if in every way satis- reception
factory. Before their landing they were saluted by a m
great peal of guns in the Tower, and they were met on

1 Renard to the Emperor, 17th December 1553, R. 0. Transcripts, u.s.
p. 890. 2 Papiers du Card, de Granvelle, iv. 171.

3 lb. p. 175. 4 Chr. of Queen Jane and Queen Mary, p. 34.

202 LOLLARDY & THE REFORMATION bk. vui

the wharf by Sir Anthony Browne in " very gorgeous
apparel." On Tower Hill the Earl of Devonshire
(that Courtenay of whom so much has been said),
with a number of other noblemen, gave them a cordial
welcome, and a great concourse of people in the city
seemed to show much joy at their arrival. They were
waited on by the whole of the Council except the
Chancellor, to whom they shortly afterwards sent two
gentlemen to know when the Queen would receive
them. Next day at two o'clock was appointed, when,
after presenting the Emperor's letters, they made a
formal request for the marriage, and Renard, as their
spokesman, enlarged upon the advantages it would
bring not only to England but to Christendom.1
The The Queen read the Emperor's letters, and asked

tS*yage after him and his sister, the Queen of Hungary, and
signed, his niece, the Duchess of Lorraine. Then in reply to
the formal request, she said that it was not a woman's
business to talk or treat of marriage, and that she
committed that subject to her Chancellor as keeper
of the law of her realm, which realm she said that
she had espoused, and showed the ring delivered to
her by the Chancellor on the day of her Coronation ;
but she thanked the Emperor, as the alliance he pro-
posed was most honourable. The Ambassadors said
that it was the Emperor's intention to favour and
assist her kingdom, as he had hitherto done. They
then took leave of her, and the Council appointed
with them that they should come to Court next
day at two o'clock after dinner, communicate their
powers, and discuss the Articles agreed upon. That
day, accordingly, they were waited on and conducted
to Court by the Earl of Devonshire and a great body
of Lords and gentlemen ; and there they found the
Lord Chancellor with various other high officials.
In the reading of the Articles the Chancellor raised

1 Ambassadors to the Emperor, 7th January 1554, R. 0. Transcripts, u.s.
pp. 967-69.

ch. i THE ORGANISED INSURRECTIONS 203

some points to guard against the possibility of
England being drawn into war with France on the
Emperor's account ; and the consideration of these
was deferred. But all was finally settled on the
12th, when the treaty was signed and sealed on both
sides, and only remained to be ratified by the
Emperor. But for the marriage itself a power must
come from Philip, so that the parties should first
be espoused by mutual promises ; and the Queen was
most anxious that he should come himself in person
to England as soon as possible, as she objected to be
married in Lent.1

Renard now wrote to the Emperor as if matters Popular
had become tolerably smooth. The coming of the Londfu"1
Ambassadors, he said, had changed the face of matters
considerably. They were found to be so gentle and
affable that not only the Council, but the greater part
of the nobility were highly pleased with them. The
Count of Egmont especially knew how to accom-
modate himself to English ways, and the Comptroller
Rochester said that the Count had done so much in
three days to prepare for Philip's coming that he had
great hope the marriage would take place without
any disorder. Renard was still doing his best to
win over noblemen and others, and he was aware
that some heretics, who objected to the restoration of
the Mass, wanted to settle the succession on Elizabeth
and Courtenay, who, he understood, was of the new
religion now, in the hope of being aided by French
intrigues ; but he trusted that the Queen would do
justice on heretics who broke the law of Parliament,
and make some show of readiness to defend herself
by arms.2

No doubt Renard was putting the best face upon
matters for the Emperor's satisfaction. The writer
of a contemporary English Chronicle speaks of the

1 Ambassadors to the Emperor, pp. 969-88 (despatches of 7th, 12th, and
13th January 1554).

2 lb. pp. 987-90 (13th January).

France

204 LOLLARDY & THE REFORMATION bk. viii

people as "nothing rejoicing," but holding down
their heads sorrowfully as the Ambassadors passed
through the city. And from the same authority we
learn how imperfectly the Act of Parliament restoring
the Mass, had as yet been carried out in London.
On Wednesday the 3rd January " the Lord Chancellor
sent for the churchwardens and substantiallest of
thirty parishes of London, to come before him ; upon
whose appearance he inquired of divers of them why
they had not the Mass and service in Latin in their
churches, as some of them had not, as St. [blank'] in
Milk Street [St. Mary Magdalen.— Ed.], and others ;
and they answered that they had done what lay in
them." 1
Prepara- But the religious question, even in London, might

defence1 have quieted down if politics had not been mixed up
against with it; and while French influence was sowing the
seeds of disaffection and heresy among the people,
the Council felt that, now that they were committed to
the Spanish marriage, they must fortify the kingdom
against France as a possible enemy. So they fell in
with the advice of Renard, and sent two pinnaces and
a ship of war to the coast of Normandy, to ascertain
what fleet the French might have in those parts
destined for an expedition against England. They
also desired Renard to write to the Emperor for the
aid of a thousand Liege " harness " for horsemen and
men at arms, and for the return of a quantity of
gunpowder which the Emperor had borrowed of
Henry VIII. Renard in forwarding their requests
suggested to his master the importance of maintain-
ing the Council in their goodwill to him by judicious
liberality.2 Nothing was done in diplomacy in those
days without little gratuities — or large ones. States-

1 Chr. of Queen Jane and Queen Mary, p. 34.

2 " Laquelle " [votre Majeste] " pesera combien il emporte que par
quelque liberalite et reconguoissence (sic) Ton maintienne le Conseil en ceste
bonne devotion, et que Ton l'aceroisse pour l'advenir." — Renard to the
Emperor, 13th January, u.s.

in Devon-
shire.

ch. i THE ORGANISED INSURRECTIONS 205

men did not exactly sell their country, but in inter-
national affairs the services of ministers in preserving
good relations between their own and other Princes
had always to be considered by the Power which felt
itself benefited by them. And the result of Renard's
suggestion was that the Imperial Ambassadors im-
mediately had the promise of a remittance of 3000
crowns for judicious distribution.1

To have won the Council's approval of the marriage, Disaffection
however, was not everything, even if every Councillor
had been altogether won. There was a dangerous spirit
beginning to show itself in sundry places, and Sir
John Arundel's letter was not the first intimation the
authorities had received of disloyalty and irreverence
in the West of England. At a gaol delivery held at
Exeter a week or more before Christmas, Sir Thomas
Dennis, Sheriff of Devonshire, received secret intima-
tion that attempts had been made to tamper with the
loyalty of some of the country gentlemen in connection
with rumours industriously spread, that " the King of
Spain," as Philip was prematurely called, would land
in the county. A messenger, despatched by some
unknown person, had applied to " Sir Thomas Pomery,
Knight, being a simple gentleman," to know if he
would " assent to the landing of the King of Spain
or not," and Sir Thomas had answered " that he would
not meddle in that matter." On hearing of this Sir
Thomas Dennis, along with John Prideaux, one of
the justices of the gaol delivery, determined next day
to speak with Sir John Chichester, a large landowner
within the county, whose loyalty might be specially
trusted, to know if he had heard of any attempt to
oppose the " King of Spain's " landing. Chichester
knew of no one who would make such an attempt, if
it were the Queen's pleasure that he should land ; and
nothing more could then be discovered to that effect.

1 Ambassadors to the Emperor, 18th January, R. 0. Transcripts, u.s.
p. 1005.

206 LOLLARDY & THE REFORMATION bk. vm

Christmas But the rumours grew till Tuesday after the
th?Dean. Epiphany (that Tuesday was the 9th January, the
ery at day of a new sessions) that the " King of Spain "
would land in Devonshire with a great fleet. Dennis
and Prideaux came to Exeter the day before, and
supped at the house of one of the canons, where after
supper an information was given to Dennis, as Sheriff,
in presence of Prideaux and some of the Cathedral
clergy, " that Sir Gawen Carew should cause harness
to be made in the Christmas time in the Dean's house
there, and that it was to be feared that it was to
prepare against a tumult rather than otherwise. " The
Dean of Exeter, James Haddon, of whom mention has
already been made as a disputant in the late Con-
vocation, had been raised to that dignity late in the
reign of Edward VI. by the influence of Northumber-
land ; and it seems that he allowed preparations for
civil war to be made in the Deanery in the holy season
of Christmas. To this information the Sheriff said, " I
heard so much spoken this day, where I dined, by
the mayor's deputy and old Mr. Hurste." It was at
once agreed that each of the company should make
secret inquiry by every means at his command as to
the truth of this statement, and why such " harness "
was made at the Christmas season. And it was
further agreed, as the mayor and aldermen of Exeter
" were of different religions, that Mr. Blackaller,
the mayor's deputy, and Mr. Hurste, being known to
be of good Catholic faith, should have good respect
to the keeping of the said City." The suspicious
character of the intelligence was increased by a
rumour " that Sir Peter Carew, Sir Gawen Carew,
and Sir Giles Strangways of Dorset would lie in
Exeter."
Rumour But next day, the day of the Sessions, the two

that Philip QarewS) Sir John Chichester, and Sir Arthur Champer-
L Devon- nowne showed Sir Thomas Dennis and Prideaux
shire. a ^at there was a great rumour in all parts of the

ch. i THE ORGANISED INSURRECTIONS 207

Shire of Devon, that if the King of Spain should land
there it should be a great destruction to the country."
Dennis told them that if it were the Queen's pleasure
that he and his power should land there, " it were no
subject's part to let it, ne defend it, but to be there-
with contented." Sir Peter was careful not to contra-
dict him. " Yet let us advertise the Queen's Highness
of this rumour," he said, " and we can no less do,
considering that we are put in trust here in this
country for the keeping of the Queen's Highness'
peace."

The Sheriff took up the suggestion, and in con- a report
junction with Prideaux penned a letter ; but the cJincii.
letter did not please Sir Peter and his friends, who
said they would write another. Their letter, however,
gave just as little satisfaction to Dennis and Prideaux,
who " utterly denied it." The Sheriff then sent for a
Mr. Ridgeway, who agreed with him and Prideaux ;
and they desired that he would that Wednesday night
(10th January) draw up the letter intended to be sent
to the Queen, which would be laid next day before
the justices of the peace in the city for consideration.
That day, accordingly, they met in the Chapter house,
and a letter addressed to the Queen was signed. But
news came from London that the Spanish Prince was
not to land in Devonshire, but at Portsmouth ; and
that the Queen had appointed the Duke of Bedford,
Lord Paget, and Bishop Bonner as Ambassadors to
him. They were to take shipping at Portsmouth.
It was therefore decided not to send the letter. But
Prideaux drew up a letter to the Council, which was
signed by him and several others, narrating the
rumours and what they had done in connection with
them.

Prideaux then returned home ; but a week later, The Earl
on Wednesday the 17th, he visited Exeter again, ^ds™"
and dined with Dr. Moreman and Blackstone, the Peter
sub-dean, whom he promised to inform of anything Carew'

2o8 LOLLARDY & THE REFORMATION bk. vm

that lie heard further. He departed to Honiton that
night, and was told by one of his servants, on the
authority of Thomas Prideaux, presumably his rela-
tion, that on that day the Earl of Devon had come
with one servant to Mohuns Ottery, Sir Peter Carew's
house, and that Sir Peter took him into his lodge and
entertained him. On hearing this he sent for Thomas
Prideaux, who confirmed the report ; and thereupon
he immediately wrote to Mr. Blackstone.1 The Earl
of Devon ! Had that unsteady young nobleman
now lent himself to a conspiracy against Queen
Mary ? It was certainly thought so, and not with-
out reason either. But, not to be too severe on
Courtenay's weakness, let us see first what position
he held in the eyes of his countrymen and of all
Europe.
French As far back as the 12th September 1553 — almost

mtngues. ag eariy as Noaines in London knew of it — the
French Ambassador at Venice had written to the
French Court his grave suspicions, founded partly on
the way in which the Emperor had stopped Cardinal
Pole's mission to England, that he was bent on
getting his son Philip married to Mary, now that
she had obtained actual possession of her kingdom.
Now the French Ambassador at Venice was the Sieur
de Selve, who had been Ambassador in England in the
end of Henry VIII. 's reign and the beginning of
Edward VI. 's ; and he had used his eyes to good
purpose while there. He knew Mary, and did not
believe that her pride would readily consent to a
match below her rank — a fact which would in itself
be an argument in Philip's favour. But pains,
he considered, should be taken to impress upon
Courtenay, as the highest in rank of all the English
nobility, that a Spanish match for the Queen was a
thing to be prevented at all hazards. The English
people would be sold to the Spaniards, and Courtenay

1 State Papers, Dom., Mary, ii. 15.

disaffec-
tion.

ch. i THE ORGANISED INSURRECTIONS 209

himself, so lately released from the Tower, would
be sent to prison again by a Spanish King.

Noailles in England took the same view and TheSieur
endeavoured to inculcate these ideas at the English ^JrTas
Court. And he was remarkably successful. English to English
prejudice against foreigners of one nation was none
the less vehement because fanned by foreigners of
other nations ; and Soranzo, the Venetian Ambassador
in England, joined the Frenchman in endeavouring
to thwart the policy of the Court. That policy, more-
over, was open to objections which were not the fruit
of mere prejudice, and not a single member of the
Council really liked the alliance, though Paget won
his way to favour by approving of the Queen's choice.
A cabal was formed ; and another French agent, pass-
ing through England at this time, helped to promote it
elsewhere than about London. The Sieur d'Oysel, the
French Ambassador to Scotland, spent eight days in
London on his way thither, and received very minute
instructions from Noailles as to all the intrigues and
conspiracies1 — Imperialist intrigues especially, but
undoubtedly French intrigues as well. And on the
14th January, the last day of his stay there, he
wrote to Henry II. as follows 2 : —

Sire, I could not add anything to the despatch which
M. de Noailles and I wrote to your Majesty on the 12th
of this month, except that, while the Queen and her
Councillors, who have agreed upon and passed all the
Articles with the Imperialists, are thinking themselves fully
assured of this marriage, the fury of the commons at it is
increased, and they speak of it in more unguarded and offen-
sive language, and are determined to put an end to it. All
the nobility except a certain number of those about the

1 Writing on the 15th January, Noailles tells Henry II. : "Sire, estant
arrive' M. d'Oysel en celieu, ou, apres avoir communicque ensemble pour le
bien de vos affaires, je luy ai faict entendre, veoir, et touschier a l'oeil et au
doigt, en huict jours qu'il a sejourneicy, toutes les praticques et menees qui
se font par deca, et l'ay faict parler aux principaulx auctheurs et conducteurs
d'icelle." — Ambassadcs, iii. 17.

2 lb. pp. 14-16.

VOL. IV P

210 LOLLARDY & THE REFORMATION bk. vm

Queen use this language, and they have no lack of com-
munication one with another. Some of them, not to be
taken by surprise and made prisoners, are retiring to their
own houses, there to stay with their people, awaiting the time
which may be most suitable to their designs. And many of
the party have been forced to take this course, having been
informed, as is quite true, that the Council have despatched
a very express commission to arrest in Devonshire, the
country of "niillord de Courtenay," a gentleman named
Pietro Caro (Carew) who has great influence with the people.
But his friends and adherents think that they will be able
to prevent this ; that the party of the said Caro will prove
itself the stronger ; and that even if he were dead, and a
hundred others such as he, their design would still be
carried out (leur execution ne laisseroit a estrefait). For the
last two or three days Sir James Croft and Sir Thomas
Wyatt (another gentle knight, much esteemed throughout
the kingdom) have had hopes that they will win over some
even of the Queen's Council, believing that some of them
are disaffected. And this I can easily see, especially because
the import of this marriage becomes not less but all the
more grave, and they see every one opposed to it ; and they
can have no more doubt about this than about the feeling
exhibited last year, of which I was a witness, when all united
in calling to the Crown the Queen that now is. For they
say that she has broken her promise in two articles, —
the one the matter of religion, which she said she would
leave at liberty ; the other not to marry a foreigner. This
I remember hearing said to two or three lords of her Council,
of whom my lord Privy Seal was one ; and, apart from her
promise, this, they say, was expressly forbidden by the will
of the late King Henry her father.

His report The Frenchman certainly was justified in saying
faktothe that these things were alleged against the Queen;
Queen, but the allegations were scarcely fair. Her promise
of religious liberty to her subjects, such as she claimed
for herself, was only provisional till a religious settle-
ment could be arrived at in Parliament. Nor does
it appear that she ever promised not to marry
a foreigner, though at the beginning the Imperial
Ambassador had told the Council his master would
not urge her to do so. Neither did her father's will

ch. i THE ORGANISED INSURRECTIONS 211

forbid such a match, provided that she made it with
the advice of her Council.

But this letter is peculiarly valuable for its account
of things in England, and it is important to note the
date. It was written, according to Vertot, the editor
of the Noailles despatches, on the 14th January, and
it could not have been later, as the letter of Noailles
of the 15th, already cited in a footnote, speaks as if
d'Oysel had by that time left London after an eight
days' stay there. Renard also in a letter of the 13th
mentions d'Oysel's arrival and his having had an
audience of the Queen, in which he presented letters
of credence, and urged on her the maintenance of
peace and amity.1 Yet it was only on the 14th
that Bishop Gardiner as Lord Chancellor, in the
Chamber of Presence at Westminster, formally
announced to the nobility, and a great body of gentle-
men there assembled, the Queen's intended marriage
with Philip, and the conditions on which it had been
concluded with the consent of the Council, setting
forth in an eloquent oration how it would contribute
to the wealth of the realm and strengthen friendships
abroad.

But the English chronicler who records the fact though
agrees entirely with Noailles about the way the news S™117
was received : though not, he says, unknown before informed.
to many " and very much misliked ; yet being now
in this wise pronounced, was not only credited but
also heavily taken of sundry men ; yea, and thereat
almost each man was abashed, looking daily for worse
matters to grow shortly after."2 And so little was
this disaffection unexpected that d'Oysel, writing as Order for
above on the very day of Gardiner's oration, says that JJ^JSter
the Council had already issued an express com- Carew.
mission for Sir Peter Carew's arrest in Devonshire,
and that Sir James Croft and Sir Thomas Wyatt

1 Renard to the Emperor, 13th January, R. 0. Transcripts, ic.s. p. 991.
2 Citron, of Queen Jane and Queen Mary, pp. 34, 35.

212 LOLLARDY & THE REFORMATION bk. viii

(soon to be heard of as open rebels) bad even some
days before been flattering themselves they could
get some of the Queen's own Council to join in the
conspiracy against her project. By the records of
the Privy Council itself, the order for the arrest of
Sir Peter Carew seems to have been despatched only
on the 16th ; 1 and indeed, as we shall see from other
evidence, it could not have been issued earlier, and so
it looks as if the "express commission" that d'Oysel
knew about had been delayed two days, and was
then superseded by the issue of royal letters sent
by a courier. How else are we to account for the
following; minute and the date under which it
appears ? —

Westminster the lQth of January, 1553 [1554].

A letter to Sir Thomas Denys, with the Queen's High-
ness's letters enclosed, for the sending hither of Sir Peter
Carewe, wherein his wisdom and diligence is required, and to
give credit to the bearer.

Wisdom, no doubt, was required, as indeed the
arrest turned out to be no easy matter. But had the
Council themselves really shown diligence? How
came it, then, that d'Oysel understood on the 14th
that a commission had been issued for Carew's arrest,
and yet from the records of the Council the order to
arrest him was only issued on the 16th? The truth
evidently is that steps had actually been taken against
Sir Peter Carew at least as early as the 14th, and that
there had been despatched — not, perhaps, an " express
commission " for his arrest — but a royal letter requir-
ing him to come up and present himself before the
Council. For though one letter of information
written at Exeter on the 10th had been withheld,
the Council must certainly have been warned four
days later that there was mischief brewing in the

1 Acts of the Privy Council, iv. 385.

ch. i THE ORGANISED INSURRECTIONS 213

West and have taken steps to meet it. Moreover,
it was well known in London by the 18th, that not
only had the Council summoned Sir Peter to appear
before them, but that he had sent an excuse that he
had no horses, and, when pressed further, had taken
up a plainly rebellious attitude.1

In Renard's opinion, Courtenay was afraid that The Con-
if Sir Peter obeyed the summons, he would himself Snames
be implicated in the conspiracy formed against ofEiiza-
the Queen's government. Nor was even Courtenay's courtenay
name the greatest involved in it, for on the 15th used.
the French Ambassador despatched La Marque to his
Sovereign with instructions to tell him among other
things that "they are proposing to set up lord
Courtenay and my Lady Elizabeth as their King and
Queen." 2 This the French Ambassador fully believed.
But a passage immediately following this information
seems to have been omitted by Vertot, and is supplied
by Lingard from the original manuscript, to the
following effect : —

Nevertheless the principal authors and conductors of this
enterprise are afraid they will be in great want of arms,
ammunition and money, and they very humbly beg the
King [of France] to interest himself therein.3

So there was a positive conspiracy invoking French
aid to dethrone the Queen, and the names of
Courtenay and Elizabeth were spoken of as the
future King and Queen.

Had they, or either of them, really committed
themselves to this ? Perhaps not entirely, or at least
not deliberately. The story as regards them was but

1 " Ja le Conseil est si imbu desdites practiques que aiant mande venir
devers luy Pierre Caro qui practiquoit au pais de West et Dansgie (sic for
Devonshire) pour mutiner le peuple, ledit Caro n'est venu, et s'est excuse
pour dire qu'il n'avoit chevaulx ; et sur recharge que Ton a faict, il se rend
rebelle, demonstrant par ce clerement la mauvaise intention qu'il a ; et
craint Cortenai et ses adherens qu'il ne revele le secret s'il vient." — Renard
to the Emperor, 18th January, R. 0. Transcripts, u.s. p. 1011.

2 Ambassadcs de Noailles, iii. 23.

3 Lingard, Hist, of England, v. 205 n. (ed. 1854).

214 LOLLARDY & THE REFORMATION bk. vhi

the climax of many projects and surmises, about which
much has already been said. Courtenay was always
in danger of being driven about by winds from
opposite quarters. From the first the Queen herself
had felt it necessary to keep a careful watch upon him,
lest he should become the tool of French intriguers.
And as a preservative against them, she had been
half inclined at one time to permit his marriage with
Elizabeth if they could both be bound to the true
faith ; and it looks as if some flirtations had passed
between the two, of which he himself had talked a
little too freely.1 But after the late Parliament had
legitimated the Queen's birth, and thereby cast a slur
upon that of Elizabeth, which she and the Protestant
party alike resented, there seems to have been a
design to wipe out that stain by marrying her to an
undoubtedly legitimate great-grandson of Edward IV.,
whose claims united with hers would be preferable to
those of her sister and a foreign prince. Strong Pro-
testants, indeed, still believed that Elizabeth's father
and mother had been truly married and Mary's had
not been so ; besides, if legitimacy could be settled by
Act of Parliament, why, a revolution and a new
Parliament might settle it the other way.

That there was mischief brewing in Devonshire at
least, if not elsewhere, was very certain ; and this
was really a great reason why the Imperialists were
eagerly awaiting the arrival of the power from Philip,
which, with the papal dispensation for the marriage,
would make everything secure,2 especially if the distri-
bution of the Emperor's 3000 crowns were managed
with sufficient judgment. Nobody attached much
importance now to the Queen's mediation between
the Emperor and France, though Wotton, the English
Ambassador, was still pursuing it assiduously, and
Henry II. declared that though he was the injured

1 See p. 97.

2 Ambassadors to the Emperor and to the Queen of Hungary, 18th
January, R. 0. Transcripts, w.s. pp. 1003, 1007.

ch. i THE ORGANISED INSURRECTIONS 215

party, he was ready to forbear much of his rights, not
for fear that he could not vindicate them, but for the
Queen of England's sake.1

But what was afoot in Devonshire ? The Council Courtenay
were perhaps not so well informed as the French J^^ * e
Ambassador. And Gardiner, who was more de- Gardiner.
voted to the Queen than most of her Privy Council,
and was a friend of Courtenay besides, called the
young man one day (apparently on the 21st January)
to an interview to see if he could explain matters ;
at which interview, encouraged by a vain assur-
ance that the Queen would show him favour, he
was so indiscreet (from the French Ambassador's
point of view) as to reveal the whole plot of the
Carews ! He had abandoned the road to greatness
and liberty, wrote Noailles, to be rewarded by a
miserable captivity — at all events, as soon as the
Prince of Spain should come, and the conspirators
should have intercepted his landing.2 A writer who
has had access to special sources of information, speaks
of the exasperation expressed by Noailles " when
everything was going on as well as could be wished."3
A general rising had been fixed for Palm Sunday,
the 18th March, on which day it was to break out all
over the kingdom at once.4 And owing to Courtenay
the plot had been revealed two months earlier.

It had been reported to the Venetian Senate in
December that the French King had sent a man to
England to persuade Courtenay " not to brook the
introduction of a foreign king, nor to wrong himself,
the envoy promising him His Most Christian Majesty's
assistance." 5 But this report the Senate did not

1 Renard to the Emperor, 13th January, R. 0. Transcripts, u.s.
pp. 992-3.

2 Ambassades de Noailles, hi. 31, 32.

3 Wiesener, The Youth of Queen Elizabeth, i. 266 (Miss Yonge's transla-
tion).

4 Venetian Calendar, v. 560.

5 lb. No. 837. The editor's suggestion that the "man " was Renard is
a strange one.

216 LOLLARDY & THE REFORMATION BK. vm

believe. They only mentioned it to warn their
Ambassador to be very careful not to excite suspicion
by his intercourse with Courtenay, as, in fact, he had
done to some extent. If Courtenay had really re-
ceived such a message and had revealed it to Gardiner,
it would have put an end to amicable relations with
France, and to the Queen's efforts at mediation between
France and the Emperor, which still continued. Still,
the thing would not have been reported if it had not
been plausible.

A fuller account of Courtenay's interview with
Gardiner was given by Gardiner himself to Renard,
and was reported by Renard to the Emperor on the
23 rd as follows : —

The Chancellor has to-day had a long talk with me in his
house about Courtenay, — how he had warned him that the
company he kept was suspecte ; that there was serious mis-
giving that he would forget his duty to the Queen ; that if
a mission he did it would be the worse for him ; and that he ought
to the not t0 trust, the French or other partisans but order himself
offeredTo honourably and respectfully; declaring to him that the
him. Queen wished to send him to visit your Majesty.1

This was a very artful way of preventing the
young man from going further wrong. Courtenay
at once took the easy road of salvation — for himself,
at least. "Although many persons," he said, "would
have persuaded him in several respects touching
religion and the marriage, he had never lent an ear
to what they said, but had determined to live and
die for the Queen's service. They had talked to him
about marrying the Lady Elizabeth, but he would
rather return to the Tower than ally himself with
her. As to the mission to the Emperor, he would
accept it willingly, and would hold it a much higher
obligation than all the other benefits he had received
from the Queen, and he would provide himself
with a suitable equipage to accomplish it." The

1 Renard to the Emperor, 23rd January, R. 0. Transcripts, u.s. p. 1046.

ch. i THE ORGANISED INSURRECTIONS 217

Queen, Gardiner said, had been pleased with this
answer, and he desired Renard to write to the Emperor
to recommend Courtenay to His Majesty's notice,
which he promised to do as effectually as possible.
Moreover, the Queen herself told the Ambassador
that the Chancellor thought it would be well to find
a match for him in the Emperor's countries to keep
him favourable to her marriage.1

An outbreak of treason was precipitated by the Treason-
Earl's untimely disclosure. In Devonshire the main potions
object had been to stop Philip's landing, or give him of the
a hostile reception if he came. Very soon outbreaks
took place in various other quarters. But let us finish
the story of the Carews. Exeter had been disquieted
by hearing " that certain gentlemen of Devonshire
would enter into the city and take the same into
their hands," also that these gentlemen had got privy
" coats [body armour] for the war, made in divers
secret places within the said city " ; and that a man
in the service of Sir Peter Carew had brought thither
from Dartmouth Castle " six horses laden with
harness and hand guns close packed." Even without
admonition it would have behoved the Sheriff of
Devonshire to be on the alert, and he had begun to
take active steps when he received the following
letter from the two Carews 2 : —

Sir Peter and Sir Gawen Carew to Sir Thomas Denys.

Right Worshipful, after our most hearty commendations.
Being this morning informed that you prepare yourself with
power to apprehend and take us, for what matter we know
not, we have thought good to send unto you and to advertise
you that we are as true and as faithful subjects unto the
Queen's Highness as any, whatsoever they be, within the realm,
and intend to observe and follow her religion as faithfully
as they that most are affected unto it. Wherefore, knowing
ourselfs without offence towards Her Majesty, we cannot but
wonder for what cause you should prepare with force to take

1 lb. pp. 1047-8.
2 [Sir Gawen Carew was Sir Peter's uncle. — Ed.]

218 LOLLARDY & THE REFORMATION bk. vm

us. And if it be so that you have any such commission from
Her Highness or her most honourable Council, we heartily
pray you so to advertise us, and we shall without rumor or
stirring immediately repair unto you wheresoever you shall
appoint us ; whereas, if you do the contrary, you shall drive
us to stand to the best of our powers for our liberty, until
such time as we may better understand your authority.
And so fare you most heartily well. From Monse Awtrey,1
the 19th of January, 1554. — Your loving friends,

P. Cakew.
Ga. Carew.

To the Right Worshipful and our very loving friend, Sir
Thomas Denys, Knight, High Sheriff of the County of
Devon.

Endorsed : 19 Ja., 1553. Sir Pe. and Sir Gawen Carew to
Sir Thos. Denys.2

It was not an easy thing for the Sheriff to
arrest Sir Peter Carew, even after receiving express
orders to do so. His house, as Dennis wrote
to the Council on the 19th, was "strong for spear
and shield," and after the great commotion in
Edward VL's time every one had been commanded
to bring all his armour and weapons into the city of
Exeter, where they still remained. It would be
impossible to give assault to the place without battery
pieces, and even if they had such ordnance they
could not convey it thither, the ground was so wet.
So as the Carews had promised in their letter, which
Dennis received a day before the Queen's, to come to
him quietly, he commanded Sir Peter to be with him at
Exeter at ten o'clock on the following morning. But
instead of this, Sir Peter that day (the 23rd) sent a
reply that he thought it better to clear his character
at the Court by going up to London with all the
speed he could. He said nothing in this reply about
want of horses.

Sir Gawen pursued a different policy. He went
first to Exeter, where he no doubt did his best to

1 Mohun's Ottery. 2 State Papers, Bom., Mary, ii. 3.

ch. i THE ORGANISED INSURRECTIONS 219

secure against capture the harness and hand guns sir Gawen
which Sir Peter had got smuggled into the city two ®scaPes
days before; and that same night (Friday the 19th), Exeter,
just after the gates were closed, he escaped over the
city walls. A few hours later, about ten or eleven
o'clock, one of his servants offered the porter of the
south gate of the city two shillings to let him out, on
pretence that a ship was waiting for him to convey
him over sea. But if the authorities had hitherto
been remiss, they knew by this time that further
negligence would be dangerous ; and that night
" the Queen's lieutenant and other her officers of the
said city made a privy search through the whole city
for misdemeanors and suspect persons." Next day
watch and ward were instituted within the city, to
be continually kept up for its security. Sir Gawen,
however, had made good his escape, and, followed by
a lacquey, paid visits to different places within a few
miles' compass. First he went " to John Christopher's
house at Stoke ; then to Mr. Gybbes's house, and
from that he returned to Mohun's Ottery."

Then five days after his escape from Exeter we and pro-
find him at Tiverton, from which he again wrote to *ests his

O 1UHOC6HCG

Sir Thomas Dennis as follows, in the same tone of
injured innocence as before : —

Sir Gawen Carew to Sir Thomas Denys.

Mr. Denys, after my hearty recommendations. I do not a
little marvel to hear of such preparations as you prepare
within the city of Exeter, being, as you are, a wise man.
Whereof it doth proceed I cannot guess ; it should seem by
slanderous bruits. You have shut and chained the gates,
laid ordnance upon the walls, keep watch and ward as it
should be besieged by the Queen's Highness' enemies, and,
not content with this, but also blown abroad not only to the
utter undoing and clean defacing of the most part of the
gentlemen within this shire toward the Queen's Highness,
but also to the discrediting us among our neighbours, that
the gentlemen should practise to take the Queen's Highness'
city. It is more than strange to think what occasion should

220 LOLLARDY & THE REFORMATION bk. viii

lead you thus to do. I dare boldly say, it was never
thought by any man to practise so vile an enterprise against
the Queen's Majesty that ways or any other kind of ways
whereby her Highness might be offended. I stand out of all
doubt from the best to the simplest there is not one within
this shire but in the defence of her Highness' city, or other
affairs, laws, statutes, proclamations or proceedings, but
would with the sword in his hand defend the same with his
blood to the death. And if farther it is bruited that the
gentlemen should gather themselves together and levy a
power to stand in the field, I marvel not a little to hear of
these imagined lies. I do assure you by the faith I bear to
the living God there was no such matter of gathering
together of any gentlemen, nor no repair of any other but
only as heretofore it hath been accustomably used. And for
mine own part, I had no more with me than I do accustom-
ably use to ride withal, which was but viij. persons, and Sir
Peter Carew his household servants ; but the very occasion
of my repair to Sir Peter Carew was for that you had
gathered a power (as it was showed us) to apprehend us
both, and what commission or authority you had so to do we
know not. And upon that consideration wrote unto you
our former letters; for* if you had sent declaring that you
had such a commission from the Queen's Highness, we would
have come to you as humble and obedient subjects according
to our bounden duties. And so I pray you to make report
none otherwise of us ; for I doubt not but the truth shall try
us to be as faithful and obedient subjects as any other
within the realm whatsoever they be. And so I bid you
most heartily farewell. From Tyverton, the 24th of January,
1553. — Your friend,

Ga. Cakew.

Addressed: To the Right Worshipful and my very
loving friend, Sir Thomas Denys, Knight.1

His arrest. Sir Gawen took refuge with his nephew, John
Carew of Bickleigh ; and Sir John St. Leger, hearing
of this on his way from London to Exeter, caused
John Carew to be sent for and charged him as an
enemy to the Queen for giving shelter to his uncle.
He protested that his uncle had come upon him by
surprise and that he knew nothing of his treason. He

1 State Papers, Dom., Mary, ii. 12.

ch. i THE ORGANISED INSURRECTIONS 221

was ready to deliver him up. St. Leger and his neigh-
bour, Sir Roger Bluet, then took a body of thirty
servants and countrymen, and, keeping John Carew
safe, next secured William Gibbes — the Mr. Gibbes
whom Sir Gawen had visited after his escape from
Exeter — who surrendered quietly, protesting his
innocence. It was deposed against him, however,
that at the time of the Christmas sessions he had
declared in St. Peter's Church, Exeter, "that if any
man would not stand to defend the King of Spain
for his entry into this realm " he should have his
throat cut, for the Spaniards "would ravish their
wives and daughters and rob and spoil thecommous."1
This was manifestly the sort of rumour to set the
country in a blaze, and it was repeated from mouth
to mouth. St. Leger then took Gibbes with him
and rode to Bickleigh, where Sir Gawen himself was ;
and Sir Gawen, hearing of his coming, went out
to meet him and made his submission likewise. So
he took both Gibbes and Sir Gaweu prisoners to
Exeter.2 Both were ultimately sent to the Tower
of London, and on the 3rd March the lieutenant
of the Tower received orders to keep them from
conference with any other persons.3

As for Sir Peter, evidence came out later that sir Peter
he managed to embark by night at Weymouth on SJt0
Tuesday 30th January, and escape to France. His
enterprise had failed — not for lack of horses, for he
had stationed relays of post horses from London
right into the west country for the Earl of Devon's
coming into those parts, and two horses were kept at
Andover at the sign of the Bell by one of his servants
till Wednesday the 24th.4 But though he himself
had found safety in France, had his departure made
Devonshire safe ? Sir John St. Leger wrote from
Exeter on the 4th February 5 : —

1 State Papers, Dom., Mary, iii. 35. 2 lb. ii. 26.

3 Acts of the Privy Council, iv. 403.
4 State Papers, Dom., Mary, ii. 18 ; iii. 5, 6, 10. 5 Po. iii. 5.

222 LOLLARDY & THE REFORMATION bk. vhi

Consulting with certain gentlemen and other the Queen's
faithful subjects for the better conservation and defence
of the most dangerous places near the sea-coast in these
parts, [we] find very great cause (for that Sir Peter Carew
hath a castle at the town of Dartmouth and knoweth
the country, as well by the sea as land, near thereunto) to stay
the longer here. And as I am informed by credible report that
the said Sir Peter Carew hath oftentimes, at his being at his
castle there, said that if he were the King's enemy he could
get the fort that the town hath there, and burn the town
with fewer than a hundred persons, and let into the haven
such as pleased him. I am also credibly informed, the way
how he should be able so to do is, that within a mile or less of
the said town there is a very good and open place called
Blackpool for the Queen's enemies to land and invade, and
from thence may come to the said town by the back side, and
also burn the town and take the castle and the haven, and
so to come in and out when it shall please the enemies, as
the bearer hereof can make further declaration. Whereupon
we have taken order for good watch to be kept at Dartmouth,
and good respect to be had to the said place at Blackpool
until such time as your pleasure may be known what is
further to be done therein.

Loyalty of But St. Leger and others also reported continually
Exeter and ^hat the people of Devonshire were loyal and the city

ot Devon i -ni ^ i

generally, ot Jiixeter also. .Both gentlemen and commoners

would do willing service to the Queen, and welcome

the Prince of Spain when he landed. There was some

doubt about Sir Arthur Champernowne, an ally of

Sir Peter's who had been with him at Mohun's Ottery.

Sir Peter, in truth, had sent for him, and he had

conferred with him there, but he distinctly refused

to resist Philip's landing, and he fully cleared his

loyalty. Before the last day of January the trouble

in Devonshire was at an end.1

The The Queen herself, no doubt, felt that she could

prodama- 1Q^J on the l°yalty of the Devonshire people generally,

tion. and of this she had received some intelligence, perhaps

even before St. Leger left the Court on his way to

1 State Papers, Dotn., Mary, ii. 13, 18 ; iii. 5, 6.

ch. i THE ORGANISED INSURRECTIONS 223

Exeter — at all events before she got her first assurance
of it from him. But to counteract the artifices of
those who disseminated false and suspicious rumours,
she on the 22nd January signed and prepared for
despatch to him and others of that district royal
letters of the following tenor : —

Marye the Quene —

Trusty and well -beloved, we greet you well. And
where[as] certain lewd and ill-disposed persons, minding to set
forth their devilish seditious purposes, some to the hindrance
of the true Catholic Religion and divine service, now by the
goodness of God restored within this our realm, other of a
traitorous conspiracy against our person and State Royal,
have of late and still do maliciously publish many false
rumors of the coming of the High and Mighty Prince, our
dearest cousin, the Prince of Spain, and others of that
nation into this our realm. Albeit we nothing doubt but all
our good loving subjects of the honest sort have that
affiance of us that we neither have, nor will during our life
agree to anything that may be to the hindrance or prejudice
of the ancient liberties, freedoms,' and common wealth of this
our realm or subjects ; yet to satisfy such as, through the
crafty malice of other, be perchance abused with this thing,
we have caused the very true effect of the Articles of the
Treaty lately concluded to be delivered to sundry persons of
credit, to be by them published in sundry parts of our
realm ; wherewith, as we do right well know, the great part
of our subjects be (as they have good cause) right well
satisfied.

So, being credibly informed that the great number
of our good subjects of that our county of Devon
have showed themselfs well willing to obey and serve us,
notwithstanding some lewd practices of late unnaturally
attempted, and many false and untrue reports spread
amongst them, we have thought good to signify unto you
by these our letters, that we take and accept the same in
very thankful part, and shall not fail to have it in our good
remembrance ; winch our good determination towards them
our pleasure is ye shall cause to be published unto them : so
as the good, being thereby the better comforted to continue
in their duties of allegiance, may take the better heed and
beware of the authors of these or any such like false bruits

224 LOLLARDY & THE REFORMATION BK. vm

Why it was
not sent
into Devon.

Prepara-
tions
against
rebellion.

Rebellion
breaks out
in Kent.

and rumors. Whereby, as they shall best provide for their
own sureties, quiet and preservation, so shall we not fail to
see them succoured and provided for, and be glad to show
ourselfs their good and gracious lady as often as any occasion
may serve. Given under our Signet at our manor of St.
James the 22nd of January, the first year of our reign.

Addressed: To our trusty and well -beloved Sir Hugh
Pollard, Sir John St. Leger, Sir Richard Edgecombe, and Sir
John Fulford, Knights, and to every of them.1

It would seem, however, that these royal letters,
though signed and prepared for despatch, could not
actually have been sent, as they remain in the Record
Office now. And a very probable reason may be
found for their suppression. The Council seem already
to have been suspecting further outbreaks, and
were taking immediate steps for the defence of the
realm, raising both horse and foot soldiers, and
appointing lieutenants and captains for different
parts of the country. Pembroke was to be despatched
into the western counties and Shrewsbury (ap-
parently) into Yorkshire, his own county ; while
the Earl of Derby was to go elsewhere and keep an
armed force of 7000 or 8000 men, to be used as
required. The Admiral also (Lord William Howard)
was charged to arm fourteen or fifteen vessels in the
expectation that the Emperor and his Council would
do the like, to keep the seas safe.2 Good measures
had they been taken in time.

This was reported by Renard to the Emperor on
the 23rd January. On that day, moreover, we should
suppose, from a letter printed by Vertot, that the
French Ambassador knew some secrets that his
Imperial colleague did not ; for this letter is dated
by the editor at the head with a double date " 23 et
26 Janvier 1553." And in the first part of it, which
thus would seem to have been written on the 23rd,
after stating that Courtenay's revelations had com-

1 State Papers, Bom., Mary, ii. 5.

2 Renard to the Emperor, 23rd January,
1037-8.

R. O. Transcripts, u.s. pp.

ch. i THE ORGANISED INSURRECTIONS 225

pelled confederates to take up arms prematurely, the
writer goes on as follows : —

I assure you, Sire, that M. Thomas Wiat, who is one of
them, did not disappoint his friends on the day he had
promised to take the field, which he did yesterday with
forces which increase from day to day. So that the Queen
and her Council are astounded, and are determined to send
the Duke of Norfolk, the Earl of Hastings (Sir Edward
Hastings seems to be meant, as he is called grand escuyer,
i.e. Master of the Horse),1 and all whom she can promptly
assemble, to break them up before they grow too strong
and join with others. Which I see will be very difficult
for the said Lady (the Queen) to do, especially as those by
whom she hopes to secure herself are prepared to turn with
the said Wiat.2

But, knowing as the French Ambassador un-
doubtedly was about conspiracies in England, it is
clear that in this matter his intelligence was not
earlier than that of the Queen's Council, and we must
presume that the first date given by the editor,
23rd January, is a misprint for the 25th. For there
seems to be no doubt that the 25th was the date
when, as recorded by a contemporary chronicler,

The Council was certified that there was up in Kent Sir
Thomas Wyatt, Mr. Cullpepper, the Lord Cobham, who had
taken his Castle of Cowling, and the Lord Warden, who had
taken the Castle of Dover, and Sir Harry Isely in Maidstone,
Sir James Crofts, Mr. Harper, Mr. Newton, Mr. Knevet,
for the said quarrel {i.e. the same cause as the Carews) in
resisting the said King of Spain ; as they said, their pretence
was this only and none other, and partly for moving certain
councillors from about the Queen. And about this time Sir
James Crofts departed to Wales, as it is thought, to raise his
power there.3

Thus uncouthly does this English chronicler bring

1 It might be that " Comte d' Hastings " meant Francis Hastings, Earl of
Huntingdon, and this indeed would be highly probable in itself, as
Huntingdon was certainly employed against rebels just after this, but that
"grand escuyer" can hardly be a different person as the expression is not
preceded by an article. 2 Ambassades, iii. 43, 44.

3 Chron. of Queen Jane and Queen Mary, p. 36.

VOL. IV Q

226 LOLLARDY & THE REFORMATION bk. vm

sir Thomas in the first report of a new rising, a report founded
wyatt. on intelligence not altogether accurate. Sir Thomas
Wyatt, called the younger in history, was the son
of the poet of that name in Henry VIII.'s time.
He had been the ally of the poet Surrey in his
freakish aristocratic outbreak in Loudon in 1543,
breaking windows with stone bows. His abilities
in war were appreciated, and he was made captain
of Basse Boulogne (the lower part of Boulogne)
in 1545. There is no doubt that he hated Mary's
religious aims no less than her proposed marriage to
Philip ; but it was against the Spaniards that he
was endeavouring to excite the feelings of Kentish
men, and he was supposed at first to have had the
co-operation of Lord Cobham and Sir Thomas
Cheyney, Lord Warden of the Cinque Ports. But
the statement that Lord Cobham had "taken" the
Castle of Cooling meant simply that he had shut
himself up in his own castle — as it was supposed,
against the Queen's forces — and that the Lord
Warden had "taken" the Castle of Dover in like
manner, meant that he was keeping his official resid-
ence. It was a wild rumour to group these two as
allies with Wyatt and the other real insurgents named.
It was not the first or second time in history that
Kent had shown itself a peculiarly favourable field
for organised insurrection. It was the county which
more than any other blocked the way between
London and the Continent, and in critical times had
the Government at its mercy. And there were
many elements of weakness in the Government now,
almost sufficient, as events proved, to compel Mary to
surrender to the people of Kent ; indeed, if plans had
not been disclosed too soon, the Kentish movement
would have been made still more effective by
simultaneous action in the Western Counties, in
Wales, and in the Midlands. How the Western
movement had broken down we have already seen.

ch. i THE ORGANISED INSURRECTIONS 227

But it was time now for those concerned to raise the Rebellious
people in Wales and in the Midlands. Sir James m°™ts
Croft, who had been Edward VI.'s Deputy of Ireland, districts.
had undertaken the task in Wales, and he went
thither. The Duke of Suffolk, ungrateful for the
Queen's clemency, broke away from his home at
Sheen, and, aided by his two brothers, Lord John
and Lord Thomas Grey, sought to raise his tenants in
Leicestershire. Of the failure of these movements I
shall speak hereafter. For the present let us follow
the story of Wyatt's rebellion, which I here condense
for the most part from what may be called the official
account of it, written by John Proctor, and published
two years after its occurrence.1

Wyatt had arranged the whole scheme some time wyatt at
before with Suffolk and his brothers in London ; and ^fpjo™6*
as soon as he resolved on moving himself, he gave ciamation.
notice of the time to his confederates. Having armed
a body of followers, he published at Maidstone, on
Thursday, the 25th January, being market-day there,
a proclamation of his object. But if the extract
from Noailles above quoted was really written on the
25th January, he had actually taken the field the
day before, and that, indeed, is most probable, as
the Council in London only learned of the rising on
the 25th, though a premature suggestion of what was
coming had been made in one place even on the 23rd.2
The pretext Wyatt put forward was simply to resist

1 It may be read conveniently in Tudor Tracts, pp. 199-257 (An English
Garner) [where, in the Introduction by Professor A. F. Pollard, a note is
given on Proctor which dates the first publication of his History of the
Rebellion 1554, the second edition being dated 1555. — Ed.].

2 On Tuesday the 23rd, William Cotman, a smith, declared before a
Justice of the Peace at Ightham, that " William Isley, gentleman, eldest son
to Sir Harry Isley, knight, came this morning to his shop, two hours before
day, to shoe his horse ; where he tarried the making of a shoe, and there
used these words : ' that the Spaniards was coming into the realm with
harness and hand-guns, and would make us Englishmen worse than coneys
and viler ; for this realm should be brought to such bondage by them as it
was never afore, but should be utterly conquered.' And, at his taking of
his horse, he said with a loud voice, that all the street might hear it, being
scarce day, ' Smith, if thou beest a good fellow, stir and encourage all the
neighbours to rise against these strangers, for they should have lawful

228 LOLLARDY & THE REFORMATION bk. vm

the Spaniards ; not a word was said about religion, lest
good Catholics should refuse their aid to preserve the
land from Spanish domination. And he published
abroad that all the nobility and almost all even of
the Queen's Council were of the same mind; nay,
that Lord Abergavenny and the Lord Warden would
join them, and even Sir Robert Southwell, the Sheriff
of the county, and the other gentry besides.

Of course such fictions were very telling, for they
appealed to patriotism and to local feeling, and
thereby won adherents. And similar proclamations
were made by confederates that same Thursday at
Milton, Ashford, and other towns in the eastern part
of the county. A loyal gentleman named Christopher
Roper, indeed, not only withstood Wyatt's pro-
clamation [at Milton], but denounced Wyatt himself
and his company as traitors. But he was hustled out
of the market-place without any attempt being made
to rescue him ; and two Justices of the Peace were
even taken out of their houses and carried off to
Rochester without any attempt to rescue them. At
the same time, at Tunbridge, Sevenoaks, and other
towns in the western part of the county, Sir Henry
Isley, Anthony and William Knyvet, with others,
were busy stirring the people in like manner "by
alarms, drums, and proclamations." *

Wyatt, indeed, had gone so far on the evening

warning and help enough. For I would go to Maidstone and return again
shortly.'

" ' Why,' quoth the smith, ' these he marvellous words ; for we shall be
hanged if we stir.' ' No,' quoth Isley, ' we shall have help enough, for the
people are already up in Devonshire and Cornwall, Hampshire and other
counties.' "

The paper (State Papers, Bom., Mary, ii. 10, i.) is headed : "The saying
of William Cotman of Itame, in the County of Kent, smith, this present
Tuesday being the 23rd January." It was enclosed in a letter of the same
date from Sir Robert Southwell to the Council.

1 It appears from the Acts of the Privy Coimcil, that the gentlemen in this
part of Kent whose names now become prominent, had given trouble to
Mary's Government from the very beginning of her reign, and apparently
had been too gently dealt with. Note the following entries : —

1553. July 25th. — "Sir Henry Isley, Mr. Harper, Mr. Culpeper are

ch. i THE ORGANISED INSURRECTIONS 229

before the Maidstone proclamation as to send a letter
to Sheriff Southwell, through the medium of an honest
man named Thomas Monde who knew nothing of the
contents, saying that, in spite of past grudges between
them, he had no doubt Southwell would join him in
his patriotic purposes ; and along with this letter he
sent the Sheriff a copy of his proclamation. As
Monde was charged, on peril of his life, to return to
Wyatt with an answer, the Sheriff, though much
occupied in sending out warnings, wrote a letter
addressed to Monde himself, disdaining to answer
Wyatt directly. In this letter he said that Wyatt
had only justified by his arrogance and treason the
bad opinion he had previously formed of him, and
while leaving Monde free to carry the message or not
as he pleased, he recommended him, as a friend, to
seek better company. The messenger delivered the
answer, but returned to the Sheriff to serve the Queen
against Wyatt.

In order to alarm the country the more, the
proclamation had stated : " Lo, now, even at hand,
Spaniards be already arrived at Dover at one passage,
to the number of a hundred, passing upward to
London in companies of ten, four, and six, with
harness, harquebusses, and morians, with match
light ; the foremost company whereof be already at
Rochester." This was most impudent lying ; for

committed to the custody of Sir Thomas Cornwales, Sheriff." — Acts, iv.
416.

July BOth. — "Sir Henry Isley, Mr. Harper, and Mr. Culpeper are licensed
by the Council to return every one of them to their own houses, and are
commanded to keep themselves there and not to depart thence until the
Queen's pleasure be further known." — lb. p. 306.

Same date. — "A warrant to Sir Thomas Cornwales for the discharging of
Sir Henry Isley, Mr. Harper, and Mr. Culpeper, remaining as prisoners in his
ward, according to such order as is this day in that behalf heretofore
taken." — lb. p. 307.

August 19th. — "Three several letters to Sir George Harper, Sir Harry
Isley, and Thomas Culpeper, esquire, to repair to the Court." — lb. p. 427.

November 27th. — "A letter to Sir Robert Southwell, Knight, for the
bringing up unto the Council of these persons following of Maidstone in the
county of Kent, viz. Denley, Park, Isley, Jervys, Mapisdon, Tilden, Draper,
Barret, and Grene, the mayor of the same town." — lb. p. 373.

230 LOLLARDY & THE REFORMATION bk. vm

Rochester is but seven miles from Maidstone, and
if any Spaniards had been found there when the
rebels, that same Thursday night, took possession of
Rochester, we should certainly have heard of them.
The rebels Wyatt, indeed, not only occupied Rochester that

Sster. niSnt (tne 25th)> but lie % tliere With his men

undisturbed till Monday morning, the 29th. On
Saturday the 27th he gave new evidence of his
amazing audacity. A herald of the Queen in
coat armour, accompanied by a trumpeter, came to
the Strood end of Rochester bridge, and a trumpet
call gave warning of a royal proclamation, which the
herald would fain have entered the town to deliver.
But Wyatt offered to strike him if he ventured to
press in, forbade him to read the proclamation, and
tore it out of his hand, so the herald had to content
himself with declaring the message to Wyatt and a
few others at the bridge end. It was an offer of the
Queen's pardon to all who would retire within four
hours ; and the herald, though unable to make it
public otherwise, managed to distribute some copies
underhand among the people.1
LordAber- When Lord Abergavenny would have summoned
gathered n*s wealthy neighbours to disperse the rebels, many
force were inclined in their favour. So on they went to
th'em,s Rochester, from whence, on Saturday the 27th, Wyatt
wrote to Isley and the Knyvets at Tunbridge to come
and join him. They had come from Penshurst,
where they had rifled Sir Henry Sidney's place of his
armour, while he was absent attending on the Queen,
and were prepared to obey Wyatt's order; but hearing
that Lord Abergavenny and the Sheriff, and George
Clarke, had gathered a force which they would have
to encounter, they changed their purpose. They pro-
claimed Abergavenny, the Sheriff, and Clarke, traitors,
at Tunbridge, and then marched to Sevenoaks.

