LIBRARY
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LORD DURHAM'S REPORT
ON THE AFFAIRS OF
BRITISH NORTH AMERICA
EDITED
WITH AN INTRODUCTION
BY
SIR C. P. LUCAS, K.C.B., K.C.M.G.
IN THREE VOLUMES
VOLUME I: INTRODUCTION
OXFORD
AT THE CLARENDON PRESS
1912
HENRY FROWDE, M.A.
PUBLISHER TO THE UNIVERSITY OF OXFORD
LONDON, EDINBURGH, NEW VORK
TORONTO AND MELBOURNE
PEEFACE
THE Sketch of Lord Durham's Mission by
Charles Buller is published — as far as I am aware
for the first time — by the kind permission of
Mr. A. G. Doughty, C.M.G., Dominion Archivist
at Ottawa, to whom it was given by the present
Earl of Durham.
My thanks are due to him ; and among many
friends in England and Canada who have given me
help, I must specially mention Professor Egerton,
and Mr. A. B. Keith of the Colonial Office, author
of Responsible Government in the Dominions. I
have also to thank Mr. Henry Lambert, C.B., of
the Colonial Office, Mr. C. Atchley, C.M.G., I.S.O.,
Librarian of the Colonial Office, and Mr. H. P.
Biggar, of the Dominion Archives Department.
Any views expressed in the Introduction or the
Notes are my own alone.
C. P. LUCAS.
March 1912
ERRATUM
P. 97, 1. 12. for 1838 read 1837
CONTENTS OF VOLUME I
CHAPTER I
PAGE
LORD DURHAM ....... 1
CHAPTER II
THE ACCESSION OF QUEEN VICTORIA ... 10
CHAPTER III
ORIGIN AND DEVELOPMENT OF THE POLITICAL DIFFI-
CULTIES IN THE CANADAS .... 24
i
CHAPTER IV
LORD DURHAM'S COMMISSION AND INSTRUCTIONS . 106
CHAPTER V
THE REPORT : ITS SCOPE, CHARACTER, AND SUBSTANCE
The Scope of the Report . . . . .114
The Character of the Report . . . .116
The Substance of the Report . . . .123
Reunion of the two Canadas .... 124
Responsible Government . . . . .137
Public Lands .152
Emigration ... • 188
Means of Communication ... .198
Municipalities and Local Government . . .210
vi CONTENTS
THE REPORT: ITS SCOPE, CHARACTER, AND SUBSTANCE
(Continued) —
PAGE
Administration of Justice 223
Education 232
General Union of British North America . . 247
References to the United States .... 257
Colonial Office and Colonial Administration . .266
CHAPTER VI
RETROSPECT, FORECAST, AND SEQUEL .... 276
CHAPTER VH
THE REPORT AND THE EMPIRE 303
APPENDIX
LORD DURHAM'S REPORT AS BEARING ON THE QUESTION
OP HOME RULE FOR IRELAND . . . .318
INDEX . 325
CHAPTER I
LORD DURHAM
JOHN GEORGE LAMBTON, first Earl of Durham,
was born in 1792. He died in 1840 at the age of 48.
He was bom a year after an Act had been passed
by the Imperial Parliament dividing the Province
of Quebec, as it then was, into the two provinces of
Upper and Lower Canada, and granting to either
province representative institutions without respon-
sible government. In the year in which he died
another Imperial Act was passed, in consequence
of his own recommendations, reuniting the two
provinces with a view to granting to the single
colony wider powers of self-government.
He was the son-in-law of Lord Grey, the Prime
Minister who carried the great Reform Bill. He
was the father-in-law of Lord Elgin, who, as
Governor-General of Canada, made responsible
government in that colony a reality. He was
the grandfather of the Secretary of State for the
Colonies, who gave responsible government to the
Transvaal and the Orange River Colony. His life
was comparatively short : he never held high
administrative office in England : he was a colonial
governor for only five months : and he gave to the
world a state paper on colonial matters which will
live to all time.
He was educated at Eton, and, after two years
in the Army, he was in 1813 elected to the House
1352-1 B
2 BRITISH NORTH AMERICA INTROD.
of Commons on the Whig or Liberal side as member
for the county of Durham. In 1828 he was made
a peer. In 1830 he was included in Lord Grey's
Cabinet, being given the sinecure office of Lord
Privy Seal, and he was a prominent member of the
Committee of Ministers who framed the Reform
Bill. In 1833 he left the Government and was
made an Earl. For about two years, from 1835-7,
he was Ambassador to Russia. In January 1838
he accepted the appointment of Governor-General
of the British North American provinces. He left
England on the 24th of April 1838 ; he reached
Quebec on the 27th of May. On the 29th of May
he landed and was sworn into office. He left again
for England on the 1st of November following.
On the 30th of November he landed at Plymouth.
His Report is dated the 31st of January 1839 ;
and on the 28th of July 1840 he died.
Lord Durham was an aristocrat in temper and
habits, lordly and imperious, fond of pomp and
circumstance. He was a pronounced Radical in
his political creed. But he was poles asunder from
the Radicals of the Manchester School, and was
more allied to such men as Sir William Molesworth
than to Richard Cobden. He seems to have been a
man of high character, transparent honesty, great
courage and promptness, and of outspoken con-
victions, but masterful and arrogant, with a self-will
intensified by want of health, and by having come
into his kingdom in early boyhood. He was a good
man to serve, but a difficult man for a colleague,
a man impatient of contradiction and restraint, one
who made enemies and risked losing friends.
CHAP, i LORD DURHAM 3
His life has been fully told in Mr. Stuart Reid's
two interesting volumes, and no reference will now
be made to any of its incidents in or out of Canada.
Nor will words be wasted upon the much-debated
question whether or not he wrote the Report which
bears his signature. No one would suppose that
he drafted every line of the document himself. On
the other hand, to maintain that Lord Durham, of
all men in the world, allowed somebody else to
dictate what he was to recommend is ridiculous.
When dispatches or state papers are published
bearing the signature of one minister or another,
it is not to be supposed that they have in all cases
been written, word by word, from beginning to
end, by the man who signs them. Yet every such
document is presumed to embody his instructions,
to have been under his eye, and corrected by his
hand, and, bearing his signature, is credited to
him for good or ill. Whether Lord Durham's own
pen actually wrote much or little of the Report,
in form and substance it is his and his alone, able
as were the members of his staff.
For he seems to have had the high quality of
choosing competent advisers and assistants, and
the courage or indiscretion of selecting them with-
out regard to public opinion. The principal mem-
ber of his staff was Charles Buller, pupil and friend
of Carlyle, and satirist of the Colonial Office, who
was widely credited with being the real author of
the Report, and whose brilliant promise was cut
short by early death in 1848. Next in importance
was Gibbon Wakefield, whose personal antecedents
gave occasion for cavilling at his being attached to
B 2
4 BRITISH NORTH AMERICA INTROD.
Lord Durham's Mission, but whose living and
stimulating interest in colonial questions was
beyond dispute. Durham's private secretary was
Edward Ellice the younger, son of ' Bear ' Ellice,
who had been the whip in Lord Grey's Ministry,
and to whose merits in the capacity of a Canadian
seignior the Report pays the graceful and kindly
tribute of an old friend.
The Report was published before all the supple-
mentary reports which form its appendices had
been received. A list of these appendices is given
in vol. iii, and the following documents have been
reprinted in the hope that they will be of use and
interest to students of colonial, more especially of
Canadian history. From Appendix A, papers 1, 2,
5, 6, and 9, being Mr. Hanson's Report on the
excessive appropriation of public land under the
name of Clergy Reserves ; a special report by
Charles Buller on militia claims to grants of land ;
a letter from Mr. William Young on the State of
Nova Scotia; a letter from the Roman Catholic
Bishop Macdonell ; and an address from the Con-
stitutional Association of Montreal. From Appen-
dix B, Charles Buller's Report on Public Lands
and Emigration with the Royal Commission under
which Lord Durham appointed him to make the
Report, but without the Minutes of Evidence.
Appendix C, including the Reports of the Com-
missioners of Inquiry into the Municipal Institu-
tions of Lower Canada, but excluding both the
Appendix to those reports and also the Report from
the Anglican Bishop of Montreal on the state of the
Church within his diocese. From Appendix D, the
CHAP, i LORD DURHAM 5
Report of the Commissioner of Inquiry into the
state of Education in Lower Canada, without the
Returns, and an extract from the Report on the
Jesuits' Estates. It has also been thought well to
reprint three dispatches, dated 20th January 1838,
3rd April 1838, and 21st April 1838, which embody
Lord Glenelg's instructions to Lord Durham ; Lord
Durham's dispatch of 9th August 1838, in which he
foreshadowed the terms of his Report ; Lord John
Russell's dispatch of 14th October 1839 on the sub-
ject of Responsible Government ; and lastly, to add
Charles Buller's sketch of Lord Durham's Mission.
The Report, clear and powerful, speaks for itself,
but some notes have been appended to it, and in
this Introduction it is proposed to try to answer
the following questions. (1) What were the con-
ditions prevailing in the United Kingdom and in
the British Empire generally at the time of Lord
Durham's Mission ? (2) What was the position in
the two Caiiadas at the time, and what circum-
stances had led up to it ? (3) What were the terms
of Lord Durham's Commission, and what were his
instructions ? (4) What was in summary the scope,
the character, and the substance of his Report ?
(5) How far, according to the lights of the present
day, did he read the past correctly ? How far
did he correctly forecast the future in Canada,
and how far were his recommendations adopted ?
(6) How far are the principles laid down in his
report of universal application ?
Before, however, dealing with these specific
questions it is necessary to say a word of general
caution. The popular view of Lord Durham and
6 BRITISH NORTH AMERICA INTROD.
his mission is that an abnormal crisis having
arisen in a British colony, or a group of British
colonies, which crisis was due in the main to
ignorance and want of intelligence on the part of the
rulers both in the colony and at home, the hour
came and the man who discovered once for all the
true principles of colonial administration. This
view needs to be corrected. The crisis in Canada
was only in part abnormal, though it had attained
to undue proportions. Discontent is the common
accompaniment of growth. Given a young man
or a young community, with increasingly large
capacities, and full of life and vigour, then desire
for greater freedom and a wider field of vitality,
and restlessness until the desire has been satisfied,
is healthy, natural, and in no sense abnormal.
Given again a community, in which to the desire
for a greater measure of self-government is super-
added the further element of friction caused by
rival races, in different stages of development,
living side by side in the same country, and it is
obvious that the restlessness will be intensified.
The conditions in the Canadas which Lord Durham
set out to remedy were, therefore, not altogether
abnormal. They were to some extent the necessary
outcome of the time and place.
Nor did Lord Durham achieve some wholly new
and wonderful discovery when he recommended
the reunion of the two provinces, and the grant of
self-government to Canada. The reunion of the
Canadas had been talked of almost from the date
when they were divided from each other ; while
as far back as 1822 a reunion bill had, on the
CHAP, i LORD DURHAM 7
instance of Ellice the elder, been introduced into
the House of Commons by the Tory Government of
the day, and, but for the opposition of a handful
of Radical members led by Sir James Mackintosh,
might have been passed into law. Self-government
for the colonies again, in one form or another, was
not first conceived by Lord Durham. His merit
consisted in the fact that, though he had not been
born and bred in the colonies, probably because he
had not been born and bred in the colonies, but
had been a leader of the Reform movement in
England, he advocated self-government for the
colonies in the form in which it existed in the
United Kingdom. It consisted in the force and
clearness with which he pointed out existing evils,
and the remedies which must be applied ; the
statesmanship with which, not content with
generalities, he prescribed definite and immediate
action ; and the courage and insight, amounting to
genius, with which he gave to the world the doc-
trine of responsible government, not as a prelude
to the creation of separate peoples, but as the
cornerstone upon which a single and undivided
British Empire should be reared to abiding strength.
One other comment is necessary. Lord Durham
was only five months in North America, and of
that time only eleven days were spent in Upper
Canada,1 the whole of the rest of the time being
1 The Report of the Select Committee of the House of Assembly of
Upper Canada, made in April 1839, which severely criticized Lord
Durham and his Report, stated that ' His lordship's personal observa-
tion was confined to his passing up the River St. Lawrence, and crossing
Lake Ontario, in a steamboat occupied exclusively by his family and
suite, a four days' sojourn at the Falls of Niagara, and a twenty-four
8 BRITISH NORTH AMERICA INTROD.
devoted to the Lower Province. Moreover, during
these five months, he had not only to attend to all
the everyday business of administration, but to
deal with the most pressing and vitally important
questions, carrying on his own shoulders at a time
of crisis the whole load of responsibility. He was
not, like other commissioners, sent to make an
inquiry, while all the ordinary machinery of
government was steadily working from day to day
irrespective of the commissioner and without dis-
turbing the course of the inquiry. Nor was lie
sent out with command of railways, telegraphs,
and all the swift and sure means of communication
which science has since perfected or devised. The
field of his inquiry was very wide, the population
was very scattered, the problems were as varied
as they were numerous, means of communication
were most inadequate. That such results should
have been achieved in so short a time, when that
short time had been overfilled with harassing ques-
tions of administration, is evidence to monumental
industry and striking ability on the part of Lord
Durham and his assistants. But, at the same time,
it is clear that, under these conditions, it was
humanly impossible for the Report to have em-
bodied the fullest first-hand knowledge on every
point of detail, or to have been written with all
the judgement and reflection which a longer
residence in North America might have brought.
Possibly in the latter case the view of the forest
hours' visit to the Lieutenant-Governor at Toronto' (Parliamentary
Paper, No. 289, June 1839, Copies or Extracts of Correspondence
relative to the Affairs of Canada, p. 22).
CHAP, i LORD DURHAM 9
might have been obscured by the trees, and the
picture of the whole might have been no more
accurate and less vivid than that which is presented
in the Report ; but, none the less, on the one hand
it is only fair to Lord Durham to bear in mind the
disadvantages under which the Report was written,
and on the other it would be wrong to ignore the
very strong exception taken to the statements and
inferences which it contained, in and on behalf of
Upper Canada.
CHAPTER II
THE ACCESSION OF QUEEN VICTORIA
QUEEN VICTORIA came to the throne on the
20th of June 1837. Lord Durham, therefore,
started on his mission towards the end of the first
year of her reign. It is noteworthy how the
beginning of the great Queen's reign coincided with
various measures or movements which tended to
recast and regenerate the British Empire. In
1833, Sir James Stephen, then legal adviser and
three years later permanent head of the Colonial
Office, between a Saturday morning and the middle
of the day on the following Monday, drafted the
Imperial Act for the Abolition of Slavery. Passed
into law in that year, it provided that, from the
1st of August 1834, slavery should be abolished
throughout the British dominions ; but the emanci-
pated negroes were to continue to labour under
a system of apprenticeship until the 1st of August
1838 in the case of non-praedial apprentices, and
the 1st of August 1840 in the case of praedial
apprentices, the term of apprenticeship being in
some cases shortened by local legislation. The
last remnants of legalized slavery were therefore
being blotted out in the British Empire when the
young girl of eighteen became Queen ; and when
sixty-three years later she died in fullness of age
and of honour, she was mourned in the lands which
CHAP. IT ACCESSION OF QUEEN VICTORIA . 11
slavery had once blighted, as the giver of freedom
to the negro race. Great as an act of humanity
and justice to a class of British subjects, the
Emancipation Act is also interesting to students
of colonial history as an instance of the mother
country enforcing its will on colonies, some of
which had from the earliest times enjoyed no small
measure of self-government. An island like Bar-
bados was never a Crown Colony in the ordinary
sense. It had from the first been to a large extent
a self-governing community, though the self-
government was limited to the white oligarchy ;
and to this day it retains its elected Assembly
and the power of the purse. Thus we have the
noteworthy coincidence of the birth of responsible
government in British North America with the
most pronounced enforcement of the will of the
mother country in the British West Indies, though
the latter had enjoyed representative institutions
in times when Canada, so far as it was colonized,
was under a French despotism, with no semblance
even of municipal liberties, while what was after-
wards Upper Canada was in the main a wilderness.
Somewhat later in time than the anti-slavery
movement, but roughly coincident with the acces-
sion of Queen Victoria, was another fruitful philan-
thropic effort, which resulted in the gradual
abolition of the system of transportation. Arch-
bishop Whately and others had been active in
pointing out the evils and abuses to which this
system gave rise, and in 1837 a select committee
was appointed by the House of Commons ' to
inquire into the system of transportation, its
12 BRITISH NORTH AMERICA INTROD.
efficacy as a punishment, its influence on the
moral state of Society in the penal colonies, and
how far it is susceptible of improvement '. It was
a strong committee. Sir William Molesworth was
the Chairman, and among the members were
Charles Buller, Sir George Grey, Lord Howick,
afterwards Lord Grey, Lord John Russell, and
Sir Robert Peel. The report was made in August
1838 : it condemned the existing system : and the
first of its recommendations was ' that transporta-
tion to New South Wales, and to the settled
districts of Van Diemen's Land, should be dis-
continued as soon as practicable '. In 1840
transportation to New South Wales was suspended.
This was the beginning of the end of a system
which died hard, for some convicts were sent to
Western Australia up to 1867, Western Australia
being, it should be noted, the only colony in
Australia which at that date had not received
responsible government. The system died hard,
for it was not, like slavery, evil in its essence ; it
was evil only in the conditions under which it was
enforced or which gathered round it.
The Act of Parliament which abolished slavery
throughout the British dominions affected mainly
the colonies of Great Britain in the western
hemisphere, the West Indies, which were her
oldest colonies, and which were in fact, as they
had been in name, plantations. The anti-trans-
portation movement principally affected the British
colonies in the south, the youngest colonies of
Great Britain, those in Australia which had been
originally founded as penal settlements. Slavery
CHAP. IT ACCESSION OF QUEEN VICTORIA 13
was abolished by the will of the mother country
imposed upon the slave-owning colonies ; trans-
portation was eventually abolished in obedience to
the will of the colonies imposed upon the mother
country. In the West Indies, where slavery
prevailed, and where in past times the white
oligarchies were in great measure self-governing
communities, there is now but the remanet of
representative institutions. The area where the
transportation system was most fully applied is,
at the present day, the scene of colonial self-
government in its fullest expression.
The Cape, on the way between East and West,
on the way between North and South, was touched
alike by the abolition of slavery and by the move-
ment against transportation. One of the dramatic
incidents in the later stages of the anti-transporta-
tion campaign, and one of the most emphatic
pronouncements of colonial rights in advance of
colonial self-government, was the refusal of the
Cape colonists, in September 1849, to allow the
Neptune to land her freight of ticket-of -leave men
in Simons Bay. Earlier in the history of the Cape,
the inadequacy of the compensation paid to the
slave-owners had embittered colonial feeling against
the British Government ; there followed the
reversal of Sir Benjamin D'Urban's policy by
Lord Glenelg ; and when Queen Victoria came to
the throne, the Great Boer trek was taking place,
which coloured the whole subsequent history of
South Africa.
Returning to Australasia, the colony of South
Australia dates from 1836, the year before the
14 BRITISH NORTH AMERICA INTROD.
Queen's accession. The date usually given to the
founding of Melbourne is 1837. In 1837 the New
Zealand Association was formed. In 1838-9 it
was followed by the New Zealand Land Company.
In 1839 this company forced the hands of the
Government by sending out the ship Tory to New
Zealand, with Gibbon Wakefield's brother on
board, and the forerunners of a larger band of
settlers ; and early in 1840 New Zealand became
formally and finally a British possession. The
settlement of South Australia, and the acquisition
of New Zealand, were the outcome of the coloniza-
tion movement with which Gibbon Wakefield's
name is for ever associated, and the chairman of
the New Zealand Company was Lord Durham.
This movement was at its flood-tide when Queen
Victoria came to the throne.
But while thinkers and statesmen and philan-
thropists were at work, more potent in their effects
upon the world at large, and upon the British
Empire in particular, were the inventions and
discoveries of men of science. When Queen
Victoria began her reign, the forces of steam were
in their cradle, and the forces of electricity were
being brought to birth. The first railway upon
which the locomotive was used, the line from
Stockton to Darlington, was opened in 1825, the
line from Manchester to Liverpool in 1830. In his
Report (ii. 212-13), Lord Durham wrote, ' there
is but one railroad in all British America, and
that, running between the St. Lawrence and Lake
Champlain, is only fifteen miles long.' That line
was the only railroad in the British Empire outside
CHAP, ii ACCESSION OF QUEEN VICTORIA 15
the United Kingdom at the date of the Queen's
accession. In his Essay on the Government of
Dependencies, which was published in 1841, Sir
George Cornewall-Lewis speaks of the possibility
of countervailing the difficulties in administration
due to distance by ' the goodness of the roads
and bridges, and an advanced state of the art of
navigation, affording the means of rapid locomotion
both by land and sea V but he makes no specific
reference in this passage to railways, steamers, or
telegraphs ; and in one note only in his book does
he refer in unfamiliar terms to ' the invention of
steam railways ', as about to reduce ' to sober
truth ' the passage in which the poet Claudian
depicted the unity and the facility of intercourse
which peace and good roads had given to the
Roman Empire.2 Almost the greatest merit of Lord
Durham's Report is the writer's obvious apprecia-
tion of what the future, aided by science, might have
in store for British North America ; and had Lord
Durham lived to see the 8th of November 1885,
when railway connexion was completed from
Montreal to Vancouver, he would have been
hardly older then than one of the chief pioneers of
the Canadian Pacific Railway, the present High
Commissioner for Canada, is now.
' The success of the great experiment of steam
navigation across the Atlantic,' says Lord Durham
in his Report (ii. 316-17), ' opens a prospect of
a speedy communication with Europe, which will
materially affect the future state of all these
provinces.' On the wall at the entrance to the
1 p. 178 (1891 ed.). ' PP- 128-9 note.
lf> BRITISH NORTH AMERICA INTROD.
Parliamentary Library at Ottawa there is an in-
scription ' in honour of the men by whose enterprise,
courage, and skill, the Royal William, the first
vessel to cross the Atlantic by steam power, was
wholly constructed in Canada and navigated to
England in 1833 '. This ship was built at Quebec
under the cliffs of Cape Diamond, and launched in
April 1831. On the 18th of August 1833 she started
from Pictou in Nova Scotia and steamed across
the Atlantic, reaching Gravesend on the 12th of
September, twenty-five days after leaving Pictou.1
Regular steam communication, however, between
England and America did not begin till 1838, the
year in which Lord Durham went to Canada.
The Peninsular Company, formed in 1837, received
its charter as the Peninsular and Oriental Company
in 1840 ; and on the 4th of July 1840 the Britannia,
a steamer belonging to a citizen of Halifax in Nova
Scotia, of the name of Cunard, started from Liver-
pool for Halifax and Boston, being the first regular
steamer of the great Cunard line.
In 1837, Cooke and Wheatstone took out a patent
for an electric telegraph, and in 1840 Wheatstone
is said to have drawn plans for a submarine tele-
graph from Dover to Calais ; but it was not until
1858 that a submarine cable was laid between the
United Kingdom and America, and the connexion
was not finally and successfully made until 1866.
It may be summed up that when Queen Victoria's
reign began, and when Lord Durham went out to
1 The brass tablet was erected in 1894, and a full account of the Royal
WiUiam is given in the Report of the Secretary of State of Canada for
1894, published in 1895.
CHAP, ii ACCESSION OF QUEEN VICTORIA 17
Canada, science was about to recast the meaning
of space and time ; but it was as yet the dawn
only, and not the full brightness of day.
Lord Melbourne, who succeeded Lord Grey as
the leader or nominal leader of the Whig party,
was Queen Victoria's first Prime Minister, and it
was during his tenure of office that Lord Durham's
mission took place. The battle of Waterloo had
ended an age of war. Before 1815< for England
and for the world generally, war had for a long
series of years been the rule and peace the excep-
tion. The people had grown up not merely familiar
with the conditions of life in time of war, but so
accustomed to war that peace must have seemed
a novelty. It had been a fight for national exis-
tence. England, though spared the horror of war
on her own shores, had paid a heavy price for
victory, but she had survived and she had won.
When peace came again, the English, by a perfectly
wholesome instinct, still kept in power the men
who had led them in war times and with whom
the Duke of Wellington was associated, and they
kept out of power the Whigs who had been or
seemed to have been the less patriotic of the two
parties. This went on until peace had become the
rule and not the exception, and until, if ever there
was going to be a transfer of power from one party
to another, it was absolutely inevitable that it
should take place. Then in 1830 the Whigs, who
had especially espoused or professed to espouse
the cause of Parliamentary Reform, came into
power, and with a short break held office for rather
more than ten years.
1352-1 C
18 BRITISH NORTH AMERICA INTROD.
They passed the great Reform Act of 1832, the
Acts for the abolition of slavery, for the reform of
the Poor Law, for the reform of municipal corpora-
tions, and other valuable legislation. It stands to
their lasting credit that they thoroughly repaired
the parliamentary machinery of England, gave
some measure of representation to the great cities,
and made the House of Commons an exponent of
popular wishes and popular movements to an
extent which had never been the case before. It
stands to their credit, too, that, having improved
the machinery, they used it for a short time in an
undeniably beneficial manner. On the other hand,
their enthusiasm for democratic measures, and the
enthusiasm of the people for them, cooled some-
what rapidly ; and at the beginning of Queen
Victoria's reign the Whig ministers were not much
more than caretakers, the leaders of the Ins as
opposed to the Outs, not entrusted with any great
mission or standing for any great principle.
The reasons for this result are not far to seek.
The inevitable outcome of passing the Reform Act
and having a reformed Parliament was disunion,
more or less pronounced, more or less rapid, both in
the Government and in the country. The door had
been unlocked, obstructions had been removed,
people were moving on, and they moved at different
rates of speed and in different directions. The
individual ministers, or some of them, may well
have become tired and half-hearted, and there was
probably, as is always the case, a large section of
the public disappointed because extension of the
franchise did not at once bring the millennium.
CHAP, n ACCESSION OF QUEEN VICTORIA 19
Moreover there was, after all, no great gulf fixed
between the Whigs and the Tories. On the one
hand the Whig Government was not wholly com-
posed of traditional Whigs, and on the other the
Tories, whom they succeeded, had had a strong
leaven of Liberalism among them. Melbourne had
served under Canning and the Duke of Wellington.
Stanley, nominally a Whig, had served under
Canning. Palmerston, Goderich, Lord Glenelg,
among others, had been in the so-called Tory ranks.
In those ranks, Canning had been the very anti-
podes of a benighted Tory; Huskisson had gone
further than any responsible minister in the direc-
tion of Free Trade ; while, even when the Duke of
Wellington, the very embodiment of Toryism, was
Prime Minister, the Test and Corporation Acts had,
on Lord John Russell's initiative, been repealed, and
Catholic emancipation had been carried. Canning
and Huskisson were dead, but Peel survived ; and
Peel, the country knew well, was no more of
a reactionary than Melbourne and his friends.
Thus at the beginning of Queen Victoria's reign
there was a somewhat colourless Government in
power, representing a spent force, no better and
110 worse than an ordinary party Government in
ordinary times of peace. War as a normal con-
dition of English life had passed more or less into
oblivion, and there were a large number of move-
ments at work, political, social, and industrial, and
a considerable number of individual men, like
Lord Durham himself, not hide-bound by party
ties, but independent of and prepared, if their
principles called for such a course, to be antagonistic
02
20 BRITISH NORTH AMERICA FNTKOD.
to the Government. In 1838 the Anti-Corn Law
Association was formed, which developed in the
following year into the Anti-Corn Law League.
Free Trade had not been a plank in the Whig
platform, and there was no love lost between
the official Whigs and Richard Cobden. 1838-9
was the date of the Chartist movement, and those
who sympathized with he Chartists made small
account of the Whigs as represented by Lord Mel-
bourne's Government.
In that Government, when Lord Durham went
out to Canada, the Colonial Secretary was Charles
Grant, Lord Glenelg. Sir Henry Taylor, who
served under him at the Colonial Office, wrote of
him as ' high-minded, accomplished, and occasion-
ally eloquent, but habitually and incurably sluggish
and somnolent ; . . . amiable and excellent as he
was, a more incompetent man could not have been
found to fill an office requiring activity and a ready
judgement.' l A much more favourable estimate
of him was given by Taylor's friend and colleague,
Sir James Stephen, who, during Lord Glenelg's
tenure of office was promoted to be permanent
Under-Secretary of State for the Colonies. When
Lord Glenelg resigned, Stephen wrote :
' Lord Glenelg's resignation is, as you may well
suppose, a sad subject with me. He is the tenth
Secretary of State under whom I have served,
and from the most certain knowledge, I can
declare that of the whole of that long list he is the
most laborious, the most conscientious, and the
most enlightened minister of the public. . . . His
1 Autobiography of Sir Henry Taylor 1885, vol. i, pp. 147-8.
CHAP, ii ACCESSION OF QUEEN VICTORIA 21
real and only unfitness for public life arises from
the strange incompatibility of his temper and
principles with the tempers and with the rules of
action to which we erect shrines in Downing Street.' l
There can be no doubt that Lord Glenelg was
a man of very high principles. He was actuated
by the purest motives of justice and philanthropy,
when he ordered withdrawal from the native
territory which Sir Benjamin D' Urban had annexed
to the Cape Colony ; but the result of his action in
that case was most disastrous, and in general by
common consent he was a weak and incompetent
Secretary of State for the Colonies. In 1838 Sir
William Molesworth moved a vote of censure on
him in the House of Commons, charging him by
implication with want of diligence, forethought,
judgement, activity and firmness, and early in the
following year he was made to resign.
Stephen, who described himself in the letter
quoted above as Lord Glenelg' s ' intimate personal
friend ', and who, as permanent Under-Secretary
of State, was his principal adviser at the Colonial
Office, was anything but a weak man. He was
strong enough to be exposed to attacks from which
permanent officials are usually exempt, and he was
supposed to be the embodiment of all the vices
of the Colonial Office when Charles Buller de-
nounced it and talked about ' Mr. Mother Country '.
' I am scarcely twenty-four hours off Sir William
Molesworth's impeachment,' Stephen wrote in
1838, ' in which I hear from Charles Buller, a great
friend of Sir William's, that I am to have a con-
1 The First Sir James Stephen, pp. 56-7, Letter of February 12, 1839.
22 BRITISH NORTH 'AMERICA INTROTX
spicuous share. I am, it seems, at your service,
a rapacious, grasping, ambitious Tory. On two
unequal crutches propped he came, Glenelg's on
this, on that Sir G. Grey's name ; and it appears
that by the aid of these crutches I have hobbled
into a dominion wider than ever Nero possessed,
which I exercise like another Domitian.' ]
If some took Stephen to be a rapacious Tory, the
eccentric Governor of Upper Canada, Sir Francis
Bond Head, abused him as a rank republican.
From his predominance at the Colonial Office ho
was christened Mr. Over-Secretary Stephen, and he
seems to have been regarded by men of the school
of Molesworth and Buller as the type of a rigid
and unsympathetic official. He had been brought
up in the evangelical atmosphere of the Clapham
sect, and with their virtues and their philanthropy
may well have inherited also some narrowness, but
his private letters show no want of kindly feeling
or of human sympathy.
' It fell to his lot,' wrote his son, Sir FitzJames
Stephen in 1860, ' to assist in two of the most
remarkable transactions even of this century.
The first was the abolition of slavery, the second
was the establishment of responsible government
in Canada. . . . The principles which he always
advocated ultimately obtained complete recogni-
tion, but he was constantly obliged to take part
in measures which he regretted, and of which he
disapproved.' 2
It must be remembered that, when the United
States were severed from the British Empire, little
1 The, Fir.it Sir Jam?s Stephen, p. 53. Sir G. Grey was then the
Parliamentary Under- Secretary at the Colonial Office, nnd represented
it in the House of Commons. - pp. 51-2.
CHAP, ii ACCESSION OF QUEEN VICTORIA 23
trace of colonial self-government was left within
the Empire except in the West Indian Legislatures.
The tendency of the time was, as in the case of the
abolition of slavery, to override these Legislatures,
not to extend their powers ; and in 1839, the very
year in which Lord Durham's Report appeared,
Lord Melbourne's Government brought in a Bill for
temporarily suspending the constitution of Jamaica,
which led to the resignation of the Ministry. Out-
side the West Indies, Canada had been given repre-
sentative institutions by the Act of 1791, but the
Colonial Office had necessarily none of the experi-
ence of dealings with self-governing communities
which it has at the present day. It may be summed
up therefore that, when Lord Durham went out to
Canada, the Colonial Office with which he had to
deal was in the main what would now be called
a Crown Colony Office, presided over by an excep-
tionally weak Secretary of State and an exception-
ally strong permanent Under-Secretary. Such
conditions would give a notable opportunity for
reflections and comments on bureaucracy; and
inasmuch as the evils of bureaucracy were a
favourite theme with Charles Buller, perhaps his
hand may specially be traced in the very able
passages of the Report (ii. 101-6) which refer to
this subject, and one of the side notes to which is
' Evils of committing details of government to
Colonial Department '.
CHAPTER III
ORIGIN AND DEVELOPMENT OF THE POLITICAL
DIFFICULTIES IN THE CANADAS
IN 1837, the year of the Queen's Accession and
the year before Lord Durham went to Canada,
the discontent and unrest which had long prevailed
alike in Lower and in Upper Canada, culminated
in open rebellion in either province. In order to
make clear how the trouble arose, it is necessary
to give an outline of the previous condition of the
two provinces.
Between French and English colonization in
North America, and between French and English
colonists, there was a great gulf fixed. Race,
religion, language, customs, prejudices divided
them, but the division did not end here. French
colonization was born of the State, it was reared
by the State, it was controlled by the State. Its
essence was feudalism, imported from the old world
to the new, which was not, however, as in the old
world, a growth but the creation of the Crown.
In New France the authority of the Crown and
of the Church was absolute. ' The institutions of
France,' wrote Lord Durham (ii. 27-8), ' during the
period of the colonization of Canada, were, perhaps,
more than those of any other European nation,
calculated to repress the intelligence and freedom
of the great mass of the people. These institutions
CHAP, in POLITICAL DIFFICULTIES 25
followed the Canadian colonist across the Atlantic.
The same central, ill-organized, unimproving and
repressive despotism extended over him. Not
merely was he allowed no voice in the government
of his province, or the choice of his rulers, but he
was not even permitted to associate with his
neighbours for the regulation of those municipal
affairs, which the central authority neglected under
the pretext of managing.' Lord Durham regarded
the political and social system of Canada under
French rule from an English point of view, and he
emphasized that view as an advanced Liberal.
It is true that there was no liberty, as Englishmen
understood it, in New France, no vestige of popular
representation in political or even in municipal
matters ; but the system was not without its
merits. It was not ill organized. In its inception
it was well and skilfully organized. The object
was to reproduce in the new home the conditions
which the colonists had known in the old, to create
a New France in America. New France was
created, and it would be difficult to find a parallel
in history for a handiwork so artificial, which was
at the same time so strong and lasting. Two
features in French Canada call for special notice.
The first is that it tended to be a land of extremes,
or at any rate a land of strong contrasts. Within
the settled area life was lived rigidly according to
rule, on fixed lines in fixed places. Outside the
settled area French quickness of mind and body
found unlimited scope : the voyageurs and the
coureurs de bois went far and wide and knew no
law. The second characteristic to be noticed is
20 BRITISH NORTH AMERICA INTROD.
that Canada in old days was better framed for war
than for peace. It had a natural stronghold in
Quebec, to which there is no parallel in North
America ; it had a race of men in the coureurs de
bois specially adapted for border forays ; while the
system, at once feudal and centralized, under which
the ordinary community lived, was a most effective
organization for war purposes. The English in
America were many, the French were one ; and,
as the days of New France were more often days
of war than days of peace, Canada reaped the
benefit of unquestioned authority, unquestioning
obedience, and a whole population trained for
service to the King.
Canadian colonization was the product of the
State, and the State was the Crown. The British
colonies, which were the neighbours and rivals of
Canada, were largely the product of antagonism
to the State. The typical New Englanders were
men or the descendants of men who had gone out
to America to live their lives as they wished, and
not as the King or the Home Government wished.
They were cradled in freedom, political and
religious, and self-government in one form or
another was of the essence of their being. They
did perforce a good deal of warring, in a spasmodic
and slipshod fashion, but their real business was
to grow and multiply, to settle in their own way
and on their own lines. There were backwoodsmen
and hunters among them, but there were no such
extremes in the English colonies as were to be
found in Canada. There were no habitants or
seigniories on the one hand, and on the other no
CHAP, in POLITICAL DIFFICULTIES 27
' definite class of Indianized Europeans like the
coureurs de bois. The English colonists were all
citizens, more often than not grudging and selfish
citizens, but in all cases keenly conscious of their
rights if not of their responsibilities.
The conquest of Canada and the Peace of Paris
made the French Canadians, who had in the past
been most loyal subjects of the French King, sub-
jects of the British King, and fellow subjects with
these wholly dissimilar British colonists, who had
no instinct or tradition of heart-whole obedience,
and a few of whom, bad specimens of their kind,
found their way into Canada. A most difficult
position was created for the British Government.
That Government wished to treat the new subjects,
the French Canadians, with the fullest considera-
tion, to respect their religion and their customs.
At the same time the British ministers wished to
extend to the French Canadians within reason
British laws and institutions, because those laws
and institutions embodied, so it was assumed,
better conditions of life than the Canadians had
hitherto known, and because it was desired to con-
vert the Canadians gradually into British citizens.
Further it was desired, as far as possible, while con-
ciliating the French Canadians, not to run counter
to the wishes and prejudices of the neighbouring
British colonies, and also as far as possible to meet
the wishes of the very small but very noisy British
minority in Canada, and to make Canada an
attractive field for British settlement. The result
was, and could only be, a measure or measures of
compromise.
28 BRITISH NORTH AMERICA INTROD.
Canada, as a British possession, began with
military rule, and it throve under military rule.
The Canadians had been accustomed to it or to
something very like it. They had been trained on
military lines. Their loyalty and obedience had
been to persons, to the King, to the priest, to the
seignior, not to a State. They had obeyed rules
and customs made from above, not laws made by
themselves. They had been brought up under
authority and had inherited discipline. Military
men, therefore, who had known discipline them-
selves, and who were by reason of their calling
essentially the King's men, who, moreover, had in
fighting learnt to appreciate the bravery and the
stubbornness of the French Canadians, sympa-
thized with them more and understood them better
than did civilians, and far better than well-meaning
ministers at a distance or the ill-disposed British
minority on the spot.
When civil government was established by the
Royal Proclamation of 1763, soldier governors
were continued. James Murray, the first Governor,
and his successor Carleton, were in full sympathy
with the Canadians, and Carleton urged the
importance of interfering as little as possible with
Canadian laws and customs, and of employing the
Canadian seigniors in the King's service, thereby
giving them the personal link which they had
known under the old regime. The absence of some
such recognition left the Canadian noblesse half-
hearted in their new allegiance. The introduction
of English laws and of English legal procedure
led to confusion and to general uneasiness. The
CHAP, m POLITICAL DIFFICULTIES 29
habitants found the bonds of discipline relaxed,
and began to unlearn obedience. The British
minority clamoured for a General Assembly, on the
model of the Assemblies of the adjoining provinces,
the grant of which had been foreshadowed by the
Proclamation of 1763, and they made the igno-
rant French peasantry familiar with the claptrap
phrases of colonial democracy. Under these con-
ditions, after the most anxious inquiry and guided
to a great extent by Carleton's advice, the Home
Government passed the Quebec Act of 1774.