1 Proctor ; cp. Ambassadors to the Emperor, 29th January, R. 0. Tran-
scripts, u.s. pp. 1088-9.

ch. i THE ORGANISED INSURRECTIONS 231

On this, Abergavenny and the Sheriff, who were
at Mailing, preparing to pursue Wyatt to Eochester,
changed their purpose likewise. They stayed a
while at Mailing, and, it being market-day, addressed
the people in order to counteract the effect of
Wyatt's proclamation. The Sheriff read out an
exhortation penned by himself denouncing Wyatt's
lies, and showing how he and the Duke of Suffolk,
now in arms, were in league together for the very
same objects for which Lady Jane Grey was set up to
supplant the Queen. He therefore warned all who
had been seduced by the plausible pretences of
traitors to return to their allegiance. The Sheriff got
one Barram, a man with a loud clear voice, to repeat this
exhortation after him, and at the conclusion the
people cried heartily, "God save Queen Mary !" and
declared, when appealed to, that they would die in her
defence against Wyatt and his confederates.

Then on Sunday morning, the 28 th, as Lord and defeats
Abergavenny had been informed during the night JJJJ °
that Isley and the two Knyvets were about to
march from Sevenoaks towards Rochester in aid of
Wyatt against the Duke of Norfolk, and would have
destroyed George Clarke's house on their way,1 he
with a strong company of gentlemen marched to
Wrotham Heath, where they could hear the drums of
the rebels, and awaited their coming at Borough
Green. On their coming up, the rebels shrank from
the combat, and the gentlemen climbing Wrotham
Hill inflicted a severe defeat on them at a place
called Blacksoll Field, taking over sixty prisoners.
Sir Henry Isley lay that night in a wood and then fled
into Hampshire, and the two Knyvets, though well
horsed, were so hotly pursued that they were driven
to leave their horses and creep into the wood also.

This seriously delayed Wyatt's intended march on
London. But the gentlemen had to divide their

1 State Papers, Dom., Mary, ii. 22, i.

232 LOLLARDY & THE REFORMATION bk. vin

forces for want of supplies and quarters for their
troops. One portion, with Lord Abergavenny, went
to Wrotham, the Sheriff and others to Otford, where
victuals were hard enough to obtain.
The Duke We have already seen from the French Ambassador's
of Norfolk despatch now the Council in London, startled by the

sentagainst r in- in -i i

wyatt. first news of the Kentish rebellion, had resolved on
despatching the Duke of Norfolk against the
insurgents. Norfolk left the Court apparently
on Friday the 26 th — no doubt as soon as he could
get ready. The report that some success had been
already gained against the rebel forces may have con-
tributed, along with another incident to be mentioned
presently, to raise sanguine expectations at Court,
and Renard wrote on the 29 th that it was believed
Wyatt would be captured before another day had
elapsed.1 But, with all his painful experience in life,
Norfolk had not yet learned wisdom, and he had
scarcely left when he committed a bad mistake.
One of the insurgents, named Sir George Harper, had
made application to the Vice-Chamberlain (Sir Henry
Jerningham) to procure his pardon. The Duke, before
he left, obtained Gardiner's consent to send for one
Kyndlemershe, a friend of Harper, who came to him
before he had well set out upon his march. He at
once took counsel with him how to persuade Sir George
to forsake the bad company he was in, and the result
was that he actually wrote him a letter, forwarded
presumably by Kyndlemershe, promising him the
Queen's pardon if he would come to him. This he
knew he was not authorised to do ; but he believed
his act had been justified when, on his reaching
Gravesend on Sunday the 28th, Sir George actually
came to him ; and the Duke reported his coming to
the Council, asking pardon for his own offence and
entreating them to make good his promise.2 Sir

1 R. 0. Transcripts, U.S. p. 1093.
2 State Papers, Bom., Mary, ii. 21.

ch. i THE ORGANISED INSURRECTIONS 233

George had indeed stolen away from the rebels, and
had even promised to obtain Wyatt's surrender into
the Queen's hands and the disbanding of his forces.
But it was not long before he stole away from the
Duke and rejoined his old companions.

Next day the Duke wrote again from Gravesend.1
He had no one with him yet, save Jerningham and
his company and Mr. Fogge, though he expected
some others from Dartforcl, but he had heard nothing
from the Lord Warden or Lord Abergavenny. How-
ever, having 700 or 800 men, he would depart in about
an hour to Rochester. The enemy had fortified the
bridge there, and it would be stiff work crossing the
Medway, but he would do his best. As he wrote, he
received a letter from Lord Cobham from Cooling,
stating that he had examined a spy of Wyatt's, who
had been trying to tamper with his tenantry, and
had found on him a letter from the rebel leader, declar- Wyatt's
ing that the Pensioners, the Guard, and the Londoners "brass-
would all take his part. Moreover, he reckoned on
the desertion of some of the Duke's own followers ;
and Cobham significantly warned his Grace not to
allow Harper to "practise too much" with his men.
Norfolk forwarded Cobham's letter to the Council
with the comment : —

And by the same you may perceive of Wyatt's brags
wherein I believe he will break promise, and not to fight it
out. ... I shall with God's grace be within these four hours
at Strood, where if he will have free passage with his whole
company, I shall give him and them leave to come over the
bridge to try the matter. And if he will not, I shall make
him ill rest in the town with sending messages of such sort
as I have here with me.

The broad stream of the Medway divides Eastern The Duke's
from Western Kent, and the only bridge was at f0011^

■/ o lmpetu-

Rochester until you reached Maidstone, a long way osity.
up its course. The Duke's hope was that Lord

1 State Papers, Bom., Mary, ii. 23.

234 LOLLARDY & THE REFORMATION bk. viii

Abergavenny and Sheriff Southwell would cross the
river at Maidstone and get behind Wyatt and his
men at Rochester, while he approached them from
the other side at Strood ; also that the Lord Warden
would come up, of whom as yet he heard no news.
Abergavenny and Southwell were now doing their
best to come up and help him ; but they had been
hampered in their movements by having to provide
for the safe keeping of their prisoners. As for the
Lord Warden (Sir Thomas Cheyney), he too was
anxious to do his best, but he had sent repeated
messages to the Council for instructions and got no
answer. All the ways seem to have been blocked
up. No one knew what Cheyney was doing, nor
did he know what to do. Yet Norfolk might at
least have waited till he had arranged matters with
Abergavenny and Southwell, instead of marching
on to Strood, where he actually arrived about four
o'clock in the afternoon of Monday the 29th, with an
insufficient and, as it proved, an untrustworthy force.1
He occupied Strood and set his ordnance to batter
Rochester across the river. But just as they were
firing the first gun, a company of 600 " White coats "
under Captain Bret, who remained behind at Spittle
Hill, raised a cry, " We are all Englishmen ! " and
prepared to attack the Duke in the rear. The Duke
Heisde- then gave orders to turn the artillery on Bret's
re'treat.?.111 comPanY ', but from this climax of rashness he was
dissuaded by Sir Henry Jerningham. As they had
enemies on both sides, the Duke and his remaining
forces withdrew. Wyatt with two or three companions
came out from the town to welcome his new allies,
among whom was Harper ; and the rebel leader
embraced him with enthusiasm.

Wyatt, indeed, had much cause to rejoice, having
been just before depressed by the defeat of Isley and
the Knyvets. The Duke had left seven pieces of

1 State Papers, Bom., Mary, ii. 30.

ch. i THE ORGANISED INSURRECTIONS 235

artillery behind him, which gave new heart to the
rebellion. Wyatt had already taken some other
pieces from the Queen's boats in the Thames, and he
was now strong. A great council of war was held
in Rochester, the question being whether to push
on to London, where the people, it was said, were
in their favour, or first to make sure that Aber-
gavenny and the Sheriff would not attack them in
the rear. Wyatt yielded to the majority, who decided
that it would be waste of time to secure themselves
against Abergavenny when London actually longed
for their coming ; and they only delayed in order
to storm Cooling Castle, which was but little out of
their way. On the 30th they battered it with
cannon, and in six hours Cobham was compelled to
yield it up to them.1

They then proceeded to Gravesend, and next day Wyatt at
(31st) marched on to Dartford, where they were artford:
met by Sir Edward Hastings, Master of the Horse,
and Sir Thomas Cornwallis, who were sent by the
Queen to learn from Wyatt the cause of his rising,
and were empowered, as it was supposed, to offer
pardons to any whom they found repentant and
submissive. They were, indeed, empowered to do a
good deal more than this. Wyatt said he was no
traitor, but had gathered the people to defend the
realm from being overrun by strangers if the
marriage took place. The Queen's commissioners told
him there were no strangers yet come that they need
be afraid of. " But," they said, " if this be your only
quarrel because ye mislike the marriage, will ye come
to communication touching that case ? And the
Queen, of her gracious goodness, is content ye shall
be heard." Wyatt agreed to this, but said he lnsim-
should require surety, and demanded the custody Reminds,
of the Tower and of the Queen's person, the
removal of certain members of the Council, and re-

1 State Papers, Bom., Mary, ii. 28.

236 LOLLARDY & THE REFORMATION BK. vin

placing of them by others whom he should nominate.
These monstrous demands gave rise to many and
high words, and in the end the Master of the Horse
declared that before they were granted, Wyatt should
die and 20,000 with him.
coustema- Wyatt, apparently, had gone so far that audacity
Court. 3 was his only policy. He had already insulted
a herald, and was now insolent to two Privy
Councillors. The nobles with the Queen asked
her leave to attack the traitors before they passed
Blackheath ; but she desired to avoid bloodshed as
long as possible, and that only ringleaders might
suffer. The news, however, that Wyatt was actually
marching on London showed that the rebellion,
which had seemed so near extinction, had now grown
unexpectedly formidable. There was consternation
at the Court; and the great aim of the rebels, to
break off the Spanish match, seemed now within an
ace of success. For many, even of the Council,
were but half-hearted in their opposition to them if
not inwardly sympathetic.1 On the 30th, before
definite news of Wyatt's intentions, the Ambassadors
sent by the Emperor to conclude the marriage asked
Gardiner what were they to do in case the rebellion
should extend to London ? He said the Queen was
counselled to withdraw to Windsor, and they could
follow her thither. Meanwhile he would furnish
them with arms if they would give him a list of what
they required. The Ambassadors were sorely per-
plexed, as they had received no fresh instructions
from the Emperor, all communications with the
Continent being cut off; and they were in doubt
whether, when the power from Philip arrived, they
ought to use it, and bind him to an alliance that
might not be fulfilled. The rebellion, they believed,
was probably connived at by influential persons who
still hoped to promote the marriage with Courtenay.

1 R. 0. Transcripts, u.s. p. 1116.

ch. i THE ORGANISED INSURRECTIONS 237

The Queen, they wrote, had heard from Lord
Cobham * that Wyatt was actually on the march to
London, and she had at once sent for Renard to
inform him. Wyatt himself had written, she said,
to Cobham declaring his intention. The outlook
was most serious. She had no gens de guerre
about her, and, what was worse, she did not
even know how to make her Council provide for
her own personal security.2 What was she to
do ? Would the Emperor advise her what to do in
her necessity ?

On the return of Hastings and Cornwallis to the The
Queen it became clear that the rebels were pressing fm^°rs
on to London. The special embassy from the Emperor Ambassa-
to conclude the marriage with Philip represented the En^and™
very object which they were most anxious to thwart.
What were the Ambassadors to do ? The Queen and
Council agreed that their further stay in England
was unadvisable. Egmont sent a messenger accom-
panied by a servant to the Lord Chancellor, to know
how they could leave the kingdom with safety. The
way by land to Harwich was, Gardiner thought,
dangerously long, and the passage across from that
port would expose them to risk of capture by the
French. They might that night take one of their
own country's vessels lying in the Thames ; but if
they would wait till the morning and send their
baggage to him, he would have it conveyed by barge
as if to the Tower, and so to their ships in a way to
avoid all suspicion.3

The rebels were by this time apparently at Green-
wich or Deptford ; the Imperial Ambassadors them-
selves say they were within a league of London.
The Ambassadors, therefore, took leave of the Queen

1 This letter, written the day before, is preserved in State Papers, Bom,.,
Mary, ii. 24.

2 "Elle ne s9avoit tant faire envers ceulx de son conseil qu'ilz pour-
veussent pour la seule garde de sa personne." — R. 0. Transcripts, u.s.

3 State Papers, Bom., Mary, ii. 32.

238 LOLLARDY & THE REFORMATION bk. vm

on the morning of the 1st February.1 They sent
their horses on to Harwich under the care of some
Englishmen whom they could trust, while they them-
selves embarked in the Thames. On the 5th they
wrote to the Emperor from Flushing an account
of the circumstances which had enforced their abrupt
departure.

1 The day on the afternoon of which, as the Ambassadors reported, she
addressed the citizens at the Guildhall. — Ambassadors, from Flushing,
to the Emperor, 3rd February. R. 0. Transcripts, u.s. p. 1135.

CHAPTER II

THE SUPPRESSION OF THE INSURRECTIONS

The Queen was brave in the hour of danger. She The Queen
knew that London was to a great extent disaffected, QU^lmll
and that the rebels were almost at the gates of the
city, when on the afternoon of the 1st February, she
went to the Guildhall and addressed the citizens in
words which were reported, " as near out of her own
mouth as could be penned," of the following tenor : —

I am come unto you in mine own person to tell you that
which already you see and know ; that is, how traitorously
and rebelliously a number of Kentish men have assembled
themselves against both us and you. Their pretence (as they
said at the first) was for a marriage determined for us ; to
the which, and to all the articles thereof, ye have been made
privy. But since, we have caused certain of our Privy Council
to go again unto them and to demand the cause of this their
rebellion ; and it appeared then unto our said Council that
the matter of the marriage seemed to be but a Spanish cloak
to cover their pretended purpose against our religion, for
that they arrogantly and traitorously demanded to have the
governance of our person, the keeping of the Tower, and the
placing of our councillors.

Now, loving subjects, what I am ye right well know.
I am your Queen, to whom, at my coronation, when I was
wedded to the realm and laws of the same (the spousal ring
whereof I have on my finger, which never hitherto was, nor
hereafter shall be, left off), you promised your allegiance and
obedience unto me. And that I am right and true inheritor
of the Crown of this Eealm of England, I take all Christen-
dom to witness. My father, as ye all know, possessed the
same regal state, which now rightly is descended unto me ;

239

240 LOLLARDY & THE REFORMATION bk. viii

and to him always ye showed yourselves most faithful and
loving subjects ; and therefore I doubt not but ye will show
yourselves likewise to me, and that ye will not suffer a
vile traitor to have the order and governance of our person,
and to occupy our estate, especially being so vile a traitor
as Wyatt is, who most certainly, as he hath abused mine
ignorant subjects which be on his side, so doth he intend
and purpose the destruction of you, and spoil of your
goods. And I say to you, on the word of a prince, I cannot
tell how naturally the mother loveth the child, for I was
never the mother of any ; but certainly, if a prince and
governor may as naturally and earnestly love her subjects as
the mother doth love the child, then assure yourselves that
I, being your lady and mistress, do as earnestly and tenderly
love and favour you. And I, thus loving you, cannot but
think that ye as heartily and faithfully love me, and then I
doubt not but we shall give these rebels a short and speedy
overthrow.

As concerning the marriage, ye shall understand that I
enterprised not the doing thereof without advice, and that
by the advice of all our Privy Council, who so considered
and weighed the great commodities that might ensue thereof,
that they not only thought it very honorable but also
expedient, both for the wealth of the realm and also of you
our subjects. And as touching myself, I assure you I am
not so bent to my will, neither so precise nor affectionate,
that either for mine own pleasure I would choose where I
lust, or that I am so desirous as needs I would have one.
For God, I thank Him, to whom be the praise therefor, I
have hitherto lived a virgin, and doubt nothing but, with
God's grace, I am able so to live still. But if, as my pro-
genitors have done before, it may please God that I might
leave some fruit of my body behind me to be your governor,
I trust you would not only rejoice thereat, but also I know
it would be to your great comfort. And certainly, if I either
did think or know that this marriage were to the hurt of
any of you, my commons, or to the impeaching of any part
or parcel of the royal state of this realm of England, I would
never consent thereunto, neither would I ever marry while I
live. And on the word of a Queen I promise you, that if it
shall not probably appear to all the nobility and commons
in the high Council of Parliament that this marriage shall
be for the high benefit and commodity of the whole realm,
then will I abstain from marriage while I live.

ch. ii SUPPRESSION OF INSURRECTIONS 241

And now, good subjects, pluck up your hearts, and, like
true men, stand fast against these rebels, both our enemies
and yours, and fear them not ; for I assure you, I fear them
nothing at all. And I will leave with you my Lord Howard
and my lord Treasurer, who shall be assistants with the
mayor for your defence.1

Surely this was not only a stirring, but a most The city
pathetic appeal. Mary had no mind to marry for J™^,,
her own sake ; it was solely for her country's. And her.
rebellions had sprung up in various quarters on
account of her choice, although she had been most
conscientious even about that, and had not settled
the matter without the approval of her Council. I
am not concerned to criticise her choice, though it is
easy to think too much ill of Philip. Here was a
conscientious woman doing what she believed to be
best for herself and her subjects, and opposed by
rebels whose leaders raised a stir on false pretences,
not wishing to avow their real motives. Her address
had a marked effect, and was received with shouts of
loyal applause. Only one man on her return to
Whitehall uttered some incivility as she was passing,
for which he was promptly committed to Newgate.2

Nor did the loyalty last only for a day. Next
day, Friday, the 2nd February (Candlemas Day),
" the aldermen of London and inhabitants of every
ward were the whole day in harness (i.e. in armour)
for fear of the aforesaid rebels who, as it was said,
approached ; and my lord mayor was at Leaden
Hall with a great number of men in harness, which
were appointed forth by the companies of the City,
double so many as before ; for where the merchant
taylors at the first time armed 30, at this time they
armed 60, etc." 3

1 Foxe, vi. 414-15 ; and Holinshed, iii. 1096-7, with slight verbal
differences.

2 Proctor, whom I partly follow once more, has misdated the Queen's
visit to the Guildhall, which he makes, apparently, to have taken place on
the 31.st January.

3 Two London Chronicles, ed. Kingsford, Camden Miscellany, xii. 32.

VOL. IV R

242 LOLLARDY & THE REFORMATION bk. vih

Wyattat Wyatt, after resting two nights at Greenwich or
warth' Deptford, advanced, on the afternoon of Saturday
the 3rd, to Southwark, which he entered about
three o'clock. This gave new alarm to the citizens
of London, who closed the gate at the Bridge end,
and cut down the drawbridge in the middle, letting
it fall into the water, and all men armed in haste
for the defence of the City. Six or eight shots were
fired upon the rebels from the Tower, but missed
them ; and Wyatt, approaching the gate of London
Bridge, demanded that it should be opened for him.
This was, of course, refused ; and he waited till night
before taking further steps. The City, placed under
the special charge of Lord William Howard and
the lord mayor [Sir Thomas White], was not to be
won so easily as he had hoped. Meanwhile his
followers became unruly ; and though he had for-
bidden plunder, and had just issued a proclama-
tion that no soldier should take anything without
paying for it, " divers of his company, being gentle-
men (as they said), went to Winchester Place,"
Gardiner's town-house as bishop, where they made
havoc of his goods, "not only of his victuals, whereof
there was plenty, but whatsoever else, not leaving so
much as one lock of a door but the same was taken
off and carried, away, nor a book in his gallery or
library uncut or rent into pieces, so that men might
have gone up to the knees in leaves of books cut out
and thrown under feet." Wyatt made a show of
being very angry, so much so that it was supposed
that he would have hanged a young gentleman who
took the lead, but that Bret and others interceded
for him.
He cannot At eleven at night Wyatt, by breaking down an
river the adjoining wall, managed to clamber over the leads
of the bridge gate, and came down into the lodge ;
where he found the porter asleep, while his wife with
others were awake " watching a coal." He bade

ch. ii SUPPRESSION OF INSURRECTIONS 243

them not be alarmed ; he would do them no hurt.
He and a few others then passed on to the bridge as
far as the drawbridge in the middle. But he saw on
the further side Lord William Howard consulting
with the lord mayor and others about the defences
of the bridge. He listened for some time without
being seen, and observing the great ordnance set
there, returned, saying to his mates, "This place is
too hot for us."

He then took measures for defence ; he " trenched
Southwark at every end and planted his ordnance."
But he saw that he must shift his quarters. A
council was held. Some would have returned to
Greenwich and crossed to Essex, in order to enter
London by Aldgate. Wyatt himself proposed going
back into Kent to meet Lord Abergavenny and the
Sheriff's forces. But some of his company who
knew him best, were said to have confessed before
their execution that they suspected that he wished
to return to Kent in order to make his way over sea.
Kent, indeed, had now quieted clown since the
insurgents had left it. Cheyney had come to
Rochester and had proposed to the gentry to pursue
the rebels ; but it was judged better not to move
until orders had been received from the Queen and
the lord lieutenant, and so he went "in post" to the
Queen, leaving Abergavenny and the rest of the
gentry in their quarters. He returned shortly after,
encouraged to carry out his purpose. Wyatt's position
was growing perilous ; on the night of 5th February
some of the rebels fired on a boat and killed a man,
either a waterman, or a servant of the lieutenant of
the Tower who was with the waterman. On this
the lieutenant next morning " bent seven great pieces
of ordnance full against the foot of the bridge and
against Southwark, and the two steeples of St. Olave
and St. Mary Overy's, besides all the pieces on the
White Tower, one culverin in Develin tower and six

244 -LOLLARDY & THE REFORMATION bk. viii

fauconets over the Water gate." The inhabitants of
South wark took alarm, and begged Wyatt to take pity
on them, or their houses would be thrown down.1
He crosses But that morning, which was Shrove Tuesday, the
KhiiVtonat 6fck' Wyatt marched with his men out of South wark
to Kingston, and arrived there about four in the
afternoon. Kingston bridge had been broken down,
and about thirty feet of it taken away, the posts
only standing. But Wyatt, having put to flight
with his artillery 200 men who kept the opposite
side, persuaded two mariners to swim over and bring
him a barge, in which he and one or two others
crossed the stream. He then, while his followers
were refreshing themselves in Kingston, got the
bridge mended with ladders and planks, so that by
ten o'clock at night it was strong enough for their
whole company and ordnance to pass over. The
transit was safely accomplished about eleven ; 2 and
he began the march to London at midnight.
The rebel By about three in the morning there was an
force enters outcry in the City of " Every man to arms ! " And
as soon as it was day, those who had kept watch
and ward on the bridge were ordered to Ludgate and
other positions.3 That morning (Ash Wednesday)
Wyatt hoped to pay an unwelcome visit to the Court
before daybreak. But it was nine o'clock before he
reached Hyde Park, where (having carried most of
his artillery with him from Southwark) an ordnance
wheel broke down, and the gun had to be left. Then
he had to reckon with the Earl of Pembroke, who was
in the field as the Queen's lieutenant, with other
noblemen and loyal subjects, who, assured of the
inferiority of the rebels in number, let them pass
on between two lines of the Queen's horsemen ; the

1 This incident is recorded by Stow from the MS. printed by J. G.
Nicholas as the Chronicle of Queen Jane and Queen Mary.

a Proctor, History ; and Stow, Annals. Cp. Chronicle of Queen Jane
and Queen Mary, pp. 41, 42.

3 Two London Chronicles, u.s. pp. 32, 33.

ch. ii SUPPRESSION OF INSURRECTIONS 245

one, under Lord Clinton, Marshal of the field, being
drawn up on the south side ; the other, the light
horse under Captain Musgrave, on the north ; so that
while the great ordnance, further on, would fire full
in the face of the rebels advancing eastwards, Pem-
broke with the main battle of footmen and hand-
guns on the north-east, would stop their approach
to Holborn, and they would have no way of retreat.

Wyatt, who advanced in front of his men, seeing Defeat of
this, suddenly rushed down with his followers under
the brick wall which enclosed St. James's Park,
" to the Queen's manor house, called St. James's."
There Lord Clinton, watching his opportunity,
set upon them and cut them into two parts ; and
then the light horsemen, coming up, pursued the
rear part, killing many but taking most of them
prisoners. Wyatt himself, leading the van, pushed
on under the wall and reached Charing Cross, where
he had a skirmish with some of the Queen's House-
hold servants, and lost sixteen men slain. Then,
marching on with the remainder, he entered Fleet
Street and passed over the Fleet Bridge towards
Ludgate, meeting with no resistance. But by that
time he found that all he had done was useless ;
there was no help to be got from friends in London,
as he had imagined. He rode back to Temple Bar,
but was not permitted to pass through. He refused
at first to yield to Sir Maurice Berkeley, but a herald
in the Queen's coat armour came up, and to him he
surrendered himself. He was taken to the Court at
Westminster, and there brought before the Privy
Council, and in less than an hour later was committed
to the Tower.1

Meanwhile the Court had been unpleasantly
surprised by another detachment of the rebels
coming down from Charing Cross upon Whitehall ;
and a gentleman of Lincoln's Inn, who was armed

1 Proctor, History, p. 250.

246 LOLLARDY & THE REFORMATION bk. vni

at the Court gate, had his nose shot through by an
arrow. The Court had, indeed, been prepared for
danger, and the very judges in Westminster Hall
sat in armour, but it was expected that the rebels
would be met in the field, and when this body of
desperate men came down upon Whitehall, there
were cries of " All is lost ! A barge ! A barge ! "
The assailants, however, seem to have been but a
remnant of the force that Clinton had cut in two.
The Queen herself kept her composure, and only
asked for news of the Earl of Pembroke. Then,
on being "told that he was in the field, " Well then,"
she said, " fall to prayer, and I warrant you we shall
hear better news anon. For my lord will not deceive
me, I know well. If he would, God will not, in
Whom my chief trust is." And very shortly after
word came of the capture of Wyatt and the total
defeat of the rebels.1

So ended the most formidable of all the risings ;
and by this time the others had collapsed as well.
But we must go back nearly a fortnight to relate
what is to be told about them.
Rebellion On the 25th January, according to some accounts,
of the but more probably on Friday the 26th,2 which would
be the very next day after the first news of Wyatt's
rising in Kent, the Duke of Suffolk took flight from
his house at Sheen, and his two brothers, Lord John
and Lord Thomas Grey, also disappeared. Of the
Duke's flight a contemporary writer remarks with a
great appearance of probability — though only with the
reservation " it is said " — " that the same morning he
was going, there came a messenger to him from the
Queen that he should come to the Court. ' Marry,'
quoth he, ' I was coming to her Grace. Ye may see I
am booted and spurred, ready to ride ; and I will break
my fast and go.' So he gave the messenger a reward,

1 Proctor, History, pp. 251-52.
2 Chron. of Queen Jane and Queen Mary, pp. 37, 122.

Greys.

ch. ii SUPPRESSION OF INSURRECTIONS 247

and caused him to be made to drink, and so thence
departed himself, no man knew whither. Sir Thomas
Palmer, servant to the Earl of Arundel, said on the
morrow following to a friend of his, that the complot
between the French King and the said Duke of
Suffolk was now come to light." J

As soon as the flight of Suffolk and his two The Duke
brothers was known, it was naturally interpreted ?n

in the

in the light of Courtenay's revelations. There was Midlands.
clearly a general conspiracy against the Queen's
policy and government. Insurrections in different
parts of the country had been organised under
different leaders with French sympathy and co-
operation ; and Suffolk was going to take the lead
in the Midlands, where his personal influence, aided
in some places by adherents of the Edwardine religion
bent on resisting the new change in the law, might
even help to dethrone the Queen and set up Lady
Jane Grey once more. That this was his aim seemed
a natural presumption at first, and a legend prevailed
later that he had actually proclaimed his daughter
Queen again. But this was not so, for it did
not suit his policy — at all events at the outset.
His plan had been framed in complete harmony
with that of Wyatt ; and he carried with him pro-
clamations to be set forth identical with those of
Wyatt — professing entire loyalty to the Queen, but
a resolute determination not to be ruled by strangers,
whom the Prince of Spain would bring into the
realm ; and it was currently reported that he would
arrive before Lent, which was close at hand.

Opposition to the restoration of the Mass and old Heresy the
religious services was nowhere avowed as a real cause ™otiyeof

f. °. . . ■■ , . the risings.

of insurrection ; it was hoped to win thousands
who were not " Protestants " (the word was now

1 Chron. of Queen Jane and Queen Mary, p. 37. The words immediately
before this quotation are : "Note that the 25th day of January the Duke
of Suffolk, the Lord John Graie, and the Lord Leonard Grey, fled." Lord
" Leonard " must be an error.

248 LOLLARDY & THE REFORMATION bk. viii

coming into use among those who favoured " the
Gospel "). But the Queen had no difficulty in seeing
beneath the surface that the common motive of all
the risings was heresy ; and the dangers by which
she was surrounded impressed themselves upon her
more acutely than they had done before. That
her sister Elizabeth was not really unaware of
conspiracies made in her favour was certainly more
than a natural presumption ; and if she knew of them
was she not positively disloyal ? That was the worst
suspicion, and her case required delicate handling.
But there were a number of prominent persons besides
of whom serious doubts were entertained. Among
these were Sir Edward Warner, who had been Edward
VI. 's Lieutenant of the Tower ; Sir William Pickering,
who had been his Ambassador in France ; and the
Marquis of Northampton, noted as an ally of Lord
Cobham, who, though his castle was afterwards
besieged by the rebels and not surrendered without
considerable resistance, was at this time considered
of doubtful loyalty, as he had family ties with
Wyatt. Northampton, who had been released from the
Tower about a month before, seemingly at Christmas,
was again sent thither on the 26th January, and Sir
Edward Warner along with him.1 And on the 28th,

1 Writing on the 27th January (though the copyist of the R. 0. Tran-
scripts has misdated it 29th in his heading) the Imperial Ambassadors
say of the insurrection in Kent that it is " practique correspondante a
celle dudit Caro ; et est bruit qu'elle s'extend plus avant ; et a Ton suspicion
sur autres, tant du Conseil que autres, comme Warnier, Maistre Rogier,
Picquerin ; et pour ce de l'alliance que le Marquis de Noirthanton a avec
Coban, que Ton doubte soit de la partie, encore qu'il fut en liberte il fut
hier mis en la Tour avec ledit Warnier ; et est Ton apres pour en reserrer
d'autres." — Transcripts, u.s. pp. 1075-76. The date of Northampton's
committal, given here as "yesterday," agrees with that given byNoailles —
" ce matin " — in the despatch headed by the Editor " 23 et 26 Janvier," for
(though " 23 " seems an error for "25 ") we may presume that this part of
the letter was written on the later day, the 26th. The person named by the
Imperial Ambassadors " Maistre Rogier " migbt conceivably be Sir Edward
Rogers, who was committed to the Tower a month later (see Acts of the P. C.
iv. 400) ; but is much more probably the preacher John Rogers, who in
August was ordered to keep himself prisoner to his own house, and was
still prisoner on parole, but was ordered to Newgate on the 27th January.
(lb. pp. 321, 429 ; cp. Chester, John Rogers, pp. 113, 118, 120.)

ch. ii SUPPRESSION OF INSURRECTIONS 249

as we learn from the French Ambassador writing that
very day, Henry Dudley and Lord Darcy, who had
been Great Chamberlain to King Edward, were
committed to the Tower likewise. And Courtenay
was expected to be sent thither very shortly, though
he might even then, Noailles considered, very easily
have got away.1

When Suffolk had escaped from his house at Suffolk at
Sheen it was hardly a matter of much speculation Bradsate-
whither he had gone. The Imperial Ambassadors,
writing on the 29th, say that he had gone to another
of his houses eighty miles from London.2 Noailles,
on the 28th, says more vaguely that he and his two
brothers had gone with a small company towards
Wales. There is no doubt that he got down to his
seat in Leicestershire, Bradgate, where his daughter,
Lady Jane, had solaced herself in past years by
reading Plato in Greek. From written confessions
made afterwards by two of his dependents, we know
something of his proceedings. Before he left Sheen
he ordered his man of business, John Bowyer, to go
to London for 100 marks due to him; but Bowyer,
after leaving him, had no sooner mounted his horse
than he received a further message by one of the
Duke's servants. He was to tell Suffolk's two
brothers " that they should depart by 6 of the clock
at night," and he, Bowyer, was to come to the Duke in
Leicestershire — for what purpose the messenger knew
not. Bowyer obeyed the first part of the order ; but
Lord John and Lord Thomas insisted on his staying
and riding with them. " And so," he writes, " about 7
of the clock at night they took their horses and rode
by Enfield Chace, till at length my Lord John said
he would very fain go and leave Barnet, because of
any watch, and would have one of Mr. Wrothe's men
to be their guide." They failed to induce Wrothe

1 Ambassades, iii. 48.

2 Ambassadors to the Emperor, 29th January, R. 0. Transcripts, u.s.
p. 1082.

250 LOLLARDY & THE REFORMATION bk. vm

or a man named Harrington to accompany them ;
but rode on through St. Albans and Dunstable, and
never baited till they reached Stony Stratford. Then
they pushed on to Towcester, where they expected to
have joined the Duke, but he had ridden on to
Lutterworth, where they found him at one Johnson's
house, from which they made the journey together to
Bradgate next day.
He rides to Here, apparently, Bowyer first became aware of
Leicester. ^ q^j^ 0f the expedition, hearing them say " they
would go with all the power they might against the
Spaniards." The Duke employed him to write letters
and copies of the proclamation which he was going
to publish, but he told a Dr. Cave, a friend of the
Duke, that he " did not like this gear." That night
a form of the proclamation was put forth by the
lords John and Thomas ; and next day the Duke had
three or four more written. Then at night the Duke
rode on to Leicester, and gave out that the Earl of
Huntingdon had written that he would take part
with him. As a matter of fact, the Earl of Hunting-
don was his mortal enemy and was coming in pursuit
of him, for he had particularly sought and obtained
leave of the Queen to render her that service.1 Next
day the Duke commanded Bowyer to write a letter to
the town of Northampton to hold themselves in readi-
ness, and a proclamation to accompany the letter.
On Monday the 29th he caused Bowyer to make
inquiry whether the Earl of Huntingdon were come
or no.
ms failure Next day, Suffolk received a message from
Coventry that the townsmen were very anxious for
his presence there, and would aid him, some with
£100, others with more or less, and Lord Thomas said
that he had got £500 from one Palmer there. So in
the afternoon the Duke armed himself and caused

1 Ambassadors to the Emperor, 29th January, R. 0. Transcripts, u.s.
p. 1087.

at Coven
try

ch. ii SUPPRESSION OF INSURRECTIONS 251

all his servants to put on armour. Bowyer then
delivered to him the 100 marks he had got for him
in London, and said he had marred both his geldings
in carrying the money. The Duke handed the money
over to one Gerves, and compelled Bowyer to put on
armour ; then he rode towards Coventry that Tuesday
afternoon with six or seven score horsemen. The
gates, however, as he learned, were shut against him,
and he went on to his manor of Astley five miles
farther north, where the company disarmed, and the
money he had brought was divided among them
while he was out of the way, looking after his horse.
The game was up ; the Duke had told every man. to look
to himself, and Lord Thomas got Bowyer to change
coats with him for his disguise.1

The Duke had reckoned on getting support in The Duke's
Coventry — a town which had always been a con- country.
siderable stronghold of Lollardy. One Rampton had
been sent thither " for the having of the town to
the Duke of kSuffolk's use." He first talked with " an
old familiar," Anthony Corbet, whom he found he
could not trust in the matter ; for Corbet only said
he would be glad " to serve the Queen under my lord
rather than any other." Then, meeting with Richard
Aslyn and one Francis, he showed them what he
called the Duke's " pretence, that is to say, that
he would withstand the coming in of strangers."
Their reply was : " The whole of this town is my
Lord's, unless it be certain of the Council of the
town. Marry, they consider, that if good fellows
have the upper hand, their extremities heretofore
should well be remembered."

Rampton asked, "How could my Lord be sure of
the town, if the magistrates would not consent ? "
But he was answered : " We are so many in number
that will resist them that they nor their Council shall
never prevail, for we are at the least ten men to one

1 State Papers, Dom., Mary, iii. 19.

252 LOLLARDY & THE REFORMATION bk. viii

of them." They said, however, that it would be
very necessary to get possession of Kenilworth and
Warwick Castles, for two reasons : first, because there
were eight pieces of ordnance in Warwick Castle ;
and secondly, that if the two castles were held by an
adverse party, they could send out skirmishers and
cut off any aid from Suffolk's friends. What followed
on this I give verbally from Rampton's own con-
fession : —

Then I inquired how the same castles might be taken.
And they made light of it, declaring that upon a Sunday they
would be enough that out of Coventry would take them
both ; and said that if I would go straight with them, they
two, with thirty or forty that they would choose, would give
the attempt for the taking of them both; being therein
much desirous to have me out for that purpose, which
occasion and opportunity I omitted, and fell into talk of
other matters.

Then said they: "William Glover is now come from
London. We know he will be most glad of this gear. Will
you let your servant go for him ? " I was contented there-
with because my errand was chiefly to him.

As we were still in talk of this matter, came in William
Glover, and with him a clerk. Then I delivered unto him
my Lord's Grace's letter ; which was but to credit me. He
read it, and delivered it to me again.

Then I declared unto him of my Lord's coming into the
country, and of his pretence ; and therewith showed him the
proclamation set forth by my Lord. After the reading of it
he said : " My Lord's Grace is most heartily welcome into
these parts, and I would to God he were here."

Then said I : " Sir, my Lord hath sent me hither for this
cause, to practise with you and others, to the intent he
might understand how he may be received here, and whether
the people of this town will assist him or no in the quarrel
for the defence of his country."

Glover answered : " My Lord's quarrel is right well-known.
It is God's quarrel. Let him come. Let him come and
make no stay; for this town is his own. Yea, I will say
further, to a man this town is most assuredly his own, if I
know it."

Then said Clerk : " No doubt this town is at my Lord's

ch. ii SUPPRESSION OF INSURRECTIONS 253

commandment, and if he came hither, he cannot be but
welcome." And then he began to declare how only my
lord's Grace did cleave and stick to God's truth. Whereby
I noted him to be a Protestant, and did confess the same of
my Lord with him.

Then they declared to me that they were now come from
London with Mr. Waringe and Master Over, and how they
had talked by the way of my Lord's coming down.

The Clerk told me that my Lord's Grace had done evil in
one point ; for by the way at Towcester, he had, coming now
down into the country, spoken openly that he had not
passing forty pounds in his purse ; for, sayeth he, that may
be a discouraging to men that peradventure shall look for
money at his hands. " Tush ! " sayeth Glover. " Let not
my lord care of money ; for if he will come hither there will
be money enough for him. I know he shall not want money.
I know it."

Further, he said : " It is unhappy ; it could never have
come worse to me than at this time, for I was not worst
provided of money a great while. But let me alone. Say to
my lord he shall want no money. But, for God's love, take
order that my lord come hither without delay." And there-
with asked me where my lord was. And I said, "At
Leicester."

Then said they, as it were with one voice, " Alas ! Go,
get you hence for hini with all speed."

I answered : " Here is Mr. Burdet. He shall go to my
Lord and fetch hiin."

Then they would have had him gone straight. I answered,
and so also did he answer, that he had not well slept the
night before he went ; which they all did greatly mislike. To
satisfy them, I said, " He shall sleep a time and then be
gone."

Then I put doubt how he should pass out of the gate of
the city. Glover answered me and said that he should pass
at all hours of the night ; and further, he would warrant my
lord at all hours in the night, whensoever he came, to come
into the city.

So, after Burdet had slept a time and was ready to have
gone, I had understanding that the gates of the city were
shut ; and thereupon did consider that if we then should
have given any attempt for the sending him forth, the
whole matter at that time would straight have broken out.
And so, the uproar once begun, I knew it could not be

254 LOLLARDY & THE REFORMATION bk. vkn

appeased without bloodshed and the great hazard of the
chief and rich townsmen. Wherefore I persuaded my
fellow Burdet to tarry the opening of the gates ; which he
right willingly did.

This was the early morning of Tuesday the 30th.
The further delay of Burdet was naturally very
mortifying to Glover and his friends. But why
should it be dangerous, he asked them, if the Duke
was sure of entering the city at any hour ?

" There is no doubt," sayeth Glover, " that the town is my
Lord's. That is most assured. But it might happen that
upon the Queen's letters the Council of this town may give
a sudden order. And yet there is no mistrust in that,
sayeth [he], for I will so listen and understand of the
doing of the mayor and his brethren, who indeed do presently
this morning sit in Council, that they shall go about no
such thing but I will foreknow it."

Then it was considered among us a thing very requisite
to set forth my lord's Grace's proclamation immediately;
and, that done, it was thought the common people would so
incline thereunto that no other thing contrary to that would
be received.

I considered that upon that proclamation all . . . town
would be in a stir, did demand what would follow if the
people were so stirred upon.

It was answered by Clerk that the undoubted spoil and
peradventure destruction of many the rich men would ensue.
Whereunto he required me for God's sake to have respect.
" Ye may be sure," said I, " that I will not give tins attempt,
but rather stay until my Lord's coming; for he shall come
better able by his presence to order the rude people, which
passeth my power."

With this answer they were satisfied ; but they
begged Rampton to send to his fellow, Hudson, at
Warwick, for advice about the taking of the castle.
Rampton, accordingly, sent a servaDt to desire
Hudson's presence at Coventry. But the messenger
on his return brought word that Hudson was arrested,
as he understood by the Earl of Huntingdon's orders.
Then it was felt to be of the utmost importance to

ch. ii SUPPRESSION OF INSURRECTIONS 255

hasten Suffolk's coming, and at their request he first
sent a messenger, and afterwards took horse himself
to go to the Duke.

Thus Hampton's narrative, like Bowyer's, leads on Protestants
to the failure of the attempt on Coventry on Tuesday, J° Coven"
the 30th, which completely destroyed the Duke of
Suffolk's hopes. But there are some things to be
noted in this latter " confession " which have a bear-
ing on the whole history of the reign. For it shows
that Rampton was sent to " practise " with men
of a particular faction in Coventry, and that his
" errand," as he said himself, was chiefly to William
Glover. This Glover was one of three brothers all
strongly opposed to the Queen's religion, another of
whom, Robert Glover, suffered martyrdom a year and
a half later. The recent Act of Parliament, which set
up again the "idolatry" of the Mass, of course was
not binding on their consciences ; and William
Glover at least — for of his brothers John and Robert
we hear nothing at this time — was ardent in behalf
of " the pretence " of the Duke of Suffolk, and
sanguine of his success. A pretence it certainly was,
as Rampton called it ; for it was not an ill-founded
fear of foreigners, but a deep-seated hatred of the
Mass to which the Duke trusted for his chief support
in Coventry ; and it was because he sympathised
with that feeling that "Protestants" in Coventry
found that "only my lord's Grace did cleave and
stick to God's truth." That was an enviable distinc-
tion for the harsh father of Lady Jane Grey — a man
with as little parental feeling as loyalty to his
sovereign. He tried to raise civil war by a " pre-
tence," to be financed by a religious faction ; but
his attempt had proved a failure.

The Earl of Huntingdon, therefore, had an easy Suffolk
task. Suffolk, when unable to enter Coventry, had fnc\,his

i , ' , i- i at 1 1 « brothers

retired northwards to his own place at Astley, where his are cap-
followers disbanded, and they were all taken prisoners tured"

256 LOLLARDY & THE REFORMATION bk. viii

by the Earl as soon as lie came up. Suffolk himself
was believed to have taken the road to Scotland.1
But before long he and his brothers were captured,
one after another. The Duke himself was found in
a hollow tree, having been scented out by a dog.
Lord John was found hidden under some hay.2 The
Duke wrote a full confession. He said that his
previous imprisonment, the little regard shown him
by the Council, the fear which he felt when Warner
was taken prisoner, and the intrigues of Carew and
Croft and other conspirators who would have made
the Lady Elizabeth Queen, had shaken his loyalty
and made him act in concert with the rebels. His
brother Thomas especially, who had attempted to
inveigle Pembroke into the plot, had fully persuaded
him.3
The Gov- As for the attempt of Sir James Croft to raise
ernment a COmmotion in Wales, it was even a more complete
in great failure than any other ; for Wales was entirely loyal.
The Earl of Shrewsbury wrote that the people, both
of Wales and of the North Country, were perfectly
satisfied with the marriage.4 Croft himself was taken
in his bed,5 and examined at Ludlow, but his
examination throws very little light upon his move-
ments. He was lodged in the Tower along with
Lord Thomas Grey on the 21st February.6 So now
things were pacified, but the Government had been
shaken to its very core. And really it is little
wonder, for was ever Government in such a state
as Mary's had been? In their despatch to the
Emperor of the 29th January, after recording the
flight of Suffolk, Renard and his colleagues add :

1 Renard to the Emperor, 5th February, R. 0. Transcripts, u.s. p. 1159.

2 lb. 8th February, pp. 1173-74.

3 lb. pp. 1179-80 (printed in Papiers du Card. Granvelle, iv. 210-11).

4 lb. p. 1182.

0 Ambassades de Noailles, iii. 70.
6 Acts of the P.O. iv. 396 ; Chron. of Queen Jane and Queen Mary, p. 63 ;

Machyn, Diary, p. 56. Croft's examination at Ludlow, on the 14th, is
preserved in State Papers, Dom., Mary, iii. 23.

danger.

ch. ii SUPPRESSION OF INSURRECTIONS 257

" There is great suspicion that some of the Council itsinWent
may be participators and approvers of the rebellion, weakness-
considering the manifest party spirit (partialite)
among them, and the little care they take, either for
good order in public affairs, or even for the surety
of the Queen. Nay, the determinations they actually
make are not acted upon, and we have been obliged
to give warning to the Queen by the lieutenant
d'Amont [Renard], that she must secure herself, and
let us understand what she or her Council would like
your Majesty to do for her assistance." That was
the state of matters three days before her address to
the citizens at the Guildhall. And there were things
even more strange than this. For Renard had noted
that for four days no provision seemed to have been
made for the Queen's protection, and as she had not
a single man except 200 archers of the guard, he
asked Paget why the Council did not communicate
with him and his colleagues. On which Paget threw
himself on his knees, and said he had been trying all
he could for fifteen days and more to obtain soldiers,
but as he had only one voice in the Council, he had
been unsuccessful. As to the reason why they
would not communicate with the Imperialists, it was
such as he neither would nor could declare ; Renard
should ask the whole Council, not himself alone.
There were several in the Council ill-affected towards
the Emperor. The Queen had commanded Paget to
desire the Council immediately to raise soldiers for
her ; and the Emperor's Ambassadors hoped that this
would be done.

Renard, moreover, wrote that he had informed the French
Queen and the Chancellor that he had learned from intrisues-
a French spy that the King of France had sent two
gentlemen to his Ambassador in England, one to go
on to Scotland, the other to return to France, who
brought with them blancs signe'z to deliver to several
individuals in England ; that six of these had been
vol. iv s

258 LOLLARDY & THE REFORMATION bk. vhi

already delivered ; and that the King notified the
rebels that he had eighty ships well armed and
victualled, and eighteen companies of foot to send to
their assistance ; and further that he had intelligence
from various English seaports. The French Ambas-
sador, Renard said, had given warning to the Duke
of Suffolk to withdraw himself, else the Council would
have him apprehended.1

The war between the Emperor and France had its
counterpart in England in a diplomatic struggle for
political supremacy ; and the rebellions favoured by
France had now been put down ; the country was
quiet, and all the rebel leaders secured. On Satur-
day, the 10th February, the Earl of Huntingdon with
a body of 300 horse brought the Duke of Suffolk and
Lord John his brother prisoners to the Tower. They,
or the Duke at least, had been three days left prisoner
at Coventry in the custody of an alderman.2
Treason The Queen was victorious, but the Queen herself
win be was governed by Renard and Paget, except that

punished o •> . i 1

with Paget was hindered, as we nave seen, by others.

seventy. fu3or government was always personal and could not
be otherwise, and Mary had been driven by these com-
motions to feel that she had been too regardless of
the warnings of the Emperor and Renard against her
undue clemency. The punishment of treason and
of usurpation must now follow. But to justify her-
self in practising severity she must be entreated to
show herself severe. On the afternoon of Sunday,
the day after Suffolk and his brother had been
sent to the Tower, Gardiner preached before her in
the Chapel Royal from the text 2 Corinthians vi. 1,
" We beseech you that ye receive not the grace of
God in vain." His sermon was in the main theo-
logical, and aimed at rectifying what he considered
the false teaching of past years. It was divided

1 Ambassadors to the Emperor, 29th January, R. 0. Transcripts, u.s.
pp. 1082-83.

2 Chron. of Queen Jane and Queen Mary, pp. 53-4.

ch. ii SUPPRESSION OF INSURRECTIONS 259

under five heads, and only the last had to do with
matters of policy. But after discoursing of freewill,
observance of Lent, and good works, and denouncing
the erroneous preaching of the last seven years, he
proceeded, fifthly, to urge on the Queen, that as she
had hitherto " extended her mercy particularly and
privately," and her leniency had been abused as an
encouragement to rebellion, she would now be merci-
ful to the body of the Commonwealth and the con-
servation thereof; which could not be unless the
rotten and hurtful members thereof were cut off." 1

Of course it was remembered against Gardiner that
he had urged the Queen to show no mercy, — just as
if a Court preacher could have ventured to give from
the pulpit political advice that had not been agreed
upon beforehand. The severities began the very next
day ; and the first victims, sad to say, were the inno-
cent Lady Jane Grey and her husband Lord Guildford
Dudley, who had received sentence of death in Nov-
ember, but whom the Queen had never intended to
put to death. Orders had, nevertheless, been given
for their execution about a week before Gardiner's
sermon ; for Renard writes on the 8 th : "If the
Queen's command has been executed Joan of Suffolk
and her husband were beheaded on Tuesday ; but I
do not know yet." 2 That Tuesday would have been
the 6th of February, the day on which Wyatt made
his march to Kingston ; and the order must have
been issued before then, when the rebel was in South-
wark threatening the City. Afterwards the day was
again fixed for Friday, the 9th ; but again the
execution was respited.3

Most touching is the fate of Lady Jane Grey. Ladyjane
The Queen herself seemed to feel that she had no Grey-
alternative but to put the " meek usurper " to death,

1 Chron. of Queen Jane and I Queen Mary, p. 54.

2 Renard to the Emperor, 8th February, R. O. Transcripts, u.s. p. 1180.
The passage is printed in the Papiers du Card. Granvelle, iv. 211.