The Quebec Act gave great offence to the old
colonies, already on the eve of revolt, mainly
because it included within the Province of Quebec
the western lands which those colonies looked upon
as their own sphere of future settlement and
colonization ; nor did it satisfy the British minority,
inasmuch as it made no provision for an elected
Assembly. By the Canadians, on the other hand,
it was regarded at the time with great satisfaction,
for it safeguarded their religion and gave them
their old laws in civil matters. The Act created
a Legislative Council, but not on an elective basis ;
and it withheld from the Council powers of taxa-
tion except in the form of purely local rates.
Another Imperial Act was passed at the same
time, the Quebec Revenue Act, which repealed
various taxes levied under the French Government,
and imposed instead certain duties on spirits and
molasses as well as certain licences, the proceeds of
which were applied to meeting the expenses of the
civil government and of the administration of
j ustice.
30 BRITISH NORTH AMERICA INTROD.
The passing of the Quebec Act was followed
almost immediately by the War of American
Independence. In this war the Canadians as a
whole were neutral ; they were a lately-conquered
people, they had no great reason to love their con-
querors, and they were invited and urged to rise
for freedom and for imaginary privileges which
they did not understand. On the other hand, they
had liked their soldier governors ; they, or some of
them, had recognized the fair and kindly dealing
embodied in the Quebec Act ; if they had no great
love for the English from over the seas, they had
less love for the English in their immediate neigh-
bourhood ; and the sentiment for a King had not
wholly died out. The better classes tended to take
the King's side. Of the peasantry not a few joined
the Americans ; but the large majority waited on
events.
The outcome of the war was that Quebec was
well defended and well kept ; that Canada re-
mained a province of the British Empire with far
greater relative importance attached to it than
when it had been overshadowed by the adjacent
colonies, now no longer British possessions ; and
that the Loyalist immigration from the United
States led to the creation of two new British pro-
vinces in North America, New Brunswick, which
was the mainland of Nova Scotia, and Upper
Canada, which was the hinterland of Quebec. The
Loyalists brought with them intense animosity to
the newly-formed Republic of the United States,
intense loyalty to the British Crown, but none the
less the traditions and the instincts of colonial
CHAP, in POLITICAL DIFFICULTIES 31
self-government. Their coming into the old
Province of Quebec produced a new set of con-
ditions. The British population of Canada was
now no longer an insignificant minority, but a
strong and substantial number of tried and
approved citizens, whose political training had
been wholly different from that of the French
Canadians. They were mainly settled in a part of
the province which the French had not colonized ;
and this fact made it possible, if it was thought
desirable, to divide the province, and give to
either half a separate legislature and administra-
tion. This course was taken, again after the most
careful attention to all the facts and features of
the case ; and, by the Imperial Act of 1791, the
Province of Quebec was divided into the two
provinces of Upper and Lower Canada, either pro-
vince being given a constitution consisting of
a nominated Legislative Council and an elected
Assembly, but neither province being given full
control either of their revenues or of their executive
officers. By thus dividing the old Province of
Quebec it was hoped that friction would be avoided,
and that French Canada, being side by side with
a British province, and enjoying the same institu-
tions, would gradually become assimilated to it
without jealousy or ill-will. William Pitt's words,
when introducing the bill into the House of
Commons, were as follows : ' This division, it was
hoped, would put an end to the competition
between the old French inhabitants and the new
settlers from Britain, or British colonies, which
had occasioned the disputes and uncertainty
32 BRITISH NORTH AMERICA INTROD.
respecting law, and other disputes of less im-
portance, by which the province had been so long
distracted.' x
At almost any time in Canadian history between
1783 and 1867, when British North America was
federated into a dominion, the arguments for
having one Canada or two Canadas (exclusive of
the Maritime Provinces) left little to choose
between them. There were obvious advantages
and obvious disadvantages in either alternative.
The division into two provinces led to the following
among other difficulties. As is pointed out in
Lord Durham's Report, it tended to widen the gulf
between French and English by marking out one
part of Canada for the French and the other for
the English. At the same time it did not effect
the object which the framers of the 1791 Act
contemplated, of preventing conflict between the
two races by giving them separate spheres of
influence ; for in the French province there came
into being an English district, the townships as
opposed to the seigniories, the settlers in which, for
many years, were not represented in the Quebec
Legislature and keenly resented French domination.
The division of the provinces again necessarily
involved divided executive authority in an area
over which it was clearly desirable that there
should be one supreme head. Nominally there was
a Governor-General of the two Canadas, and the
Governor of Upper Canada only bore the title of
Lieutenant-Governor : but for all practical pur-
1 Parliamentary Rajistir 1791, vol. xxviii, p. 514, Debate of ilaivh 1
1791.
CHAP, in POLITICAL DIFFICULTIES 33
poses the Governor- General soon became Governor
of Lower Canada only, and the substitution of two
Governors for one militated against uniformity of
policy and tended to weaken the executive power
in the face of growing democracy. Once more,
the division of the two provinces, as the dividing
line was drawn, created a purely inland colony,
whose outlet to the sea was either through the
sister colony or through a foreign country. The
result of this was to make Upper Canada, as far
as customs duties were concerned, dependent upon
Lower Canada, and thereby to create a perpetual
dispute between the two provinces. The Imperial
Canada Trade Act of 1822 was an attempt to
remove this cause of friction.
v It may be summed up that from 1791 onward
until Lord Durham's time there were, exclusive
of what are now the Maritime Provinces of the
Dominion, two Canadas, one mainly French, the
other mainly English, each province enjoying
representative institutions without responsible
government, and the Legislatures consisting in
either case of a nominated Legislative Council and
an elected Assembly. There were thus obvious and
abundant opportunities for friction ; between the
Governors, as occurred at the outset between Lord
Dorchester and Simcoe ; between the provinces,
for the reason already given ; between the races
and religions, wherever French and English were
brought into close contact ; between the two
houses of the Legislature — a species of political fric-
tion which is common everywhere ; between the
executive power on the one hand as represented
1352-1 D
34 BRITISH NORTH AMERICA TNTROD.
by the Crown and the officers of the Crown,
especially the Governor, and on the other the
Legislature, or rather the elected branch of the
Legislature, the main ground of dispute being
control of the public purse. On the whole it may
fairly be said that the history of Canada from 1791
to the time of Lord Durham's mission is, with the
exception of one interlude, the war of 1812, a
record of friction of this last-named kind, coloured
by race feeling and by the special conditions of
the respective provinces.
When the two Canadas received representative
institutions, the French Canadians were thereby
given a machinery which was familiar to English-
men, but which had never previously been handled
by Frenchmen in America. The French population
consisted of an intensely conservative gentry and
a wholly uneducated peasantry, both dominated
by a Church, the essence of which was absolutism.
As far as the French Canadians had any guidance
in handling their new tools, it came from the
British minority in Quebec and Montreal ; but not
many years passed before the French began to
better their instruction. With the early years
of the nineteenth century Nationalist views gained
ground, a French Canadian press came into
existence, and, while French and English more or
less combined against an administration which
was out of touch with the people, and various
officers of which, sent out from home, were
notoriously unfit for their posts, the line of race
cleavage became more and more distinct, and the
struggle for popular control of the finances was
CHAP, ni POLITICAL DIFFICULTIES 35
embittered by being fought with French acuteness
and French impatience of compromise. Mean-
while Upper Canada, though as a whole intensely
loyal to the British Crown, was leavened to
some extent by American immigration.
It has been stated that, during the earlier years
of British rule in Canada, military men proved
themselves to be sympathetic Governors of the
French Canadians. As time went on, and the
Canadians grew towards political manhood, the
soldier, unless he was an exceptional man, was
less likely than had previously been the case to
be in harmony with conditions which were becom-
ing increasingly democratic. In 1807, after a long
interregnum, Sir James Craig came out as Governor-
General, a soldier of tried worth, but with a soldier's
views of discipline, which were not softened by ill
health. He came into collision with the elected
chamber of the Legislature in Lower Canada, had
resort to repeated dissolutions, and put down with
a high hand the Nationalist paper Le Canadien,
which persistently vilified the Government. In
a long dispatch to the Secretary of State, written
in May 1810, in which he reviewed existing con-
ditions in Lower Canada, Craig represented French
and English in the province as bitterly opposed to
each other. * The line of distinction between us,'
he wrote, 'is completely drawn; friendship, cor-
diality are not to be found, even common inter-
course scarcely exists.' But, though the sentiment
of French Canadian nationality was gathering
force year by year, the struggle at this time was
not so much a race conflict as a squabble between
D 2
36 BRITISH NORTH AMERICA INTROD.
the Executive and the Legislature, one of the
Governor's leading opponents, whom he relieved
of the office of Solicitor-General, being James
Stuart, who was the son of a United Empire
Loyalist, and who in after years was appointed
by Lord Durham to be Chief Justice of Canada.
It was during the governorship of Sir James Craig,
in the year 1810, that the Quebec House of Assem-
bly, in view of the prosperity of the province,
offered to take upon themselves for the time being
the whole charge of the civil administration. This
offer, which came to nothing at the time, was much
quoted at a later date. It meant that the elected
representatives realized that power is in the hands
of those who pay, and that so long as the Imperial
Government, either by direct subsidies, or from
territorial revenues, or from taxes levied under
permanent Acts, paid a large proportion of the
cost of the civil government of Canada, so long
would the power be in the hands of the Governor
and his officers as being the servants of the Imperial
Government, and not in the hands of the Assembly
which represented the people of Canada. Sir James
Craig left Canada in 1811. His successor, Sir
George Prevost, was a man of very different stamp.
Prevost set himself to conciliate the French
Canadians, and in that respect did good service
to the Empire during the war of 1812, though in
the actual operations of the war he did not dis-
tinguish himself. Quebec was little troubled by
the war, and the Assembly which sat there con-
tinued to a large extent its vendetta against the
existing system, impeaching the Chief Justice of
CHAP, in POLITICAL DIFFICULTIES 37
Lower Canada on the ridiculous charge of having
conspired against the civil liberties of the people.
The war, however, had beyond question a whole-
some effect in softening, under the influence of
common danger, the jealousies and the animosities
of race. French and English stood shoulder to
shoulder to repel invasion, and some sense of unity
came into Canada, effective at the time in reducing
friction, salutary in after years as a memory of
common patriotism. The brunt of the war fell
upon Upper Canada, with the result that in this
province, for the time being, all constitutional
wrangles were swallowed up in a fight for national
existence, and that the loyalty of the Loyalists to
the British connexion was intensified. It may be
said in brief that the war of 1812 did not affect
the continuity of history in the Lower Province,
whereas in the Upper Province it made a complete
break and supplied a new starting-point.
The war ended, and the old difficulties revived.
In Lower Canada the judges were still harried by
the Legislature. In Upper Canada the loyalty of
those who had fought and suffered was tried by
delays in settling arrears of pay and in giving
grants of land, while the development of the
province was retarded by restrictions on American
immigration, which at the time were neither
unreasonable nor unnecessary, as well as by the
amount of land which was locked up in Crown and
Clergy reserves. In 1816 Sir John Sherbrooke was
C?t/
appointed Governor-in-Chief of the two Canadas,
and once more proved that a good soldier may
be also a tactful and diplomatic administrator.
38 BRITISH NORTH AMERICA INTROD.
Unfortunately his term of office was shortened by
ill health, and only lasted for two years. Handling
the political situation in Lower Canada with much
skill, Sherbrooke brought to an end the quarrel
with the judges. He detached support from
Stuart, still a pronounced opponent of the Govern-
ment, with the result that the latter for the time
being retired into private life, and he worked in
harmony with the Speaker of the Assembly, the
future leader of rebellion in Lower Canada — Louis
Papineau. He then took stock of the finances of
the provinces, which during the war had fallen
into some confusion, and he warned the Secretary
of State of the fact, which previously does not
appear to have been fully appreciated at the
Colonial Office, that the civil administration could
not be carried on independently of the votes of the
elected Assembly. It was on this point that the
whole future conflict turned. Had the revenues
which were at the disposal of the Crown been
sufficient to meet the cost of the administration,
the opposition of the Assembly to the Government
would have had little practical effect, and there
would have been no adequate lever for the grant of
responsible government ; but, inasmuch as those
revenues did not cover the annual charges of govern-
ment, and the taxpayers of the United Kingdom
could not be asked to make good the deficit, the
executive power in Canada was so far at the mercy
of the elected Assembly.
The result of Sherbrooke's correspondence on
this subject with Lord Bathurst, the Secretary of
State, was that in the session of 1818 the Governor-
CHAP, in POLITICAL DIFFICULTIES 39
General laid the estimates of the year before the
Assembly, showing clearly what was the total
estimated expenditure, what proportion of the
total was covered by revenue at the disposal of the
Crown, and how much the Legislature was asked to
provide. He reminded the Assembly of the offer
made by the elected representatives in 1810 to
take upon themselves the whole cost of the civil
administration, and after considerable debate the
Assembly voted the sum whereby the total expendi-
ture of the year exceeded the revenue at the
disposal of the Crown.
This result was largely due to personal respect
for Sherbrooke, and the Assembly was not minded
to make permanent provision for the expenses of
the civil administration in the form of a Civil List,
as the Home Government desired. Sherbrooke's
successor, the Duke of Richmond, had therefore,
in the following year, to face the same difficulty,
and to face it without Sherbrooke's tact and
influence. The estimates which he laid before the
Assembly unfortunately showed a large increase
on the expenditure side, and the Assembly took
upon themselves to recast the budget, scrutinizing
all the separate items, including the charges against
the Crown revenues, and reducing or omitting
salaries at will. In their reckless procedure they
arrogated to themselves control of the finances to
an extent which would not be paralleled at the
present day either in the British House of Commons
or in any colonial Parliament. The Bill which they
sent up to the Legislative Council was promptly
and rightly thrown out by that body, and a crisis
40 JW1TISH NORTH AMERICA INTROD.
then began which years afterwards ended in armed
rebellion, in the suspension of the constitution in
Lower Canada, and in Lord Durham's mission.
The revenues at the disposal of the Crown in
Lower Canada were twofold. There were in the
first place certain rents and dues which had been
paid to the French King and which had passed to
his successor in title. They were known as the
casual and territorial revenues of the Crown.
* They are enjoyed by the Crown,' Lord Aylmer
informed the Assembly in 1831, 'by virtue of the
Royal Prerogative, and are neither more nor less
than the proceeds of landed property, which legally
and constitutionally belongs to the Sovereign on
the throne.' * In the second place, there were the
proceeds of certain taxes imposed by law, mainly
the customs and licence duties received under the
Imperial Quebec Revenue Act of 1774. These
latter receipts, more especially, the Quebec Assem-
bly designed to secure under their own control ;
on the other hand they were the quid pro quo, by
which the Imperial Government might hope to
effect its object of obtaining a more or less perma-
nent Civil List.
In asking for a Civil List for the life of the King,
the Imperial Government were only proposing that
the practice which prevailed at the time in England
should be followed in Canada. Prior to the
accession of King William the Fourth, the term
Civil List purported to mean the provision made
out of the hereditary revenues of the Crown,
1 Canada Crown Revenues : Return to an Address of the House of
Commons, July 1831, p. 3.
CHAP, in POLITICAL DIFFICULTIES 41
supplemented by the proceeds of certain taxes,
which were placed at the disposal of the reigning
sovereign to cover the ordinary civil expenses of
the State (other than debt charges), including the
expenses of the Court and the Royal Household.
The recalcitrant Assembly in Lower Canada con-
tended that the conditions of the province differed
from those of England and would not allow of
more than annual votes : they also contended
that the Civil List as proposed for Canada was
more extensive than the Civil List of the United
Kingdom. Their contentions were ill founded :
they were the contentions of a body of men who
were mainly French in race and in cast of mind ;
and who, being French, and having tasted the
beginnings of political freedom, were intolerant of
compromise. They wanted not merely the powers
which the British House of Commons enjoyed, but
more also. Oh the other hand, Lord Bathurst
was insistent that the Assembly should have no
authority to dispose of public money without the
concurrence of the Upper Chamber, the Legislative^
Council, thereby restricting the powers of the
Assembly as compared with those of the House of
Commons. There was thus a great gulf fixed
between the democrats and demagogues of Lower
Canada on the one hand, and the conservative
Imperial Government on the other, but there wras
still, at any rate, the semblance of loyalty to the
Crown ; for, when King George the Third died,
Louis Papineau took occasion to deliver an
eloquent eulogy on the blessings which Canada
owed to British rule.
42 BRITISH NORTH AMERICA INTROD.
The Duke of Richmond was a Tory of the old
school. He formulated for the confidential con-
sideration of the Secretary of State proposals which
were probably illegal, and were certainly imprac-
ticable, whereby sufficient revenue should be
secured to the Crown to make the Government of
Lower Canada independent of the Legislature.
His death under tragic circumstances, after he had
only held office for one year, prevented any consti-
tutional experiments such as he suggested from
being tried. An able and high-minded Governor
succeeded him, the Earl of Dalhousie. He took up
his duties in June 1820, and did not finally leave
Canada until September 1828. During the term
of his government the quarrel between the Execu-
tive and the Legislature became more and more
embittered, and tended more and more to follow
the lines of race. Unreasoning and unreasonable,
the French Canadian majority in the Quebec House
of Assembly stand condemned by their persistent
hostility to a ruler so courteous and so public-
spirited as was Lord Dalhousie. It must be borne
in mind that the democratic movement in Canada
was coincident with and parallel to the democratic
movement in the United Kingdom. England \\ as
gradually moving towards the great Reform Bill,
while Papiiieau and his colleagues were refusing
supplies and making speeches in Canada ; but
there was no slow broadening out in French
Canada ; and there was greater haste and bitter-
ness in fighting for the fullness of liberty, in that the
existing instalment of freedom had not been earned
by long years of training and of steady growth.
CHAP, in POLITICAL DIFFICULTIES 43
Lord Dalhousie's instructions were to aim at
securing ' the permanent assignment of a fixed
annual revenue to meet the charge of such a Civil
List as the Province requires for its proper adminis-
tration '-1 This was precisely what the Quebec
Assembly was determined not to concede. In
their crusade against the Government the legis-
lators of Lower Canada had been able to point to
sinecures, to abuses in salaries and pensions, which
they contended should be abolished, before the
people were asked to make good an expenditure
which included such items. The abuses existed
and were notorious, but they were not peculiar
to Canada : they were rife in England also ; and
such Governors as Sherbrooke and Dalhousie
objected to them as much as did Papineau and his
friends. Their existence, however, gave material
for agitation to the popular party, and so did the
defalcation of the Receiver-General of Canada, an
Imperial officer, which came to light in 1823.
When Dalhousie first met the Legislature in
December 1820, he set out clearly the average
and recurrent cost of the civil administration of
Lower Canada, and invited the Assembly to make
permanent and adequate provision for it. The
Assembly refused to give more than a vote for one
year, and in doing so they introduced new items
of expenditure and assumed control of the Crown
revenues. Their Bill went up to the Legislative
Council, who threw it out and coupled the rejection
with strongly worded resolutions, the result of the
quarrel between the two Houses being that the
1 Dispatch of Lord Bathurst, September 11, 1820.
44 BRITISH NORTH AMERICA INTROD.
Governor was left without any legal authority to
meet the expenditure of the year. In December
1821 the Legislature met again, and it was made
clearer than before that the Assembly were only
asked to make permanent provision for permanent
expenditure, casual contingencies being left to be
covered by annual votes. This time the direct
issue was raised by a motion in the House that
permanent provision should be made for the
support of the civil administration of the province
during the life of the King. The motion was lost
by a majority of six to one ; the Assembly then
embodied their grievances and views in an address
to the King, refused to vote the necessary supplies
for the coming year, and refused also or threatened
to refuse to renew certain expiring Revenue Acts,
so as entirely to cripple the Executive for want of
funds.
At the same time, and by the same action, they
were crippling Upper Canada, which was entitled
to a share of the customs duties under the Acts in
question ; and already the Upper Province, unable
to obtain a satisfactory adjustment of its financial
relations with Lower Canada, had asked for the
intervention of the Imperial Government. The
result was that in June 1822 the Under-Secretary f or
the Colonies, Wilmot, afterwards Wilmot Horton,
introduced a Bill into the House of Commons,
' to make more effectual provision for the govern-
ment of the Provinces of Lower and Upper Canada,
and to regulate the trade thereof.' The Bill pro-
vided for reunion of the provinces ; it was strongly
supported on the Liberal side of the House by
CHAP, in POLITICAL DIFFICULTIES 45
' Bear ' Ellice, with whom it had in fact originated ;
but it was opposed by Mackintosh and some other
Radical members, not so much on its merits as on
the ground that the peoples and legislatures of the
two provinces had not been given an opportunity
of expressing their views. In consequence of this
opposition, as the session was drawing to a close, the
Government contented themselves with legislating
on the subject of the financial relations between
the two provinces, leaving the wider question of
reunion to stand over for another session. Thus
the Canada Trade Act was passed on the 5th of
August 1822, and by its terms the Quebec Legis-
lature was restricted from varying the customs
duties levied at the ports of Lower Canada to the
detriment of the Upper Province. Under existing
conditions the Act was both necessary and salutary,
but it was avowedly only an instalment, and the
matter as a whole was badly handled. The British
Government made the mistake so common in the
colonial history of Great Britain, of putting their
hand to the plough and looking back. They went
forward, and stopped half-way. They proposed
a large constitutional change, and, having given
their scheme to the public, they did not carry the
change through. At the same time they went far
enough to override by Imperial legislation the
representative Assembly of Lower Canada and to
restrain their taxing powers. In short, there was
interference from home with a colonial legislature,
enough to irritate, but not enough to cure more
than a part of the evil which it was sought to
remedy. In speaking on the Reunion Bill Ellice
46 BRITISH NORTH AMERICA INTROD.
warned the House of Commons that ' the only
consequence of delay would be the excitement of
feelings of animosity between the English and
French inhabitants in the meantime, and that the
House ultimately would find it absolutely necessary
to pass the Bill V and years afterwards Lord
Durham wrote in his Report (ii. 47) :
' It is said that the appeals to the national pride
and animosities of the French became more direct
and general on the occasion of the abortive attempt
to reunite Upper and Lower Canada in 1822, which
the leaders of the Assembly viewed or represented
as a blow aimed at the institutions of their province.
The anger of the English was excited by the
denunciations of themselves which, subsequently
to this period, they were in the habit of hearing.'
It had been intended by the Home Government
to take up again the Reunion Bill, as soon as the
people of Canada had had time to express their
views upon it ; but the reception of the Bill in the
two provinces was on the whole so unfavourable
that no more was heard of it in the House of
Commons. In Upper Canada opinion was divided,
but such leading men as Dr. Strachan and Beverley
Robinson were opposed to it. In Lower Canada
the French Canadians were heart-whole in their
opposition. They regarded the Bill, or professed
to regard it, as an attempt to * anglify ' — to
denationalize French Canada. The English in the
province were divided ; only in the Eastern Town-
ships, unrepresented in the Quebec Legislature
and chafing against French indifference to their
1 Hansard for 1822, vol. vii, p. 1709
CHAP, in POLITICAL DIFFICULTIES 47
interests, was there strong and solid backing of
the Bill. The opponents of the measure at Montreal
and Quebec sent Papineau and John Neilson, the
latter being a Scotchman and a journalist, as their
spokesmen to England : while Stuart, no longer in
line with the French, took the lead of the party
who favoured reunion.
Papineau' s absence, and appreciation of the fact
that the Canada Trade Act had been passed and
that a Reunion Bill was pending, made the Quebec
Legislature, which met again in January 1823, more
amenable than before. The estimates, as presented
to the Assembly, were divided into two schedules,
one of which contained the general or permanent
establishments, the cost of which was covered by
the Crown revenues ; the other contained what
were termed local establishments, for which the
Assembly was asked to provide. The necessary
supplies were voted, other useful work was done,
and Lord Dalhousie closed the session with compli-
ments and thanks.
Soon after its close the announcement was made
that the Imperial Government would not proceed
with the Reunion Bill. Papineau came back to
Quebec and to the Legislature ; and, when the
Assembly met again towards the end of November
1823, for the last session of an expiring Parliament,
the irreconcilables had it their own way. Papineau
distinguished himself by personalities against the
Governor ; and when the estimates were brought
in, arranged in two schedules as before, he and his
followers assumed control of the whole finances
and of all the establishments, and reduced the
48 BRITISH NORTH AMERICA TXTROD.
salaries, including the Governor's, by 25 per cent.
The Bill which embodied these proceedings was at
once thrown out by the Legislative Council. In
this session, which lasted till the 9th of March
1824, the majority of the Quebec Legislature found
occasion to flout the wishes and injure the interests
of the people of Upper Canada, as well as to cripple
the administration and check the progress of their
own province ; and when Lord Dalhousie closed
the session, he pointed out the grave mischief
which had resulted from the unwarranted and
unconstitutional claim of the one branch of the
Legislature ' to appropriate the whole revenue of
the province according to its pleasure ', and the
withholding of supplies in order to enforce the
claim. ' This subject,' he continued, ' has occupied
every session from the first to the last, and is now
transmitted to those which shall follow. It has
caused incalculable mischief to the province ; and
now leaves it to struggle under difficulties, while
every inhabitant of it must see that the encouraging
aid of the Legislature is alone wanting to arouse
powerful exertions and draw forth those resources
which, without that aid, must, in a great measure,
be dormant and useless within its reach.'
On the 6th of June, 1824, Lord Dalhousie sailed
for England on leave of absence, and the Lieutenant-
Go vernor, Sir Francis Burton, took over the
administration. Burton's case was one of those
which had given the Quebec Assembly substantial
ground for complaint. His commission as Lieu-
tenant-Go vernor was dated November 1808, but
he did not go out to Canada till 1822, after his
CHAP, in POLITICAL DIFFICULTIES 49
absence had called forth remonstrances from the
Legislature. Notwithstanding, he seems to have
attained considerable popularity among the French
Canadians, possibly because the opponents of the
Government hoped thereby to emphasize their
antipathy to Lord Dalhousie. A general election
was held in July and August ; and in the following
January the new Legislature met, Papineau being
again chosen as Speaker, and an opportunity being
found by the Government in the course of the
session to secure their former opponent, James
Stuart, for the post of Attorney- General. The
Lieutenant-Governor brought in the estimates in
a different form from that which had been adopted
by Lord Dalhousie. He abandoned the two
schedules, and with them the distinction which
had been drawn between the charges against per-
manent funds and those for which local votes were
required. The estimates which he presented
treated the whole expenditure as one, and he asked
the Assembly to vote a sum sufficient to cover the
excess of the total expenditure over the revenue
provided by law. The Assembly went through the
whole estimates, including the permanent establish-
ments, and, after making large reductions, voted
the sum which they considered to be adequate for
one year. They had now, so they thought and
hoped, made good their claim to control the
disposal of all revenues, permanent as well as
temporary, and to give supply only from year to
year. So they held, and Lord Bathurst interpreted
what had taken place in much the same sense,
for, in a dispatch dated the 4th of June 1825, he
1352-1 E
50 BRITISH NORTH AMERICA INTROD.
severely censured Sir Francis Burton. Burton, it
afterwards appeared, had acted with imperfect
knowledge of previous instructions, and was
consequently exculpated. The instructions to
the Governor-General, said Lord Bathurst, in the
dispatch referred to, had imposed upon him
' the necessity of refusing all arrangements that
went in any degree to compromise the integrity of
the revenue known by the name of the permanent
revenue ; and it appears to me, on a careful
examination of the measures which have been
adopted, that they are at variance with those
specified and positive instructions. The Executive
Government had sent in an estimate in which 110
distinction was made between the expenditure
chargeable upon the permanent revenue of the
Crown and that which remained to be provided for
out of the revenues raised under colonial Acts. In
other words, had the whole revenue been raised
under colonial Acts, there would have been no
difference in the manner of sending in the estimates.
. . . Instead of the King's permanent revenue
having certain fixed charges placed upon it, of
which the Assembly were made cognisant, the
revenue was pledged together with the colonial
revenue, as the ways and means of providing for
the expenses of the year. . . . The consequence of
this arrangement is, that the permanent revenue
will not be applied for the payment of such expenses
as His Majesty may deem fit, but on the contrary,
for the payment of whatever expenses the colonial
Legislature may think necessary.' x
This misunderstanding about the estimates made
Lord Dalhousie's position more difficult than ever.
1 This dispatch will be found printed at pp. 93-4 of vol. iii of Christie's
History of Lower Canada.
CHAP, m POLITICAL DIFFICULTIES 51
He returned from England in September 1825 :
the Legislature met again in January 1826, and
in February he laid before them the estimates,
divided into two parts, as they had been before
Sir Francis Burton tried his hand at compromise.
The Secretary of State's criticism of Burton was
communicated to the Assembly later in the session,
but the only result, as far as the Assembly were
concerned, was an Appropriation Bill in the same
form as that to which Lord Bathurst had taken
exception, and a claim, formulated at once in
Resolutions of the House and in an Address to the
King, ' that to the Legislature alone appertains
the right of distributing all monies levied in the
colonies.' Lord Dalhousie, on the other hand, in
proroguing the Legislature, intimated very cour-
teously that he must continue to adopt the form
of estimates ' showing to you one branch of the
revenue for your information, and the other branch
for your appropriation '.*
In the next session, however, which opened in
January 1827, Lord Dalhousie did make a change
in the form in which he presented the estimates
to the Assembly, for he laid before them an estimate
of that portion only of the year's expenditure which
would not be a charge against permanent revenues,
thus removing the latter from the purview of the
elected representatives. The latter retorted by
practically refusing supply, and they added to the
difficulties of the Government by refusing to renew
the militia laws, and thereby recalling into existence
two old ordinances on the subject, which the
1 Christie, vol. iii, pp. 106-7.
E 2
52 BRITISH NORTH" AMERICA INTROD.
Governor-General found himself bound to enforce,
and in enforcing which he encountered disloyalty
and intrigue.
In July 1827 he dissolved the Parliament :
a general election left matters much as they were :
the new Legislature met in November : Papineau
was again chosen as Speaker : in view of his
virulent opposition to the Government and personal
insults to the head of the Government, Lord Dal-
housie refused to confirm the choice : and, as the
majority of the Assembly upheld their champion,
the Legislature was prorogued before any business
had been transacted. Petitions and counter -peti-
tions were now drawn up, and delegates were sent
to England in the Spring of 1828. Shortly after
their departure, Lord Dalhousie learnt that he had
been appointed to be commander-in-chief of the
forces in India, and in September 1828 he finally
left Canada, having, in an impossible position and
amid every form of malignant misrepresentation,
held the reins of government with dignity, impar-
tiality, and a single eye to the welfare of the
Canadian people.
In England there had been changes. In April
1827 Lord Liverpool resigned, and Lord Bathurst
left the Colonial Office, having presided over it for
a longer time than any Secretary of State before or
since. For three and a half months in Canning's
administration Lord Goderich was Colonial Secre-
tary. In July 1827 he wrote a dispatch offering
to hand over the revenues of the Crown to the
Assembly in exchange for a Civil List of £36,000 per
annum, but, as the Assembly never met for business,
CHAP, in POLITICAL DIFFICULTIES 53
the dispatch could not be communicated to them,
and if it had been laid before the House, the offer
would have been at once refused. Huskisson suc-
ceeded Goderich, again only for a few months
from the middle of August 1827 till the end of May
1828, and, while he was Secretary of State, he
moved in the House of Commons, on the 2nd of
May 1828, that a select committee should be
appointed to inquire into the state of the Civil
Government of Canada, as established by the
Act of 1791.
When the Duke of Richmond came out to govern
Canada in 1818, his son-in-law, Sir Peregrine Mait-
land, came with him to take up the appointment
of Lieutenant-Governor of Upper Canada. Mait-
land had served with much distinction in the
Peninsula, and had commanded the First Brigade
of Guards at Waterloo. In later years he was
Governor of the Cape. He took up his appoint-
ment in Upper Canada in the midst of an agitation
against the Government, which had been excited
by Robert Gourlay, a well-meaning but crack-
brained Scotchman, who attributed the stagnation
of the province to the obstructive character of the
Government, and who was taken too seriously-
being tried and imprisoned by a course of proce-
dure which was harsh and impolitic as well as of
doubtful legality. In March 1822 Sir John Sher-
brooke, now living in retirement, who had been
consulted by Lord Bathurst as to the advisability
of reuniting the two provinces, wrote that ' I could
not avoid remarking when I was in Upper Canada,
that in many instances a stronger bias prevailed in
54 BRITISH NORTH AMERICA INTROD.
favour of the American than of the British form
of government.' l Already, before Maitland's arrival,
there had been in Upper Canada friction between
the two Houses, and a protest had been made
by the elected Assembly against the Executive
Council being composed of men who were members
of the Upper House. Maitland introduced into
the Upper Province a similar classification of the
finances to that which was made in Lower Canada,
marking off the King's revenues from those which
depended on the votes of the Assembly, and he
took his advisers from a circle of able and patriotic
though not democratic men, such as Beverley
Robinson and Dr. Strachan, who were subse-
quently grouped under the name of the ' Family
Compact '. Thus there grew up year by year
antagonism between a more or less despotic
Government, and the general community, the most
loyal part of which, the United Empire Loyalists,
had yet brought into their new homes the tradi-
tions of self-government, while the least loyal were
leavened by American Republicanism. It is true
that the feeling was not all dangerous, and the
administration was not all reactionary. A law
passed in 1820 for ' increasing the representation
of the Commons of this province in the House
of Assembly' was a wise and liberal measure of
electoral reform, and the resentment of the people
of Upper Canada against the French Canadian
majority in the Quebec Assembly for crippling
their customs revenue, which led to an appeal to
the Imperial Government and to the passing of
See Canadian Constitutional Development (Egerton and Grant), p. 125.
CHAP, in POLITICAL DIFFICULTIES 55
the Canada Trade Act, diluted to some extent
their discontent with their own administration.
Yet it was under Maitland's regime that the men
came to the front who were afterwards prominent
in constitutional agitation or in open rebellion,
among others Marshall Spring Bidwell, son of an
American immigrant, Barnabas Bidwell, who was
elected to the Assembly in 1825, and subsequently
became Speaker, Dr. Rolph, and William Lyon
Mackenzie, the last of whom started in 1824 an
anti-Government paper, the Colonial Advocate, and
in after years played much the same part in Upper
Canada that Papineau played in the Lower
Province. In 1828 Sir Peregrine Maitland was
succeeded as Lieutenant-Governor of Upper Canada
by Sir John Colborne, another veteran soldier of
the Napoleonic wars, who had commanded the
far-famed 52nd regiment at Waterloo.
The Select Committee of the House of Commons
which, at Huskisson's instance, had been appointed
to inquire into the state of the Civil Government
of Canada, reported in July 1828. By this time
Huskisson had left the Duke of Wellington's
administration, and his place as Secretary of State
for War and the Colonies had been taken by Sir
George Murray. The report, though a short one,
covered much ground, and was not wanting in
sympathy with the complaints which had come
from Canada. On the vital question in Lower
Canada, the control of the public revenues, its
terms were as follows :
' Although, from the opinion given by the
Law Officers of the Crown, your Committee must
56 BRITISH NORTH AMERICA INTROD.
conclude that the legal right of appropriating the
revenues arising from the Act of 1774 is vested in
the Crown, they are prepared to say that the real
interests of the provinces would be best promoted
by placing the receipt and expenditure of the
whole public revenue under the superintendence
and control of the House of Assembly.'
The Committee advised that the Governor, the
members of the Executive Council, and the judges
should be rendered
' independent of the annual votes of the House of
Assembly for their respective salaries . . . and if
the officers above enumerated are placed on the
footing recommended, they are of the opinion
that all the revenues of the province (except the
territorial and hereditary revenues) should be
placed under the control and direction of the
Legislative Assembly.'
It was suggested that in both the Canadas
a more independent character should be given to
the Upper Houses, the Legislative Councils, and
4 that the majority of their members should not
consist of persons holding offices at the pleasure of
the Crown', but the Committee were not prepared
under existing circumstances to recommend the
union of the two provinces. Various other subjects,
including land tenure in Lower Canada, the dis-
posal of the estates which had belonged to the
Jesuits, and the Clergy reserves in Upper Canada,
were dealt with in the report, and a kind of post-
script advised ' strict and instant inquiry ' into
the allegations which had been made against Lord
Dalhousie's administration, and which had been
brought up at a late stage of the proceedings.
CHAP, in POLITICAL DIFFICULTIES 57
The Committee had only sat for between two and
three months, and their work had been hurried.
Their reference to the charges against Lord Dal-
housie was unfair to the latter in creating a pre-
sumption that the charges were true, and the
recommendations made in the report were, in the
main, too general to give much guidance towards
a detailed and practical solution of the difficulties.
Meanwhile Sir James Kempt, reputed to have been
a personal friend of Huskisson's, had succeeded
Lord Dalhousie, but as Administrator only, not
as Governor-General. He was another veteran
soldier, had been Quartermaster-General of the
Forces in Canada when Sir James Craig was
Governor, and had followed Lord Dalhousie as
Lieutenant-Governor of Nova Scotia. As Adminis-
trator of Canada, he did little more than mark
time for two years, when in October 1830 he was
succeeded by Lord Aylmer. Kempt's opening
speech to the Legislature had been prescribed for
him by Sir George Murray, who also addressed to
him a dispatch for communication to the Legis-
lature dealing with some of the matters which had
come under the purview of the Select Committee.
The Secretary of State laid down that, while the
Imperial Statutes on the subject continued in
existence, the revenues raised under their pro-
visions could not be handed over to the control
of the Provincial Legislature, but that after the
salaries of the Governor and of the judges had been
met from this source, the balance of the funds
would not be appropriated until the Assembly had
had an opportunity of advising as to the best
58 BRITISH NORTH AMERICA INTROD.
method in which it could be applied to the public
service. The dispatch went on to say that a scheme
was in contemplation * for the permanent settle-
ment of the financial concerns of Lower Canada '.
This scheme was embodied in a Bill introduced
into the House of Commons in 1829 by Sir George
Murray, but not passed into law, whereby it was
intended to hand over to the Canadian Assemblies
the proceeds arising from the Imperial Act of 1774
in return for a Civil List. Murray's dispatch pro-
duced no effect, and the Quebec Assembly still
arrogated control of the whole public revenues.
The session of 1828-9 in Lower Canada, however,
resulted in one important new electoral law, where-
by the Eastern Townships were given eight repre-
sentatives in the Assembly ; and in 1830 another
grievance of the Townships was temporarily reme-
died by the establishment in these districts of
Land Registry Offices.
Lord Aylmer, a soldier like his predecessors in
the Government of Canada, held office, for a few
months as Administrator and subsequently as
Governor-General, from October 1830 to August
1835. Meanwhile the Reform Ministry came into
power in England, and Lord Goderich, afterwards
Earl of Ripon, went to the Colonial Office. Both
Secretary of State and Governor-General were bent
on a policy of conciliation, and by the Secretary
of State's instructions Lord Aylmer, in February
1831, offered to the Assembly to hand over to
their control all the Crown revenues, other than the
casual and territorial revenues, in return for a Civil
List for the life of the King. The amount to be
CHAP, in POLITICAL DIFFICULTIES 59
handed over was estimated at £38,000 per annum,
the casual and territorial revenues at over £7,000
per annum, and the cost of the Civil List at £19,500,
which included the salaries of the Governor, the
Civil Secretary, the judges, and the law officers.
The offer fared no better than previous offers of
the kind ; the Assembly persisted in their opposi-
tion and in their claims ; they refused to grant
a Civil List, and embodied a statement of their
grievances in a petition to the King. The Home
Government meanwhile continued its efforts at
conciliation. A dispatch, written in February 1831,
while Lord Aylmer was sounding the Assembly,
intimated that in the event of permanent provision
being made for the payment of the judicial salaries,
the judges should in future hold office during good
behaviour and not at the Royal pleasure, thereby
securing their independence both of the Royal
authority and of the control of the popular branch
of the Legislature. The dispatch at the same time
laid down that no judge would in future be nomi-
nated as a member either of the Executive or of
the Legislative Council, with the single exception
of the Chief Justice of Quebec, who would remain
a member of the Legislative Council of the Lower
Province, in order to advise on permanent legisla-
tion, while at the same time abstaining from party
politics. In a later dispatch, dated the 7th of July,
Lord Goderich answered in detail the complaints
which had been embodied in the petition to the
King, and gave every indication of meeting to the
utmost within reason the wishes of the Assembly.
Yet another dispatch, written in November of the
60 BRITISH NORTH AMERICA INTROD.
same year, dealt with the disposal of Crown lands,
and laid down that for free grants open sale in
the public market ought to be substituted. Nor
did the Imperial Government content itself with
friendly dispatches from the Secretary of State and
instructions to the Governor to move along the
path of constitutional reform. Before the session
of 1831 ended in England, a law was passed in
September whereby the revenues which the Crown
had controlled under the Quebec Revenue Act of
1774 were handed over unconditionally to the
Legislatures of the two Canadian Provinces. These
were revenues which had hitherto been offered in
return for a Civil List, and they were now ceded
in the hope that the Legislatures would repay con-
fidence with confidence, and having freely received
would freely give. In the case of Upper Canada
the confidence was not misplaced, for the Legis-
lature voted a Civil List, but the Quebec Assembly
took what was given and made no return. The
act was a grave mistake. It deprived the Imperial
Government of a lever, which had hitherto been
in its hands, for bringing the French Canadian
Assembly at Quebec into line with the House of
Commons in England, and it left hardly any funds
in Canada at the absolute disposal of the Crown
other than the casual and territorial revenues.
The Duke of Wellington protested against the Bill
in the House of Lords, but the protest was unheeded,
and, armed with greater powers, the Quebec
Assembly became more unmanageable than ever.
The Secretary of State invited from that Assem-
bly, in return for the concessions which had been
CHAP, in POLITICAL DIFFICULTIES 61
made, a law securing the independence of the
judges and providing permanently for their salaries,
and also a small Civil List to cover the salaries of
the Governor and four of the principal officers.
In the session of the Quebec Legislature of 1831-2
a Bill was passed nominally securing the inde-
pendence of the judges, but leaving their salaries
dependent upon annual votes and claiming the right
of the Assembly to control the casual and territorial
revenues ; while a Civil List amounting only to
£5,900 was rejected. The Imperial Government
disallowed the Judicial Bill, and intimated that 110
further application would be made to the Assembly
for a Civil List, but that the Civil List charges
(other than the salaries of the judges) would be
met from the funds which still remained at the
disposal of the Crown. Meanwhile an election riot
at Montreal in 1832, which resulted in two or three
deaths from the firing of the soldiers, embittered
political feeling ; the dismissal from office of the
able Attorney-General Stuart, who had been
specially obnoxious to and virulently assailed by
the Assembly, gave to that body an added sense
of power and increased their aggressiveness ; the
incorporation of the British American Land Com-
pany, which was formed to develop the lands in
the Eastern Townships, and which came into
existence about the year 1833, was resented by the
French Canadians as an attempt to anglicize the
province ; and year by year added to the intensity
of race feeling and to the impossibility of com-
promise 011 constitutional lines.
Early in 1833 Lord Goderich was succeeded as
62 BRITISH NORTH AMKRLCA INTKOD.
Secretary of State for the Colonies by Mr. Stanley,
afterwards Earl of Derby. In June 1834 Stanley
was succeeded by Spring Rice. During Sir Robert
Peel's short administration in 1834-5 Lord Aber-
deen was Secretary of State, and when Lord
Melbourne returned to power in 1835, Lord Glenelg
went to the Colonial Office. The contumacy of the
Quebec Assembly culminated in February 1834
in a kind of Petition of Rights embodied in ninety-
two resolutions, which, among other points, de-
manded an elective Legislative Council, held up
the United States as a model for Canada, and
called for the impeachment of the Governor-
General. In the House of Commons the French
Canadians had now found a spokesman violent
enough for their purpose in John Arthur Roebuck,
member for Bath, who in April 1834 moved for
the appointment of a Committee ' to inquire into
the means of remedying the evils which exist
in the form of government now existing in Upper
and Lower Canada '. Stanley met his attack by
moving for a Select Committee to inquire into and
report how far the recommendations of the Com-
mittee of 1828 had been carried out, and to inquire
into the other grievances set forward by the
Assembly of Lower Canada, the scope of the
Committee being confined to the Lower Province.
This Committee, which included all the members
of the earlier 1828 Committee who still had seats
in the House of Commons, reported at the beginning
of July, but its report was confined to a few lines
stating that the Home Government had shown the
greatest anxiety to carry out the recommendations
CHAP, in POLITICAL DIFFICULTIES 63
made by the Committee of 1828, that the efforts
had been in part successful, but in part had failed
owing to the differences between the two Houses
of the Legislature, and between the Assembly
and the Imperial Government, and that the com-
mittee thought it unadvisable to express any
opinion on the points at issue, or to lay the evidence
which they had taken before the House, being
persuaded ' that the practical measures for the
future administration of Lower Canada may best
be left to the mature consideration of the Govern-
ment responsible for their adoption and execution '.
This report left matters where they were : possibly
the members of the Committee were unwilling to
exhibit divergent views, or they were minded to
keep the House of Commons outside the contro-
versy between the Imperial Government and the
Quebec Assembly.
In Lower Canada matters went from bad to
worse. A new general election, held in the autumn
of 1834, resulted in further strengthening Papi-
neau's following, and the British element in Lower
Canada, now thoroughly alarmed, formed consti-
tutional associations at Quebec and Montreal. The
withholding of supplies had meant withholding
of the salaries of the public officials, and to relieve
the position, the Secretary of State, Spring Rice,
authorized in September 1834 an advance of
£31,000 from the military chest. This action of the
Home Government was made a fresh grievance
on the part of the French Canadian majority, when
the new Parliament met in 1835, for they regarded
it, to quote their own words, as 'destroying the
64 BRITISH NORTH AMERICA INTROD.
wholesome and constitutional influence which the
people ought to have through their representatives
over every branch of the Executive Government '.
The Legislature met on the 21st of February 1835,
and was prorogued on the 18th of March, as the
Assembly declined to transact any further business.
In April, Lord Aylmer published a dispatch from
Lord Aberdeen in which it was stated that the Govern-
ment— Sir Robert Peel's Ministry — had decided to
send out a Royal Commissioner to Lower Canada.
It had been at first intended to send Manners
Sutton, Viscount Canterbury, who had been Speaker
of the House of Commons, and when he declined,
the second Lord Amherst was offered and accepted
the appointment ; but the change of Ministry, which
took place before he could leave England, resulted
in different arrangements for the mission and
a different personnel. It is not quite clear what
were contemplated by Sir Robert Peel and Lord
Aberdeen to have been the relations between Lord
Amherst, had he gone out, and Lord Aylmer ; but
apparently Lord Amherst was, like Lord Durham
at a later date, designated both as High Com-
missioner for the special purpose of investigating
the grievances of which the Quebec Assembly had
so abundantly complained, and also as Governor,
so that Lord Aylmer would have been superseded
for the time being, but not necessarily recalled.
When Lord Melbourne returned to office and Lord
Glenelg became Colonial Secretary, Lord Aylmer
was told, though in flattering terms, that his ad-
ministration must be considered to be terminated,
and it was decided to send out three Royal Com-
CHAP. ITT POLITICAL DIFFICULTIES 65
missioners, the Chairman of the Commission being
also appointed Governor-in-Chief of the two
Canadas and of the other British North American
provinces, with the exception of Newfoundland.
The man selected for the post was an Irish peer,
the Earl of Gosford, who was the first civilian
Governor of Canada since it became a British
possession, and his colleagues as Commissioners
were Sir George Gipps, afterwards Governor of
New South Wales, and Sir Charles Grey, a retired
Indian judge. Gipps was an exponent of Whig
views, as they were then understood. Grey was
an exponent of Tory principles, and as such was
credited with being a nominee of King William
the Fourth. The Secretary to the Commission was
T. F. Elliot, a member of the Colonial Office, after-
wards Assistant Under-Secretary of State for the
Colonies. The Commissioners reached Quebec
on the 23rd of August 1835, and on the 17th of
September Lord Aylmer left for England, regarded
by the British population of Canada as sacrificed
to the clamour of a disloyal majority.
What were in rough outline the main demands
of the majority at this date, and what was the
tenor of Lord Glenelg's instructions to the Com-
missioners ? The Quebec Assembly had many
grievances real or alleged, but the points on which
they specially laid stress were the following. In
the first place, they demanded unconditional con-
trol of all the public revenues of every kind. In
the second place, they demanded an elective Legis-
lative Council. In the third place, they attacked
the composition of the Executive Council. In the
1352-1 F
<;»; BRITISH NORTH AMERICA IXTROTX
fourth place, they complained of the way in which
the patronage of the Crown had been exercised
in the matter of appointments. Fifthly, they de-
manded the repeal of the Imperial statutes dealing
with the tenure of land in Lower Canada ; and
sixthly, in connexion with the disposal of waste
lands, they demanded that the charter given to
the British American Land Company should be
cancelled. They had not hitherto in so many words
demanded that the Executive Council should be
responsible to the Legislature, but the essence of
their demands was to obtain full control of all the
Executive offices by securing entire command of all
the means of paying them ; and their hostility to
the British American Land Company was dictated
not only by seeing in it an agency for increasing
the proportion of the British population of the
province, but also by appreciating that the pay-
ments made by the Company to the Crown added
to the revenues which were withheld from the
elected Assembly.
Lord Glenelg's instructions were embodied in
terms indicating the utmost desire of the Home
Government to meet, as far as possible, the wishes
of the Assembly ; but he laid down, as necessary
preliminaries to handing over all the remaining
Crown revenues to popular control, that provision
should be made for securing the independence of
the judges, that an adequate Civil List should be
granted, that the management of the waste lands
of the province, as opposed to the receipts from
those lands, should remain with the Crown, and
that existing pensions of retired public officers
CHAP, m POLITICAL DIFFICULTIES 67
should be continued. He authorized inquiry into
the constitution of the Legislative Council, but
pointed out, without in so many words vetoing
the proposal, that the introduction of the elective
principle in connexion with that Council would be
a constitutional change of the gravest and most
vital kind. He instructed the Commissioners to
consider any amendment which would increase the
efficiency of the Executive Council ; to investigate
the tenures of land in the province, including the
seigniorial rights claimed by the Sulpicians in and
around Montreal ; and to advise whether or not
any further charters should be granted by the
Crown, such as had been given to the British
American Land Company. He also directed atten-
tion to the state of education in Lower Canada,
and to the possibility of so adjusting the financial
relations between the two Canadian provinces as
to admit of the repeal of the Canada Trade Act.
Cotemporaneously with the instructions to the
Commissioners, Lord Glenelg addressed a dispatch
to Lord Gosford, not as Chief Commissioner but as
Governor, in which he dealt with such complaints
of the Assembly as needed no investigation, but
could be dealt with at once by the executive
authority of the Governor. Prominent among
these was the alleged abuse of patronage, as to
which the Secretary of State reiterated and
enlarged previous instructions. It is worth while
to quote Lord Glenelg's own words on this subject,
as the allegation that French Canadians had been
unduly excluded ' not only from the larger number,
but from all the more lucrative and honourable of
68 BRITISH NORTH AMERICA INTROP.
the public employments in their native country ',
was, if true, the moat reasonable and substantial of
the grievances. Adopting ' in their fullest extent '
instructions, which he said had been given by Lord
Goderich, to exercise ' the utmost impartiality in
the distribution of public offices in Lower Canada,
without reference to national or political distinc-
tions, or to any consideration, except that of
superior capacity and fitness for the trust ', Lord
Glenelg went on, somewhat inconsistently, to
suggest that modified preference might be given
to French Canadians.
' Your Lordship will remember that between
persons of equal or not very dissimilar pretensions,
it may be fit that the choice should be made in
such a manner as in some degree to satisfy the
claims which the French inhabitants may reasonably
urge to be placed in the enjoyment of an equal
share of the Royal favour. There are occasions
also on which the increased satisfaction of the
public at large with an appointment, might amply
atone for some inferiority in the qualifications of
the persons selected.' 1
He then laid down that the patronage of the
Governor in making appointments should be sub-
ject to the approval of the Secretary of State, and
that the general rule should be, as it had been,
to appoint residents in Lower Canada. In other
points of detail, which need not be specified, Lord
Glenelg enjoined on the outgoing Governor con-
sonance with the wishes of the Assembly. Assuredly,
never was the Home Government more anxious to
work in harmony with public feeling in a colony
1 See House of Commons Paper, No. 113, March 1836, pp. 47-8.
CHAP, in POLITICAL DIFFICULTIES 09
than was the British Government in its relations
to Lower Canada in the year 1835.
Lord Gosford called the Quebec Legislature
together on the 27th of October 1835. In his
opening speech he gave, as desired by Lord Glenelg,
the substance of his own instructions and of those
to the Royal Commissioners ; and intimating that
one object of the coming inquiry was to hand over,
on such conditions as should be carefully matured,
the whole of the revenues of Lower Canada to the
control of the elected representatives, he invited
the Assembly to make good the arrears of salary
due to the public officers and to continue to provide
for their pay while the inquiry was taking its course.
The Session dragged on until, in February 1836,
the Assembly learnt from a letter written to
Papineau, Speaker of the Assembly of the Lower
Province, by Marshall Bidwell, Speaker of the
Assembly of Upper Canada, that Sir Francis Bond
Head, the new Lieutenant-Governor of Upper
Canada, had communicated to the Legislature of
that Province verbatim extracts of the Instruc-
tions to the Commissioners. These were alleged
to be at variance with the substance of the instruc-
tions as contained in Lord Gosford' s opening
speech, and, following Papineau' s lead, the Assem-
bly voted supplies for six months only and drew
up a fresh address of grievances to the King. The
Supply Bill was thrown out by the Legislative
Council as not being in accordance with what the
Government had requested, and for a fourth year
in succession Lower Canada was left without legal
supplies to carry on the public service. The
70 BRITISH NORTH AMERICA INTROD.
Legislature was prorogued on the 21st of March
1836.
Before the prorogation took place, Papineau had
written to Bidwell a violent letter, attacking the
Home Government, and inviting the co-operation
of the Assembly of Upper Canada in the struggle
in which Lower Canada was engaged. Meanwhile
Lord Gosford and the other two Commissioners
continued an inquiry which was already doomed
to failure. They were not at one, and their reports
were accompanied by qualifying minutes and
counter minutes by Sir Charles Grey and Sir George
Gipps. The first report, dated the 30th of January
1836, dealt with the proposed Civil List and the
conditions upon which the Crown revenues should
be ceded to the Assembly, the recommendations
being made on the assumption that they would
not be carried into effect until the Legislature had
made good the outstanding arrears of salary to
the public servants. A second report, dated the
12th of March, dealt with the position which had
arisen owing to the Assembly having shelved the
question of these arrears until their demands
should have been complied with, and noted that
those demands now included making the Executive
Council responsible to the Legislature. The Com-
missioners came to the conclusion that, under the
circumstances, the best course to adopt was to
repeal the Imperial Act of 1831 by which the taxes
levied under the Quebec Revenue Act of 1774 had
been handed over to the Provincial Legislature.
A third report at the beginning of May dealt with
reform of the Executive Council, again negativing
CHAP, in POLITICAL DIFFICULTIES 71
the responsibility of that Council to the Legisla-
ture. A fourth report in June contradicted state-
ments made with regard to the Commission by
Mr. Roebuck in a pamphlet distributed to mem-
bers of the House of Commons. A fifth report in
October dealt with the seigniorial rights of the
Seminary of St. Sulpice at Montreal ; and a
sixth report in November, a general report, dealt
with the Legislative Council, tenures of land, and
other matters indicated in the instructions. Sir
Charles Grey left for England shortly afterwards,
Sir George Gipps and Mr. Elliot followed in the
spring of 1837, and Lord Gosford was left to face
alone what had long been an impossible position.
The Commissioners, in recommending the repeal
of the Act of 1831, and the resumption by the
Imperial Government of control of the revenues
which had been handed over to the Assembly, had
not taken sufficient account of the effect which
such a strong measure might have produced on
public opinion in the other British North American
provinces. There was discontent in Upper Canada
and New Brunswick, and there was danger lest
they should make common cause with Lower
Canada. This danger was present to Lord Glenelg
and his colleagues. Accordingly they rejected the
proposal, and in a dispatch of the 7th of June,
which answered the last Address from the Quebec
Assembly to the King, Lord Glenelg directed
Lord Gosford to lay the whole of the Instructions
to the Commissioners before the Assembly, in order
to clear away the misapprehension which was
supposed to have arisen, arid again to invite pay-
72 BRITISH NORTH AMERICA INTROD.
inent of the arrears of salaries and provision of
adequate supplies. Lord Gosford did as he was
instructed. He summoned the Legislature on the
22nd of September 1836, laid before them copies
of the Instructions, and communicated Lord
Glenelg's dispatch as an answer to the address
from the Assembly to the King. The only result
was that the Assembly still refused to comply with
the Secretary of State's wishes, still persisted in
their demands, especially in that for an elected
Legislative Council, that they referred to existing
conditions as a ' system of metropolitan ascendancy
and colonial degradation', and that the Legisla-
ture was prorogued on the 4th of October without
having transacted any business or passed any laws.
It was now time for the Imperial Parliament
to interfere, and the ministry was encouraged
in taking action by the fact that public feeling in
Upper Canada and in New Brunswick had under-
gone a change, which seemed to indicate that
the attitude of the Assembly at Quebec would no
longer find much support in those provinces. The
Session opened in England on the 31st of January
1837 ; the King's Speech directed the special
attention of Parliament to the state of affairs in
Lower Canada ; the Reports of the Commissioners
were laid before both Houses ; and on the 6th of
March Lord John Russell moved ten Resolutions
in the House of Commons. The Resolutions pro-
vided for making good the outstanding arrears of
pay, by empowering the Governor-General to apply
to that purpose the revenues in the hands of the
Receiver-General of the province ; they negatived
CHAP, in POLITICAL DIFFICULTIES 73
the demand for an elective Legislative Council,
for the introduction of the principle of responsi-
bility to the Legislature into the Executive Council,
and for the cancellation of the charter of the
British American Land Company ; they promised
repeal of the tenures Acts, as soon as a law adequate
for the purpose should have been passed by the
provincial Legislature ; they proposed to hand
over to the Legislature the net proceeds of the
remaining Crown revenues, as soon as a Civil
List should have been voted covering the judicial
expenditure and the salaries of the principal civil
officers ; and they authorized the Legislatures of
the two Canadian provinces to make provision
for adjusting the trade disputes between the two
provinces. The Resolutions did not pass without
debate. In addition to Roebuck, various members,
such as Hume, O'Connell, and Sir William Moles-
worth, keenly opposed the Government ; while in
Canada, so cool and experienced a judge of local con-
ditions as Sir John Colborne, who was at the time
at Quebec in command of the troops, wrote of the
eighth Resolution, whereby provincial funds were
to be appropriated to the payment of arrears : ' The
eighth resolution, of seizing money which does not
belong to us, must produce further coercion on
the part of Ministers.' x By the middle of May,
however, all the Resolutions had been carried
through both Houses of Parliament, and steps were
taken to bring in a Bill to give to them the force
of law.
On the 22nd of May Lord Glenelg wrote to Lord
1 Letter dated Quebec, June 5, 1837 (Life of Lord Seaton, 1903, p. 277).
74 BRITISH NORTH AMERICA INTROD.
Gosford, directing him to call the Legislature to-
gether again, and once more to invite the Assembly
to make good the arrears and to vote supplies,
so as to render it unnecessary to have recourse
to the powers which the Imperial Parliament was
about to embody in the form of a law.
Shortly afterwards the King died, and, unwilling
that the reign of Queen Victoria should open with
a measure of coercion, the Government, at the
beginning of July, obtained a vote of credit to meet
the immediate requirements of the administration
in Lower Canada and remitted legislation to a new
Parliament. When Lord John Russell's Resolu-
tions became known in Lower Canada, they caused
much excitement : indignation meetings were held
by the partisans of the Assembly, Dr. Wolfred
Nelson, who lived on the Richelieu river, taking
a prominent part in the agitation, and Papineau
being extolled as the Canadian counterpart of
O'Connell. Lord Gosford, in accordance with his
instructions, called together the Quebec Legislature
on the 18th of August, but the Assembly replied
to his opening speech by a protest against the
Royal Commissioners and the Home Government,
and by demanding that the Resolutions passed -by
the two Houses of Parliament should be rescinded.
The Governor, therefore, on the 26th of August,
prorogued the Legislature, and with the proroga-
tion, as events proved, came the end of the
Constitution which had been framed for Lower
Canada under the Act of 1791.
It is now time to give an outline of what had
been taking place in the other provinces of British
CHAP, in POLITICAL DIFFICULTIES 75
North America. Sir John Colborne became Lieu-
tenant-Governor of Upper Canada in November
1828. The Report of the Select Committee of the
House of Commons upon the Civil Government of
Canada, which had been made in the previous
July, together with the evidence which had been
taken by the Committee, pointed to the conclusion
that the two main grievances in this province
were the want of independence in the Legislative
Council, which was little more than a mouthpiece
of the Government, or rather of the dominant
bureaucracy, and the favoured position given to
the Church of England, especially in the matter
of the Clergy Reserves. Colborne was a man of
kindly sympathies and no narrow views. He was
keenly interested in education, and was the founder
of the Upper Canada College. But he was sur-
rounded by the men who formed the so-called
' Family Compact ', and whose influence, used
against the more democratic section of the com-
munity, was strong because it was largely the
outcome of real ability and high character. Shortly
before his arrival a general election had taken place,
and the newly-elected Assembly contained a pro-
gressive majority. Marshall Bidwell was the
Speaker, William Lyon Mackenzie was one of the
members, and in the course of the year 1829 Robert
Baldwin was elected to fill a seat which had been
vacated by the appointment of the Attorney-
General, Beverley Robinson, to be Chief Justice of
Upper Canada, Robinson's successor, as Attorney-
General, Boulton by name, was a man of far
inferior type ; domineering and aggressive, he
70 BRITISH NORTH AMERICA INTHOD.
provoked, instead of conciliating, opposition to the
Government. The death of King George IV, in
June 1830, necessitated a new election, and this
time the partisans of the Government secured
a substantial majority in the Assembly. The
Imperial Act of 1831, which handed over to the
Legislature the proceeds of the taxes levied under
the Quebec Revenue Act of 1774, was met by the
grant of a Civil List to the amount of £6,500 per
annum, and thus one great element of friction with
the Imperial Government was eliminated. But
the Government party in the Assembly had a most
unwise leader in Boulton, and on the other side
Mackenzie made himself impossible. The violence
with which the latter in speech and writing
attacked his political opponents was met by pro-
ceedings which were equally indefensible. He was
repeatedly expelled from the Assembly, and re-
peatedly re-elected. He carried his grievances to
England and found a champion in Joseph Hume,
while the obvious unfairness and unwisdom of the
treatment to which he had been subjected led
to his chief opponent, Boulton, being dismissed
from the appointment of Attorney-General by the
Secretary of State.
In 1834 the town of York was incorporated as
the city of Toronto, and Mackenzie became the
first mayor. Towards the end of the year there
was a general election for the provincial Parlia-
ment, and the Reform party once more gained
the upper hand in the Assembly. Mackenzie had
somewhat lost in popular estimation by publishing
a letter from Joseph Hume, in which the latter had
CHAP, in POLITICAL DIFFICULTIES 77
expressed himself to the effect that a crisis was
coming in Canada ' which will terminate in inde-
pendence and freedom from the baneful domination
of the mother country ', and he gravitated away
from the more moderate reformers and towards
making common cause with Papineau in the Lower
Province. Still he was the mouthpiece of the
Reform party in the new Parliament of Upper
Canada, and it was upon his motion that a select
committee on grievances was appointed, of which
he was chairman, and ' by which ', to quote Lord
Glenelg's words, ' a report was made impugning
the administration of affairs in every department
of the public service, and calling for remedial
measures of such magnitude and variety as appa-
rently to embrace every conceivable topic of com-
plaint.' x This Report, made in April 1835, and
widely distributed in England, specified the almost
unlimited patronage of the Crown and the abuse
of that patronage as the chief sources of colonial
discontent, and it demanded responsible govern-
ment and an elected Legislative- Council. Lord
Glenelg dealt with it at length in December 1835
in his instructions to Colborne's successor, Sir
Francis Bond Head ; and in the dispatch which
embodied these instructions, he enclosed extracts
from his previous instructions to Lord Gosford and
his colleagues, the publication of which by Sir
Francis Head caused, as already told, a ferment
in the Quebec Assembly.
When the grievances report was made public,
1 See Lord Glenelg's Instructions to Sir F. Bond Head, December 5,
1835, House of Commons Paper, No. 113, March 1836, p. 55.
78 BRITISH NORTH AMERICA INTROD.
Colborne had been for more than six years Lieu-
tenant-Governor of Upper Canada. To the Whig
Government in England, anxious to conciliate
public feeling in the Canadas, it seemed advisable
to make a change, and Colborne himself realized
that he was out of harmony with his employers.
While Lord Glenelg wrote to recall him, he in turn
wrote resigning his appointment, and in the middle
of winter, on the 23rd of January 1836, a week after
the Parliamentary Session in Upper Canada had
been opened, his successor, Sir Francis Bond Head,
arrived at Toronto, no intimation of his coming
having been received in Upper Canada until he had
already reached New York. Head was sworn in
on the 25th of January, and on the following day
Colborne left for Montreal on his way to England.
He stayed at Montreal till the middle of May, then
went to New York to embark for home, and while at
New York was offered by Lord Glenelg the appoint-
ment of Commander-in-Chief of the Forces in both
Canadas. He accepted it and went back to Montreal.
One of Colborne's last acts, as Lieutenant-
Governor of Upper Canada, was to call into opera-
tion the sections of the Constitutional Act of 1791,
which authorized the Governor or Lieutenant-
Governor in either of the Canadas, with the advice
of the Executive Council, to constitute and endow
Church of England rectories. He signed docu-
ments which endowed with lands forty-four rec-
tories, and in doing so he stirred up the dangerous
Clergy Reserves question, aroused the wrath of the
Scotch Church, the Wesleyans, and others, and
was accused of hurriedly perpetrating a job for
CHAP, in POLITICAL DIFFICULTIES 79
the Church of England before he was superseded,
though, as a matter of fact, he was only taking the
last step in carrying out views which had been
expressed by Lord Goderich when Secretary of
State in 1832. He gave offence, too, in Lower
Canada by a reference to the dissensions in that
province which he made when opening the Parlia-
mentary Session at Toronto on the 14th of January
1836, just before Head's arrival. It seemed, there-
fore, as though an estimable but somewhat re-
actionary Governor was being replaced by a man of
broader outlook and more enlightened views. The
sequel was to prove that the new-comer was
dangerous and flighty in the extreme, and that
when a crisis came Colborne was the man to meet it.
Sir Francis Bond Head had been a soldier, a
traveller, a writer, and a Poor Law Commissioner,
before he was appointed Lieutenant-Governor of
Upper Canada, but he had had no previous ex-
perience of colonial administration. His two years'
career as Lieutenant-Governor was that of a self-
willed though well-meaning eccentric, not amenable
either to an Assembly or to a Secretary of State.
He began by publishing his instructions in extenso,
instead of communicating their substance to the
House of Assembly. In order to bring new blood
into the Executive Council, he induced Robert
Baldwin and Rolph, leaders of Reform, to take
seats upon it, together with the Receiver-General
of the province ; but Baldwin's views of what an
Executive Councillor should be did not square
with those of the Lieutenant-Governor, who had no
intention of giving to the Council any real power
80 BRITISH NORTH AMERICA TNTROD.
or responsibility, and the result was that in three
weeks' time the whole Council resigned. Head
then procured a new Council, came into collision
with the Assembly, dissolved the Legislature, and,
managing to present the issue to the people as
being in effect whether or not Upper Canada should
remain a loyal province of the British Crown, he
secured at the general election of June 1836 an
overwhelming majority of supporters in the New
Assembly. Bidwell, Mackenzie, Lount, among
others, lost their seats, and, resenting the Govern-
ment influence which had been used against them,
the more violent members of the Reform party
turned their minds towards revolution. The new
Parliament met in November 1836, and sat till
the following March, passing among many other
measures a much criticized law that the Legislature
should not be dissolved upon the sovereign's death,
which was, in other words, an Act for prolonging
its own existence. It met again in June 1837 for
a short and special session, to deal with a financial
crisis caused by commercial depression in the
United States ; and the next session, the last which
Sir Francis Head opened, began at the end of
December 1837, after the close of the abortive
rising in Upper Canada, and lasted till the 6th of
March 1838. In 1836 Head had dismissed from
office a district judge of the name of Ridout, on
the alleged ground that he had been an opponent
and critic of the Government. In the following
year he passed over Bidwell for a judgeship in the
Court of Queen's Bench. Lord Glenelg, on learning
Ridout's side of the case, directed that he should
CHAT, in POLITICAL DIFFICULTIES 81
be reinstated ; and he also gave instructions that
Bid well should be offered the next vacant judge-
ship. Head point blank refused either to reinstate
Ridout or to offer a judgeship to Bidwell, and
in September 1837 tendered his own resignation.
Lord Glenelg accepted the resignation in a dispatch
written towards the end of November and received
in January 1838, Mackenzie's rising having taken
place in the meantime ; on the 23rd of March the
new Lieutenant-Governor, Sir George Arthur,
arrived at Toronto ; and Head returned to England
to continue unavailing protests against men and
events, obstinate and wrongheaded, but none the
less the spokesman in exaggerated fashion of the
sentiments held by the Conservative section of
the community of Upper Canada.
The causes which produced friction and led to
constitutional changes in Lower and Upper Canada,
were at work also in the Maritime Provinces. Nova
Scotia was the first of the present Canadian pro-
vinces to be given representative institutions, for its
House of Assembly dates from 1758, and in later
days perhaps the most cogent of all the Canadian
advocates of responsible government was the Nova
Scotian, Joseph Howe, who first entered the House
of Assembly in that Province in 1836. Both in
Nova Scotia and in New Brunswick, which, as the
result of Loyalist immigration from the United
States, had been created a separate province in 1784,
the same persons constituted both the Executive
Council and the Upper House of the Legislature,
viz. the Legislative Council. At the end of 1830,
Lord Goderich, then Secretary of State for the
1352-1 O
82 BRITISH NORTH AMERICA INTKUD.
Colonies, who was dealing with the Report on the
Government of Canada made by the House of
Commons Committee of 1828, wrote to the Lieu-
tenant-Governors of Nova Scotia and New Bruns-
wick, suggesting the desirability of giving a more
independent character to the Councils by intro-
ducing a larger number of unofficial members and
excluding the puisne judges ; and in May 1832 he
wrote to Sir Archibald Campbell, Lieutenant-
Governor of New Brunswick, proposing that the
Executive and Legislative Councils should no
longer consist of the same members ; that the
Executive Council should be small in number,
* including one or two influential members of each
branch of the Legislature ; ' * that the number of
the Legislative Council should be increased, and
that its members should cease to be necessarily
members of the Executive or Privy Council.
Sir Archibald Campbell agreed that ' the incon-
sistency of the same members forming the Privy
and Legislative Councils as a body, is an anomaly
that never ought to have existed, and the sooner
that it is abolished the better '. Accordingly, by
Royal Commission to the Governor-General dated
the 20th of November 1832, New Brunswick was
endowed with two distinct and separate Councils,
one Executive and one Legislative. Between three
and four years later, in 1836, two delegates from
the New Brunswick House of Assembly came to
London to support an Address to the King from
that body, one of them being the reform leader,
1 See the House of Commons Paper, Nova Scotia, &c., No. 579,
August, 1839, pp. 49-50.
CHAP, in POLITICAL DIFFICULTIES 83
Lemuel Wilmot. New Brunswick asked for no
more than Lord Glenelg had already embodied in
his instructions to Lord Gosford and Sir Francis
Head ; there was no demand for an Executive
Council responsible to the people, nor for an elected
Legislative Council, though improvements were
suggested in the composition of either Council.
The control of all the Crown revenues in return
for a Civil List, and different management of the
Crown lands, were asked for and readily conceded ;
the terms of a Civil List Bill to be passed by the
provincial Legislature were amicably settled ; and
the delegates went back, gratefully acknowledging
the liberal and enlightened policy of the Imperial
Government and the personal attention which Lord
Glenelg had given to their representations. There
was a slight hitch later on, because the new policy
was distasteful to Sir Archibald Campbell, and
either on principle or through misunderstanding
he resigned in 1837, instead of passing the Civil
List Bill ; but his successor, Sir John Harvey, as
tactful a Governor as he had shown himself to be
a good fighter in the war of 1812, speedily carried
into effect the reforms which had been contem-
plated, and paved the way for responsible govern-
ment, which came into being about ten years later.
Nova Scotia was more conservative than New
Brunswick. It was closely in touch with England,
the port of Halifax being open all the year round ;
and soldiers and sailors, active or retired, formed
a strong element in the community. Accordingly,
while in New Brunswick the Executive was, in 1832,
separated from the Legislative Council, the two
G 2
84 BRITISH NORTH AMERICA INTROD,
continued in Nova Scotia to be identical down to
the year 1837. In that year the Assembly for-
warded an Address to the King, claiming control
of the casual and territorial revenues, and asking
His Majesty 'to grant us an elective Legislative
Council ; or to separate the Executive from the
Legislative Council, providing for a just repre-
sentation of all the great interests of the province
in both ; and by the introduction into the former
of some members of the popular branch, and
otherwise securing responsibility to the Commons,
confer upon the people of this province what they
value above all other possessions, the blessings of the
British Constitution \l Lord Glenelg made similar
concessions in the case of the constitution of Nova
Scotia, as had been made in regard to the other
North American provinces, but it is noteworthy
that he expressed great doubt as to the advisability
of separating the Executive from the Legislative
Council. ' The separation of this body into two
distinct chambers,' he wrote in April 1837, * the one
Legislative and the other Executive, is an experi-
ment which was first tried in the Canadas by the
Act of 1791, and repeated in New Brunswick in the
year 1832. So far as I have been able to judge, the
result of this innovation has not been such as to
exclude very serious doubts respecting its real
usefulness.' 2 In reference to the suggestion that
the Executive officers should be under popular
control, he wrote that ' Her Majesty's Govern-
1 House of Commons Paper, as above, p. 17.
8 Ibid., pp. 11, 12. The third quotation, from a dispatch of July G>
1837, is not included in the extracts given in this Blue Book.
CHAP, in POLITICAL DIFFICULTIES 85
ment must oppose a respectful but, at the same
time, a firm declaration that it is inconsistent with
a due advertence to the essential distinctions
between a metropolitan and a colonial Government,
and is therefore inadmissible.'
The separation of the Executive from the Legis-
lative Council was formally completed by means of
the Commission which appointed Lord Durham to
be Governor of Nova Scotia, and which was dated
the 6th of February 1838 ; and in his Report Lord
Durham described the political condition of Nova
Scotia as one in which, though there were various
questions at issue, there was no strong antagonism
between the Government and the people. Nova
Scotia had, as a rule, been fortunate in her Lieu-
tenant-Governors. More than one had, like Lord
Dalhousie, gone on to be Governor-General of
Canada. Sir Peregrine Maitland, who had been
transferred from Upper Canada to Nova Scotia in
1828, had been mainly an absentee; but his suc-
cessor in 1834, Sir Colin Campbell, a soldier of high
repute, at the time when Lord Durham wrote, com-
manded public confidence and esteem, though a little
later he was found too conservative for Joseph
Howe and the partisans of responsible government.
In March 1834 the House of Assembly of Prince
Edward Island asked that that colony might be
placed upon an equal footing with the sister
province of New Brunswick, by being given a Legis-
lative Council distinct from the Executive Council,
but the request was refused by the Secretary of
State, Spring Rice. In May 1837 Lord Glenelg
invited Sir Charles Fitzroy, who was then going
86 BRITISH NORTH AMERICA TNTROD.
out to Prince Edward Island as Lieutenant-
Governor, to look into the composition of the
Legislative Council ; and in March 1838 Fitzroy
enclosed an Address from the House of Assembly,
again asking that the Executive and Legislative
Councils might be separated from each other, in
accordance with the change which had taken place
in Nova Scotia. Fitzroy supported the proposal
and suggested an Executive Council of nine mem-
bers, three of whom should be selected from the
House of Assembly. Lord Glenelg then sanctioned
the separation of the Councils. In Prince Edward
Island, however, as will be gathered from Lord
Durham's Report, the chief causes of complaint
were connected more with the land than with the
constitution, for in this island the evils arising
!ut of absentee ownership were most acutely felt.
The conditions of Newfoundland had always
been wholly dissimilar to those of the mainland
provinces of British North America, and its story
had run in a different channel, but in Newfound-
land, too, constitutional difficulties had arisen, and
accordingly it was included within the scope of
Lord Durham's Commission. By the year 1832
the system had broken down, ' the fundamental
principle of which was to prevent the Colonization
of the island, and to render this kingdom the
domicile of all persons engaged in the Newfound-
land fisheries V and in that year the island was
given a representative Assembly, created not by
Act of Parliament but by the King's Commission
1 Lord Goderich to Governor Sir T. Cochrane, July 27, 1832 (House
of Commons Paper, as above, p. 82).
CHAP, in POLITICAL DIFFICULTIES 87
to the Governor and by the Royal Instructions.