3 Chron. of Queen Jane and Queen Mary, p. 55.

260 LOLLARDY & THE REFORMATION bk. viii

and the usurper herself was perfectly resigned to
take leave of that earthly life in which she had only
been made the unwilling tool of others. The Queen's
consideration for her now was manifested by sending
her a spiritual adviser in John Feckenham, whom she
afterwards, when she began to restore the monasteries,
made Abbot of Westminster ; and Feckenham seems to
have discharged his duty in as delicate a way as possible.
The Lady Jane, on her part, accepted his coming
with gratitude to the Queen for her consideration,
though she could not agree with him on matters of
controversy, or admit that the Church could alter
what seemed plainly written in the Divine Word.1
Deeply affecting is her farewell letter to her father,
the Duke, which, embodied in voluminous works, is
not so often read as it might be. Here it is : —

Father, although it hath pleased God to hasten my death
by you, by whom my life should rather have been lengthened,
yet can I so patiently take it as I yield God more hearty
thanks for shortening my woful days than if all the world
had been given unto my possession with life lengthened
at my own will. And albeit I am well assured of your
impatient dolours, redoubled manifold ways, both in bewailing
your own woe and especially, as I hear, my unfortunate
state, yet, my dear lather, if I may without offence rejoice in
my own mishaps, meseems in this I may account myself
blessed, that washing my hands with the innocency of my
fact, my guiltless blood may cry before the Lord, Mercy to
the innocent ! And yet, though I must needs acknowledge
that, being constrained and, as you wot well enough,
continually assayed, in taking upon me I seemed to consent,
and therein grievously offended the Queen and her laws, yet
do I assuredly trust that this my offence towards God is so
much the less in that, being in so royal estate as I was, mine
enforced honor blended never with mine innocent heart.
And thus, good father, I have opened unto you the state
wherein I at present stand ; whose death at hand, although
to you, perhaps, it may seem right woful, to me there is
nothing that can be more welcome, than from this vale of

1 Foxe, vi. 415-17.

ch. ii SUPPRESSION OF INSURRECTIONS 261

misery to aspire to that heavenly throne of all joy and
pleasure with Christ our Saviour. In whose steadfast faith,
if it may be lawful for the daughter so to write to the father,
the Lord that hitherto hath strengthened you, so continue
you, that at the last we may meet in heaven with the Father,
the Son and the Holy Ghost.1

Less pleasing, certainly, is her long letter of
remonstrance to Thomas Harding, once her father's
chaplain, who had become a convert to Rome. But
every one knows the pain that is always given by
the conversion of a friend, from what we consider
truth to what we consider error. She left other
writings besides, including a letter written in the end
of a Greek Testament which she sent to her sister
Katharine.2

[On Monday 12th February, soon after 10 in the Theexecu-
morning, she was led forth to die on Tower Green.] *™J °jane
Her behaviour was calm and composed ; [her counte- Grey,
nance changed not for fear of death, nor at the sight
of her husband's corpse, which she saw borne to the
chapel, for Guildford Dudley had been beheaded
shortly before.] She confessed that she died for an
unlawful act, but it was none of her seeking. She
called the bystanders to witness that she died a true
Christian woman. Kneeling down, she asked Fecken-
ham, " Shall I say this Psalm ? " and when he agreed,
repeated the Miserere mei, Deus (Ps. Ii.), in English,
from beginning to end ; then she stood up and made
presents of her gloves and handkerchief to her maid,
and of a book to Master Bruges, the Lieutenant of
the Tower's brother. She untied her gown, and her
two gentlewomen weeping bitterly helped her to take
it off. The hangman kneeled down to ask her for-
giveness, which she readily gave him, begging him to
despatch her quickly. On seeing the block she asked,
" Will you take it off before I lay me down ? " He
said, "No, madame." Then she tied a handkerchief

1 Foxe, pp. 417-18. 2 lb. pp. 418-23.

262 LOLLARDY & THE REFORMATION bk. vm

about her eyes, and feeling for the block, said,
"Where is it?" Being guided to the place, she
laid down her head, stretched forth her body, and
saying, " Lord, into Thy hands I commend my
spirit ! " submitted to the stroke.1
The judge How such sad " accidents of State" touched the
deHvered neart of the general public at the time, we do not
sentence always read very clearly in chronicles or records.
When tyranny prevails, expressions of feeling have to
be qualified by prudence. But in this case, besides the
unquestionable sympathy shown at a later date, there
is a melancholy story about the principal judge who
tried her, Sir Richard Morgan, Chief-Justice of the
Common Pleas. That he was an upright judge there
is no reason to question, and he shared the responsi-
bility of the sentence he delivered with others whose
names were weighty. For there were fifteen named
on the judicial commission, seven being of the
quorum, and of these latter, all save the Lord Mayor
and the Duke of Norfolk were trained lawyers, all,
indeed, judges, the lowest in rank being the Recorder
of London. The judgment given was inevitable, as
the facts were plain, and Jane herself had pleaded
guilty ; but it was never intended to be carried out
till her father's rebellion seemed to show that while
she lived, she was still a source of danger. The
execution of such an innocent victim deeply affected
the judge who had delivered sentence. During the
spring he went mad, and " cried continually to have
the Lady Jane taken away from him."2 Two years
later he died.3
Royal The same day that Jane suffered there were many

seventy. Q^gj. victims of the new severity, and even it seemed
as if Courtenay would come to be numbered among
them ; for he was brought to the Tower a prisoner
within half an hour of Lady Jane's execution. He

1 Foxe, pp. 423-4 ; Ohron. of Queen Jane and Queen Mary, pp. 55-9.
2 Foxe, vi. 425. 3 Machyn, Diary, p. 106.

ch. ii SUPPRESSION OF INSURRECTIONS 263

was brought in by water, and the Lieutenant
apparently asked him why he was come ; to which
he was heard to reply, " Truly, I cannot tell, except
I should accuse myself. Let the world judge." x

The executions were purposely made to look as
appalling as possible. That day gallows were set up
in London, one pair at each of the city gates, two at
the Bridge foot in South wark, one at Leadenhall, two
in Cheapside, three or four pair in Fleet Street and
about Charing Cross, and others in other places in
the city. That day and on Thursday, as stated
(though apparently Tuesday was meant), about 400
rebels were condemned, and all the London prisons
were full. On Wednesday, 26 or more were hanged.
On Thursday, the 15th, many were hanged in South -
wark and other places in the suburbs ; and that day
ten prisoners were taken from the Tower, arraigned
and condemned. Bret and Cuthbert Vaughan, when
they were arraigned, protested that they ought to
have their lives, as they had yielded on a promise
of the Queen's pardon made by a herald in the field.
But their protests were unavailing.2

Yet, though such severities continued, there were Some acts
comprehensive acts of mercy. For we read that on ofmercy-
the 22 nd February, " all the Kent men went to the
Court, with halters about their necks, and bound
with cords two and two together, through London
and Westminster ; and between the two tilts [in the
tilt yard] the poor prisoners kneeled down in the
mire, and the Queen's Grace looked out over the
gate and gave them all pardon ; and they cried out
' God save Queen Mary ! ' and so to Westminster
Hall ; and there they cast their halters about the
Hall, and caps, and in the streets, and cried out
' God save Queen Mary !' as they went." Two days
later there were more Kentish men pardoned in like

1 Chron. of Queen Jane and Queen Mary, p. 59.
2 lb. pp. 59, 60.

264 LOLLARDY & THE REFORMATION bk. vm

manner in South wark, whether by the Queen herself
or by some other in her name does not appear. And
these, too, flung their halters into the street, and
cried out, " God save Queen Mary ! " l
Suffolk's Five days before this, on the 17th, Suffolk was

condemna- arraigned at Westminster. In his defence he first
tion. insisted that it was no treason for a peer of the realm

to raise his power, and make proclamation to cause
foreigners to leave the kingdom. This plea seems to
have been admitted, as indeed the Queen herself issued
a proclamation that very day, requiring all foreigners,
with the exception of denizens, known merchants,
and Ambassadors' servants, to leave the realm within
twenty-four days — a concession to English prejudices.
But Suffolk had encountered the Queen's lieutenant,
the Earl of Huntingdon, in arms, and though he
pretended not to have known that the Earl was
the Queen's lieutenant, he admitted that he had
opposed him with a company of fifty men, and would
not have shrunk from him if he had had fewer.
This was practically an admission of his guilt, and he
made a bad attempt to shield himself by laying on
his brother, Lord Thomas, the blame of having advised
him to fly into the country. He also confessed
having said at his own table that with no more than
a hundred men he could put the crown on Courtenay's
head.2 [He was condemned to death and taken back
to the Tower.]
Sir Peter Let us now leave for a while the punishment of

rebels, and speak of some rebels who were beyond the
Queen's power. On the 1 7th February — that same day
that Suffolk was arraigned — Noailles had an audience
of the Queen accompanied by his brother Francis,
whom Henry II. had felt it advisable to send over, as
delicate questions were arising between the two countries.
Noailles was anxious to see if the Queen's success

1 Machyn, Diary, pp. 56-57.
2 Chron. of Queen Jane and Queen Mary, pp. 60. 61.

Carew in
France.

ch. ii SUPPRESSION OF INSURRECTIONS 265

over the insurgents had in any way affected the
amity between the two Powers, and to assure her, by
the despatches which his brother brought, of Henry's
strong desire to preserve it. She received these
assurances graciously, and told the Ambassadors that
she was so true a Princess that neither the Emperor
nor his son could ever make her break her word ; and
that she was ready to show them the precise article
in her marriage treaty for the preservation of her
friendship with France. She had heard, however,
that some of her rebels, guilty of treason, had fled to
France, especially Peter Carew, who, she was told, had
arrived in the French Court and had spoken with King
Henry and the Constable, and she desired his extradi-
tion, as she had given up a French rebel named
Chesselles. Noailles replied that he did not know that
Carew was in France, though all strangers had free
admission there ; but if he was, and the King knew that
he had given offence, he would doubtless take care that
he should be delivered to her. The Queen replied
that Carew was spreading about that he trusted
entirely to Henry's aid, though she could not believe it.
After returning from his audience, Noailles received
a despatch from the King, dated the 10th, showing
that the English Ambassador in France (Wotton) had
already made complaint to him upon the subject.
Wotton, indeed, had sought an interview with him,
merely, as he said, owing to reports that had come
to him that Carew had persuaded the King to give
him 6000 foot soldiers in aid of the rebellion ; and
Henry in reply professed never to have heard any-
thing of Carew's coming into France. Far from
favouring rebellion in England, he had, he said, given
strict orders to the Constable to let him know of any-
thing that might tend that way. He had always
thought, indeed, that the proposed marriage might be
prejudicial to the internal peace of England ; but he
himself had done nothing unfriendly. On the con-

266 LOLLARDY & THE REFORMATION bk. vhi

trary, he had made overtures for a new treaty with
Mary.1

Diplomatic insincerity might almost be pardoned
in Henry II. ; for he had originally, and indeed still
had, a strong wish to cultivate good relations with
Mary, and he sincerely sympathised with her desire
to restore papal authority in England ; indeed, he
sympathised in that object, perhaps, more than
Charles V. did. But a marriage between the English
Queen and the son of his chief enemy, with whom he
was still at war, was naturally a severe trial to friend-
ship. It seemed a sure presage that England too
would become his enemy sooner or later, whatever
assurances Mary might sincerely offer to the contrary.
Unless the marriage could be set aside, England was
at least a potential, nay a probable enemy, even if
not so declared. For the new alliance deprived
France of some advantages which she naturally
possessed as a belligerent, making the traffic by sea
between Flanders and Spain much more secure, and
the intercourse between France and Scotland less so.
Noaiiies' Hence Noailles had all along encouraged those

aSshi°n intrigues in England which tended to break off the
England, marriage ; and, though the movements had all ended
in failure, they had almost effected their purpose.
For the Queen herself had declared at the Guild-
hall that the expediency of completing the match
would still be considered in Parliament, and even
Renard, who had conducted the negotiation so art-
fully, was no longer sure of the policy of bringing
Philip to a country where he was likely to meet with
such a bad reception. The very severities used by
the Queen, Noailles believed, were defeating their
own object ; and people murmured much against the
Spanish match. The finest sights to be seen in
London, he said, were gibbets bearing the bodies of
the bravest men in the kingdom, while all the prisons

1 Ambassades, iii. 57-58 ; 72 sqq.

ch. ii SUPPRESSION OF INSURRECTIONS 267

were so full that new victims had to be put to death
daily that they might make room for others.1 The
Queen, he wrote, was impoverished both in men and
in money, she had been forced to spend 200,000
crowns which she had borrowed in various quarters.
So far as she was concerned, King Henry would have
no difficulty in doing what he pleased during the
coming summer. She was taking the right way, he
thought, to bring her kingdom to ruin ; and the
Emperor would be obliged to send a great force to
support her authority in England, which would weaken
him as a belligerent against France.2 Already, it
would seem, the French were threatening Guines
and had laid a trench before it.3

1 Ambassades, iii. pp. 77, 78. 2 lb. pp. 62, 63.

3 Chron. of Queen Jane and Queen Mary, p. 62.

CHAPTER III

"the queen's proceedings"

Mary's There is one fact in Mary's reign of which the signi-
J?^y ficance continually escapes observation ; and though
respect to I have more than once already directed attention to
religion. ^ j must now bespeak for it some special considera-
tion. The Queen not only inherited a title which
she abhorred — that of " Supreme Head of the Church
of England " — but was obliged to put it in force against
her will. In fact, even when she ultimately put the
title aside, its functions still remained with her ; and
just as by royal authority under Henry VIII. England
was freed entirely from papal jurisdiction, so by royal
authority alone could papal jurisdiction be restored.
To hasten that blessed day her heart was entirely
bent. And yet what could she do ? That Pole's
advice, to step at once back again into St. Peter's
bark, was not practically possible, she herself was
obliged to tell him. Yet if practical politics were
to be considered in clearing the way for Christ's
Kingdom (that is to say, His Vicar's Kingdom) upon
Earth, she was compelled to listen to her cousin,
Charles V., who bade her first of all tolerate errors
and heresy till Parliament could arrange a new
religious settlement. And as for reconciliation of
herself and her realm to Pome, she wanted a
husband first to support her. When the marriage
with his son Philip had been effected, no doubt Pole

268

ch. in "THE QUEEN'S PROCEEDINGS" 269

would be able to come to England as Legate and
effect the reconciliation.

We have seen how far this programme had been Many
carried out already. A Parliamentary settlement of ^Tdilf-
religion had actually been enacted in the autumn like.
Parliament of 1553, and the chief interest of the next
half-year is the question how far the executive had the
power to enforce that settlement. For it had many
enemies both open and secret ; and this, quite apart
from French aid to disaffection and rebellion, was the
chief cause alike of the actual and of the contemplated
rising of the early part of the year. But nothing
could be a greater mistake than to suppose that with
the suppression of these risings all difficulties were at
an end. Holders of Church property were very
jealous of every step which might lead to return to
Rome. The Lords of the Council, mostly of Edwardine
leanings, though they had accepted the Queen's will,
even about the marriage, were afraid of its ultimate
effects, and could not trust each other. No firm
decisions were made. What was done one day was
set aside the next ; and there was always a fear that
if too energetic measures were taken, some Lords
would withdraw themselves to their country houses,
there to abide the results and give further trouble.

But deeper and stronger objections to a return to strong
the old religion were manifested in some parts of the feel.ine

o _. . i against the

country, when Koyal Commissioners came to carry out old religion
the new Parliamentary settlement. And especially ^Jeem
was this the case in the Eastern Counties, which Counties.
were undoubtedly a special stronghold of Edwardine
religion. There the weaving, cloth - making, and
other industries of England mostly flourished, and
men hated having to pay for the support of priests
who conferred intangible blessings, or of doctrines
seemingly against reason and destitute of true Scrip-
ture warrant. The inhabitants of those counties,
moreover, had a special claim upon the Queen's

and
Suffolk

270 LOLLARDY & THE REFORMATION bk. viii

gratitude for the loyalty with which they had sup-
ported her against Northumberland's attempt to
ensnare her before her accession.
" a Godly Accordingly we read in Foxe's pages a very lengthy
suppiica- document, placed by him, but certainly out of date,
Norfolk in the year 1556,1 with the title prefixed : "A certain
Godly Supplication exhibited by certain Inhabitants
of the County of Norfolk, to the Commissioners come
down to Norfolk and Suffolk, fruitful to be read and
marked of all men." 2 This, of course, is Foxe's own
heading. The document itself is too lengthy to
quote in full, but its general spirit may be appre-
ciated from a few extracts. The sincere loyalty with
which it begins, gives all the greater significance to
the remonstrance : —

In most humble and lowly wise we beseech your honors,
right honorable Commissioners, to tender and pity the
humble suit of us, poor men, and true, faithful, and obedient
subjects, who, as we have ever heretofore, so intend we, with
God's grace, to continue in Christian obedience unto the end,
and (according to the Word of God) with all reverend fear of
God, to do our bounden duty to all those superior Powers
whom God hath appointed over us, doing, as St. Paul saith :
" Let every soul be subject to the superior powers ; for there
is no power but of God. Wherefore whosoever resisteth the
powers, the same resisteth God; and they that resist get
themselves judgment " [Rom. xiii. 1, 2].

These lessons, Right honorable Commissioners, we have
learned of the Holy Word of God in our mother tongue.
First, that the authority of a King, Queen, lord, and other
their officers under them, is no tyrannical usurpation, but a
just, holy, lawful and necessary estate to be governed by;
and that the same is of God, the Fountain and Author of
Righteousness. Secondly, that to obey the same in all
things not against God, is to obey God ; and to resist them

1 Foxe does, indeed, introduce it with the words, "About this time, or
somewhat before " ; but this scarcely suggests two years before. He has just
been relating the story of the martyrdoms in the spring of 1556. But the
document was certainly drawn up before there were any martyrdoms at all,
and the frequent references to the Queen»(as sole sovereign) in themselves
suffice to show that it was before her marriage to Philip in July 1554.

2 Foxe, viii. 121.

ch. ni "THE QUEEN'S PROCEEDINGS" 271

is to resist God. Therefore, as to obey God in his ministers
and magistrates bringeth life, so to resist God in them
bringeth punishment and death. The same lesson have we
learned of St. Peter, saying, "Be ye subject to all human
ordinances for the Lord's sake, etc." [1 Pet. ii. 13-16].

Wherefore, considering with ourselves, both that the
magistrates' power is of God, and that for the Lord's sake
we be bound to Christian obedience unto them having now
presently a commandment, as though it were from the
Queen's Majesty, with all humble obedience due to the regal
power and authority ordained of God (which we acknowledge
to stand wholly and perfectly in Her Grace), and with due
reverence unto you, Her Grace's Commissioners, we humbly
beseech you with patience and pity to receive this our
answer unto this commandment given unto us.

First, Right honorable Commissioners, we have considered
ourselves to be not only Englishmen but also Christians,
and therefore bound by the holy vow made to God in our
baptism to prefer God's honor in all things, . . . inso-
much that no obedience can be true and perfect, either
before God or man, that wholly and fully agreeth not with
God's Word.

Then have we weighed the commandment concerning the
restitution of the late abolished Latin service1 given unto
us, to dissent and disagree from God's Word, and to command
manifest impiety and the overthrow of godliness and true
religion, and to import a subversion of the regal power of
this our native country and realm of England, with the
bringing in of the Romish Bishop's supremacy, with all
errors, superstitions and idolatry, wasting of our goods and
bodies, destroying of our souls, bringing with it nothing but
the severe wrath of God, which we already feel, and fear lest
the same shall be more fiercely kindled upon us. Wherefore
we humbly protest that we cannot be persuaded that the
same wicked commandment should come from the Queen's
Majesty, but rather from some other, abusing the • Queen's
goodness and favor, and studying to work some feat against
the Queen, her crown and the realm, to please with it the
Roman Bishop, at whose hands the same thinketh hereafter
to be advanced. . . . For we cannot have so evil an opinion
in Her Majesty that she should subvert the most godly and
holy religion (so accordingly to God's Word set forth by the

1 See Bonner's admonition above referred to, which was dated 8th March
1553[-4].

272 LOLLARDY & THE REFORMATION bk. vni

most noble virtuous and innocent King, a very saint of God,
our late most dear King Edward, her Grace's brother) except
she were wonderfully abused. . . .

For truly, the religion lately set forth by King Edward
is such in our conscience as every Christian man is bound to
confess to be the truth of God ; and every member of Christ's
Church here in England must needs embrace the same in
heart and confess it with mouth and (if need require) lose
and forsake, not only house, land and possessions, riches,
wife, children and friends, but also (if God will so call them)
gladly to suffer all manner of persecution, and to lose their
lives in the defence of God's Word and truth set out
amongst us. . . .

We humbly beseech the Queen's Majesty and you her
honorable Commissioners, be not offended with us for
confessing this truth of God, so straitly given us in charge
of Christ, neither bring upon us that great sin that never
shall be forgiven and shall cause our Saviour Jesus Christ in
the great day of Judgment before his heavenly Father and
all his angels to deny us, and to take from us the blessed
price and ransom of his bloodshed, wherewith we are
redeemed. For in that day, neither the Queen's Highness,
neither you, nor any man, shall be able to excuse us, nor
to purchase a pardon of Christ for this horrible sin and
blasphemy of casting aside and condemning his word.1

Further on the petitioners give point to their
remonstrances by an appeal to known facts which it
becomes the historical student to mark well : —

For afore the blessed reformation (begun by the most
noble prince of godly memory the Queen's good father, and
by our late holy and innocent King her good brother
finished) it is not unknown what blindness and error we
were all in, when not one man in all this realm unlearned in
the Latin could say in English the Lord's Prayer, or knew
any one Article of his belief, or could rehearse any one of the
Ten Commandments. . . .

We cannot therefore consent nor agree that the word of
God, and prayers in our English tongue, which we understand,
should be taken away from us, and for it a Latin service (we
wot not what, for none of us understand it) to be again
brought in amongst us, specially seeing that Christ hath

1 Foxe, viii. 121-3.

ch. in "THE QUEEN'S PROCEEDINGS" 273

said, " My sheep hear my voice and follow me ; and I give to
them everlasting life." The service in English teacheth us
that we are the Lord's people and the sheep of his pasture. . . .
The service in Latin is a confused noise ; which if it be good
(as they say it is) yet unto us that lack understanding what
goodness can it bring ? St. Paul commandeth, etc.

The petitioners go on to say that they cannot give
up their form of communion, more edifying than
the Latin Mass, and complain that priests alter the
institution of Christ, robbing the laity of the cup
of Christ's blood. They are requested to go in pro-
cession (as it is called) when the priests say in Latin
things that they do not understand, but they have
learned that to follow Christ's cross is another matter
— it meant to take up their own cross and follow
Christ in patient suffering, when required. They
cannot cast away the word of God which they have
received, and they protest that if that word had not
taken some root in them, they could not in time past
have done their duty to the Queen against her mortal
foe. In the end they declare that they will not seek
a remedy by any unlawful means but intend to obey
her Majesty in all things " not against God and His
Holy word."

The subscription is " Your poor suppliants, the
lovers of Christ's true religion in Norfolk and
Suffolk."

Similar attempts were also made in other quarters other
to petition the Queen for the retention of the
Edwardine religion, and we read in the Acts of the me feeling
Privy Council under date 2nd December : —

William Smythe, of Maidstone, for his seditious moving
the inhabitants there to the framing of a supplication for the
retaining still of their new religion, soliciting first one, and
syns another, was committed to the Gatehouse of West-
minster, there to be severally kept without conference of
any other person.1

1 Ads of the Privy Council, iv. 375.
VOL. IV T

evidences
of Edward-

!74 LOLLARDY & THE REFORMATION

BK. VIII

•We have seen how, just before the outbreak of
Wyatt's rebellion, evidence of a similar Edwardine
feeling was expressed by individuals without the
loyalty set forth in the Eastern Counties' petition,
and though the strength of feeling on this subject
was not universal even in the Home Counties, where
it met with most vigorous expression, there was
certainly enough to create considerable commotion,
especially when the religious feeling was enlisted by
a skilful captain like Wyatt in support of national
prejudices against Spaniards and a foreign King.
Renard also, on his side, felt the serious difficulty of
allowing Philip to come to a country whose rulers
were so factious and uncertain. But the Queen
assured him of her constant devotion to the Prince,
and her utmost anxiety that every measure should
Theratifi- be taken for his protection. Count Egmont came
cation of again from Flanders ; and on 6th March, before the
marriage Host and in the presence of the Council, the articles
tbeQueTn's 0I* the marriage treaty were ratified and sworn to by
espousal, the Queen and by the Count, as the Emperor's and
Philip's proctor ; the Count gave Mary a ring which
had been sent by the Emperor ; Bishop Gardiner
pronounced the blessing, and Mary was irrevocably
bound to Philip. Two days later Egmont departed
for Spain, to arrange matters on Philip's side also.1
Depriva- Thus the main fabric of the Queen's policy was

secured, and the " Queen's proceedings " could be
carried on. On the 13th of March power was given
to a commission consisting of Gardiner as Chancellor,
Tunstall, Bishop of Durham, Bonner, Bishop of
London, and three others, to deprive Robert Holgate,
Archbishop of York, Robert Ferrar, Bishop of St.
David's, John Bird, Bishop of Chester, and Paul
Bush, Bishop of Bristol, as being married ; and on
the 15th another commission was issued to the same

1 Egmont and Renard to the Emperor, 8th March, R. 0. Transcripts, ser.
ii. 145, pp. 176-77.

tion of
Bishops

ch. in "THE QUEEN'S PROCEEDINGS" 275

persons to depose John Taylor, " naming himself
Bishop of Lincoln," John Hooper, " naming himself
Bishop of Worcester and Gloucester," and John
Harley, Bishop of Hereford,1 who had received " pre-
tensed Bishoprics given to them by Letters patent "
from Edward VI. and to be held during good
behaviour.

Of course, as they held their Bishoprics by patent
on such a condition as that, they could be deprived
at any time, when the government of the day con-
sidered their behaviour not to have been good ; and
the appointment to Bishoprics by patent under
Edward was so great an innovation that, apart from
the personal character of the men who held them, it
seemed that the grantees could not rightly have
been entrusted with such a sacred office. Marriage,
however, was now an objection to the orders of any
Bishop or of any priest, unless he dismissed his wife,
as Shaxton, some time Bishop of Salisbury, had done
in 1546, regarding his orders as more binding than
the bond of matrimony. Hence when Hooper
appeared before the Commissioners on the 19th of
March, the Lord Chancellor Gardiner asked him if he
was married. " Yea, my lord," said Hooper, " I will
not be unmarried till death un marry me." On this
Bishop Tunstall observed, "That is matter enough
to deprive you," and he replied, " That it is not, my
lord, except ye do against the law." Unpleasant
words ensued, reported by Foxe as follows : —

The matter concerning marriage was no more talked of
then for a great space ; but as well the commissioners, as
such as stood by, began to make such outcries, and laughed,
and used such gesture, as was unseemly for the place, and
for such a matter. The Bishop of Chichester, Dr. Day, called
Master Hooper " hypocrite," with vehement words and scorn-
ful countenance. Bishop Tonstal called him " beast " ; so
did Smith, one of the clerks of the Council, and divers others

1 Rymer, Foedera, xv. 370-71.

276 LOLLARDY & THE REFORMATION bk. viii

that stood by. At length the Bishop of Winchester said
that all men might live chaste that would ; and brought in
this text, " There be that have made themselves eunuchs for
the kingdom of Heaven."

Master Hooper said, that text proved not that all men
could live chaste, but such only to whom it was given ; and
read that which goeth before in the text. But there was a
clamour and cry, mocking and scorning, with calling him
beast, that the text could not be examined.1

That Hooper, who had been so unruly even under
the Edwardine rule, should have been a special rock
of offence to the Bishops of the old school was only
natural. But Gardiner was doing his duty in his
position, and indeed without some such measures the
Acts for restoring the Mass would have been in-
effectual, for how could the Mass be restored properly
if Bishops and priests unqualified to celebrate it still
remained ?
consecra- To fill the places of these and others, including
tionofsix tjiat 0f Barlow, of Bath and Wells, who prudently
Bishops, escaped abroad, and also the long vacant see of
Rochester, Gardiner on the 1st April consecrated six
new Bishops at St. Mary Overy's, namely, John
White, Warden of Winchester College, as Bishop of
Lincoln ; Gilbert Bourne, the Queen's secretary, as
Bishop of Bath and Wells ; Henry Morgan, as
Bishop of St. David's; James Brooks, as Bishop of
Gloucester ; George Cotes, as Bishop of Chester ;
and Maurice Griffen, as Bishop of Eochester. It
is remarkable that Henry VIII.'s erection of the
Bishopric of Chester, which was not effected under
the Pope's jurisdiction, was recognised as valid.

Easter was now passed — it fell this year on the
25th March (Lady Day) — and the special preparations
requisite to restore the old order before that holy
season had met, as we shall see, with not a little
opposition in divers places.

I cannot speak here of other voices which were

1 Foxe, vi. 646.

ch. in "THE QUEEN'S PROCEEDINGS" 277

raised in chorus against the Queen's proceedings.
But it is well to take note in this place of the
attitude of some special objectors who made them-
selves prominent in this early part of the reign —
men of very different types of character, but all
requiring study as elements in a complicated situa-
tion. It will be seen that among these — very
naturally — will be found special leaders with special
followings, while others, not worthy of so much
respect, dropped out of notice.

CHAPTER IV

THE LADY ELIZABETH

But what of the two great personages in whose favour
the rebellions of which we have read had been
organised ? Courtenay, as we have seen, was by
this time again committed to the Tower, the place
with which he had so long been familiar. The
Lady Elizabeth was still at Ashridge, whither she
had gone in December, and if she was ill when
she went there, things had not tended to make her,
in mind at least, more comfortable. To the Queen,
as she well knew, she had always been a source of
anxiety, and frequent messages to inquire about her
health were not altogether grateful, as she was fully
conscious that she had become a centre of intrigue.
Before the outbreak of Wyatt's rebellion, Mary had

Letters of written gracious letters to her sister ; and once, when

Elizabeth sne ^ac^ something very special to communicate, she

and a even wrote to her with her own hand.

reply. Tq ^ ftt iength Elizabeth felt that she could not

but reply, and though we have not the exact text of
her answer, it was to the following effect : —

Elizabeth to Queen Maky

Although negligence of my duty, most noble Queen, may
bring blame to me for not having written to show my poor
goodwill since my departure from your Court, I still hope
that your Grace will excuse me. I have had such rhume
and headache as I have never had the like, especially during

278

ch. iv THE LADY ELIZABETH 279

these three weeks, aggravated by pain in the arms, that till
now I have not been able to express my humble thanks, both
for your having so often sent to inquire of my health, and
for the plate you gave me, and still more now that you have
written me with your own hand, which I know has been
very tedious to you ; but further for intimating to me the
conclusion of your marriage, and the articles and covenants
thereof. This is a great matter, and I doubt not will all be
to the glory of God, your own happiness, and the safety of
your realm.1

This letter, though undated, must have been Elizabeth
written in January ; certainly, as I shall show later to™h™oned
on, some time before the 26th, on which day the Court.
Queen wrote another letter to her, owing to the
news received the day before of the outbreak of
Wyatt's rebellion. And this is what she said in it : —

Queen Mary to Elizabeth

Right dear and entirely beloved Sister, we greet you well.
And where certain evil-disposed persons, minding more the
satisfaction of their own malicious and seditious minds than
their duty of allegiance towards us, have of late foully spread
divers lewd and untrue rumours ; and by that means and
other devilish practices do travail to induce our good and
loving subjects to an unnatural rebellion against God, us,
and the tranquillity of our realm ; we, tendering the surety
of your person, which might chance to be in some peril
if any sudden tumult should arise where you now be, or
about Donnington, whither, as we understand, you are
minded shortly to remove, do therefore think expedient you
should put yourself in good readiness, with all convenient
speed, to make your repair hither to us. Which we pray
you fail not to do ; assuring you that as you may most surely
remain here, so shall you be most heartily welcome to us.
And of your mind herein we pray you to return answer by
this messenger. And thus we pray God to have you in His
holy keeping. Given under our Signet at our manor of St.

1 The French translation of which this is an abstract is printed in
Wiesener's The Youth of Queen Elizabeth (translated by Miss Yonge), i.
274-6 n.

280 LOLLARDY & THE REFORMATION bk. viii

James's, the 26th January in the first year of our reign. —
Your loving sister,

Marye the Quene.1

Her niness. This royal letter seems to have been conveyed by
Sir John Williams,2 who was despatched to Ashridge
with a company of men to escort Elizabeth to London.
But she was so very unwell that she could only make
answer by word of mouth that she felt quite unable
to come at that time, but hoped to be equal to the
journey a little later. On this the Queen sent her
one of her own physicians to ascertain exactly the
state of her health, and his report must have satisfied
Mary that her sister's illness was unfeigned.3 Indeed
she sent her a second physician, and the two were
both at Ashridge on the 10th February when some
revelations made by Wyatt after his capture seemed
gravely to implicate Elizabeth as well as Courtenay.
There could be no doubt now that it was of the
utmost importance that Elizabeth should come to
London as speedily as possible. Nevertheless the
utmost consideration for her was shown. Her grand-
uncle, Lord William Howard, whom the Queen had
made Lord Admiral, and with him Sir Edward
Hastings, Master of the Horse, and Sir Thomas
Cornwaleys, were despatched to Ashridge on this
mission. How they fulfilled it they reported in a
letter to the Queen next day ; and I give the very
words of this letter, because many historians have
followed Foxe in asserting that they were sent on a
rude errand, and performed it rudely.

In our most humble wise ; it may please your Highness
to be advertised that yesterday immediately upon our arrival

1 Strype, Eccl. Memorials, III. i. 126-7.

2 Chron. of Queen Jane and Queen Mary, p. 63. The Editor's correction
in a footnote is not quite satisfactory. He has apparently confounded
together the first and second sending for Elizabeth. Sir John Williams
was very likely the first person sent to bring her up. Foxe {Acts and
Mon. viii. 606) mixes up things a little further.

3 Renard to the Emperor, 29th January, R. O. Transcripts, ser. ii. 146,
p. 1091.

ch. iv THE LADY ELIZABETH 281

at Ashridge, we required to have access unto my Lady Eliza-
beth's Grace ; which obtained, we delivered unto her your
Highness' letter ; and I, the Lord Admiral, declared the
effect of your Highness' pleasure according to the credence
given to us, being before advertised of her estate by your
Highness' physicians, by whom we did perceive the estate of
her body to be such that, without danger of her person, we
might well proceed to require her in your Majesty's name
(all excuses set apart) to repair to your Highness with all
convenient speed and diligence.

Whereunto we found her Grace very willing and con-
formable, save only that she much feared her weakness to be
so great that she should not be able to travel and to endure
the journey without peril of life, and therefore desired some
longer respite until she had better recovered her strength.
But, in conclusion, upon the persuasion, as well of us as also
of her own council and servants, whom, we assure your
Highness, we have found very ready and forward to the
accomplishment of your Highness' pleasure in this behalf,
she is resolved to remove her hence to-morrow towards your
Highness, with such journeys as by a paper herein enclosed
your Highness shall perceive. Further, declaring to your
Highness that her Grace much desireth, if it might stand
with your Highness' pleasure, that she may have a lodging,
at her coming to the Court, somewhat further from the water
than she had at her last being there ; which your physicians,
considering the state of her body, tbinketh very meet ; who
have travailed very earnestly with her Grace both before our
coming and after, in this matter.

And after her first day's journey, one of us shall await
upon your Highness to declare more at large the whole estate
of our proceedings here. And even so we shall most humbly
beseech Christ long to preserve your Highness in honour,
health, and the contentation of your godly heart's desire.

From Ashridge, the 11th of February at four of the
clock in the afternoon. — Your Highness' most humble and
bounden servants and subjects, ™- tt0WA1>d

Edward Hastings.
t. cornwaleys.1

There is clearly no brutality here, and none antici-
pated. Elizabeth herself hopes to have a lodging

1 State Pa,2iers, Dom., Mary, iii. 21. Printed in Tytler's England under
Edward VI. and Mary, ii. 426-7.

282 LOLLARDY & THE REFORMATION bk. viii

at Court such as the royal physicians themselves
approve ; and her journey to London is arranged to
be effected in five days in easy stages of not more
than eight miles at the utmost, for the following is
the enclosure referred to : —

The Okdek of my Lady Elizabeth's Gkace's Voyage
to the Court

Monday : Imprimis, to Mr. Cooke's, vi miles.

Tuesday : Item, to Mr. Pope's, viii miles.

Wednesday : To Mr. Stamford's, vii miles.

Thursday : To Highgate, Mr. Cholmeley's house, vii miles.

Friday : To Westminster, v miles.1

The patient, if this programme was so far fulfilled,
would have reached Highgate on Thursday, the 15th,
and rested at Mr. Cholmeley's house. But if there
was no previous delay, she remained there for nearly
a week ; and it looks rather as if the previous stages
were not exactly kept. For Noailles, writing on the
21st, which was Wednesday in the following week,
says she is seven or eight miles off ; 2 whereas High-
gate was only reckoned five miles from Westminster,
and the previous resting-place as pre-arranged was
Mr. Stamford's, seven miles from Highgate and
therefore twelve from Westminster. So it seems as
if the easy stages pre-arranged had not been closely
adhered to, even as far as Highgate. The extreme
weakness of the patient was no doubt the cause, and
even if she made more of it than necessary, we may
well believe that it was real. Noailles, indeed,
probably makes the most of it, for when she was,

1 Printed in Tytler's England under Edward VI. and Mary, ii. 428.
How these two documents, the letter and enclosure, in themselves confute
a number of historical misconceptions is very well shown by Tytler, but I
will only cite one point, which he gives in a footnote, here: "The high
opinion of Lord William Howard expressed by Elizabeth to the Count of
Feria on 10th November, 1558, just before Mary's death, proves that he
never could have conducted himself as Foxe describes. See Memorias de la
Real Academia de la Historia, vi. 255, Madrid, 1832."

2 Ambassades, iii. 78, 79.

ch. iv THE LADY ELIZABETH 283

by his account, seven or eight miles off, he says her
life was despaired of, and when she reached London,
on Thursday the 22nd, he says that she was looking so
ill, and apparently dropsical, that the same apprehen-
sions were entertained about her.1

And certainly, if she had not previously been she had
ill, the occurrences which were now daily taking ^M°r
place were almost enough to make her so. For distress.
the Duke of Suffolk, who had been condemned
on the 17th, was executed on the 23rd, the day
after her arrival. And rebels were being con-
tinually committed to the Tower, or taken from
it to be tried at Westminster. On Monday, the
19th, Sir William and George and Thomas Cobham,
as they were commonly called, though their proper
surname was Brooke, sons of the Lord Cobham, were
apparently sent from the Tower to be arraigned, and
though a letter from the Council that day intimated
the Queen's pleasure that the two first should not
be sent to trial, Thomas Cobham received sentence
of death. On Tuesday the 20th, Lord John Grey,
who could not walk for gout, was taken out of the
Tower to receive sentence at Westminster. And on
the same day were brought in three notable prisoners
whose trials took place two months later, William
Thomas, Kobert Winter, and Sir Nicholas Throg-
morton. On Wednesday the 21st, were brought in
Sir James Croft and Lord Thomas Grey, with two
others, " the one a spy and the other a post." These
had been captured in Shropshire by the activity of
the Sheriff, Thomas Mitton. Sir Nicholas Arnold also
was committed to the Fleet.2 It could not have been
pleasant to Elizabeth to think that every one of
these persons had been accused or condemned on her
account. Arriving at Whitehall, she protested her

1 lb. pp. 87, 88.

2 Chron. of Queen Jane and Queen Mary, pp. 62, 63 ; Acts of the Privy
Council, iv. 395. There are inaccuracies in the mode of statement both in
the Chronicle and in the Council register.

284 LOLLARDY & THE REFORMATION bk. viii

innocence, and desired to be taken to the Queen.
But she was told she must justify herself first.

Renard, writing in confidence to the Emperor on
the 17th, says : —

To-day the Duke of Suffolk will be condemned, and my
Lord Thomas and Croft will arrive in this place. They have
ten or twelve others accused, of whom Rogier (Sir Edward
Roger), who was of the Privy Chamber of the late King
Henry, is one of the chief. Meanwhile they cannot execute
Wyatt until he is confronted [with others]. Lady Elizabeth
is withering with mortification (sdche de regret) and is be-
coming emaciated and weak (ithicque et impotente), to such
an extent that she makes some days only two leagues, such
is the remorse of her conscience. She cannot sustain herself
in any way, and will not drink or eat. Some think she is
enceinte. They have already examined Courtenay, who
denies the accusation, confessing the passage of his servant
into France, but stating that it was against his will. His
mother is away from the Court.1

These malevolent rumours of Elizabeth confirm to
some extent the more sympathetic account given of
her by Noailles, the latter looking upon her as an ally,
and Renard as an enemy. We may well believe she
was in a most painful and anxious state of mind,
as well as ill in body.
signifi- Now let us go back three weeks. In the Queen's
canceof ietter to Elizabeth, written on the 26th January, it

her pre- » . . J *

viousiy will be seen that she alludes to an intention on the
piannded Par^ °f ner sister to leave Ashridge for Donnington, a
house of her own near Newbury, in Berkshire, where,
no doubt, she would be surrounded by devoted
followers. The Queen, indeed, does not put the
matter thus, but suggests to her rather that, as evil-
disposed persons are cropping up in various places,
she would be safer at Westminster. It so happens,
however, that the French Ambassador, writing to his
Sovereign on that very same 26th January, speaks
of her removal as actually accomplished, and the

1 Renard to the Emperor, R. 0. Transcripts, ser. ii. 146, pp. 1222-3.

ch. .v THE LADY ELIZABETH 285

expected assemblies of Elizabeth's followers as having
actually taken place. This, of course, was what
journalists now call " premature " intelligence.
Nevertheless, the passage in which it is conveyed is
interesting, not only as showing that the movement
was planned in concert with a confederacy of which
the French Ambassador was a member, but also for
another reason. The passage is as follows : —

The Lady Elizabeth has withdrawn thirty miles further
off than she was, to one of her houses, where, as is said,
great assembly is already made of gentlemen devoted to her,
and she is frequently inquired after by writing by the Queen
(estant souvent visiUe par escript de la part de ceste Royne)
on account of the suspicions entertained of her. I have got
hold of {jay recouvert) the copy of a letter that she wrote to
the Queen, which the Emperor's Ambassador has had trans-
lated into French, and which is here enclosed.1

This is a pretty clear interpretation not only of
the object of the contemplated withdrawal to Donning-
ton, but also of the cryptic significance of the way in
which the Queen dissuaded it in her letter to Eliza-
beth. In fact, it shows the principal reason why
Elizabeth was really wanted at Westminster rather
than at Ashridsje.

But what about the copy of the letter written by inter-
Elizabeth to Mary, of which apparently the Imperial ^Jf!^,,
Ambassador had made a translation, and which
Noailles afterwards got hold of? That is a curious
story, but the facts seem clear, and can be explained,
I think, without a suggestion which has been made,
that the text of Noailles' letter has been corrupted.
The original of Elizabeth's letter is not now extant, but
there is no doubt of its genuineness, and the reader
has already seen its substance.2 The French Am-
bassador, somehow or other, procured a copy of it ; 3

1 Ambassades, iii. 44. 2 See pp. 278-9.

3 M. Wiesener, from sources which I have had no opportunity of seeing,
says that it was by bribing one of Elizabeth's domestics ( Youth of Queen
Elizabeth, i. 274).

286 LOLLARDY & THE REFORMATION bk. vm

and this copy, along with the French Ambassador's
own despatches to his master, fell into the hands of
the English Government. The Government had no
scruple in laying the contents of the whole packet
before Renard, who thereby obtained important
information (when he was able to make out the
cipher) as to the way in which Courtenay's disclosures
had brought on the risings, both in Kent and else-
where, sooner than they would otherwise have
occurred. But the copy of Elizabeth's letter was in
plain writing, and it was really nothing new ; for the
Queen, to whom it was addressed, had laid it before
Renard, and he had translated it into French for the
benefit of Charles V. Then Noailles was clever
enough to get hold of the copy of this letter,
apparently with the translation which the Imperial
Ambassador had had made of it ; and he sent them on
to the French Court along with his despatch of the
26th. But they were recaptured together with the
French Ambassador's despatch, and the translation
was sent to the Emperor by Renard on the 29th
January, three days after the date of the intercepted
French despatches.

If this was what really took place, then there is
no inaccuracy in what Noailles writes to Henry II.,
and no reason to regard the text as corrupted. But
I think there was a slight mistake in the information
given about the matter by Renard to the Emperor in
a postscript to the letter of the 29th January, which
it is important to take note of now as the earliest
information we have of the liberties taken with the
French Ambassador's budget. The very words of
this postscript are as follows : —

Sire, nos lettres escriptes, et que le Sieur de St Martin
vouloit partir, la royne m'a mande pour m'advertir comme
Ton avoit destrouss^ un pacquet que l'ambassadeur de France
envoioit au roy ; auquel Ton a treuve copie d'une lettre que
Madame Elisabeth avoit escript a la royne, il n'y a que trois

ch. iv THE LADY ELIZABETH 287

jours ; par laquelle Ton a cogneu l'intelligence qu'elle a avec
ledit roy de France ; et a Ton deja dechiffre aucuns articles des
lettres dudit Ambassadeur. Et demain ladite Dame me doit
faire veoir le tout. Neantmoins je n'ai voulu retarder ledit
Sieur de St Martin, a ce que V. M. entende que le roy de
France delibere promovoir ladite Elisabeth a la couronne, et
y employer ses forces, et signamment j'ai advis que ledit roy
envoit victuailles, munitions et artillerie en Escosse pour de
ce costil la executer l'emprinse, confiant que avecq les rebelles
il fera retourner le royaulme en ses mains ; sur quoi plaira
a V. M. adviser pour aider ladite Dame, et obvier par
contraires appretz, ce que lui semblera pour le mieux.1

This is plainly a hastily written postscript convey- Suspected
ing the substance of a message sent to the writer ^H01^ of

o o . Elizabeth

from the Queen by word of mouth ; and, I take it, with the
there is a slight inaccuracy in the statement. The ^rXs-
French Ambassador's intercepted letter was un- sador.
doubtedly written on the 26th January — that is to
say, " only three days ago," as the writer would have
said if he had stated the matter correctly. But what
he does say (or seems to say) is that Elizabeth wrote
that letter to the Queen " only three days ago " ;
which is, to say the least, in a high degree im-
probable. For, in the first place, Elizabeth's servant,
who betrayed her confidence, must, before the
Ambassador in London sent off his despatch, have
put him in possession of a copy of a letter written
by Elizabeth that same day at Ashridge — a distance
of thirty- three miles by the computation of Lord
William Howard — which, on the whole, is not likely.
Moreover, the contents suggest that it was the very
first letter written to the Queen by Elizabeth since
her arrival at Ashridge in November, her excuse for
not writing being her state of health. In the interval
the Queen had sent repeated messages to inquire
about her health, and finally had written to her with
her own hand to inform her of her full engagement to
Philip, and that the articles and conditions of the

1 R. O. Transcripts, U.S. pp. 1092-3.

288 LOLLARDY & THE REFORMATION bk. vm

marriage were settled. Now this news was common
property as early as the 14th January, when it was
announced by Gardiner to all the nobility and gentry
at Westminster ; and surely the Queen would not
write in her own hand to announce a piece of stale
news to her sister. Neither can we suppose that her
sister, who expressed herself as deeply sensible of the
Queen's kindness for this in addition to other favours,
still put off replying to it for nearly a fortnight, and
that she only wrote at last to the Queen on the 26th
January — a day on which the Queen wrote again to
her on a totally different subject. Elizabeth's letter
was an old one when Noailles got a copy of it. But
the fact that the French Ambassador should have
found means to send a copy of it to his Court was
undoubtedly a very suspicious -looking matter. It
seemed to indicate nothing less than a French con-
spiracy, of which Elizabeth was cognisant, to depose
Queen Mary and put Elizabeth in possession of the
Crown.

Such, then, was the appearance of things when
Elizabeth came up to Whitehall ; and who can
wonder that Mary's natural feeling towards her sister
had been put to a severe strain ? There was Wyatt's
rebellion in Kent, Suffolk's rebellion in the Midlands,
intended risings in Wales and in the North, and
Elizabeth's departure to Donnington where she would
find men devoted to her — all intended to take place
at a time when Sir Peter Carew was in France,
getting unacknowledged aid from the French King to
re-enter England and stir up new troubles in the
West. And though it was all to have taken place
some weeks later but for Courtenay's awkward dis-
closures, Noailles at the end of January was confident
of the success of the conspiracy. The "entrepreneurs
contre cedit prince d'Espaigne " had not lost heart ;
Lord Thomas Grey, he said, had declared that he
would take Courtenay's place and be King himself

ch. iv THE LADY ELIZABETH 289

or be hanged.1 Wyatt had kept promise to his
friends, and later accounts showed that he was
going on splendidly. Even after he was taken
prisoner, Noailles spoke of him with admiration as
" le plus vaillant et asseure de quoy j'aye jamais
ouy parler." 2

Now it is a matter of importance for us to form a
correct estimate of Monsieur de Noailles. We have
seen already that his intelligence of what was going
on at Court was not always to be relied on, and now
we find the same thing as to his intelligence of
what Elizabeth was doing in the country. He was
above all things sanguine, and did not always
anticipate mishaps or attribute much importance to
them when they occurred. But it must have made
him a little uncomfortable when he found out after-
wards that his despatch of the 26th January had been
intercepted and its contents, as he too surely believed,
had been deciphered. He had, indeed, something to
complain of; but the English Government, if they
mastered his despatches, knew some cause likewise to
complain of him — and indeed, probably, of his master
Henry II. as well. So perhaps he did not feel it safe at
once to complain to the Queen of the injuries inflicted
on him, though he wrote on 11th February to the
Constable Montmorency, that the English Ambassador
in France ought to be informed how his courier had
been waylaid and imprisoned, and his despatches
stolen and laid before the Queen's Council, who had
not returned them.3

We have already seen that on the 17th he and his Noailles'
brother Francis were granted an audience by the tSSnt
Queen, that she had then complained that some of despatches
her subjects who were suspected of treason, and stoien?en
especially Sir Peter Carew, had found refuge in
France, and had told Noailles that she had ordered

1 Ambassades, iii. 48. 2 lb. p. 59.

3 lb. p. 60.

VOL. IV U

290 LOLLARDY & THE REFORMATION bk. vm

her Ambassador to request his extradition.1 The
despatch of Noailles, in which this audience is
reported, can hardly be printed in full ; for the text
as published makes no mention of the complaint
he made at this audience of the treatment of his
messenger and j)acket. Of this we have a notice in
a letter of the Council to Dean Wotton, the Queen's
The false- Ambassador in France. In reply to Noailles' corn-
Gardiner plaint the Queen referred him to her Council, and
and the Gardiner was put up to answer him. Of course the
answer had been arranged beforehand by the Council
generally, and it was certainly sophistical, not to say
unveracious, though Noailles could not well expose
its untruth. The letters, Gardiner said, had been
intercepted by the rebels when they were at Rochester,
but the Council had afterwards got them into their
hands and had delivered them to him for custody.
Unfortunately, when the rebels came to Southwark
they had made havoc of his papers, injuring many
and throwing them into great disorder. This was
true enough as regards the conduct of the rebels at
his house, and for the time the Ambassador seemed
satisfied. But he afterwards sent his secretary to
inform the Council that he had letters from the King
his master, directing him to ask for the delivery of
the intercepted despatches which the King had been
informed had been delivered to the Emperor's Am-
bassadors to decipher. They had been so delivered,
but again the Council met the allegation with a
prompt lie. They would never think of doing such
a thing, they said, for they looked upon the King
of France as their friend ; besides, they could not
decipher the letters.2

Now, long before Wyatt came near Southwark
the Queen had, as we have seen, informed the
Imperial Ambassadors of the French Ambassador's
packet having been opened ; and they stated that she

1 See p. 265. 2 Foreign Calendar, Mary, pp. 60, 61.

ch. iv THE LADY ELIZABETH 291

had done so in the postscript to the letter they wrote
to the Emperor on the 29th January, enclosing the
French translation of Elizabeth's letter to Mary which
was found in the packet. And instead of being-
unable to decipher the other contents of that packet,
the English Government had even then deciphered
some portions of Noailles' letters.1 Nor was this all ;
for they had not only robbed his courier (Nicolas,
chevaucheur cVescurie) of his letters, but of his money
and arms as well, and imprisoned him besides ; and
they did the like afterwards to an Englishman en-
trusted by Noailles with another packet, whom they
kept prisoner three or four days, threatening to hang
him if he carried any more letters for the French-
man.2 Nor had Noailles received his letters back
again three weeks after the first seizure, when the
Council made such plausible excuses to him for not
having been able to deliver them. Perhaps the pre-
varications of the Council which Gardiner uttered to
the French Ambassador may partly be explained by
the fact that there was more than one intercepted
packet, and that the story of each was different.

But we must not do Gardiner the injustice to Noailles'
believe that he adopted dishonourable courses and jj^cates
lying without grave cause. The French Ambassador's Courtenay
letter, written on the 26th January, fell into his hands ™bemon.
the very next day. The news of Wyatt's outbreak in
Kent, known on the 25th, had already led to a
number of surmises and suspicions, and on the
morning of the 27th Gardiner had been pursuing
some inquiries at the Minories, as he wrote the
same day to Sir William Petre. And he adds as
follows : —

As I was in hand with that matter, were delivered such
letters as in times past I durst not have opened. But now

1 Renard to the Emperor, 29th January, R. 0. Transcripts, v.s. p. 1092.
2 Ambassades, iii. 60, 61.

292

LOLLARDY & THE REFORMATION

somewhat hette with these treasons, I waxed bolder ; wherein,
I trust, I shall be borne with. Wherein hap helpeth me for
they be worth the breaking up an I could wholly decipher
them. Wherein I will spend somewhat of my leisure, if I
have any. But this appeareth, that the letter written from
my lady Elizabeth to the Queen's Highness now late in her
excuse is taken a matter worthy to be sent into France ;
for I have the copy of it in the French Ambassador's packet.

1 will know what can be done in the deciphering, and
to-morrow remit that I cannot do unto you.1

So Gardiner applied himself to the task of de-
ciphering the French Ambassador's despatch ; in the
course of which he discovered matter not to his
liking, for in one passage there was a symbol for
which he left a blank, though he certainly had a
too sure foreboding that it stood for the name of
Courtenay, whom he had, as he hoped, delivered from
French intrigues by a masterly stroke of policy. He
would fain have kept his secret to himself, but
Renard [who suspected that the document contained
something which the Lords of the Council had not
told him] obtained a sight of it from the Queen,
and made another decipher, wherein the name of
Courtenay was written plain. This decipher he showed
to the Chancellor, who changed colour when he saw
that the name of his protege was included among the
conspirators.2

Renard could not help noting that Gardiner's
partiality for his old fellow -prisoner was defeating
what he thought justice, and certainly weakening the
policy which he had been pursuing all along of making
England a good deal more than a mere ally and friend
of the Emperor. But if the Imperial Ambassador had
had his way, it would certainly have cost the heads
both of Courtenay and Elizabeth, as well as of many
others, unless a renewal of insurrections had preserved
their lives by actually dethroning the Queen. That

1 State Papers, Dom., Mary, ii. 20.

2 Renard to the Emperor, 5th February, R. 0. Transcripts, u.s. p. 1153 sq.

ch. iv THE LADY ELIZABETH 293

this might well have happened may, perhaps, be sur-
mised from information supplied by Renard as to the
state of the kingdom. For some letters of Renard
to the Emperor at this time, inform us more fully of
the state of affairs in England than any other source ;
and I can do no better than transcribe the greater
part of them.

On the 20th February Renard writes as follows : —

Sire, — The whole Council of the Queen of England have Renard on
resolved to summon Parliament for the fifteenth day after affairs in
Easter, that the articles of the marriage of the Queen to his
Highness maybe ratified and approved; for this purpose letters
of summons are already in preparation, to be sent with all
despatch to the different counties and districts, as it is the
custom always to give six weeks' notice before the assembling
of any Parliament.

The Chancellor still obstinately insists that they shall
debate the subject of the Queen's right to be supreme head
of the Church, which some members of the Council oppose ;
nor am I without suspicion that the Chancellor is advised to
this by Cardinal Pole, that he may accumulate difficulty upon
difficulty. A point, the truth of which I hope to fathom,
and to discover if he is to be trusted or not.

The Cardinal has not written to the Queen, nor sent
any reply to two letters which she addressed to him, — one
received on his journey, the other at Brussels, by which she
required his advice how she should, without scruple of
conscience, provide for the vacant sees, and whether he had
authority to pronounce the requisite confirmation. This
shows that he entertains some resentment against the Queen,
because she had sent him no notice regarding the marriage ;
and, accordingly, one of the principal persons about him, a
theologian, named William Peto, has addressed a letter to
Mary, which she received three days ago, giving her advice
not to marry, but to embrace celibacy ; interspersing in his
letters several texts of the Old and New Testaments, and
repeating ten or twelve times that she would fall into the
power and become the slave of her husband, — nay, that at her
advanced age she cannot hope to bear children without the
peril of her life ; a speech which has been often enough
repeated. He concludes by an offer to come to visit her and
tell her something more.

294 LOLLARDY & THE REFORMATION bk. vm

The Venetian Ambassador has had an audience of the
Queen and the Council to offer his apology regarding the
arms winch the rebels took from the Venetian ship, to which
I alluded in my last letters. He insisted that they only
carried off ten swords, ten partisans, and five or six arquebuses ;
that they took away no guns, and entered the ship by force.
To this the Admiral replied that he was well assured to the
contrary. And, the day before, Cabot had accused the said
ambassador, before some of the Council, of secret practices
carried on by him and his secretary, by which the evil
intentions which he has against the Queen and his Highness
were evidently proved, there being a strong suspicion that the
conspiracies were entered into in his house ; especially with
Courtenay, who did not venture to go so openly to the house
of the French ambassador.