There was also a Council which was in effect, though
not in name, at once a Legislative Council and an
Executive Council. Foreseeing the likelihood of
friction between the Council and the Assembly,
Lord Goderich, the Secretary of State who called
the constitution into existence, suggested that an
arrangement might be made and embodied in
a local Act, ' which should consolidate the Council
and the Assembly into a single House, in which the
representatives of the people would be met by the
official servants of the Crown.' *• The proposal met
with general disapprobation in the colony, and was
not carried into effect ; and almost immediately
the two houses came to loggerheads, the Council
being the aggressor by throwing out a revenue Bill.
This was in the first session of the new Legislature in
the spring of 1833, and matters were not improved
when later in the same year Boulton, who had
proved so cantankerous as Attorney-General of
Upper Canada, was consoled for losing that
appointment by being made Chief Justice of New-
foundland. In that capacity he presided over the
Council and arrogated to himself the title of
Speaker, until his pretensions and those which he
made on behalf of the Council were, in October
1834, somewhat summarily disallowed by Spring
Rice, then Secretary of State. The disputes
between the two Houses went on. In 1837 an
Appropriation Bill was thrown out by the Council,
whose action was in February 1838 disapproved
by Lord Glenelg. Religious animosity had been
1 House of Commons Paper, as above, p. 85.
88 BRITISH NORTH AMERICA INTROD.
added to the political squabble, the Irish Roman
Catholics being specially bitter against Boulton,
who was relieved of his office in 1838. Matters
came to such a pass that, under an Imperial act
of 1842, the existing Legislature was ended, and
replaced by a single chamber, as had been suggested
by Lord Goderich. Another Imperial act of 1847
restored the old constitution ; and, finally, in 1855
responsible government came into being.
It has been seen that the Quebec Legislature
was prorogued by Lord Gosford on the 26th of
August 1837. The news of the death of King
William IV and of the accession of Queen Victoria
had reached Canada at the end of July, but had
not affected the political situation or softened
party feeling. Montreal was Papineau's birthplace
and home, and he was one of the parliamentary
representatives of the city. Accordingly, both in
1837 and later, in 1838, disloyalty was more
aggressive and more pronounced in the district of
Montreal than lower down the river. In the town
itself there was a strong element of loyal citizens,
but on the other side of the St. Lawrence, in the
counties along the line of the Richelieu river, the
proximity of the American frontier gave encourage-
ment to disaffection ; and behind the island of
Montreal, in the county of the Two Mountains on
the north bank of the Ottawa river, sedition and
lawlessness were rife.
The rising, such as it was, was mainly a French
Canadian movement, though it was a nondescript
kind of disturbance. The Roman Catholic Church,
with rare exceptions, exercised its authority on
CHAP, m POLITICAL DIFFICULTIES 80
the side of law and order, and there were many
French Canadian loyalists, magistrates, and others;
while on the other hand, among the leaders of the
so-called 'Patriots', British names were as promi-
nent as French. There were the brothers Nelson,
for instance, and Thomas Storrow Brown, and no
paper attacked the Government with greater
violence than the English Vindicator, edited at
Montreal by Dr. O'Callaghan. But, naturally, the
followers of Papineau were in the main French
Canadians, whereas the overwhelming majority of
the British, including the Irish, population were
staunch and determined for the Government.
The would-be rebellion had no chance. The towns
were on the whole not revolutionary, and the
seditious districts had neighbours to hold them in
check. The Glengarry Highlanders, in Upper
Canada, but on the border line of the two provinces,
Roman Catholics of traditional and long-tried
loyalty, publicly announced their intention to
uphold the Government, and the English-speaking
Eastern Townships were strongly opposed to
Papineau and his friends. Most of all, though the
Governor-in-Chief Lord Gosf ord was, it would seem,
reputed to be somewhat weak and temporizing, the
man in whose hands was the ultimate issue, the com-
mander of the troops, was pre-eminently cool and
strong. Sir John Colborne left nothing to chance,
he prepared for the crisis and practically forestalled
it. In the latter part of July he went up from
Quebec to Sorel at the mouth of the Richelieu
river, to be near the probable scene of disturbance ;
and on the 9th of November, after a riot had taken
00 BRITISH NORTH AMRRTCA INTROD.
place in Montreal, he moved into that city. Tn
July, at Lord Gosford's instance, a regiment was
brought up from Halifax to Quebec ; and at the
end of October, with the cordial consent of Sir
Francis Bond Head, the 24th regiment was brought
down from Toronto to Montreal, where it arrived
on the 13th of November. When the trouble
came, the military forces, regulars supplemented
by volunteers, were mainly concentrated at
Montreal ; but preparations had also been made
at Quebec, and towards the end of the year more
regiments came in overland from Nova Scotia
and New Brunswick, recalling the winter marches
of the war of 1812.
For the winter, when the navigation of the
St. Lawrence was closed, was the dangerous time,
and as the winter drew on, matters came to some-
thing like a climax. Dr. Wolfred Nelson was, as
not a few men have been, in public a violent
politician, in private a kindly humane man. Ten
years previously, at a general election, he had
opposed and defeated James Stuart, then Attorney-
General, for the borough of Sorel or William
Henry, his brother Robert Nelson being at the
same election returned as Papineau's colleague for
one of the wards of Montreal. He lived and prac-
tised his profession at St. Denis on the Richelieu
river, and on the 23rd of October 1837 he presided
at a public meeting at St. Charles near to his
home, on which occasion Papineau was present,
a cap of liberty was hoisted, and the representatives
of the six confederated counties, as they styled
themselves, being the counties bordering on the
CHAP, in POLITICAL DIFFICULTIES 91
Richelieu, passed a series of lengthy resolutions,
the most practical of which was an invitation to
the soldiers to desert their colours and emigrate
to the United States. One of the resolutions
expressed approval of the political organization in
Montreal entitled the ' Fils de Liberte ', of whom
Christie contemptuously remarks that they were
'chiefly idle boys, stripling Attornies, and mer-
chants' clerks V On the 6th of November the Sons
of Liberty, led by Storrow Brown, who was reputed
to have been of American birth and who was at
the time a dealer in hardware at Montreal, came
into collision with the members of a loyalist
association, known as the Doric club. In the end
the Sons of Liberty fared badly, the office of the
Vindicator was gutted and sacked, the Riot Act
was read, and troops patrolled the streets. After
this outbreak Colborne took up his quarters at
Montreal. By this time a kind of reign of terror
had come into being in the district of Montreal
outside the city itself, and especially in the counties
on the southern side of the St. Lawrence. Magis-
trates were intimidated and called upon to
resign, and the lives and property of the loyalists
were no longer safe. In consequence, on the 16th
of November, warrants were issued for the arrest
of the leaders of sedition, including Papineau him-
self, who, however, fled fom Montreal and joined
Dr. Wolfred Nelson at St. Denis. A small party
of soldiers was, on the evening of the 16th, sent to
St. John's on the Richelieu, to arrest two French
Canadians named Demaray and Davignon. The
1 Christie, vol. iv, p. 395.
92 BRITISH NORf H AMERICA INTROD.
arrest was effected, but as the prisoners were being
taken to Montreal, their guard was fired upon,
and they were rescued. Colborne immediately
sent more troops into the district. One body,
under Colonel Wetherall, went straight across the
river to the fort at Chambly ; a second body, under
Colonel Gore, was taken down the St. Lawrence,
and landed at Sorel at the mouth of the Richelieu.
Gore was to march up the Richelieu, and Wetherall
down it, so as to disperse armed insurgents who
were understood to have gathered at St. Denis
under Dr. Wolfred Nelson and at St. Charles under
Storrow Brown, St. Denis being about eighteen
miles up the Richelieu from Sorel, and St. Charles
six or seven miles further up the river. Gore started
from Sorel with some 250 men on the night of
the 22nd of November, and marching all night
through sleet and rain did not reach St. Denis till
nearly 10 o'clock on the following morning. Here
he found Dr. Nelson and his followers prepared
for defence, having converted a large stone house
into a fort. He attacked with his tired troops, but
was not strong enough to carry the position ; and
after some hours' fighting he was obliged to retreat,
with the loss of six men killed and ten wounded
and of the one field piece which he had taken
with him. He did not reach Sorel again till the
afternoon of the 24th. Wetherall, with a rather
larger force than Gore's, left Chambly at precisely
the same time to march on St. Charles and eventu-
ally join Gore. In the same bad weather he
marched through the night of the 22nd and the
forenoon of the 23rd, and eventually, being brought
CHAP, in POLITICAL DIFFICULTIES 93
to a stand by a broken bridge some few miles
short of St. Charles, he encamped for the night,
rested his troops, received reinforcements on the
following day, the 24th, and did not move until
the 25th. Some entrenchments had been thrown
up at St. Charles, and they were defended by
a considerable number of insurgents, of whom
Storrow Brown had taken command. Wetherall
summoned the people to disperse, and when they
resisted he carried the position, after about an
hour's fighting, not without loss, and effectually
broke up all resistance, returning to Montreal
on the 29th of November. This was practically
the end of the rising in the Richelieu counties,
although towards the end of the first week of
December there was a brush near the American
frontier, in which loyalist volunteers intercepted
and dispersed a band of rebels who had taken
refuge in and crossed over from Vermont. At the
beginning of December Gore was sent again to
Sorel and up the river to St. Denis and St. Charles.
He met with no resistance, he recovered his
wounded and his gun, and his troops burnt some
houses at St. Denis. Dr. Wolfred Nelson had at once
shown more courage and been more unfortunate
than his fellows. When he heard of Wetherall's
success at St. Charles, he attempted to escape across
the frontier into the United States; but after
much suffering from cold and privation in the
woodlands of the loyalist Eastern Townships, he
was taken prisoner on the 12th of December and
sent in to Montreal, his kindly care of the wounded
being remembered in his own misfortunes. A
94 BRITISH NORTH AMERICA IKTROD.
reward had been offered for his capture, and a still
larger reward was offered for the capture of
Papineau, but the latter made good his escape.
He left Dr. Nelson's house at St. Denis on the
morning of the day when Gore attacked it, and
with O'Callaghan found his way to the United
States, leaving to after years a controversy as to
the motives for his flight at the moment of danger.
Storrow Brown also reached American soil, and
he, too, was criticized, though apparently without
good reason, for not having been on the spot at
St. Charles when the actual fighting took place.
After an interval of years insurgents became
good citizens again, and memories were softened,
but there were two bad murders in this rising in
the Richelieu district which could not be smoothed
over or forgotten. A young officer, Lieutenant
Weir, trying to catch up Gore's column between
Sorel and St. Denis on the night of the 22nd of
November, took a wrong road, reached St. Denis
in advance of Gore's troops, and fell into the insur-
gents' hands. When Gore attacked, Weir was placed
bound in a wagon to be taken to St. Charles :
he jumped out of the wagon, and was there
and then shot and stabbed to death by those
who were in charge. His body, badly mangled,
was subsequently found in the Richelieu river,
and was buried at Montreal on the 8th of December.
In 1839, a man of the name of Jalbert, who had
been in principal charge of the wagon, was tried
for the murder, but the jury disagreed and he
went unpunished. Even more cold-blooded was
the murder of a stone-mason Chartrand, a French
CHAP, in POLITICAL DIFFICULTIES 95
Canadian of St. John's, who had enrolled himself
as a loyalist volunteer. Coming home from a
place five or six miles off on the afternoon of the
28th of November, he was intercepted by a party
of ruffians, some of them with loaded guns. He
was subjected to a mock trial, condemned as a spy,
tied to a tree, and shot. Four men were tried for
his murder in 1838, but were acquitted by a jury of
their countrymen in face of the strongest evidence
of their guilt. Two of them, however, one a ring-
leader, were inculpated in the second rising in the
autumn of 1838, were tried by court martial and
hung early in 1839.
Gore's repulse at St. Denis acted as a stimulus
to armed disloyalty, and the disloyal county of
the Two Mountains, to the north-west of Montreal,
gave some trouble. The centre of the disturbance
was the village of St. Eustache, and the leaders
were a Swiss adventurer of the name of Girod, and
a French Canadian, like Wolfred Nelson, a brave
but headstrong doctor, of the name of Chenier.
Like Nelson at St. Denis, Chenier at St. Eustache
turned a building into a fort. This was a
convent, of which he took forcible possession
on the 1st of December. Sir John Colborne
waited for nearly a fortnight until he was fully
prepared to settle the matter, and then marched
out of Montreal on the 13th of December with
2,000 men. On the 14th the troops took possession
of St. Eustache, where Chenier and — it is said—
about 250 others held church, convent, and other
buildings, and fought with spirit. Chenier was
killed, much of the village was burnt, and a con-
96 BRITISH NORTH AMERICA INTEOD.
siderable number of French Canadians were killed
or taken prisoners. Girod had taken flight early
in the proceedings, but a few days later, being
hard pressed, shot himself. The troops went on
to St. Benoit, another little centre of disaffection,
fomented by one of the very few French Canadian
priests who actively opposed the government.
Here there was no resistance, but notwithstanding
there was burning of houses ; a third village was
also visited, and on the 16th the troops returned
to Montreal.
This was the end of the rising in Lower Canada.
The contemporary insurrection in Upper Canada
was even more fatuous and abortive. The danger
in this province arose from two causes. One was
purely temporary, and has already been mentioned,
the fact that, when Sir John Colborne asked if
any troops could be spared, Sir Francis Bond
Head somewhat theatrically denuded Toronto of
all the regulars, being well inclined, it would seem,
to show to the world the loyalty of the citizens
of Upper Canada, his own confidence in them and
their confidence in him. The second source of
danger was the ease with which raids could be
organized from the American shores of the Niagara
and Detroit rivers. For the rest, the community
of Upper Canada was in the main thoroughly
loyal, and race feeling did not complicate the
situation. What Papineau was to Lower Canada
Mackenzie was to the Upper Province, but with far
more courage, even less discretion, and certainly
less widespread influence. In both provinces
the medical profession seems to have produced
CHAP, in POLITICAL DIFFICULTIES 97
leaders among the Patriots or Rebels, which-
ever name may be thought more appropriate. As
against Wolfred Nelson and Chenier in Lower
Canada, Drs. Rolph, Buncombe, and Morrison
were prominent in Upper Canada. Among the
reformers, Baldwin had no part or lot in the
rising, nor had Bidwell, though the latter did
not escape suspicion, which induced him, wrought
upon, it was said, unfairly by Sir Francis Head,
to exile himself for the rest of his life in the United
States.
During the summer of 1838 Mackenzie had been
agitating through the province. The extreme men
showed a disposition to come into line with
Papineau in Lower Canada, but there was little
talk of resort to force, and only gradually, in the
country districts, some kind of secret preparation
was made for taking up arms. Eventually the
plan was evolved of capturing Toronto and the
Government, the night of the 7th of December
being fixed for the attempt. It was long before
Sir Francis Head would admit the possibility of
any danger or take any steps towards meeting it,
although a good soldier, Colonel Fitzgibbon, whose
name had been a household word in the war of
1812, was urgent ih his warnings. At length, at
the beginning of December, it was determined to
arrest Mackenzie and to call out some of the militia,
with the result that the conspirators hastened
their movements, and resolved to make their
attempt on Toronto on the night of the 4th. But
when plans are changed in conspiracies, differences
of opinion arise, there is uncertainty and confusion,
1352-1 H
98 BRITISH NORTtf AMERICA INTROD.
warning is given to the other side, and the scheme
miscarries. The rebels picketed Toronto on the
night of the 4th of December, but made no attack.
A loyalist, Colonel Moodie, was intercepted and
shot; an insurgent leader, Anderson, was shot;
citizens were stopped and arrested by the rebels,
but one or two broke through, and the alarm was
most effectually given in the town. On the next
morning, the 5th, after a reconnaissance, Fitzgibbon,
with sound military instinct, wished at once to
attack the insurgents in their position, but Head
refused his consent and sent Baldwin and Rolph
to parley with them, in happy ignorance that
Rolph was in their inmost secrets. The conference
came to nothing, and when night fell, Lount and
Mackenzie led their misguided followers towards the
city. They came across a small picket of twenty-
seven men whom Fitzgibbon had sent out. The
picket fired and then ran away, and so did the 700
insurgents. Militia and volunteers were now fast
coming into Toronto, and by the following night,
the night of the 6th, the Government had some
1,200 fighting men at its back. On the 7th, Fitz-
gibbon and Colonel MacNab attacked, and within
half an hour the rebels were dispersed and the rising
was at an end. MacNab and a force of 500 men
went on into the London district, where Dr.
Duncombe, of American birth, had been organizing
rebellion, but it had all melted away, and Duncombe
had fled to the United States. Mackenzie, too,
made his way across the frontier, and so did Rolph.
Among other prominent rebels, one, Van Egmont
by name, who was reputed to have served under
CHAP, in POLITICAL DIFFICULTIES 99
Napoleon, died in prison ; two, Lount and
Matthews, were hanged.
In the United States Mackenzie tried to organize
invasion of Canada, and frontier raids followed.
Just above the Falls of Niagara, a small island
in Canadian waters, Navy Island, was, at his
instigation, occupied by a band of filibusters from
Buffalo, who held it for a month from the middle
of December 1837 to the middle of January 1838.
A small Buffalo steamer, the Caroline, had been
chartered to carry warlike stores and supplies to
the island, and on the night of the 29th of December
a party of Canadians rowed across the river to
the American shore, cut out and burnt the vessel,
and killed one man on the wharf. This incident
caused strong resentment in the United States,
although, from the Canadian point of view, it was
no more than a justifiable reprisal, inasmuch as
American soil had been openly made a basis for
attack upon a friendly nation, and the raiders were
almost entirely American citizens. Eventually,
between three and four years later, Daniel Webster
obtained from Sir Robert Peel a friendly explana-
tion and what was held to be an adequate apology.
The raid, or attempted raid, on the Niagara
frontier was supplemented by similar attempts
in the neighbourhood of Detroit in January and
February 1838, in the course of which an Irish
American adventurer of the name of Theller was
taken prisoner. He was said to have been a doctor,
like various other men who were prominent in
these Canadian disturbances, and he obtained
some notoriety by making a bold escape from
H 2
100 BRITISH NORTrf AMERICA TNTROD.
his prison in the citadel of Quebec in October
1838.
Martial law was proclaimed in the district of
Montreal on the 5th of December 1837, and the dis-
trict remained under martial law until the following
27th of April, when, just a month before Lord
Durham's arrival, Colborne, as acting Governor-
General, dispensed with it in accordance with
wishes expressed from home.
In September 1837 Lord Gosford had placed
himself in the hands of the Home Government,
intimating that personally he would be glad to
resign, though he was ready to continue in office,
if the ministers so desired. He had been pledged
to a policy of conciliation, and it was rapidly
becoming evident that other measures would be
necessary, which might better be entrusted to
other hands. On the 27th of November Lord
Glenelg wrote to accept his resignation, and he
wrote also to Sir John Colborne intimating that
the administration of the government would
devolve upon him. Lord Gosford's departure
from Canada was delayed by an injury which he
received from a fall, but he finally left Quebec on
the 27th of February 1838, and on the same day
Colborne assumed the government. In the latter
part of March, as already told, Sir Francis Head
was replaced in Upper Canada by Sir George
Arthur, who had previously been Lieutenant-
Go vernor of Van Diemen's Land, now Tasmania.
The first Parliament of Queen Victoria met in
November 1837. Just before the adjournment
for the Christmas holidays news reached England of
CHAP, m POLITICAL DIFFICULTIES 101
the outbreak in Canada. ' The adjournment before
the Christmas recess,' says the Annual Register for
1838,1 ' took place almost contemporaneously with
the arrival of the intelligence of the Canadian revolt,
though not before some younger members of the
Radical section had found an opportunity of ex-
pressing their exuberant joy at the fact and their
confident predictions of its inevitable consequences.'
This statement may have been somewhat of an
exaggeration, but some of the utterances were
deplorable. One of the most violent speeches was
made by Sir William Molesworth, who was not
alone in hoping that Canada would pass from under
the British dominion. That ' that dominion should
now be brought to a conclusion I for one most
sincerely desire '. This was on the 22nd of
December 1837, but Molesworth's normal view
was a saner one, for on the following 6th of March,
in attacking Lord Glenelg's administration of the
colonies, while he still expressed a hope that
the people of Lower Canada would become inde-
pendent, if their constitution was not restored to
them, he stated that he yielded to no member in
the House of Commons ' in a desire to preserve
and extend the colonial empire of England'.
The House met again on the 16th of January
1838, and Lord John Russell immediately intro-
duced into the House of Commons a Bill which,
after being much amended and recast, became law
on the 10th of February, entitled ' An Act to make
temporary provision for the government of Lower
Canada'.2 It suspended the constitution of 1791
1 p. 2. 2 1 Vic. c. ix.
102 BRITISH NORTH AMERICA INTROD.
in Lower Canada from the date when the Act should
be proclaimed in the province until the 1st of
November 1840; and it empowered the Crown to
constitute a special Council, by authorizing the
Governor to appoint councillors in accordance
with instructions. The operation of the laws to
be passed by the Council was limited to the 1st of
November 1842, ' unless continued by competent
authority', and the Council was precluded from
passing any legislation which should impose new
taxes or involve constitutional changes. All laws
were to be proposed to the Council by the Governor,
and the presence of five councillors at least was
required for the passing of a law. When explain-
ing the proposals of the Government, Lord John
Russell intimated that the extensive powers
conferred by the Act would be entrusted to Lord
Durham. Lord Durham himself in the House of
Lords gave expression to the reluctance with which
he undertook the charge. As a matter of fact he
had been invited by Lord Melbourne in the previous
July to take the governor-generalship of Canada,
but had declined. He was again approached after
the news of the rebellion had been received, and it
was only on the day before Parliament met in
January 1838 that he finally consented to go out.
The new Act practically created a dictatorship,
and was, therefore, strongly opposed by the
Radicals in its passage through Parliament. It
would have been even more hotly opposed but
that Durham was conspicuous for his Radical
sympathies. Roebuck, not then in Parliament,
was heard against the Bill at the bar of either
CHAP, in POLITICAL DIFFICULTIES 103
House. In the House of Lords Brougham was
specially bitter against the Government and its
policy. But the policy prevailed. The Act was
sent out to Canada with instructions to Colborne
to call together a special Council in order to deal
with immediate requirements, but to make it
clear that Lord Durham on arrival would con-
stitute his own Council. Colborne acted accord-
ingly and nominated a Council consisting of 21
members, 11 of whom were French Canadians.
The Council met on the 18th of April and was
prorogued on the 5th of May. Lord Durham
arrived at the end of May, and on the 28th of June
nominated his own special Council consisting of
five members only, unconnected with political life
in Canada.
Was there any real justification for the armed
rising in the two Canadian provinces ? The answer
must be that there was not. There was ground
for discontent, the discontent of communities
growing and conscious of growth, and desirous
with reason of more extended control of their
own destinies, the discontent in Lower Canada of
a French race largely officered by Englishmen, the
discontent in Upper Canada of a democratic party
stonewalled by official Conservatism. But the
popular demands were, for the time and place,
excessive and unreasonable, the grievances were
clothed in exaggerated language, and the weakness
and speedy collapse of the outbreak in either
province testified to the absence of deep-seated and
widespread resentment against grinding tyranny.
It may be said that the rebellion was the product
104 BRITISH NORTH- AMERICA INTROD.
of three causes, first the war of American Inde-
pendence, secondly, unwise speeches in England,
thirdly, real, though not overwhelming grievances.
The war of American Independence and its out-
come coloured the whole of the subsequent colonial
history of England ; especially it affected the
history of the British provinces which bordered
on the United States. The popular view of the
war, adopted and embellished by the Whigs, was
that it was a signal and crowning illustration for
all time of the triumph of liberty over oppression :
and the terms used of it implied that the English
had been guilty of the wildest excesses of tyranny.
This led to similar exaggeration, whenever in after
years there was friction between a colony and the
motherland ; and in the case of Canada speeches
made by men like Roebuck or Hume, who were
either paid advocates of the colonies or so con-
stituted as to be incapable of imagining that the
Home Government for the time being could be
right, or speeches again made from the Irish point
of view by O'Connell, contributed to a distorted
vision of the actual facts. Lower Canada had
not even the cause of complaint which the thirteen
colonies had been able to put forward, that new
taxes were being imposed from without upon the
provincials by the Government at home. As far
as the finances were concerned, it was a question
not of taxation but of appropriation. In the words
of the Annual Register for 1838,1 ' Throughout
the unfortunate differences which we are about
to notice, no question ever existed with respect to
1 p. 4.
CHAP, in POLITICAL DIFFICULTIES 105
the imposition of duties or the levying of money.
The claims of either party were limited to the
right of appropriating what must, at all events,
be collected and what, if not disposed of j must
accumulate from year to year in the public chest.'
In refusing a Civil List, in return for the control
of their finances, the democratic party in Canada
were refusing what it would have been right and
reasonable to grant, and the attacks made upon
successive Governors-General were unworthy and
contemptible. None the less, there were wrongs
to be righted and causes of friction to be removed :
the time had come in all the provinces of British
North America to recognize that the peoples were
now not children but adults, and the man had
come, in Lord Durham, to show the better way.
CHAPTER IV
LORD DURHAM'S COMMISSION AND
INSTRUCTIONS
WHEN Lord Durham's Report was laid before
Parliament in 1839, it was prefaced by the Commis-
sion which is now reprinted, and which had already
been given separately to Parliament on the 9th of
July 1838. It was a Royal Commission under the
Great Seal, appointing him to be ' High Commis-
sioner and Governor-General of all Her Majesty's
provinces on the continent of North America, and
of the islands of Prince Edward and Newfound-
land'. The Commission recites that he had
already received five several Commissions appoint-
ing him to be Governor-in-Chief of the four
provinces of Lower Canada, Upper Canada, Nova
Scotia, and New Brunswick, and of Prince Edward
Island. Similar powers had been given to his
predecessors ; but, as appears from Lord Glenelg's
letter to Lord Durham of the 3rd of April 1838;
only three Commissions had previously been issued
for the five colonies, instead of one for each. The
Commission then goes on to appoint him ' to be
our High Commissioner for the adjustment of
certain important questions depending in the said
provinces of Lower and Upper Canada, respecting
the form and future Government of the said
provinces ', and to authorize him as High Com-
CHAP, iv LORD DURHAM'S COMMISSION 107
missioner ' to enquire into and as far as may
be possible to adjust all questions depending in
the said provinces of Lower and Upper Canada,
or either of them, respecting the form and ad-
ministration of the Civil Government thereof
respectively '. Then, ' with a view to the adjust-
ment of such questions,' the Commission appoints
him to be Governor-General of all the British
North American provinces and islands, including
Newfoundland, but the commission of the exist-
ing Governor of Newfoundland is specially safe-
guarded.
Finally the Commission empowers him to hold
the offices of ' High Commissioner and Governor-
General of our said provinces on the continent of
North America, and of the said islands of Prince
Edward and Newfoundland'.
This document gave Lord Durham a threefold
authority. In the first place he was, like his
predecessors, Governor-in-Chief of Lower Canada,
Upper Canada, Nova Scotia, New Brunswick,
and Prince Edward Island. His legal powers
were those of Governor-in-Chief. He was not,
nor had his predecessors been, Governor-in-Chief
of Newfoundland, for in Newfoundland there was
a Governor and not merely a Lieutenant-Governor.
In the second place he was High Commissioner to
do special work in two of the provinces. In the
third place he was Governor-General of all the
provinces and islands, including Newfoundland.
The appointment of Governor-in-Chief applied to
each province or island separately, excluding
Newfoundland. The appointment of Governor-
108 BRITISH NORTH AMERICA INTROD.
General applied to them all collectively, includ-
ing Newfoundland ; but it is not quite easy to
appreciate why the appointment of Governor-
General of all the provinces and islands collectively
was conferred upon him ' with a view to the
adjustment' of the special questions in Lower and
Upper Canada, in connexion with which he had
been appointed High Commissioner ; nor is it
clear why he is styled High Commissioner as well
as Governor-General of all the provinces and
islands.1 The meaning of the document can be
interpreted from the first two paragraphs of Lord
Durham's Report. It was, that certain grave
troubles had come into existence in two Cana-
dian provinces which required a very special
man, clothed with very special authority, to deal
with them : that the conditions in other parts of
British North America were not dissimilar: that
the chosen man should, therefore, in addition to
possessing the ordinary powers of government
which previous Governors-in-Chief had enjoyed,
be given a High Commissionership intended pri-
marily to apply to Lower and Upper Canada and
only to special purposes in those two provinces,
but to apply also, if required, in combination with
a general authority as Governor-General, to the
whole of British North America, even including
Newfoundland. In short, the difficulties which
had arisen in Lower and Upper Canada differed
1 In the Commission to Charles Buller empowering him to inquire
into public lands (see voL iii, Appendix B), Lord Durham appears as
Governor-General only, not as High Commissioner, and Newfoundland
is wrongly given a Lieutenant-Governor instead of a Governor.
CHAP, iv LORD DURHAM'S COMMISSION 109
rather in degree than in kind from those which
had occurred or might occur elsewhere in British
North America, and therefore all the provinces
and islands were, so to speak, grouped under Lord
Durham's authority as Governor-General, and to
all he might, if necessary, appty whatever powers
appertained to him as High Commissioner. Thus,
in the first of the three letters or dispatches in
which Lord Glenelg conveyed to him the instruc-
tions of the Government, the letter of the 20th
of January, it is stated : ' Neither ... is it the
intention of Her Majesty's Government to exclude
other subjects from your consideration, or to
restrict you from entertaining other proposals,
whether affecting the two Canadas only or all the
British North American provinces, which you may
be induced to think conducive to the permanent
establishment of an improved system of Govern-
ment in Her Majesty's North American possessions.
Your Commission will be co-extensive with the
whole of these possessions ' ; and in the letter of the
21st of April reference is made to the powers which
were vested in him ' for the purpose of a general
superintendence over all British North America '.
The formal Royal Instructions, which accom-
panied Lord Durham's five Commissions as Gover-
nor-in-chief, were much the same as had been
given to his predecessors. In the case of Lower
and Upper Canada, the old Instructions which
had been handed on from Lord Dalhousie's time
were continued, with the proviso that they should
apply ' so far only as the same are not obsolete or
have not been superseded by any such statute as
110 BRITISH NORTH AMERICA TNTROD.
aforesaid or as the same may not be found to bo
inapplicable to the present state of affairs in our
said province ' ; and in the case of Lower Canada,
a separate Instruction was added as to constituting
the special Council authorized by the newly passed
Act ' to make temporary provision for the Govern-
ment of Lower Canada '. Over and above these
formal Instructions, Lord Glenelg conveyed to him
the views of the Melbourne Ministry in the three
letters of the 20th of January, 3rd of April, and
21st of April 1838, which are reprinted in vol. in,
and of which a few words must be said.
It will be remembered that Parliament met
on the 16th of January 1838. The Instructions
contained in the letter of the 20th of January
were therefore given almost immediately after
Lord John Russell had introduced the Bill for sus-
pending the constitution of Lower Canada, which
eventually, on the 10th of February, became the Act
' to make temporary provision for the Government
of Lower Canada ', and they followed close upon
Lord Durham's acceptance of the charge which
had been offered to him. The Government were
anxious to lose no time in embodying their policy
in the form of Instructions, but the letter of the
20th of January was absurdly premature, seeing
that the law with which the Instructions were
coupled had yet to be passed. It will be seen
that in this letter Lord Glenelg authorized Lord
Durham somewhat elaborately, though leaving
him a discretion in the matter, to call together
an advisory committee of the two Canadas with an
elective element in it, for the purpose of consulting
CHAP, iv LORD DURHAM'S COMMISSION 111
the members on some or all of the outstanding
questions, especially those which were common
to the two provinces. A reference to this proposed
committee had been embodied in the preamble
to the Bill which was then before the House of
Commons. The first draft of the Bill recited that,
whereas under existing circumstances the House
of Assembly in Lower Canada could not be called
together without detriment to the public interests,
' and whereas it is nevertheless expedient that the
said Province should be permanently governed on
constitutional principles adapted to promote the
interests of all classes of Her Majesty's subjects in
the said Province : And whereas, in order to the
preparation of such measures as it may be desir-
able to propose to Parliament for improving the
constitution of the provinces of Lower Canada
and Upper Canada, or either of them, and for
regulating divers questions in which the said pro-
vinces are jointly interested, Her Majesty hath been
pleased to authorize the Governor-General of Her
Majesty's provinces in North America to summon
a meeting, to be holden within the said provinces
of Lower Canada and Upper Canada, consisting of
the said Governor-General and of certain persons
to be by Her Majesty or on Her Majesty's behalf
for that purpose appointed, and also consisting of
certain other persons representing the interests
and opinions of Her Majesty's subjects inhabiting
the said provinces, and whereas it is in the mean-
time necessary that temporary provision should be
made for the Government of the said province of
Lower Canada, Be it therefore enacted . . . '
The fact was that the Whig Ministry, being
driven to a measure of coercion, tried to sweeten
112 BRITISH NORfET AMERICA INTROD.
it, and to conciliate their Radical following, by
introducing into the preamble of the Bill and into
the Instructions to their Commissioner evidence
of the Liberal and Constitutional principles on
which they prided themselves. But they had to
reckon with Sir Robert Peel, who would have
none of this preamble, and pointed out with
irresistible force that it was an attempt, by a
side wind in the form of a preamble to an Act, to
make Parliament responsible for the acts and
the policy of the Executive Government. On the
same grounds he refused to give any Parliamentary
recognition to Lord Glenelg's Instructions to Lord
Durham,1 and he pointed out the palpable absurdity
of giving instructions in January to a man who
would not arrive in Canada till the end of May.
The end of it was that, being given a lead from his
own side, by ' Bear ' Ellice and Charles Buller, Lord
John Russell struck the preamble out of the Bill,
and no more was heard of the elaborate instructions
for calling together an advisory committee.
Lord Glenelg's letter of the 20th of January 1838
is a wordy document with high phrases and fine
sentiments, evidently designed for the shop- window;
but it will be noted that the letter refers specially
to the complaint made against the Quebec Assem-
bly that it was animated by an 'anti-commercial
spirit of legislation ', and that prominence is given
to the relations between the two Canadian pro-
1 An extract from Lord Glenelg's letter of instructions to Lord
Durham of January 20, 1838, was laid before Parliament on January 23,
1838. The whole letter, together with the letters of April 3 and April 21 ,
was included in the Parliamentary Paper of February 11, 1839.
CHAP, iv LORD DURHAM'S COMMISSION 113
vinces and the difficulties which had arisen in this
connexion. Some kind of federal legislature is
suggested which should supplement, but not take
the place of, the separate legislatures of Lower
and Upper Canada. The letter also adverts to the
constitution of the Legislative Council hi Lower
Canada, and to the resolution of the House of
Commons that the Council should be given a more
popular character without being made elective.
The letter of the 3rd of April deals with Lord
Durham's Commissions and with his relations,
under their terms and under the Royal Instructions,
to the Lieutenant-Governors. It may be inferred
from it that Lord Durham was not expected to
visit Newfoundland, as no reference is made to
the possibility of his doing so.
The letter of the 21st of April is by way of
completing a series of Instructions. It is again a
wordy document with a number of copybook plati-
tudes. It refers more especially to relations with
the United States, and to the desire of the Whig
Government that gentle treatment should, in other
than exceptional cases, be meted out to those in
Canada who were inculpated in the late rising.
With this end in view, Lord Durham is given an
unrestricted power of pardon. The letter concludes
with an assurance of the full confidence of Her
Majesty's Government and ' of their utmost support
and assistance '.
On the whole, it would be somewhat difficult to
find a more futile set of Instructions to a strong
man setting out on a difficult mission, but they
had the merit of leaving him a wide discretion.
1352-1
CHAPTER V
THE REPORT
ITS SCOPE, CHARACTER, AND SUBSTANCE
THE SCOPE OF THE REPORT
LORD DURHAM having been appointed Governor-
General of all the British North American Colonies,
including Newfoundland, the nominal scope of his
Report was the whole of British North America ;
and, in so far as the Report laid down general
principles, or foreshadowed a union of all the
provinces, it did to a greater or less extent include
them all. But the primary object of his mission
was to adjust outstanding and pressing questions
in Lower and Upper Canada, ' respecting the form
and future Government ' of those two provinces ;
and it has been seen that, as a matter of fact, his
stay in British North America hardly exceeded
five months, all of which time he spent in Lower
Canada with the exception of eleven days which he
gave to the Upper Province. Nova Scotia, New
Brunswick, Prince Edward Island, and Newfound-
land, he never visited at all. He interviewed
delegates from Nova Scotia, New Brunswick, and
Prince Edward Island ; and the Crown Lands
Inquiry, which was entrusted to Charles Buller,
included these three colonies as well as the two
Canadas ; but, except in connexion with Crown
CHAP, v THE SCOPE OF THE REPORT 115
lands, only three pages of the Report in its original
Blue Book form are devoted to ' the Eastern
provinces and Newfoundland ' ; and, while the
Commission which empowered Buller to inquire
into Crown lands included Newfoundland, the
actual inquiry and Buller's Report left out that
island altogether. It was in fact a farce, as events
turned out, to have brought Newfoundland at all
into the Commission and into the Report, for Lord
Durham says plainly (ii. 202): — 'With respect to
the colony of Newfoundland, I have been able
to obtain no information whatever, except from
sources open to the public at large '. The scope of
the Report may then be fairly summed up by
saying that it deals in detail with Lower and
Upper Canada, and that it contains information,
deductions and suggestions which were applicable
in the first place to the Maritime Provinces of
North America, and in the second place to other
parts of the world, including Newfoundland, which
had been colonized by British citizens — more
applicable indeed to some other provinces of the
Empire than to Newfoundland, for the conditions
of Newfoundland were sui generis and wholly
different from those of an ordinary British colony.
The Report is, in short, mainly a special report
upon the two Canadas, but partly also a general
essay upon the best method of adjusting the
relations between Great Britain and British
colonies which are not merely dependencies,
including a model scheme of colonization by means
of the proper application of the public lands of
the colonies.
i 2
116 BRITISH NORTH AMERICA INTROD.
THE CHARACTER OF THE REPORT
Turning to the character of the Report, critics
wishing to find fault might lay stress upon one or
two instances of direct misstatement, and more
numerous instances of obvious exaggeration; but
the Report must fairly be considered as a whole,
and its two main features, apart from the substance
of the recommendations which it contains, are in
the first place its plain speaking, and in the
second place its breadth of view. The first of
these two characteristics may be illustrated by
reference to the marginal notes, which form
a running analysis, unusual in a Blue Book, and
suitable rather to a history or a general essay than
to the report of a special commission. Here are
three notes which follow one another on ii. 59, 60 :
4 The Canadians would revenge themselves on the
English by any aid ' ; ' The English population
will never tolerate the French pretensions to
nationality ' ; ' They complain of being the sport
of parties at home.' And here are three more on
ii. 292-4 : ' Hopeless inferiority of the French-
Canadian race ; ' ' Economical obstacle to perpetua-
tion of their nationality ; ' * The French nation-
ality is destitute of invigorating qualities.' Notes
of this kind, and such strong language as will be
found in the body of the Report, would never see
the light in the report of a Royal Commission at
the present day, though possibly some approach
to it might now and again be found in separate
dispatches. It is interesting to speculate how far
this plain speaking was the outcome of the man,
CHAP.V THE CHARACTER OF THE REPORT 117
and how far of the time — a time before summaries
of speeches and reports were telegraphed to the
ends of the earth. Lord Durham was not accus-
tomed to mince his words, nor did he greatly
regard the feelings of others. His right-hand man,
Charles Buller, had a trenchant pen, and both men
were at once indifferent to political niceties, and
minded to read their countrymen at home a lesson
for all time on the subject of colonial administration.