It is certainly known that a courier passed over to Dover,
who brought money to assist Wyatt. Condemnations of
several noblemen occur from day to day, but the executions
do not follow.

I have received a letter by this bearer from his Highness,
in which he informs me that he has sent the necessary powers
to your Majesty. Nevertheless I shall pretend that I have
received letters from him.1

Four days later, on the 24th February, Renard
writes again as follows : —

Sire, — Wyatt has plainly confessed in his deposition that
the Sieur Osell [d'Oysel, see p. 209], when he passed through
this kingdom into Scotland with the French Ambassador,
now resident there, spoke to one named Crofts, at present a
prisoner, to persuade him to hinder the marriage of his
Highness and the Queen, to raise Elizabeth to the crown, to
marry her to Courtenay, and put the Queen to death : that
he had before this spoken to Mr. Rogers, also a prisoner ; and
to Peter Carew, by one named South, and Pickering, to
become accomplices, having promised money, assistance, and
men on the part of the King of France. And that, to enable
them more easily to carry on the chief enterprise, this monarch
was to make a simultaneous attack on the sides of Scotland,
Guines, and Calais, at the moment that they on their sides
conducted the principal enterprise. With this object the

1 Tytler, England under Edward VI. and Mary, ii. 302-5. Translated
from the French in the R. O. Transcripts, ser. ii. 145, p. 156 sq. The
original was in cipher.

ch. iv THE LADY ELIZABETH 295

French had sent several officers into Scotland, and intended
to despatch the Visdame with artillery, ammunition, money,
and soldiers, to begin the war, in conjunction with the Scots
in that quarter ; whilst the Marshal St. Andre is to make
the attack on the side of Guines. . . .

And now, as the principals in the conspiracy are prisoners,
and the design on this side has failed, there is great doubt
whether the King of France will pursue his enterprise on the
side of Scotland and Guines. . . .

Thus the practices of the French are discovered ; to
prevent which, the Queen had despatched the Earl of Derby
to enlist soldiers, and to take four counties under his
government. The Earl of Westmorland and some others
have also a command ; and, besides them, every member of
the Council has 100 footmen and 50 horse under his
command for the ordinary guard. The Admiral in haste is
arming all the ships that he can get afloat ; they are
fortifying and provisioning the seaports, and orders have
been sent to their governors, directing them to favour the
ships of your Majesty, as well Flemish as Spanish. . . .

The Parliament is fixed to be held at Oxford on the 7th
of April next — a proceeding which gives umbrage to the
Londoners, who foresee that, if the Queen leaves the city, it
will soon be impoverished. . . .

To-day the Duke of Suffolk is to be executed ; . . . and
all possible expedition is made in the trials of the criminals,
who are very numerous, as the enclosed list shows, — there
being more than twenty whose names are not given in it.

The Queen has granted a general pardon to a multitude
of people in Kent, after having caused about five-score of the
most guilty to be executed. Numerous are the petitions
presented to her Majesty to have the pain of death
exchanged for perpetual imprisonment, but to this she will
not listen.

As to the divisions in the Council, I understand that
Paget is against the Chancellor, the Grand Chamberlain, and
the Comptroller, and I suspect that, from anmiosity against
the Chancellor, he is doing something contrary to the
expectations which the Queen has entertained.1 It is now
more than six days since he has been absent from the
Council, excusing himself on the plea of indisposition, and
retiring to his house about twenty miles distant. Suspicions

1 Paget seems to have been absent from the Council ever since the 19th
January {Acts of the Privy Council).

296 LOLLARDY & THE REFORMATION bk. viii

have risen against him, because Croft and Wyatt have
repeatedly insisted on having an interview with him in
secret, which is not permitted.

The Lady Elizabeth arrived here yesterday, clad com-
pletely in white, surrounded by a great assemblage of the
servants of the Queen, besides her own people. She caused
her litter to be uncovered, that she might show herself to
the people. Her countenance was pale ; her look proud,
lofty, and superbly disdainful — an expression which she
assumed to disguise the mortification she felt. The Queen
declined seeing her, and caused her to be accommodated in a
quarter of her palace from which neither she nor her servants
could go out without passing through the guards. Of her
suite, only two gentlemen, six ladies, and four servants are
permitted to wait on her, the rest of her train being lodged
in the city of London.

The Queen is advised to send her to the Tower, since she
is accused by Wyatt, named in the letters of the French
Ambassador, suspected by her own counsellors, and it is
certain that the enterprise was undertaken in her favour.
And assuredly, Sire, if, now that the occasion offers, they do
not punish her and Courtenay, the Queen will never be
secure ; for I have many misgivings that, if, when she sets
out for the Parliament, they leave Elizabeth in the Tower,
some treasonable means will be found to deliver either
Courtenay or her, or both, so that the last error will be
worse than the first.1

courtenay By the 1st March Courtenay had been confronted
^th°nted with Wyatt, whose deposition implicated him in the
Wyatt. rebellion, but he denied participation in it. Croft,
who at first would not confess, had written his con-
fession, showing clearly the intrigues of the French
with the rebels, especially with William Thomas, who
was not a man to hesitate at trifles ; he had plotted
with two others to assassinate the Queen, a proposal
which Wyatt and others had rejected with abhorrence.2
He stabbed himself, but did not succeed in taking his
own life.

So it is clear that sources of great danger had

1 Tytler, England under Edward VI. and Mary, ii. 306-12.
'l Renard to the Emperor, 1st March 1553-4, R. O. Transcripts, ser. ii.
145, p. 164 sq. ; Chron. of Queen Join- and Queen Mary, pp. 63, 65, 69.

ch. iv THE LADY ELIZABETH 297

been revealed, and that there was a painful connection
between all the elements of disorder, among which it
was impossible to deny that Courtenay and Elizabeth
had very prominent parts. Elizabeth indeed, who
was a born diplomatist, managed to receive if not
to cultivate the applause of those who disliked the
Queen's intentions, without committing herself too
deeply to any of their projects. But Courtenay was
of very different mould ; he had been easily led into
intrigues, and the imprisoned rebels accused him.
He had a cipher for communication with Sir Peter
Carew cut upon a guitar, and he would have followed
Sir Peter into France if Wyatt had not dissuaded
him.1 In fact, at the time he was supposed to have
been lurking in Carew's house in Devonshire, he had
really projected going thither, and had arranged for
post-horses on the road. But, as we have seen,
Gardiner had made him confess the conspiracy, and
so measures were taken to counteract it.

As for Elizabeth having arrived at Westminster on Elizabeth
the 22nd February, instead of having an honourable jjjjjjjj a
lodging assigned to her at Court, she found herself, as
Renard records, virtually a prisoner. On the 8th
March it was determined that she should be examined
by Gardiner, Arundel, Petre, and Paget,2 but the
examination seems to have been put off for a week.
At least we hear nothing more about it until she was
visited by twenty Privy Councillors, one of them being
Gardiner ; the other nineteen, as Foxe, in relating
the matter, says, " shall be nameless." But before we
read what took place then, I must say something as
to what occurred in the interval.

On the 15th Wyatt was arraigned at Westminster wyatt's
before a Commission presided over by the Earl of JJ^jJ^
Sussex. He partly confessed the indictment, but tion.
declared himself innocent of all attempt on the Queen's

1 Renard to the Emperor, 8th March, R. O. Transcripts, ser. ii. 145,
p. 173. 2 lb.

298 LOLLARDY & THE REFORMATION bk. vni

life ; his only intention had been to purge the realm
of foreigners, particularly Spaniards. And he himself,
though looked on as a leader, was, he said, only the
fourth or fifth man concerned. He named Courtenay
as one of the others : " the Earl of Devonshire wrote
unto me by Sir Edward Kodgers to proceed as I had
begun." And as to the plot against the Queen's life,
" the first devisour thereof was William Thomas, who
broke the matter to Master John Fitzwilliams, that
he should have done the deed ; this Fitzwilliams
denied the same [i.e. refused to do it] ; at last he
was half- determined to show the same to Sir Nicholas
Arnold . . . who much discommended the fact, and
told it to Master Crofts, who also told it to Master
Wyatt." Both detested " the horribleness of the
crime," and Wyatt provided himself with a great
" waster," that is to say, a heavy cudgel with iron in
it, which he placed in the hands of his man with
instructions to " bob him well," though they do not
seem to have been carried out. His excuse for not
revealing the fact was that he believed himself capable
of restraining William Thomas.

Then, coming to matters of the highest interest,
" Touching Courtenay, he said that Sir Edward
Rodgers went between Courtenay and him, and that
he sent him word to proceed in the same. Touching
my lady Elizabeth's grace, he said, that indeed he sent
her a letter that she should get her as far from the
City as she could, the rather for her safety from
strangers ; and she sent him word again, but not in
writing, by Sir William Seyntlowe, that she did thank
him much for his good- will, and she would do as she
should see cause."
what Wyatt received sentence of death, but it was not

done^with cari'ie(i °ut at once, apparently because it was felt that
Elizabeth? further information of the highest importance might
at any time be got out of him. The most critical
question was, what to do with the Lady Elizabeth.

ch. iv THE LADY ELIZABETH 299

So seriously was she compromised that it certainly
seemed to some, especially to Gardiner, that she must
be committed to the Tower ; and in preparation for
this, according to Renard, the Chancellor had put Sir
Richard Southwell in the Tower to be her custodian
and examiner — a step which the Imperial Ambassador
did not approve, because he thought Southwell would
be too favourable to her ; he was always, according to
Renard, the chief promoter of Courtenay's marriage
with Elizabeth, and was besides " the most ignorant,
the most corruptible, and the most prejudiced man
in the kingdom."

This was written on the very day before Wyatt's
trial, the result of which, as implicating Elizabeth, it
must have been easy to foresee ; but the slackness of
the Chancellor's proceeding as regards all the State
prisoners filled Renard with the most painful mis-
givings. It seemed to him that he was protecting
the guilty ; but such was his position and authority
with the Queen that there was no help for it.1

But in truth he was one of the least favourable to
Elizabeth among the Council, for several of them
were against her being sent to the Tower at all.
Next morning, before Wyatt had received his sentence,
several of them protested against the proposal to
commit her to the Tower, on the ground that they
were not clear about the conduct of her process ;
but they were asked which of them would be security
for the custody of such a very important prisoner,
and as none of them would undertake such a respon-
sibility, the decision to commit her was inevitably
acquiesced in.

On Friday, 16th March, Elizabeth was waited upon The order
by Bishop Gardiner and nineteen others of the j*£^on_
Council, who charged her with complicity with Wyatt's mentmtiu
rebellion, in reply to which she protested her entire Tower'
innocence. She likewise denied complicity with the

1 Renard to the Emperor, 14th March, R. O. Transcripts, u.s. p. 186 b.

300 LOLLARDY & THE REFORMATION bk. viii

stir made by Sir Peter Carew in the West. But in
the end they told her it was the Queen's pleasure
that she should go to the Tower until the matter
could be more fully investigated —

Whereat she, being aghast, said, that she trusted the
Queen's majesty would be more gracious lady unto her, and
that her Highness would not otherwise conceive of her but
that she was a true woman.

She begged the intervention of the lords, as she
was innocent of all that was imputed to her, that she
might not be committed to so " notorious and doleful
a place," declaring she asked for no favour if any of
the charges were made out against her. The lords,
however, told her that there was no remedy, as such
were the Queen's commands, and they departed " with
their caps hanging over their eyes." 1

On Saturday the 7th, two lords of the Council,
one of whom was the Earl of Sussex,2 came to her to
intimate that it was the Queen's pleasure she should
go to the Tower, and that the barge was ready for
her and the tide convenient. She implored them
to delay for another tide, but this they durst not do,
and then she begged leave to write a letter to the
Queen ; to which objection was raised by the Marquis
of Winchester as neither time nor tide waited for
any one. But Sussex was more compliant and allowed
her, so she sat down and with her ordinary bold
handwriting wrote a letter to the Queen her sister,
which, being preserved to this day, betrays nothing
of agitation on the part of the writer, nor any want
of care even in the formation and flourishes of her
signature. It was in these words : —

If ever any one did try this old saying, that a king's

1 Foxe, viii. 607-8.

2 The other, says Foxe, shall be nameless ; he is in like manner reticent
about the names of the nineteen councillors, who along with Gardiner
charged Elizabeth with being accessary to Wyatt's rebellion. How very
careful Foxe is about naming persons who doubtless stood high in Elizabeth's
favour as Queen at the time he wrote. Both Gardiner and the Earl of
Sussex died in Mary's time.

ch. iv THE LADY ELIZABETH 301

word was more than another man's oath, I must humbly Her letter
beseech your Majesty to verify it in me, and to remember to the
your last promise and my last demand, that I be not con- yueen-
demned without answer and due proof, which it seems that
I now am ; for that without cause proved I am, by your
Council, from you commanded to go unto the Tower, a place
more wonted for a false traitor than a true subject ; which,
though I know I deserve it not, yet in the face of all this
realm appears that it is proved, which I pray God that I may
die the shamefullest death that any died afore I may mean any
such thing ; and to this present hour I protest afore God, who
shall judge my truth, whatsoever malice shall devise, that I
never practised, counselled, nor consented to anything that
might be prejudicial to your person any way, or dangerous
to the state by any means. And I therefore humbly beseech
your Majesty to let me answer afore yourself, and not suffer
me to trust to your councillors ; yea, and that afore I go to
the Tower, if it is possible, if not, afore I be further con-
demned. Howbeit, I trust assuredly your Highness will
give me leave to do it afore I go, for that thus shamefully I
may not be cried out on, as now I shall be, yea, and without
cause. Let conscience move your Highness to take some
better way with me than to make me be condemned in all
men's sight afore my desert known. Also, I most humbly
beseech your Highness to pardon this my boldness, which
innocency procures me to do, together with hope of your
natural kindness, which I trust will not see me cast away
without desert, which, what it is, I would desire no more
of God than that you truly knew ; which thing, I think and
believe, you shall never by report know, unless by yourself
you hear.

I have heard in my time of many cast away for want of
coming to their prince ; and in late days I heard my Lord
of Somerset say that if his brother had been suffered to speak
with him he had never suffered ; but persuasions were made
to him so great that he was brought in belief he could not
live safely if the Admiral lived, and that made him consent
to his death. Though these persons are not to be compared
with your Majesty, yet I pray God, as evil persuasions
persuade not one sister against the other, and all for that
they have heard false reports, and not hearken to the truth
known ; therefore, once again kneeling with all humbleness
of my heart, because I am not suffered to bow the knees of
my body, I humbly crave to speak with your Highness,

302 LOLLARDY & THE REFORMATION bk. viii

which I would not be so bold to desire, if I knew not myself
most clear as I know myself most true. And as for the
traitor Wyatt, he might, peradventure, write me a letter,
but on my faith I never received any from him ; and as for
the copy of my letter to the Trench King, I pray God
confound me eternally if ever I sent him word, message,
token, or letter by any means ; and to this my truth I will
stand to my death your Highness's most faithful subject that
hath been from the beginning and will be to the end.

Elizabeth.

I humbly crave but one word of answer from yourself.1

The writing of this letter effected one thing at
least ; it caused such delay that the favourable tide
passed by, and as the removal of the royal Lady by
night was thought inexpedient for fear of attempts to
rescue her, it had to be deferred to next day. That
day was Palm Sunday, the 18th of March, and about
nine in the morning the Earl of Sussex and the
Marquis of Winchester returned to tell her that she
must now embark.

" If there be no remedy," she replied, " I must be contented."
She desired the lords to go on before. In passing through the
garden, she cast up her eyes in the hope of catching sight of
the Queen, but being disappointed in this, she wondered what
the nobility meant by allowing her to be sent thus into
captivity.

" In the meantime," says Foxe, " commandment was given
in all London, that every one should keep the church, and
carry their palms, while in the mean season she might be
conveyed without all recourse of people into the Tower." 2

The same authority goes on to tell us : —

she is After all this, she took her barge with the two foresaid

fought to lords, three of the Queen's gentlewomen, and three of her own,
her gentleman usher and two of her grooms, lying and
hovering upon the water a certain space, for that they could
not shoot the bridge, the bargemen being very unwilling to
shoot the same so soon as they did, because of the danger

1 Ellis, Orig. Letters, 2nd ser. ii. 254-55.
2 Foxe, viii. 608-9.

the Tower,

ch. iv THE LADY ELIZABETH 303

thereof; for the stern of the boat struck upon the ground,
the fall was so big and the water so shallow, that the boat
being under the bridge, there staid again awhile. At landing
she first stayed, and denied to land at those stairs where all
traitors and offenders customably used to land, neither well
could she unless she should go over her shoes. The lords
were gone out of the boat before, and asked why she came not.
One of the lords went back again to her, and brought word
she would not come. Then said one of the lords, which shall
be nameless, that she should not choose ; and because it did
then rain, he offered to her his cloak, which she, putting it
back with her hand with a good dash, refused. So she
coming out, having one foot upon the stair, said, "Here
landeth as true a subject, being prisoner, as ever landed at
these stairs, and before Thee, 0 God ! I speak it, having no
other friends but Thee alone." To whom the same lord
answered again, that if it were so it were the better for her.

A graphic account is added of a body of warders
and servants standing in order, to await her landing.
On her asking why, she was told it was usual
on the reception of a prisoner. If so, she said, she
begged they might be discharged and go home. The
warders kneeled down and prayed God to preserve
her Grace. But, for their cordiality, we are told
they were relieved of their liveries afterwards.

After landing she rested herself upon a cold stone,
and the lieutenant begged her to come out of the rain,
but she said :

It is better sitting here than in a worse place ; for God
knoweth, I know not whither you will bring me.

The lords were in some difficulty, and Sussex
warned them not to exceed their commission.

Within five days she was visited by the Chan- and is
cellor Gardiner, with others, and questioned about examined-
the talk that had taken place at Ashridge between
her and Sir James Croft about her removal to
Donnington Castle, and what was the intention of
this movement. Her answer, as given by Foxe, is
delicious : —

304 LOLLARDY & THE REFORMATION bk. viii

At the first she, being so suddenly asked, did not well
remember any such house ; but within a while, well advising
herself, she said, " Indeed," quoth she, " I do now remember
that I have such a place, but I never lay in it in all my life.
And as for any that hath moved me thereunto, I do not
remember." 1

It had clearly come out on Wyatt's examination
that she had received a message from him about her
retiring to Donnington. The message was contained
in a letter, but apparently she declined to receive the
letter and returned answer by word of mouth to Sir
William Saintlow. This, I imagine, is the true explana-
tion of her saying that Wyatt might have written to
her, but she had not received his letter. She had
been very discreet — the rebels courted her, not she the
rebels ; and the Earl of Arundel, hearing her defence,
became friendly to her ; for apparently when con-
fronted with Sir James Croft about his communications
with her at Ashridge, she justified herself pretty
sufficiently, and Croft himself bore out what she had
said.

We may pass over a multitude of small details
collected by Foxe as to the severity of her confine-
ment and leave her now in the Tower, where she
remained for some weeks.

1 Foxe, viii. 610.

CHAPTER V

HERETICS PAINTED MOSTLY BY THEMSELVES

During the three weeks that Elizabeth remained at Awkward
Whitehall, there were several public manifestations of SSSSb-
feeling both against the return to the Mass and content in
against the Spanish marriage. About the beginning London-
of March two women actually shot arrows at two
priests inside a London church, which apparently was
St. Dunstan's.1 On the 5th or 6th some hundreds of
boys from separate schools met in a meadow and
divided themselves into two bands, one calling itself
the army of Philip and the Queen, the other that of
the French King and Wyatt, and they fought together
so lustily that the result was nearly fatal, the lad
representing Philip having been all but hanged by
his opponents. The Queen ordered the ringleaders to
be whipped and imprisoned for some days.2 Then
about the 14th there was a large collection of persons
in Aldersgate Street, attracted by some mysterious
sounds, uttered, as was thought, by a spirit inside a
wall. About this, Renard writes as follows : —

Whilst closing these letters, I have heard that the
heretics here have, for the purpose of raising a mutiny
amongst the people, placed a man and woman in one of the
houses in London, bidding them give out that they heard a

1 Renard calls it "Dompton."— Egmont and Renard to the Emperor,
8th March, R. O. Transcripts, ser. ii. 145, p. 179.

2 Renard to the Emperor, 9th March, ib. p. 185 ; Ambassades de Noailles,
iii. 129-30.

VOL. IV 305 X

306 LOLLARDY & THE REFORMATION bk. vin

voice in a wall, which they knew was the voice of an angel.
When they said to it, " God save Queen Mary ! " it answered
nothing. When they said, " God save the Lady Elizabeth ! "
it replied, " So be it." If they asked it, " What is the Mass ? "
it replied, " Idolatry." And such was the effect of this trick,
that, at eleven o'clock in the morning, more than seventeen
thousand people were collected round the house. The
Council sent thither the Admiral and Paget with the Captain
of the Guard, and they have seized the man and woman that
they may find out the author of the trick, which every one
(even Elizabeth herself, who is stayed at Court) believes to
have been got up in favour of the prisoners, with the hope of
exciting the people against the Queen, raising the heretics,
and troubling the kingdom.1

Renard's In the beginning of the letter just quoted, Renard
auxiety. j^j eXpressecl the acute anxieties of his position to
the Emperor as follows : —

Sire, — When I consider the state of the affairs of the Queen
and of this kingdom, the confusion which exists in religion,
the partizanships among the Queen's own Councillors, the
intestine hatred between the nobility and the people, the
natural disposition of the English, who are so much given to
party spirit, treason, and infidelity ; their natural enmity to
foreigners and what they have done against them from time
to time, which is increased against the Spaniards by French
persuasions and the bad reports that your Majesty's subjects
have made of it. And on the other hand, when I consider
how very important it is that his Highness shall not
incur any danger to his person, on which depends the
welfare of so many kingdoms, and the difficulty there is of
acting with sufficient caution as regards the English people,
I feel the burden of this charge so weighty and of so much
importance and consequence, and my spirit so troubled, that
I know not by what means I can accomplish what your
Majesty commands by your last letters of the viith. Because
it would be too rash and perilous to make sure, whereas
to withdraw and delay the marriage, things are too far
advanced.2

And affairs in England were the more critical on

1 Printed by Tytler, England under Edward VI. and Mary, ii. 340-41,
from R. O. Transcripts, ser. ii. 145, p. 190 b.

2 lb. p. 186.

ch. v HERETICS 307

account of the relations between this kingdom and
France, which were such as to cause the Imperial
Ambassador much anxiety with respect to the coming
of Philip ; for the intrigues ceaselessly carried on by
M. de Noailles rendered the animosity of the people,
and especially of the heretics, to the Spanish marriage
peculiarly dangerous. Early in March the Queen had
actually requested the recall of Noailles.1 And it was
thought that he wished to leave for his own sake, for
his position here had become extremely unpleasant.
Had he left the kingdom war would have seemed not
far off. But that would not have suited the policy of
Henry II., and the two sovereigns still outwardly
maintained terms of friendship ; even on St. George's
Day, the 23rd of April, the King of France wore the
insignia of the Garter, and Mary expressed her satis-
faction on hearing of it.2 Compliments of that kind,
however, were of little moment. Still, in spite of the
existing discontent in England, when Egmont and was it
Renard asked Paget and Sir Robert Rochester, the thlt'pwi
Comptroller of the Household, whether they might be should
sure that if Philip came he would be well received,
they were answered by a visit on Sunday, 4th March,
from the Chancellor, Paget, and others of the Council,
who told them that, after careful consideration of all
that they had heard, they were confident that Philip
could come to England in perfect safety.3 It was on
this assurance that the ratification of the marriage
articles and the espousal took place, as we have seen,
on the 6th. Nevertheless Renard considered, as we
see from the second extract from his letter of the 14th,
which is given above, that there still was abundant
cause for anxiety.

1 Egmont and Renard to the Emperor, 8th March, R. O. Transcripts, ser.
ii. 145, p. 177. See also letter of 9th March, ib. p. 185.

2 The Foreign Calendar dates this despatch 10th April, but the reference
to St. George's Day shows that the docket of the Council from which this date
is derived is inaccurate : the true date of despatch is evidently 10th May.

3 Egmont and Renard to the Emperor, 8th March, R. 0. Transcripts,
u.s. p. 175.

'1'

308 LOLLARDY & THE REFORMATION bk. viix

Such, then, was the state of popular feeling after
the final arrangements had been made for a marriage
which the Queen was embarking on for the express
purpose of reconciling her kingdom to Rome and
putting down heresy and schism. The nation knew
her purpose and endeavoured to thwart it : heresy
was in many places more vigorous than ever.
Uuderhiii's Some examples of individual heretics are pro-
^aphy. minent, and their several characters and conduct
from the commencement of the reign are worthy of
review. First among the enthusiasts of the day was
Edward Underhill, known in his own day by the
nickname of " The Hot Gospeller." l He was a
gentleman of Warwickshire, who sold his family
estate to serve Henry VIII. in the war with France
in 1543 ; and he is said to have been one of the 200
men-at-arms who attended the King at the siege of
Boulogne in the following year.2 He was controller
of the ordnance at Boulogne in 1549 when the French
attempted to recapture it. He had married in 1545
the daughter of a citizen of London, who gave him
ultimately a family of eleven. [He was living at
Limehouse, then in the parish of Stepney, when] his
sixth child, Guildford, was born in July 1553, during
the brief reign of Lady Jane Grey, who was the child's
godmother. Underbill's wife still lay in childbed
after Queen Mary came to the Tower on the 3rd
August, and the next day at 10 p.m. the Sheriff of
Middlesex approached the house to apprehend Under-
hill as the author of a ballad " against the papists."
Fortunately, he had a good friend and neighbour in
Thomas Ive, the high constable, a man " earnest for
the gospel," who persuaded the Sheriff to keep his

1 The story of Underhill which follows is entirely derived from a MS.
printed in Nichols's Narratives of the Reformation (Camden Soc. ), a volume
which also furnishes the materials for the two other autobiographies which
follow.

2 It is curious that his name does not occur in Letters and Papers under
either of these years. Perhaps it was really under Edward VI. that he was
made one of the band of gentlemen pensioners created by Henry VIII.

ch. v HERETICS 309

company outside, so as not to frighten the poor lady,
saying he would bring her husband to him. The
Sheriff, however, knocked at the door himself, and
Underhill got out of bed and came to him. " I have
commandment," he said, " from the Council to appre-
hend you, and forthwith to bring you unto them."

" Why," said Underhill, " it is now 10 of the clock
in the night. Ye cannot now carry me unto them."

" No, sir," said the Sheriff, " you shall go with me He is
to my house, to London, where you shall have a bed, arrested-
and to-morrow I will bring you unto them at the
Tower."

What immediately follows must be given in the
very words of Underhill himself : —

On the morrow, the Sheriff, seeing me nothing dismayed,
thinking it to be some light matter, went not with me
himself, but sent me unto the Tower with two of his men
waiting upon me, with two bills, prisoner-like, who brought
me unto the Council Chamber, being commanded to deliver
me unto Secretary Bourne.

Thus standing waiting at the Council Chamber door, two
or three of my fellows, the Pensioners, and my cousin-
german, Gilbert Wynter, Gentleman Usher unto the Lady
Elizabeth, stood talking with me. In the meantime conieth
Sir Edward Hastings, newly made Master of the Horse to
the Queen, and seeing me standing there prisoner, frowning
earnestly upon me, said, " Are you come ? We will talk with
you or you part [before you go], I warrant you ; " and so
went in to the Council. With that my fellows and kinsman
shrank away from me as men greatly afraid.

Sir Edward Hastings was a younger brother of the
Earl of Huntingdon and had just been made Master
of the Horse for services to Queen Mary's cause, while
his brother, the Earl, had so far fallen under the spell
of Northumberland that he had married his eldest
son, Lord Hastings, to Lady Katharine Dudley at the
time when her brother, Lord Guildford, married Lady
Jane Grey. The Earl, accordingly, was at this time
in disgrace, though afterwards pardoned, while his

3io LOLLARDY & THE REFORMATION bk. vm

brother, Sir Edward, was in high favour. But four
years before, when Huntingdon was sent over to
Calais with a body of 6000 men, he had found
Underhill excellent company, for he could play and
sing to the lute, and solace him in illness during the
long winter nights. " The Earl," to use Underbill's
words once more,

would have me in his chamber, and had also a great delight
to hear his brother reason with me in matters of religion ;
who would be very hot when I did overlay him with the
texts of the Scripture concerning the natural Presence of
Christ in the Sacrament of the Altar, and would swear great
oaths, specially " by the Lord's foot," that after the words
spoken by the priest there remained no bread, but the
natural Body that Mary bare. " Nay, then, it must needs
be so," would I say, " and you prove it with such oaths."
Whereat the Earl would laugh heartily, saying, " Brother, give
him over; Underhill is too good for you." Wherewith he
would be very angry.

Underhill believed that Sir Edward had instigated
his prosecution, but he was not at his examination.

For, tarrying thus at the Council Chamber, Dr. Cox was
within, who came forth and was sent to the Marshalsea.
Then came forth the Lord Ferrers, and was committed to
the Tower. Then it was dinner-time, and all were com-
manded to depart until after dinner.

These particulars, except the last sentence, are
verified by Machyn's Diary, which shows that the
day was the 5th August. And it is interesting to
note corroborative evidence, as Underhill wrote this
narrative twenty years after the events he records.
To continue the quotation : —

He appears My two waiting men and I went to an alehouse to dinner,
before the and, longing to know my pain, I made haste to get to the
Council. Council Chamber door, that I might be the first. Immedi-
ately as they had dined, Secretary Bourne came to the door,
looking as the wolf doth for a lamb ; unto whom my two
keepers delivered me, standing next unto the door, for there
was moo (more) behind me. He took me in greedily and

ch. v HERETICS 311

shut to the door ; leaving me at the nether end of the
Chamber, he went unto the Council, showing them of me,
and then beckoned me to come near. Then they began the
table and set them down. The Earl of Bedford sat as
chiefest uppermost upon the Bench ; next unto him the Earl
of Sussex ; next him Sir Richard Southwell. On the side
next me sat the Earl of Arundel ; next him the Lord Paget.
By them stood Sir John Gage, then Constable of the Tower,
the Earl of Bath, and Mr. Mason. At the board's end stood
Serjeant Morgan that afterwards died mad, and Secretary
Bourne. The Lord Wentworth stood in the bay window,
talking with one all the while of my examination, whom I
knew not.

Underbill remembered the whole scene minutely.
I will not trouble the reader with notes about any
of the persons above named except two. " Mr.
Mason" was the learned and travelled Sir John
Mason, who had been Clerk of the Council under
Henry VIII., and Chancellor of Oxford University
under Edward VI., as he afterwards was again under
Mary. Serjeant Morgan, " that afterwards died
mad," was very shortly after this date made Chief
Justice of the Common Pleas, and the sad occasion of
his going mad has already been mentioned.

Underbill was disappointed to find that the Earl
of Bedford, who presided, did not treat him familiarly,
though he had once saved his son Francis, Lord
Russell, from drowning in the Thames. " Come
hither, sirrah !" he said. "Did you not set forth a
ballad of late in print ? "

I kneeled down, saying, " Yes, truly, my Lord. Is that the
cause I am called before your honors ? " " Yea, marry," said
Secretary Bourne. " You have one of them about you, I am
sure." " Nay, truly have I not," said I. Then took he one
out of his bosom and read it over distinctly, the Council
giving diligent ear. When he had ended, " I trust, my
Lords," said I, " I have not offended the Queen's Majesty in
this ballad, nor spoken against her title but maintained it."
" No have [sic], sir," said Morgan ; " yes, I can divide your
ballad and make a distinction in it, and so prove at the least

312 LOLLARDY & THE REFORMATION bk. viii

sedition in it." " Yea, sir," said I, " you men of law will
make of a matter what ye list." " Lo ! " said Sir Richard
Southwell, " how he can give a taunt. You maintain the
Queen's title with the help of an arrant heretic, Tyndale."
" You speak of papists there, sir," said Mr. Mason. " I pray
you, how define you a papist ? " I looked upon him, turning
towards him, for he stood on the side of me. " Why, sir,"
said I, " it is not long since you could define a papist better
than I." With that some of them secretly smiled, as the
lord of Bedford, Arundel, Sussex, and Paget. In great haste
Sir John Gage took the matter in hand. " Thou callest men
papist there," said he ; " who be they that thou judgest to be
papists ? " I said, " Sir, I do name no man, nor I come not
hither to accuse any, nor none I will accuse ; but your
honors do know that in this controversy that hath been
some be called Papists and some Protestants." " But we
must know whom thou judgest to be Papists, and that
we command thee upon thine allegiance to declare." " Sir,"
said I, " I think if you look among the priests in Paul's ye
shall find some old mumpsimuses there."

The nickname of " mumpsimus " had long been
given to an ignorant priest who held fast to old
prejudices. It was older than the Reformation, and
arose out of a story of an illiterate English priest who
for thirty years had misread the wTord sumpsimus
in his breviary as mumpsimus, and when corrected
said, " I will not change my old mumpsimus for your
new sumpsimus" The writer goes on : —

" Mumpsimuses, knave," said he, " mumpsimuses ? Thou
art an heretic knave, by God's blood ! " " Yea, by mass,"
says the Earl of Bath, " I warrant him an heretic knave
indeed." " I beseech your honors," said I (speaking to the
Lords that sat at the table, for those other Lords stood by
and were not then of the Council), " be my good Lords. I
have offended no laws, and I have served the Queen's
Majesty's father and her brother long time, and in their
service have spent and consumed part of my living, never
having as yet any preferment or recompense, and the rest of
my fellows likewise, to our utter undoings unless the Queen's
Highness be good unto us. And for my part, I went not
forth against Her Majesty, notwithstanding that I was

ch. v HERETICS 313

commanded, nor liked these doings." " No, but with your
writings you would set us together by the ears," saith the
Earl of Arundel. " He hath spent his living wantonly,"
saith Bourne, " and now saith he hath spent it in the King's
service ; which I am sorry for. He is come of a worshipful
house in Worcestershire." " It is untruly said of you," said
I, " that I have spent my living wantonly, for I never
consumed no part thereof until I came into the King's
service, which I do not repent, nor doubted of recompense
if either of my two masters had lived. I perceive you
Bourne's son of Worcester, who was beholden unto my uncle
Wynter, and therefore you have no cause to be my enemy ;
nor you never knew me, nor I you before now, which is too
soon." " I have heard enough of you," said he. " So have I
of you," said I, " how that Mr. Sheldon drave you out of
Worcestershire for your behaviour."

With that came Sir Edward Hastings from the Queen in
great haste, saying, " My Lords, you must set all things
apart, and come forth to the Queen." Then said the Earl of
Sussex, " Have this gentleman unto the Fleet until we may
talk further with him," — although I was " knave " before of
Mr. Gage. " To the Fleet ? " said Mr. Southwell ; " have him
to the Marshalsea." " Have the gentleman to Newgate," saith
Mr. Gage again. " Call a couple of the guard here." " Yea,"
saith Bourne, " and there shall be a letter sent to the keeper
how he shall use him, for we have other manner of matters
to him than these." " So had ye need," said I, " or else I
care not for you." " Deliver him to Mr. Garett the Sheriff,"
said he, " and bid him send him to Newgate." " My Lord,"
said I unto my lord of Arundel, for that he was next to me
as they were rising, " I trust you will not see me thus used,
to be sent to Newgate. I am neither thief nor traitor." " Ye
are a naughty fellow," said he ; " you were always tutynge in
the Duke of Northumberland's ear, that you were." " I
would he had given better ear unto me," said I ; "it had not
been with him then as it is now " [the Duke being then in
prison awaiting trial]. Mr. Hastings [i.e. Sir Edward above
named] passing by me, I thought good to prove him,
although he threatened me before noon. " Sir," said I, " I
pray you speak for me that I be not sent unto Newgate, but
rather unto the Fleet which was first named. I have not
offended. I am a gentleman, as you know, and one of your
fellows when you were of that band of the Pensioners." Very
quietly he said unto me, " I was not at the talk, Mr.

314 LOLLARDY & THE REFORMATION bk. vhi

Underbill, and therefore I can say nothing to it ; " but I
think he was well content with the place I was appointed to.
So went I forth with my two fellows of the Guard, who were
glad they had the leading of me, for they were great Papists.
" Where is that knave the prisoner ? " said Mr. Gage. " I
know not," said I.

When we came to the Tower gate, whereof Sir John a
Bridges had the charge, and his brother Mr. Thomas, with
whom I was well acquainted but not with Sir John ; who
seeing they two of the Guard leading me without their
halberts, rebuked them, and stayed me while they went for
their halberts. His brother said unto me, " I am sorry you
should be an offender, Mr. Underhill." " I am none, sir,"
said I, " nor I went not against the Queen." " I am glad of
that," said he.

We may give Underhill credit for being perfectly
loyal to Queen Mary, though opposed to Papists.
He had apparently studied Tyndale's book T7ie
Obedience of a Christian Man, which so strongly
enforced submission to secular authority ; and he
showed himself at once loyal, brave, and knowing,
whatever his prejudices may have been. It is hard
to break off or abridge his very interesting narrative,
but we must condense it a little. He was conveyed
to Mr. Garett the Sheriff's house in the Stocks Market
He is — where the Bank of England is now. The two
•mNri'wUed men °f *^e ^uard told the Sheriff that he was to
gate. send him to Newgate, whither they were ready to

carry him. But the Sheriff, on Underhill speaking to
him aside, dismissed them, saying he would execute
the Council's command by his own officers. Under-
bill's old friend, Francis, Lord Russell, being present,
was sorry for his plight, having been "familiar with
him in matters of religion " both abroad and at home,
and next day sent him twenty shillings, which he
afterwards kept up as a weekly allowance while
Underhill remained in Newgate. Underhill went
thither with two officers of the Sheriff unarmed and
following him a little way behind, as he told the

ch. v HERETICS 3i5

Sheriff he would have gone himself at the Council's
order. As he went he seemed almost at liberty
but for the crowd that followed, and his friend
Ive conversed with him on his way through Cheap-
side. On entering Newgate prison Ive went upstairs
with him into the hall ; and Underhill besought
him not to let his wife know that he was sent to
Newgate, but to the Counter, till she was near her
churching. Through him he also desired her to send
him his nightgown, his Bible, and his lute.

He had supper in the great hall with Alexander,
the keeper, and his wife and half a dozen prisoners
sent there for felonies ; but one of these, a man named
Brystow, had known him at the siege of Landrecies,
and turned out a " good fellow " who could play on a
rebeck, and who managed to arrange that he should
have a bed in his chamber. " He was a tall man,
and afterwards of Queen Mary's guard, and yet a
Protestant, which he kept secret, for else, he said, he
should not have found such favor as he did at the
keeper's hand and his wife's, for to such as loved
the Gospel they were very cruel." But the keeper
and his wife happily loved music, with which both
Underhill and Brystow could supply them.

After about a fortnight Underhill fell ill in prison, His illness
desired to change his room, and was favoured by the and release-
keeper and his wife, but could find comfort nowhere,
till he was visited by his friend Dr. Record, a man
" seen in all the seven sciences and a great divine " as
well as a physician, who continued to attend him
gratuitously after he was delivered, " to his great
peril if it had been known." His wife, meanwhile,
was churched before her time in order to make suit
for his liberation, and obtained it by the help of his
kinsman, John Throgmorton, Master of Requests, also
a Warwickshire man. His release, it appears, was
ordered by the Council on 21st August,1 but he was

1 See Ads of the Privij Council, iv. 324.

316 LOLLARDY & THE REFORMATION bk. viii

not actually liberated till the 5th September when a
brother-in-law stood security for him that he would
appear if called upon, and he was carried to his
house in a horse-litter, his wife fearing that he would
not reach home alive; and, indeed, the litter had to
move very gently and rest at times not to distress
him too much.

By the 1st October, when Mary was crowned, he
was able to walk about his room ; and being eager to
see the Queen pass, though still very weak, he got on
horseback, scarce able to sit, "girded," as he writes,
"in a long nightgown, with double kerchiefs about
my head, a great hat upon them, my beard dubed
harde too ; my face so lean and pale that I was the
very image of death, wondered at of all that did
behold me, unknown to any." On either side he had
a man to stay him, and he went and took up a
position among others on horseback at the west end
of St. Paul's. At this point in the story he indulges
in some interesting reminiscences : —

Before her (i.e. the Queen's) coming I beheld Paul's steeple
bearing top and top gallant like a royal ship, with many
flags and banners, and a man triumphing and dancing on the
top. I said unto one that sat on horseback by me, who had
not seen any coronation, " At the coronation of King Edward
I saw Paul's steeple lie at an anchor, and now she weareth
top and top gallant. Surely the next will be shipwreck or
it be long ; which chanceth sometimes by tempestuous winds,
sometimes by lightnings and fire from the heavens." But I
thought that it should rather perish with some horrible wind
than with lightning or thunderbolt.

When Underhill wrote this he was thinking of the
destruction which afterwards overtook the steeple of
St. Paul's, struck by lightning in 1561. Let us now
go on with the narrative, once more in his own
words : —

When the Queen passed by, many beheld me, for they
might almost touch me, the room was so narrow, marvelling

enemies.

ch. v HERETICS 317

belike that one in such state would venture forth. Many of
my fellows the Pensioners, and others, and divers of the
Council beheld me, and none of them all knew me. I might
hear them say one to another, " There is one loveth the
Queen well, belike, for he ventureth greatly to see her ; he is
very like never to see her more." Thus my men that stood
by me heard many of them say, whose hearing was quicker
than mine. The Queen herself when she passed by beheld
me. Thus much I thought good to write, to show how God
doth preserve that seemeth to man impossible, as many that
day did judge of me.

He returned home to Limehouse, and was able in under
two months to walk at an easy pace. But after JJJJ
Christmas he felt it necessary to change his quarters,
as he had " fierce enemies " among his neighbours,
especially the vicar of Stepney (Henry Moore), once
Abbot of Tower Hill, that is to say, of the monastery
of St. Mary of Graces near the Tower : —

"... Whom," says Underhill, " I apprehended in
King Edward's time, and carried him unto Croyden to
Cranmer, bishop of Canterbury, for that he disturbed
the preachers in his church, causing the bells to be rung
when they were at the sermon, and sometimes begin [ning ?]
to sing in the choir before the sermon were half done,
and sometimes challenging ?] the preacher in the pulpit ;
for he was a strong stout Popish prelate, whom the godly
men of the parish were weary of — especially my neigh-
bours of the Lyme hurst, as Mr. Dryver, Mr. Ive, Mr.
Poynter, Mr. Marche, and others. Yet durst they not
meddle with him until it was my hap to come dwell amongst
them ; and for that I was the King's servant I took upon
me, and they went with me to the Bishop to witness those
things against him. Who was too full of lenity ; a little he
rebuked him and bade him do no more so. ' My Lord,' said
I, ' methinks you are too gentle unto so stout a papist.'
' Well,' said he, ' we have no law to punish them by.'
' We have, my Lord,' said I ; ' if I had your authority I
would be so bold to unvicar him, or minister some sharp
punishment unto him and such other. If ever it come to
their turn, they will show you no such favor.' 'Well,'
said he, ' if God so provide, we must abide it.' ' Surely,'
said I, ' God will never con you thank for this, but rather take

31 8 LOLLARDY & THE REFORMATION bk. vni

the sword from such as will not use it upon his enemies.'
And thus we departed."

This is a striking retrospect of the times of
Edward VI. An abbot after the dissolution of his
monastery in Henry VIIL's day had been obliged to
content himself with the position of vicar of Stepney.
But under Edward VI. he was not allowed to conduct
the services, even in his own parish church, according
to his sense of what was fit. Preachers were forced
upon him by the Council, and he took what seemed to
be the only methods left him (unseemly, as they
doubtless were) of still asserting his authority. Yet
" the godly " in the parish who would have taken part
with the preachers would not interfere till Underbill
came among them and, as " the King's servant,"
carried the objectionable incumbent before Cranmer,
with a little company to bear witness against him.
But the Archbishop was too mild for this fervent
gospeller. He only rebuked the vicar and told him
not to conduct himself in that way again, excusing
himself to Underhill for his lenity by saying, " We
have no law to punish them." This was not satis-
factory to a soldier who wanted something like
military order in things ecclesiastical. " If I had
your authority," he said, " I would unvicar him."
He certainly appreciated the spirit of Edwardine rule
in the Church.

Underhill says he had " another spiteful enemy at
Stepney " named Banbury, a man of loose life, like
several other well-known characters with whom Under-
hill himself had been conversant till he " fell to reading
the Scriptures and following the preachers." He had
exposed their wickedness in a ballad which caused
them to raise slanders against him, saying he was
a spy for the Duke of Northumberland, and calling
him " Hooper's champion," because he set a bill on
the gate of St. Paul's in Hooper's defence and another
at St. Magnus' Church, " where he (Hooper) was too

ch. v HERETICS 319

much abused by railing bills cast into the pulpit and
other ways." For these things he was much hated
in Edward's days and often in danger of his life.
Moreover he had apprehended " one Allen, a false
prophesier," for spreading reports of King Edward's
death two years before it took place ; and he was
called " the hot Gospeller" in derision of his fervour.
Men mocked both at preachers and at magistrates in
their ribald talk, but " one or other would look
thorough the board saying, ' Take heed that Underhill
be not here.' "

There is a flavour of zeal for the Lord in what
Underhill next tells us : —

At Stratford on the Bow I took the pix off the altar,
being of copper, stored with copper gods, the curate being
present, and a Popish justice dwelling in the town, called
Justice Tawe. There was commandment it should not hang
in a string over the altar, and then they set it upon the
altar. For this act the Justice's wife with the women of the
town conspired to have murdered me ; which one of them
gave me warning of, whose good will to the Gospel was
unknown unto the rest. Thus the Lord preserved me from
them, and many other dangers moo ; but specially from hell
fire, but that of His mercy He called me from the company
of the wicked.

It is impossible to doubt that many of the new
Gospellers were filled with a real loathing of vice and
profligacy which had long found harbour under the
conventional forms of the old religion. That there
was a large amount of unscrupulousness in the new
governing powers of the Church, and that dissolute
lives were still led by prelates and others whom the
new religion upheld, did not abate the feeling against
old-fashioned hypocrisy. Men saw something sacred in
the royal power which could make itself felt, and mere
emptiness in the Papal power which could not stand
against regal authority ; and if the weaknesses of
human nature were abundant on both sides, a strong
despotism could at least educate men into some sense

320 LOLLARDY & THE REFORMATION bk. vin

of order. Nor was it altogether wonderful that in
the new state of matters a soldier's sense of order
(even in the rule of the Church) was stronger than
an Archbishop's.

To avoid Banbury and other spies by whom his
friend Ive was sent to the Marshalsea, Underhill
took " a little house in a secret corner at the nether
end of Wood Street." His wages were still paid him
by Sir Humphrey Ratcliff, lieutenant of the Pen-
sioners, who " always favored the Gospel " ; and
tTnderhm's hearing that the Pensioners were commanded to
loyal watch in armour the night that Wyatt came into

service <p J

rejected. Southwark, he thought it best to go on duty with
them, lest his name should be struck off the
wages book. After supper he put on his armour and
came with the rest into the presence chamber. They
all had pole - axes in their hands, which greatly
frightened the ladies. Mr. Norris, chief usher of the
Queen's Privy Chamber and " always a rank Papist,"
though he had been gentleman usher under Henry
VIII. and Edward, was appointed to call the watch,
and, receiving the book from Moore, the clerk of the
check, when he came to Underbill's name exclaimed,
" What doth he here ? " The clerk said he was
ready to serve like the rest. " Nay, by God's body ! "
said Norris, " that heretic shall not be called to
watch here," and struck his name out of the book.
Being told by the clerk he might go home, he felt it
a favour, not being yet quite recovered from his illness.
So he took his men with him, and a link, and went his
way. Again we must let him tell the story in his
own words, especially as they bear upon a very great
crisis in Mary's reign : —

When I came to the court gate, there I met with Mr.
Clement Throgmorton and George Ferrers tindynge ther
lynges [q. : tending, or kindling their links ?] l to go to London.

1 Stratmann in his Middle English Dictionary gives " tenden, v. OE (on-)
tendan = Goth, tandjan ; set on fire, burn."

ch. v HERETICS 321

Mr. Throgmorton was come post from Coventry, and had
been with the Queen to declare unto her the taking of the
Duke of Suffolk. Mr. Ferrers was sent from the Council
unto the Lord William Howard, who had charge of the
watch at London Bridge. As we went, for that they were
both my friends and Protestants, I told them my good hap
and manner of my discharge of the watch at the Court.

When we came to Ludgate, it was past eleven of the
clock. The gate was fast locked, and a great watch within
the gate of Londoners, but none without ; whereof Henry
Peckham had the charge under his father [Sir Edmund
Peckham], who belike was gone to his father, or to look to
the water side. Mr. Throgmorton knocked hard and called
unto them, saying, " Here is three or four gentlemen come
from the Court that must come in ; and therefore open
the gate." " Who ? " quoth one. " What ? " quoth another.
And much laughing they made. " Can ye tell what ye do,
Sirs ? " said Mr. Throgmorton, declaring his name, and that
he had been with the Queen to show her Grace of the
taking of the Duke of Suffolk, " and my lodging is within,
as I am sure some of you do know." . . . Still there was
much laughing amongst them. Then said two or three
of them, " We have not the keys, we are not trusted with
them ; the keys be carried away for this night." . . .

[Finally, at Underbill's suggestion, he and his
companions decided to seek shelter with one of his
friends, Newman, an ironmonger, whose house was
just outside Newgate.]

So to Newgate we went, where was a great watch
without the gate, which my friend Newman had the charge
of, for that he was the Constable. They marvelled to see
there torches coming that time of the night. When we
came to them, " Mr. Underhill," said Newman, " what news
that you walk so late ? " " None but good," said I ; "we
come from the Court, and would have gone in at Ludgate,
and cannot be let in ; wherefore I pray you if you cannot
help us in here, let [us] have lodging with you." "Marry,
that ye shall," said he, " or go in at the gate, whether ye
will." " God-a-mercy, gentle friend," said Mr. Throgmorton,
" I pray you let us go in if it maybe." He called to the
Constable within the gate, who opened the gate forthwith.
" Now happy was I," said Mr. Throgmorton, " that I met with
you. I had been lost else."

VOL. IV Y

322 LOLLARDY & THE REFORMATION

He helped

to guard

the Queen

when

Wyatt

entered

London.

At this time Sir Thomas Wyatt, having given up
hopes of entering the city through London Bridge,
made a circuit, and having crossed the Thames at
Kingston on the 6th February, came next day by St.
James's and by Temple Bar to the very gates of the
city. Underbill accordingly continues : —

When Wyatt was come about, notwithstanding my
discharge of the watch by Mr. Norres, I put on my armour
and went to the Court, where I found all my fellows armed
in the hall, which they were appointed to keep that day.
Old Sir John Gage was appointed without the utter gate, with
some of the Guard, and his servants and others with him.
The rest of the Guard were in the great Court, the gates
standing open. Sir Richard Southwell had the charge of the
backsides, as the woodyard and that way, with 500 men.
The Queen was in the gallery by the Gatehouse. Then came
Knevett and Thomas Cobham with a company of the rebels
with them, thorough the Gatehouse from Westminster upon
the sudden; wherewith Sir John Gage and three of the
Judges, that were meanly armed in old brigandines, were so
frighted that they fled in at the gates in such haste that
old Gage fell down in the dirt and was foul arrayed ; and so
shut the gates. Whereat the rebels shot many arrows. By
means of this great hurly-burly in shutting of the gates, the
Guard that were in the Court made as great haste in at the
hall door, and would have come into the hall amongst us,
which we would not suffer. Then they went thronging
towards the Watergate, the kitchens and those ways. Mr.
Gage came in amongst us all dirt, and so frighted that he
could not speak to us. Then came the three Judges, so
frighted that we could not keep them out except we should
beat them down.

With that we issued out of the hall into the Court
to see what the matter was; where there was none left
but the porters, and, the gates being fast shut, as we
went towards the gate, meaning to go forth, Sir Richard
Southwell came forth of the backyards into the Court.
" Sir," said we, " command the gates to be opened that we
may go to the Queen's enemies — we will break them
open else. It is too much shame the gates should be
thus shut for a few rebels. The Queen shall see us fell
down her enemies this day before her face." "Masters,"
said he, and put off his morion off his head, " I shall desire

ch. v HERETICS 323

you all as you be gentlemen, to stay yourselves here that
I may go up to the Queen to know her pleasure, and you
shall have the gates opened ; and, as I am a gentleman, I
will make speed." Upon this we stayed, and he made a
speedy return, and brought us word the Queen was content
we should have the gates opened. " But her request is,"
said he, " that you will not go forth of her sight, for her only
trust is in you for the defence [of] her person this day."
So the gate was opened, and we marched before the gallery
window, where she spake unto us, requiring us, as we were
gentlemen in whom she only trusted, that we would not go
from that place. There we marched up and down the space
of an hour, and then came a herald posting to bring news
that Wyatt was taken. Immediately came Sir Maurice
Berkeley and Wyatt behind him, unto whom he did yield
at the Temple gate, and Thomas Cobham behind another
gentleman.

Anon after, we were all brought unto the Queen's presence
and everyone kissed her hand ; of whom we had great
thanks and large promises how good she would be unto us ;
but few or none of us got anything, although she was very
liberal to many others that were enemies to God's word, as
few of us were. Thus went I home to my house, where I
kept, and came little abroad until the marriage was con-
cluded with King Philip.

Here we take leave of Underbill for the present,
though his story is not yet ended ; but this chapter
had better be limited, at least to the first year of
Queen Mary before her marriage, for there is a good
deal yet to be said about the power of Edwardine
religion during that period, and there is another
vivid piece of autobiography from which I must Mown-
quote largely. The writer this time is a City clergy- JJJJJJJ.
man, not a soldier, and he begins as follows : — graphy.