Hence the Report is full blooded, and, while nothing
is set down in malice, nothing is extenuated. The
writer is determined to paint a graphic picture of
the truth, as it appeared to his eyes, and he has
beyond question succeeded in his effort. But if
Lord Durham and Buller had lived in our own day,
it cannot be doubted that the Report would not
have been so outspoken. Violent party speeches
are as common as ever, but in the matter of reports,
especially with regard to the dominions beyond the
seas, the men of the present time weigh their words
more carefully than was the case seventy years
ago. It is well that it should be so. We could
wish that our Parliamentary Papers were marked
by the vigour, the clearness, the eloquence, the
honesty which, over and above its supreme ability,
are conspicuous in Lord Durham's Report, but
we could and would dispense with criticisms and
terms of expression which may be valuable for
confidential purposes, but in public documents are
calculated to give abiding offence to classes or to
communities.
And Lord Durham's Report, great and remedial
as it was, by form as well as by substance gave
118 BRITISH NORTH AMERICA INTROD.
grave offence in both Canadas. As late as the
3rd of February, 1910, Sir Wilfrid Laurier referred
to it in the Canadian House of Commons in the
following terms.
' It is a singular fact that the report of Lord
Durham was received by the French Canadians
of that day with pained surprise. The reason is
known to those who have studied the history of
that period. Friend of liberty as he was, broad
as he was in his conceptions, f ar-visioned as events
show him to have been, Lord Durham himself
did not appreciate the effect of liberal institutions.
Coming to Canada at a time when the very atmo-
sphere was reeking with rebellion, he formed a
hasty judgement upon the French population of
that day, which he expressed in hasty and some-
what haughty language. He thought they could
not be reconciled to British rule, and stated in his
report that the conditions should be such in
Canada that the two provinces should be united,
so that French Canada should be ruled by the
stern and relentless hand of an English-speaking
majority. It is not to be wondered at that when
the report was made known in Canada, it not
only caused, as I have said, pained surprise, but
produced a feeling of injustice and wrong.'1
Equal irritation was aroused in Upper Canada
by the publication of the report, as will be seen by
the Report of the Select Committee of the House
of Assembly of the Upper Province, which was
forwarded by Sir George Arthur to England in
May 1839. Here is one passage referring to Lord
Durham's comments on the methods of expenditure
on public works in the province.
1 Quoted from the Canadian Hansard.
CHAP, v THE CHARACTER OF THE REPORT 119
' There is something so offensive and unbecoming
in these passages of the report, as to induce the
committee, from that and other internal evidence,
to believe that that portion of it which relates to
Upper Canada was not written by and never
received the careful revision of his Lordship.' l
The House of Assembly and its committee no
doubt represented mainly those whom Lord
Durham considered to be the Tories of Upper
Canada, and the passage in his Report which they
so bitterly resented hardly called for so much
resentment. Still the Report might have achieved
its purpose without giving such dire offence. Its
great breadth of view might have been more
appreciated at the time, if the comments had been
somewhat more carefully worded and a little less
unc ompr omising.
This breadth of view might be illustrated by
quotations on almost every point and on almost
every page, but it will be enough to take one
point only and to note the strong and healthy
Imperialism, the confidence in the English race,
the love of and pride in the British Empire, which
is really the keynote of the Report, and which was
wholly alien to the ordinary Whig doctrines and
modes of thought at the time when Lord Durham
went to Canada. He was an Imperialist in the
best sense. He believed in Libertas, but he believed
also in Imperium. He was not afraid of force, if
used for what he conceived to be a good purpose.
He was not inclined to make concessions, merely
1 Parliamentary Paper containing copies or extracts of correspondence
relating to the affairs of Canada, No. 289, June, 1839, p. 27.
120 BRITISH NORTH AMERICA INTROD.
because the majority asked for them, but only, if
they were sound in principle and likely to conduce
to future greatness. He did not consider that
undoing, or at the most giving new machinery,
was the one and only thing needful. The bent of
his mind was constructive, and he would not be
content without creating something greater than
before. He was not inclined to let the colonies go
hang. He believed in their potential value to
England, and in a future for England and for them
of strength and partnership. England was to give
them freedom and security, but she was to have
something in return. ' The country which has
founded and maintained these Colonies at a vast
expense of blood and treasure, may justly expect
its compensation in turning their unappropriated
resources to the account of its own redundant
population ; they are the rightful patrimony of
the English people, the ample appanage which
God and Nature have set aside in the New World
for those whose lot has assigned them but in-
sufficient portions in the Old ' (ii. 13). The
marginal note to this fine passage is ' Advantages
derivable by the Mother country from these
Colonies ' ; and even the inaccuracy which may be
noted in it, that of treating French Canada as
though it had been an original colony of Great-
Britain, bears witness to the same breadth of
conception, which refused to look upon the
province of Quebec merely as a conquered depen-
dency, the home of an alien race, and persisted in
regarding it as an integral part of the British
Empire. Similarly Lord Durham's scheme for
CHAP, v THE CHARACTER OF THE REPORT 121
the disposal of the public lands in the British
North American provinces was ' intended to
promote the common advantage of the Colonies,
and of the Mother country ' (ii. 327) ; and in the
same spirit Charles Buller, in his Report on Public
Lands, laid stress on the fact that the subject was
one of Imperial concern. ' Higher interests than
those of the Colonies, the interests of the Empire
of which they form a part, demand that Parliament
should establish at once, and permanently, a well
considered and uniform system. The waste lands
of the Colonies are the property, not merely of
the Colony, but of the Empire, and ought to be
administered for Imperial, not merely for Colonial,
purposes ' (Appendix B, iii. 37).
This British patriotism and Imperial outlook,
the seeking for what is or may become great and
broad, and strong, runs through the whole report.
The French Canadians should be merged in an
English nationality because they would thereby
become an integral part of a greater community,
and have a goodlier heritage. ' It is to elevate
them from that inferiority that I desire to give
to the Canadians our English character' (ii. 292).
The legislative union of all the British North
American provinces, if it could be accomplished,
' would form a great and powerful people, pos-
sessing the means of securing good and respon-
sible Government for itself, and which, under
the protection of the British Empire, might in
some measure counterbalance the preponderant
and increasing influence of the United States on
the American continent ' (ii. -309). Responsible
122 BRITISH NORTH AMERICA INTROD.
government should be given not only as a means
to popular contentment, but also as making for
strength, whereas ' there is every reason to believe
that a professedly irresponsible Government would
be the weakest that could be devised ' (ii. 298).
One reason given for the union of the two Canadas
is that ' the full establishment of responsible
Government can only be permanently secured by
\/ giving these Colonies an increased" importance in
the politics of the Empire-!__(ii. 304) ; and this
permanence of self-government in a strong com-
munity is held to be necessary ' for the well-
being of the Colonies, and the security of the
Mother country ' (ii. 285). Any danger to the
•Imperial connexion from making the colonies
greater and stronger is scouted. ' I am, in truth,
so far from believing that the increased power and
weight that would be given to these Colonies by
Union would endanger their connexion with the
Empire, that I look to it as the only means of
fostering such a national feeling throughout them
as would effectually counterbalance whatever
tendencies may now exist towards separation '
(ii. 310). By enlarging the colonial unit, by
widening the area and adding to the population,
by endowing with responsibility, greater men would
be produced, new and wider interests would be
created ; and the danger of Absorption into the
United States would be met ' by raising up for
the North American colonist some nationality of
his own, by elevating these small and unimportant
communities into a society having some objects of
a national importance ' (ii. 311). The spirit which
CHAP, v- THE CHARACTER OF THE REPORT 123
inspires the Report is indicated by the concluding
words, in which Lord Durham records his ' earnest
desire to perpetuate and strengthen the connexion 1
between this Empire and the~ North American '»
colonies, which would then form one of the brightest
ornaments in your Majesty's Imperial Crown '.
In the debates in the House of Lords on the
Reunion Bill, in the summer of 1840, Lord Melbourne
took exception to the terms of the Report. ' There
were unquestionably many things in that report
which he did not praise, and which he did not
think were prudent matters to be brought forward,
and which he thought it would have been wiser
to have omitted.' J This was when the committee
stage was reached on the 7th of July. A week
earlier, in the debate on the second reading,
Brougham had declared himself in favour of giving
up the North American colonies, and so had Lord
Ashburton. Lord Durham was too outspoken for
the Whig Prime Minister : he was a better and
broader Englishman than Brougham.
THE SUBSTANCE OF THE REPORT
In dealing, as briefly as the subject permits,
with the substance of Lord Durham's Report, it
is proposed to notice in the first place the two, \
main recommendations which it contains, viz. "y
— — ' *\
the reunion of the two Canadas, and the grant
of responsible government : then to take the
recommendations made under the following heads :
public lands, emigration, improvement of means
of communication, municipalities, administration
1 Hansard, 1840, vol. Iv, p. 515.
124 BRITISH NORTH AMERICA INTROD.
of justice, and education ; and finally to consider
the passages of the report which refer to a future
general union of British North America, those in
which reference is made to the United States,
and those which embody Lord Durham's views on
the Colonial Office, and on colonial administration
generally.
REUNION OF THE TWO CANADAS
Why did Lord Durham recommend that the
two Canadas should be reunited, and what form of
reunion did he recommend ? He recommended that
the two provinces should be reunited, first and
foremost, because under existing conditions he
considered reunion to be a necessary preliminary
to the grant of responsible government ; secondly,
because he considered that reunion would result
in a greater and a stronger whole, with more
possibilities for the future, and that the interests
of the inhabitants of both provinces, especially
of the French Canadians, demanded reunion.
The form of reunion which he recommended was
, and not political union
only but a complete^ amalgamation of peoples,
races, languages, and laws. He recommended, as
far as it was humanly possible, absolute unity,
easier to depict on paper than to carry out into
fact.
It has been noted that the Report is not only a
special report upon the best means of solving the
difficulties which had actually arisen in the two
Canadas, but also in part an essay upon colonial
administration in general, upon the advantages to
CHAP, v REUNION OF THE TWO CANADAS 125
be derived from giving responsible government to
British colonies, which are not merely foreign
dependencies. In itself the principle of responsible
government was of wide application. Wherever
the majority of the population consisted of British
citizens, or of Europeans who had been trained in
British citizenship, and had enjoyed some measure of
British institutions, there it was, in Lord Durham's
view, prima facie, good, sound, and desirable
that self-government within certain denned limits
should be established. But though the principle
was so far of general application, the application
was necessarily subject to conditions of time and
place ; and Lord Durham was sent out primarily
to deal with a particular time and a particular
place. The particular time was the close of armed
rebellion, and the particular place, or one of the two
particular places, was a province which adjoined
the American Republic, but in which the large
majority of the inhabitants were of French
descent. Thus Lord Durham set before himself,
in regard to Canada, something like the problem
which Aristotle propounded for solution in the
Politics. He set himself to consider in the first
place, what is the best constitution; and in the
second place, what is the best constitution, given
a particular set of conditions. He answered the
second problem not so much by departing from
his model constitution, as by proposing to alter
the conditions so as to enable the model con-
stitution to be brought into being. On the grant
of self-government he had clearly made his mind
up before he went out to Canada. After arrival
126 BRITISH NORTH AMERICA INTROD.
in Canada, when brought face to face with existing
facts, he did not modify his theory to suit the
facts, but he set himself to modify the conditions
in order to make the theory practicable.1
Thus, in regard to Lower and Upper Canada, the
two main recommendations of the Report are
inseparably connected together. He recommended
that the two Canadas should be reunited, and that
to the single province thus formed responsible
government should be given. He commented
most strongly upon the bad effects produced by
the want of responsible government in Lower
Canada, but he did not recommend that under
existing conditions, Lower Canada, as it stood,
should be endowed with responsible government.
He became convinced, when on the spot, that the
root cause of the evils in French Canada was not
to be found in the constitution, though the defects
of the constitution had aggravated the evils. He
traced the mischief ultimately to race antipathy
<and race conflict ; and, therefore, he considered
it to be a necessary preliminary to the jjrant of
responsible government to French -Cana4a_tliat
/ in the legislature, to which the new and wider
powers should be given, a.British majority should
be assured. ' The fatal feud of origin, which is the
cause of the most extensive mischief, would be
aggravated at the present moment by any change
which should give the majority more power than
1 From the Life of Sir John Beverley Robinson, pp. 243-4, it \\ould
seem that Lord Durham was opposed to the Union of the two Canadas
during his whole stay in Canada. He tells us himself in the Report
(ii. 304) that on his first arrival in Canada he was inclined to a general
federation of the provinces of British North America.
CHAP, v REUNION OF THE TWO CANADAS 127
they have hitherto possessed. A plan by which
it is proposed to ensure the tranquil government
of Lower Canada, must include in itself the means
of putting an end to the agitation of national
disputes in the legislature, by settling, at once and
for ever, the national character of the province.
I entertain no doubts as to the national character
which must be given to Lower Canada ; it must be
that of the British Empire ' (ii. 288).
The first part of the Report, which deals with
Lower Canada, begins with Lord Durham's
statement that he himself, and most men in
England, had wholly misapprehended ' the parties
at issue in Lower Canada ' ; that he had been sent
out to heal a quarrel between the Executive and
the popular branch of the Legislature, and found
a deeper seated cause of strife. ' I expected,' he
writes in of ten- quo ted terms, ' to find a contest
between a government and a people : I found
two nations warring, in the bosom of a single
state : I found a struggle, not of principles, but of
races ' (ii. 16). Lord Durham probably somewhat
exaggerated the strength of the race antipathy,
but that it existed was undeniable, and it is some-
what difficult to understand why there should have
been any misconception on the point. The contro-
versies in Lower Canada for thirty years past had
borne the impress of antagonism between the
French and British races, growing in intensity as
the years went on. As far back as 1810 Sir James
Craig had borne the strongest witness to the strength
of the race feeling in the province, and this feeling
had been constantly in evidence ever since.
128 BRITISH NORTH AMERICA INTROD.
Papineau had denounced the abortive Reunion
Bill of 1822 as an attempt to Anglify French
Canada, and the records of subsequent committees
and commissions abundantly testified to the
division of races in Lower Canada. It was well
known that the Seigniories were French Lower
Canada, and the Townships, English Lower
Canada ; that the Legislative Council represented
the British community, and the Assembly more
especially the French ; while the last enclosure
in Appendix A to the Report is ' An Address from
the Constitutional Association of Montreal to the
inhabitants of British America ', denouncing in
the strongest terms the evil influence of French
domination in Lower Canada, and calling for union
of the provinces in order to secure a British
majority. This address is dated January 1836,
and was, therefore, issued more than two years
before Lord Durham went to Canada. How
then, it may be asked, can there have been any
doubt whatever that the troubles! in Lower Canada
were mainly due to race ?
The explanation seems to be in the first place
that, as has been pointed out, individual men of
British birth, such as the brothers Nelson, were
prominent among the popular party to the end,
and took a leading part in the rising in Lower
Canada. Their prominence and leadership tended
to obscure to onlookers the line» of race. In the
second place, that Lord Durham, broad-minded as
he was, had been a strong party man ; that,
before he went out to Canada and faced the facts,
he had formed an a priori view of the situation,
CHAP, v REUNION OF THE TWO CANADAS 129
based on his party creed; that, as one of the
authors of the great Reform Bill, he had, while
in England, an intense belief in the efficacy of
constitutional reform, and had not contemplated
the possibility of conditions for which it would
not be an adequate remedy. Such would no doubt
have been the view of the Whig Government, and
of the friends and advisers with whom he would
have taken counsel. But he was man enough,
after he reached Canada, to recognize that con-
stitutional reform alone would not meet the case
of the Lower Province, that the evil was more
deeply seated and required a more drastic remedy.
' At the root of the disorders of Lower Canada,'
he writes in the Report, ' lies the conflict of the two
races, which compose its population ; until this
is settled, no good government is practicable '
(ii. 72) ; and again, ' Though I have mentioned the
conduct and constitution of the Colonial govern-
ment as modifying the character of the struggle,
I have not attributed to political causes a state
of things which would, I believe, under any
political institutions, have resulted from the very
composition of society ' (ii. 63).
How far Lord Durham formed a correct estimate
of the French Canadian problem will be discussed
later. At present we are simply concerned with
the substance of his Report. He recommended in
the plainest and most uncompromising terms the
gradual extinction of the French Canadian nation-
ality, the Ajjglifying ofLower^Caiiada. ' I repeat
that the alteration oTthe character of the province
ought to be immediately entered on, and firmly,
1352-1
no BRITISH NORTH AMERICA INTROD.
though cautiously, followed up ; that in any plan
which may be adopted for the future management
of Lower Canada, the first object ought to be that
of making it an English province ; and that, with
this end in view, the ascendancy should never
again be placed in any hands but those of an
English population ' (ii. 295, 296). This was the
recommendation of the most advanced Liberal
among the leading English politicians of the day,
the man who was most heartwhole in the cause of
democracy. At first sight it seems curiously at
variance with Liberalism, especially as Liberalism
has been interpreted in later days. But Lord
Durham, as has been seen, had a strong Imperial
strain in his character ; and moreover, had he been
challenged as sinning against Liberal principles,
his Report contained ample materials for reply.
For he had contended earlier in the Report with
great force that the English minority in Lower
Canada represented progress and reform, while
the French majority stood for unenlightened Con-
servatism. He was fully determined to entrust
the internal fortunes of Canada to the will of the
majority of the population, and his thesis was
that there was one way, and one only, to carry out
this great Liberal measure with safety and with
the prospect of permanence, and that was to ensure
that the majority should be a British majority.
He wanted to give, and he determined to give,
responsible government. Willing the end, he also
willed the means. ' It is only by the same means,
by a popular government, in which an English
majority shall permanently predominate, that
CHAP, v REUNION OF THE TWO CANADAS 131
Lower Canada, if a remedy for its disorders be not
too long delayed, can be tranquilly ruled. On these
grounds, I believe that no permanent or efficient
remedy can be devised for the disorders of Lower
Canada, except a fusion of the government in that of
one or more of the surrounding provinces ' (ii. 303).
Further, we have seen that it was not only as a
necessary preliminary to the grant of responsible
government that he recommended the union of the
two provinces. He recommended it also on its
merits, in order to make a greater and a worthier
whole. ' The permanent interests of the French
Canadians, like the permanent interests of the old
French Colony of Louisiana, would be promoted by
merging the more conservative race in the popula-
tion which had the keeping of the future, instead
of gratifying ' some idle and narrow notion of
a petty and visionary nationality ' (ii. 265) ; Upper
Canada would gain by being given access to the
sea ; and the citizens of both provinces would gain
by co-operation for common purposes, by calling
into existence new and common interests, * by
raising up for the North American colonist some
nationality of his own ' (ii. 311). To achieve such
a great end Lord Durham was not afraid to recom-
mend drastic measures. It may well be that Buller
had a large share in forming his views, and in
enunciating them in such clear and forcible terms ;
and Buller, it will be borne in mind, was a pupil
of Carlyle. There is a strong savour of Carlyle in
the attitude which the Report adopts towards the
French Canadian nationality. There is no Whig-
gism whatever in it, no trace of laissez-faire.
K 2
132 BRITISH NORTH AMERICA FNTROD.
Lord Durham was a democrat after the type of
Cromwell, and few state documents ever embodied
so strong a policy as is contained in his Report.
He had originally contemplated federation only,
not union ; and federation of all the provinces, not
of the two Canadas merely. He came to the ultimate
conclusion that union was preferable to federation,
for the reason already given, that thereby the
French Canadians would no longer retain their
individuality and their isolation, and would be
merged in an English nationality. He would have
preferred that the union should from the first
include all British North America, but, under the
conditions of the moment, he thought, it better
V to Confine it to the two Caiiadas^wlucl^herrujaited
i^would be the nucleus for further union. He was
combining what he considered to be ideally best
with what the time and the place demanded, but
never losing sight_of_the conception of a single
self-governing British. North- America. The union
of the two Canadas, it must be repeated, was
to be no half union, no 'mere amalgamation of
the Houses of Assembly of the two Provinces '
(ii. 323), such as had been attempted in 1822, and
was subsequently carried out ; much less was it to
be merely some shadowy 'joint legislative authority,
which should preside over all questions of common
interest to the two provinces, and which might be
appealed to in extraordinary cases to arbitrate
between contending parties in either ', such as
Lord Glenelg had tentatively suggested in his
instructions.1 All was to be one ; the separate
1 Dispatch of January 20, 1838.
CHAP, v REUNION OF THE TWO CANADAS 133
laws and institutions, the separate language,
everything, except the religion, which marked the
French Canadian nationality, and which led Papi-
neau and his followers to dream and talk of
a Canadian nation, was to be gradually but com-
pletely submerged.
He laid great stress upon the evils produced by
difference of language. ' The difference of language
from the first kept them [the two races] asunder '
(ii. 38). ' The difference of language produces mis-
conceptions yet more fatal even than those which
it occasions with respect to opinions ; it aggravates
the national animosities, by representing all the
events of the day in utterly different lights ' (ii. 40).
Similar views had been held years before by Lord
Dalhousie, who wrote that the use of two languages
nourished prejudice and separation of feelings
between the two classes of people. Lord Durham
would not have summarily proscribed the French
language in Lower Canada, but it was an integral
part of his policy steadily to substitute EngHsK
for French, until all the inhabitants of the province
should be English speaking and English reading
citizens of the Empire. * A considerable time must,
of course, elapse before the change of a language
can spread over a whole people ; and justice and
policy alike require that, while the people continue
to use the French language, their government
should take no such means to force the English
language upon them as would, in fact, deprive the
great mass of the community of the protection of
the laws. But I repeat that the alteration of the
character of the province ought to be immediately
134 BRITISH NORTtf AMERICA INTROD.
entered on and firmly, though cautiously, followed
up ' (ii. 296). ' Until Canada is nationalized and
Anglified,' wrote the Commissioner of Enquiry into
the State of Education in Lower Canada, ' it is
idle for England to be devising schemes for her
improvement ' (Appendix D, iii. 273). Obviously
the substitution of the English language for the
French was absolutely essential, if Lord Durham's
policy was to be carried out.
In discussing the disadvantages arising to a
Dependency from its dependence on the Dominant
Country, Cornewall Lewis, in the Government of
Dependencies,1 comments upon the inexpediency
of attempting to make a sudden change in the
language of the dependent people, and quotes
the case of the attempt made by Joseph II to
impose the German language on Hungary. He
also notes ' that the use of a common language is
consistent with the existence of the strongest
antipathies between different communities '. But
Lord Durham did not advocate a sudden change ;
on the contrary, in the passage which has been just
quoted, he expressly laid down that the process
must be gradual, and he advocated change of
language in order to raise a particular dependency
from the status of dependence to that of self-
government. This question of difference of lan-
guage has through the years complicated the task
of England in working out her Imperial system,
but probably most thinking men would agree that,
while community of language would be best if
it were practicable, at any given time or place,
1 1891 ed., chap, ix, pp. 267-9, and note N.
CHAP, v REUNION OF THE TWO CANADAS 135
whether in Canada or in South Africa, the only
policy which is practically possible, and which is
consistent with British traditions and instincts, is
to let the different languages run their course side
by side.1
1 See on this question of language Lord Cromer's Ancient and Modern
Imperialism (1910) ; he refers to the question in South Africa en p. 103 ;
his essay, however, deals not with the self-governing dominions of
Great Britain but with her dependencies ; and with special reference
to the coloured races, he gives his view (p. 107) that ' language is not,
and never can be, as in the case of ancient Rome, an important factor
in the execution of a policy of fusion. Indeed, in some ways, it rather
tends to disruption, inasmuch as it furnishes the subject races with
a very powerful arm against their alien rulers '.
On the other hand, Lord Morley in an address to the English Associa-
tion on January 27. 1911, spoke of the spread of the English language
in India as a ' unifying agent ' :
' I called English the most widespread of living tongues. Surely not
the least stupendous fact in our British annals is the conquest of a
boundless area of the habitable globe by our English language. There
is no parallel. You have been told here, I see, that Arabic is or has
been our rival. This is a proposition that needs far deeper limitations
and qualifications than I can either set forth or examine. Arabic
scholars assure me that though Arabic in Islamic lands for some three
or four centuries became the medium for an active propagation of ideas,
and though by the Koran it retains its hold in its own area, and keeps
in its literary as distinct from its spoken form the stamp of thirteen
centuries ago, yet there is no real analogy or comparison with the
diffusion of English. Latin is a better analogy. Latin was universally
spoken pretty early in Gaul, Britain, Spain, and somewhat later in the
provinces on the Danube. In the East it spread more slowly, but by
the Antonines and onwards the spread of Latin was pretty complete,
even in Africa. Greek was common throughout the empire as the lan-
guage of commerce in the fourth century. St. Augustine tells us that
pains were taken that the Imperial state should impose not only its
political yoke but its own'tongue upon the conquered peoples, per pacem
societatis. This is what, among other things, is slowly coming to pass
in India. Though to-day only a handful, a million or so, of the popula-
tion use our language, yet English must inevitably spread from being
an official tongue to be a general unifying agent. An Englishman who
adds to the glory of our language and letters will deserve Caesar's grard
compliment to Cicero, declaring it a better claim to a laurel crown to
136 BRITISH NORTH* AMERICA INTROD.
South Africa is the latest case in which this
particular question has given trouble, and in
reference to this and other points, it is interesting
to read Lord Durham's Report in the light of what
has taken place in South Africa. His views no
doubt would have been modified, and might have
been entirely reversed, in the light of later experi-
ence, and no two sets of conditions in history are
wholly alike. It would not have been possible to
rearrange South Africa so as to secure a British
majority over the Dutch ; and the native problem
and many others differentiate the case of South
Africa from that of Canada. Still it should be noted
that, while Lord Durham's Report was after the
South African war freely used to support the case
of giving responsible government to the conquered
territories in South Africa, the all-important fact
was rather left out of sight that this advanced
democrat, this father of the system of colonial
self-government, in dealing with a province in
which there had been only a contemptible rising
and not a life and death struggle, in which the
non-British majority had lived and thrived not
under republican institutions but under British
rule, laid down as a sine qua non for giving
responsible government that a British majority
should be permanently assured.
have advanced the boundaries of Roman genius than the boundaries of
Roman rule. Whether Julius was sincere or insincere, it is a noble
truth for us as well as for old Rome.'—' Lord Morley's Address to the
English Association ', Times, Jan. 28, 1911.
CHAP, v RESPONSIBLE GOVERNMENT 137
RESPONSIBLE GOVERNMENT
To the two Canadas, made into one ; to all the
other British North American provinces, as they
stood, and when in years' to come they should be
united to the already united Canadian province,
Lord Durham recommended that responsible
government should be given. What did he mean
by responsible government ? What objections
were raised to it by British statesmen at the time ?
and what limits or conditions did Lord Durham
assign to it ?
On the 14th of May 1829 Mr. Stanley (afterwards
Earl of Derby) presented to the House of Commons
a petition which had been agreed to at a meeting
held at Yorktown (Toronto), and signed by 2,110
inhabitants of Upper Canada. According to
Stanley's speech in presenting the petition, it
asked, among other points, for ' a local responsible
ministry '. This is commonly held to be the first
mention of the term responsible government, which
subsequently became so familiar. In itself it is
a somewhat vague phrase, and in some passages of
his Report Lord Durham uses general terms in
referring to it. Thus he says that the grant of
responsible government would be ' a change which
would amount simply to this, that the Crown would
henceforth consult the wishes of the people in the
choice of its servants ' (ii. 285) ; but in other
passages he makes it perfectly clear that he con-
sidered the essence of responsible government to
be that the executive officers should be subordinate
to the Legislature. ' The wisdom of adopting the
138 BRITISH NORTH AMERICA INTROD.
true principle of representative government, and
facilitating the management of public__affairs, by
entrusting it to the persons^wfto]Have^he confidence
of the representative body, has never been recog-
nized in the government of the North American
colonies. All the officers of government were inde-
pendent of the Assembly T"(ii. 77). By responsible
government^ then, he meantpand all in England
and Canada who used the phrase and discussed it
meant, constitutional government in the accepted
English sense, as constitutional government had
been known and practised in England for genera-
tions. He meant a political system in which the
Executive is directly *nd \mme>.(\\a.tf>]y responsible
to the Legislature, in which the ministers are
members of the Legislature, chosen from the party
which includes the majority of the elected repre-
sjentatives of the people. He meant a British
system, and therefore he would entrust its working
only to a British majority.
The Act of 1791 had given to either of the two
Canadas representative institutions without respon-
sible government. It had embodied, to use Lord
Durham's somewhat exaggerated words, ' the com-
bining of apparently popular institutions with an
utter absence of all efficient control of the people
over their rulers ' (ii. 74). To Lord Durham, as
a student of English history, as an heir of English
traditions, as a foremost fighter in the democratic
ranks, as England understood democracy, repre-
sentative institutions without responsible govern-
ment were a monstrosity, a contradiction in terms.
4 It is difficult to understand how any English
CHAP, v RESPONSIBLE GOVERNMENT 139
statesmen could have imagined that representative
and irresponsible government could be successfully
combined ' (ii. 79). ' From the commencement^
therefore, to the end of the disputes which mark
the whole Parliamentary history of Lower Canada,
I look on the conduct of the Assembly as a constant
warfare with the Executive, for the purpose of;
obtaining the powers inherent in a representative
body by the very nature of representative govern-
ment ' (ii. 83, 84).
Now it will be noted that in his Report Lord
Durham continually contrasts the condition of the
two Canadas with that of the United States, and
attributes the greater prosperity, which was in
evidence in the United States, in part to the fact
that the citizens of the American republic lived
' under a perfectly free and eminently responsible
government' (ii. 261). x Moreover, in one passage he
lays down that ' this entire separation of the legis-
lative and executive powers of a state is the natural
error of Governments desirous of being free from
the check of representative institutions ' (ii. 79).
He never seems to have realized, or at any rate he
ignores, the vital difference between the British
and the American constitutions, that in the former
the Executive is, to use Professor Dicey 's terms,2
1 On the other hand, Lord Durham says (ii. 331), ' The warmest
admirers, and the strongest opponents of republican institutions, admit
or assert that the amazing prosperity of the United States is less owing
to their form of government, than to the unlimited supply of fertile land.'
2 The Law of the Constitution, sixth ed., 1902, Appendix, note 3,
on the ' Distinction between a parliamentary executive and a non-
parliamentary executive '. Professor Dicey points out (p. 432) that
' the strong point of a non-parliamentary executive is its comparative
independence ' On this subject see Mr. Bryce's American Common-
140 BRITISH NORTH AMERICA INTROD.
parliamentary, and in the latter non-parliamentary,
that the American constitution is an instance of the
successful combination of representative and (in
the English sense) irresponsible government ; while
his statement, that the separation of the legislative
and executive powers of a state is an error due to
the desire to be free from the check of representa-
tive institutions, is amazing in face of the fact
that this separation had been originally recom-
mended by political thinkers, and carried into
effect in America and in France, as a supposed
security against arbitrary government, as an indis-
pensable guarantee of a free constitution.1
In the United States the people elect the Presi-
dent ; but, during the President's term of office,
the executive officers whom he appoints, though
they belong to the party to which he belongs, and
therefore are so far in harmony with the wishes of
the majority of the electors, are, like the President
himself, not members either of the Senate or of
wealth. He writes : ' There exists between England and the United
States a difference which is full of interest. In England the legislative
branch has become supreme, and it is considered by Englishmen a merit
in their system that the practical executive of the country is directly
responsible to the House of Commons. In the United States, however,
not only in the national government, but in every one of the states, the
exact opposite theory is proceeded upon — that the executive should
be wholly independent of the legislative branch' (1888 ed., vol. i,
pp. 385-6).
1 See on this point Cornewall Lewis's Government of Dependencies,
Preliminary Inquiry, 1891 ed., p. 41, &c. Locke, Montesquieu, Paley,
&c., supported this theory of the separation of the legislative and
executive powers, and Cornewall Lewis says that it ' became in the last
(the eighteenth) century a sort of political axiom which every one
supposed himself to understand, and which no one thought of ques-
tioning '.
CHAP, v RESPONSIBLE GOVERNMENT 141
the House of Representatives, but are wholly
independent of and in no sense responsible directly
or indirectly to the Legislature. Thus Lord
Durham, on the one hand, insisted upon the
vital necessity of responsible government as
Englishmen understood it, and, on the other, held
up as a model a country in which the system of
responsible government in the English sense did
not and does not exist. He would no doubt have
contended, if challenged on the point, that the
two cases of Great Britain and the United States
were and are entirely differentiated by the existence
of the Crown in the one case and of the elected
President in the other,1 and it is very noteworthy
what importance this advanced Liberal attached
to 'the stable authority of an hereditary monarchy'
(ii. 263) ; but it is a weakness in the Report that,
with its constant references to the United States,
it does not seem to appreciate that the political
system existing in the country, which bordered on
Canada and which had been colonized from Great
Britain, was not an accurate illustration of his theory
of responsible government as embodying the one
vital principle of a Parliamentary Executive. Why
did the author of the Report not appreciate the
difference between the two cases ? Because he
1 This is clearly pointed out by Merivale in the Appendix, written
in 1861, to No. XXII of his Lectures on Colonisation and the Colonies.
Speaking of the American system of a non-parliamentary executive,
he says, ' Not to speak of other objections to this system, it is clearly
incompatible with colonial institutions under a Governor appointed by
the Crown. His ministers would be ministers of the Crown, and
antagonistic, or so considered, to the community and legislature. It
might work if governors were elected by the people, as is the American
President ' (p. 650).
142 BRITISH XOHTII AMERICA IN TROD.
was intensely British, because he could not con-
ceive of liberties for white men in lands under
the British Crown without British Parliamentary
government. The citizens were to be made
British, if not -British already ; their institutions
were to be those, and those only, which he had
known in Great Britain and helped so largely to
develop.1
As he understood responsible government-
government with a Parliamentary Executive — so
other English statesmen of the time understood it.
What were the objections which they took to it ?
The objections all resolved themselves into the one
main contention that men cannot serve two masters.
How, it was argued, is it possible to hWe divided
responsibility ? If the Executive is responsible to
the Colonial Legislature, it cannot be responsible to
the Imperial Parliament ; wRereas4t ^was assumed
that, if a colony was to remain part of the British
Empire, its administration must be responsible to
the Imperial advisers of the Crown and to the
Imperial Parliament. Thus Lord Glenelg con-
tended, in his Instructions to Sir Francis Bond
1 Lord Durham's son-in-law, Lord Elgin, thoroughly understood the
difference between the British and American systems. Writing to
Lord Grey from Canada on November 1, 1850, he says : ' The faithful
carrying out of the principles of constitutional government is a departure
from the American model, not an approximation to it. ... The fact is
that the American system is our old colonial system with, in certain
cases, the principle of popular election substituted for that of nomina-
tion by the Crown. Mr. Fillmore stands to his Congress very much in
the same relation in which I stood to my Assembly in Jamaica. There
is the same absence of effective responsibility in the conduct of legisla-
tion, the same want of concurrent action between the parts of the
political machine '. — Canadian Constitutional Development (Egerton and
Grant), p. 327.
CHAP, v RESPONSIBLE GOVERNMENT 143
Head, dated the 5th of December 1835,1 that
the existing system in Upper Canada, if properly
worked, was already responsible government, only
the responsibility lay to the Home authorities.
' Experience would seem to prove that the
administration of public affairs in Canada is by
no means exempt from the control of a practical
responsibility. To His Majesty and to Parliament
the Governor of Upper Canada is at all times most
fully responsible for his official acts. . . This
responsibility to His Majesty and to Parliament is
second to none which can be imposed on a public
man, and it is one which it is in the power of the
House of Assembly at any time, by address or
petition, to bring into active operation.'
It has been seen that in March 1837 the House
of Commons passed a series of resolutions, one of
which was in the following terms : ' That while it
is expedient to improve the composition of the
Executive Council in Lower Canada, it is unad-
visable to subject it to the responsibility demanded
by the House of Assembly of that province.'
Speaking in support of this resolution, Lord John
Russell said that the Assembly demanded that
' the executive council should be a responsible
council similar to the cabinet in this country ', and
his comment was :
' I hold this proposition to be entirely incom-
patible with the relations between the mother
country and the Colony. . . . That part of the
constitution which requires that the ministers of
the Crown shall be responsible to Parliament and
1 See House of Commons Paper, No. 113, March 2, 1836, p. 64.
144 BRITISH NORTlT AMERICA IN TROD.
shall be removable if they do not obtain the confi-
dence of Parliament, is a condition which exists in
an Imperial legislature and in an Imperial legis-
lature only. It is a condition which cannot be
carried into effect in a colony — it is a condition
which can only exist in one place, namely the seat
of the Empire.'
He used similar terms in the debates of the
following January, when the constitution of Lower
Canada was being suspended and Lord Durham
was being sent out ; and, after Lord Durham's
Report had been received, laid before Parliament,
and fully considered, he reiterated the same views
to the new Governor-General of Canada, Poulett
Thomson, in his dispatch of the 14th of October
1839, which will be found in the Appendix. It will
be seen on reference to that dispatch that Lord
John Russell apparently did not appreciate the full
force and intent of Lord Durham's recommenda-
tions. He gives an unqualified negative to the
grant of responsible government, treating the
question as decided by the resolutions against it
which had been passed in Parliament ; but he adds
that ' while I thus see insuperable objections to the
adoption of the principle, as it has been stated,
I see little or none to the practical views of colonial
government recommended by Lord Durham, as
I understand them '. The demand had been for
a Parliamentary Executive on the model of the
British constitution, for the conversion of the
Executive Council into a Cabinet. To this Lord
John Russell answers. The prerogative of the
Crown in England is never exercised without
CHAP, v RESPONSIBLE GOVERNMENT 145
advice. The Governor is the representative of the
Crown and receives his orders from the Crown.
' Can the Colonial Council be the advisers of the
Crown of England ? Evidently not, for the Crown
has other advisers, for the same functions, and with
superior authority. It may happen, therefore, that
the Governor receives at one and the same time
instructions from the Queen, and advice from his
Executive Council, totally at variance with each
other. If he is to obey his instructions from
England, the parallel of constitutional responsi-
bility entirely fails ; if, on the other hand, he
is to follow the advice of his council, he is no
longer a subordinate officer, but an independent
sovereign.'