In the year of Lord God a thousand five hundred and
three Queen Mary was crowned Queen of England, such
a day of the month [the 1st October] being Sunday.
And the next Sunday after, I, Thomas Mowntayne, parson
of St. Michael's in the Tower Boyal, otherwise called
Whittington College, in London, did there minister all kind
of service according to the godly order then set forth by

324 LOLLARDY & THE REFORMATION bk. vhi

that most gracious and blessed prince, King Edward the
Sixth. And the whole parish, being then gathered together,
did then and there most joyfully communicate together with
me the Holy Supper of the Lord Jesus ; and many other
godly citizens were then partakers of the same, who with
bitter tears of repentance did not only lament their former
wicked lives but also the lack and loss of our most dread
Sovereign Lord King Edward the Sixth, whom we were not
worthy of, for our unthankfulness and disobedience both
towards Almighty God and his Majesty. Now, while I was
even a breaking of the bread at the table, saying to the
Communicants these words, " Take and eat this," etc., and
"Drink this," there were standing by, to see and hear,
certain serving men belonging to the Bishop of Winchester,
among whom one of them most shamefully blasphemed God,
saying, " Yea, God's Blood ! Standst thou there yet, saying
' Take and eat, Take and drink.' Will not this gear be
left yet ? You shall be made to sing another song within
these few days, I trow ; or else I have lost my mark."

It is not pleasant to hear of such a rite being thus
commented on by strangers who purposely came to
watch proceedings. But, however little we approve,
we must understand the position of matters. It was
fully expected by this time that Parliament would
very shortly pass an Act restoring the old religious
observances which had been abolished under Edward
VI., and no doubt, notwithstanding the strength of
Edwardine feeling in the City, the change had been
anticipated in several churches. But Mowntayne
would make no change, and he not only ministered
to his own parishioners, but to " many other godly
citizens" who came to his church expressly for the
purpose of partaking the Edwardine Communion, which
they could no longer do in their own. Let us go on : —

He is The next Wednesday following, the Bishop of Winchester

summoned sent one of his servants for me to come and speak with my
before*63,1, lord his master ; to whom I answered that I would wait
Gardiner, on his lordship after that I had done morning prayer.

" Nay," saith his man, " I may not tarry so long for you.

I am commanded to take you wheresoever I find you, and

ch. v HERETICS 325

to bring you with me. That is my charge given unto me
by my lord's own mouth." "Well then," said I, "I will
go with you out of hand, and God be my comfort, and
strengthen me with his Holy Spirit this day and ever, in
that same truth whereunto He hath called me, that I may
continue therein to the end. Amen ! "

We may note here that Mowntayne is not sum-
moned to appear before his own Bishop, Bonner, who
perhaps could not have said much against his use of
a service that was still legal, if it was ever so. He
was summoned before Gardiner as Lord Chancellor,
who had never looked upon it as legal ; and this was
what took place : —

Now, when I came into the great chamber at St. Mary
Overy's, there I found the Bishop standing at a bay window
with a great company about him, and many suitors, both
men and women, for he was going to the Court ; among
whom there was one Mr. Sellinger (Sir Anthony St. Leger),
a knight and lord Deputy of Ireland, being a suitor also to
my lord. Then the Bishop called me unto him and said,
' Thou heretic ! how darest thou be so bold to use that
schisniatical service still, of late set forth ? seeing that God
has sent us now a Catholic Queen, whose laws thou hast
broken, as the rest of thy fellows hath done, and you shall
know the price of it if I do live. There is such abominable
company of you as is able to poison a whole realm with your
heresies." " My Lord," said I, " I am none heretic, for that
way that you count heresy, so worship we the Living God ;
and as our forefathers hath done and believed, I mean
Abraham, Isaac and Jacob, with the rest of the holy prophets
and apostles, even so do I believe to be saved, and by no
other means." " God's Passion ! " said the Bishop, " did I
not tell you, my lord Deputy, how you should know a
heretic ? He is up with the ' living God,' as though there
were a dead God. They have nothing in their mouths,
these heretics, but ' The Lord liveth, the living God ruleth,
the Lord, the Lord,' and nothing but 'the Lord.'" Here
he chafed like a bishop, and, as his manner was, many
times he put off his cap, and rubbed to and fro, up and
down, the fore part of his head where a lock of hair was
always standing up, and that, as some say, was his grace.
But to pacify this hasty bishop and cruel man, the Lord

326 LOLLARDY & THE REFORMATION bk. vm

Deputy said, " My good lord Chancellor, trouble not yourself
with this heretic, I think all the world is full of them.
God bless me from them ! But as your Lordship said even
now full well, having a Christian Queen now reigning over
us, I trust there will be shortly a reformation and an order
taken for these heretics ; and I trust God hath preserved
your honorable Lordship, even for the very same purpose."
Then said Mr. Selynger unto me, " Submit yourself unto my
Lord, and so you shall find favor at his hands." " I thank
you, sir (said I), ply your own suit, and I pray you let me
alone, for I never offended my Lord, neither yet will I make
any such submission as he would have me to do, be assured
of that, God willing." " Well," said he, " you are a stubborn
man." Then stood there one by much like unto Dr. Martyn
[a master in Chancery], and said, " My Lord, the time passeth
He is away. Trouble yourself no longer with tins heretic, for he

accused of js n0^ on\j an heretic but also a traitor to the Queen's
weiTas of Majesty ; for he was one of them that went forth with the
heresy. Duke of Northumberland, and was in open field against her
Grace ; and therefore as a traitor he is one of them that is
exempt out of the general pardon, and hath lost the benefit
of the same." " Is it even so ? " saith' the Bishop. " Fetch
me the book that I may see it." Then was the book brought
him, wherein he looked as one ignorant what had been done,
and yet he being the chief doer himself thereof.

So Mowntayne, it appears, was a traitor as well
as a heretic, a marked man excepted from the
general pardon as one who had actually taken the
field along with Northumberland to prevent Mary's
succession to the throne. And there is no denial
of this in Mowntayne's own narrative, coloured as
it probably is to some extent in ways which we
cannot detect. His religion, it is clear, gave a
special sanction to treason when there was a plot to
prevent the succession of a Catholic princess, who
was the right heir to the throne, both by ordinary
law and by special enactment confirming Henry
VIII. 's will. And yet he had the assurance, in further
conversation, to tell the bishop that he had neither
deserved to be hanged as a thief nor burned as a
heretic, and that he had not broken the laws of the

ch. v HERETICS 327

realm. Gardiner ordered one of his gentlemen to
take "this traiterous heretic" to the Marshalsea, add-
ing that he was one of the " new brochyd brethren "
that spoke against all good works. But this only
afforded Mowntayne an opportunity of protesting
that he never spoke against good works, which every
Christian ought to practise, though not to think
himself justified thereby, but rather to count himself
an unprofitable servant when he had done his best.
"That is true," replied Gardiner, "indeed your
fraternity was, is, and ever will be, altogether un-
profitable ; " and he asked what good deeds they had
done either in King Henry's days or King Edward's.
Mowntayne was quite ready with an answer, pointing
out a multitude of good deeds done from the abolition
of Roman authority and idolatry to the erection of
hospitals and schools, ending triumphantly, " Are not
all these good works, my Lord ? "

The Bishop was contemptuous. " Sir," he said,
" you have made a great speak ; for whereas you
have set up one beggarly house, you have pulled
down an hundred princely houses for it, putting
out godly, learned and devout men, that served God
day and night, and thrust in their place a sort of
scurvy and lowsy boys." Then came a conversation
about the Mass, in which Mowntayne declared he
considered the Mass neither holy nor blessed, but
abominable and accursed before God and man. And
he adds : —

I kneeled down and held up my hands, looking up into
heaven, and said in the presence of them all, " 0 Father of
heaven and of earth ! I most humbly beseech thee to increase
my faith and to help my unbelief, and shortly cast down for
ever that shameful idol the mass, even [for] Jesus Christ's
sake I ask it. Amen. God grant it for his mercy's sake
shortly to come to pass."

" I cry you mercy, Sir," said the Bishop ; " how holy you
are now ! Did you never say mass, I pray you ? " " Yes, my
Lord, that I have, and I ask God mercy and most heartily

328 LOLLARDY & THE REFORMATION bk. vm

forgiveness for doing so wicked a deed." " And will you never
say it again ? " said the Bishop. " No, my Lord, God willing ;
never while I live, knowing that I do know ; not to be drawn
in sunder with wild horses. I trust that God will not so
give me over and leave me to myself." Then he cried, " Away
with him ! It is the stubbornest knave that ever I talked
with," etc.

He is It is rather surprising that Gardiner had so

In the°ned mucn patience. Mowntayne's unctuous prayer for
Marshal- the abolition of the Mass was a deliberate insult to
the Lord Chancellor, who had already tolerated the
conversation long after it was made manifest that
Mowntayne had committed flagrant treason in addi-
tion to his heresy. He was conveyed to the Marshal-
sea and left there by one of the Bishop's gentlemen.
Brytyn, the porter, brought him to "the great block"
and said, " Set up your feet here, Master Heretic, and
let me see how these cramp-rings will become you."
He fastened them on with a hammer and took the
unfortunate man to his lodging in " Bonner's coal-
house " — a notable place of detention for heretics —
where he locked him in.

That heresy was the root from whence sprang
treason, in Mowntayne's case as in that of many
others, did not make it more worthy of toleration in
Gardiner's eyes. As a Churchman he was concerned
most with the root of the political evil, while as a
. Statesman he was bound to protect the common-
wealth against offenders. He was, indeed, very
patient in controversy so long as there seemed any
hope of winning over a misguided man ; but when a
man brought before him showed no deference what-
ever to him or any other authority but his own view
of things, what could a Lord Chancellor do % We
need not be surprised at the next piece of informa-
tion : —

Within a ten days after, the Bishop's almoner came in with
his master's alms baskets, and these words he said to the

ch. v HERETICS 329

porter: "My Lord's pleasure is that none of those heretics that
lie here should have any part of his alms that he doth send
hither ; for if he may know that they have any of it, this
house shall never have it again so long as he live." " Well,"
said Brytyn, " I will see to it well enough, Mr. Brookes ; and
(i.e. if) they have no meat till that they have of that, some of
them are like to starve, I warrant you, and so tell my Lord
— for any favor they get at my hand." Then Brookes went his
ways ; and, going out, he beheld a piece of Scripture that
was painted over the door in the time of King Edward's
reign. " What have we here ? "saith he ; "a piece of heresy ?
I command you in my Lord's name that it be clean put out
against I come again ; for if I find it here my Lord shall know
it, by the holy Mass ! "

Now, while I was prisoner in the Marshalsea, they came The
in daily thick and threefold for religion. And then Mr. prisoners
Wyatt was up in Kent, and so coming to London and lying watt's
in Southwark, he sent one of his chaplains unto me and to offer of
the rest of my fellow prisoners, to know whether that we liberation,
would be delivered out of prison or no. If we would so do,
he would set us at liberty, so many as lay for religion ; with
the rest he would not meddle. Then we all agreed and sent
him this answer, " Sir, we give you most hearty thanks for
your gentle offer; but, forasmuch as we came in for our
consciences, and sent hither by the Council, we think it good
here still to remain till it please God to work our deliverance
as it shall seem best to His glory and our lawful discharge ;
and whether it [be] by life or death we are content, His will
be done upon us ! And thus fare you well." With this our
answer he was well content, as afterward report was made to us.

Apart from its unction it was a prudent answer.
But the offer shows one thing, even if we had no
other evidence. Wyatt's movement, based avowedly
on dislike of foreign domination and hatred of the
Queen's intended Spanish marriage, had in view
a restoration of Edwardine religion, by this time
abolished by Act of Parliament. So it was just as
well for prisoners for religion not to involve them-
selves in new treasons, as they would have done by
accepting his aid and so becoming his allies. But to
do Mowntayne full justice we must quote two para-
graphs more : —

33Q LOLLARDY & THE REFORMATION bk. viii

Mown-
tayne
refuses to
recant.

That same Lent there came unto me Dr. Chadsey, Dr.
Pendleton, Mr. Udalle, Parson Pyttyes, and one Wackelyn,
a petty canon of Paul's. All these labored me very sore for
to recant, and if that I would grant so to do, "my Lord
Chancellor will deliver you I dare say," said Mr. Chadsey,
"and you shall have as good livings as ever you had, and
better." To whom I answered that "I would not buy
my liberty, nor yet my Lord's favour, so dear, and to
forsake my good God, as some of you have done ; the price
whereof you are like one day to feel if that you repent not in
time. God turn your hearts and make you of a better mind !
Fare you well. You have lost your mark, for I am not he
that you look for." And so we parted.

Dr. Martyn also did one time send for me likewise, to come
speak with Mm at my lord of Winchester's house, offering me
good livings if that I would submit unto my lord. I told
him that "if I should go about to please men, I know not
how soon my Maker would take me away, for a double-hearted
man is unconstant in all his ways. I trust that your
sweet balms therefore shall never break my head; and
seeing that I have begun in the Spirit, God forbid that I
should now end in the flesh ! " And he, hearing this, parted
from me in a great fury, and, going out of his chamber, he
sware a great oath, saying that I was as crafty an heretic
knave as ever he talked with, and that I did nothing but
mock my Lord. " Thou shalt gain nothing by it, I warrant
ye. Keeper, have him away and look straitly to him, I
counsel you, till that you know further of my Lord's pleasure."
So I returned to the Marshalsea again with my keeper.

And in the Marshalsea we must leave Mowntayne
now, though his story is not complete, for the same
reason that we broke off the tale of Underbill. We
shall hear of both of them again. And yet before
passing on to other subjects there are one or two
things to be said about Mowntayne which he does
not tell us himself, and which may as well be men-
tioned now. " He does tell us that he was parson of
St. Michael's in the Tower Royal, otherwise called

Whittington College." His church was that of " St.
© ©

Michael called Paternoster," a church which, as we
are informed by Stowe,

ch. v HERETICS 33i

was new builded and made a college of St. Spirit and St. He had
Mary, founded by Eichard Whittington, mercer, four times ^^ _
Mayor, for a master, four fellows, masters of arts, clerks, ton's tomb.
conducts, chorists, etc., and an almshouse called God's house,
or hospital, for thirteen poor men, one of them to be the tutor
and to have 16d. the week, the other twelve each of them to
have 14d. the week for ever, with other necessary provisions,
an hutch with three locks, a common seal, etc. These were
bound to pray for the good estate of Eichard Whittington
and Alice his wife, their founders, and for Sir William
Whittington knight, and dame Joan his wife, and for Hugh
Fitzwaren and dame Molde his wife, the fathers and mothers
of the said Eichard Whittington and Alice his wife, for
King Eichard the Second and Thomas of Woodstock, Duke
of Gloucester, special lords and promoters of the said Eichard
Whittington, etc. . . . The alms houses with the poor men
do remain, and are paid by the Mercers. This Eichard
Whittington was in this church three times buried, — first by
his executors under a fair monument. Then in the reign of
Edward VI. the parson of that church, thinking some great
riches (as he said) to be buried with him, caused his monument
to be broken, his body to be spoiled of his leaden sheet, and
again the second time to be buried. And in the reign of
Queen Mary the parishioners were forced to take him up, to
lap him in lead, as afore, to bury him the third time, and
to place his monument, or the like, over him again ; which
remaineth, and so he resteth.1

So this godly Thomas Mowntayne violated the
tomb of Sir Richard Whittington in the hope of
finding " some great riches " buried with him, and
stripped his body of its leaden sheet. Was it
wonderful that he was excepted from a general
pardon ? The outrage could not but have been
notorious, and may almost excuse a very bad pun of
Bishop Gardiner which I have omitted in the account
of his examination, in a passage which I thought it
well to condense. But I may give it now : —

I said my name was Thomas Mowntayne. " Thou hast
wrong," saith he. " Why so, my Lord ? " " That thou hast
not mounted to Tyburn, or to such a like place."

1 Stow, Survey, i. 242-3, ed. Kingsford.

332 LOLLARDY & THE REFORMATION bk. viii

There were, doubtless, many bad priests before the
Reformation; but a good many of them, probably,
found godliness great gain in the days of Edward VI.
He is Mowntayne must have been in prison when he

of Sr^ received, along with eight other priests who held
benefice. London benefices, a citation, dated 7th March (1554),
from the Dean and Chapter of Canterbury (who
directed such matters in the voidance of the Archi-
episcopal see) requiring him to appear at Bow church
before Henry Harvey, LL.D., vicar-general. The
citation was personally served only on two of the
nine, the others being either, like Mowntayne, in
prison or absent for prudential reasons. In the other
seven cases, including Mowntayne's, the citation was
affixed to the church doors of the respective parishes.
But Mowntayne could not have been left in ignorance
that he was summoned for being a married man ; for
which reason he, like the rest, received sentence of
deprivation shortly afterwards.1

Hancock's An other preacher whose doings at this time call
graphy." f°r n°tice is an old acquaintance — Thomas Hancock
of Poole. How remarkably he evaded royal pro-
clamations and laws, and was protected in so doing
even in the days of Edward VI., we have seen
already.2 But now, when times were changed, one
might have supposed that he was less able to carry
things with the high hand ; which, indeed, from his
own words later, was clearly the case. He was not
going to lower his own principles, however, merely to
suit the times, in a place whose inhabitants " were
the first that in that part of England were called
Protestants." The Papists, indeed, had dared to set
up an altar in the church again. This they had been
encouraged to do by the Queen's proclamation, where-
in she declared that she intended to adhere to the
religion in which she was brought up, and wished all

1 Strypc, Cranmer, pp. 468-9. 2 Vol. III. 64, 65.

ch. v HERETICS 333

her subjects could agree to it, but she would use no
compulsion.1 But Hancock took it upon him to read
this proclamation to his parishioners, and explain it in
his own way, " that whereas she willed all her loving
subjects to embrace the same religion, they ought to
embrace the same in her, being their Princess, that is,
not to rebel against her, being their Princess, but
to let her alone with her religion." Let Hancock
himself also explain what followed. He writes : —

This, satisfied not the Papists, but they would need have His papist
their masking mass. And so did old Thomas White, John parish-
Notherel, and others build up an altar in the church and had 10Uers-
procured a fit chaplain, a French priest, one Sir Brysse, to say
their mass. But their altar was pulled down and Sir Brysse
was fain to hide his head, and the Papists to build them
another altar in old Master White's house, John Cradock, his
man, being clerk to ring the bell and to help the priest to mass,
until he was threatened that if he did use to put his hand
out of the window to ring the bell, that a handgun should
make him smart, that he should not pull in his hand again
with ease.2

That was the way to uphold the new religion
against the Papacy, first pulling down an altar in
church and then forbidding Mass, even in a private
house, and the ringing of a bell which would have
called strangers to the celebration. A handgun, too,
was to be used to enforce the prohibition. And this,
be it observed, is recorded as the narrative of a Pro-
testant writing in the days of perfect security for
men of his kidney under Queen Elizabeth. But that
handguns were actually used against preachers of the
old religion under Mary we know positively. Just as
a dagger was thrown at Dr. Bourne preaching at Paul's
Cross in August 1553, so on the 10th June 1554, a
gun was discharged at Dr. Pendleton preaching in the

1 Of course this is the proclamation of the 18th August (see pp. 16-18),
not, as Strype makes it, of the 19th July, which was her proclamation as
Queen.

2 Narratives of the Reformation, pp. 81-82. "Old Master White" was
Thomas White, senior, several times Mayor.

334 LOLLARDY & THE REFORMATION bk. viii

same place, and the pellet of tin, which hit the wall,
" came near the preacher's face." x Nor must we
forget that the worthy Bishop Ponet, intruded into
Gardiner's see of Winchester when Gardiner was
deprived by the Edwardine Government, accompanied
Wyatt in the march from Kingston, when he hoped
to come upon London by surprise, but was prevented
by the breaking of the wheel of a great piece of
ordnance. Ponet and others, according to Stow,
counselled Wyatt to leave the dismounted gun in its
place, and march forward to "keep his appointment."
But Wyatt objected to this, and Ponet having a
shrewd suspicion that the accident involved the ruin
of their cause, as indeed other confederates had stolen
away already, " took his leave of his secret friends,
and said he would pray unto God for their good
success, and so did depart and went into Germany,
where he died." 2

But we must return to Hancock's narrative.
Immediately after the extract just given occurs the
following passage : —

His own So had the Papists their mass in Mr. White's house, and

account f-ne Christians the gospel preached openly in the church.
preaching The Papists also resorted to the church to hear the word of
God, not for any love they had to the word, but to take the
preacher in a trip for divers articles they took out of my
doctrine, of the which they accused me before the Council at
the time of the first Parliament ; amongst the which one of
them was that in my doctrine I taught them that God had
plagued this realm most justly for our sins with three
notable plagues, the which without speedy repentance utter
destruction would follow.

The first plague was a warning to England, which was
the posting sweat, that posted from town to town through
England, and was named " Stop gallant," for it spared none ;
for there were dancing in the court at 9 o'clock that were
dead on 11 o'clock. In the same sweat also at Cambridge

1 See Grey Friars' Chronicle, p. 90 ; Macliyn, Diary, p. 65.
'2 Stow's Annals, p. 620.

ch. v HERETICS 335

died two worthy imps, the Duke of Suffolk's son Charles
and his brother.1

The second plague was a threatening to England when
God took from us our wise, virtuous, and godly king,
Edward the Sixth.

The third was to be robbed and spoiled of the jewel and
treasure of God's Holy Word ; the which utter destruction
should follow without speedy repentance. For had not our
godly, wise, learned, and merciful Queen Elizabeth stond in
the gap of God's wrath, and been the instrument of God to
restore the everlasting Word of God to us, we had been
bandslaves unto the proud vicious Spaniard.

Then after a prayer to God to make the nation
duly thankful for the Word and for Queen Elizabeth's
preservation, he adds : —

Another article that much offended, for the which I was
exempted out of the first general pardon that Queen Mary
granted, was that I, rebuking their idolatrous desire to have
their superstitious ceremonies and their idolatrous mass, and
to put down the glorious gospel of Christ Jesus, did in my
doctrine ask them how this might be done, and how they
would bring it to pass, having the law of the realm and the
glorious gospel of Jesus Christ against them, and God being
against them, in whom they had their trust. I said, " Your
trust is in flesh ; so you forsake the blessing of God and heap
upon you his curse. Jeremi xvii. [5] sings : Maledictus homo
qui confidit in homine, et ponit carnem orachium suum, etc.
What flesh is that you trust unto ? Stephen Gardiner's, the
Bishop of Winchester? He hath been a Saul; God make
him a Paul ! He hath been a persecutor ; God make him a
faithful preacher ! "

These words so much offended, that I was not thought
worthy to enjoy the Queen's pardon. Whereupon I was
counselled by Master William Thomas, the clerk of the
Council, for safeguard of my life, to flee ; and so I came to
Eoan (Eouen) in Normandy, where I did continue the space
of two years, and half a year I spent at Paris and Orleans.
After that, hearing of an English congregation at the city of

1 Henry and Charles Brandon, sons of Henry VIII. 's favourite, Charles
Brandon, Duke of Suffolk. They were both carried off in one day, 16th
July 1551, at Bugden in Huntingdonshire, to which they had retreated to
escape the contagion, and as the elder died half an hour before the younger,
they were both accounted Dukes.

336 LOLLARDY & THE REFORMATION bk. vm

Geneva, I resorted thither with my wife and one of my
children, where I continued three year and somewhat more.
In the which city, I praise God, I did see my lord God most
purely and truly honored, and syn most straitly punished ;
so it may be well called a holy city, a city of God. The
Lord pour his blessings upon it, and continue his favor
toward it defending it against their (sic) enemies.

influence Enough for the present of autobiographies of

Reformers' Reformers. Of the influence of their opinions in
opinions, various parts of the country during this first year of
Mary we have ample evidences in the Acts of the
Privy Council, and I will conclude this chapter with
a few citations in addition to those made already
from this source.

In August 1553, besides committals (of which only
the more important have been cited) in connection with
the outrage on the preacher at Paul's Cross, we have
Fisher, a seditious preacher at Amersham in Bucking-
hamshire, sent for by the Council ; John Melvyn, a
Scottish preacher, described as "very seditious," is
sent to Newgate ; surety is ordered to be taken by
Lord Mordaunt and Sir John St. John of seven
persons committed by them to Bedford gaol for
sedition, and they are to punish a woman there by
the cucking-stool or otherwise for seditious language
against the Queen. The Mayor of Coventry is to
apprehend one Simondes of Worcester, now vicar of
St. Michael's, Coventry, examine him, and send him
up with a record of his examination.1

Of this last worthy we have both previous and
subsequent notices. He had been presented to the
vicarage of St. Michael's by King Edward at the
beginning of this very year, and the Council had
written letters to the Chancellor of the Tenths to
forbear demanding of him five years' arrears due
by his predecessor.2 He came up now on summons
" for making a seditious sermon," and was sent

1 Acts of the Privy Council, iv. 321, 328, 330, 333.
2 lb. pp. 230-31.

ch. v HERETICS 337

back again to Coventry on the 4th September, with
a letter to the Mayor and Aldermen to set him
at liberty " in case he do recant the lewd words that
he lately spake, wishing them hanged that would
say mass." l This was surely a good example of
that spirit of toleration which Mary herself had
declared it her ardent desire to pursue, and for which
historians have not given her credit. Another case,
which followed shortly after, is akin to this, and
is marked by good policy besides. On the 16th
September the Council met in the Star Chamber and
decreed as follows : —

Letters to the Mayors of Dover and Eye to suffer all such Fair treat-
Frenchmen as have lately lived at London and hereabouts, ™n} of
under the name of Protestants, to pass out of the realm by protest
them, except a few whose names shall be signified unto them ants,
by the ambassador, if he do signify any such, foreseeing that
they do not carry with them all things forbidden by the laws
of the realm.2

The colony of foreign weavers established at
Glastonbury by the Duke of Somerset had already
received notice that if they wished to return to their
own country, they should be free to do so.3 They
could not be expected to favour the Queen's religious
policy, and if they encouraged Englishmen to resist it
they would bring trouble on themselves. It is to be
noted that on this subject Mary and her Council
must have fully considered the advice given them
by the Emperor, whose Ambassadors early in August
had written to the Queen their master's view of
the situation. As to religion, they said, she had
certainly succeeded in making a good commence-
ment. Nevertheless it would be well to keep good
watch, as possibly many dissembled and had other
intentions than they pretended, and the French
would be glad to help English factions. Then

1 Acts of the Privy Council, pp. 338, 340.
2 lb. p. 349. 3 lb. p. 341.

VOL. IV Z

338 LOLLARDY & THE REFORMATION bk. vm

came a passage which it is well to give exactly in
translation : —

Besides this, it seems to the Emperor that foreigners who
are fugitives from their own countries for any crimes for
which they may be charged, should be expelled from the
kingdom, without making any mention of religion or country ;
the French ambassadors have themselves judged it right
that this should be done, and so the Emperor advises. Men-
tion might be made in the edict . . . of purging the realm alike
of Spaniards, Italians, Frenchmen, Flemings, and others who
make the kingdom a receptacle of abuses and crimes, and by
whom many intrigues may be carried on.1

Mary's Government seems to have taken a rather
milder course than the Emperor suggested. Instead
of driving out foreigners accused of crimes, it gave
permission to all French Protestants to leave the
kingdom, unless the French Ambassador should
intimate the names of some whose liberty ought to
be restrained. And the order was not extended to
foreigners in general, as the Emperor advised.

It will be remembered that on the 1st September
Bishops Hooper and Coverdale were before the Council,
and Hooper was sent to the Fleet. On the 2nd the
Mayor of Leicester was ordered to bring up in custody
the vicar of St. Martin's in that town. On the 13th
Latimer was committed to the Tower for " seditious
demeanour," to remain a close prisoner, but attended
by his servant Anstey.2 On the 14th attention was
called to " certain lewd and heinous words " spoken
of the Queen by a woman of Hampshire, who justified
them by a vision. That was the day on which Arch-

1 "Oultre ce, semble a l'Empereur que Ton doit deschasser les
estrangiers, fugitifz de leur pays pour quelconques crimes que leur soit
impute, hors le royaulme, sans faire mention de la religion et pays, comrne
les ambassadeurs francoys out d'eulx mesmes juge que cela se deust faire,
et que l'Empereur conseille. L'on en pourroit faire mention par l'edict et
mandement . . . pour repurger le royaulme, tant d'Espaignols, Italiens,
Francoys, Flamans, que aultres qui font du royaulme un receptacle de
mesuz et delictz, et par lesquelz Ton peult faire plusieurs menees et
practiques." — Papier s d' Etat du Cardinal de Granvelle, iv. 65.

2 See p. 29.

ch. v HERETICS 339

bishop Cranmer was sent to the Tower. In ridiculous
contrast with the minute recording his committal is
an entry next day ordering a tailor of St. Giles's, who
had shaved a dog to excite contempt of the priest-
hood, to repair to his parish church on the following
Sunday and " there openly confess his folly." In this
month also we find steps taken for the recovery of
church plate and other church goods, and for the dis-
tribution of such recovered property among certain
parish churches in Essex.1

In October the Queen's Coronation on the 1st, and
the two short sessions of Parliament, perhaps tended
to create a lull. But on the 29th Archbishop
Holgate of York was committed to the Tower.2 In
November again we hear much about sedition. On
the 20th are the following two entries : —

This day were sent to the Lords by the mayor of Coven-
try, Baldwin Clerc, weaver, John Careles, weaver, Thomas
Wylcockes, fishmonger, and Eichard Astelyn, haberdasher,
for their lewd and seditious behaviour on All Hallow day
last past ; whereupon, and for other their naughty demeanour,
the said Careles and Wylcockes are committed to the Gate-
house, and the said Clerke aud Astelyn to the Marshalsea,
there to remain till further order be taken with them.

A letter to Sir Christopher Heydon and Sir William
Fermour, knights, for the apprehension of Huntingdon, a
seditious preacher, remaining now about Lynn and Walsing-
ham, and upon the same apprehension to send him under
safe custody, who, as is informed the Council, made a railing
rhyme against Dr. Stokes and the Blessed Sacrament.3

The substance of both these minutes is given by
Foxe, with the fact that Huntingdon made his

1 Acts of the Privy Council, iv. 337, 338, 345, 348, 349. See also as to
church goods 23rd November, p. 371. The name of the woman in Hamp-
shire, who was expected to justify her words by a vision, is given as Jane
Woodcock. Probably she was " one Woodcock's wife " mentioned in
Hancock's narrative (see Narratives of the Reformation, p. 79), who had
warned the Duke of Somerset just before his last apprehension "that there
was a voice following her, which sounded always in her ears, that he whom
the King did best trust should deceive him and work treason against him."
Somerset, it appears, took serious heed of her warning.

2 lb. p. 354. 3 lb. pp. 368-9.

340 LOLLARDY & THE REFORMATION bk. vni

submission to the Council on the 3rd December,
and was suffered to depart.1 But Foxe has not
noted the further punishment of the Coventry men,
indicated by an entry of the 25th November as
follows : —

A letter to the mayor and aldermen of Coventry touching
the punishment of Baldwin Clerke, and others, according to
the minute.2

We shall hear more of the weaver John Careless
of Coventry hereafter ; and also about John Denley
of Maidstone, who is mentioned with others in an
entry of the 27th November.3

I pass over a notice on the 25th November of
" a seditious tumult of late attempted in the county
of Leicester" into which the justices were ordered
to inquire. For by a minute of 10th December it
seems to have had nothing to do with religion, but
only with the old objection to enclosures. There is
comparatively little mention of sedition or disturb-
ances later in the year.

On the 18th January 1554 there are two significant
entries : —

A letter to Sir Henry Tirrell, knight, and William Barnes,
esquire, to cause a lewd fellow in the parish of Sandon in
Essex, who nameth himself a priest, and speaketh against
the mass and other divine service, to be apprehended and
committed to Colchester gaol ; and one Latham of the same
parish, who is his maintainer, to be bound in recognisance in
£100 to make his indelaied repair hither.

A letter of appearance for the vicar of Rye and divers
other of the inhabitants there.4

1 Acts of the Privy Council, p. 375 ; Foxe, vi. 411-12.

2 lb. iv. 372.

3 lb. p. 373. [For the Maidstone men see p. 229 n. John Careless died in
the King's Bench prison on 25th June 1556, Register of Martyrs (Tudor
Tracts), p. 278 ; Foxe, viii. 160. Denley was burnt at Uxbridge on 23rd
August 1555, Register, u.s. p. 272 ; Foxe, vii. 329-34. Sir Henry Isley and
his brother Thomas were executed as traitors at Maidstone, for complicity
in Wyatt's rebellion on 28th February 1554, Proctor (Tudor Tracts), p.
253 ; Chron. of Queen Jane and Queen Mary, p. 66. — Ed.]

4 lb. p. 387.

ch. v HERETICS 341

On the 12th February the Sheriff of Gloucestershire
is ordered to apprehend the notorious William Thomas,
who had suggested to Wyatt the assassination of
Queen Mary — advice from which even that sturdy
rebel revolted. In prison he stabbed himself in the
breast to forestall justice ; but the wound was not
mortal. He was executed as a traitor on 18th May,
and on the scaffold justified himself and said that he
died for his country.1

Passing over some entries on the 16th and 17th
about the examination of prisoners and like matters,
we come next to an order on the 19th "for the
punishment of certain lewd persons in Colchester,
Copsall (Coggeshall ?), and other places thereabouts
that have gone about to dissuade the Queen's people
there from frequenting such divine service as is
presently appointed by the laws to be observed in
the realm." On the 21st some prisoners from
Wales and elsewhere are committed to the Tower.
On the 26th George Medley of Essex is committed
to the Tower ; and on the 28th Lord Stourton is
ordered to apprehend John Younge and send him up
in safe custody.2

For nearly three months we hear less about
sedition, except the order for Dr. Rowland Taylor's
arrest. The most interesting points are about
Cranmer, Ridley, and Latimer's conveyance to Ox-
ford for the disputation,3 and the matter already
mentioned about setting up altars. And, though it
does not concern the condition of England, we may
note that the Deputy of Ireland was written to on
the 10th May to send up Archbishop Browne of
Dublin, the Council expressing surprise that a former
order to that effect had been neglected."4

1 Chron. of Queen Jane and Queen Mary, pp. 63, 65, 69, 76.

2 Acts of the Privy Council, iv. 395, 396, 400, 401. 3 lb. p. 406, v. 17.
4 lb. v. 20. [The primacy granted to Abp. George Browne by Edward

VI. was taken from him, and he was later expelled from his see as a
married man by the Abp. of Armagh, Ware, Be Praesul. Eib. p. 120.— Ed.]

342 LOLLARDY & THE REFORMATION bk. vni

But if during this time there was less sedition,
at last the restless spirit broke out in the middle
of May at no further distance than Stepney, and
severity too much in character with Tudor times
was used to put it down. On the 25th May we
read : —

Whereas one Thomas Sandesborough, of Stepneth, labor-
ing man, hath reported certain false and seditious rumors
against the Queen's Highness and the quiet state of this
realm, the said Sandesborough was, by order from the Lords,
delivered into the hands of the bailiffs of Stepneth for execu-
tion of his punishment as hereafter followeth, viz. : — That
to-morrow next, being the 26th of May, they shall openly, at
Stepney aforesaid, nail one of his ears to the pillory or some
post to be set up for that purpose, and, having stood so a
convenient time, to cut off his ear from his head, to the terror
and example of others that would attempt the like. After-
ward the said bailiffs shall deliver him to the Sheriff of
London to be committed to Newgate ; and also the wife of
one Mering of London, sent to the Sheriff of London, to be
set to-morrow on the pillory for spreading like news, and
two wives of Stepney set on the cucking-stool for like
offence.

What the seditious rumour in question was we
do not know. One might surmise that it was
something against the approaching royal marriage.
The woman spoken of as the wife of one Mering was
very likely Margaret Mering, or Mearing, who was
afterwards burnt. There is also a James Mearing
mentioned by Foxe, but whether he was her husband
is not quite clear.1

On the 26th May the Council wrote to Sir Henry
Bedingfield " with instructions signed by the Queen
for the ordering of the Lady Elizabeth " ; and they
wrote again to him on the 31st, in answer to some
doubts on the subject of his weighty charge.2 On
that same 31st May another order was given to put

1 [Margaret Mering was burnt at Smithfield on 22nd December 1557,
Register, u.s. p. 282 ; Foxe, viii. 450-51.— Ed.]

2 Acts of the Privy Council, v. 28, 29.

ch. v HERETICS 343

a man on the pillory. This offender was to undergo
the first part of his punishment at Bicester on the
next market-day, with a paper set on his head,
inscribed : " For spreading false and slanderous
rumors and speaking against the Queen's Highness's
proclamation." After which he was to be kept in
gaol till the next general sessions, when he was to be
further ordered according to the Statute contra
inventor es rumorum} On the 1st June the Council
wrote to Bonner " to send into Essex certain discreet
and learned preachers to reduce the people who hath
been of late seduced by sundry lewd preachers named
ministers there." 2 The spirit of religious insub-
ordination was strong in Essex, and on the 7th
orders were given to inquire into an attempt to pull
down the walls of the church at Ongar.3 On the
14th July a yeoman of the Guard was dismissed and
committed to the Marshalsea, his coat being first
taken from his back, " for spreading abroad lewd and
seditious books." This was just eleven days before
the Queen's marriage to Philip, and very likely the
books in question were against the marriage.

1 lb. p. 30. 2 lb. 3 lb. p. 34.

CHAPTER VI

SPIRIT OF THE EDWARDINE PARTY

The temper of the Edwardine party may be seen not
less clearly in the story of what one, who like
Bradford and Rogers was afterwards a Marian
martyr, was doing about this time, and the spirit
in which it is told by the martyrologist.1 Laurence
Foxe's Saunders was brought up at Eton and was sent to
Laurence* King's College, Cambridge, but after three years'
Saunders, study, though he " profited in knowledge and learn-
ing very much," he left the University and returned
" to his parents, upon whose advice he minded to
become a merchant." His mother, then a widow,
bound him apprentice to William Chester,2 but not
liking, however, the life for which he was intended,
he was released by Chester from his indenture and
went back to Cambridge, where he added to his
knowledge of Latin a study of Greek and also of
Hebrew. He proceeded M.A. in 1544, and continued
at the University some time after. Under Edward
VI. he had a licence to preach. He married, and
read divinity lectures at Fotheringay College, and
was then made reader at Lichfield Cathedral — a post
which he afterwards left for the living of Church

1 [The story of L. Saunders, from which the following extracts are taken,
is in Foxe, Acts and Mons. vi. 612-36. — Ed.]

2 [Chester, a wealthy London draper, was knighted on 7th February
1557 (Machyn), became lord mayor in 1560, received the degree of M.A.
from the University of Cambridge in 1567, and was a benefactor to Christ's
Hospital, Cooper, Ath. Cantab, i. 311-12.— Ed.]

344

ch. vi SPIRIT OF EDWARDINE PARTY 345

Langton in Leicestershire. But from that again he
was called

to take a benefice in the city of London named All
Hallows, in Bread Street. Then minded he to give over his
cure in the country ; and therefore after he had taken
possession of his benefice in London, he departed from
London into the country, clearly to discharge him thereof.
And even at that time began the broil about the claim that
Queen Mary made to the Crown, by reason whereof he could
not accomplish his purpose.

Thus the private history of Laurence Saunders is
brought down to the date of Mary's accession — the
" broil" about her claim to the Crown — as an unjust
usurper, apparently, ousting Queen Jane from her
lawful right ! This prepares us for what follows : —

In this trouble, and even among the beginners of it (such,
I mean, as were for the Queen), he preached at Northampton,
nothing meddling with the State, but boldly uttered his
conscience against popish doctrine and Antichrist's damnable
errors, which were like to spring up again in England. . . .
The Queen's men which were there and heard him were
highly displeased with him for his sermon, and for it
kept him among them as prisoner; but partly for love
of his brethren and friends who were chief doers for the
Queen among them, partly because there was no law broken
by his preaching, they dismissed him. He, seeing the
dreadful days at hand, inflamed with the fire of godly zeal,
preached with diligence at both those benefices as time could
serve him, seeing he could resign neither of them now but
into the hand of a papist.

Thus passed he to and fro preaching until that proclamation
was put forth of which mention is made in the beginning.

I must interrupt the quotation here as I have not He persists
quoted verbally from the beginning. The reader, mtPreach-
indeed, will scarcely require to be told that the defiance of
proclamation referred to is that of the 18th August, ^^
which is given above in full — a proclamation carefully tion.
devised, if anything whatever could do it, to promote
good order and religious toleration.1 But the mention

1 See pp. 16-18.

346 LOLLARDY & THE REFORMATION bk. vm

made of it "in the beginning " of this story of
Laurence Saunders is in these terms : —

After that Queen Mary, by public proclamation in the
first year of her reign, had inhibited the sincere preaching
of God's holy word, as is before declared.

That was Foxe's view of it. Let us now read on
about Laurence Saunders : —

At that time he was at his benefice in the country, where
he (notwithstanding the proclamation aforesaid) taught
diligently God's truth, confirming the people therein, and
arming them against false doctrine, until he was not only
commanded to cease, but also with force resisted, so that he
could not proceed there in preaching. Some of his friends,
perceiving such fearful menacing, counselled him to fly out
of the realm, which he refused to do. But seeing he was
with violence kept from doing good in that place, he returned
towards London to visit the flock of which he had there the
charge.

A word here before we go on about the "fearful
menacing" which made it seem advisable to fly the
country. The terrible proclamation, as we have just
seeu, was in behalf of religious toleration, and, as
the heresy laws were not revived for more than a
year after this, Saunders had nothing whatever to
fear so long as he did not virulently attack the
Queen's religion. Let us proceed once more : —

On Saturday the 14th of October, as he was coming nigh
to the city4 of London, Sir John Mordaunt, a councillor to
Queen Mary, did overtake him, and asked him whither he
went. " I have," said Saunders, " a cure in London ; and now
I go to instruct my people according to my duty." " If you
will follow my counsel," quoth Master Mordaunt, " let them
alone, and come not at them." To this Saunders answered,
" How shall I then be discharged before God if any be sick
and desire consolation ? if any want good counsel and need
instruction ? or if any should slip into error, and receive
false doctrine ? " " Did you not," quoth Mordaunt, " preach
such a day (and named a day) in Bread Street, London ? "
" Yes, verily," said Saunders, " that same is my cure." " I

ch. vi SPIRIT OF EDWARDINE PARTY 347

heard you myself," quoth Master Mordaunt ; " and will you
preach now there again ? " " If it please you," said Saunders,
" to-morrow you may hear me again in that same place ; where
I will confirm, by the authority of God's word, all that I said
then, and whatsoever before that time I taught them." " I
would counsel you," quoth the other, " not to preach." " If
you can and will forbid me by lawful authority, then must
I obey," said Saunders. " Nay," quoth he, " I will not forbid
you, but I do give you counsel." And thus entered they
both the city, and departed each from other. Master
Mordaunt, of an uncharitable mind, went to give warning to
Bonner, Bishop of London, that Saunders would preach in
his cure the next day. Saunders resorted to his lodging
with a mind bent to do his duty : where, because he seemed
to be somewhat troubled, one who was there about him
asked him how he did. " In very deed," saith he, " I am in
prison till I be in prison : " meaning that there his mind was
unquiet until he had preached, and that he should have
quietness of mind though he were in prison.

Again we must pause to ask how Sir John
Mordaunt, " a councillor to Queen Mary," was guilty
of "an uncharitable mind " in informing Bishop
Bonner, the spiritual ruler of the diocese, of Saunders's
intention to preach. Mordaunt knew perfectly well
that Saunders was opposed to the Queen's religion
and Bonner's, and had done his best to counsel him
to forbear from preaching. He, a layman, had no
concern with preaching itself, but Saunders's preach-
ing would be a breach of the truce in matters of
religion which the Queen's proclamation was issued in
order, if possible, to secure. What else, then, could
he do but inform the Bishop, especially as he had
given Saunders a fair enough warning ?

The next day, which was Sunday, in the forenoon, he
made a sermon in his parish, entreating on that place which
Paul writeth to the Corinthians (2 Cor. xi. 2, 3) : "I have
coupled you to one man," etc. . . . The papistical doctrine
he compared to the serpent's deceiving; and, lest they
should be deceived by it, he made a comparison between
the voice of God and the voice of the popish serpent;
descending to more particular declaration thereof, as it were

348 LOLLARDY & THE REFORMATION bk. vin

to let them plainly see the difference that is between the
order of the Church service set forth by King Edward in
the English tongue, and comparing it with the popish service
then used in the Latin tongue.

Saunders And so forth. It is not a question here whether

bXr^B ^ne theological views of Saunders were or were not
Bonner. better than the views of the Church of Rome, or
whether the English service was better than the
Latin missal and breviary. The question was simply
whether any order was to be kept in the Church or
not, and whether bishops who, like Bonner, had been
unconstitutionally displaced were to be obeyed when
they were restored to their true and legitimate
positions. Saunders was prepared in the afternoon
to have given another exhortation to his people in
his church. But the Bishop of London interrupted
him by sending an officer for him, requiring his
immediate attendance, and charged him with treason
and heresy — treason for breaking the Queen's pro-
clamation, and heresy and sedition for his sermon.

"The treason and sedition," says Foxe, "his
charity was content to let slip until another time,
but a heretic he would now prove him." Bonner
was right there : civil offences were not his immedi-
ate concern as a bishop, however great they might
be ; and indeed heresy was a more serious offence
even than treason in any true bishop's estima-
tion. The Bishop said he would prove Saunders a
heretic for maintaining that a ritual was most pure
which came nearest to that of the primitive Church,
forgetting the difference of circumstances and the
requirements of later ages ; while Saunders accused
" the Church papistical " of having an excess of
ceremonies " partly blasphemous, partly unsavoury
and unprofitable." The Bishop desired him to write
what he believed of Transubstantiation. Saunders
did so, saying, " My Lord, ye seek my blood, and
ye shall have it. I pray God that ye may be so

ch. vi SPIRIT OF EDWARDINE PARTY 349

baptised in it that ye may thereafter loath blood-
sucking; and become a better man ! "

What prospect was there of anything like religious
order if parsons were to be superior to their bishops,
and to their Sovereign also ? Foxe tells us that the
Bishop kept Saunders's written statement " for his
purpose — even to cut the writer's throat, as shall
appear hereafter." It does not appear hereafter that
Bonner literally cut Saunders's throat, any more
than that he was a blood-sucker. Saunders was
simply a religious rebel, who could only justify his
rebellion on the theory that the Edwardine settle-
ment was divine, and that the Queen's religion was
not to be tolerated in spite of the proclamation.
And it was to deal with such rebels that, more than a
twelvemonth later, after much provocation in the
meantime, it was unhappily felt necessary to revive
the old heresy laws. The story goes on : —

The Bishop, when he had his will, sent Laurence Bonner
Saunders to the Lord Chancellor, as Annas sent Christ to sen(*s hira
Caiaphas; and like favor found Saunders as Christ his chancellor.
Master did before him. But the Chancellor being not at
home, Saunders was constrained to tarry for him by the
space of four hours in the outer chamber, where he found a
chaplain of the Bishop's very merrily disposed, with certain
gentlemen playing at the tables, with divers others of the
same family or house occupied there in the same exercise.
All this time Saunders stood very modestly and soberly at
the screen or cupboard bareheaded, Sir John Mordaunt, his
guide or leader, walking up and down by him ; who, as I said
before, was one of the Council.

It is a pity to interrupt a long story so much,
but there are pictorial beauties and contrasts to be
pointed out. The reader might suppose from the
preceding part of the narrative that the demeanour
of Saunders was just a trifle arrogant ; now it is
" modest" and " sober," contrasting strongly with the
frivolity of the Bishop's chaplain and the gentlemen
" playing at the tables " (that is to say, at back-

35o

LOLLARDY & THE REFORMATION

Gardiner
sends him
to prison.

gammon). Moreover, he exhibits quite a marked degree
of humility and meekness, as we shall see further : —

At last the Bishop [Gardiner] returned from the Court.
. . . Saunders's leader gave him a writing containing the
cause, or rather the accusation, of the said Saunders ; which,
when he had perused, " Where is the man ? " said the Bishop.
Then Saunders, being brought forth to the place of examina-
tion, first most lowly and meekly kneeled down, and made
courtesy before the table where the Bishop did sit. Unto
whom the Bishop spake on this wise : —

" How happeneth it," said he, " that, notwithstanding the
Queen's proclamation to the contrary, you have enterprised
to preach ? "

Saunders denied not that he did preach, saying that for-
somuch as he saw the perilous times now at hand, he did but
according as he was admonished and warned by Ezekiel, the
prophet — exhort his flock and parishioners to persevere and
stand steadfastly in the doctrine which they had learned;
saying also that he was moved and pricked forward thereunto
by the place of the Apostle, wherein he was commanded
rather to obey God than man ; and moreover, that nothing
more moved or stirred him thereunto than his own conscience.

" A goodly conscience surely," said the Bishop. " This
your conscience would make our Queen a bastard or mis-
begotten, would it not, I pray you ? "

Then said Saunders, "We," said he, "do not declare or
say, that the Queen is base or misbegotten, neither go about
any such matter. But for that let them care whose writings
are yet in the hands of men, witnessing the same, not without
the great reproach and shame of the author: " privily taunting
the Bishop himself who had before (to get the favor of
Henry the Eighth) written and set forth in print a book of
True Obedience, wherein he had openly declared Queen Mary
to be a bastard. Now Master Saunders, going forwards in
his purpose, said, " We do only profess and teach the sincerity
and purity of the word ; the which, albeit it be now forbidden
us to preach with our mouths, yet, notwithstanding, I do not
doubt but that our blood hereafter shall manifest the same."
The Bishop, being in this sort prettily nipped and touched,
said, " Carry away this frenzy-fool to prison." Unto whom
Master Saunders answered, that he did give God thanks,
which had given him at last a place of rest and quietness
where he might pray for the Bishop's conversion.

ch. vi SPIRIT OF EDWARDINE PARTY 351

All this is doubtless from a report drawn up by
Saunders himself, and further ornamented, perhaps,
by marginal notes which appear in Foxe's book, such
as "A privy nip to Winchester" and "Note how
Winchester confute th Saunders " (referring to the
Bishop's ordering him to prison). Gardiner was
undoubtedly vulnerable in the matter of his book,
which treated Mary as a bastard. Like others, he
had only yielded to tyranny, and he bitterly repented
afterwards. But the question now was whether men
would be bold enough still to maintain the same
falsehood, when Henry VIII. was dead and his
daughter upon the throne ; and it is clear that
Saunders himself would not take the responsibility
of so doing. Yet if he did not maintain the righteous-
ness of Henry VIII. 's plea for throwing off the Pope,
what ground had he for resisting the restoration of
papal authority ? Saunders afterwards sought to
maintain that he had not broken the proclamation
because he had caused no bell to be rung, and the
doctrine he taught was in accordance with the service
then used. But his own words, if truly reported in
the above dialogue, show that he had done a thing
forbidden ; and it is surely not extraordinary that he
was taken for a firebrand.

One other story of Saunders, drawn from the same
great storehouse of anecdote, is dated vaguely "at
the change of religion in this realm and the beginning
of Queen Mary's time." And from the details I
should say that the scene was in Leicestershire, and
before Saunders went up to his London benefice in
October. The story is as follows : —

Dr. Pendleton and Master Saunders, men known in the Contrast
world not only to be learned but also earnest preachers of between
God's Word in the time of blessed King Edward, met to- ^™dera
gether in the country, where, by occasion, they were at that Pendleton,
time, and, as the case required (by reason of the persecution
that was then at hand), fell to debate what was best for them

352 LOLLARDY & THE REFORMATION bk. vin

to do in so dangerous a season. Whereupon Master Saunders,
whether through very frailty of his weak flesh that was loth
to taste the bitter cup, though his spirit were ready there-
unto; or whether it were upon the mistrust of his own
strength . . . seemed so fearful and feeble spirited that
he showed himself, in appearance, like either to fall quite
from God and His Word, which he had taught, or at least
to betake him to his heels, and to fly the land, rather
than to stick to his profession and abide by his tackle ; so
as Dr. Pendleton (who on the contrary side appeared not
so big of body but as bold in courage ; nor so earnest
before in pulpit but as ready now to seal the same with
his blood) took upon him to comfort Master Saunders all
that he might ; admonishing him, as he could do it very
well, not to forsake cowardly his flock when he had most
need to defend them from the wolf; neither, having put his
hand to God's plough, to start now aside and give it over ;
nor yet (that is worst of all) having once forsaken Antichrist,
to fall either himself, or suffer others, by his example, to
return to their vomit again.

After which and such like persuasions, bidding him be of
good comfort and to take a good heart unto him, "What,
man ! " quoth he, " there is a great deal more cause in me to
be afraid than in you, forasmuch as, you see, I carry a greater
mass of flesh upon my back than you do, and being so laden
with a heavier lump of this vile carcase, ought therefore of
nature to be more frail than you. And yet," said he, " I
will see the uttermost drop of this grease of mine molten
away, and the last gobbet of this pampered flesh consumed to
ashes before I will forsake God and His truth." . . .

Now, when they were come to London, oh, what a great
change was there between these two persons ! The poor,
feeble, faint-hearted Saunders, by the goodness of Almighty
God taking heart of grace to him, seeking the same in
humility, boldly and stoutly confirmed his flock out of the
pulpit where his charge lay, mightily beating down Antichrist
and lustily preaching Christ his Master; for the which he
afterwards suffered most willingly, as is before declared.
Whereas, on the other side, Pendleton the proud (who, as it
appeared by the sequel, had been more stout in words than
constant in deeds, and a greater bragger than a good warrior)
followed Peter so justly in cracks, howsoever he did in repent-
ance (which God only knoweth), that he came not so soon to
London but he changed his tippet and played the aiiostata

ch. vi SPIRIT OF EDWARDINE PARTY 353

We may omit some moral reflections with which The
the facts are followed up. Our business is with UtSsue!
the facts themselves, which are no doubt presented
here, even if through a coloured medium, pretty
nearly as they were. And to appreciate them we
must first take notice of the date, which is, beyond
all doubt, between August and the middle of October
1553, when Saunders arrived in London. At the end
of August, perhaps, a conversation took place in the
country between Saunders and Dr. Pendleton about
" what was best for them to do in so dangerous a
season." But, once more the reader should take
note, the danger was not pressing and immediate.
No burnings really took place, or were likely to take
place, till the realm was reconciled to Rome more
than a year later, and till Parliament had revived the
old heresy laws. What the Queen wanted at this
time was a religious truce and toleration, in which
people would forbear from calling each other
papists and heretics, and unauthorised preaching
and seditious books and plays should be put
down. But this would have altogether prevented
Saunders from " mightily beating down Antichrist "
— the object that was dearest to his heart. Both
he and Pendleton were committed to the Edwardine
religion that had been set forth by authority, and
the real question was whether that authority was
divine or, as the Queen had held all along (with
several of the bishops who had been imprisoned
for withstanding it), not only human but uncon-
stitutional. If the Queen's view was right, were
they bound by their past compliance ? But if the
Edwardine view was right, were they not bound to
preach down " Antichrist " in spite of the Queen's
proclamation ?

The question was now in the balance, and
Saunders, though he felt the frailty of his flesh,
determined when he came up to London to preach
vol. iv 2 a

354 LOLLARDY & THE REFORMATION bk. vin

down "Antichrist" at all costs.1 Pendleton foresaw
that — after a twelvemonth's interval or more — his
friend's principles might lead them both to a fiery
death, and he was not so clear about Edwardine
doctrine as he had been under Edwardine tyranny.
Certain it is that he very soon conformed to the
Queen's religion, and became a prebendary of St.
Paul's as early as 11th April 1554. He was highly
esteemed as a preacher.

The difficulty of maintaining the religious truce
which the Queen desired at the beginning of her
reign, and still more of maintaining her parliamentary
settlement later, is further illustrated in another
quarter. And again we must take the story from the
same voluminous collection of narratives as before 2 : —

The history " The town of Hadley," 3 writes Foxe, " was one of the first
°f Rowland j-naj. receivec[ the Word of God in all England, at the preach-
ing of Master Thomas Bilney."

The reader will not forget, what Foxe never would
believe and what modern historians who follow Foxe
have not been able to see, that Thomas Bilney
repented of his preaching what is here called " the
Word of God," and died very penitent for having
stirred up trouble in the Church.4 Let us go on : —

" By whose [Bilney's] industry the gospel of Christ had
such gracious success and took such root there, that a great
number of that parish became exceeding well learned in the
Holy Scriptures, as well women as men, so that a man might
have found among them many that had often read the whole
Bible through, and that could have said a great sort of St.
Paul's Epistles by heart, and very well and readily have
given a godly, learned sentence in any matter of controversy.

1 [Saunders was burnt at Coventry on 8th February 1555, Register of
Martyrs, u.s. p. 270 ; Foxe, u.s. — Ed.]

2 [The story of R. Taylor from which the following extracts are taken
is in Foxe, Acts and Mons. vi. 676-703.— Ed.]

3 Hadleigh in Suffolk is meant ; and I spell it so hereafter.

4 See Vol. I. pp. 400-404.

Taylor.

ch. vi SPIRIT OF EDWARDINE PARTY 355

Their children and servants were also brought up and trained
so diligently in the right knowledge of God's word that the
whole town seemed rather a university of the learned than a
town of cloth -making or laboring people; and (what is
most to be commended) they were for the most part faithful
followers of God's word in their living."

This is a wonderful picture of a town of cloth-
makers turned into a university of learned divines
who knew a great deal of the Bible by heart ! But
let us once more proceed : —

" In this town was Dr. Rowland Taylor, doctor in both A faithful
the civil and canon laws, and a right perfect divine, parson ; ParisQ
who, at his first entering into his benefice, did not, as the pne!5 '
common sort of beneficed men do, let out his benefice to a
farmer, that shall gather up the profits and set in an ignorant
unlearned priest to serve the cure, and, so they have the
fleece, little or nothing care for feeding the flock ; but, con-
trarily, he forsook the Archbishop of Canterbury, Thomas
Cranmer, with whom he before was in household, and made
Ms personal abode and dwelling in Hadleigh, among the
people committed to his charge ; where he, as a good shepherd,
abiding and dwelling among his sheep, gave himself wholly
to the study of Holy Scriptures, most faithfully endeavouring
himself to fulfil that charge which the Lord gave unto Peter,
saying, ' Peter, lovest thou me ? Feed my lambs, feed my
sheep, feed my sheep.' This love of Christ so wrought in
him that no Sunday nor Holy days passed, nor other time
when he might get the people together, but he preached to
them the word of God, the doctrine of their salvation."

All this is intelligible enough. A man of special
learning comes to a village of cloth-makers and is
highly looked up to, as such a man naturally would
be. So the villagers are carried away by his special
doctrine, which they feel to be far superior to the
teaching anywhere else. The portrait of the fervid
and able parson is further set off by a perfectly just
reflection on the too common practices of other
parsons, which, we know, prevailed in Chaucer's day
as they did in the sixteenth century. But the
glorification of this parson, I cannot help thinking,

356 LOLLARDY & THE REFORMATION bk. viii

is carried just a trifle too far in the passages which
immediately follow : —

" Not only was his word a preaching unto them, but all
his life and conversation was an example of unfeigned Chris-
tian life and true holiness. He was void of all pride, humble
and meek as any child ; so that none were so poor but they
might boldly as unto their father, resort unto him ; neither
was his lowliness childish or fearful, but, as occasion, time
and place required, he would be stout in rebuking the sinful
and evil-doers ; so that none was so rich but he would tell
him plainly his fault, with such earnest and grave rebukes
as became a good curate and pastor. He was a man very
mild, void of all rancor, grudge or evil will; ready to do
good to all men ; readily forgiving his enemies ; and never
sought to do evil to any.

" Thus continued this good shepherd among his flock,
governing and leading them through the wilderness of this
wicked world, all the days of the most innocent and holy
King of blessed memory, Edward the Sixth. But after it
pleased God to take King Edward from this vale of misery
unto his most blessed rest, the papists, who ever sembled
and dissembled, both with King Henry the Eighth and King
Edward his son, now seeing the time convenient for their
purpose, uttered their false hypocrisy, openly refusing all
good reformation made by the said two most godly Kings ;
and, contrary to what they had all these two Kings' days
preached, taught, written, and sworn, they violently overthrew
the true doctrine of the Gospel, and persecuted with sword
and fire all those that would not agree to receive again the
Roman Bishop as Supreme Head of the Universal Church,
and allow all the errors, superstitions and idolatries that
before by God's word were disproved and justly condemned,
as though now they were good doctrine, virtuous and true
religion."

Foxe is too fast here. Things did not quite
proceed at that rate. There was no persecution " by
sword and fire " all at once of those who " would not
agree," etc. But let us go on again : —

" In the beginning of this rage of Antichrist a certain
petty gentleman, after the sort of a lawyer, called Foster,
being a steward and keeper of courts, a man of no great skill,

ch. vi SPIRIT OF EDWARDINE PARTY 357

but a bitter persecutor in those days, with one John Clerk of The Mass
Hadleigh — which Foster had ever been a secret favourer of restored at
all Romish idolatry — conspired with the said Clerk to bring by forc°e
in the Pope and his niaumetry again into Hadleigh Church.
For as yet Dr. Taylor, as a good shepherd, had retained and
kept in his church the godly church service and reformation
made by King Edward, and most faithfully and earnestly
preached against the popish corruptions which had infected
the whole country round about. Therefore the said Foster
and Clerk hired one John Averth, parson of Aldham, a
very money mammonist, a blind leader of the blind, a popish
idolater, and an open advouterer and whoremonger, a very fit
minister for their purpose, to come to Hadleigh and there to
give the onset to begin again the popish mass.

" To this purpose they builded up with all haste possible
the altar, intending to bring in their mass again about the
Palm Monday. But their device took none effect ; for in
the night the altar was beaten down (' Mark,' says the writer
in a footnote, ' how unwilling the people were to receive the
papacy again ') ; wherefore they built it up the second time
and laid diligent watch lest any should again break it down.

" On the day following came Foster and John Clerk, bring-
ing with them their popish sacrificer, who brought with him
all his implements and garments to play his popish pageant,
whom they and their men guarded with swords and bucklers,
lest any man should disturb him in his missal sacrifice.

" When Dr. Taylor, who, according to Ins custom, sat at his
book studying the word of God, heard the bells ringing, he
arose and went into the church, supposing something had
been there to be done, according to his pastoral office ; and
coming to the church, he found the church doors shut and
fast barred, saving the chancel door, which was only latched.
Where he, entering in and coming into the chancel, saw a
popish sacrificer in his robes, with a broad, new-shaven crown,
ready to begin his popish sacrifice, beset round about with
drawn swords and bucklers lest any man should approach to
disturb him.

" Then said Dr. Taylor, ' Thou devil ! Who made thee so
bold to enter into this church of Christ to profane and defile
it with this abominable idolatry ? ' With that started up
Foster, and with an ireful and furious countenance said to
Dr. Taylor, ' Thou traitor ! What dost thou here to let and
disturb the Queen's proceedings ? ' Dr. Taylor answered, ' I
am no traitor, but I am the shepherd that God my lord

358 LOLLARDY & THE REFORMATION bk. viii

Christ hath appointed to feed this his flock ; wherefore I
have good authority to be here ; and I command thee, thou
popish wolf, in the name of God to avoid hence, and not to
presume here, with such popish idolatry, to poison Christ's
flock.'

" Then said Foster, ' Wilt thou traitorously, heretic, make
a commotion and resist violently the Queen's proceedings ? '

" Dr. Taylor answered, ' I make no commotion ; but it is
you papists that make commotions and tumults. I resist
only with God's word against your popish idolatries, which
are against God's word, the Queen's honor, and tend to the
utter subversion of this realm of England. And further,
thou dost against the canon law, which commandeth that no
mass be said but at a consecrated altar.'

"When the parson of Aldham heard that, he began to
shrink back, and would have left his saying of mass. Then
started up John Clerk, and said, 'Master Averth, be not
afraid ; you have a super-altare ; 1 go forth with your business,
man.'

" Then Foster, with his armed men, took Dr. Taylor, and
led him with strong hand out of the church ; and the popish
prelate proceeded in his Romish idolatry. Dr. Taylor's wife,
who followed her husband into the church, when she saw her
husband thus violently thrust out of his church, she kneeled
down and held up her hands, and with a loud voice said, ' I
beseech God, the righteous Judge, to avenge this injury that
this popish idolater to this day doth to the blood of Christ.'
Then they thrust her out of the church also, and shut the
doors ; for they feared that the people would have rent their
sacrificer in pieces. Notwithstanding, one or two threw in
great stones at the windows, and missed very little the popish
masser."

We have not yet come to the end of this long and
graphic story, which I have been unwilling to spoil
by further interruptions. But long as the tale has
been, there are points left out in it which are of very
material importance. And first let us take into
account the fact that, however diligent and praise-
worthy Dr. Taylor may have been as a country
clergyman, he was a good deal more than that ; for

1 A supcr-altare was a portable altar, a ledge, commonly of marble,
already consecrated, perhaps twelve inches long.

ch. vi SPIRIT OF EDWARDINE PARTY 359

he was, as we have seen, one of the two civilians, or
doctors of laws, appointed on the Commission of Eight
in 1551 for remodelling the Canon Law, and on the
later Commission of Thirty-two of the following year
his name was substituted for that of Latimer among
the eight divines.1 So that he was a very well-known
person at the accession of Queen Mary, and his utter
opposition to a return to Kome might have been
reckoned on as a certainty from the first. With this
Foxe's own words, above cited, are in complete accord-
ance where he says that Dr. Taylor, " as a good
shepherd," had retained in his church the authorised
Edwardine services, which he evidently meant to
continue until he was stopped. Now the authority
of these services was in question, and it is no great Eariierpro-
wonder if, at the very commencement of the reign, [JJjnrt8
the Council took some measures in connection with Taylor.
Dr. Rowland Taylor, of which Foxe says nothing in
the above narrative. But the records of the Privy
Council contain the following minutes : —

a.d. 1553, July 25. A letter to George Tyrrell esquire
for to arrest the Parson of Hadleigh in the County of Suffolk.

July 26. The Parson of Hadleigh is committed to the
custody and ward of the Sheriff of Essex by a warrant from
the Council.

July 28. Dr. Rowland Taylour, parson of Hadleigh, is
committed to the custody and ward of the Sheriff of Essex
by a warrant from the Council.2

These warrants were out against him three weeks
after King Edward's death and only six or seven
days after Mary had been proclaimed in London,
Lady Jane's brief reign being over. As yet the
noisy scene at St. Paul's at Dr. Bourne's sermon had
not taken place, and Mary's proclamation about
religion had not been issued. Evidently, then, Taylor
was arrested at this time, and he must therefore

1 See Vol. III. pp. 319, 337.
2 Acts of Privy Council, iv. 418, 420, 421.

360 LOLLARDY & THE REFORMATION bk. viii

either have been released, or have contrived to escape
and get back to his benefice, where, it would seem,
he again went on with the Edwardine services. For
the whole story about the " conspiracy" of the lawyer
Foster with John Clerk of Hadleigh to bring back
popery in the church with the aid of the parson of
the neighbouring village of Aldham must be referred
to the spring of the following year (1554), seeing
that the intention was to bring in the Mass " about
the Palm Monday," which would be the 19th March.
His con- Now it would really appear — and surely the fact is
me^ai™3 important, though Foxe tells us nothing about it — that
this "conspiracy" was simply a contrivance for putting
the actual law in force in a village where it was very
unpopular. For Parliament had met in the preceding
October and had repealed the whole of the Edwardine
Acts about religion, restoring the Church services as
they were in the last year of Henry VIII. And
surely if Parliament had the power to alter religion
under Edward VI. — though some had regarded that
as doubtful during a minority — Parliament had at
least equal power to restore the old forms under
Mary. The change was to take place on the 20th
December 1553. Though the new school might call
it " popish " it did not restore the Pope ; it only
restored the Mass ; for another year had to elapse
before the realm was reconciled to Pome and the Pope's
jurisdiction was re-established. For the present,
Mary could only govern the Church by that Royal
Supremacy which she inherited and which she
abhorred ; but she wished to govern it so as to make
her kingdom worthy again to enjoy the Pope's
favour. No doubt the passing of this Act was dis-
liked in some quarters ; indeed, it seems perfectly
clear that dislike of this Act had as much influence
as dislike of the proposed Spanish marriage in
stimulating Wyatt's rebellion and the other com-
motions in the beginning of the following year.

ch. vi SPIRIT OF EDWARDINE PARTY 361

And though these were suppressed in February, it is
clear that in Hadleigh and in some other places
strong objections were felt to the abrogation of the
Edwardine services. These services, apparently, had
been kept up by Dr. Taylor almost without interrup-
tion, though no doubt against the feeling of the
Queen and Council; for whatever may have taken
place in consequence of the orders of the Council in
July 1553, it is .certain that he pursued his own way
afterwards.

In these circumstances, who can wonder at the The rights
"conspiracy" to bring in the Mass again about JJj5j[!ors
Palm Monday in 1554? By law it ought to have ioners.
been begun again in December. Some of Taylor's
parishioners must have wanted to have their disused
Mass at Easter once more, especially now that they
had a legal right to it; and it would have been a
cruel injury to them not to have been allowed it.
Indeed we have a positive record of another such
"conspiracy" in the neighbouring county of Essex,
in which four gentlemen gave bonds to the Queen
four days before Easter to provide " decent altars "
in the churches of Prittlewell, Eastwood, Barling,
and North Shoebury.1 And the way in which the

1 " At St. James's, the 21st March 1553 [ - 4], John Hamond of Pritwell
in Essex, gentleman, Edward Berye of Estwode, gentleman, Francis
Clopton of Barling, gentleman, and James Baker of North Shouresbery
[Shoebury], gentleman, stand all four of them severally bounden to the
Queen's Highness in the sum of £100, which they acknowledge to owe unto
her Grace if they and every of them do not cause decent altars to be erected
and set up in their parish churches where they are presently dwelling at
the furthest within a fortnight after the date hereof." — Acts of Privy
Council. Easter Day in 1554 fell on the 25th March, and the gentlemen
were only bound to have the thing done at latest by the 4th April. But
this would still allow the parishioners to communicate during the Easter
season. [Here I find it difficult to follow Dr. Gairdner's thought. We
cannot surely imagine that these bonds were given voluntarily by a
combination of gentlemen. It seems evident that these gentlemen,
whether as impropriators or otherwise, were held responsible by the
Council for the restoration of altars in their parish churches ; they had
failed to restore them, and now had to give bonds for their immediate
restoration under a heavy penalty. It may be noted that before the
Dissolution Prittlewell church belonged to the priory there, and so did
the churches of Eastwood and Shoebury, Monasticon, v. 23. — Ed.]

362 LOLLARDY & THE REFORMATION bk. vhi

rights of the Roman Catholic parishioners were
secured at Hadleigh — unseemly though it was —
would scarcely draw from a modern reader comments
such as those with which Foxe follows up the story : —

Thus you see how, without consent of the people (Foxe takes
no note of the fact that it was in obedience to an Act of
Parliament), the popish mass was again set up with battle array,
with swords and bucklers, with violence and tyranny : which
practice the papists have ever yet used. As for reason, law or
scripture, they have none on their part. . . . Within a day
or two after, with all haste possible, this Foster and Clerk
made a complaint of Dr. Taylor by a letter written to Stephen
Gardiner, Bishop of Winchester and Lord Chancellor. When
the Bishop heard this, he sent a letter missive to Dr. Taylor,
commanding him within certain days to come and to appear
before him to answer such complaints as were made against
him.

We accordingly find in the Acts of the Privy
Council the following minute under date 26th March
1554:—

A letter to Sir Henry Doell and one Foster, to attach the
bodies of Dr. Tailour, parson of Hadleigh, and Henry Alskewe
of Holesley, and to cause them to be safely sent up hither
unto the Lords of the Council to answer such matter as at
their coming shall be objected against them.1

We may pass over briefly what next follows in
Foxe — an account of the dismay of Taylor's friends,
their entreaties that he would fly, as he could not
hope for favour or justice at the Chancellor's hands,
" who, as it is well known " (Foxe most unjustly says),
" was most fierce and cruel." There is, in fact, a quasi
verbatim report of their repeated solicitations on this
point, and his steadfast refusals. He comes up to
London, and his examination before Gardiner is next
reported as follows : —

Now, when Gardiner saw Dr. Taylor, he, according to his
common custom, all to-reviled him, calling him knave, traitor,
heretic, with many other villanous reproaches. All which

1 Acts of the Privy Council, v. 3.

ch. vi SPIRIT OF EDWARDINE PARTY 363

Dr. Taylor heard patiently, and at the last said unto him : Taylor
" My Lord," quoth he, " I am neither traitor nor heretic, but a *xa^he0d
true subject, and a faithful Christian man ; and am come, Garciiner.
according to your commandment, to know what is the cause
that your Lordship hath sent for me."

Then said the Bishop, "Art thou come, thou villain?
How darest thou look me in the face for shame ? Knowest
thou not who I am ? "

" Yes," quoth Dr. Taylor, " I know who you are. Ye are
Dr. Stephen Gardiner, Bishop of Winchester and Lord
Chancellor ; and yet but a mortal man, I trow. But if I
should be afraid of your lordly looks, why fear you not God,
the Lord of us all? How dare ye for shame look any
Christian man in the face, seeing ye have forsaken the truth,
denied our Saviour Christ and his word, and done contrary
to your own oath and writing? With what countenance
will ye appear before the judgment seat of Christ, and answer
to your oath made first unto that blessed King Henry the
Eighth of famous memory, and afterwards unto blessed King
Edward the Sixth his son ? "

The Bishop answered, "Tush, tush, that was Herod's
oath, — unlawful, and therefore worthy to be broken ; I have
done well in breaking it, and, I thank God, I am come home
again to our mother, the Catholic Church of Rome. And so
I would thou shouldest do."

Dr. Taylor answered, "Should I forsake the Church of
Christ, which is founded upon the true foundation of the
Apostles and prophets, to approve those lies, errors, super-
stitions and idolatries, that the Popes and their company at
this day so blasphemously do approve ? Nay, God forbid.
Let the Pope and his return to our Saviour Christ and his
word, and thrust out of the Church such abominable idolatries
as he maintaineth, and then will Christian men turn unto
him. You wrote truly against him, and were sworn against
him."

" I tell thee," quoth the Bishop of Winchester, " it was
Herod's oath — unlawful, and therefore ought to be broken
and not kept ; and our Holy Father the Pope hath discharged
me of it."

Then said Dr. Taylor, " But you shall not so be discharged
before Christ, who doubtless will require it at your hands as
a lawful oath made to our liege and sovereign lord the King,
from whose obedience no man can assoil you, neither the
Pope nor any of his."

364 LOLLARDY & THE REFORMATION bk. vm

If this conversation has been accurately reported —
and substantially, if not verbally, no doubt it was
much to this effect — we are not surprised that Bishop
Gardiner's next observation should be, " Thou art an
arrogant knave." Whether Bishop Gardiner began it
by vituperation, as above shown, without hearing
first what Taylor had to say for himself, may be a
question; but as we read on, we begin to wonder
whether Taylor is summoned before Bishop Gardiner
or Bishop Gardiner is summoned before Taylor.
Gardiner undoubtedly felt that under strong coercion
he had given an oath to Henry VIII. that was not a
lawful one, and so far he had to endure reproaches
from the man who swallowed Royal Supremacy with-
out misgiving. But even apart from Gardiner's plea
that the Pope had absolved him from his oath, why
should Royal Supremacy under Mary be forbidden to
correct what Royal Supremacy had done under " that
blessed King, Henry VIII. of famous memory," and
his son Edward ? Gardiner, in truth, had very little
reason to feel bound by what was done under Edward,
from whose Government he had received treatment
altogether indefensible. Yet, conscious of one weak
point in his own armour, he seems to have put up
with a great deal of insolence on the part of Taylor,
in order to get at the whole facts of the case, which
he was coming to in spite of it all. Let us resume
the record : —

" I see," quoth the Bishop, " thou art an arrogant knave
and a very fooL"

" My lord," quoth Dr. Taylor, " leave your unseemly railing
at me, which is not seemly for such a one in authority as you
are. For I am a Christian man, and you know that he that
saith to his brother Raca is in danger of a Council, and he
that saith Thou fool, is in danger of hellfire."

The Bishop answered, " Ye are false, and liars all the sort
of you."

" Nay," quoth Dr. Taylor, " we are true men and know
that it is written, The mouth that lieth slayeth the soul. And

ch. vi SPIRIT OF EDWARDINE PARTY 365

again : Lord God, thou shalt destroy all that speak lies. And
therefore we abide by the truth of God's word, which ye,
contrary to your own consciences, deny and forsake."

" Thou art married ? " quoth the Bishop. " Yea," quoth
Dr. Taylor, " that I thank God I am, and have nine children,
and all in lawful matrimony ; and blessed be God that
ordained matrimony and commanded that every man that
hath not the gift of continency should marry a wife of his
own, and not live in adultery or whoredom."

No doubt it was very honest in Dr. Taylor at this
time to profess himself openly a married man and the
father of nine children. But had he always been as
plain before the world ? Under Henry VIII. he
durst not have avowed being a married man ; and if
he had nine children in the spring of 1554, one would
think some of them must have been born before
January 1547, when Henry VIII. died. This was
pointed out by Parsons l a few years after the first
publication of Foxe's work.

Then said the Bishop, " Thou hast resisted the Queen's
proceedings, and wouldest not suffer the parson of Aldham (a
very virtuous and devout priest) to say mass in Hadleigh."
Dr. Taylor answered, " My Lord, I am parson of Hadleigh ;
and it is against all right, conscience, and laws, that any
man should come into my charge, and presume to infect
the flock committed unto me, with venom of the popish
idolatrous mass."

With that the Bishop waxed very angry and said, " Thou
art a blasphemous heretic indeed, that blasphemest the
blessed sacrament " (and put off his cap), " and speakest
against the holy mass, which is made a sacrifice for the
quick and the dead." Dr. Taylor answered, "Nay, I
blaspheme not the blessed sacrament which Christ insti-
tuted, but I reverence it as a true Christian man ought to
do; and confess that Christ ordained the holy communion
in the remembrance of His death and passion ; which when
we keep according to His ordinance, we (through faith) eat
the body of Christ and drink His blood, giving thanks for
our redemption ; and this is our sacrifice for the quick and

1 Robert Parsons, Three Conversions of England {Third part, 1604),
ii. 332.

366 LOLLARDY & THE REFORMATION bk. vm

the dead, to give thanks for His merciful goodness showed to
us, in that He gave His Son Christ unto the death for us."

Here it is plausibly, at least, observed by Parsons1
that the parenthesis " (through faith) " in the above
passage must have been supplied by Foxe to suit his
own theological views, which were Zwinglian, while
Taylor, he considers, was a Lutheran ; otherwise
Bishop Gardiner would never have made the reply
which Foxe himself records that he made to Taylor's
sentiments.

" Thou sayest well," quoth the Bishop. " It is all as thou
has said, and more too ; for it is a propitiatory sacrifice for
the quick and dead." Then answered Dr. Taylor, " Christ
gave Himself to die for our redemption upon the Cross, whose
body there offered was the propitiatory sacrifice, full, perfect,
and sufficient unto salvation, for all them that believe in
Him. And this sacrifice did our Saviour Christ offer in His
own person once for all, neither can any priest any more
offer Him, nor we need any more propitiatory sacrifice. And
therefore I say with Chrysostome and all the doctors, ' Our
sacrifice is only memorative, in the remembrance of Christ's
death and passion — a sacrifice of thanksgiving ' ; and there-
fore the Fathers called it eucharistia ; and other sacrifice
hath the Church of God none."

" It is true," quoth the Bishop, " the sacrament is called
eucharistia — a thanksgiving, because we there give thanks
for our redemption ; and it is also a sacrifice propitiatory for
the quick and the dead, which thou shalt confess ere thou
Taylor sent and I have done." Then called the Bishop his men, and
to prison. Sqi[^l> « Have this fellow hence, and carry him to the King's
Bench, and charge the keeper he be straitly kept."

Then kneeled Dr. Taylor down, and held up both his
hands, and said, " Good Lord, I thank thee ; and from the
tyranny of the Bishop of Rome and all his detestable errors,
idolatries and abominations, good Lord deliver us ! And
God be praised for good King Edward ! " So they carried
him to prison, where he lay prisoner almost two years.2

Foxe here is a little confused ; for as a matter of

1 Three Conversions, u.s. p. 333.

2 [Rowland Taylor was burnt on Aldham Common, Hadleigh, on 9th
February 1555, Register of Martyrs, u.s. p. 270 ; Foxe, u.s. — Ed.]

ch. vi SPIRIT OF EDWARDINE PARTY 367

fact Taylor did not remain in prison quite a whole
year. But Parsons also was mistaken in the second
of the two criticisms just noticed, in which he took
Taylor for a Lutheran ; for it is perfectly clear from
his writings that he had no belief in the Corporal
Presence at all. Parsons must have strangely mis-
read some of the passages which he himself refers to
in evidence that Taylor believed in that Presence,
confounding him, moreover, as it would seem, with
Dr. John Taylor, " who, in King Henry VIII. 's time,
did help to burn Lambert and other Zwinglian heretics
as Foxe himself doth confess in the story of Lambert."1
This Dr. John Taylor himself was probably less of a
Lutheran in Edward VI. 's days, when he was made
Bishop of Lincoln ; but, as we have seen, he was
deprived under Mary just about the time Dr. Rowland
Taylor was being thus examined by Gardiner, and
died not long afterwards.2

It may be well, indeed, before taking leave of Dr.
Rowland Taylor for a time, to read the freest utter-
ance of his sentiments in a letter, which must have
been written in prison shortly after this, to his wife,
on hearing that a preacher named Robert Bracher,
coming to Hadleigh to the burial of a friend, had
preached against justification by faith and vindicated
the doctrines of the Real Presence, praying for the
dead, and auricular confession. He apparently met
with a rough reception. For it is thus the Doctor
expresses himself to his wife : —

I am glad that Hadleigh can skill of such packing- ware His letter
as was brought thither the first day of May last past. to his wife-
Christ's sheep can discern Christ's voice from the voice of
strangers, thieves, or hirelings. The pack-bringer was sorry
that he came too late to the funeral-market of his faithful
friend. But here I will leave them both to God's judgment,
and something touch the matter whereof the packer made
mention in his opening day. At the first he called the

1 Foxe, v. 227, 228, 233, 234. 2 See pp. 79-80.

368 LOLLARDY & THE REFORMATION bk. vm

Scripture (as I hear) full of dark sentences, but indeed it is
called of David "a candle to our feet, and a light to our
paths." . . .

Now touching the packs of wool and the packs of cloth, I
fear they were, as all other wares be, transubstantiate into
flocks ; even his very finest packing stuff against only faith
justifying, and for the corporal presence of Christ's body in
the Sacrament, for praying for souls departed, and for
auricular confession. Abraham's justification by faith, by
grace, by promise, and not by works, is plainly set forth, both
in the fourth chapter of the Epistle to the Romans, and in
the third chapter to the Galatians ; and Abraham's works of
obedience in offering up his son so long after his justification
must needs be taken as a fruit of a good tree justifying
before men, and not of justification before God ; for then had
man to glory in ; then did Christ die in vain.

And whereas the sixth chapter of John was alleged, to
prove that Christ did give his body corporally in his Supper,
even as he had promised in the said chapter, it is most
untrue. For only he gave his body sacramentally, spiritu-
ally, and effectually, in his Supper, to the faithful Apostles,
and corporally he gave it in a bloody sacrifice for the life of
the world upon the Cross once for all. . . .

But the popish mass is another matter. The mass, as it is
now, is but one of Antichrist's youngest daughters, in the
which the Devil is rather present and received than our
Saviour, the Second Person in Trinity, God and man. 0
Lord God, heavenly Father, for Christ's sake we beseech thee
to turn again England to the right way it was in, in King
Edward's time, from this Babylonical, Jewish, spiritual
whoredom, conspiracy, tyranny, detestable enormities, false
doctrine, heresy, hardness of heart and contempt of thy
word and commandments, etc. . . .

In the end of the same letter, after much else
about doctrine and much more railing at papists, he
writes, " God be thanked that the nobility something
of late have spied and stopped their tyranny," which
surely means that the suppressed rebellions of the
spring were not altogether ineffectual in diminishing
the observance of the revived religion.

We had as true knowledge as ever was in any country, or
at any time, since the beginning of the world; God be

ch. vi SPIRIT OF EDWARDINE PARTY 369

praised therefor. If Hadleigh, being so many years per-
suaded in such truth, will now, willingly and wittingly,
forsake the same, and defile itself with the cake-god, idolatry
and other Antichristianity thereunto belonging, let it surely
look for many and wonderful plagues of God shortly.
Though another have the benefice, yet, as God knoweth, I
cannot but be careful for my dear Hadleigh. And therefore,
as I could not but speak, after the first abominable mass
begun there, I being present no more, I cannot but write
now being absent, hearing of the wicked profanation of my
late pulpit by such a wily wolf.

This is downright earnest, and no mistake. And
it hardly promised well for the peace of the country
when earnest men felt like this. How, indeed, was
the Queen to obtain, even under an Act of Parlia-
ment, toleration for the old religion, or rather that of
her father's days, which was all that was possible at
present, if a few religious firebrands in different
localities, regardless of the law, had the power
actually to put that religion down within their
limits ? Foxe's sneer about the papists trusting
usually to armed force was the very reverse of
truth, even in the case to which he particularly
applied it ; for it is clear from his own account
that the " popish mass," in which people still be-
lieved, could never have been re-established at
Hadleigh unless there had been an armed guard to
protect it.

In fact, there is no doubt it had been forborne for oid ot>-
a long time, not only in Hadleigh but in other stances
places as well. A mere Act of Parliament received
but scanty respect from enthusiasts who were per-
suaded that their own religion was scriptural and the
mass idolatrous. Yet from the beginning of the year
1554 a good deal was done to bring back Henrician
order. On the 3rd January Gardiner called together
the churchwardens and others of thirty London
parishes to inquire why some of them had not the
mass and service in Latin ; " and they answered that

vol. iv 2 b

370 LOLLARDY & THE REFORMATION bk. vm

they had done what lay in them."1 On the 13th
Dr. Crome, parson of Aldermary (a man not unknown
to us in Henry VIII. 's time),2 was sent to the Fleet for
preaching on Christmas Day without a licence.3 On
the 14th "began the procession on the Sundays" about
St. Paul's, the Lord Mayor and aldermen in their
cloaks taking part in it.4 This was just a day before
Wyatt's insurrection broke out at Maidstone ; but
the language of the chronicler suggests that the be-
ginning then made was duly followed up, and that the
procession became a permanent thing once more. On
St. Paul's Day also, the 25 th of the same month, "was a
goodly procession at Paul's, with a 50 copes of cloth of
gold. " 5 The churches had been plundered of such vest-
ments in Edward's time ; but they were now restored.6
The disorders of the time did nothing to diminish
the steadfastness of those who upheld the old religion.
On Ash Wednesday (7th February), when Wyatt
was in arms against the Queen at Charing Cross,
Dr. Weston sang mass before her, wearing a suit of
armour under his vestments.7 As Palm Sunday
and Eastertide drew near, Bishop Bonner, then doing
the duty of a metropolitan for the whole province of
Canterbury (as Cranmer had been condemned for
treason), caused the clergy to warn their parishioners
on the subject of past neglect, urging them to make
their confession and receive the Sacrament henceforth,
especially at the accustomed times, and peremptorily
to cite auy who still delayed doing so before the
Bishop at St. Paul's.8 Orders were also given that
the Easter " sepulchre " should be set up again, in
which the Host was reserved from Maundy Thursday
till the morning of Easter Day.9

1 Chronicle of Queen Jane and Queen Mary, p. 34.

2 See Vol. II. of this work, pp. 435 sq.

3 Machyn, Diary, p. 51. ^ Grey Friars' Chronicle, p. 86.

8 Machyn, Diary, u.s. 6 See Dixon, History, iv. 128-31.

7 Narratives of the Reformation, p. 278.

8 Cardwell, Documentary Annals, i. 126.

9 Narratives of the Reformation, u.s.

CHAPTER VII

THE QUEEN'S MARRIAGE

We have seen in the end of the last chapter how the Popular
tide was beginning to turn again in matters of religion feelins

o O o o respecting

after the Act for the Restoration of Mass as in Henry religion.
VIII. 's time. It may be thought that this was only
a turn of the official tide, and such a view seems not a
little to be favoured by the amount of remonstrance
shown against the change, which remonstrance, it
must be remembered, represented feelings which
gained much more favour in the days of Queen
Elizabeth. But it may be questioned whether
Edwardine feeling at this time was half so strong as
it was clamorous. Indeed, there are circumstances
even in connection with Wyatt's insurrection which
seem to show that, however greatly the leaders had
at heart the cause of Edwardine religion, it was a
motive which they wished to keep hidden from the
people at large, who were only to be excited against
Spaniards and the Spanish marriage.

In fact, even during a great part of the reign of
Elizabeth, there seems much reason to believe that
the majority of the people were still well affected to
the old religion, though the question of submitting
to Roman jurisdiction was another matter which
affected men variously. Henry the Eighth had laid
a very deep foundation for the future religious
and social conditions of the country, when he

371

372 LOLLARDY & THE REFORMATION bk. viii

declared the Pope to be no more than a foreign
bishop, and got Parliament to make it treason to
acknowledge him as having any jurisdiction in
England. It was a vast revolution, but, when
one bishop and one great layman had protested
against it at the cost of their heads, and a few other
martyrs had submitted to the more horrible atrocities
of the hangman and the ripping-knife, the nation at
large was content to leave the spiritual jurisdiction
of the realm in the hands of the King, who claimed
it as his own equally with the temporal. The matter,
most people felt, was none of theirs ; the responsibility
lay with the King.

And now when the jurisdiction of Rome had been
set aside for twenty years, was it likely that the old
statesmen of the reigns of Henry VIII. and Edward VI.,
however willing they might profess themselves to
return to the Queen's religion and accept the ancient
observances, would be anxious to recall a jurisdiction
which could not but treat them, if the point were
pressed, as receivers of property which did not rightly
belong to them ? They were almost all of them
large grantees of monastic property and other lands
of which the Church had been dispossessed ; and
without some strong guarantee that Rome would not
press for restitution, it was not in human nature, least
of all in the nature of courtiers, that they should
greatly favour the papal claims. Wyatt's rebellion
then was due largely to causes which were not
ostensible ones ; and though it was suppressed, the
feelings out of which it originated still remained.
The failure of the rebellion caused deep anxieties
among those implicated, and far more people were
really implicated than appeared upon the surface.
Some, if not personally guilty, were painfully affected
in their own domestic and social relations, as was
Sir John Mason, who was prevented from going on
an embassy to the Emperor by an illness brought

ch. vii THE QUEEN'S MARRIAGE 373

on, it was believed, by the execution of two of his
wife's brothers, the Isleys, in Kent.1 Thus, even
willing loyalists were perplexed, while part of the
Council had no doubt been tampered with more or
less directly by Wyatt himself, or others as deep in
the conspiracy; and discord prevailed among them
as much as ever.

The main director of the Queen's policy in Gardiner
matters of religion was naturally the Lord Chancellor, ^ard
Gardiner, a man incorruptible by Imperial bribes ;
while in the matter of her marriage and what
related thereto, she was almost entirely swayed by
Renard. And it was impossible for Renard not to
feel that, with all his great ability and craft, he
was in Gardiner opposed by a statesman of true
English feeling, who was not inclined to put his
country and her institutions entirely at the mercy of
a foreign power, especially of a belligerent foreign
power. Mary had been led to believe that her
marriage was the only means by which she could
govern England at all ; she felt painfully her own
weakness ; and what was worse from a practical point
of view, she confessed it plainly on her knees before
the Council. She was never mistress in her own
house ; but ever since her one rather too sharp reproof
to Gardiner 2 she was learning to estimate him more
and more highly, while the courtly Paget, who had
won so much favour at first by seconding her pro-
posed marriage to Philip, had declined in her esteem.

Hence the main struggle now was between the
native counsellor Gardiner and the Imperial coun-
sellor Renard, who was filled with deep anxieties as
to the possibility of crowning his own grand project
with success by getting Philip safely into England.
Renard's secret thoughts about Gardiner are expressed
freely in his ciphered letters to the Emperor.

1 Renard to the Emperor, 9th March, R. 0. Transcripts, ser. ii. 145,
p. 185. 2 See pp. 126-27.

summoned
to Oxford.

374 LOLLARDY & THE REFORMATION bk. vih

Gardiner to him is the chief source of danger to the
Imperial policy ; the bishop was always thinking
more about the restoration of religion than about
political expediency. He was retarding the due
execution of justice upon the Queen's rebels, while
he was depriving married priests, and correcting
irregularities which might have been let alone till
the Queen's own authority and her marriage were
fully assured. It may be observed, however, that a
Lord Chancellor was officially considered the keeper
of the sovereign's conscience ; and even as a bishop,
Gardiner was surely bound to do his utmost to enforce
an Act of Parliament for the better ordering of religion.
Parliament By Gardiner's advice only, as Eenard believed, in
the middle of February, Parliament was summoned
to meet at Oxford on the 15th day after Easter, to
ratify the articles of the marriage treaty. At Oxford
there would be less trouble about this than in
London ; moreover, the removal might punish the
Londoners for their sympathy with heretics by carry-
ing away their trade elsewhere. At least this was
the result apprehended by the Londoners themselves,
and they made so strong a protest against the arrange-
ment that it had to be altered. First the opening
date was changed to the 7th April, while Oxford was
still to be the place ; but ultimately both place and
date were changed, and the Parliament actually met
at Westminster on the 2nd April. But in summon-
ing it a question naturally arose about the supremacy ;
and in spite of the opposition of some members of
the Council, Gardiner insisted that the Queen should
still be styled, as she was by law entitled, " Supreme
Head of the Church."

One arrangement, however, made in view of the
Parliament at Oxford was adhered to, with some little
delay. On the 8th of March the Council ordered
a letter to be written to the Lieutenant of the Tower
to deliver to Sir John Williams [the sheriff of

ch. vii THE QUEEN'S MARRIAGE 375

Oxfordshire] his three prisoners, Cranmer, now styled
" late Archbishop of Canterbury," and Doctors Ridley
and Latimer, to be conveyed to Oxford. This was
with a view to a theological disputation, that they
might say what they could to justify their heresies.
At the last Convocation in October the new school
had claimed the victory over the old, and their pre-
tensions should now be met in a better ordered dis-
cussion. Philpot had expressly challenged such a
disputation. The prisoners had to remain, however,
a month or more at Oxford instead of in the Tower,
till the arena was prepared for them. For Convocation,
like Parliament, had been summoned to Oxford in
the first instance, and had been adjourned to London.

On the 2nd April, then, Mary's second Parlia- Mary's
ment met at Westminster, and was occupied some p^"d_
days by mere preliminaries before the formal opening, ment.
On the 5th the Houses were addressed by Gardiner,
as Lord Chancellor, who stated that, in consequence of
the stormy and inclement weather, the Queen could
not be present at the opening, and he adjourned
them to Whitehall till next morning at nine o'clock.
There he addressed them again in the Queen's
presence, showing the causes of their summons, which
were, briefly : — First, for the ratification of the articles
for the treaty of marriage ; and, secondly, for the
restoration of true religion. He also said that a
Bill would be laid before them for the restoration of
the Bishopric of Durham, which had been suppressed
and divided into two sees by the last Edwardine
Parliament [though, so far as the erection of these
new sees was concerned, the Act had been rendered
ineffectual by the death of the King].1

Of this House of Commons, Canon Dixon informs
us that —

Great changes in the Commons marked the efforts of the
Court to secure a body pliant to the wishes of the Queen :

1 [Burnet, History of the Reformation, ii. 359.]

376 LOLLARDY & THE REFORMATION bk. vm

and of those who had sat in Mary's first Parliament no
more than seventy members were returned.1

Lord Paget This Dixon found by examination of the printed
Shier's retums to Parliament. The main results of the
policy. labours of the Legislature were, in effect : that the
marriage treaty was fully confirmed, and the See of
Durham restored, but various Bills against Lollardy
and heresies, which passed apparently with ease
through the House of Commons, were rejected by the
House of Lords ; while a Bill introduced by the
Chancellor to make offences against Philip's person
treason also failed, being dropped after the third
reading.2 The chief opponent of these measures
was Paget ; 3 a heretic at heart himself, he was
alarmed at the heresy proceedings, and he was
most anxious that the Parliament should finish as
soon as possible. This feeling he expressed in April
in a letter to the Imperial Ambassador, worded as
follows : —

Sir, — As I know the entire affection which you bear
to her Majesty the Queen and her crown, I cannot restrain
myself; I must trouble you with the griefs I endure for
her Majesty and my country. Behold he whom you wot of
(meaning Gardiner) comes to me since dinner with a sudden
and strange proposal ; saying that, since matters against
Madame Elizabeth do not take the turn which was wished,
there should be an act brought into parliament to disinherit
her. I replied that I would give no consent to such a
scheme for many reasons.

1 Dixon, History of the Church of England, iv. 164.

2 lb. pp. 169-70.

3 Renard to the Emperor, 1st May, in Tytler, ii. 385-86. [That Paget
was a "heretic at heart" seems doubtful (see Strype, Mem. II. i. 536;
Dixon, m.s. p. 162) ; "like the most powerful section of the English laity,"
he was an Erastian ; he made the safety of the State his first object ; he
objected to persecution of the Protestants before the holders of Church lands
were secured in possession of them (Renard to the Emperor, 6th May, u.s.
p. 253), and the country was in such a settled state as to preclude resist-
ance to the Queen's marriage, for he saw the danger of allowing religious
disaffection to be strengthened by an alliance with secular interests (see
Professor Pollard in Polit. History of England, vi. 121) ; whereas Gardiner
made the suppression of heresy his first object. — Ed.]

ch. vii THE QUEEN'S MARRIAGE Z77

Sir, for the love of God persuade the Queen to dissolve
the parliament instantly, and to send those who have been
chosen for the government of the counties into their
districts ; for the times begin to be hot, men's humours are
getting inflamed, warmed, fevered ; and I see that this
person, for his own private respects and affection, has resolved
to hurry forward such measures as will create too much
heat, with no regard to the circumstances in which we are
placed, and to the coming of his Highness, and with no
forecast of the danger which may ensue.

You know, when the parliament began, we resolved,
with consent of her Majesty, that only two acts should be
brought forward; the one, concerning the marriage; the
other, to confirm every man in his possessions ; reserving to
her Majesty to take what steps she pleased regarding her
title and style. By God, Sir, I am at my wits' end, and
know not what to do except to pray God to send us hither
his Highness with all speed, for then all will go well ;
and, till then, things will take the course you see them
running now.

Urge his voyage into England, and that with all
diligence, and thus will you do the greatest service that ever
was done to the Emperor, to the Prince, to the Queen, and
to the kingdom ; as knoweth God, whom I pray to give you
ever his grace, and to keep me in yours. — Yours, in all
readiness to command, William Paget.1

It was unfortunate that Renard's influence over
Mary was so complete ; he had filled her with the
feeling that her marriage was of the first necessity for
herself and for her realm, in order that it might be
restored to the true faith and be reconciled to Rome ;
and that all were heretics who objected to the
marriage, forasmuch as they disliked the object for
which that marriage was devised. Curiously enough,
however, Gardiner, who was endeavouring to promote
the true faith under the last Act of Parliament, was
an object of dislike to Renard just because he was not
zealous enough in the prosecution of offenders, and
seemed anxious to spare the effusion of blood to
satisfy the requirements of an Imperial, not an

1 Tytler, ii. 381-83.

378 LOLLARDY & THE REFORMATION bk. vin

English, policy. He was far too much devoted to
religion for Renard, and too little to the practical
work of destroying all elements of political disturb-
ance in the kingdom, as a preparation for Philip's
coming over and the completion of the marriage.
[Renard complained that the Chancellor did all in
his power to prevent Courtenay 's condemnation, and
he constantly represented to the Queen that both
Elizabeth and Courtenay were dangerous to the peace
of the kingdom and to the security that it was neces-
sary to establish before Philip could come hither.
Elizabeth [Early in the session, on 11th April, Wyatt, who

comtenay hac^ Deen kept in the Tower in the hope that some
removed information might be gained from him as to his
Tower. e accomplices, and especially as to the complicity of
Elizabeth and Courtenay in the rebellion, was executed
as a traitor, and his head was placed upon a stake on
the gallows " beyond St. James," 1 which stood on Hay
Hill. Those opposed to the Government eagerly
maintained that before his death he completely
exonerated Elizabeth and Courtenay from all partici-
pation in his designs.2 His speech on the scaffold
was not ambiguous. But as far as regards the Earl,
whatever Wyatt may have wished those present to
believe, it is impossible, as we have seen, to regard
him as guiltless. Nor is there any reason to doubt
the word of Lord Chandos, the Lieutenant of the
Tower, who told the Council that just before his death
Wyatt urged Courtenay to confess his guilt. The
lawyers considered that there was ground for his con-
demnation, and Renard pressed for his immediate
execution, but he had powerful friends in Gardiner
and Rochester, the Comptroller, and Rochester per-
suaded the Queen to regard him with favour. The
question of Elizabeth's complicity in Wyatt's treason
was also made the subject of legal inquiry, and the

1 [Chronicle of Queen Jane and Queen Mary, p. 74.]
2 [lb. pp. 72-4 ; Ambassadcs de Noailles, iii. p. 174 ; Foxe, vi. pp. 431-2.]

ch. vii THE QUEEN'S MARRIAGE 379

lawyers reported that there was not sufficient evidence
to condemn her. In any case, Renard told his master,
her relation (great uncle) the Lord Admiral, Lord
Howard, would not allow her to be condemned, and
" he had the whole force of the kingdom to support
him," l apparently referring to his command of the
fleet. Elizabeth was removed from the Tower on
19th May and lodged at Woodstock in the custody of
Sir Henry Bedingfield, and on the 28th Courtenay
also was taken from the Tower and was sent to
Fotheringay. Wyatt's execution was followed by
that of Lord Thomas Grey on 27th April, but his
brother, Lord John, received a pardon won for him
by the insistent efforts of his wife, Mary, sister of Sir
Anthony Brown, who was created Viscount Montague
later in this year.]

About the middle of April the Queen received a Trial of sir
very notable warning, by which, unfortunately, she Throg.as
failed to profit, that the severity which the Emperor morton.
and Renard were urging her to pursue was by no
means so politic as it appeared to them. On the 17th
Sir Nicholas Throgmorton, or Throckmorton, along
with Sir James Croft, Robert Winter, and Cuthbert
Vaughan, were arraigned at the Guildhall before the
Lord Mayor and a commission of judges and lawyers,
as accomplices of Wyatt and the other rebels. But
the trial of Throgmorton2 alone occupied the whole
day, with a result which was scarcely expected, for
Sir Nicholas was possessed of remarkable courage
and forensic ability. An outline of some main
portions of this trial will reflect a very curious light
upon the state of things.

Throgmorton first asked for indulgence as his
memory was not good. But he denied that his
meeting with Winter was about a scheme for taking
the Tower of London. On this, Winter's confession

1 [Tytler, ii. pp. 375, 384-5.]

2 [The trial, of which an abstract follows, is recorded at length in
Holinshed, Chron. iv. 31 sqq. ed. 1808.]

380 LOLLARDY & THE REFORMATION bk. vm

winter's was read, to the effect that Throgmorton, meeting him
evidence. in Tower Street, said that " Wyatt, who was at his
house near Gillingham in Kent, desired to speak with
him " ; that at another meeting later, Winter told
him that Wyatt greatly disliked the coming of the
Spaniards, which he feared would be soon, and
thought it would be well if the Tower could be taken
by night before the Prince came ; but Throgmorton
had replied that he disliked this, and Winter said
he disliked it also. Further, that at another time
Throgmorton, meeting Winter at St. Paul's, said,
" You are Admiral of the fleet that now goeth into
Spain to convey the Lord Privy Seal (Bedford)
thither," and suggested that, to avoid the danger of
the French at sea, he might land his Lordship and
his train in the West Country ; that Throgmorton
said that Wyatt had changed his purpose for taking
the Tower of London, and Winter replied he was glad
of it ; and as for the French, he trusted he could
keep the Queen's ships safely. Throgmorton was
also said to have taxed Winter with having sold his

o

country for a chain presented to him by the Emperor
— a charge which Winter denied.

Throgmorton said that if the whole of this were
true, it would not implicate him in treason. And
he gave his own explanation of the sending of Winter
to Wyatt.

" Yes, sir," said the Attorney, " but how say you
to the taking of the Tower of London, which is
treason ? "

Throgmorton replied, that though Wyatt intended
it and Winter had informed him of it, that did not
bring him within the compass of treason. Winter
really made it clear by his confession that Throgmorton
did not like it, and Throgmorton added reasons from
his own personal relations with the Lieutenant of the
Tower l to show that he could never have contemplated

1 [Sir John Brydges, created Lord Chandos a few days previously.]

ch. vii THE QUEEN'S MARRIAGE 381

it. He confessed that he had had conferences with
Wyatt and with Warner, before he knew the dangerous
character of Wyatt's designs. The last time he talked
with Wyatt, he had seen the Earl of Arundel also talk
with him in the Chamber of Presence. As to his
conference about opposing the Prince of Spain's
coming, he confessed that he never liked the marriage,
and he had learned his reasons for disliking it from
Master Hare,1 Master Southwell, and others in the
Parliament House, by which he saw that the whole
feeling of the kingdom was against it. This was
extremely effective, as both Hare and Southwell sat
on the Bench as his judges. But he declared that he
had never made any uproar or tumult against the
Spaniards, and had resorted to Warner's house not to
confer with Wyatt, but to show his friendship for the
Marquis of Northampton who was lodged there.

Vaughan had confessed that Throgmorton showed Vaughan's
him that he had sent a post to Sir Peter Carew to evidence-
come forward with as much speed as might be, and to
bring his force with him, and had likewise advised
Wyatt to advance, as the Londoners would take his
part, and various other details. Stanford2 said
Throgmorton had better confess that he was im-
plicated both in Sir Peter Carew's enterprise and in
Wyatt's, and throw himself on the Queen's mercy ;
and Bromley3 also urged him to take this course.
But Throgmorton refused to accuse himself, and said
that Vaughan had lied.

Vaughan was then called into Court, and having
been sworn, said "he would rather have seven years'
imprisonment than thus testify against Throgmorton,"
and he appealed to Throgmorton to say whether
there ever had been any displeasure between them
to move him to accuse him falsely. Throgmorton
said, none that he knew, and asked Vaughan, " How

1 [Sir Nicholas Hare, Master of the Rolls.]

2 [William Stanford, Queen's Sergeant, later a judge.]

3 [Sir Thomas Bromley, Lord Chief Justice.]

382 LOLLARDY & THE REFORMATION bk. vih

say you ? What acquaintance was there between
you and me, and what letters of credit or tokens did
you bring me from Wyatt, or any other, to move me
to trust you ? "

Vaughan said he only knew Throgmorton as he
did other gentlemen ; and as for letters, he had
brought him none but letters of commendation from
Wyatt, as he had done to divers others.

Throgmorton answered him, " You might as well
forge the commendations as the rest." Then, address-
ing the Court and the jury, he pointed out the
extreme unlikelihood that he would have spoken
openly on so dangerous a matter to a man so com-
paratively unfamiliar with him as Vaughan. No
doubt Wyatt had been examined about him, and
said what he could. Vaughan indeed said that young
Edward Wyatt could confirm the matter of their con-
versations, and he had made suit that Edward Wyatt
should be brought face to face with him, or otherwise
be examined. Moreover, he made a very powerful
appeal to the jury, showing the inefficiency of
Vaughan's testimony as that of a condemned man,
who was not a sufficient and lawful witness, whereas
the law required two witnesses in such cases to prove
treason.