Lord John Russell then goes on to point out that
the force of these objections had been felt in regard
to questions of other than internal concern, draw-
ing the distinction which had been drawn in Lord
Durham's report and to which further reference
will be made ; but he maintains that, even in regard
to the purely domestic matters of a colony, the
principle of responsible government is inadmissible.
He held, and others held with him, that a colony
must either be a dependency or an independent
state. Cornewall Lewis, writing in 1841, took the
same view.
' If the government of the dominant country
substantially govern the dependency, the repre-
sentative body cannot substantially govern it ; and
conversely, if the dependency be substantially
governed by the representative body, it cannot be
substantially governed by the Government of the
dominant country. A self-governing dependency
1352'J L
146 BRITISH NORTH AMERICA INTROD.
(supposing the dependency not to be virtually
independent) is a contradiction in terms.' ]
Many years later, in 1870, we find similar views
still put forward by a Colonial Governor of great
ability and long experience. Sir Philip Wodehouse,
Governor of the Cape Colony, contending against
the proposal to give responsible government to
that colony, and opposing it largely on the ground
of the existence of the native population, wrote :
' I have never regarded responsible government
as applied to a colony, more properly speaking
a dependency, as anything less than an absolute
contradiction in terms. How can a ministry,
responsible to its own constituencies, render
obedience to the permanent power ? The issue
between them may be shirked or postponed, but
it must come. Responsible government I have
always held to be applicable only to communities
fast advancing to fitness for absolute independence,
and I think that the course of events in British
North America, Australia, New Zealand, and
Jamaica has, in different forms, gone very far to
establish that view.' 2
Occasion will be taken later to note how far these
objections were valid, and what light subsequent
history has thrown upon them/ The contention in
Lord Durham's Report was that a clear line could
be drawn between matters of Imperial and matters
of purely colonial concern, and that in regard to
the second class of questions, those of purely
colonial concern, the colony should no longer be
1 Government of Dependencies, 1891 cd., chap, x, p. 289.
1 Correspondence relating to the Affairs of the Cape of Cood Hope,
C. 459, 1871, p. 15.
CHAP, v RESPONSIBLE GOVERNMENT 147
a dependency ; that on the contrary, it should be
given through national institutions the sense of
national existence ; and that, in reference to these
internal matters, the Governor, as the representa-
tive of the Crown, should act on the advice of
a colonial cabinet, not on the advice given to the
Crown by ministers in England. He states his
case so clearly that it is difficult to understand how
Lord John Russell could have felt any doubt about
his meaning, except for the fact that the Report,
in order to emphasize the opinions of the writer,
is apt to exaggerate the contention of those who
held the contrary view. Thus, in the following
passage, Lord Durham represents those who were
opposed to responsible government as maintaining
that 'the administration of a colony should be
carried on by persons nominated without any
reference to the wishes of its people ', a statement
which is not only too wide but directly contrary to
the tenor of Lord Glenelg's dispatches.
Otherwise the passage sums up precisely the
meaning and intent of responsible government :
' I know that it has been urged, that the prin-
ciples which are productive of harmony and good
government in the mother country, are by no
means applicable to a colonial dependency. It is
said that it is necessary that the administration of
a colony should be carried on by persons nominated
without any reference to the wishes of its people ;
that they have to carry into effect the policy, not
of that people, but of the authorities at home ;
and that a colony which should name all its own
administrative functionaries would, in fact, cease
to be dependent. I admit that the system which
L2
148 BRITISH NORTH AMERICA INTROD.
I propose would, in fact, place the internal govern-
ment of the colony in the hands of the colonists
themselves ; and that we should thus leave to them
the execution of the laws, of which we have long
entrusted the making solely to them ' (ii. 280-1).
Thus, within certain limits or under certain
restrictions, Lord Durham recommended that,
given a majority of British citizens, Canada or any
British colony under similar conditions to those of
Canada, should be self-governing as England is
self-governing, that is to say, that within those
limits it should be subject to the Crown only,
advised by the colonial ministers, who should be
members of and responsible to the Colonial Legis-
lature. What were these limits and restrictions ?
In the last pages of the Report Lord Durham
sums up his recommendations, and we have an
outline of the constitution which he proposed for
Canada. The two provinces were to be reunited
under one Legislature, and reconstituted as one
province ; the Bill to be introduced into the
Imperial Parliament for reuniting the two provinces
was to provide for the voluntary admission of the
other North American provinces into the Union at
a later date ; a Parliamentary Commission was to
be appointed to mark out electoral divisions and
give representation as nearly as possible in pro-
portion to population ; the two provinces in this,
as in other matters, were to be dealt with as one,
and any plan for giving an equal number of
representatives to Lower and to Upper Canada
was to be discarded ; the same Parliamentary
Commission was to form a plan for constituting
CHAP, v RESPONSIBLE GOVERNMENT 149
elective local bodies subordinate to the General
Legislature, and the plan was to be embodied in
an Imperial Act, so as to prevent the General
Legislature from encroaching on the local bodies ;
' a general Executive on an improved principle '
was to be established, and with this recommenda-
tion is coupled a recommendation that a Supreme
Court of Appeal should be established for all the
British North American Colonies ; this General
Executive was to be such that ' the responsibility
to the United legislature of all officers of the
Government, except the Governor and his Secre-
tary, should be secured by every means known
to the British Constitution ' ; the constitution of
the Legislative Council was to be revised by the
Imperial Parliament, so as to enable it ' to act as
an useful check on the popular branch of the
legislature', without a repetition of the collisions
between the two Houses which had occurred in
past years ; the entire administration of thgjpublic
lands was to be left to the Imperial Government ;
all the other revenues of the Crown were to be
given over to the Legislature in return for an
adequate Civil List ; the judges were to be placed
in the same position, as regards tenure and salary,
as in England ; no money votes were to be pro-
posed except with the consent of the Crown, i.e.
by the responsible ministers. In a previous passage
Lord Durham had specified that the .only matters
in which the mother country need retain control
over the colony were, ' the constitution of the form
of government, the regulation of foreign relations
and of trade with the mother country, the other
150 BRITISH NORTH AMERICA INTROD.
British colonies, and foreign jiations^-aniL the dis-
posal of the public lands- ^ii. 282).
The above being an outline of Lord Durham's
proposals, the answer to the question, What limits
or restrictions did he contemplate in respect to the
grant of responsible government? — is, first, that
he drew a line between matters of imperial and
matters of purely colonial concern ; and secondly,
that in what he considered to be the purely colonial
sphere, he made certain recommendations which
would have the effect of restricting the powers of
the elected branch of the Legislature. Under the
°
first head he reserved to the control of the Imperial
Government the constitution of the colony, its
foreign relations, the whole of its external trade,
and the whole of its public lands. It will be noted
that he does not mention the control of the armed
forces on land or sea. Presumably he would have
included this most important matter under the
head of foreign relations ; but how far he would
have left the militia laws, and the control of the
militia in normal times, to the discretion of
the Colonial Legislature, does not appear. By
reserving to the Imperial Government the manage-
. ment of the public lands, he reserved control of no
small proportion of the colonial revenues; and,
turning to the second head, it will be noted that he
insisted, as a matter of course, on also reserving a
Civil List, and on securing in permanence the sala-
ries of the judges. These reservations were directly
contrary to the claims which had been so persis-
tently advanced by the Assembly of Lower Canada.
It is true that Lord Durham coupled them with
CHAP, v RESPONSIBLE GOVERNMENT 151
the grant of responsible government, but the
French-Canadian leaders had contended that, on
its merits, a permanent Civil List was not suited
to the circumstances of the Province of Quebec.
In this respect, and in others, notably in the
recommendation that money votes should only be
initiated upon the authority of the Crown, we trace
the intensely British cast of Lord Durham's mind.
The new system in Canada was to be the British
system ; responsible government was to be given
in internal matters, because England had respon-
sible government ; but all the British checks were
to be applied. On the subject of the Legislative
Council the Report is disappointing, and gives no
guidance. Lord Durham tells us what the Council
should not be ; he condemns its existing com-
position, he dismisses the possibility of recon-
stituting it upon the lines of the House of Lords,
and thereby departs from his British model, but
he gives no hint as to how it should be recast, and
contents himself with insisting that it should be
an effective check upon the popular Legislature,
again looking to the British system, and again
controverting, to some extent at any rate, the
French-Canadian views. Lastly, writing, we may
assume, with the Municipal Corporations Act,
which the Whig Government had carried in 1835,
fresh in his mind,1 Lord Durham lays the greatest
stress upon the establishment of a good system of
1 ' In 1835 the Municipal Corporations Act restored to the inhabitants
of towns those rights of self-government, of which they had been
deprived since the fourteenth century ' (Green's Short History of the
English People, Epilogue).
I.-.L' BRITISH NORTH AMERICA INTROD.
municipal institutions, as a check upon the General
Legislature. The local bodies in Canada were to be
subordinate to the General Legislature, but they
were to take something from it, notably the oppor-
tunities which dabbling in purely local matters
gave for jobbery and corruption. As colonial
liberties were to be safeguarded against interfer-
ence from home by the grant of responsible govern-
ment, so local liberties were to be safeguarded
by Imperial Statute and by the prerogative of
the Crown against interference on the part of the
Central Legislature. ' A general legislature, which
manages the private business of every parish, in
addition to the common business of the country,
wields a power which no single body, however
popular in its constitution, ought to have ; a
power which must be destructive of any con-
stitutional balance ' (ii. 287).1
PUBLIC LANDS
Lord Durham's Report abounds in references to
questions connected with lands and land tenure
in British North America, seigniories, townships,
clergy reserves, and the like ; and twenty-one
continuous pages of the Report in the original Blue
Book form, out of one hundred and nineteen, are
devoted to the Disposal of Public Lands and
Emigration. The best known of the Appendices
1 On this subject, the value of municipal institutions as a corrective
of the Central Legislature, see Merivale's Lectures on Colonisation and
Colonies, Appendix of 1861, pp. 651-4. He points out how the colonial
legislatures in Australia would not adopt the policy of creating local
bodies ' partly because its adoption would have diminished the excessive
power of the central legislature '. See also below, pp. 217-9.
CHAP, v PUBLIC LANDS 153
is Charles Buller's Report upon the same question,
which Buller tells us in his account of Lord Dur-
ham's mission was, as a matter of fact, really due
to Gibbon Wakefield. Buller also supplied a short
special Report upon militia claims to grants of
land ; his assistant, Mr. Hanson, made a special
Report on the excessive appropriation of public
lands under the name of clergy reserves ; and
among the Appendices which have not been re-
printed are a long Report on the Jesuits' estates,
made by Mr. Dunkin, secretary to the Commission
of Enquiry into the State of Education in Lower
Canada, another Report by Buller on the Com-
mutation of the Sulpician feudal tenures, more
especially in the island of Montreal, and a Report
by Turton on the establishment of a Registry of
Real Property in Lower Canada.
Corresponding to the space allotted to the
consideration of land questions is the strength of
the terms in which Lord Durham emphasizes the
importance of the subject of public lands. ' The
disposal of public lands in a new country has more
influence on the prosperity of the people than any
other branch of government ' (ii. 242). ' In the
North American colonies of England, as in the
United States, the function of authority most full
of good or evil consequences has been the disposal
of public land ' (ii. 206). Such a scheme as Buller
outlined, and he adopted, for the disposal of public
lands, was, in his opinion, If more calculated tharl
any other reform whatever to attach the people\
of British North America to Your Majesty's throne,]
and to cement and perpetuate an intimate con-
154 BRITISH NORTH AMERICA INTROD.
nexion between the colonies and the mother
country ' (ii. 207-8). ' The warmest admirers, and
the strongest opponents of republican institutions,
admit or assert that the amazing prosperity of the
United States is less owing to their form of govern-
ment, than to the unlimited supply of fertile land,
which maintains succeeding generations in an un-
diminishing affluence of fertile soil ' (ii. 331).
Two points should be noted at the outset. The
JirsJ} is that the part of the Report which deals
with the disposal of public lands is the one part
which includes in fact, and not merely in name, the
whole of British North America, with the excep-
tion of Newfoundland.^ Thejsecond point is that,
when dealing with public lands and emigration,
Lord Durham has in view the interests of the
mother country as immediately and directly as
those of the colonies. 1 At the beginning of the
Report he speaks of the lands and resources of
British North America as ' the rightful patrimony
of the English people, the ample appanage which
God and nature have set aside in the New World
for those whose lot has assigned them but in-
sufficient portions in the Old ' (ii. 13). At the end
of the Report he sums up, ' I see no reason, there-
fore, for doubting that, by good government, and
the adoption of a sound system of colonization,
the British possessions in North America may thus
be made the means of conferring on the suffering
classes of the mother country many of the bless-
ings which have hitherto been supposed to be
peculiar to the social state of the New World '
(ii. 331-2). Lord Durham had a scheme for, or
CHAP, v PUBLIC LANDS 155
a vision of, the true management of colonies, and
their full and free development, but always in con-
nexion with and in relation to the mother country.
His scheme included on the one side constitutional
reform, with subsidiary reforms appended. The
basis of this was responsible government, and in
proposing responsible government he was concerned
to consider how much he could give to the colonies,
so as to make the colonial legislatures national
legislatures. The other side of the scheme looked
rather towards the mother country, and in regard
to the disposal of public lands he was concerned
to hold for the mother country what he considered
that the mother country had won. His concep-
tion was broad and generous. He looked out upon
the Empire as a whole, and did not forget the
interdependence of the interests of the different
parts. He was imperially minded, whether he con-
sidered the colonies or whether he considered the
mother country ; and to his mind public lands and
emigration formed a necessary complement to con-
stitutional reform. In the matter of responsible
government primarily he gave to the colonies, in
the matter of public lands primarily he kept for
the mother country.
It will be remembered that in emphasizing the
importance of the subject of public lands, in deal-
ing with it as a matter of prime interest to the
mother country, and in the method of disposal of
the lands which he put forward, he was the mouth-
piece of Gibbon Wakefield's views. Wakefield had
been with him in Canada, and the Report was
written and published just at the time when the
15B BRITISH NORTH AMERICA INTROD.
principles which Wakefield had laid down in regard
to public lands and colonization found most general
acceptance. In 1834 the South Australian Act
had been passed, and at the end of 1836 that
colony was founded, intended to be a model
colony, planted upon the lines of the Wakefield
system. In August of that same year, 1836, the
Select Committee of the House of Commons upon
the disposal of public lands in the British colonies
issued their Report, embodying Wakefield's views ;
and although Canada, as Lord Durham reminds
us, was not directly within the purview of that
committee, there are abundant references in the
evidence given by Wakefield himself, as well as by
other witnesses, to the dealings with land in the
British North American colonies. Both before he
went to Canada and after his return, Lord Durham
was in close touch with Wakefield in the schemes
for the colonization of New Zealand. In short,
he and Charles Buller alike were in this matter
Wakefield's disciples ; Wakefield must be credited
with the special Report on the subject which bears
Charles Buller's signature; and whoever actually
wrote the part of the main Report which relates to
public lands and emigration, no one doubts that
the inspiration came from Gibbon Wakefield.
* The essence of the Wakefield system was, that
all the public lands of a colony should be sold at
a uniform substantial fixed price, and that the
proceeds of the sales should be mainly devoted to
sending out emigrants who, from the high price
of the land, would not be able to become land-
holders in the first instance, but would supply the
CHAP, v PUBLIC LANDS 157
labour necessary for the development of the new
country, while relieving the competition in the
labour market at home. The system will be found
fully discussed in Meriyalels lectures on coloniza-
tion and colonies,1 and reference should be made
to a speech made by Sir William Molesworth on
the subject in the House of Commons on the 27th
of June 1839, a few months after the publication
of Lord Durham's and Buller's Reports.2 Moles-
worth spoke in support of resolutions embodying
Waken" eld's principles. The resolutions set forth
the advantages to the United Kingdom -to be
derived from ' the occupation and cultivation of
waste lands in the British colonies by means of
emigration '. They laid down that ' the pros-
perity of colonies, and the progress of colonization,
mainly depend upon the manner in which a right
of private property in the waste lands of the colony
may be acquired ', and that the most effectual
method of disposing of the waste lands was ' the
plan of sale at a fixed uniform and sufficient price,
for ready money, without any condition or restric-
tion, and the employment of the whole or a large
fixed proportion of the purchase money ' in pro-
viding passages for emigrants. They further laid
down that ' it is essential that the permanence of
the system shall be secured by the legislature,
and that its administration should be entrusted
to a distinct subordinate branch of the Colonial
1 Among later accounts see chap, i in Book III of Professor Egerton's
Xhort History of British Colonial Policy.
• See the Selected Speeches of Sir William Molesworth, edited by
Professor Egerton. 1903. Speech on the Wakcfield system of disposing
of the colonial lands.
158 BRITISH NORTH AMERICA INTROD.
department, authorized to sell Colonial lands in
this country ', and to raise loans for emigration
on the security of the land sales. Finally they cited
the success which had attended the application of
the system in the case of South Australia. Moles-
worth, in his speech, credited Wakefield with first
enunciating in 1829 the principles set out in the
resolutions, and developing them in 1833. He
said that they had been partially adopted by the
Colonial Office in 1832, and had been embodied in
the South Australian Act ; that in 1836 they were
recognized by Lord Glenelg in a circular addressed
to the West Indian colonies ; that in the same year
they were approved by the committee of the House
of Commons, to which reference has already been
made ; and that they had been confirmed by the
transportation committee which reported in 1838.
' They form,' he continued, ' no inconsiderable
and by no means the least valuable portion of
Lord Durham's report on Canada. My honourable
friend the member for Liskeard (Charles Buller)
has adopted them in his able report on the waste
lands of the North American colonies. And lastly,
within a few weeks, a company with a capital of
£250,000, has been established on these very prin-
ciples, to colonize New Zealand.'
Nowhere in the world, perhaps, have lands
and land tenure figured so largely in political
liistory as in British North America. A library
of books might be written upon British North
American land questions without exhausting the
subject, and probably without elucidating the
most confusing questions which present them-
CHAP, v PUBLIC LANDS 159
selves to any one who studies the Blue Books
and Reports.
There was in the first place the question of the
dual system of land tenure in Lower Canada,
the French and the English, the feudal tenure and
that of free and common soccage. The com-
petition and conflict between the two tenures had
gone on ever since the date of the Royal Pro-
clamation of 1763, long before the Constitution
Act of 1791 had divided the Province of Quebec
into the two Canadas ; and in course of time, after
the passing of that Act, its result had been to
create in Lower Canada an English district, as
opposed to the French regions of the seigniories.
The seigniories lay along the St. Lawrence. ' Along
the alluvial banks of the St. Lawrence and its
tributaries, they [the French Canadians] have
cleared two or three strips of land, cultivated them
in the worst method of small farming, and estab-
lished a series of continuous villages, which give
the country of the seigniories the appearance of a
never-ending street ' (ii. 28-9). The townships lay
away from the St. Lawrence on the borders of the
United States. They formed the English part of
Lower Canada. Thus the Assistant Commissioners
of Municipal Enquiry reported that ' The bulk of
the population of the townships is composed of old
American loyalists and more recent settlers from
the United States ; the remainder are emigrants
from Britain ' (Appendix C, iii. 142) ; and earlier, in
1823, a petition from the townships to the House
of Commons recited that * The townships, or English
Lower Canada, are peopled wholly by inhabitants of
160 BRITISH NORTH AMERICA INTROD.
British birth and descent, and American loyalists,
amounting at present to about 40,000 souls, who
have no other language than that of their British
ancestors, who inhabit lands granted under the
British tenure of free and common soccage, who
have a Protestant clergy V Not the least interest-
ing feature in the townships was the fact that they
originated, as Buller and Lord Durham point out,
in the practice of * Leaders and Associates ',
whereby the land regulations were evaded and
the lands which were granted by the Crown
became accumulated in very few hands. The
following is the evidence given on the subject
before Buller's Commission by John Davidson, one
of the Commissioners of Crown Lands in Lower
Canada.
' After the passing of the Constitutional Act of
1791, lands were granted by patent to leaders of
Townships and their associates. Under this system
1,200 acres were granted to the leader, and 1,200
acres to each of his associates, it being quite
notorious that in many cases the whole, and in
none less than 1,000 acres, were immediately re-
conveyed by each associate to the leader. . . . The
whole was a plan devised for the purpose of elud-
ing the instructions from the Home Government,
under which no person could obtain a grant of
more than 1,200 acres.'
Thus the land in the eastern townships was
taken up, largely by Americans, on British tenure,
and thus a distinctively English district grew up
in the land of the French Canadians. But the
1 Appendix to the Report of the Parliamentary Committee of 1828
on the Civil Government of Canada, p. 323.
CHAP, v PUBLIC LANDS Wl
English, with their predilection for the free and
common soccage tenure, were not to be found only
in the townships. They invaded also the seig-
niories. ' The wealthy capitalist,5 Lord Durham
tells us, ' invested his money in the purchase of
seigniorial properties, and it is estimated that at
the present moment full half of the more valuable
seigniories are actually owned by English pro-
prietors ' (ii. 36). One of them was ' Bear ' Ellice,
who became owner of the seigniory of Beauharnois,
and it was at his instance that provisions were
embodied in the Canada Trade Act of 1822 to
facilitate the conversion of French into English
land tenure. This was followed by the Canada
Tenures Act of 1825, which was avowedly intended
gradually to extinguish the French system. These
enactments met with much hostility from the
Nationalist party in the Quebec Assembly, who
considered them to be part of a policy designed to
denationalize French Canada, and contended that
the effect of the Tenures Act was to convert the
seignior into an English landlord, and to deprive
the censitaire or habitant of the rights which he
enjoyed under the old feudal tenure.
Again and again the French Canadian party
renewed their protests, and in 1836 they went so
far as actually to pass a Bill, which the Legislative
Council rejected, repealing the two Imperial Acts,
so far as they provided for commutation of French
into English tenure. It seems strange that Lord
Durham made no specific recommendations on the
main subject in his Report ; but Buller tells us
that it had been fully intended to deal with the
1352-1 M
102 BRITISH NORTH AMERICA INTROD.
question ; the extinction of the feudal tenures was
a necessary part of the scheme for converting
Lower Canada into a British province; and in
reference to the Sulpician seigniory in the island of
Montreal, Buller speaks of * the pernicious influ-
ence of these feudal tenures, which in all parts of
the province retard the extension of its commerce
and the development of its natural resources ',
just as Lord Durham himself writes of ' ancient
and barbarous laws ' (ii. 265). The attitude which
was taken up on the subject by the Imperial
Government, and definitely stated in Lord Glenelg's
Instructions to Lord Gosford in July, 1835,1 was
that the matter must eventually be settled by or
at the instance of the local Legislature, and by the
local Legislature of United Canada the question
was finally determined, when, in the year 1854,
they passed the Act ' for the abolition of feudal
rights and duties in Lower Canada '.
The troubles arising out of conflicting systems
of land tenure, one French and the other English,
were confined to Lower Canada. The difficulties
which were created by the system of clergy re-
serves were common to both the provinces, but
were especially prominent in Upper Canada, where
Lord Durham considered the clergy reserves to be
' the most mischievous practical cause of dissen-
sion ' (ii. 179).
These reserves had been called into being by
the Constitutional Act of 1791, certain sections of
which provided that there should be a permanent
1 Copy of Instructions given to the Earl of Gosford, &c.} House of
Commons, Paper, No. 113, March, 1836, p. 10.
CHAP, v PUBLIC LANDS 163
appropriation of public lands in the two provinces
for the endowment of a Protestant clergy. As
regards the future it was enacted that, whenever
grants of Crown land were made, an amount of
land was to be reserved for the purpose of such
endowment, as nearly equal in value as could be
estimated to one-seventh of the lands which were
granted for other purposes. The Act went on to
authorize the creation of parsonages or rectories
in each parish according to the establishment of
the Church of England, and there ensued an inter-
minable controversy, more especially in the Pro-
testant province of Upper Canada, as to whether
the scope of the Act was confined to the Church
of England or included also other Protestant
denominations. Apart from this fruitful element
of dissension, the provisions in question operated
as a bar to what would now be called closer settle-
ment, for, whenever Crown land was alienated,
a certain amount was locked up in clergy reserves,
which remained undeveloped for want of the
capital necessary to develop them. To meet this
evil an Imperial Act was passed in 1827,1 permit-
ting the Government to sell a certain proportion
of the reserves, the proceeds to be applied to the
improvement of the unsold reserves or to the
purposes for which the reserves were originally
made. The action of Sir John Colborne in estab-
lishing a large number of Church of England
rectories, to which Lord Durham refers (ii. 175),
greatly increased the opposition to the system,
although, as has been already pointed out,
1 7 & 8 Geo. IV. c. 62.
M 2
164 BRITISH NORTH AMERICA INTROD
Colborne acted in accordance with the Secretary
of State's views in 1832, and the course which he
adopted was upheld in the courts of law. The
system, in short, had given rise to abuses, as is
shown in Mr. Hanson's Report on the excessive
amount of land which had been appropriated for
the purposes in question; it had caused much
practical inconvenience ; and it had proved to be
out of place and out of time, for in Lower Canada
the overwhelming number of the inhabitants were
Roman Catholics, with a fully developed and time-
honoured church organization, while Upper Canada
was a new and sparsely settled country, in which
the great majority of the colonists, though they
were Protestants, were not members of the Church
of England.
' The apparent right which time and custom
give to the maintenance of an ancient and re-
spected institution cannot exist in a recently
settled country, in which everything is new ; and
the establishment of a dominant church there is
a creation of exclusive privileges in favour of one
out of many religious denominations, and that
composing a small minority, at the expense not
merely of the majority, but of many as large
minorities ' (ii. 178).
The prominence which the question of the clergy
reserves attained in the politics of Upper Canada
may be in part attributed to the strong character
of Strachan,^ the leader (though a Scotchman) of
the Church of England party in the province, and
a foremost figure in the ' Family Compact '.
Shortly after Lord Durham left Canada, Strachan
CHAP, v PUBLIC LANDS 165
was, towards the end of 1839, created the first
Church of England Bishop of Toronto, and as he
played a great part in the secular as well as in
the Church politics of the time, so the system, of
which he was the champion, became, apart from its
merits or demerits, one of the burning questions
in the political life of Upper Canada. Lord Dur-
ham was more specific in his recommendation on
this subject than he was in regard to the seigniorial
system.
' It is most important that this question should
be settled, and so settled as to give satisfaction to
the majority of the people of the two Canadas,
whom it equally concerns. And I know of no
mode of doing this but by repealing all provisions
in Imperial Acts that relate to the application of
the Clergy Reserves, and the funds arising from
them, leaving the disposal of the funds to the local
legislature, and acquiescing in whatever decision
it may adopt ' (ii. 179).
As will be told later, this recommendation was
eventually carried out, and in 1854 the Canadian
Parliament passed an Act by which the clergy
reserves were finally secularized.
It has been noticed that among the Appendices
to Lord Durham's Report are Reports upon the
Jesuits' estates, and upon the desired commutation
of the feudal tenures enjoyed by the Seminary of
St. Sulpice. At the time of the cession of Canada
to Great Britain, the Jesuits owned various seig-
niories and other valuable landed property in
Lower Canada. After the passing of the Quebec
Act in 1774, the new Royal Instructions. given to
166 BRITISH NORTH AMERICA INTROD.
Governor Carleton on the 3rd of January, 1775,
expressly ordered * that the Society of Jesuits be
suppressed and dissolved, and no longer continued
as a body corporate and politic, and all their rights
and possessions and property shall be vested in
Us for such purposes as we may hereafter think
lit to direct and appoint '. It was not, however,
until 1800 that the Crown took full possession of
the estates. In the meantime, in or about 1770,
King George III had given some promise of
these estates to Lord Amherst as a reward for
his services in Canada, and the claim of the
Amherst family was not finally extinguished until
1803. In Canada it had always been contended
that the proceeds of the Jesuits' estates ought to
be devoted to education, and eventually, in 1831,
Lord Goderich handed over the revenues from
this source to the Quebec Legislature for educa-
tional purposes. In the following year that Legis-
lature passed an Act applying the funds in ques-
tion to education, and by a later Canadian Act of
1856 the Jesuits' estates were appropriated to form
' The Lower Canada Education Investment Fund '.
Many years afterwards, subsequent to the Con-
federation Act, the provincial Legislature of Quebec
passed in 1888 the Jesuits' Estates Act, under
which a sum of $400,000 was paid in compensa-
tion for the property which the Jesuits had once
owned.1
It will be observed that Lord Durham criticizes
the British Government on the ground that ' it
has applied the Jesuits' estates, part of the pro-
1 Sec The Seigniorial System in Canada, Muuro, p. 250, note 4.
CHAP, v PUBLIC LANDS 167
perty destined for purposes of education, to supply
a species of fund for secret service ; and for a
number of years it has maintained an obstinate
struggle with the Assembly in order to continue
this misappropriation ' (ii. 136). From the Report
of the Commissioner of Inquiry into the State of
Education in Lower Canada (vol. iii, App. D), and
from Mr. Dunkin's special Report upon the Jesuits'
estates, it is clear that this criticism applies wholly
or mainly to the years between 1800 and 1831,
Mr. Dunkin's account being that ' the revenues of
the estates during the interval between this period
(1800) and the year 1831, when they were sur-
rendered by the Provincial Parliament for the
support of education, were appropriated by the
local executive as a part of the property of the
Crown, and no report as to the mode of their
application was made public '.
The Seminary of St. Sulpice had never, like the
Jesuits, fallen under the ban of the British Govern-
ment. On the contrary, the Sulpicians had been
allowed to retain undisturbed possession of their
estates, and in consequence it was held by the law
officers of the Crown in England, who were con-
sulted in the matter during Sir James Craig's
Government, by Lord Goderich in 1831, and by
Lord Gosford and his fellow commissioners, who
made a special Report upon the question in October
1836, that the Crown could not without great
hardship disregard their proprietary rights. The
Sulpicians owned three seigniories in the district
of Montreal, one of which included nearly the
whole island of Montreal, and the object of Lord
168 BRITISH NORTH AMERICA INTROD.
Gosford and his colleagues, as well as of Charles
Buller's later recommendations, was—
which were
felt to be a growing encumbrance in proportion
to the growth of the city of Montreal. No time
was lost in dealing with the matter after Buller
had reported. In April 1839jbhe Special Council
of Lower Canada passed an ordinance incorporat-
ing the seminary, confirming~Fts title £o~its seig-
niories, and providing for the commutation of the
seigniorial rights^ thereby— ^to ^ate^EE^rords in
which the objects of^tEef ordinance were described
— ' relieving a wealthy and enterprising com-
munity from the encumbrances and drawbacks
of a feudal tenure '. The ordinance contained
a clause providing that it should not take effect,
until confirmed by an Imperial Act, or other legis-
lative authority competent — which the Special
Council was not — to give it perpetuity. Sir John
Colborne from Canada, and Lord Durham in Eng-
land, earnestly pressed that the matter should be
settled without delay ; and in the following year,
1840, by duly authorized local legislation this long
outstanding question was set to rest.1
1 What happened was rather complicated. The Special Council for
Lower Canada was created by the Imperial ' Constitutional Act Suspen
sion Act, 1838.' That Act provided that any laws passed by the Council
should expire on November ], 1842, ' unless continued by competent
authority.' Therefore the Council could not in any case — apart from
the reservation clause in the ordinance referred to in the text — legislate
in perpetuity for the Seminary of St. Sulpice. But in August 1839 the
Imperial Parliament passed the Suspension Act Amendment Act, 1839,
which repealed the provision making laws passed by the Special Council
expire on November 1, 1842, and the same Act, while prohibiting the
Special Council from legislating on the temporal or spiritual rights of
CHAP, v PUBLIC LANDS 169
In all new countries, as a general rule, land
companies play a prominent part, and Canada was
110 exception to the rule. Two companies deserve
special mention, one of which went to work in
Upper Canada, the other in the eastern townships
of the Lower Province. The former, the Canada
Company, was the elder of the two, and was given
legal recognition by an Act of the Imperial Parlia-
ment, passed in June 1825,1 which was followed by
a Royal Charter incorporating the company and
bearing the date of the 19th of August 1826. The
preamble of the Act shows clearly that the object
which the Government had in view in passing it,
was the settlement and cultivation of the Crown
and clergy reserves in Upper Canada by sale
within limits to a chartered company ; and Buller,
in his Report on Public Lands, wrote that ' The
sale to the Canada Company, though in form an
exceptional method of disposing of public lands,
was in effect, and was intended to be, a delegation
of the powers of Government in this important
ecclesiastics, or the law of tenure, made a special exception in favour of
legislation for commuting the seigniorial rights of the Seminary of St.
Sulpice. When the Act had been passed, Lord John Russell, who was
then Secretary of State for the Colonies, returned the ordinance to be
revised and re-enacted. Meanwhile there had been considerable opposi-
tion to it in Canada on the ground that it was too favourable to the
Seminary. Poulett Thomson therefore passed a new ordinance through
the Council in 1840, following more closely the lines laid down by Buller,
and less favourable to the ecclesiastics. There was still some opposition
both in Canada and in England, but the ordinance was allowed to
stand. When the Canadian Act ' for the abolition of feudal rights and
duties in Lower Canada ' was passed in 1854, the settlement which had
been made was safeguarded, but further provisions with regard to the
Seminary and its tenures were included in the Seigniorial Amendment
Act of 1859. l An amending Act was passed in 1828.
170 BRITISH NORTH AMERICA INTROD.
particular to a private company ' (Appendix B,
iii. 55).
The quantity of land sold to the company, and
the terms on which it was sold, are given as follows
in the evidence of John Radenhurst, chief clerk of
the Surveyor-General's office in Upper Canada,
who appeared before Buller's Commission.
' The company at first contracted for the pur-
chase of 1,384,413 acres of Crown Reserves and
829,430 of Clergy Reserves at 3s. 6d. per acre. The
Government were, however, unable to perform
their contract, so far as related to the Clergy
Reserves, and, as a substitute, the company were
aUowed to select 1,100,000 acres in a block on the
shores of Lake Huron, at the same price for the
whole as was to have been paid for 800,000 acres
of Clergy Reserves, making the whole of their pur-
chase 2,484,413 acres ; the purchase money was
to be paid in the following annual instalments, viz.
In the year ending July 1827, £20,000; 1828,
£15,000; 1829, £15,000; 1830, £15,000; 1831,
£16,000; 1832, £17,000; 1833, £18,000; 1834,
£19,000 ; 1835, £20,000 ; and £20,000 a year for
the next seven years. The company was to be at
liberty to expend one third part of the purchase
money of the block of 1,100,000 acres in public
works and improvements within such block of
land, such as canals, bridges, roads, churches,
wharfs, and school houses, &c.'
John Gait, the Scotch novelist, had much to do
with the inception and the early work of the Canada
Company. He was the founder of Guelph, and the
town of Gait bears his name. The main sphere of
the company's operations was the Huron district,
due west of Toronto, between Lakes Huron and
CHAP. V
PUBLIC LANDS
171
Ontario ; and undoubtedly much was done to
develop and settle this part of Upper Canada.
In 1856 an Imperial Act was passed giving facilities
for winding up the company ; but when the Colonial
Land and Emigration Commissioners issued their
last colonization circular in 1877, they reported
that the company had still 400,000 acres to sell or
lease. A further Imperial Act was passed in 1881,
and the Company is still in active operation.
The British American Land Company made an
agreement with Stanley, afterwards Lord Derby,
then Secretary of State for the Colonies, on the
3rd of December 1833. Under this agreement the
Government sold to the company 847,661 acres in
the eastern townships for £120,000, payment being
at the rate of 3s. Qd. an acre for Crown reserves
and surveyed land, and 3s. for unsurveyed land.
The company was incorporated by Royal Charter
on the 20th of March 1834, and the charter was
confirmed by Act of Parliament dated the 22nd of
May 1834. /The charter extended to the whole of
British North America, including Newfoundland,
and the company was empowered to hold lands
purchased from the Crown or from private persons
up to three millions of acres at any one time in the
British North American provinces. One section
of the Act authorized the commutation of any
feudal rights on lands acquired under , seigniorial
tenure into free and common soccage./ The com-
pany's operations were, as a matter of fact, confined
to the eastern townships, where the actual amount
of land acquired from the Crown seems not to have
been quite as large as was specified in the first
172 BRITISH NORTH* AMERICA INTEOD.
contract with the Government. The colonization
circular of 1877, to which reference has been made
above, states that the company purchased from
the Crown in the eastern townships, where its
head-quarters were at Sherbrooke, about 767,000
acres, and that the directors were then offering for
sale nearly 500,000 acres. The company met with
bitter opposition from the French Canadian maj ority
in the Quebec Legislature, and repeated demands
were made that the charter should be cancelled
and the Act repealed. The introduction of British
immigrants, which was welcome in Upper Canada,
was resented by the French of Lower Canada as
part of a policy designed to denationalize the
province. It was contended that the Executive
Government had no right to dispose of the waste
lands of the province without the authority of the
Legislature ; and that, in the sale to the company
of so large a tract of land, the rights of the Canadian
people had been disregarded in favour of mono-
polists in the United Kingdom, and the rights of
cultivators in favour of landlords. There were two
Acts of Parliament which were constant sources of
complaint against the Imperial Government by the
Quebec Legislature, both connected with land-
one was the Tenures Act, the other was the Act
which confirmed the charter of the British American
Land Company. The Imperial Government, how-
ever, refused to entertain any proposals which
involved repudiating their contract, and the com-
pany is still in existence, working under the pro-
visions of successive Imperial Acts, the latest of
which was passed in 1894.
CHAP, v PUBLIC LANDS 173
A troublesome and long-standing question con-
nected with land in Canada was that of claims to
land by those who had served in the militia in the
war of 1812. So far as Lower Canada was con-
cerned, this question formed the subject of a
special Report by Charles Buller, which is given in
App. A (vol. iii) ; and Lord Durham embodied in his
own main Report (ii. 225-30) the instructions which
he gave to the commissioners whom he appointed
to settle the claims, after receiving Buller's recom-
mendations. Some time after the war of 1812,
free grants of land in the Lower Province were
promised by Royal Instructions to militiamen who
had served in the war, the boon being intended for
the six battalions of embodied militia, as opposed
to what was known as the sedentary militia,
though some of the latter also preferred claims.
The grants were to range from 100 acres to the
privates to 1,200 to the commanding officers.
They were to be made on condition of settlement ;
but sufficient facilities for settlement were not
given, and the land claims were in large measure
disposed of by the militiamen to land speculators.
There resulted, in Buller's words, 'the maximum
of injury to the province with the minimum of
benefit to the militiamen ' ; and, on his recom-
mendation, Lord Durham appointed a board of
commissioners to investigate the claims, and to pay
off those claimants who had made good their title
by orders representing the money value of the
land to which they were entitled, at the average
selling price of Crown lands during the last ten
years. There had been similar trouble in Upper
174 BRITISH NORTH AMERICA INTROD.
Canada in the years after the war ; and John
Richards, who had been specially deputed by the
Imperial Government in 1830 to visit the British
North American provinces and make a Report in
connexion with Waste Lands and Emigration,1
wrote :
' The Province of Upper Canada appears to have
been considered by Government as a land fund,
to reward meritorious servants. Lots are given to
reduced officers ; say, 1,200 acres to a Colonel,
1,000 to a major, 800 to a captain, 500 to a lieu-
tenant, 200 to a serjeant, and 100 to a disbanded
soldier, and to the United Empire Loyalists, their
sons and daughters, 200 acres each.'