Throgmorton gave his own account of his com-
munication with Vaughan at St. Paul's, in which
Vaughan spoke of the cruelty of the Spaniards, and
how " it would be very dangerous for any man that
truly professed the Gospel to live here." And he
had answered, " It was the plague of God justly
come upon us. Almighty God dealt with us as He
did with the Israelites, taking from them for their
unthankfulness their godly Kings, and did send
tyrants to reign over them. So God had taken away
their King Edward VI., under whom they might
both safely and lawfully profess God's word, and
would send them tyrants."

ch. vii THE QUEEN'S MARRIAGE 383

Stanford thereupon desired Throgmorton's own
confession to be read. Throgmorton requested
Stanford himself to read it and the jury well to
mark it. And Stanford did read it, accordingly, to
the effect that Throgmorton had conferences with
Wyatt, Carew, Croft, Rogers, and Warner, as well of
the Queen's marriage with the Prince of Spain, " as
also of religion, and did particularly confer with
every the forenamed, of the matters aforesaid."

Moreover with Wyatt the prisoner talked of the bruit
that the Western men should much mislike the coming of
the Spaniards into this realm, being reported also that they
intended to interrupt their arrival here. And also that it
was said, that they were in consultation about the same at
Exeter. Wyatt also did say that Sir Peter Carew could not
bring the same matter to good effect as the Earl of Devon-
shire, and specially in the West Parts, in so much as they
drew not all by one line.

Throgmorton put forward very telling vindications Throg-
of himself from charges connected both with Wyatt SK^8
and the Duke of Suffolk, asking why the Duke's
brother, Lord Thomas Grey, still alive, though in
prison, was not brought up to witness against him.
He was then accused of conspiring the Queen's death
with William Thomas, Sir Nicholas Arnold, and
others ; that by Arnold's confession William Thomas
devised that John Fitzwilliam should kill the Queen,
and that Throgmorton knew of it. Throgmorton
denied Arnold's statement, and said it was made
only to excuse himself.

John Fitzwilliam, whom Throgmorton called as
witness, was not suffered to speak, and Throgmorton
begged the jury to note that it was because he had
something to say on his behalf that he was for-
bidden to speak ; and that there was nothing to
support Arnold's assertion that Throgmorton knew of
William Thomas's device.

384 LOLLARDY & THE REFORMATION bk. viii

Then, being reminded of Wyatt's accusation
against him, he said :

Whatsoever Wyatt hath said of me in hope of his life,
he unsaid it at his death, for since I came into the hall I
heard one say (but I know him not) that Wyatt upon the
scaffold did not only purge my Lady Elizabeth her Grace
and the Earl of Devonshire, but also all the gentlemen in
the Tower, saying, they were all ignorant of the stir and
commotion ; in which number I take myself.

Hare interposed : Notwithstanding he said, all that he
had written and confessed to the Council was true.

Throgmorton rejoined : Nay, Sir, by your patience,
Master Wyatt said not so, that was Master Doctor's
addition.1

Southwell. It appeareth that you have good intelligence.

Throgmorton. Almighty God provided this revelation
for me this day since I came hither. For I have been in
close prison this eight and fifty days, where I heard nothing
but what the birds told me which did fly over my head.
And now to you of my jury I speak specially, whom I
desire to mark attentively what shall be said.

And then he pointed out to them the weakness
of the evidence accusing him of compassing the
Queen's death, levying war against her, and other
treasons, especially in view of the repeal of certain
statutes of treason by the October Parliament.

There followed some discussion on Throgmorton's
desire to have the statutes read, which was objected
to. And Throgmorton very ably proved the reason-
ableness of his request ; following up his arguments
with some words addressed to the Court which are
highly interesting, as showing the Queen's desire, at
the beginning of her reign, to purify justice from
bad traditions of severity towards the accused.

"And now," he said, " if it please you, my Lord Chief Justice,
I do direct my speech specially to you. What time it
pleased the Queen's Majesty to call you to this honourable

1 [Chron. of Queen Jane and Queen Mary, p. 74. Dr. Hugh Weston,
Dean of Westminster, attended Wyatt at his execution.]

ch. vii THE QUEEN'S MARRIAGE 385

office I did learn of a great person of her Highness' Privy-
Council that, among other good instructions, her Majesty
charged and enjoined you to minister the law and justice
indifferently without respect of persons, and notwithstanding
the old error amongst you which did not admit any witness
to speak or any other matter to be heard in the favour of
the adversary, her Majesty being party, her Highness'
pleasure was, that whatsoever could be brought in the favour
of the subject, should be admitted to be heard."

Bromley told him that the Queen spoke those He quotes
words to Morgan, Chief Justice of the Common Pleas, statutes of
who, as the reader will remember, passed sentence on treason.
Lady Jane Grey. Being denied his request that the
statutes should be read in Court, Throgmorton said
he would trust to his memory, and let them verify ;
and his memory served him well. Then lie triumph-
antly asked the jury what evidence had been shown
them of any overt act, such as the law required, to
make him accountable for treason, any open deed of
taking the Tower of London.

Bromley asked why the Queen's Counsel did not
answer him, and said to him, " You need not have the
statutes, for you have them perfectly."

Throgmorton confessed in his pleading that he
had agreed with Wyatt in disliking the coming of
the Spaniards, and would withstand it as much
as he could ; but this, he maintained, was no
treason, his words being rightly understood. He
absolutely denied that he had procured any act of
treason.

The Crown lawyers pressed the prisoner severely, His
in spite of the mitigation of the old treason laws. aciulttaL
The Attorney-General complained of the prisoner's
interruptions as if they were impertinent and unlawful,
though they all tended to vindicate for him a fair
hearing. But he conducted his own defence so ably
that at five o'clock in the afternoon the jury came to
an unanimous verdict of acquittal, and he was dis-
charged, amidst the plaudits of the people.

vol. iv 2 c

386 LOLLARDY & THE REFORMATION bk. vih

Yet his acquittal, it is clear, could never have been
secured except by a combination of very rare abilities,
with a just cause ; for the old bad traditions of West-
minster Hall were put as vigorously in use against
him as if they had never been rebuked by the Queen
herself. His defence exhibited marvellous courage,
self-possession, and ability. Professing himself to be
no lawyer, but an unlearned man who had picked up
all his law in the Parliament Houses, he repeated
from memory the statutes which the Chief Justice
refused to have read in Court, and insisted on all
that was due to an accused man on trial [in spite of
a disgraceful appeal which Griffin, the Attorney-
General, made to the Bench to silence him]. The
case was almost unprecedented ; only one accused
person in Tudor times had as yet escaped, Lord Dacre,
in 1534, whose acquittal by the Lords showed that
the influence of Anne Boleyn was shaken ; but here
a jury of commoners had given effect to the general
Popular English love of fair play against legal browbeating
rejoicing. an(^ intimidation. Although acquitted, Throgmorton
was carried back to the Tower [for it was alleged that
there were other charges against him, and he was not
released until the 18th January following. When
the jury's verdict was known] caps were thrown up
in joy and the people raised deafening cheers, a sharp
rebuke to Royalty and Court influence, for the Queen
had been perfectly persuaded by Renard that Throg-
morton, being a heretic, was no less a traitor than
Wyatt. [That same night Wyatt's head was secretly
taken from the gallows and carried off by some of his
party, a daring crime which caused no small sensa-
tion.1 The Queen was so vexed by Throgmorton's
acquittal that she was ill for the next three days,
and the jury who had shown so courageous and
independent a spirit were straitly imprisoned, and

1 [Renard to the Emperor, 22nd April, R. 0. Transcripts, ser. ii. 145,
p. 244.]

ch. vii THE QUEEN'S MARRIAGE 387

only released towards the end of the year on payment
of fines amounting to £2000.]

[The irritation excited by the untimely attempt to The
revive the heresy laws, the severity of the Government, ofSpariil°n
and the prospect of the Queen's marriage, caused merit.
Eenard fully to agree with Paget's wish for a speedy
dissolution of Parliament. That the country should be
quieted so that Philip's coming might be made possible,
was the one thing for which he really cared. It was
impossible for the Prince to come to a land where
men were ready to fly at one another's throats ; the
summer was drawing near, and then the hot blood of
the English would, he thought, become still hotter,
and the Lords and gentlemen of Parliament would be
doing more useful work than they were doing in
London, if they returned to their own counties and
kept them quiet. The reformation of religion must
not be pushed on hastily ; it was a matter in which
moderation was necessary in order to avoid discontent
and trouble.1 Accordingly, Mary dissolved Parliament
on 5th May. Some satisfaction was given to her by
a representation that the rejection of the Bill for the
re-enactment of the heresy laws left heresy still
punishable by death by the common law. It may,
however, be noted that no execution for heresy took
place until after the heresy laws had been revived
in the December of this year. Mary parted with the
Parliament on good terms. Her speech, which she
delivered in person, was more than once interrupted
by cries of " God save the Queen" ; but we need not
literally accept Renard's further statement that most
of her audience were moved to tears by her eloquence
and kindness.2 Shortly after the dissolution Paget
entreated her forgiveness for his opposition to the
Bills for the punishment of heretics and the extension
of the law of treason to offences against Philip's

1 Renard to the Emperor, 28th April, U.S. p. 251.
2 lb. 6th May, u.s. p. 258 b.

388 LOLLARDY & THE REFORMATION bk. vm

person. After some reproaches she pardoned him,
but did not regard him with favour, for she considered
him, and was encouraged by Eenard to consider him,
as a heretic, and as leagued with other heretics against
Gardiner and his party.1]

The The Queen's great difficulty was want of money,

Queen's ancj jj. was no^ ^0 Parliament that she was looking

troubles. o

for relief; she thought that loans favoured by the

Emperor would meet all present difficulties.* [Already

want of this year her financial agent Gresham 2 had been busy

money. ^Q Antwerp negotiating a loan ; he had been successful,

though her credit was shaken by the news of Wyatt's

rebellion. In May she sent him again on a like errand,

and, with the Emperor's permission, to procure

powder, saltpetre, and harquebuses. He also went to

Spain, and there, after much difficulty and delay,

obtained £97,878. This was brought to England in

gold and silver ten weeks after the Queen's marriage.

It came at a time when money was terribly scarce,

and was carted through the streets of London, in

order to make people think that Philip's advent

would be profitable to the nation.

Unfriendly [Although England was at peace abroad, munitions

"J**10118 of war were in demand, for not only did domestic

France. affairs wear a threatening aspect, but Mary's relations

with Henry II. of France were severely strained.

Henry, who was still at war with the Emperor,

sought by all means in his power to prevent her

1 Renard to the Emperor, 13th May, u.s. p. 261.

* Dr. Gairdner intended to go on with an account of the Queen's
difficulties and troubles during the two months and more next before
her marriage, and a notice of those on which he would have written more
fully and with greater knowledge is given in the text, for the sake of such
small degree of completeness as is now possible. Dr. Gairdner was pre-
vented from writing on tbe disputation (or rather the proceedings against
Cranmer, Ridley, and Latimer) held at Oxford by delegates from Convoca-
tion and others in April, and as the subject stands apart from the main
course of events, and in any case would be considered most conveniently in
connection with the later proceedings against the three prelates, as was,
perhaps, the author's intention, no attempt has been made to enter on it here.

2 The famous Sir Thomas Gresham, founder of the Royal Exchange,
knighted 1559, died 1579. See further Burgon, Life of Gresham.

ch. vii THE QUEEN'S MARRIAGE 389

marriage with Philip, which was certain, sooner or
later, to enlist England on the side of his enemies,
and would in any case strengthen the Emperor's hold
on the Low Countries. The welcome which he ex-
tended to refugees from England caused Mary per-
petual annoyance. Sir Peter Carew had escaped
from Weymouth to France in a ship belonging to
Walter Raleigh, father of a famous son. Other
refugees had sailed with him or joined him there, —
Sir William Pickering, John Courtenay, son of Sir
William Courtenay of Powderham, a Tremayne of
Collacombe, a Killigrew, a Perceval, and many
another gentleman of the West Country or elsewhere,
— for the most part men bred to the sea, and either
attached to the Edwardine religion, or, at least,
enemies of the Government which was pledged
to the Spanish marriage, and fugitives from its
vengeance. To Mary's reiterated complaints of the
shelter he afforded her rebels, Henry replied that he
had a right to employ them in his wars, and that,
provided he did not employ them against their own
country, he was not guilty of any breach of amity
with England. If the Queen wanted more she should
have made a treaty with him, as he had proposed.1

[But these exiles were busy with maritime affairs The
on the Norman coast, and were engaged in prosecuting refl,sees-
schemes against the English Government. They
were provided with ships and arms, and some of them
sailed out and did, or tried to do, mischief. Carew,
indeed, so his friend and biographer, Hooker, tells us,
refused to serve against his country.2 This may be
true literally, and no doubt Hooker wrote it on
Carew's authority, but it is unlikely that either Sir
Peter or his associates were invited by Henry to do

1 Ambassades de Noailles, iii. 199, 234.

2 Hooker, Life of Sir Peter Carew, p. 59, ed. Sir J. Maclean. Hooker
passes in silence over the four months and more of Carew's stay in France,
representing his departure from that country as though it followed im-
mediately on his arrival and his alleged refusal to serve against his country.

390 LOLLARDY & THE REFORMATION bk. vm

so : they were employed by him against his declared
enemies, their own Queen's allies ; they infested the
Channel, rendering it unsafe for the ships of the
Spanish and Netherlandish subjects of the Emperor,
and acting with the support of France, they excited
the hopes of the malcontents in England, and tried
to embarrass the Government in all ways in their
power. Wild reports of intended French invasion,
of plans for a descent on Essex, where the heretics
were many and turbulent, or on the Isle of Wight
and Portsmouth, had some basis in the hopes and
intrigues of these refugees, whose activity, though
of no signal consequence, hindered the establishment
of peace and order in England, and were a source of
alarm and irritation to the Queen. The dominance
of France in Scotland added to the anxieties of the
Government, and both there and in Ireland, where
there seemed opportunities of making trouble by
encouraging the ambitious policy of Shane O'Neill,
English exiles in France appear to have been employed.
[It was unfortunate for the future of the Protestants
in England that men who were more or less identified
with their party should have served the French king
in these ways. Their cause, like that of Lollardy in
the fifteenth century, was already injured by its con-
nection with rebellion ; it was further discredited by
connection with French hostility to their own country.
For the English of that day had no liking for the
French ; they were thoroughly insular in feeling, and
were jealous of foreign interference ; and for the most
part they cared far more for material prosperity,
which depended on a settled Government, than they
did for sacramental doctrines. A cause which seemed
to depend for success on rebellion and alliance with
France failed to excite sympathy among the majority
of Englishmen, and especially among the wealthier
and more powerful classes. That was awakened later
by the persecution which was to follow.

ch. vii THE QUEEN'S MARRIAGE 391

[To the Queen the doings of the refugees were The French
peculiarly irritating, for Henry was hindering the channel.
completion of her marriage. If her affianced husband
was to come to her, she had to ensure him a safe voyage.
French ships of war in the Channel served at once
to make communication difficult between the Low
Countries and Spain, and to delay Philip's voyage.
A fleet at Plymouth under Lord Howard 1 was to bring
him over; for it was intended that he should come
in an English ship. A squadron was also stationed
off Dover, for a French invasion was thought to be
imminent. False alarms were rife, fleets of fishing-
boats and other harmless vessels in company with
French ships of war being mistaken for part of a
large armed force. Acts of hostility were committed
on both sides. The fishermen of Brest complained
of English depredations. A French attempt to place
artillery on Sark wTas foiled by some Flemish ships
which were aided by the guns of the castle of Jersey,
and the French commander, La Bretonniere, was
forced to surrender ; in the Emperor's ships engaged
in the action there were, King Henry averred, thirty
Englishmen to one Fleming.2

[An English ship conveying to England the Grand
Alcalde and another special envoy from the Emperor
was chased by the French and barely escaped ; her
companion with their horses and baggage was
captured. The Queen was indignant ; but many an
English heart must have been glad, for the long-
expected coming of the Alcalde gave great offence, as
it was held to threaten interference with the adminis-
tration of justice, and his very title excited hatred.3
At a later time we read of English and Spanish ships

1 The Lord Admiral, Lord William Howard, a younger son of Thomas,
second Duke of Norfolk, was created first Baron Howard of Effingham on
11th March 1551.

2 Ambassades, iii. 195, 232, 240.

3 lb. pp. 214, 221-22 ; Renard to the Emperor, 22nd March, R.O.
Transcripts, ti.s. pp. 201-31 ; cp. pp. 305-8.

392 LOLLARDY & THE REFORMATION bk. vin

engaged together in chasing some French ships into
the ports of Normandy.1 In spite of all this, and of
angry interviews between the Queen and the French
Ambassador,2 Henry had no intention of going to
war with England.- If the malcontent party, heretics
and opponents of the Spanish marriage, had shown
themselves strong; enough to overthrow the Govern-
ment, he would have gladly joined with them in
making their victory secure, for he would thus have
gained an important ally — whether under Elizabeth or
Mary of Scotland — against the Emperor ; but he knew
that they were crushed by the severity with which
Mary had punished the late rebellion, and Noailles
made them understand that they were not to expect
any help from his master.3
Domestic [The co-operation of the ships of England with
Indlts- those of the Emperor against the French does not
picions. imply that the English seamen regarded the Queen's
proposed marriage with favour. On the contrary,
they hated it ; they treated the crews of the Emperor's
ships so roughly that the Flemish commander had to
forbid his men setting foot on shore in England ; and
Howard's crews became mutinous at the prospect of
having to bring Philip over, declaring that if they
had him on board they would deliver him to the
French. The Lord Admiral himself was suspected of
disloyal dealings.4 Mary was harassed by a violent
quarrel between the Lords of the Council and by her
suspicions of those of them who were opposed to her,
and to Gardiner, now her most trusted councillor.
The quarrel was about religion, Gardiner apparently
desiring to push forward the suppression of heresy,
while his opponents — Paget, Arundel, and Pembroke
— were determined that this should wait until the
holders of Church lands were secured in possession,
and the kingdom was in a settled state.

1 Tytler, ii. 408. 2 lb. p. 406 ; Amhassades, iii. 202.

3 lb. pp. 275-76. 4 lb. pp. 413-14 ; Ambassades, iii. 220.

ch. vii THE QUEEN'S MARRIAGE 393

[Gardiner believed that his opponents were in league
with the heretics against him, and that they were arm-
ing with the intention of imprisoning him, of then
making the Queen rule as they chose, and of marrying
Elizabeth to Courtenay. He armed his followers and
counselled the Queen to send Arundel and Paget to
the Tower. These suspicions were met by removing
both the Princess and the Earl from the Tower to
places in districts where the Catholics were strong.
After consultation, however, the Queen and the Chan-
cellor agreed that the state of the kingdom, and the
fact that their belief as to the existence of a conspiracy
rested only on suspicion, rendered moderate measures
advisable, and that it would be enough if the Queen
was in a position which would prevent her from being
surprised ; and Gardiner counselled her to leave Lon-
don. She removed to Richmond on the 29th of May.
Meanwhile the Earls of Sussex, Huntingdon, Shrews-
bury, and Derby were sent each to his own district,
ostensibly to prepare against any outbreak, which
they did by keeping bodies of men under arms, but
in reality to prevent them from being won over by
the party suspected of conspiracy ; and an order was
issued forbidding any one to come to Court with
more than two attendants.1 Mary was in a pitiable
state of perplexity and suspicion.

[The progress of her great design — the reconciliation The
of her kingdom to Rome — brought her other anxieties ; cllurch

0 o lands.

she was still forced to use the title she abhorred,
Supreme Head of the Church of England, and her
kingdom was still heretical. Pole, who was spiritually
minded and regardless of political considerations,
pressed the restitution of the papal obedience as
necessary to the eternal salvation of her people, and
to her own claim to reign. Parliament, however,
would not sanction reconciliation until the holders
of Church lands were fully assured that they would

1 Tytler, ii. 393-95, 398-400 ; Ambassadcs, iii. 225-26, 265.

394 LOLLARDY & THE REFORMATION bk. vih

not be called upon to give them up, and until then
the Queen would be unable to put in force effectual
means for the suppression of heresy. English lay-
men, though they might be Catholics, were not so
eager to be received again into the Roman fold as
to be willing to imperil their landed property to
obtain that privilege. The legate's zeal was dis-
pleasing to the Emperor, who saw that any attempt
to force on a reconciliation with Rome without the
consent of Parliament would endanger the success of
his policy, and Gardiner, and even Mary herself, were
fully convinced that Parliament must be satisfied as
to the Church lands. The powers for the recon-
ciliation first granted to Pole by Pope Julius, on the
8th March, expressly contemplated the restoration
of these lands to the Church ; and it was not until the
28 th June that the Pope gave him powers enabling
him to treat and agree with the possessors that they
might retain them without scruple.1 This brief,
however, was not satisfactory to Gardiner, for it
seemed to open the door to an institution of pro-
ceedings by the legate in individual cases. There
must be no opportunity for summoning men before
a legatine court to defend their title to their lands,
and compound for undisturbed possession of them.
This question, and another which concerned the
finality of the legate's settlement, were not arranged
until a later date.2

[While Mary and Gardiner were thus forced to
defer the national reconciliation, they were not the
less anxious for the complete re-establishment of
ecclesiastical jurisdiction ; and Mary obtained from
Pole the reconciliation of the newly appointed bishops,
without which, according to the strict papal theory,
they had no right to exercise episcopal jurisdiction
or other functions. This step was vainly opposed

1 Burnet, Hist, of the Reformation, vi. 322, 332, Records, ed. Pocock.
2 Cal. of State Papers, Venetian, v. 581-82, 584-85.

ch. vii THE QUEEN'S MARRIAGE 395

by Paget and his party, on the sufficient ground
that it was still unlawful to recognise papal authority ;
but Pole rejoiced, for he considered his absolution
of individuals as necessary to their salvation, and as
paving the way for the absolution of the nation
collectively.1 The Emperor, fearing the probable
consequences of his zeal for the Pope, still kept him
from going to England ; Pole, indeed, incurred his
displeasure, for Charles wrongfully suspected him of
having expressed dislike of the Queen's marriage to
Philip while on a visit to Henry of France, for the pur-
pose of mediating a peace with the Emperor, an object
which he failed to accomplish. Mary was convinced
that the marriage was necessary to the success of her
great design, and the Emperor was determined that
her design should not be an obstacle to the completion
of the marriage.

[But when would the marriage be completed ? Mary's
Mary sorely needed her affianced husband. Though S£for
she was apt to be guided by others, she was a hard- coming.
working Queen ; she transacted business of State for
many hours every day and until after midnight ;
she gave constant audiences to her Privy Councillors,
and expected them to tell her every detail of public
affairs, and, we are told, received all who desired it.2
Trying as such work must have been to a woman of
her delicate health, subject to frequent headaches and
heart trouble, which her physicians met with the
violent remedies usual at that time, it was rendered
tenfold harder by the anxieties, vexations, and
suspicions which beset her. And she had to bear her
burden alone. In a personal government, such as
that of the Tudor monarchs, no minister, however
trusted, could relieve his Sovereign of the burden of
ruling. In choosing Philip as her husband, Mary
hoped that he would give her the support that she

1 Cal. of State Papers, Venetian, v. 495-97.
2 lb. pp. 533-34.

396 LOLLARDY & THE REFORMATION bk. vra

was conscious that she needed, and believed that his
power would quell discontent in her kingdom.

[But his coming seemed indefinitely deferred. By
the beginning of May she had made costly preparations
for it, but about that time she was informed that he
would not arrive for the next two months.1 From
Richmond she went to Oatlands on the 16th of June,
and so by Guildford to Farnham, that she might
complete the preparations for Philip's landing at
Southampton, and for her marriage, which she
designed to take place at Winchester. Weeks passed,
and no date was fixed for his coming, and she was
left with scanty assurances of his regard. He had
throughout treated the marriage simply as a matter
of policy, in which his father was more immediately
concerned than himself. As such it was certainly
a matter of the highest importance, for it would,
Charles thought, secure the possession of the Nether-
lands to his house. If there were children of the
marriage, England and the Netherlands were to
be their common inheritance, while Spain and the
Emperor's Italian dominions would go to Philip's
issue by his first marriage ; and even if Mary should
not have children, the marriage would for the time
enable Spain, by alliance with England, to defend the
Netherlands against France.2
Herun- [While Charles took infinite pains to arrange this

happiness. marrjage> Philip did not disguise how little his
personal taste was gratified by the prospect of it.
In the face of his neglect of the amenities of court-
ship, Mary could not but feel bitterly that at thirty-
eight she was too old to please a husband of twenty-
seven. Day after day this was borne in upon her
with increasing force, as she detected signs that age
was stamping its marks upon her face. Philip did
not come because he loved her not, and knew that he

1 Ambassades de Noailles, iii. 203-4.
2 Armstrong, The Emperor Charles V., ii. 276 sqq.

ch. vii THE QUEEN'S MARRIAGE 397

would not love her. It is said that she was told by
strangers, the Emperor's subjects, that he did not
begin his journey because he did not desire to come
to her, because he feared that French ships might
catch him on his way, and because he hated the
thought of the voyage, as he was subject to sea-
sickness. Disappointment and mortification affected
her health and soured her temper. She seems to have
suffered from hysteria ; sometimes she was angry with
every one, and at others gave way to depression.
M. de Noailles entertained his master with particulars
concerning her distress, betrayed by the lady who,
as the custom then was, shared her bed, and to whom
she seems to have talked freely. He represented her
as a prey to amorous desires ; and in our own day
his words have been insisted on in an equally unkind
spirit by a master of historical style.1 They may
well be true. She was her father's daughter ; she
had reached middle life without having known man's
love, and her woman's nature had so far been
repressed ; and she belonged to a time when the
natural instincts of sex, though not perhaps more
often blindly obeyed than at present, were not
regarded as feelings from which an unmarried lady
is supposed to be exempt, or which she should not
confess even to another woman.

[Her trouble and irritation were heightened by she suffers
manifestations of popular discontent and by insults [
to herself, which would have exasperated the most
patient sovereign of her time, and were especially
annoying to her because they seemed to show that the
country was by no means prepared to welcome Philip's
coming, and that, in London and its neighbourhood
at least, he and his followers might meet with an
unpleasant reception. Open rebellion she had made
hopeless, but she was sharply reminded that her pro-

1 Ambassades, iii. 248-49, 252-53 ; and cp. Froude, History, v. 401,
cr. 8vo edition.

from
insults.

398 LOLLARDY & THE REFORMATION bk. vm

ceedings with respect to religion were abhorrent to
many of her subjects, and her approaching marriage
to her people generally. The undisguised delight
with which Throgmorton's acquittal was hailed in
London seemed to make it not unlikely that a riot
might break out on May Day, which was always kept
as a popular festival, and in 1517 had been the elate
of a formidable riot raised by the London prentices,
then usually of more mature age than in later times,
and when roused by their gathering cry of Clubs!
Clubs ! by no means easy to deal with in the narrow
streets of the City. Accordingly, the Queen's guards
were ordered to be in readiness to quell any disturb-
ance, and the day passed off quietly. Very bitter
to Mary must have been the evidences of her sister's
popularity, when the Princess was conveyed to Wood-
stock. The Londoners, indeed, had little opportunity
of showing their joy at her release from the Tower,
for the barge in which she was carried was rowed up
to Richmond without drawing to land, but the Queen
heard with ang-er the sound of cannon fired at the
Steelyard as a sign of rejoicing.1

[Several persons, men and women, were arrested in
London for slanderous and seditious words, and were
punished by being set on the pillory with their ears
nailed to it. Among these warnings against scandalis-
ing the Queen, the "poor maid" employed in March in
the imposture of a voice which seemed to issue from
a wall in Aldersgate Street2 was made to confess her
fault on a scaffold at Paul's Cross on the 6th July.
A royal proclamation set forth that tumults, slanderous
tales touching the Queen, " vain prophecies and un-
true bruits, the very foundation of all rebellion," were
rife in Norfolk, and charged the justices to be diligent
in searching out the authors of them, and to make
a monthly report to the Privy Council.3 In London

1 Wiesener, Youth of Queen Elizabeth (trans.), ii- 85-90 ; Papiers du Card,
de Granvelle, iv. 249.

2 See pp. 305-6. 3 Strype, Memorials, III. ii. 214.

ch. vii THE QUEEN'S MARRIAGE 399

libels on the Queen and her principal Councillors
were found scattered in the streets and the Court,
and some even in her bedchamber. A reward of a
hundred crowns was offered for the discovery of the
authors of this crowning insult, but the only effect of
this seems to have been a repetition of the offence.1
Mary must have been glad to remove to Richmond at
the end of May, leaving Lord Clinton to assist the
Lord Mayor in keeping order in the city. The attempt
on Pendleton's life during his sermon at Paul's Cross,
of which we have already read,2 took place soon after-
wards. The Queen's departure from London did not
free her from insult. Slanderous placards and
pamphlets still found their way into the Court, and
so violently irritated her against her people that she
could not speak to any of them, whether great or
small, without lowering brow and angry voice.3

[These and similar manifestations are worthy of No
note on account of their effect upon Mary's tempera- ^selhon
ment, and upon the idea of a connection between possible,
heresy, as a resistance to the Queen's proceedings,
and disloyalty, and consequently upon the horrible
persecution of the Protestants, which was soon
to follow, and was eventually to change the feel-
ings of a large part of the nation on the subject of
religion. Otherwise they were of no great importance.
By far the larger number of Mary's subjects were
either pleased by the restoration of the old religious
observances or at least perfectly content to acquiesce
in it. We must not keep our eyes too much fixed on
London, though, as our authorities were mostly
written there, it is hard to remember not to do so ;
nor even on the Eastern Counties, which, geographic-
ally and through their industries, were specially
open to foreign influences ; there were many districts
in which the reformers' doctrines had taken little hold.

1 Ambassadcs de Noailles, iii. 213. 2 See pp. 333, 336.

3 Ambassades de Noailles, iii. 249.

400 LOLLARDY & THE REFORMATION bk. viii

Even in London the wealthier citizens, the governing
class, were generally Catholics, while the large number
of processions held during the, spring1 suggests that
the majority of the inhabitants of all classes rejoiced
at the revival of the religious pageantry which formed
so prominent and attractive a feature in medieval
civic life. With respect to the Spanish marriage the
state of feeling was different. There were probably
very few laymen that did not hate the prospect.
But there was not now any cause to fear rebellion.
The nobles and untitled gentry, for the most part
loyal by inclination, were about to be gratified by a
confirmation of their claim to the lands of which the
Church had been despoiled. While there was some
opposition in the Council to the Queen's policy, there
do not appear at this time to have been sufficient
grounds for her suspicions as to the existence of a
conspiracy either to dethrone her in favour of Eliza-
beth and an English husband, or to put her under
any unconstitutional restraint.

[Mary had shown a remarkable aptitude for follow-
ing her father's example in dealing with unsuccessful
rebels and with those who, whether innocent or not,
might be dangerous to her throne. She was keeping
her sister a prisoner ; she had sent a young and
innocent kinswoman to the block ; two dukes had
been beheaded ; men of lordly rank, knights, gentle-
men, and a multitude of lesser folk had been executed
during the twelve months since she had gained the
throne, and every week the danger of even speaking
against the doings of the Queen and her Council was
impressed on the people by the sight of the punishment
that followed it. Whether all this severity was justi-
fiable we need not discuss ; it is enough to note here
that it was effectual, and that though there was much
discontent in the country, there was no danger of
rebellion. Any attempt at it would have been hope-

1 Macliju, Diary, pp. 62-4 ; Strype, Memorials, III. i. 189-90.

ch. vii THE QUEEN'S MARRIAGE 401

less except as seconding a French invasion, and Henry
had no intention of going to war with England, though
he would have rejoiced to profit by a successful re-
bellion, which would have made England his ally
against the Emperor. His attitude discouraged the
malcontents abroad as well as at home. As early as
April, Pickering had given information against his
associates to Mary's Ambassador in Paris, and escaped
their vengeance by flight into Italy. Sir Peter Carew,
having apparently failed in June to persuade the
King to send a squadron to the neighbourhood of
Plymouth, either to look out for Philip, or perhaps,
as Mary feared, to take some hostile action,1 retired to
Venice. Others remained in Paris, and some still
cruised off the Scilly Isles, their accustomed haunt.
They were joined by French ships, and Philip on his
voyage to England, in spite of the great force he had
with him, ordered that precautions should be taken
that his fleet might escape observation, and passed
by them in safety.

[By the middle of June Philip was expected in Last
about a fortnight, and the Queen had made full and delay!
costly preparations for his arrival; butRenard remarked
that neither nobles nor the people generally were
following her example, the nobles pleading that they
were prevented by poverty from welcoming him with
"tourneys and jousts." 2 When, however, the Prince
did come, they obeyed the Queen's summons, and
attended her wedding in great number and with a
magnificence of array which excited the admiration
of foreigners.3 London was relieved from the sight
of gibbets with their ghastly burdens, the Corporation
made a large grant for decorations and pageants,4 and
later, by the Queen's command, the Lord Mayor pro-

1 Ambassades de Noailles, iii. 253. 2 Tytler, ii. 416-17.

"LaReina . . . accompagnata superbissiinaniente da tutti Signori del
Regno ben ornati di vestimenti d' oro ed di gioie." — Rosso. / Succcssi
a Inghilterra, p. 62.

4 Machyn, Diary, p. 65.

VOL. IV 2D

402 LOLLARDY & THE REFORMATION bk. viii

claimed that when the Prince entered the City he was
to be received with acclamations.1 Compulsory cheers
cannot but sound hollow ; but holidays, feasting, and
fine shows, even if enforced by authority, will always
be greeted with applause by the multitude. But here
we are looking too far ahead. By the end of June
ambassadors from the King of the Eomans and the
King of Bohemia arrived with congratulations, and
ambassadors from other sovereigns were expected
shortly;2 but the bridegroom did not appear. How-
ever, the Marquis de las Navas brought the Queen a
large diamond as a present from him, and assured her
that the Prince's baggage had been put aboard.3 By
the 12th July his arrival was daily expected, for he
had written to say that he was embarking on the
8 th. Mary was delighted, but her hope was still to
be deferred a little longer.

The [Philip actually set sail from Coruna on the 15th.

thtrQueen°f ^e came attended by a splendid company of nobles
of Spain and of the Empire, and with a fleet of eighty
of his father's stately ships, besides smaller vessels,
which were conveying some 4000 Spanish soldiers to
reinforce the Emperor's army in Flanders.4 Procrasti-
nation or difficulties in mustering this force may in
a measure account for Philip's last delays.5 These
soldiers were forbidden to land in England. The
fleet anchored in Southampton Water on the 20th.
The next day the Prince landed at Southampton]

[* and the Queen was married to him at Winchester on
the 25th. The marriage service was performed by
Gardiner in his own cathedral, and after the ceremony
he announced that the Emperor, to make his son, who

1 Ambassades de Noailles, iii. 280. 2 lb. p. 262.

3 lb. p. 261 ; Cal. State Papers, Venice, v. 516.

4 Rosso, U.S. pp. 58, 61. 6 Cal. State Papers, Venice, v. 525.

* The remainder of this paragraph is taken from Dr. Gairdner's The
English Church in the Sixteenth Century (which forms the fourth volume
of A History of the English Church, edited by the late Dean Stephens and
W. Hunt, in nine vols.), p. 340.

ch. vii THE QUEEN'S MARRIAGE 403

was only as yet Prince of Spain, a more equal match
for his bride, had resigned to him the kingdoms of
Naples and Jerusalem. The couple then bore each
other's titles, and were immediately proclaimed by
heralds as King and Queen of England, France,
Naples, Jerusalem, and Ireland, Defenders of the
Faith, Princes of Spain and Sicily, Archdukes of
Austria, Dukes of Milan, Burgundy, and Brabant, and
Counts of Habsburg, Flanders, and Tyrol. On 1st
August they were also proclaimed in London ; and
after Philip had been installed as a Knight of the
Garter at Windsor on the 5th, they entered London
on the 18th. We can read of the brilliant pageantry,
and the wealth brought with them to England by
Spanish visitors, when the riches of the New World
displayed themselves in London streets ; but the
under-currents were sad. The marriage itself was a
political marriage, entered into on both sides from a
desire to bring an erring nation back into the unity
of Christendom.1 It was by this means in the first
place, as the Emperor had persuaded Mary, that the
thing was to be done ; Pole's legation from the Pope
might follow when the knot was tied. But from the
very first there were symptoms of bad feeling between
the English and the Spaniards, and before many
weeks were over there were Spaniards hanged for
killing Englishmen, and Englishmen for fighting with
Spaniards.]

1 Dr. Gairdner would not have written thus in 1912: as this volume
shows, he had then come to see that on the Emperor's side the security
of the Netherlands was a far more powerful motive than desire for the
re-conversion of England.

INDEX

Abergavenny, Lord. See Nevill, Henry

Acts of the Privy Council, 6, 13, 14,

15, 29-30, 228 n., 229 n., 273,

337, 339, 340, 343, 359, 361 n,,

362

Alcade, the Grand, 391
Aldermary, 370

Aldham, 357, 360, 365

Alexander, , 315

Allen, , "the hot Gospeller,"

319

"Ally," John, 172

Alskewe, Henry, 362

Altars, pulling down of, 131, 194 n.,
333, 357

Amersham, Bucks, 336

Amiens, 51

Andover, 221

Ankerwyke, Bucks, Bishop Taylors
death at, 79, 80

Anstey, Latimer's servant, 338

Antwerp, loan negotiated at, 388

Aragon, Katharine of, Queen, concern-
ing her marriage, 31, 88, 89 n.,
98, 100, 108, 146, 150, 152, 153,
154, 164, 165

Armagh, Archbishop of, 341 n.

Arnold, Sir Nicholas, 283, 298, 383

Arras, Bishop of, Antoine Perrenot, 60,
61, 143
Mary's message to, 25
his reply to Renard's letter, 61-62

Arundel, Earl of. See Fitzalan, Henry

Arundel, Sir John, of Treryse, letter
of, 199-200, 205

Arundell, Thomas, of Lee, 199

Ashford, 228

Ashridge, Bucks, 163, 166, 278, 280,
281, 284, 285, 287, 303, 304

Aslyn, Richard, 251

Astelyn, Richard, 339

Astley, 251, 255

Augsburg, Cardinal of, 144

Averth, John, 357, 358

Aylmer, John, tutor to Lady Jane Grey
(afterwards Bishop of London
under Elizabeth), 133, 134, 136,
137

Azevedo (Diego de), Philip's major
domo, 173

Baker, James, 361 n.

Bale, John, Bishop of Ossory under
Edward VI., 72

Banbury, , a spy, 318, 320

Barling, 361

Barlow, William, Edwardine Bishop of
Bath and Wells, 79, 276

Barnes, William, 340

Barnet, 249

Barram, , 231

Barret, , 229 n.

Basill, Theodore, alias Thomas Becon,
seditious preacher, 14

Bath, Earl of. See Bourchier, John

Bath, Knights of the, ceremony at
creation of, 40

Bath and Wells, Bishop of. See Bar-
low, William ; Bourne, Gilbert

Beal, Robert, Clerk of the Council
under Elizabeth, 80, 81

Beaulieu or Newhall, Essex, 52, 54, 58,
114

Beckat, Robert, 199

Bedford, 336

Bedford, Earl of. See Russell, John

Bedingfield, Sir Henry, 342, 379

Beechampe, John, 199

Berkeley, Sir Maurice, 245, 323

Berye, Edward, 361 n.

Bicester, 343

Bickleigh, 220, 221

Bilney, Thomas, 354

Bird, John, Bishop of Chester, depriva-
tion of, 274

Bishops, new, need of, 25, 26
consecration of, 276
reconciliation of, 394

4°5

4o6 LOLLARDY & THE REFORMATION

Blackaller, Mr., deputy Mayor of

Exeter, 206
Blackheath, 236

Blackpool, near Dartmouth, 222
Blacksoll Field, 231
Blackstone, Mr., Sub-Dean of Exeter,

207, 208
Bluet, Sir Roger, 221
Bodmin, 199
Bohemia, King of, Ferdinand, 68, 84,

85 n., 115, 402
his son Maximilian, 84, 85 n.
Boisdauphin, Sieur de, French ambas-
sador to Edward VI., 49
Boleyn, Anne, Queen, 4, 31, 87, 386
Bonner, Edmund, Bishop of London,

12, 197, 207, 274, 325, 343, 347,

348, 349
deprivation of, 193, 196
restored to his diocese, 25, 27
presides over Convocation, 130, 131,

160 n.
serves as Metropolitan over province

of Canterbury, 370
his preface to Gardiner's book in

favour of the Royal Supremacy

{temp. Henry VIII.), 72
Borough Green, 231
Boulogne, cession of, 48

siege of, 308
Boulogne, Basse, Wyatt made captain

of, 226
Bourchier, John, 2nd Earl of Bath,

311, 312
Bourne, Gilbert, Queen's Secretary,

Bishop of Bath and Wells (1554),

276, 309, 310, 311, 313
his sermon at Paul's Cross and

the riot caused by it, 12-15, 16,

24, 193, 333, 359
Bowes, Sir Robert, 80
Bowyer, John, man of business to the

Duke of Suffolk, 249, 250, 251,

255
Bracher, Robert, 367
Bradford, John, Prebendary of St.

Paul's, 13, 14, 344
Bradgate, the Duke of Suffolk's seat in

Leicestershire, 249
Brandon, Charles, Duke of Suffolk,

335
Charles, son of the above, 335
Henry, son of the above, 335
Brest, 391

Bret, Captain, 234, 242, 263
Bridges, Sir John, Baron Chandos

(1554), Lieutenant of the Tower,

14, 221, 243, 263, 303, 314, 374,

378, 380

Bridges (Bruges), Thomas, brother of the
Lieutenant of the Tower, 261, 314

Bristol, Bishop of. See Bush, Paul

Bromley, Sir Thomas, Lord Chief
Justice, 381, 385

Brooke, George, Lord Cobham (1529-
1558), 225, 226, 233, 235, 237,
248, 283

Brooke, George, son of Lord Cobham,
283

Brooke, Thomas, son of Lord Cobham,
283, 322, 323

Brooke, Sir William, son of Lord Cob-
ham, 283

Brookes, , 329

Brooks, James, Bishop of Gloucester,
consecration of, 276

Browne, Sir Anthony, afterwards Vis-
count Montague, 6, 202, 379

Browne, George, Archbishop of Dublin,
341

Brussels, 24, 25, 77, 88, 144, 153,
171, 173, 174, 201, 293

Brysse, Sir, 333

Brystow, , 315

Brytyn, , 328, 329

Bugden, Huntingdonshire, 335 n.

Burdet, Mr., 253, 254

Burnet, Bishop, his History of the
Reformation, 154

Bush, Paul, Bishop of Bristol, depriva-
tion of, 274

Cabot, Sebastian, 294
Calais, 52, 186, 201, 294, 310
Cambridge, 50, 334

King's College, 344
Canterbury, Archbishop of. See Cran-

mer, Thomas
Canterbury, Dean and Chapter of, 332

province of, 370
Cardinals, College of, 150, 151
Cardwell, Documentary Annals, 16-18
Careless, John, 339, 340
Carew, Sir Gawen, rebel, 206, 215,

217, 218, 219, 220, 221

his letters to Sir Thomas Dennis,

217-18, 219-20
Carew, John, of Bickleigh, 220, 221
Carew, Sir Peter, his treason, 206, 207,

208, 210, 211, 212, 213, 215, 217,

218, 219, 220, 221, 248 n., 256,
294, 300, 381, 383, 401

his letter to Sir Thomas Dennis,
217-18

escapes to France, 222, 265, 288,
289, 297, 389
Carey, Henry, afterwards Lord Huns-
don, 166

INDEX

407

Carnsew, William, 199

Catechism, The, denunciation of, 132-3

" Catholic Emancipation Act," 200

Cave, Dr. , friend of the Duke of Suffolk,
250

Cavvood, printer, 132 n.

Chamonde, Richard, 199

Champernowne, Sir Arthur, 206, 222

Channel, the, 390, 391

Chapuys, Eustace, Imperial ambas-
sador, 88

Charles V., Emperor, 19, 52, 61, 62,
65 »., 66, 68, 75, 76, 77, 84, 92,
101, 102, 113, 115, 117, 118,
122, 123, 143, 144, 146, 148,

152, 153, 159, 162, 165, 166,
168, 173, 174, 175, 177, 178,
179, 181, 182, 183, 184, 185,
186, 187, 192, 198, 202, 203,
204, 216, 224, 236, 237, 256,
257, 258, 265, 266, 267, 286,
291, 292, 337, 338, 372, 373,
377, 379, 380, 388, 390, 391,
392, 395, 396, 402, 403

at war with Henry II. of France, 23,
48, 56, 70, 88, 144, 170, 258,
264, 266, 388, 401

his advice to Mary on her religious
policy, 10, 44, 45, 51, 74, 75,
143, 151, 152, 153, 268, 337

Mary's reliance on, 9, 43, 54, 57,
84, 114, 162, 168

detains Pole abroad, 22, 109, 144 n.,

153, 171, 172, 208, 395

his policy with regard to England,

36, 43-47, 50, 51, 106, 119
his policy with regard to Mary's mar-
riage. See under Spanish Match
Mary's marriage treaty arranged by.

See under Mary
his remittance of 3000 crowns for

judicious distribution, 205, 214
sends Mary her espousal ring, 274
wedding honours conferred by, 403
Renard's letters to. See under

Renard
his daughter Mary, 85 n.
Chaucer, Geoffrey, 355
Chedsey, Dr. William, 135, 136, 139,

140, 330
Cheke, Sir John, 80
Chesselles, a French rebel, 265
Chester, Bishop of. See Bird, John ;

Cotes, George
Chester, Bishopric of, 276
Chester, William, 344
Cheyney, Richard, Archdeacon of Here-
ford (Bp. of Gloucester under
Elizabeth), 133, 134, 136, 137

Cheyney, Sir Thomas, Lord Warden of
the Cinque Ports, 6, 63, 65 n.,

225, 226, 228, 233, 234, 243
Chichester, Bishop of. See Scory,

John ; Day, George
Chichester, Sir John, 205, 206
Cholmeley, Mr., 282
Christopher, John, 219
Church property, dangers to holders of,

200, 372
Church Langton, Leics., 345
Churches, outrages in, 11, 90, 163
Chynerton, Henry, 199
Cinque Ports, Lord Warden of the.

.See Cheyney, Sir Thomas
Clarence, George, Duke of, his fate,

152
Clarence, Mistress or Lady, confidante

of the Queen, 37, 114, 163
Clarke, George, 230, 231
Clergy, marriage of, 154, 365

married, forbidden to say Mass, 197,

275-6
London, forbidden to preach, 13
Clerk, John, 357, 358, 360, 362
Clerke, Baldwin, 339, 340
Cleves, Anne of, 32, 41, 118
Clinton, Edward Fiennes de, 9th Baron

Clinton (Lord High Admiral under

Edward VI.), 35, 65 n., 245, 246,

399
Clinton, Lady, her marriage to Sir A.

Browne, 6
Clopton, Francis, 361 n.
Cobham, Lord. See Brooke, George
Coinage, the, under Edward VI. and

Northumberland, 34
Mary's vain attempt to correct, 34
reformation of, under Elizabeth, 35
Colchester, 340, 341
Collacombe, 389
Come, John, 199
Commendone, afterwards Cardinal, 24,

78, 151
Commissioners, Royal, inquiry by, 26-

27, 30
Committee of Thirty-two, 132, 193,

359
Common Prayer, Book of (1549), 193,

(1552?), 132
Commons, House of, composition of,

80
Commons, the, petition from, against

the Spanish match, 124, 125, 166,

197
Commons, Journals, 81, 92, 97, 154

n., 156
Compiegne, 53
Constantinople, 185

4o8 LOLLARDY & THE REFORMATION

Continent, communication cut off with

the, 236
Convocation, 88, 99, 108, 130, 131-4,
206, 375
writs for summoning, 22, 79, 130
dissolution of, 160
Cooling, Castle of, 225, 226, 233, 235
Copsall (Coggeshall?), 341
Corbet, Anthony, 251
Cornwall, sedition in, 127, 165, 199,

228 n.
Cornwallis, Sir Thomas, 229 n„ 232,

233, 234
Corufla, 402

Cotes, George, Bishop of Chester, con-
secration of, 276
Cotman, William, 227 »., 228 n.
Council, General, 108
Courrieres, Sieur de, Jean de Mont-
morency, special ambassador from
the Emperor, 44, 201. And see
under Imperial ambassadors
Courtenay, Edward, 12, 14, 38, 47,
86, 91, 94
Earl of Devon, 95, 97, 98, 104, 110-
112, 113, 115, 120, 123, 128, 129,
134, 143 n., 176, 182, 184, 185,
186, 187, 208, 216, 217, 264, 288,
292, 294, 383
his proposed alliance with Mary, 50,
55, 56, 62, 63, 65, 87, 94, 96,
100, 101, 102, 103, 106, 107, 109,
127, 172, 183, 236, 294
his proposed alliance with Elizabeth,
86, 87, 97, 109, 127, 161, 162,
165, 168, 169, 203, 214, 216, 299,
393
in connection with conspiracy, 208,
213, 214, 215, 216, 221, 224, 280,
284, 286, 296, 297, 298, 378, 384
his probable imprisonment, 249
sent to the Tower, 262, 278, 296
released from the Tower, 379
Courtenay, Henry, Earl of Devon,

Marquis of Exeter, 94
Courtenay, John, 389
Courtenay, Sir William, 389
Coventry, 250, 251, 252, 254, 255,
258, 337, 340, 354 n.
a stronghold of Lollardy, 251
Parliament in reign of Henry VI.

held at, 80
St. Michael's Church, 336
Mayor of, 336, 337, 339
Coverdale, Miles, deprived Bishop of

Exeter, 25, 26, 338
Cowlyn, John, 199

Cox, Dr. Richard, deprived Dean of
Westminster, 131, 310

Cradock, John, 333

Cranmer, Thomas, Archbishop of Can-
terbury, 192, 317, 318, 320, 355
his position, 26, 27
summoned before the Council, 29, 30
sent to the Tower, 29, 79, 130, 339
his manifesto, 27-29, 30, 31
tried and sentenced, 158, 159, 370
conveyed to Oxford for the disputa-
tion, 195, 341, 375
the divorce granted by, to Henry

VIII., 31, 154
his Register, 138
Croft, Sir James, rebel, formerly Deputy
in Ireland, 210, 211, 225, 227,
256, 283, 284, 294, 296, 298, 303,
304, 379, 383
Crome, Dr. Edward, 370
Cromwell, Thomas, servant of Henry

VIII., 118
Croydon, 317
Culpepper, Thomas, 225, 228 n., 229 n.

Dandino, Cardinal, papal legate to

Charles V., 24, 77
Darcy, Thomas, Baron Darcy of Chiche,

Lord Chamberlain under Edward

VI., 249
Dartford, 233, 235
Dartmouth Castle, 217, 222
Dauphin, the, marriage of, with Mary

Queen of Scots, 68, 101, 161, 178
Day, George, Bishop of Chichester,

195, 275
Denley, John, 229 n., 340
Dennis, Sir Thomas, Sheriff of Devon-
shire, 205, 206, 207, 212, 217
letters to, 217-8, 219-20
Deptford, 237, 242

Derby, Earl of. See Stanley, Edward
Devereux, Walter, Lord Ferrers, cr.

Viscount Hereford in 1550, 35,

310
Devon, Earl of. See Courtenay,

Edward
Devon, Earls of, Courtenays, 94
Devonshire, 80, 127, 165, 297

disaffection in, 205, 206, 207, 210,

211, 212, 214, 215, 217, 221, 222,

223, 226, 228 n.
Dey, John, parson of St. Ethelberga

within Bishopsgate, 15
Dillin^en, Bavaria, 143, 144, 146, 151,

153 n.
Dixon, Canon, his History of the Church

of England, 80, 375-6
Doell, Sir Henry, 362
Donnington, 279, 284, 285, 288, 303,

304

INDEX

409

Dorsetshire, 80, 206
Dover, 294, 391
Castle of, 225, 226
mayor of, 337

Draper, , 229 n.

Dryver, , 317

Dudley, Lord Ambrose, 158
Dudley, Sir Andrew, 19, 159 n.
Dudley, Lord Guildford, 20, 198, 309
sentenced to death, 158, 259
his execution, 259, 261
Dudley, Lord Henry, 158, 159 n.
Dudley, Henry, his mission to France,

47, 52, 53, 91, 159 n., 249
Dudley, John, Earl of "Warwick, 155
Duke of Northumberland, 34, 50,
51, 53, 59, 65, 66, 71/91, 117,
151, 159 n., 193, 206, 309, 313,
318
conspiracy of, 3, 5, 17, 19, 20, 39,

44, 52, 270, 326
policy of, 45, 46, 47, 48, 76, 191
his repentance and confession, 19, 20,

21, 31
his execution, 19, 21, 24
adherents of, 35, 85, 86 n.
Dudley, John, Eaid of Warwick, son

of above, 19, ? 64, ? 65 n.
Dudley, Lady Katharine, her marriage

to Lord Hastings, 309
Dudley, Lord Robert (afterwards Earl

of Leicester), 6, 198
Dunstable, 250
Durham, Bishop of. See Tunstall,

Cuthbert
Durham, See of, restored, 375, 376

Easterlings, the, 41
Eastern Counties, the, strong feeling
against the old religion in, 269,
274, 399
Eastwood, 361

Eden, his Examinations of Philpot, 140
Edgecombe, Sir Richard, 224
Edward III., 81

Edward IV., Courtenay a great grand-
son of, 94, 214
Edward VI., 14, 34, 70, 71, 72, 96, 128,
155, 160, 170, 180, 194 n., 206,
208, 218, 275, 317, 318, 319, 320,
327, 329, 331, 332, 335, 336,
341 n., 344, 351, 356, 363, 364,
366, 367, 370, 372, 382
his death, 3, 46, 49, 74, 359, 375
burial of, 9, 10, 27, 28
will of, 58
his device to exclude Mary from the

succession, 91, 193
his last Parliament, 80, 375

order of Holy Communion put forth
by, 22, 28, 29, 273, 324, 348

religious settlement during reign of,
75, 122, 132, 140, 146, 154, 155,
156, 160, 187, 192, 193, 195, 197,

198, 247, 272, 274, 276, 318, 323,
349, 353, 359, 360, 361, 371, 389

his second Act of Uniformity, 157
Edwardine party, the, 344 et seq. See

also under Edward VI., religious

settlement of
Efford, Sir J. Arundel's house of, 199
Egmont, Count, special ambassador

from the Emperor, 201, 203, 237,

274, 307 ; and see under Imperial

ambassadors
Elizabeth, 34, 41, 83, 98, 104, 124,

160, 163, 289, 292, 298, 333, 335,
342, 371

her religious position, 10, 31, 32, 33,

69, 164, 165
her doubtful legitimacy, 4, 5, 67, 93,

99, 214
her interview with Mary, 32
her proposed alliance with Courtenay.