The interest of the matter lies in noting not
merely or mainly the abuses which arose from
making free grants of land to disbanded soldiers,
but rather the great part which the practice played
in the history of Canada. Thus in the days of
Louis XIV, when Colbert and Talon were busy
colonizing Canada, discharged soldiers of the
famous Carignan Salieres regiment were planted
out on the land under feudal tenure. After the
cession of Canada to Great Britain, by the Royal
Proclamation of 1763, grants of land were offered
to soldiers and sailors who had served in America
in the previous war on conditions of settlement ;
similar grants were offered after the war of American
Independence. It was in principle a good and
sound method of rewarding those who had fought
for their country, and attaching to the soil colonists
1 The report was made in January 1831, and laid before the House
of Commons in March 1832, No. 334. See p. 4.
CHAP, v PUBLIC LANDS 175
who had shown that they could defend it. But
in the case in point, the militiamen had already
their homes in the land, and there was no question
of attracting them to remain in it as settlers.
Moreover, as Buller pointed out, in Lower Canada
' the majority of the militia were French Canadians,
who have not hitherto been, and are not now, an
emigrating people ' ; the result, therefore, of giving
them grants of land would at best only have trans-
ferred them reluctantly from one district of the
province to another, while the actual outcome was
to make the land claims the subject of traffic and
speculation.
Various other questions connected with lands in
the two Canadas might be noted. There was
a difficulty caused by squatters who had settled
on the waste lands of the Crown without any legal
title. Their case is referred to in Buller's Report,
and Lord Durham met or proposed to meet it by
naming a date, and giving to all bona fide settlers,
who had established themselves on Crown lands
without title before that time, a right of pre-
emption at the price which had been fixed for
Crown lands in their neighbourhood. He wrote
a separate dispatch on this matter, and it formed
the subject of later correspondence between Lord
John Russell and Poulett Thomson. There was
again the subject of the lands assigned to the Six
Nation Indians in Upper Canada ; but, without
further reference to these specific questions, it is
time to comment upon the general subject of Crown
lands in Canada, and upon Buller's scheme, which
was Wakefield's scheme, and which Lord Durham
176 BRITISH NORTH AMERICA INTROD.
adopted for dealing with the lands in the public
interest.
Buller's, or rather Wakefield's, scheme was
designed partly to remedy the evils which had
resulted from the profusion of land grants in the
past ; partly to provide a sound working system
for disposing of public lands in the future. In the
past the Government had parted with a vast
amount of land to private owners, with the result
that much was locked up and uncultivated. In
order to bring these lands into cultivation, Buller
proposed that a tax at the rate of 2d. an acre
should be levied upon all wild lands, and that the
proceeds of the tax should be applied, either
directly or by being made part security for a
development loan, to making roads, improving
communications, and facilitating the settlement
of the country. Proprietors were to be allowed to
pay the tax in land, such land * to be taken by the
Government at the rate of 4s. per acre, in lots of
not less than 100 acres ' ( App. B, iii. 88). Thus the
Government would recover some of the land which
had been alienated in the past, and the proprietors
who paid the tax would be recouped for losing
some of their land, by the increased value which
would accrue from the proceeds of the tax to the
lands which they still retained in their own hands.
The tax was to be imposed and its continuance
guaranteed by a central authority, the Imperial
Parliament. As regards the future, BuUer recom-
mended that all public lands should be sold not by
auction, but at a fixed price ; that this fixed price
should be uniform, one and the same in all parts
CHAP, v PUBLIC LANDS 177
of British North America, and that the money
should be paid at the time of sale. The price, he
suggested, might be 10<s. an acre, though he doubted
whether it was not too low. ' Even at that price,
there is great reason to fear that labouring emi-
grants may be induced to become purchasers before
they have either the requisite capital or knowledge
to qualify them for the position they will thus
assume. The produce of the fund, also, will be
scarcely adequate to the objects to which it ought
to be applied, the construction of public works
and the promotion of emigration' (iii. 113). He
named the sum in question as a compromise, noting
that the neighbourhood of the United States
must be an element in determining the price, and
that the question therefore was perhaps one to be
left to and settled by the authority to which the
administration of the public lands would be con-
tided. He recommended that no limit should be
placed to the amount of land which any one man
might buy ; that all reserves of every kind, in-
cluding the clergy reserves, should be thrown open
to purchase and settlement ; and that ' public
land in all the North American colonies should
be open to purchase by all persons to whatever
country they may belong, requiring, if necessary,
that the subject of a foreign power should at the
time of purchase take the oath of allegiance '
(iii. 108). This provision he considered to be
especially desirable, in order to encourage settlers
from the United States ; and both he and Lord
Durham criticized, with some inaccuracy,1 the
1 See note 1 to ii. 172.
1352-1 N
178 BRITISH NORTH AMERICA LNTROD.
measures which had been taken in Upper Canada
after the war of 1812, to prevent land being held
by American citizens, for Buller laid great stress
on the value to Canada of American settlers—
* none form such efficient pioneers of civilization.'
The funds derived from land sales, and from
licences for cutting timber, in addition to the pro-
ceeds from the tax on wild lands belonging to
private proprietors, were to be applied to making
roads, railways, and canals, and to introducing
emigrants, who were rather to work for wages on
first arrival than to take up land for themselves ;
and at the outset loans were to be raised upon the
security of the funds, partly for public works and
partly for emigration. The whole scheme was to
be embodied in an. Act of Parliament ; and when
the principles had been laid down and ratified by
law, the practical working was to be entrusted to
a central commission in the United Kingdom, with
subordinate commissioners in the North American
colonies, all acting under the supreme control of
the Secretary of State for the Colonies.
Similarly, guided by Wakefield, as Lord Durham
and Buller were guided, the Select Committee of
1836 had recommended, with regard to the Aus-
tralian and West Indian colonies and the Cape,
' that the whole of the arrangements connected
with the sale of land, including both the price
and the precise mode of sale, should be placed
under the charge of a Central Land Board, resi-
dent in London, and made responsible either to
some existing department in the Government,
or to Parliament directly, as may be deemed
CHAP, v PUBLIC LANDS 179
»
expedient '. The outcome was the appointment
in 1840 of the Board of Land and Emigration
Commissioners, who worked in subordination to
the Secretary of State for the Colonies and the
Lords of the Treasury.
Thus the public lands in British North America
were to be administered upon a definite system,
for the benefit alike of the colonies and of the
mother country ; but the authority, under which the
system was to come into being, was the Imperial
Parliament and not the Colonial Legislatures ; and,
though .Reports of the proceedings of the com-
missioners were to be laid before the Colonial Legis-
latures as well as before the Imperial Parliament, the
Executive was to be directly responsible not to any
colonial authority but to the Secretary of State.
Further and separate reference will be made
below to emigration and improvement of means of
communication, to which the funds derived from
public lands were to be applied ; but it will be
borne in mind that these two subjects were from
Lord Durham's and Buller's point of view insepar-
ably connected with the disposal of public lands,
and were an integral part of a great scheme of
colonization. Towards the end of his Report
(ii. 327-31) Lord Durham summarizes the whole.
On the ' management of public lands ' he writes,
' The plan, which I have framed for the manage-
ment of the public lands, being intended to pro-
mote the common advantage of the colonies and
of the mother country, I therefore propose that
the entire administration of it should be confided
to an Imperial authority.' Then, passing on to
N 2
180 BRITISH NORTH AMERICA INTROD.
the ' measures to promote emigration ', he says,
'In conjunction with the measures suggested for
disposing of public lands, and remedying the evils
occasioned by past mismanagement in that depart-
ment, they form a plan of colonization to which
I attach the highest importance. The objects, at
least, with which the plan has been formed, are
to provide large funds for emigration, and for
creating and improving means of communication
throughout the provinces. . . .' Then, reviewing
the prospective ' benefits of a judicious system of
colonization ', he lays down that * it is by a sound
system of colonization that we can render these
extensive regions available for the benefit of the
British people. . . . The experiment of keeping
colonies and governing them well, ought at least
to have a trial, ere we abandon for ever the vast
dominion which might supply the wants of our
surplus population, and raise up millions of fresh
consumers of our manufactures, and producers of
a supply for our wants.'
It has been noted that Lord Durham ANUS
a strong and convinced Imperialist, and that, in
the matter of public lands, he kept his eyes fixed
on the mother country at least as much as on the
colony. This point of view was characteristic of
the group of public men to which he and Buller
and Gibbon Wakefield belonged. They were, in
modern phraseology, Radicals, but the reverse of
Little Englanders ; and their attitude will be better
appreciated, if it is contrasted with the views on
public lands in the colonies which are contained
in Cornewall Lewis's Government of Dependencies,
CHAP, v PUBLIC LANDS 181
published in 1841, two years after Lord Durham's
Report was given to the press and to Parliament.
In the chapter on * The advantages derived by
the dominant country from its supremacy over
a dependency ', Lewis l discusses the advantage
accruing to the people of a dominant country
from the possession of a dependency, ' in the
facilities for emigration and for the acquisition
and cultivation of land which it may afford to
them ' ; and he argues that ' the system of defray-
ing the expenses of emigrants from the proceeds
of the sale of public lands in the colony does not
necessarily suppose that the new settlement is a
dependency of the country which sends out the
emigrants ', that ' there is nothing in the colonial
relation which implies that the colony must be
a dependency of the mother country, nor generally
is it expedient that such a relation should exist,
even in the case of a newly founded settlement.'
Lord Durham had no sympathy with this point of
view. He wished to give responsible government
to Canada, and so far to remove it from the
category of dependencies ; but at the same time
he would have emphatically rejected the reasoning
which treated the political connexion between
Great Britain and Canada, in the matter of public
lands and emigration, as of no real advantage to
either party.
Sir William Molesworth spoke in high praise of
the passages in Lord Durham's Report which refer
to public lands, and of Buller's special Report on
the subject. It is true that no part of the whole
1 1891 ed., pp. 225-9.
182 BRITISH NORTH AMERICA INTROD.
inquiry was more detailed, more elaborated, or
more complete, but, in the light of subsequent
experience, it must be added that no part was so
academic or so divorced from living realities. On
paper the principles which Wakefield laid down
were sound and broadly based ; his reasoning was
logical and conclusive ; and indirectly his doc-
trines produced no little practical good. But new
countries and the English race do not lend them-
selves to cut-and-dried systems. English emigrants
go out to live as they think best, and not as they
are ordered, and colonization and uniformity have
little in common. The success which Lord Durham
credited to the Wakefield system was nowhere
attained ; indeed the system was never fuUy and
consistently tried ; and whatever scope there may
have been for its application in Australia, in
British North America the field was already too
much occupied, the conditions which past history
had evolved were too various, to make a uniform
system for all the British North American pro-
vinces even a remote possibility. Uniformity was
impossible ; and even more impossible, in the light
of the political controversies which had taken
place, more especially in Lower Canada, was the
proposed combination with the grant of respon-
sible government of Imperial control over the
public lands.
It will be remembered that when, in 1831, the pro-
ceeds of the taxes which were raised under the Quebec
Revenue Act were handed over to the Legislatures
of the two Canadian provinces, the casual and
territorial revenues of the Crown were still reserved ;
CHAP, v FUJ3L1C LANDS 183
that the control of these revenues formed one of
the main issues between the Imperial Government
and the Legislature of Lower Canada; and that
the position taken up by the Imperial Government
was, roughly, that these funds would be handed
over to the local Legislature when certain con-
ditions had been complied with, principal among
which was the provision of a Civil List. In February
1831 Lord Aylmer, then Governor-General, in
a message to the Quebec House of Assembly,
classified the casual and territorial revenues of the
Crown under the following heads * : —
(1) Rents, Jesuits' estates.
(2) Rent of the King's Posts.
1 See the House of Commons Paper of July 15, 1831, Canada Crown
Revenues. These funds were enumerated by Mr. John Davidson,
Commissioner of Crown Lands in Lower Canada, in his evidence before
Buller's Commission, as follows : —
Of what does the landed property of the Crown in this Province
consist ?
All the estates which were held by the King of France at the time of
the conquest, which may be arranged as follows :
1st. Certain fiefs in the city of Quebec and town of Three Rivers,
whereof the censitaires held immediately under the Crown.
2nd. The forges of St. Maurice, which were established by the old
French Government and have been let for different terms to private
persons.
3rd. The King's trading posts, which signifies that portion of the Pro-
vince of Lower Canada between the settled lands on the north bank of
the St. Lawrence and the land held under the Charter of the Hudson's
Bay Company, and which tract is held by that Company under a lease
that secures to them the sole right of hunting, fishing, and trading on
that territory. The lease expires in 1842.
4th. The King's Wharves in Quebec, which were originally formed by
the old French Government, and have been improved by the British
Government, and are now let upon lease to individuals.
5th. The estates held at the time of the conquest by the late order of
Jesuits, which upon the extinction of that order in the Province were
reserved by the Crown, and which consist of extensive seigniories and
184 BRITISH NORTH AMERICA TNTROD.
(3) Forges of St. Maurice.
(4) Rent of King's Wharf.
(5) Droit de Quint.1
(6) Lods et Ventes.1
(7) Land fund.
(8) Timber fund.
The average receipts from these sources in Lower
Canada amounted at this date to no more than
upwards of £7,000 per annum, whereas the revenues
which were raised under the Quebec Revenue Act,
and which in this year, 1831, were handed over to
the Quebec Legislature, were estimated, on an aver-
age, at £38,000 per annum. In other words, the
public lands in Lower Canada, even after 1830,
only formed one item, or, including timber, two
items in a list of Crown receipts the sum total of
which was not more than about one-fifth of the sum
which had been derived from taxes levied under
Imperial Acts, and which the Imperial Govern-
ment had controlled prior to 1831. In specifying
the items of the casual and territorial revenues,
Lord Aylmer, as already stated, insisted that these
of other property, including buildings in the city of Quebec and town
of Three Rivers.
6th. All the beaches and water lots upon all navigable rivers.
The beaches consist of the land on botli sides of the rivers between
the highest and lowest water -mark, and the water lots extend from the
lowest water -mark into deep water.
7th. The whole of the waste and unappropriated land within tlio
Province.
In addition to this the Crown is entitled to a mutation fine upon the
sale of seigniories, varying from the maille d'or, which is a nominal
acknowledgement, to one-fifth part of the purchase, which is the more
common fine, and payable in either case before the seignior is admitted
to perform fealty and homage.
1 Tiie ' Quint ' and the ' Lods et Ventes ' were mutation fines, the
former paid by the seignior, the latter by the censitaire. See Munro's
Seigniorial System, in Canaia.
CHAP, v PUBLIC LANDS 185
revenues were the property of the Crown. ' They
stand upon a perfectly different ground from taxes,
properly so called. They are enjoyed by the Crown,
by virtue of the Royal Prerogative, and are neither
more nor less than the proceeds of landed property,
which legally and constitutionally belongs to the
Sovereign on the throne.' This account of the
funds would have been strictly accurate, if it had
been given before William IV came to the throne ;
but it was overlooked at the time when Lord
Aylmer addressed the Quebec Legislature, and
apparently it was more or less overlooked for many
years afterwards,1 that by the Civil List Act which
was passed when King William IV became king,
and again by the Civil List Act of Queen Victoria,
all the casual revenues of the Crown, whether
within or without the United Kingdom, were made
part of the Consolidated Fund. Thus in 1831, and
afterwards, the casual and territorial revenues of
the Crown in British North America, including the
waste lands, were not the property of the Crown,
but the property of the Imperial Government. The
confusion on the subject was finally cleared up
in the year 1852, when the Imperial Parliament
passed ' An Act to remove doubts as to the lands
and casual revenues of the Crown in the colonies
and foreign possessions of Her Majesty.'
Buller, in his Report (iii. 37), spoke of the waste
lands as ' in name the property of the Crown ' ;
and Lord Durham wrote (ii. 209) that ' the whole
1 The point, however, was appreciated by Lord Gosford and his
fellow commissioners, and noticed in the first of their reports, which
dealt with the Crown revenues in Lower Canada. See the House of
Commons Paper of February 20, 1837, No. 50, p. 12.
186 BRITISH NORTH AMERTCA INTROD.
of the public lands have been deemed the property
of the Crown ' ; but there is little or no indication
in Buller's Report or in Lord Durham's that these
waste lands, to which they attached such great
importance, and from which under proper manage-
ment they, hoped so much, had been included and
more or less hidden away in the list of casual
and territorial revenues of the Crown : and Lord
Durham makes no specific mention of public lands
when, in referring to the sources of public revenue
in Lower Canada, he writes : ' With the exception
of the small amount now derived from the casual
and territorial funds, the public revenue of Lower
Canada is derived from duties imposed partly by
Imperial and partly by provincial statutes ' (ii. 141).
Lord Glenelg, on the contrary, had fully appre-
ciated the position, when in his instructions to
Lord Gosford and his colleagues in July 1835, he
indicated that while he was prepared to hand over
to the Quebec Legislature the casual and terri-
torial revenues in return for an adequate Civil List,
the concession would include the right of appro-
priating the revenues arising from Crown lands,
but would not include the management of those
lands which would be retained in the hands of
the Executive Government. On this basis Lord
Gosford and his fellow commissioners made their
recommendations; but Lord Durham and Buller
practically ignored what had gone before, and dis-
cussed the question of the disposal of public lands
very much as though the time-honoured dispute
as to the control of the territorial revenues of the
Crown had never existed. The result was that
CHAP, v PUBLIC LANDS 187
whereas in Lower Canada these revenues were to
have been handed over to the local Legislature in I
return for the grant of a Civil List, Lord Durham
proposed to withhold from the United Legislature
of the two Canadas both the management of public
lands and the funds accruing from land sales and
land taxes, and further to insist ' on the conces-
sion of an adequate Civil List' (ii. 327) as the
price of giving up to the Legislature the remaining
revenues of the Crown. The recommendation was
a curious pendant to the grant of responsible
government. While anxious to give free institu-
tions, to create a national spirit and a national j
pride, while pleading the cause of self-government
with rare eloquence and cogent reasoning, Lordx
Durham, at the same time and in the same scheme,
withheld from the proposed national Legislature
more than the Imperial Government for years had
contemplated withholding.
It was in no narrow or timid spirit that he put
forward his scheme. He was broad-minded in
withholding as in granting ; he withheld, because
in the matter of public lands he conceived that
Imperial interests were at stake ; but his recom-
mendation was impossible in view of what had
gone before in Canada, and more impossible when
coupled, as it was, with the grant of responsible
government. To ignore in this matter previous
political controversies and previous conditional
promises was only to invite a recrudescence of
bitterness against the Imperial Government and
the mother country. To give free institutions, but
at the same time to withhold the control of the
188 BRITISH NORTH AMERICA INTROD.
soil and the revenues arising from it, was little
better than a contradiction in terms.
Hence it must be summed up that, however
broad was Lord Durham's conception of the right-
ful disposal of public lands, however suggestive
was the form in which his views were embodied,
under the actual conditions of place and time,
and under the political conditions which he pro-
posed to create, his scheme was wholly imprac-
ticable.
EMIGRATION.
In an interesting and often quoted Parliamen-
tary Paper, to which Lord Durham refers (ii. 115),
and which was laid before the House of Commons
in March 1832, entitled ' Copy of the Report of
Mr. Richards to the Colonial Secretary respecting
the Waste Lands in the Canadas and Emigration ',
the author of the report writes that ' much was
said to me in the colonies upon the two questions
of spontaneous and regulated emigration ; and the
great evil of which they complain was the entire
absence of wholesome regulation. I feel, therefore,
fully convinced, whatever course may be ultimately
adopted, even if the present loose mode is to go
on, that the necessity of reducing it to a system
will be forced upon us V In the interval between
Mr. Richards' visit to British North America and
Lord Durham's mission, something had been done
by the Government in the direction of safeguard-
ing emigrants, including the passing in 1835 of an
amended Passengers' Act ; but, according to
1 No. 334. Canada, Waste Lands, p. 23. See above, p. 174.
CHAP, v EMIGRATION 189
Durham and Buller, who as disciples of Wakefield
were entirely in favour of ' systematic emigra-
tion ', very much more remained to be done, and
the parts of their reports which deal specially with
emigration are mainly devoted to pointing out
existing evils, and emphasizing the need of further
regulation by Government. Lord Durham con-
cludes his comments on the subject with the
remark, ' All the gentlemen, whose evidence I have
last quoted, are warm advocates of systematic
emigration. I object, along with them, only to
such emigration as now takes place — without fore-
thought, preparation, method, or system of any
kind ' (ii. 259). In this, as in other respects, Durham
had 110 sympathy with the coming Manchester
school. He believed in Government intervention,
and, as will be further noted, both he and Buller
criticized the view which the Government Com-
mission 011 Emigration in 1831 had upheld, that
the direct interference of the State was not required
in connexion with emigration to British North
America.1
The close of the Napoleonic wars was the
beginning of the modern history of emigration
from the British Isles. The Report of May 1838,
to which Durham and Buller refer, and which was
written by Mr., afterwards Sir T. F. Elliot, in his
capacity of Agent-General for Emigration from
the United Kingdom, states that for the first ten
years after the Peace the average annual number
of emigrants to Canada was about 9,000, that for
1 Sec ii. 253-j of Lord Durham's Report and note, and Buller's
Report, Appendix B, iii. 119.
190 BRITISH NORTH AMERICA INTROD.
the five years ending with 1831 the average was
20,000, and that in the year 1831 over 50,000
passed through the port of Quebec. Between 1816
and 1834 the emigration from the United Kingdom
to British North America was as a rule much
larger than to the United States, but with the
year 1835 the tide turned and ran strongly in
favour of the United States, where the Irish now
went by preference, having previously emigrated
or been assisted to emigrate largely to British
North America.1 The first Imperial grants in aid
of emigration seem to have been made in the years
1821, 1823, and 1825, to assist emigrants from the
South of Ireland to Canada and the Cape, and the
first vote for an emigration establishment was in
1834, when a small sum was provided to cover the
pay of emigration agents at Liverpool, Bristol,
Dublin, Belfast, Cork, Limerick, and Greenock.
In 1826 and 1827 committees of the House of
Commons considered emigration at very great
length ; and the committee of 1827, among other
recommendations, advised that a Board of Emigra-
tion should be constituted ' under the direct con-
trol of an executive department of the State '. In
1§31 Lord Goderich appointed the Government
1 But even in the year 1837, if the figures given in an Appendix to
Elliot's report are correct, out of 29,884 emigrants who left the United
Kingdom for British North America, the emigrants from Irish ports
numbered 22,463, against 7,421 from Great Britain, while out of 36,770
who left for the United States, they numbered only 3,871, against
32,899 from Great Britain. Elliot's Report was printed for the House
of Commons on May 14, 1838, No. 388, ' Copy of a report to the
Secretary of State for the Colonies from the Agent-General for Emigra-
tion from the United Kingdom.' Reference is made to it on pp. 248 and
253-4 (voL ii) of Lord Durham's Report, and on p. 119 (voL iii) of
Buller's report.
CHAP, v EMIGRATION 191
Commission 011 Emigration, to which reference has
been made, and which consisted of five members,
including the Parliamentary Under-Secretary of
the Colonial Office, Lord Howick (afterwards Lord
Grey), and the Permanent Under-Secretary, Mr.
Hay, while the secretary of the commission was
Elliot, also a member of the Colonial Office. This
commission was dissolved in 1832, and the Colonial
Office was left to carry out its recommendations,
until in 1837 Elliot was appointed Agent-General
for Emigration ; and finally in 1840, after Dur-
ham's and Buller's Reports had been published,
the Board of Colonial Land and Emigration Com-
missioners was established, Elliot being one of the
three commissioners. This Board was not wholly
abolished until the year 1878.1
Such legal provision as had been made in past
times for the protection of emigrants on the out-
ward voyages, was largely embodied in clauses of
the Customs Acts. The first Act, which was
definitely known as the Passengers' Act, was
passed in 1825, though an Act of the kind had been
passed as early as 1803. The Act of 1825 was
repealed in 1827 upon the recommendation of the
House of Commons Committee on Emigration,
apparently because the Committee considered that
it involved unnecessary interference with oversea
transit. It was, however, re-enacted, as far as
concerned British North America, in 1828 ; and in
1 See the Paper on Emigration and the Land and Emigration Board,
which forms Appendix XVII to the Report of the Departmental Com-
mittee on Agricultural Settlements in British Colonies, vol. ii, Minutes
of Evidence, &c., Cd. 2979, 1906, p. 327.
192 BRITISH NORTH AMERICA INTROD.
1835 an amended Passengers' Act was passed.
Tliis was the Act which was in force when Durham
and Buller reported. Several later Acts were
passed, notably in 1842, 1849, and 1855, and now
the provisions of the Passengers' Acts are included
in the Merchant Shipping Acts, the principal of
which is the Act of 1894.
Various strains of emigrants contributed to the
peopling of Canada in the earlier years of the
nineteenth century, as they contribute to it now.
The House of Commons Committees of 1826 and
1827, the later of which called Malthus as a witness,
and largely relied on his evidence, invited special
attention to the condition of the Irish labouring
classes, and to the terrible distress which had been
caused among the weavers in Lancashire and other
parts of the North of England, as well as in the
South of Scotland, by the substitution of machinery
for handlooms. It was held that emigration from
Ireland to the king's dominions beyond the seas
ought to be encouraged and assisted, in order to
prevent the emigration which was already taking
place from Ireland to England and Scotland,
thereby lowering the already too low wages of the
English and Scotch labourers ; and there had
been an object-lesson in emigration from Ireland
in 1823 and 1825, when Peter Robinson, with the
help of Government funds, took out emigrants from
County Cork and successfully planted them in
Upper Canada. On the first occasion he had some
difficulty in inducing between 500 and 600 to
emigrate ; on the second, according to his own
evidence before the 1827 Committee, he selected
CHAP, v EMIGRATION 193
2,000 out of 50,000 who were ready to emigrate.
The starving haiidloom weavers supplied a large
number of emigrants, many of whom were Scotch-
men from Lanarkshire and Renfrew. Numbers of
emigration societies came into existence from 1820
onwards ; and private individuals, landlords, and
others, gave money to promote emigration, among
them being Lord Egremont, who, in 1832, started
an emigration scheme at Petworth in Sussex, and
the excellence of whose arrangements for the care
of the emigrants on the ships which he sent out
is extolled in the evidence appended to Buller's
Report.
The emigration from the United Kingdom to
British North America, during the twenty years
prior to Lord Durham's mission, was pre-eminently
the outcome of bitter poverty and distress. The
poor in their misery were anxious to emigrate,
their better circumstanced fellow countrymen were
anxious to help them, emigration was generally
recognized as the true remedy for a great and
pressing evil, and British North America, though
far away in the absence of steam, was near as com-
pared with Australia. Given the most destitute
of emigrants, given the desire to put no restric-
tion on their emigration, given a British territory
not as distant as some other parts of the British
dominions, where there was unbounded room for
British immigrants, and where State policy made
British immigration especially desirable ; given
again a time when modern appliances were un-
known, and views of life were less enlightened than
our own ; there is then no room for wonder that the
1352-1 O
I'.M BRITISH NORTH AMERICA INTKOM.
emigrants took with them on the middle passage,
as Lord Durham termed it l (ii. 253), and to the
other side, hardship and suffering which reached
its climax when the emigrant ships brought cholera
from England in 1832. As far back as 1819 a
Quebec Emigrants' Society had been formed for
the relief of emigrants on arrival ; from time to
time the Quebec Legislature voted money for the
same purpose ; and in 1832, more especially, two
important Acts were passed. One was a Quaran-
tine Act, being 'An Act to establish Boards of
Health within this province and to enforce an
effectual system of quarantine '. It was an Act
consisting of forty sections, but, in accordance
with a most mischievous practice of passing tem-
porary laws which the Assembly of Lower Canada
had adopted in its crusade against the Govern-
ment, it was only passed in the first instance for
one year, becoming law on the 25th of February
1832, and remaining in force till the 1st of February
1833. It was passed in consequence of a warning
from the Imperial Government that cholera had
reached England, and would probably pass on to
Canada; and under its provisions a quarantine
station was established at Grosse Isle, rather more
than thirty miles below the port of Quebec. It
was passed none too soon. In June an emigrant
ship brought the cholera, which caused terrible
mortality,2 and supplied a fresh and not wholly
1 The actual words are, ' the yet unhealthy mid-passage.'
' On June 8 it declared itself in Quebec, and the following day at
Montreal. An almost decimation of the inhabitants of both cities took
place before it ceased its ravages.' From ' Remarks on the Quarantine
Station, Grosse Isle, from its establishment in 1832, by Sir John Doralt,
CHAP, v EMIGRATION 195
unreasoning grievance against England among the
French Canadians, in that emigration from England
had brought death to Canada.
The second Act was ' An Act to create a fund
for defraying the expense of providing medical
assistance for sick emigrants and of enabling
indigent persons of that description to proceed to
the place of their destination '. This Act again was
a temporary Act, expiring on the 1st of May 1834,1
and, like the Quarantine Act, had been suggested
by the Imperial Government. It levied a tax on
immigrants of 5s. a head, and the proceeds of the
tax were divided into fourths, between the Quebec
Emigrant Hospital, the Montreal General Hospital,
the Emigrant Society at Quebec, and the Emigrant
Society at Montreal, the main object being to for-
ward destitute emigrants on arrival to their
destination. It was a tax which Buller criticized
on the score of equity. ' To tax the whole body of
emigrants for the purpose of providing a remedy
M.D.', included in Appendix A to Lord Durham's Report. This has
not been reprinted.
1 The inconvenience caused by this temporary legislation is shown
by the following extract from Buller's Report (iii. 121) : ' In the year
1837, when from the prevalence of the cholera the necessities of the
emigrants were greatest, the societies in question had absolutely no
public money at their disposal, on account of the expiration of the
Provincial Act under which the fund had, till then, been raised.' An
Act was passed in March 1834, prolonging the operation of the 1832 Act
until May 1, 1836, but the prolonging Act was reserved for the King's
pleasure, and did not receive the Royal assent till August, 1834, and
the royal assent was not notified by proclamation of the Governor-
General till January 1835, when the Act came into force. There were
subsequent Acts which prolonged the original Act till 1839. As to Acts
for the relief of emigrants in Lower Canada, see the General Report of the
Assistant Commissioners of Municipal Enquiry, Appendix C, iii. 169, 170.
O 2
196 BRITISH NORTH AMERICA TNTROD.
for evils which no adequate means have been
adopted to prevent, and thus to compel the most
prudent of that class to bear the burden of impru-
dence or negligence in others, is surely a measure
of very doubtful justice ' (Appendix B, iii. 122).
That Durham and Buller did good service in
calling attention to existing abuses in connexion
with emigration from the United Kingdom to
British North America, and in demanding more
effective control by the Government, cannot foe
doubted ; nor is there any doubt that their repre-
sentations bore fruit, when in the following year
the Board of Colonial Land and Emigration Com-
missioners was created, and Lord John Russell
formulated their instructions. But the main interest
of the subject lies in comparing the views which are
propounded in their reports with those which are
set out in Elliot's Report of 1838. According to
Elliot's Report, a strong distinction had been drawn
by the Commission of 1831 between emigration to
Australia and emigration to British North America,
emigration to Australia requiring direct State aid,
which was held not to be required in the case of
emigration to British North America; and Elliot
summed up the Government emigration policy, in
regard to British North America, in the words
' that although no direct aid is given to the resort
of people to North America, every effort is made
for the ease and safety of their transit, so that
while the emigration to that quarter is left to flow
from natural springs, no pains are spared to keep
the channels free through which it takes its course V
1 p. 10.
CHAP, v EMIGRATION 197
The official view, in short, was that emigration
to British North America need not be subsidized
or stimulated, though the emigrants must be
and actually were safeguarded. Durham, on the
other hand, strongly contended that sufficient
safeguards were not applied, and that the existing
amount of Government control was not adequate.
But, with Buller, he went further; he disputed
the whole thesis that while the Wakefield system
was applicable to Australia, it was not applicable
to British North America, and that in the case
of British North America Government interference
should be strictly limited. To Durham and
Buller emigration was only one part of a great
scheme for colonizing the Empire ; and though
they appreciated the difference between the
conditions of the Australian colonies and those
of British North America, yet the scheme which
they contemplated was to be as far as possible
uniform for the whole Empire, and in carrying it
out the agency of the Imperial Government was
to be omnipotent and omnipresent. ' There is not
indeed any obvious reason why the Government
should take less effectual measures to regulate
emigration to the American than to the Australian
colonies,' writes Buller (iii. 120), ' there may be a
difference in the character and circumstances of
emigration to the two regions, but none so great
as to free the former from all interference, while
the latter is in several cases to a great extent, and
in one entirely, regulated by Government.' It will
be borne in mind that the time was one when
a strong body of public opinion was being formed
108 BRITISH NORTH AMERICA INTROD.*
antagonistic to State interference, and about to
result in Free Trade ; that the great Poor Law
Amendment Act of 1834 had been a practical pro-
nouncement in favour of self-help and of restrict-
ing aid from public funds ; that Durham, as the
apostle of self-government for the colonies, seemed
to be in harmony with the trend of opinion which
made for laissez-faire in the case alike of individuals
and of peoples. Yet it was at this time, and by
this man, that the strongest possible pronounce-
ment was made, in connexion with public lands in
the colonies and emigration to 'the colonies, in
favour of interference by the Government with the
individual, and by the Imperial Government with
the colonial community. The explanation is that
Durham, when he recognized what he considered
to be abuses, was not tied by a priori doctrines,
and that he had above all a great and overpower-
ing sense of the unity of the Empire.
MEANS OF COMMUNICATION
It has been seen that the funds derived from
the tax upon wild lands, from the sale of lands,
and from timber licences, were, according to
Buller's scheme, to be applied partly to assisting
and safeguarding emigration, and partly ' to such
works as would improve the value of land and
facilitate the progress of settlement. Of such
works ', writes Buller, ' I may mention the con-
struction of leading lines of road, the removal of
obstructions in the navigation of rivers, and the
formation of railroads and canals. In some of
CHAP, v MEANS OF COMMUNICATION 199
these works, the whole of the cost will be defrayed
out of these funds ; in others, it will only be
necessary to afford a limited amount of assistance
in aid of works in which private capital may be
invested, though not to a sufficient amount to
complete the undertaking. Of the class in which
only a partial assistance would be required are
the railroads and canals, which have been pro-
jected to connect the different colonies with each
other ; or to improve existing or create new means
of transport for passengers and merchandise to the
Western States of the Union ; and to which the
resources of the colonies are as yet unequal. Of
these, I may mention the projected canal between
the Bay of Fundy and the Baie Verte, referred to
in the evidence of Mr. Mackay ; the canal con-
necting the River Ottawa and Lake Huron by
means of Lake Nipissing and French River, re-
ferred to in the evidence of Mr. Shirreff ; a pro-
jected railroad connecting Lake Ontario with Lake
Huron ; and the railroad from Halifax to Quebec '
(iii. 116). It will be noted that Buller suggests that
railroads and canals should be constructed, not so
much directly by the State, as by supplementing
and subsidizing private enterprise from Govern-
ment funds. Such a course had been adopted in
regard to the Welland Canal; and the Canadian
Pacific Railway may be taken as one of the most
striking of many instances in which private citizens
have carried out great public enterprises in Canada
with the aid of State subsidies. In this respect
Canada differs from the self-governing dominions
in Australasia, where the means of communication
200 BRTTTSH NORTH AMERICA INTROP.
have been supplied almost entirely by the State.
In Canada, for instance, the great railway systems
of the Canadian Pacific, the Grand Trunk, and
the Canadian Northern are all owned by private
companies, though they have been largely aided
and strongly backed by the Government. Of the
four public works to which Buller referred as in
contemplation, the two last have been carried out.
Various railways connect Lake Ontario with Lake
Huron, and the Intercolonial Railway links Halifax
to Quebec. But the Baie Verte Canal has never
been made, and the great, much-considered scheme
of the Georgian Bay Canal is still for the future.
Buller wrote of improving or creating means of
transport for passengers and merchandise to the
Western States of the Union, but he made no
mention of the great North-West of Canada. Nor
is there any mention of it in Lord Durham's report,
for far-seeing as Lord Durham was, and great as
was his confidence in the resources of the coming
time, the future grain lands of the prairies were
hidden from his eyes.
For any empire, for any great territory within
or without an empire, means of communication
are all important ; but perhaps throughout the
whole world, no land tells so well as Canada to
what extent the life of a country and of its people
is a question of communication. Nowhere have
communications been more essential to national
existence than in Canada ; nowhere has nature
offered greater facilities for communication; no-
where has man supplemented nature in this respect
with more conspicuous courage and enterprise.
CHAP, v MEANS OF COMMUNICATION 201
Early in his Report Lord Durham, in a splendid
passage, bears witness to Canada as he saw it,
recounting that ' trade with other continents is
favoured by the possession of a large number of safe
and spacious harbours ; long, deep, and numerous
rivers, and vast inland seas, supply the means
of easy intercourse ; and the structure of the
country generally affords the utmost facility for
every species of communication by land ' (ii. 12, 13).
Towards the end of his Report he lays down, as
beyond dispute, that ' the great discoveries of
modem art, which have throughout the world,
and nowhere more than in America, entirely
altered the character and the channels of com-
munication between distant countries, will bring
all the North American colonies into constant and
speedy intercourse with each other. The success
of the great experiment of steam navigation across
the Atlantic opens a prospect of a speedy com-
munication with Europe, which will materially
affect the future state of all these provinces ' ;
and he prophesies that with the construction of
a railway from Halifax to Quebec, and with
steamers running across the Atlantic, ' the passage
from Ireland to Quebec would be a matter of ten
or twelve days, and Halifax would be the great
port by which a large portion of the trade, and all
the conveyance of passengers to the whole of
British North America, would be carried on '
(ii. 316-19).
The line of length in Canada, like the line of
life, has been from east to west. ' The great
natural channel of the St. Lawrence,' to use Lord
202 BRITISH NORTH AMERICA TNTROD.
Durham's words, runs south-west and north-east.
While Canada belonged to France, the story of
Canada, excluding Acadia and Hudson's Bay, was
the story of the St. Lawrence, the story of a water-
way, and that waterway ran in the main east and
west. In later times expansion was still mainly
east and west, still from one meridian of longitude
to another, not from one parallel of latitude to
another, although the fur traders roamed north
and south as well. It was otherwise in the case of
the United States. There the earlier settlement
was for the most part north and south along the
Atlantic seaboard ; and, when in the course of
years settlement expanded inland to the west, the
great river which was secured for the American
Republic, the Mississippi, was a river which ran
north and south, not east and west.