See tinder Courtenay, Edward
danger or conspiracy through, 38,

199, 213, 248, 256, 280, 288, 294,
297, 299, 306, 378, 384, 400

and the Succession, 76, 93, 99, 110,

161, 162, 164, 166, 203, 376, 392
her probable imprisonment, 69, 119,

296
her illness, 278, 281, 283, 284, 287
her letters to Mary, 278-9, 285, 286,

300-302
summoned and brought to London,

279, 282, 296, 297, 305
sent to the tower, 300, 302, 303
examination of, 303-4
released from the Tower, 379, 398
prayer for her preservation as
"Queen," 335
Emperor, the. See Charles V.
Empire, the, succession in, 82, 85
Enfield Chace, 249
Englefield, Sir Francis, servant of Mary,

93, 100, 107, 112, 124
English church services to be set aside,

197 273
Essex, 243, 339, 340, 341, 343, 361
390
sheriff of, 359
Eton, 344
Exeter, Marquis of. See Courtenay,

Henry
Exeter, Gertrude, Marchioness of, mother
of Courtenay, 86, 94, 95, 97, 98,
128, 284

4io LOLLARDY & THE REFORMATION

Exeter, Bishop of. See Coverdale,

Miles ; Voysey, John
Exeter, 205, 206, 207, 212, 217, 218,
219, 220, 221, 222, 223, 383
St. Peter's Church, 221
Mayor and aldermen of, 206

Farnham, 396

Feckenham, John, 139, 260, 261

Feria, Count of, 282 n.

Fermour, Sir William, 339

Ferrar, Robert, Bishop of St. David's,

deprivation of, 274
Ferrara, Duke of, proposed for Mary's

hand, 67
Ferrers, Lord, Viscount Hereford. See

Devereux, Walter
Ferrers, George, 320, 321

Fisher, , 336

Fitzalau, Henry, Earl of Arundel (1544-

1580), 40, 69, 104, 105, 113, 114,

120, 121, 123, 126, 128, 161, 164,

178, 247, 297, 311, 312, 313, 381,

392, 393
Lord Great Master, 134
letter to, 199-200
Fitzwarren, Hugh, 331

Molde, 331
Fitzwilliams, John, to be murderer of

the Queen, 298, 383
Flanders, 88, 109, 116, 151, 153, 170,

173, 182, 185, 186, 266, 274, 402
Flanders, Count of, 187
Florence, Duke of, Cosmo de' Medici, 68
Florentines, the, 41
Flushing, 238
Fogge, Mr., 233

Forster, , 195

Foster, , 356, 357, 358, 360, 362

Fotheringay, 379

College, *344
Foxe, John, his Acts and Monuments,

5, 6-8, 13, 132-3, 194 n., 195,

239-41, 260-1, 262, 270-2, 275-6,

300, 304, 354-8, 367
Framlingham, Mary at, 6
France, King of. See Francis I. and

Henry II.
France, Dowager Queen of, Eleanor,

second wife of Francis I., sister of

Charles V., 55 n., 56, 62
France, 48, 148, 221, 265, 267, 284,

289, 297, 389, 390, 396
Northumberland makes peace with,

48, 76, 191
war with, probable, 67-68, 101, 115,

116, 122, 170
proposal for new treaties with, 179,

180, 266

Francis I., King of France, 148 ?i.

Francis, , 251

French ambassador. See Noailles

French diplomacy, perplexities of, 50

intrigues, 86, 91, 101, 146, 159, 162,

170, 192, 203, 204, 208, 209, 213,

257, 258, 266, 288, 292, 296, 306

invasion, danger of, 161, 167, 204,

390, 391, 402

Froude, James A., his History of Eng-
land, 118, 119, 120, 128, 159 «.,
397

Fulford, Sir John, 224

Gage, Sir John, Constable of the Tower,

6, 311, 313, 314, 322
Gardiner, Stephen, Bishop of Win-
chester, Lord Chancellor, 20, 21,
25, 26, 38, 41, 42, 47, 64, 71,
73, 78, 90, 96, 104, 105, 118,
119, 120, 121, 122, 123, 125,
126, 128, 129, 142 n., 154, 155,
164, 178, 179, 180, 193, 194,
195, 196, 202, 204, 211, 215, 216,
217, 232, 236, 237, 257, 274, 275,
276, 288, 290, 291, 292, 293, 295,
297, 299, 303, 307, 324, 325, 326,
327, 328, 330, 331, 333, 334, 336,
349, 350, 362, 363, 364, 366, 369,
373, 374, 376, 377, 392, 393, 394

performs the coronation ceremony,
42

his interviews with Noailles, 69, 70-71

speaks at the opening of Parliament,
81, 375

gives Renard his opinion regarding
the Queen's marriage, 116-18

the Queen tells him her decision for
her marriage, 120

agrees to the Spanish match, 123,
149

he favours Courtenay and his suit,
62, 63, 93, 95, 96, 97, 100, 106,
108, 112, 115, 116, 119, 126, 127,
129, 215, 292

preaches before the Queen urging
severity, 258-9

his book in favour of Royal Suprem-
acy, 71, 72, 164, 350, 351

places the cause of religion above
politics, 117, 164, 373

the Queen's most trusted councillor,
392

performs marriage ceremony, 402

Garett, , Sheriff of London, 313,

314
Gates, Sir Harry, 19, 198
Gates, Sir John, 19, 80

INDEX

411

Geneva, 336
Genoese, the, 41

Germany, 68, 75, 76, 115, 118, 129,
186, 334

Gerves, , 251

Gibbes, William, 219, 221

Gibbon, Edward, his Decline and Fall,

94
Gillingham, 380
Glastonbury, 337
Gloucester, Bishop of. See Brooks,

James
Gloucester, Sheriff of, 341
Glover, John, 255
Robert, 255

William, 252, 253, 254, 255
Glyn, Master, 139
Goldwell, Thomas, afterwards Bishop

of St. Asaph, 147, 150, 151
Gospellers, the new, 319
Granvelle, minister of Charles V., 25

state papers of, 338
Gravesend, 232, 233, 235
Greenwich, 71, 128, 237, 242, 243
tumult in, 39

Grene, , 229 n.

Gresham, Sir Thomas, 388
Grey, Henry, Duke of Suffolk (1551-
1554), 158, 161, 167, 169, 197
treason of, 227, 231, 246, 247, 249,
250, 251, 252, 253, 254, 255, 288,
321, 383
taken prisoner, 256, 258
his trial and condemnation, 264, 284
his execution, 283, 295
Grey, Lady Jane, or Queen, 46, 47,
48, 49, 51, 52, 198, 231, 247,

249, 255, 259, 260, 308, 345, 359
her marriage, 20, 309

her opinion on Northumberland's

recantation, 21 n.
sentenced to death, 158, 385
her farewell letter to her father,

260-1
her execution, 261-2
her tutors, 133
Grey, Lord John, brother of the Duke

of Suffolk, joins in the Duke's

treason, 169, 227, 246, 247, 249,

250, 256, 258, 283
is pardoned, 379

his wife Mary, 379
Grey, Lady Katharine, 261
Grey, Lord Thomas, brother of the
Duke of Suffolk, joins in the
Duke's treason, 169, 227, 246,
247, 249, 250, 251, 256, 264,
283, 284, 288, 383
his execution, 379

Grey, Lord, brother of Suffolk, 91
Grey Friars' Chronicle, 5, 131, 141
Griffen, Maurice, Bishop of Rochester,

consecration of, 276
Griffin, Edward, Attorney-General, 386
Guildford, 396
Guines, 267, 294, 295

Haddon, James, Dean of Exeter, 133,

134, 136, 137, 206
Hadleigh, Suffolk, 354, 355, 357, 359,

360, 361, 362, 365, 367, 369
Hales, Sir James, judge, 193, 194, 195,

196
Hales, John, 79 n.
Hamburg, 72
Hamond, John, 361 n.
Hampshire, 80, 228 n., 231, 338,

339 n.
Hancock, Thomas, heretic, 194 n.,

332, 339 n.
his narrative of his doings, 332, 333,

334-6, 339 n.
Harding, Thomas, 261
Hare, Sir Nicholas (Master of the

Rolls), 381, 384
Harley, John, Edwardine Bishop of

Hereford, 79, 275
Harper, Sir George, 225, 228 «., 229 n.,

232, 233, 234
Harpsfield, John, Bonner's chaplain,

131, 132 n., 136, 138, 139

Harrington, , 250

Harvey, Henry, LL.D., Vicar-General,

332
Harwich, 237, 238
Hastings, Sir Edward, " Lord," Master

of the Horse, 41, 225, 235, 236,

237, 309, 310, 313
Hastings, Francis, 2nd Earl of Hunting-
don, 91, 158, 225 n., 250, 254,

255, 258, 264, 309, 310, 393
Hastings, Lord, eldest son of the Earl

of Huntingdon, 309
Havering, 178
Heath, Nicholas, Bishop of Worcester,

30
Henry II., King of France, 23, 49, 50,

51, 52, 53, 64, 70, 103, 113, 124,

128, 144, 179, 181, 182, 213,

215, 264, 267, 286, 289, 295,

302, 305, 390, 391, 395
at war with the Emperor. See under

Charles V.
pleased at Mary's accession, 53
sympathises with Mary's desire to re-
store Roman Catholicism, 51, 266
encourages rebellion in England, 247,

257-8, 265, 287, 288, 294

4i2 LOLLARDY & THE REFORMATION

his attitude with regard to the

Spanish Match, 64, 70, 71, 86 «.,

117, 167, 170, 176, 177, 266,

388, 389

wishes to maintain friendship with

Mary, 178, 290, 307, 392, 401
letters to, 185-8, 209-10
Henry VI., his Parliament at Coventry,

80
Henry VII., his policy concerning re-
bellions, 35
Henry VIII., 71, 81, 94, 149, 180,
204, 208, 226, 276, 284, 308,
318, 320, 327, 350, 351, 356,
363, 364, 365, 367, 370, 372
his marriage to Anne of Cleves, 118
his breach with Rome and policy
regarding the Church of England,
23, 132, 192, 268, 351, 371-2
religious settlement during reign of,
28, 75, 78, 122, 123, 146, 154,
156, 160, 165, 187, 191, 196,
360, 369, 371
provisions of the will of, 3, 37, 93,

109, 161, 210, 326
his divorce from Katharine of Aragon,

31, 91, 98, 152
validity of his marriage to Katharine
of Aragon, papal recognition of,
88, 89, 90, 150, 154
and see Parliament, Mary's first
Herbert, Sir William, Earl of Pem-
broke, 62, 125, 224, 244, 245,
246, 256, 392
Hereford, Bishop of. See Harley,

John
Herefordshire, 80

Heresy the cause of treason, 247-8, 328
burning for, not yet enacted, 200,

353
laws, not yet revived, 353, 387
Heretic plots, 102-3, 294
Heretics, 117, 131, 159, 162, 163,
164, 203, 305, 306, 307, 308,
326, 328, 329, 374, 390, 393
Hesdin, capture of, 53
Heydon, Sir Christopher, 339
"Higham, Mr.," 155
Highgate, 282

Hoby, Sir Philip, ambassador from
Edward VI. to the Emperor, 31,
63, 64, 65 n.
Hodgkin, Dr., suffragan of Bedford,

preaches at Paul's Cross, 5
Hogius, Sieur de, special envoy between
Henry II. and Noailles, 177, 179
Holesley, 362

Holgate, Robert, Archbishop of York
(1545-54), 79, 274, 339

Honiton, 208

Hooker, John, his Life of Sir Peter

Carew, 389
Hooper, John, Edwardine Bishop of

Worcester, 26, 30, 275, 276, 318
committed to the Fleet, 79, 195, 338
his " Brief Treatise " concerning

Hales, 196
Howard, Thomas, 3rd Duke of Norfolk,

41, 47, 49, 125, 160, 225, 231,

232, 233, 234, 262
Howard, Lord William, Deputy of

Calais, 51, 52
Lord High Admiral, 65 n., 224, 241,

242, 243, 280, 282 n., 287, 306,

321
Baron Howard of Effingham, 379,

391, 392

Hudson, , 254

Hungary, Queen of, Mary, the Em-
peror's sister, 174, 202
Hunsdon, 6, 49
Huntingdon, Lord. See Hastings,

Francis
Huntingdon, a seditious preacher, 339
Hurste, Mr., 206
Hyle, Robert, 199

Ightham, 227 n.

Imperial Ambassadors, 4, 9, 10, 16, 33,
36, 37, 38, 39, 43, 44, 45, 46, 47,
52, 54, 59, 60, 65, 71, 91, 112,
179, 257, 337
letters of, 37 n., 40 n., 58 n., 76
sent specially to conclude the
marriage treaty, 201, 202, 203,
204, 205, 236, 237, 290
Innsbruck, 115, 143 n.
Ireland, troubles in, 103, 146, 168, 176
the Queen's desire to replace the
kingdom under the Roman obedi-
ence, 22
Iseley, Sir Henry, rebel, 225, 227 n.,
228, 229 n., 230, 231, 234
execution of, 340 n., 373
Iseley, Thomas, 340 n., 373
Iseley, William, 227 n.
Italy, 68, 85, 121, 139, 182, 401

Princes of, 115
Ive, Thomas, 308, 315, 317, 320

Jackman, Sampson, 199
Janissaries, the, 185
Jerningham, Sir Henry, the Vice-
Chamberlain, 232, 233, 234
Jersey, Island of, 391
Jerusalem, kingdom of, 403

Jervys, , 229 n.

Johnson, , 250

INDEX

413

Julius III., Pope. See under Pope

Kenilworth Castle, 252
Kent, 71, 163, 193, 243, 295, 373, 380
rebellion in. See under Wyatt

Killigrew, , 389

Kingston, 244, 259, 322, 334

Kingston, Sir Anthony, 80

Knyvet, Anthony, rebel, 228, 230,

231, 234
Knyvet, William, rebel, 228, 230, 231,

234
Knyvet (Knevet, Knevett), rebel, 225,

322
Kyndlemershe, , 232

La Bertonniere, , French com-
mander, 391

Lalaing, Count, special ambassador
from the Emperor, 201, and see
Imperial ambassadors

La Marque, , 113, 177, 213

Lambert, John, martyr, 367

Landgrave, the, 115

Landrecies, siege of, 315

Latham, , 340

Latimer, Hugh, formerly Bishop of
Worcester, 26
committed to the Tower, 29, 338
conveyed to Oxford for the disputa-
tion, 341, 375

Legh, Thomas, 80

Leicester, 250, 253

St. Martin's Church, 338
mayor of, 338

Leicestershire, seditious tumult in,
340

Lennox, Countess of, niece of Henry
VIII., her place in the succession,
161

Lichfield Cathedral, 344

Liege, 142, 144, 204

Lincoln, Bishop of. See Taylor, John ;
White, John

Lingard, his History of England, 213

Litany, the, sung in procession, 197,
273

Lollardy, 75, 251, 376, 390

London, 22, 80, 90, 128, 173, 176,
183, 191, 196, 197, 201, 204, 207,
208, 209, 211, 213,218, 220,226,
227, 229, 231, 235, 236, 237, 243,
244, 245, 249, 251, 252, 263, 266,
280, 302, 320, 329, 332, 334, 337,
345, 346, 351, 353, 362, 369, 374,
375, 387, 393, 397, 398, 399, 400,
401, 403
popular feeling against reaction in
religion in, 33, 59

will be loyal to Mary, 241

Bishop of. See Ridley, Nicholas ;

Bonner, Edmund
Lord Mayor of. See White, Sir

Thomas
Lord Mayor and aldermen of, 11,

12, 13, 18, 370
Recorder of, 262
Sheriff of, 342
London, buildings, places, and streets

in —
Aldersgate Street, 305, 398
Aldgate, 243
Bridge, 321, 322
Charing Cross, 245, 263, 370
Cheapside, 263, 315
Conduit, Great, 41
Conduit, Little, 41
Cornhill, 41
Counter, the, 315
Fenchurch Street, 41
Fleet Bridge, 245
Fleet prison, 79, 195, 283, 313,

338, 370

Fleet Street, 245, 263
Gatehouse, the, 322, 339
Gracechurch Street, 41
Guildhall, the, 71, 158, 239, 257,

266
Hay Hill, 378
Holborn, 245
Hyde Park, 244
King's Bench Prison, 194, 366
Leaden Hall, 241, 263
Limehouse, 308, 317
Lincoln's Inn, 245
Ludgate, 244, 245, 321
Marshalsea prison, 29, 194, 310,

313, 320, 327, 328, 329, 330,

339, 343

Newgate prison, 241, 248 n., 313,

314, 315, 321, 336
Paul's Cross, 398

sermons preached at, 5, 8, 12, 20,
333, 336, 359, 399
St. James's manor house, 224, 245,

322, 378
St. James's park, 245
Smithfield, 13, 342 n.
Southwark, 71, 242, 243, 244, 259,

263, 264, 290, 320, 329
Star Chamber, the, 195, 337
Steelyard, the, 122, 398
Stepney, 308, 317, 318, 342
Stocks Market, 314
Temple Bar, 245, 322
Temple gate, the, 323
Tower, the, 6, 10, 11, 13, 42, 49,

50, 55, 79, 88, 91, 94, 119, 163,

414 LOLLARDY & THE REFORMATION

London, buildings — continued

197, 201, 209, 216, 221, 235, 237,

239, 242, 245, 249, 258, 262, 263,

264, 278, 283, 296, 299, 302, 304,

308, 309, 310, 338, 339, 341, 375,

378, 379, 380, 384, 385, 386, 393,

398
Bell Tower, 198
Develin Tower, 243
White Tower, 243
Tower Hill, 158, 202
Tower Street, 380
Tower Wharf, 201
Tyburn, 331
Westminster, 39, 88, 108, 177, 211,

212, 245, 263, 264, 273, 282, 283,

284, 285, 288, 297, 322, 374, 375
Westminster Hall, 19, 194, 196,

246, 263, 386
Westminster Palace, 42, 82
Whitehall, 241, 245, 246, 283, 288,

305, 375
Winchester Place, Gardiner's town

house, 242
Wood Street, 320
London, Churches in —

All Hallows, Bread Street, 345, 346

Bow church, 332

St. Bartholomew's, Smithfield, riot

in, 11
St. Dunstan's, 305
St. Ethelberga within Bishopsgate, 15
St. Giles, 338
St. Magnus, 318
St. Mary of Graces, near the Tower,

317
St. Mary Magdalen, Bread Street,

204
St. Mary Overy, 243, 276, 325
St. Michael called Paternoster, 330
St. Michael in the Tower Royal,

called Whittington College, 323,

330
St. Nicholas Cold Abbey, 21
St. Nicholas Olave's, 21
St. Olave, 243

St. Paul's, 42, 130, 134, 136, 141,
194 »., 196, 316, 318, 370, 382

procession at, 196, 197

Convocation sitting at, 99, 107

steeple, 41, 316
St. Spirit and St. Mary, 331
Westminster Abbey, 42, 50
Lorraine, Duchess of, niece of the

Emperor, 202
Low Countries, the, 61, 64, 68, 102,

116, 117, 121, 166, 175, 389, 391,

396
Ludlow, 256

Luna, 182
Lutterworth, 250
Lynkynhorne, 199
Lynn, 339

Machyn, Henry, his Diary, 12, 15, 20,

196, 310, 370
Maguzzano, monastery of, Cardinal

Pole at, 23, 24, 142
Maidstone, 225, 227, 229, 230, 233,

234, 273, 339, 340 n., 370
Mailing, 231

Mapisdon, , 229 n.

Marche, , 317

Martyn, Thomas, 326, 330
Martyr, Peter, 28
Mary, accession of, 3, 23, 359
the first Queen Regnant, 8, 46
youth and training of, 3-4
her difficulties in choosing ministers, 8
persecution of, under Henry VIII.,

43, 192
proposals for her marriage during the

life of Henry VIII. , 56, 65 n.
persecution of, under Edward VI.,

4, 43, 192, 200
her reliance on the Emperor. See

under Charles V.
proclaimed in London, 48, 50, 51,

359
her humanity and gentleness, 19, 20,

35, 61, 143 n., 258
her proclamation of religious tolera-
tion, 16-18, 171, 192, 210, 332,

345, 349, 351, 353, 359
her proclamation of paying the debts

of her father and brother, 35
her progress through London, 40-42
precautions for the safety of, 39, 64,

77, 257
her coronation, 22, 36, 39, 40, 42,

76, 77, 79, 88, 112, 143, 202, 323
her coronation oath, 36, 77, 123,

126
her difficulties concerning Elizabeth,

31, 32, 33, 93, 162, 163, 164
her distrust of her Councillors, 37,

43, 58, 144
her touching appeal to the Council,

39-40
her confidence in Renard, 59, 149,

159, 192

abhors her title of Supreme Head,
21, 22, 29, 38, 79, 89, 98, 119,
130, 131 n., 132, 145, 148, 151,

160, 374, 393

applies to the Pope to remit the

ecclesiastical censures, 22, 77, 145

longs for reconciliation with Rome,

INDEX

415

22, 33, 74, 84, 89, 98, 99, 183,

187, 192, 268, 393
regards religion above politics, 57,

77
her allegiance to papal sovereignty,

77, 78
her religious toleration, 75, 194
her delicate health, 76, 124, 127
her hopes that Parliament will recog-
nize her legitimacy, 33, 151
opens Parliament, 81
Parliamentary legitimation of her

birth, 99, 214
receives deputation from the Com-
mons, 125-6
her anger with Gardiner, 126-7
urged by Pole to be reconciled with

Rome, 142, 143, 147
writes to Pole, 143, 144, 145, 146
her concern for the succession, 161,

169
her desire to mediate between Henry

II. and the Emperor, 178, 179, 214,

216
not a politician, 181, 192
her high sense of duty induces her to

marry, 61, 67, 83, 84, 125, 184,

240, 241
proposal for her marriage with

Courtenay. See under Courtenay,

Edward
proposal for her marriage with Philip.

See Spanish Match
remains continually in the presence

of the Blessed Sacrament, 114
pledges herself to marry Philip, 114,

174
formal demand for her hand, 175,

201, 202
the conclusion of her marriage, 274,

279, 288, 293, 307
her marriage treaty, 86, 102, 159,

175, 181, 198, 202, 203, 223, 265,

274, 374, 375, 376
her espousal, 274
insults to, 170-1, 397, 399
custody of her person demanded by

Wyatt, 235, 239
her letter to Elizabeth, 279-80
plot to assassinate, 296, 298, 341,

383, 384
her enforced severity, 258, 262, 387,

392, 400
her confidence in Gardiner, 392
forced to defer national reconciliation,

394
her anxieties and unhappiness, 395,

396, 397
her financial difficulties, 388

her marriage at Winchester, 402
her wedding titles, 403
her Grand Chamberlain, 295
Mary, Queen of Scots, her right to the

English Crown, 70, 117, 161, 169
her marriage with the Dauphin, 68,

101, 178
Mason, Sir John, Chancellor of Oxford

University, 1552-56, and ambas-
sador to the Emperor, 187, 311,

312, 372
Mass, the, revival of, 10, 11, 12, 21, 22,

27
feeling against, 33, 37, 39, 271-2,

305
English Church service to be put

aside for, 197, 273
no married priest to say, 199, 275-6
law concerning (under Edward VI.),

193, 194
restoration of, 196, 198, 203, 247,

255, 271, 276, 357, 360, 361, 371
contempt of, 327, 328
Mass of the Holy Ghost, 79, 130
May, Dr. William, Dean of St. Paul's,

26
Mearing, James, 342
Mearing or Mering, Margaret, 342
Medley, George, 341
Medway, the, 233
Melvyn, John, 336
Mendoza, Diego de, agent of Philip, 62,

173, 183
Mendoza, Inigo de, 173, 174
Mendoza, Juan de, 144
Mendoza, de, , Viceroy of India,

173
Middlesex, Sheriff of, 308, 309
Midlands, the, 226, 227, 247, 288
Milan, 67

Mildmay, Sir Walter, 80
Milton, 228
Minories, the, 291
Mirtiz or Mertyz, Captain, 34 n.
Mitton, Thomas, Sheriff of Shropshire,

283
Mohun's Ottery, Sir Peter Carew's

house, 208, 218, 219, 222
Monde, Thomas, 229
Monmouthshire, 80
Mons, 61

Montague, Baron. See Pole, Sir Henry
Montmorency, the French Constable,

51, 52, 144 n., 265, 289
de Selve's letter to, 182-5
Moore, Henry, Vicar of Stepney, once

Abbot of Tower Hill, 317, 318
Mordaunt, Sir John, 1st Baron, 336,

346, 347, 349

4i 6 LOLLARDY & THE REFORMATION

Moremaii, Dr. John, 134, 136, 138,

139, 195, 207
Morgan, Henry, Bishop of St. David's

(1554), 136, 138, 139, 276
Morgan, Sir Richard, the judge who

sentenced Lady Jane Grey, 262,

311, 385
Morvilliers, Jean de, Bishop of Orleans,

French envoy, 51, 95
Morysine, Sir Richard, ambassador

from Edward VI. to the Emperor,

31, 63, 64, 65 n.
Mowntayne, Thomas, heretic, his auto-
biography, 323-31
deprival of his benefice, 332
" Mumpsimuses," 312
Musgrave, Captain, 245
Mustapha, death of, 185
son of, 185

Naples, 67, 403

Navas, Marquis de las, 402

Nevill, Henry, Baron Abergavenny,
228, 230, 231, 232, 233, 234,
235, 243

Neville, Henry, 5th Earl of Westmor-
land, 295

New Learning, the, 26, 31, 79, 124,
192

Newbury, Berks, 284

Newhall, Essex. See Beaulieu

Newman, , 321

Newton, Mr., 225

Nichols, Gough, his Chronicles of Queen
Jane and Queen Mary, 131 n.,
159 n., 198, 204, 211, 225, 247,
259

Nicolas, courier to Noailles, 291

Nigry, Philip de, Chancellor of the
Order of the Golden Fleece,
special ambassador from the
Emperor, 201, and see under
Imperial ambassadors

Noailles, French ambassador, 10, 33,
48, 49, 50, 51, 53, 65 n., 76, 86 «.,
103, 110, 113, 125, 127, 144 n.,
165, 166, 176, 177, 180, 181,
208, 211, 213, 215, 224, 227, 249,
257, 282, 284, 285, 288, 294, 338,
397
his interviews with Gardiner, 69, 70-

71
his mistake about Courtenay's suit,

95, 112
his attitude towards the Spanish
Match, 64, 67, 68, 72, 73, 90, 91,
116, 124, 170, 176, 192, 266, 307
his audiences with the Queen, 176,
178-9, 264-5, 392

his intercepted despatches, 286, 287,

289, 290, 291, 292, 296
his letters to Henry: II., 89 n., 95,

96, 111, 128-9, 209 n., 285, 291-2
his letter to the Dowager Queen of

Scotland, 98
his brother Francis, 264, 289
Norfolk, insurrection in, 69, 71, 163,

398
Mary's flight from Hunsdon into,

49
Norfolk and Suffolk, Godly Supplica-
tion from (Foxe), 270-3
Norfolk, Duke of. See Howard,

Thomas
Normandy, 204, 335, 389, 392

Norris, , 320, 322

North, Sir Edward, 80
North Shoebury, 361
Northampton, 250, 345
Northampton, Marquis of. See Parr,

William
Northumberland, 80
Northumberland, Duke of. See Dudley,

John
Norton, Sir John, 80
Norwich, Bishop of. See Thirlby,

Thomas
Notherel, John, 333

Oatlands, 396

O'Neill, Shane, 390

Ongar, 343

Orleans, 335

Ostrelins, the, 186

Otford, 232

Over, Master, 253

Oxford, disputations at, 195, 341

Parliament to be held at, 295, 374,
375

New College, 139
Oxford, Earl of. See Vere, John de
Oysel, Sieur d', French ambassador to
Scotland, 53, 209, 211, 212, 294

his letter to Henry II., 209-10

Paget, Sir William, Lord Paget, privy
councillor, 62, 63, 64, 66, 67, 68,
84, 87, 96, 104, 105, 109, 114,
119, 120, 121, 123, 125, 128, 149
153, 159, 161, 162, 164, 172,
178, 179, 180, 181, 207, 209, 257
258, 295, 297, 306, 307, 311, 312,
373, 376, 387, 392, 393, 395
his letter to Renard, 376-7

Palatine, Count, 143

Palmer, Sir Thomas, 19, 247

Pamphlets and libels, 34, 59, 71, 399

Paris, 335, 401

INDEX

4i7

Park, , 229 n.

Parliament of Heury VIII., pronounces

against papal jurisdiction, 372
Parliament, whether the Coronation
shall precede the meeting of, 24,
25, 34, 37, 38, 63
religious changes to be effected by,

51, 59, 75, 268, 353
Mary's first, meeting of, 42, 74, 79
opened by the Queen in person, 81
declares the marriage of Henry
VIII. and Katharine of Aragon
lawful, 100, 108, 146, 153
petition from, urging the Queen
to marry Courtenay, 115, 166,
176
prorogation and resumption of,

108, 153
religious change effected by, loO,

197, 324, 329
religious settlement enacted by,
141, 146, 171, 185, 187, 191,
269
its dread of the restoration of
Papal authority, 78, 90, 91, 92,
93, 109, 145, 154
opposition to the Queen's marriage

in, 191
Acts repealing Statutes of Edward

VI., 154, 167, 196, 203, 360
Acts for the settlement of religion,

122, 123, 125
Act against rebellious assemblies,

155-6
Act against disturbing divine ser-
vice, 156, 196
Act to repeal certain Acts of

Treason, 81-82, 92, 383
dissolution of, 160
Mary's second, to be held at Oxford,
293, 295, 374
meets at Westminster, 375
refuses to sanction reconciliation

with Kome, 393, 394
dissolution of, 387
Parr, Katharine, Queen, 198
Parr, William, Marquis of Northamp-
ton, 6, 19, 20, 62, 198, 248, 381
Parsons, Robert, his Three Conversions

of England, 365-6
Paulet, William, Marquis of Win-
chester, Lord High Treasurer, 41,
96, 158, 169, 241, 300, 302
Peckham, Sir Edmund, 321
Peckham, Henry, 321
Pembroke, Earl of. See Herbert, Sir

William
Pendleton, Henry, D.D., 330, 333,
351, 352, 353, 354, 399

VOL. IV

Penning, Henry, messenger sent to
England by Cardinal Pole, 24, 77,
143, 144, 151
his report to the Pope, 81

Penshurst, 230

Pensioners, the, 309, 320

Perceval, , 389

Pern, Andrew, 136

Peto, William, the Queen's confessor,
64, 293

Petre, Sir William, Secretary, 96, 104,
105, 113, 114, 121, 123, 291, 297

Philip of Spain, son of Charles V., 48,
55, 56, 61, 62, 84, 85, 86, 88,
102, 104,114, 115, 116, 117. 118,
122, 167, 172, 174, 179, 187, 192,
203, 208, 214, 222, 225, 236, 241,

247, 274, 287, 288, 305, 307, 323,
343, 373, 376, 377, 378, 387, 388,
391, 392, 395, 396, 397, 403

character of, 83, 85, 86, 87, 104,
111

his engagement to Princess Mary of
Portugal. See under Portugal

popular dislike of. See under Span-
ish Match

plots to prevent his landing, 169,
170, 205, 206, 207

conditions imposed on. See under
Mary, marriage treaty of

his arrival in England, 401, 402

his marriage. See under Mary

his first wife Mary, of Portugal,
55 n.

his son Don Carlos, the Infant, 57, 85
Philips, Walter, Dean of Rochester,

133, 134, 139
Philpot, John, Archdeacon of Win-
chester, 133, 134, 135, 137, 138,
139, 140, 141, 375

his " carefully composed " report of

the disputation on the Sacrament

of the Altar, 133-7

Pickering, Sir William, Ambassador

for Edward VI. in France, 103-4,

248, 294, 389, 401

Piedmont, Prince of, Emmanuel Phili-
bert. See Savoy, Duke of

Plymouth, 199, 391, 401

Pole, Sir Henry, Baron Montague,
brother of the Cardinal, fate of,
152

Pole, Reginald, Cardinal, Legate for
England, 22, 23, 24, 25, 38, 74,
77, 83, 109, 115, 127, 129, 144,
145, 171, 172, 182, 184, 208, 268,
293, 393, 394, 395, 403
appointed Legate to Charles V. and
Henry II. of France, 23, 143 n.

2 E

4i 8 LOLLARDY & THE REFORMATION

considered as a husband for the

Queen, 65, 73
writes to Mary, 24, 142, 145 n.,

146-7
pleads the injustice done to him,

149
his advice to Mary concerning the

Royal Supremacy, 142, 148, 151
detained abroad by the Emperor.

See under Charles V.
his disapproval of the Emperor's

prudence, 143
his legation distasteful in England,
144
Pollard, Sir Hugh, 224
Pollard, John, Speaker of the House
of Commons, 81, 120, 121, 125,
126, 127
Pomery, Sir Thomas, 205
Ponet, John, deprived Bishop of Win-
chester, 25, 334
Poole, 332
Pope Julius III., 22, 23, 57, 70, 77,

149, 172, 363, 364, 394, 403
Pope, the, no jurisdiction in England,
21, 130, 268, 360, 372
breach with, 130, 192, 327
supremacy of the, popular feeling
against the restoration of, 117,
150, 151, 160, 191, 200, 271,
319, 356, 371
dread in Parliament of the restora-
tion of, 78, 90, 91, 92, 93, 109,
145, 154, 360
restoration of, a year later, 353, 360
Portman, Sir William, judge, 195
Portsmouth, 194 n., 207, 390
Portugal, King of, Emmanuel, his
daughter Mary, her proposed mar-
riage with Philip, 55, 56, 60, 62,
68, 182, 183
Portugal, King of, John III., his
daughter Mary, her marriage with
Philip, 55 n.
Portugal, Don Luis of, brother of
John III., proposed for Mary's
hand, 63, 66, 67
Powderham, 389

Poynter, , 317

Prideaux, John, 205, 206, 207

Prideaux, Thomas, 208

Prittlewell, 361

Proctor, John, his official account of

Wyatt's rebellion, 227
Protestants, 127, 128, 214, 247, 253,
255, 321, 332, 390, 399 ; and see
Heretics
French, 337, 338
Prydyax, Roger, 199

Pye, William, Dean of Chichester,

132 n.
Pyttyes, Parson, 330

Radcliffe, Henry, 2nd Earl of Sussex,
privy councillor, 297, 300, 302,
303, 311, 312, 313, 393

Raleigh, Walter, 389

Rampton, — — •, 251, 255
narrative of, 252-4

Ratcliff, Sir Humphrey, lieutenant of
the Pensioners, 320

Rebellion, 163, 224, 241, 247, 258,
265, 269, 288. See cdso Devon-
shire and Kent

Record, Dr., 315

Reformation, the, 80, 312, 332

Renard, Simon, Imperial ambassador,
20, 26, 36, 43, 44, 46, 54, 56, 59,

60, 77, 87, 88, 89, 90, 91, 92, 97,
98, 101, 103, 104, 105, 106, 107,
109, 110, 111, 113, 115, 120, 121,
122, 123, 124, 125, 140, 142, 153,
154, 155, 162, 163, 168, 171, 172,
173, 174, 175, 176, 181, 202, 203,
204, 205, 210, 211, 213, 224, 232,
237, 256, 257, 258, 274, 285, 286,
292, 297, 299, 373, 374, 379, 386,
387, 388, 401

his letters to the Emperor, 84 n.,
92 «., 93, 108, 114, 115, 157,
158 «., 159, 166, 169 W.-170 n.,
174 n., 204 n., 213 «., 216, 225,
259, 284, 286-7, 293-4, 294-6,
305-6

his great influence with the Queen,
57, 58, 149, 159, 167, 192, 377

his interviews with Gardiner, 116-9,
121-3

his secret audiences, 55, 56, 62,
82-86, 100, 104, 113

his interview with Paget, 66-68

his letter to the Bishop of Arras,

61. And see Imperial ambassa-
dors

Richard II., 331

Riche, Richard, Baron Riche of Leeze,

96
Richmond, Surrey, 11, 16, 20, 21, 55,
56, 177, 178, 201, 393, 396, 398,
399
Ridgeway, Mr., 207
Ridley, Nicholas, Edwardine Bishop of
London, 131, 133, 194 n., 195
his endeavour to convert Mary during

life of Edward VI., 6-8
visits Mary at Frainlingham, 6
deprivation of, 25, 27
preaches at Paul's Cross, 5, 8

INDEX

419

sent to the Tower, 6
conveyed to Oxford for the disputa-
tion, 341, 375
Rochester, 228, 229, 230, 231, 233,

234, 235, 243, 290
See of, 276
Rochester, Bishop of. See Griffen,

Maurice
Rochester, Sir Robert, Comptroller of

the Household, 93, 106, 112, 121,

124, 203, 295, 307, 378
receives special letter from the

Emperor, 106, 113
Rogers, Sir Edward, 248 «., 284, 298,

383
Rogers, John, prebendary of St. Paul's,

13, 14, ?133, 248 »., ? 294, 344
Rohan, Francois de, Sieur de Gie,

French envoy, 51, 95
Romans, King of the, Ferdinand, 60,

61, 186, 402
his son, the Archduke, 61
Rome, 139, 144, 148, 151
Roscarocke, John, 199
Rostan Bassa, 185
Rouen, 335
Royal Supremacy, 148, 152, 268, 319,

360, 364, 372
Russell, John, Earl of Bedford (1550-

1554), Lord Privy Seal, 105, 120,

207, 210, 311, 312, 380
Russell, Francis, Lord, son of the

above, 311, 314
Ruy Gomez, 55 n.
Rye, 340

mayor of, 337

Sacrament of the Altar, disputation on,

133-7, 138, 139, 140
St. Albans, 250
St. Andre, Marshal, 295
St. Augustine, interpretation of, 134
St. David's, Bishop of. See Ferrar,

Robert ; Morgan, Henry
St. John, Sir John, 336
St. Leger, Sir Anthony, Lord Deputy

of Ireland, 102, 325, 326, 341
St. Leger, Sir John, 220, 221, 222,

224
his report, 222
St. Martin, Sieur de, 286, 287
"St. Peter's Ship," 147, 171, 268
Saintlow (Seyntlowe), Sir William,

298, 304
Salisbury, Bishop of. See Shaxton,

Nicholas
Salisbury, Countess of, mother of

Cardinal Pole, fate of, 152
Sandesborough, Thomas, 342

Sandon, 340

Sark, island of, 391

Saunders, Laurence, Edwardine parson,

his history, examination before

Bonner and Gardiner, and im-
prisonment, 344-54
martyrdom of, 354 n.
Savoy, Duke of, Emmanuel Philibert,

Prince of Piedmont, proposed for

Mary's hand, 63, 66
proposed for Elizabeth's hand, 165,

166, 168
Scheyfve, Imperial ambassador, 26, 44,

60, 61, 62, 104, 173. And see

Imperial ambassadors
Scilly Isles, 401

Scory, John, Bishop of Chichester, 30
Scotland, 48, 117, 168, 186, 257, 266,

287, 294, 295, 390
Scotland, King of, 86 n.
Scotland, Queen of. See Mary, Queen

of Scots
Scotland, Dowager Queen of, letter to,

98
Scotland, late Dowager Queen of,

Margaret, sister of Henry VIII.,

161
Seigneur, Grand, 185
Selve, Odet de, French ambassador at

Venice, letters of, 144 n., 182-8,

208
Sevenoaks, 228, 230, 231
Seymour, Edward, Duke of Somerset,

the Protector, 9, 48, 155, 301,

337, 339 n.
Seymour, Thomas, Baron, Lord High

Admiral (1508 ?-1549), 301
Shaw, Dr., " shameful sermon " of,

referred to, 8
Shaxton, Nicholas, Bishop of Salis-
bury, 275
Sheen, 227, 246, 249

Sheldon, , 313

Shrewsbury, Earl of. See Talbot,

Francis
Shropshire, 283
Sicily, 67
Sidney, Sir Henry, 230

Simondes, , 336

Six Articles, re-enactment of, 118

Smith, Sir Thomas, 26

Smythe, William, 273

Somerset, Duke of. See Seymour,

Edward
Somersetshire, 80
Sophia, 185

Soranzo, Venetian ambassador in Eng-
land, 209, 216
Soto, the Emperor's confessor, 151

420 LOLLARDY & THE REFORMATION

South, , 294

Southampton, Philip's landing at, 396,

402
Southwell, Sir Richard ("Sudvez"),

93, 299, 311, 312, 313, 322
Southwell, Sir Robert, sheriff of Kent,

228, 229, 230, 231, 232, 234,

235, 243, 381, 384
Spain, 56, 85, 115, 121, 129, 170,

173, 182, 198, 266, 274, 380, 388,

391, 396, 402
Spanish Match, the, 70, 71, 87, 107,

109, 112, 120, 124, 159, 166, 169,

171, 173, 178, 182, 183, 184, 185,

187, 188, 192, 265, 266, 268, 307,

323, 343, 373, 378
popular dislike of, 72, 73, 116, 128,

161, 166, 167, 169, 170, 198, 201,

209, 226, 236, 239, 274, 305, 306,

307, 329, 360, 371, 381, 383, 392,

400
petition from the Commons against,

124, 125, 166, 197
attitude of the Council towards, 67,

69, 82, 94, 100, 101, 104, 106,

167, 168, 169, 175, 181, 204, 205,

211, 228, 237, 241
the Emperor's policy concerning, 45,

54, 55, 56, 59, 60, 63, 64, 65, 66,

82, 83, 85, 101, 104, 105, 107,

121, 144 ii., 153, 201, 208, 395
French hatred of, 67, 91, 101, 170,

176, 266, 389
papal dispensation necessary for,

117, 214
arrangements for children by, 121,

175, 396
political nature of, 201, 308, 377,

394, 395, 403
Spittle Hill, 234
Stamford, Mr., 282
Stanford, William (afterwards judge),

381, 383
Stanley, Edward, 3rd Earl of Derby,

16, 125, 224, 295, 393
Stoke, 219
Stokes, Dr., 339
Stony Stratford, 250
Stourton, Charles, 2nd Lord, 341
Stow, his Annals, 334

his Survey, 331
Strangways, Sir Giles, 206
Stratford on the Bow, 319
Strood, 230, 233, 234
Strype, his Memorials of Cranvier,

' 131, 149, 150
Succession Act, the, 162
Suffolk, 71, 270
Suffolk, Duke of. See Brandon, Charles

Suffolk, Duke of. See Grey, Henry
Suffolk, Frances, Duchess of, 161, 197
Surrey [Henry, Earl of], the poet, his

outbreak in London, 226
Sussex, Duke of. See Radcliffe, Henry

Talbot, Francis, 5th Earl of Shrewsbury,

125, 224, 256, 393
Tawe, Justice, 319
Taylor, John, Edwardine Bishop of

Lincoln, his deprivation and death,

79, 80, 275, 367
Taylor, Dr. Rowland, Edwardine parson

of Hadleigh, account of his history

and arrest, 341, 355, 356, 357-8,

359, 360, 361
his examination before Gardiner,

362-6
his letter to his wife, 367-9
Thames, the, 235, 237, 322
Theodoret, his authority quoted, 136
Theodosius, Emperor, his rigour quoted

as example, 20
Thirlby, Thomas, Bishop of Norwich,

member of the Queen's Council,

93, 105, 121, 123, 125
Thomas, William, clerk of the Council

to Edward VI., his part in Wyatt's

rebellion, 283, 296, 298, 335, 341,

383
Thomas of Woodstock, 331
Thornden, Dr., suffragan bishop of

Dover, 27
Throgmorton, Clement, 320, 321
Throgmorton, John, Master of Requests,

315
Throgmorton, Michael, Pole's servant,

109, 145
Throgmorton, Sir Nicholas, his trial

and defence, 283, 379-85
his acquittal, 385-6, 398
Throgmorton, Sir Richard, 80

Tilden, , 229 n.

Tirrell, Sir Henry, 340

Titian, portrait of Philip by, 174

Tiverton, 219

Toulouse, Sieur de, Jacques de Marnix,

special ambassador from the

Emperor, 44
Towcester, 250, 253
Tower, the. See London
Tower, the, Lieutenant of. See Bridges,

Sir John
Trausubstantiation, 133, 310, 348
Treffry, Thomas, 199
Trelauny, John, 199

Tremayne, , 389

Trent, 142, 143 n., 182
Tunbridge, 228, 230

INDEX

421

Tunstall, Cuthbert, Bishop of Durham,

27, 72, 274, 275
Tyudale, William, 312

his Obedience of a Christian Alan,

314
Tyrrell, George, 359

Udalle, , 330

Underbill, Edward, "The Hot

Gospeller," a pensioner, 308, 314,

315, 318, 320, 330
his autobiography, 309-14, 316-8,

319
Uxbridge, 340 n.

Valenciennes, 65

Vaughan, Cuthbert, concerned in

Wyatt's rebellion, 263, 379, 381,

382
Venetian ambassador, 91, 103, 116,

294
Venetian senate, 215
Venice, 182, 185, 188, 208, 401

English ambassador to, 187
Vere, John de, 16th Earl of Oxford,

41
Verron, John, seditious preacher, 14
Vertot, the editor of the Noailles

despatches, 211, 213, 224
Visdame, the, 295
Voysey, John, Bishop of Exeter,

restoration of, 25

Wackelyn, , 330

Waldegrave, Edward, servant of Mary,

93, 101, 107, 112, 124, 158
Wales, 225, 226, 227, 249, 256, 288,

341
Walsingham, 339
" Wantour," Lord, 69
Waringe, Mr., 253
Warner, Sir Edward, Edward VI. 's

Lieutenant of the Tower, 248, 256
Warner (Sir Edward ?), 381, 383
Warwick, Earl of. See Dudley, John
Warwick, Earl of, afterwards Duke of

Northumberland. See Dudley,

John
Warwick, 254

Castle, 252, 254
Warwickshire, 308, 315
Watson, Dr. Thomas (afterwards Bishop

of Lincoln), 20, 134, 136, 139
Wentworth, Thomas, second Baron

(1525-84), 311
Westminster. See London
Westmorland, Earl of. See Neville,

Henry

Weston, Hugh, Dean of Westminster,
Prolocutor of Convocation, 131,
132, 133, 134, 135, 136, 137, 138,
140, 370, 384 n.

Weymouth, 221, 389

Wharton, Sir Thomas, 7

White, John, warden of Winchester
College, 197
consecrated Bishop of Lincoln, 276

White, Sir Thomas, Lord Mayor of
London, 11, 12, 15, 241, 242, 243,
262, 333, 334, 401

Whittington, Alice, 331

Whittington, Joan, 331

Whittington, Richard, his tomb vio-
lated, 331

Whittington, Sir William, 331

Wight, Isle of, 390

Wilkins, his Concilia, 130, 139

Williams, Sir John, 280

Williams, Sir John, sheriff of Oxford-
shire, 374

Wiltshire, 80

Winchester, Mary's marriage at, 396,
402
William of Wykeham's school at,

139
cathedral, 139

Winchester, Bishop of. Set Gardiner,
Stephen ; Ponet, John

Winchester, Marquis of. See Paulet,
William

Windsor, 236, 403

Winter, Robert, 283, 379

" Wood, Michael," pseudonym of John
Bale, 72

Woodcock, Jane, 339 n.

Woodstock, 379, 398

Worcester, Bishop of. See Hooper,
John ; Heath, Nicholas

Worcester, 336

Worcestershire, 313

Wotton, Dean Nicholas, ambassador
in France, 101, 167, 214, 265,
289, 401

Wroth, Sir Thomas, 80

Wrotham, 232

Wrotham Heath, 231

Wrothe, Mr., 249

Wiirtemberg, Duke of, 143

Wyatt, Edward, 382

Wyatt, Sir Thomas, 210, 211, 240,
284, 289, 290, 294, 296, 302,
305, 320, 341, 373, 381, 382,
383, 384
his proclamation, 227, 229, 231
his rebellion, 71, 259, 274, 278,
279, 288, 291, 299, 340 »., 360,
370 388

422 LOLLARDY & THE REFORMATION

his rebellion, account of, 225-37, 242-

246, 322-3, 334
his rebellion, causes of, 247-8, 329,

372, 378, 380, 385
his impudent demands, 235, 239
capture of, 246, 280
his trial, 297, 298, 299, 304
his execution, 379, 386
Wylcockes, Thomas, 339
Wymsley, John, Archdeacon of London,

132 n.

Wynter, Gilbert, Gentleman Usher to

Elizabeth, 309
Wynter, , 313

York, Archbishop of. See Holgate,

Robert
Yorkshire, 224
Young, Thomas, Chanter of St. David's,

afterwards Archbishop of York

under Elizabeth, 133
Younge John, 341

THE END

Printed by R. & R. Clark, Limited, Edinburgh.

BY DR. JAMES GAIRDNER

LOLLARDY AND THE
REFORMATION IN ENGLAND

AN HISTORICAL SURVEY

Vols. I. and II. 8vo. 21s. net.

Vol. III. Svo. 1 os. 6d. net.

Vol. IV. Edited by the Rev. William Hunt, M.A., D.Litt.

8vo. 1 os. 6d. net.

PRESS OPINIONS OF VOLS. I., II., and III.

CHURCH TIMES.— "The first of these volumes, as has been already
shown in these columns, is of great value as coming from the pen of an historian
saturated with the very essence of original documents ; the second volume is ot
equal value and of thrilling interest from cover to cover."

TIMES. — " These two volumes are full of interest in the vivid pictures
they give us of the religious and political life of England from the time of
Wycliffe to the end of the reign of Henry VIII. The doctrines and lives of
Wycliffe and the Lollards are disentangled as far as possible from the technical
forms which obscure them to modern minds, and the incidents of prosecutions
and the condemnations of heretics are detailed with vivid interest. The writings
of Pecock, Waldensis, and Gascoigne are skilfully and clearly analysed, and the
full treatment of Sir Thomas More's theological writings will be found of special
interest. A great part of the pleasure of the book is due to the immense
personal interest with which it is written."

SPECTA TOR.—" A book which is invaluable to students, and of perman-
ent importance as a work of reference."

EVENING STANDARD. — "The book is indispensable, for on this
period of our history the authority of Dr. Gairdner is supreme. The vast
stores of information, the unimpeachable accuracy of the author, the elaborate
labour devoted to the minutest detail, all help to render the work invaluable."
GUARDIAN. — " We offer a hearty welcome to a third volume from Dr.
Gairdner's pen on the difficult and complicated question of the religious
evolution of the reign of Edward VI., to which this part of his work is devoted.
... It is impossible for any one worthy of the name of a student of history to
deny to Dr. Gairdner a genuine spirit of fair dealing and impartiality, and it is
this that gives so deep a value to his writings on times that bristle with the
prickles of theological controversy."

ATHENsEUM. — "It will, we believe, be readily admitted by all fair-
minded persons that a considerable debt of gratitude is due to Dr. Gairdner for
dealing so faithfully and conscientiously with the remarkable religious phases
of the reign of the boy-king."

LONDON : MACMILLAN AND CO., Ltd.
1

BY DR. JAMES GAIRDNER

THE ENGLISH CHURCH IN THE SIXTEENTH
CENTURY FROM THE ACCESSION OF
HENRY VIII. TO THE DEATH OF MARY

(1509-1558). Crown 8vo. 7s. 6d.

GUARDIAN. — " Mr. Gairdner's treatment has a freshness and
vigour that is all its own, and both in what he includes and what he
passes over his book stands quite by itself. . . . Mr. Gairdner really
describes events from the point of view of the age in which they
occurred, and not merely from the point of view of to-day. The
result is that he is able to set before his reader with admirable clear-
ness the mixture of reverence and political suspicion with which the
Papacy was regarded, the many-sidedness and contradictoriness of
the impulses by which the age was moved."

CHURCH QUARTERLY REVIEW.—" A volume which is of
far greater importance than its mere bulk would indicate. It is not
merely a useful little summary of the leading events in a most critical
period of English Church history ; it is a really valuable and perman-
ent contribution to theological literature, written in a racy style and
a true Church spirit ; and as such we cordially recommend it to our
readers."

ACADEMY. — " Dr. Gairdner moves through vast masses of fact
with the ease and confidence born of first-hand knowledge. He is
judicious and impartial, even though he hardly conceals his personal
dislike of Henry VIII. Above all, he succeeds, by a free use of
detail, in being not only learned but interesting."

HENRY VII. Crown 8vo. 2s. 6d.

[Twelve English Statesmen Series.

ATHENsEUM. — "Probably leaves upon the reader a truer
impression of the character of the king than he would gain from any
of our chroniclers or historians. It is a book which students will
consult with full confidence in the unimpeachable accuracy of its
author, and an assurance that every statement to be found in it can
be supported by documentary evidence, and no opinion is expressed
that future research is likely to prove to be groundless."

SPECTA TOR. — " Cannot fail to be a welcome contribution to all
who wish to have put before them briefly and succinctly the impres-
sions of one who more than any other has plumbed the depths of this
period of English history, and gauged the merits of the great statesman
it contains."

LONDON: MACMILLAN AND CO., Ltd.

2

Date Due

\

1

1

^rTr

$Mh a 6 k

w

3

, , ,.

1958

v

JUfy ;

L B CA1

r. NO. 1137

WELLESLEY COLLEGE LIBRARY

3 5002 03129 7133

BK 375 .63 1908 4
Gairdner, James, ia28_1912>

v.-:-.':; : . i". •".;•;.!:;,
■ '.ry.r ■ : : '"::■[;. .': ""

■ ■: ; :: it-SJic ' ■■■■•• • I

:. :, ::•. . • MSay- -

.:-■ ;•.!

■ .

. ' -

- • .": : ." : . ,

' : •'

. . i 3 » « •