By the severance of the United States from the
British Empire, Canada gained a future as a
nation ; but its national existence and its national
growth became almost entirely a matter of longi-
tudinal expansion, for the treaty of 1783 gave to
the British provinces, which now form the Dominion
of Canada, a southern boundary, which hemmed
them in, and in a sense prolonged their line by
making the length of habitable land — before the
North- West was opened up and known — out of
proportion to the breadth. The line was threatened
at this point and at that, notably on the Maine
boundary, by the unnatural results of the treaty
of 1783, and communication became beyond all
things vital to the existence of Canada.
Further, the coming into being of the American
CHAP, v MEANS OF COMMUNICATION 203
boundary, with a not too friendly people on the
other side, gave prominence to military considera-
tions in the matter of Canadian lines of communica-
tion. Military men desired to impede rather than
to promote communications between Canada and
the United States, and within Canada they desired
to construct communications as far removed as
possible from the frontier. It was for military,
not, as Lord Durham read the history,1 for political
reasons, that it was attempted, after the war of
1812, to prohibit settlement and keep a belt of
bush between Canada and the United States on
the south side of the St. Lawrence ; and the con-
struction of the Rideau Canal was entirely due to
the soldiers' wish to have water communication,
for military purposes, between Montreal and
Lake Ontario, beyond striking distance from the
American frontier. In the first of these two cases,
after the government reversed its policy, we find
a military man expressing regret that the bush was
allowed to be cut down in these frontier districts
and settlement to be promoted ; while correspon-
dence which has been published on the subject of
the beginnings of the Rideau Canal,2 shows that
that work was so entirely the outcome of military
considerations, that Colonel By3 the skilful
engineer who carried out the undertaking,
himself a soldier, with difficulty induced the
Government to consent to making the canal
and its locks large enough for commercial as well
as for military purposes. A prize essay on the
1 See the Report, ii. 65, and note, and below, p. 278.
5 See the Report on the Canadian Archives for 1890, Appendix P.
204 BRITISH NORTH AMERICA INTROD.
canals of Canada, by Mr. Keefer, published in
1850, comments severely upon the military canals
in Canada, and speaks of * those unfortunate
military considerations which have ever been a
bar to our advancement ' ; 1 but it was under a
soldier governor, and in time of war, that the
canals of Canada began; and Canada has owed
not a little to the military instinct which has
sought for lines of communication remote from
the international boundary.
Coming down to later times, the confederation
of Canada was more than anything else a ques-
tion of communication. The 145th section of the
British North America Act provided that, 'Inas-
much as the provinces of Canada, Nova Scotia,
and New Brunswick have joined in a declaration
that the construction of the Intercolonial Railway
is essential to the consolidation of the union of
British North America, and to the assent thereto
of Nova Scotia and New Brunswick,' a railway
connecting the river St. Lawrence with the city of
Halifax should be begun within six months of the
date of union ; and as this Intercolonial Railway,
the railway which Lord Durham foreshadowed,
was an essential condition to the union of the
maritime provinces with Canada, so the con-
sideration for which in 1871 British Columbia
joined the Dominion, was that a railway linking
that province with Eastern Canada should be
begun within two years, and completed within
ten years from the date when the province entered
1 Prize Essay : The Canals of Canada, by Thos. C. Keefer, Civil
Engineer, Toronto, 1850.
CHAP, v MEANS OF COMMUNICATION 205
the Union. In 1885, a little later than the pro-
mised time, the Canadian Pacific Railway spanned
the continent, and to a greater extent than any
other single work of man in any part of the world
contributed to the making of a nation.
Although airships have been invented, com-
munication has so far been carried on either by
water or by land. Nature gives communication
by water, though there are usually flaws in the
connexion which need to be remedied by the handi-
work of man. By land, at best, she does not pro-
hibit it. Lord Durham, in the passage which has
been quoted above, notes that in Canada ' the
structure of the country generally affords the
utmost facility for every species of communica-
tion by land ' ; and his statement holds true,
although, when he made it, he had in view at most
but half the continent. Stupendous as was the
work of carrying the first railway through such
a desert as lies on the north shore of Lake Supe-
rior, the prairies beyond are formed for roads
and railways, and the Rocky Mountains and the
Selkirks were traversed without burrowing under-
ground as in the Alps. From Montreal to Van-
couver the Canadian Pacific Railway runs for
2,900 miles; along its whole course there is still
no St. Gothard or Simplon tunnel, and but few
tunnels, as at Field, of appreciable length.
In the matter of waterways Nature has been
wonderfully bountiful to Canada. It would be
difficult to find a parallel in other parts of the
world, if account is taken both of inland waters
and of outlet to the sea. This is perhaps the
206 I'.RITLSH NO^TH AMERICA INTROD.
greatest advantage that Canada possesses, as com-
pared with the other self-governing dominions of
the King. There is continuous water communica-
tion for 2,200 miles from the Straits of Belle Isle
to Port Arthur at the western end of Lake Superior.
The difference in level between the sea and Lake
Superior is about 600 feet. Along this great water-
way there are some 73 miles of canal ; and between
Montreal at the head of ocean navigation, 986
miles from the Straits of Belle Isle, and Lake
Superior, there are 48 locks. The beginning of
Canadian canals was in the years 1779-83, years
of the War of American Independence, when
General Haldimand governed Canada. They were
constructed for military purposes, and consisted of
short cuts with locks on the St. Lawrence above
Montreal, between Lakes St. Louis and St. Francis,
at the Cascades, the Cedars, and Coteau du Lac,
which were subsequently merged in the Beau-
harnois Canal. In 1797-8 some kind of canal
appears to have been made by the North- West
Company on the Canadian side of the Sault St.
Marie. The Lachine Canal, which, with a length
of 8J miles and five locks, carries vessels past the
Lachine rapids and across the southern part of the
Island of Montreal, was early projected ; and after
the second American war, in 1815, the Quebec
Legislature, on the suggestion of the Governor,
Sir George Prevost, passed an Act appropriating
a sum of money to its construction. The canal,
however, was not completed till 1824, at a cost of
over £107,000, and the first ships went through it
in 1825. Of the other canals which were in exis-
CIIAI-. v MEANS OF COMMUNICATION 207
tence in Lord Durham's time, the Rideau Canal
from Ottawa to Kingston,- 126 miles in length,
a military w rk constructed entirely at the expense
of the Imperial Government, was begun in 1826
and opened in 1832 ; while the Welland Canal,
27 miles long, correcting the break in navigation
caused by the Falls of Niagara, and therefore of
the utmost importance to Canadian waterborne
trade, Chough begun before the Rideau Canal, was
not available for traffic till 1833. In 1834 the Corn-
wall Canal, to which Lord Durham refers, and
which rectifies the navigation of the St. Lawrence
past the Long Sault Rapids, was begun, but it
was not opened for traffic till 1843. One of the
early projects in connexion with inland navigation
in Canada was the improvement of the waterway
of the Richelieu River, connecting the St. Lawrence
with Lake Champlain. In 1818 an Act was passed
in Lower Canada, empowering a company to con-
struct the Chambly Canal on the line of this river ;
but it was not until 1843 that, after various vicissi-
tudes, the canal was opened, having a length of
12 miles with 9 locks.1 Meanwhile, the Richelieu
River had been connected with the St. Lawrence
over against Montreal by a little railway of 15 miles
in length, running from La Prairie to St. John's
on the Richelieu, above the Chambly Rapids.
This was the line to which Lord Durham refers in
his Report (ii. 212-13) as the 'one railroad in all
1 One of the best accounts of the Canadian canals up to the date of
the report is the Historical Sketch of the Canals of Canada, given in
the report of the Canal Commission of 1871, Canadian Sessional Papers,
1871, No. 54.
208 BRITISH NOR^H AMERICA INTROD.
British America ', and it had only been opened for
locomotive traction in 1837.
As compared with the great canals and railways
which throughout Canada, as Canada was in Lord
Durham's time, make the transit of men and
merchandise sure and speedy, and which beyond
the limits of his horizon are making a new world
in the West and North- West, carrying communica-
tions to the northern as well as to the western seas,
the public works of Canada in Lord Durham's day
appear puny and insignificant. But not a little
had been done, and out of all comparison with the
accomplished facts was the recognition of what
was coming in the future. On the 13th of July,
1826, Colonel By, when contending for larger
dimensions in the scheme of the Rideau Canal,
wrote : * The number of the steamboats now build-
ing on the banks of the St. Lawrence is one of the
great proofs of the increasing trade and prosperity
of this country.' * Lord Durham notes how the
province of Upper Canada had become involved in
financial difficulties through entering on a bold
policy of public works, and it has been seen that
the first vessel to cross the Atlantic by the help of
steam alone had been built in and started from
Canada. In spite of political troubles and antago-
nisms, possibly to some extent because of them,
Canada was instinct with the sense of possibilities,
and Lord Durham shared it to the full. It is the
common failing of political thinkers and writers
to devote their whole attention to laws and con-
stitutions, and what is called political science, and
1 Report on Canadian Archives for 1890, Appendix D.
CHAP, v MEANS OF COMMUNICATION 209
to overlook the tremendous effect which science in
the stricter sense, invention, and engineering, has
had and will have in an increasing degree upon
politics and history. It was one of Lord Durham's
supreme merits that, politician as he was, and
devoted to constitutional reform, he appreciated
public works present or future at their full value,
and appreciated them not merely for their direct
material results, but also, and in a greater degree,
because of their bearing on politics. They appealed
to his constructive mind as being communications,
as making divided parts into one, as making small
things into great, as linking one home to another,
one little town to another little town, one pro-
vince to another, one united group of provinces
to the mother country. He notes as one among
various objections to the system of clergy reserves,
that they were an obstacle to communication and
to continuity of settlement (ii. 220-2). Here are
words in which he condemns the policy of the
Legislature of Lower Canada (ii. 99-100) : ' While
the Assembly was wasting the surplus revenues of
the Province in jobs for the increase of patronage,
and in petty peddling in parochial business, it left
untouched those vast and easy means of com-
munication which deserved, and would have repaid,
the application of the provincial revenues. The
state of New York made its own St. Lawrence
from Lake Erie to the Hudson, while the Govern-
ment of Canada could not achieve, or even attempt,
the few miles of canal and dredging, which would
have rendered its mighty rivers navigable almost
to their sources.' And here are words which show
1352-1 P
210 BRITISH NORTH AMERICA INTROD.
how well he understood the bearing of public
works on politics, and how he looked to roads
and railways to help on confederation : ' The
completion of any satisfactory communication
between Halifax and Quebec would, in fact, pro-
duce relations between these Provinces that would
render a general union absolutely necessary '
(ii. 318).
It has been noted that Lord Durham's horizon
did not include the North- West and beyond, but
assuredly if ever a man deserved to see what our
eyes have seen in Canada, a dominion from sea to
sea as the direct result of railways, it was the man
who could feel as he felt, and write as he wrote,
with regard to the importance of means of com-
munication.
MUNICIPALITIES AND LOCAL GOVERNMENT
How close was the connexion in Lord Durham's
mind between means of communication and local
government may be seen from the Commission
which he issued to Buller, authorizing an inquiry
into the municipal institutions of Lower Canada.
The Commission recites, ' Whereas it is highly
expedient and desirable that the counties, cities,
towns, parishes, and townships in our province of
Lower Canada should respectively enjoy as ex-
tensive a control as may be consistent with their
own improvement, and with the general welfare
of our said province, over all matters and things
of a local nature, to the end that intercourse may
be facilitated, industry promoted, crime repressed,
education appreciated, and true liberty under-
CHAP, v LOCAL GOVERNMENT 211
stood and advanced.' The first place among the
objects for which local self-government should be
given is assigned to facilitating intercourse ; and
similarly Charles Buller, in his letter of instruc-
tions to the Assistant Commissioners of Municipal
Inquiry, places in the forefront ' increased facilities
of internal communication '. ' You will inquire
and report about the provision which has been
made for the formation and maintenance of those
internal communications, which, as they concern
only local divisions, can never be the objects of
interest to a central government. The system by
which the roads and bridges of the province have
been managed will be one of the first and most
important subjects of investigation.'
The General Report of the Assistant Commis-
sioners of Municipal Inquiry is of great value for
students of Canadian history, embracing as it
does a large variety of subjects, and illustrating,
for instance, such anomalies as had been caused
by the mischievous practice of temporary legisla-
tion, which the Quebec Assembly had reduced to
a fine art. The Report, however, deals with Lower
Canada only, and in their Preliminary Report the
Commissioners state that they had been compelled
to modify their plan of investigation, and curtail
their labours, by ' events untoward for the settle-
ment of these colonies ' (Appendix C, iii. 138), in
other words, by Lord Durham's resignation. The
Commission authorizing the inquiry is dated the
23rd of August 1838, the General Report is dated
the 14th of November 1838, and from what Lord
Durham says (ii. 113), it is clear that he had not
P2
212 BRITISH NORTfr AMERICA INTROD.
received the Assistant Commissioners' Report, when
lie wrote his own.
In their Preliminary Report the Assistant Com-
missioners record that ' there is no such thing
as systematized local self-government in Lower
Canada' (Appendix C, iii. 139) ; and the paragraph
in their General Report, headed ' Existing Means
for Local Self-Go vernment in Lower Canada', be-
gins with the statement that ' The only machinery
for the working of a plan of municipal government
in the province is to be found under the operation
of the road law and collateral enactments ' (Appen-
dix C, iii. 227). In reference to the same province,
Lord Durham writes of ' the utter want of muni-
cipal institutions giving the people any control
over their local affairs ' (ii. 113). Municipal corpora-
tions had come into existence in Quebec and
Montreal in 1832, in pursuance of Acts passed in
the previous year, but they went out of existence
again in 1836, in consequence of the temporary
Acts under which they had been created not
being renewed by the cross-grained Assembly of
Lower Canada; and Lord Durham tells us, that
he found it necessary to organize police forces for
the two cities (ii. 132). Throughout the country,
under the old French regime, the militia had been,
in Lord Durham's words, ' so constituted and used,
as partially to supply the want of better civil
institutions ' (ii. 98), but the force was now prac-
tically annihilated. In short, in Lower Canada, in
both town and country, there was administrative
chaos.
On the subject of local government in Upper
CHAP, v LOCAL GOVERNMENT 213
Canada Lord Durham has little to say ; though, in
the part of his Report which refers to that province,
he notes that ' there is no adequate system of local
assessment to improve the means of communica-
tion ' (ii. 184) ; and on the other hand, that ' the
Province has already been fortunately obliged to
throw the whole support of the few and imperfect
local works, which are carried on in different parts
of the Province, on local assessments ' (ii. 190).
Buller, in his instructions to the Assistant Com-
missioners, gives Upper Canada as an instance of
a country in which ' a very perfect municipal
machinery exists without being rendered avail-
able for the most important municipal purposes '
(Appendix C, iii. 136) ; and from a Report which
was supplied to Poulett Thomson in January
1840, and forwarded by him to Lord John Russell,1
it appears that, while the country townships of
Upper Canada had their local machinery and
elected their officers, they had no power of raising
money for local improvements. On the other
hand, the same Report states that ' Nearly all
the towns in Upper Canada have obtained corpo-
rate powers, namely Toronto, Kingston, Hamilton,
Cobourg, Niagara, Prescott, Cornwall, and London'.
Toronto had been incorporated in 1834, and with
its incorporation regained its original name, and
discarded the name of York which it had borne
since 1793. The first Mayor of Toronto, elected
1 Report by Captain Pringle on Land Tax, Roads, and Municipal
Institutions, dated Toronto, January 20, 1840: House of Commons
Paper, 147, March 23, 1840. Copies or Extracts of Correspondence
relative to the Re-union of the Provinces of Upper and Lower Canada,
p. 41.
214 BRITISH NORTft AMERICA INTROD.
by his fellow citizens, was William Lyon Mac-
kenzie.
Bearing in mind that what is stated in Lord
Durham's Report and its Appendixes on the sub-
ject of municipalities and local administration has
special reference to Lower Canada, Lord Durham's
views on the subject will be best appreciated, by
giving what are more or less obvious answers to
the question, Why did he set so much store by
municipal institutions and local self-government ?
The first and most obvious answer is, that the want
of such institutions was so painfully apparent ;
but it is unnecessary to labour this point, or to
multiply quotations showing how great and press-
ing was the actual need for adequate municipal
and local administration in Lower Canada; and
Lord Durham, while he lost no time in providing
for security of life and property at Quebec and
Montreal, had views beyond merely meeting the
wants of the moment.
He was a strong Liberal, he was a strong Im-
perialist, and he had an eminently constructive
mind. From all these points of view he was
concerned to endow Canada — especially French
Canada — with a proper system of municipal and
local institutions. It has been already noted that
municipal reform was one of the planks in the
Whig programme, and in 1835 Lord Melbourne's
Government had carried the celebrated Municipal
Corporations Act. Lord Durham was not a
member of the Government at the time, but he
was a leading member of the party ; and it may
well be believed that he was in full sympathy with
CHAP, v LOCAL GOVERNMENT 215
the movement for giving self-government to the
great cities of England, and wished to create
similar institutions in Canada. But even more as
an Imperialist than as a Liberal, he was anxious
to further the policy of local self-government in
Lower Canada, for he wished to anglicize Lower
Canada, and he regarded local and municipal
institutions as peculiarly Anglo-Saxon. ' Lower
Canada remains without municipal institutions of
local self-government, which are the foundations of
Anglo-Saxon freedom and civilization ' (ii. 98-9) ;
and again, referring to the United States, ' In the
greater part of the States to which I refer, the
want of means at the disposal of the central
executive is amply supplied by the efficiency of
the municipal institutions ; and even where these
are wanting, or imperfect, the energy and self-
governing habits of an Anglo-Saxon population
enable it to combine whenever a necessity arises.
But the French population of Lower Canada
possesses neither such institutions, nor such a
character. Accustomed to rely entirely on the
government, it has no power of doing anything
for itself, much less of aiding the central authority '
(ii. 112-13). Lord Durham's contention was in
effect, that under the old French regime local
liberties and responsibilities had been unknown ;
that, when Great Britain took over French Canada,
French centralization and despotism had been
abolished without substituting for it Anglo-Saxon
municipal and local institutions; and that French
Canada could only be made British by being given
these liberties, while conversely the liberties could
216 BRITISH NORTH AMERICA INTROD.
only be appreciated and put to proper use, if
French Canada were anglicized. A similar train
of reasoning will be found in the Report of the
Assistant Commissioners. ' The simple question at
issue is, whether the province shall remain French,
or stand still until pushed forward by the aggres-
sive movements of the United States, or become
English in the progressive and prosperous action,
as well as in the outward and visible character of
its institutions ' (iii. 230).
Apart from his desire to convert Lower Canada
into a British province, Lord Durham, as a con-
structive statesman, as a man who wished to
create and to build up, attached the greatest
importance to municipal institutions. He regarded,
and rightly regarded, municipal and parish work
as a training ground for higher politics, and he
criticized the action of the British Government in
giving to the people of Lower Canada representa-
tive government without at the same time giving
them municipal institutions. ' If the wise example
of those countries in which a free representative
government has alone worked well, had been in all
respects followed in Lower Canada, care would
have been taken that, at the same time that
a Parliamentary system, based on a very extended
suffrage, was introduced into the country, the
people should have been entrusted with a com-
plete control over their own local affairs, and been
trained for taking their part in the concerns of
the Province, by their experience in the manage-
ment of that local business which was most in-
teresting and most easily intelligible to them. But
CHAP, v LOCAL GOVERNMENT 217
the inhabitants of Lower Canada were unhappily
initiated into self-government at exactly the wrong
end, and those who were not entrusted with the
management of a parish, were enabled, by their
votes, to influence the destinies of a State ' (ii. 113).
Holding municipal institutions to be an integral
part of the structure of a well-organized com-
munity, he embodied in his own scheme for the
union of the two Canadas ' a plan of local govern-
ment by elective bodies subordinate to the General
Legislature ' (ii. 324) ; and, in discussing the possi-
bility of a union of the whole of the British North
American provinces,he expressed his opinion that the
formation of municipal bodies would be 'an essential
part of any durable and complete Union ' (ii. 322).
But again, it was not only as a Liberal Imperia-
list, intent on building up a community, that Lord
Durham expressed this opinion and advocated so
strongly municipal institutions. He advocated
them also as what might be styled a Conservative
reformer ; for, as has been pointed out already >
he regarded the creation of municipal and local
institutions as a necessary check upon the general
legislature which he proposed to call into being,
and to which he intended to entrust the powers" of
responsible government ; and he took this view
very especially because, having under his eyes the
abuses of which the Quebec Assembly had been
guilty, he wished to remove from the General
Legislature of the future the opportunities for local
jobbery. It was with the same object that he laid
down that money votes should be initiated only
by the ministers of the Crown. How right he was
218 BRITISH NORTH AMERICA INTROD.
in this view, and how essential it was to create
municipal machinery for the purpose, is shown
by the dispatch in which, at the end of 1839,
his successor, Poulett Thomson, afterwards Lord
Sydenham, made his recommendations to Lord
John Russell on the subject of the coming Union
Bill. He wrote that :
' One of the most important provisions in the
plan proposed last session, one on which the Earl
of Durham has justly laid the greatest stress, and
of which I find the strongest approbation expressed
in the Canadas, is that which restricts the initiative
of money votes in the House of Assembly to the
Government, and which is calculated to put an end
to the disgraceful system of local jobbing for Parlia-
mentary grants, which has prevailed in both pro-
vinces. But if this provision be adhered to—
and without it I should think the Bill of little
comparative value — it is absolutely necessary to
provide machinery by which local taxation can
be raised for local purposes. Thus the establish-
ment of municipal institutions becomes a necessary
part of the Union Bill.' 1
A man who was, as Lord Durham was, a heart-
whole believer in responsible government, but who
was, as Lord Durham was not, purely a political
theorist, might well have argued, Give the people
the right to govern themselves, and they will at
once see the necessity of having local institutions,
and forthwith call them into existence. Lord
Durham thought otherwise, for his political doc-
trines were leavened with common sense. It was
1 House of Commons Paper, 147, March 23, 1840. Copies or Extracts
of Correspondence relative to the Re-union of the Provinces of t'pjx-r
and Lower Canada, p. 31.
CHAP, v LOCAL GOVERNMENT 219
not that he doubted whether the popular Legis-
latures, if left to themselves, would do the right
thing in the matter of local institutions ; he was
quite certain that at the outset they would not,
for he recognized the limitations and shortcomings
of democracy, in small, untrained communities.
And being thus persuaded in his own mind, he
would have none of the ordinary Whig platitudes
as to trusting the people, but held it to be incum-
bent upon the Imperial Government to withhold
from the Colonial Legislatures the power of mischief.
4 The establishment of a good system of muni-
cipal institutions throughout these provinces is
a matter of vital importance. A general legis-
lature, which manages the private business of
every parish, in addition to the common business
of the country, wields a power which no single
body, however popular in its constitution, ought to
have. ... It is in vain to expect that this sacrifice
of power will be voluntarily made by any repre-
sentative body. The establishment of municipal
institutions for the whole country should be made
a part of every colonial constitution ; and the
prerogative of the Crown should be constantly
interposed to check any encroachment on the
functions of the local bodies, until the people
should become alive, as most assuredly they
almost immediately would be, to the necessity of
protecting their local privileges ' (ii. 287).
That his views on this point were accurate and
true has been shown by subsequent colonial his-
tory,1 as it had already in effect been proved by
1 Reference should be made to the second edition of Merivale's
Lectures on Colonization and Colonies, Appendix to Lecture XXII,
pp. 651-4. See above, pp. 151-2 and note, and below, pp. 297-8.
220 BRITISH NORTH AMERICA INTROD.
the history of Lower Canada ; for it was due to the
representative Legislature of Quebec, not to any
want of goodwill on the part of the Imperial
Government, that municipal institutions were not
existing and flourishing in Lower Canada. Lord
Durham blamed the Home Government for not
having insisted on such institutions, for not having
brought them into being at the time when repre-
sentative government was given to the province
in 1791, and it is a little difficult to decide how
far this criticism was well founded. He does not
notice that the Quebec Act of 1774, which gave
to the province of Quebec, as it then was, a nomi-
nated Legislative Council, while withholding from
it the power of taxation, gave it explicitly full
powers to authorize towns and districts to levy
local rates ' for the purpose of making roads,
erecting and repairing public buildings, or for any
other purpose respecting the local convenience and
economy of such town or district V In 1786 the
magistrates of Cataraqui, afterwards Kingston, in
what was a few years later the province of Upper
Canada, represented that ' the election or appoint-
ment of proper officers in the several townships to
see that the necessary roads be opened and kept
in proper repair, we conceive, would be of great
utility, by facilitating the communication with all
parts of the settlement ' ; 2 and though the con-
stitutional Act of 1791 was silent on the subject of
1 Section XIII.
1 See Shortt and Doughty, Documents relating to the Constitutional
History of Canada, p. 643. The note at the bottom of the page is, ' This
is the beginning of the agitation in the western settlements for the
introduction of municipal government.'
OHAP. v LOCAL GOVERNMENT 221
municipal institutions, as the Union Act of 1840,
save in the matter of authorizing the constitution
of townships,1 was silent also, there was nothing
to forbid the Legislatures of the two provinces
from inaugurating municipal institutions, and as
a matter of fact, in Upper Canada, the machinery
of local administration was actually brought into
existence.
But Lord Durham, it must be repeated, was not
satisfied with permissive legislation. Municipal in-
stitutions were with him a vital necessity. It was
his creed that a community should be given self-
government in balanced proportions ; that as
the Act of 1791 erred in granting representative
institutions without responsible government, so it
erred in granting those institutions to the whole
province, without at the same time granting them
within defined limits to the towns and districts of
the province. For the absence of local liberties,
which meant local responsibilities, he blamed,
rightly or wrongly, the Imperial Government.
Possibly he overlooked the fact that the legis-
lators of 1791 had not at their command the
valuable experience in colonial matters which since
that date had been painfully accumulated; and
possibly too he did not sufficiently bear in mind
the difficulty of passing a Bill, overloaded with
detail, through the House of Commons.
But it should be noted that his view, that the
Home Government had been remiss in not estab-
lishing municipal institutions in the British North
American provinces, was shared by the Assistant
1 Section LVIII.
222 BRITISH NORTH AMERICA INTROD.
Commissioners of Municipal Inquiry, and also by
Charles Buller. The former wrote of Lower Canada
' that although long under the rule of England,
the province has participated far too sparingly
in the benefits of sound British institutions '
(Appendix C, iii. 139) ; while Nova Scotia, that
most British province, is described by Buller as a
country from whose institutions ' every vestige
of the municipal system of the old colonies was
jealously excluded ' (Appendix B, iii. 76).
In the administration of their Empire, it was the
policy of the Romans to respect municipal liberties,
and encourage municipal life. They did so, it
would seem, partly because the towns were con-
venient units of administration, and partly in
order to provide their subjects with a substitute
for political freedom and national life. At their
best — and their best was very good — the Romans
were despots ; they always had in mind the maxim
Divide et Impera ; they did not regard municipali-
ties either as a training ground for higher freedom,
or as an integral part of an edifice of constitutional
government ; least of all did they contemplate in
them a necessary check upon the central authority.
If what Lord Durham wrote in his Report upon
the subject of local self-government is contrasted
with what the historians tell us in this regard
of Roman provincial administration, and if it is
borne in mind that in the matter of the municipia
the Romans came nearest to encouraging freedom,
we can form some fair estimate of the extent to
which British Imperialism is broader than the
Imperialism of Rome.
CHAP, v ADMINISTRATION OF JUSTICE 223
The General Report of the Assistant Commis-
sioners of Municipal Inquiry contains a good deal
of matter relating to the administration of justice
in Lower Canada. To this subject Lord Durham
devoted several pages of his Report, commenting
severely upon/ ' the mischievous results prominently
exhibited in the provision which the Government
of Lower Canada makes for the first want of
a people, the efficient administration of justice '
(ii. 116). His criticisms are almost entirely con-
fined to the case of Lower Canada, where difference
of race, law, and custom had led to complica-
tion and confusion ; and only one paragraph, on
pp. 182-3, refers to administration of justice in
the Upper Province.
The British Government had begun by intro-
ducing, or trying to introduce, into the Province of
Quebec the law of England, both in criminal and
in civil matters. By the terms of the Royal Pro-
clamation of 1763, the Governor in Council was
empowered to constitute Courts of Justice, ' for
hearing and determining all causes, as well criminal
as civil, according to law and equity, and as near as
may be agreeable to the laws of England.' On this
basis, in September 1764, Governor Murray passed
an ordinance establishing a superior Court of Judi-
cature or Court of King's Bench, and an inferior
Court of Judicature, or Court of Common Pleas,
and introducing trial by jury, Justices of the Peace,
and Quarter Sessions. The Quebec Act of 1774,
while continuing the law of England in criminal
224 BRITISH NORTH AMERICA INTROD.
matters, restored as a whole 1 French law and
custom in civil matters, thereby abolishing in
civil cases trial by jury; and this compromise
in the main prevailed down to the date at which
Lord Durham wrote. It is obvious that under the
circumstances some confusion was inevitable, and
that technical difficulties must have arisen in the
endeavour to deal fairly by two races with separate
customs and traditions in one province ; but the
interesting point to note is how in the matter of
administration of justice, as in regard to other
subjects dealt with in his report, Lord Durham
held the Imperial Government responsible. The
Imperial Government, and the Governors who were
sent to Canada, had no other object or desire in
connexion with the administration of justice than
to give to the province of Lower Canada the laws
and procedure which the time and place seemed to
demand. They were not the obstacle to adequate
and efficient administration of justice ; the blame
rested with the Quebec Legislature ; but Lord
Durham censured the Home Government at once
for not giving larger powers to the Legislature, and
for not insisting upon that Legislature doing its
duty. Presumably he would have contended that,
had responsible government been in existence,
little or no blame would have attached to the
authorities in England for shortcomings in adminis-
tration of justice, or in any other matter ; but that,
inasmuch as under the constitution of 1791 the
ultimate responsibility still remained with the
1 Section IX excepted lands granted or to be granted in free and
common soccage. See what Lord Durham says on pp. 69 and 116
(vol. ii) of the Report.
CHAP, v ADMINISTRATION OF JUSTICE 225
Imperial Government, that Government was to
blame in giving so much latitude to the representa-
tive assembly in the province, and not at the same
time ensuring that the French Canadian legislators
passed the measures which were obviously re-
quired for the good of the community. From the
time of Sir James Craig the Quebec Legislature
had instituted a regular crusade against the
judges. Jonathan Sewell, who was appointed
Chief Justice of Lower Canada in 1808, and who
only retired at the time of Lord Durham's Mission,
had been the object of special hostility, but other
judges also had been arraigned one after another
in spiteful and vindictive fashion. One reason
probably was that the judges were mainly British,
and in earlier days, at any rate, imported from
outside, not always with much regard to suit-
ability for their work. Another reason was that
they stood rather especially for independence of
the votes of the popular assembly ; while a third
and potent reason was that they were not held
aloof from politics. In the early stages of a colony,
a man who has been selected to hold the post of
Chief Justice, may well, by his training and stand-
ing, be a valuable public asset to the Government
and to the community, apart from his judicial
functions ; and a good case may be made for not ex-
cluding him from the advisory council or the Legis-
lature, provided that he is not subject to popular
election. Even'at the present day, in some Crown
Colonies, the Chief Justice is a member of the
Executive Council, or of the Legislative Council, or
of both. Sewell was Speaker of the Legislative
1352-1 O
226 BRITISH NORTH AMERICA IXTROB.
Council in Lower Canada, as Beverley Robinson
was of the Council in the Upper Province, and the
stronger and more efficient the particular judge
was, the more he tended to attract the opposition
of the popular party. In 1831 Lord Goderich, as
Secretary of State, instructed the Governor ' to com-
municate to the Legislative Council and Assembly
His Majesty's settled purpose to nominate on no
future occasion a judge either as a member of the
Executive or Legislative Council of the Province ',
with one exception, that exception being the Chief
Justice of Lower Canada, whose presence in the
Legislative Council was thought advisable in con-
nexion with legislation, but who was to be in-
structed to hold aloof from all party proceedings.1
Lord Goderich, at the same time and in the same
dispatch, proposed that, as in England so in Lower
Canada, the judges should be given by Act of the
Legislature permanent salaries and complete inde-
pendence— pending good behaviour — both of the
Royal pleasure and of the popular assembly. But
independence of the judges was abominable to the
Quebec Assembly,2 and the question was still out-
standing at the time of Lord Durham's Mission,
with the result that one of his recommendations
was (ii. 327) that ' the independence of the Judges
should be secured, by giving them the same
tenure of office and security of income as exist
in England '.
' See Christie, vol. iii, p. 366, and see above, p. 59.
2 See ii. 88 of the Report, in which Lord Durham gives an instance of
the Quebec Legislature having resort to 'tacking', in order to defeat
legislation for securing the independence of the judges.
CHAP, v ADMINISTRATION OF JUSTICE 227
It is very noteworthy in the history of Canada,
how anxious the Imperial Government and the
Colonial Ministers were to reproduce in Canada
the conditions which prevailed in England, in the
honest belief that what suited England must suit
Canada ; whereas it was inevitable that much that
was suitable and congenial to an old and purely
British country was not adapted to a new land in
which a large proportion of the inhabitants were
not British. Thus provision was made in the Con-
stitutional Act of 1791 for enabling the Crown to
connect hereditary titles of honour with member-
ship of the Legislative Council, and the correspon-
dence which preceded the passing of the Act showed
that the Government would have desired to go
farther in the direction of giving distinction to
members of the Upper Chamber, and introducing
the hereditary principle ; but the man on the spot,
the experienced Governor, Lord Dorchester, dis-
couraged the attempt to reproduce in one form or
another a House of Lords. ' Many advantages,'
he wrote, ' might result from an hereditary Legis-
lative Council, distinguished by some mark of
honour, did the condition of the country concur
in supporting this dignity ; but the fluctuating
state of property in these provinces would expose
all hereditary honours to fall into disregard ; for
the present therefore it would seem more advisable
to appoint the members during life, good behaviour,
and residence in the province.' l His advice was
1 Shortt and Doughty, p. 675. Similarly in the summary of recom-
mendations at the end of his Report, speaking of the Legislative
Councils, Lord Durham says, ' The analogy which some persons have
Q2
228 BRITISH NORTH AMERICA INTROD.
not followed so far as to omit from the Act all
mention of the subject, but it was followed in that
the sections which referred to it remained a dead
letter.
The same Act contained the sections which con-
stituted the clergy reserves and endowed the Church
of England, and on this subject Lord Durham took
up his parable in words which have been already
quoted, pointing out that ' the apparent right
which time and custom give to the maintenance
of an ancient and respected institution cannot
exist in a recently settled country, in which every-
thing is new' (ii. 178). But apparently one of the
most unfortunate attempts to reproduce English
institutions in Lower Canada was the introduction
of the system of unpaid Justices of the Peace.
' The system of unpaid magistracy, as incidental
to the criminal law of England, was naturally
introduced into the province with that law ; and
the utter unfitness of the people for such an
institution is a striking instance of the imprudence
of unadvisedly engrafting the code of one country
on that of another ' (Appendix C, iii. 160). This was
the verdict of the Assistant Commissioners of
Municipal Inquiry, who further pointed out that
the Provincial Legislature, by enacting that every
attempted to draw between the House of Lords and the Legislative
Councils seems to me erroneous. The constitution of the House of
Lords is consonant with the frame of English society ; and as the crea-
tion of a precisely similar body in such a state of society as that of
these colonies is impossible, it has always appeared to me most unwise
to attempt to supply its place by one which has no point of resem-
blance to it, except that of being a non-elective check on the elective
branch of the Legislature ' (ii. 325).
CHAP, v ADMINISTRATION OF JUSTICE 229
Justice of the Peace must possess a certain amount
of landed property, in accordance with the pre-
cedent set in the English counties, practically
excluded from the Commission of the Peace British
merchants who lived in the towns and did not own
land. Lord Durham was equally emphatic as to
the uns'uitability of an unpaid magistracy to the
case of Lower Canada. ' When we transplant the
institutions of England into our colonies,' he wrote,
' we ought at least to take care beforehand that
the social state of the. Colony should possess those
peculiar materials on which alone the excellence
of those institutions depends in the mother coun-
try' (ii. 131), and he suggested that under existing
conditions, a small stipendiary magistracy would
be preferable not only in Lower Canada but in
Upper Canada also.
Bad, however, as had been the result of intro-
ducing the system of unpaid Justices of the Peace
into Lower Canada, Lord Durham laid down
(ii. 126) that ' the most serious mischief in the
administration of criminal justice arises from the
entire perversion of the institution of juries, by
the political and national prejudices of the people '.
Early in the Report, when illustrating the intense
animosities of race in Lower Canada, he shows
how the jury system had been used to obstruct
justice, a conspicuous instance being the acquittal
of the murderers of Chartrand l (ii. 52-4) ; and
he returns to the point, when he deals especially
with the subject of administration of justice in
Lower Canada. In the paragraph, which has for
1 See above, p. 95, and see note (2) to voL ii, p. 54.
230 BRITISH NORTH AMERICA INTROD.
its side-note ' perversion of juries ' (ii. 126), he
points out how the practical effect of following
English practice in the selection of juries had
been to give the French an entire preponderance,
to produce miscarriage of justice, and to destroy
public confidence in the administration of the
criminal law. His summary is (ii. 130) that ' The
trial by jury is, therefore, at the present moment,
not only productive in Lower Canada of no con-
fidence in the honest administration of the laws,
but also provides impunity for every political
offence ' ; and it seems strange that he did not
make any definite recommendation that the system
should for the time be suspended. But though
trial by jury, which the English had brought into
Lower Canada, proved under conditions of ex-
treme race bitterness to be a temporary failure,
it was not, in criminal matters at any rate, like
various other English institutions, permanently
out of place in the province. It failed utterly for
the time being, as it has failed at times of political
excitement in various other countries, notably
Ireland ; but it must not be classed with the mis-
fits with which the English, in good intention,
have from time to time endowed one or another
province of the Empire.
On the subject of Appeal Courts, reference
should be made to a note which has been appended
to the passages in the Report which deal with this
subject (ii. 121). From the dispatches which were
laid before Parliament in 1839, it would seem that
Durham, while in Canada, was credited or dis-
credited in England with having created a new
CHAP, v ADMINISTRATION OF JUSTICE 231
Court of Appeal for Lower Canada ; whereas he
left the Executive Council, as he found it, the
Court of Appeal for the province, but made it
more effective for the purpose by swearing in an
additional number of judges as Executive Coun-
cillors, and by not summoning to the Council, when
it sat as a Court of Appeal only, those Executive
Councillors who had no legal training.1
At the same time, in the dispatch which he wrote
on the subject from Canada to Lord Glenelg, he
said plainly : ' Had I possessed the means and
the power, I should have been glad to have given
the province a completely competent and per-
manent Court of Appeals, consisting entirely of
lawyers, for it is much wanted and called for, and
forms one feature of the plan which I had in view
for the future government of the provinces.' The
summary of his recommendations at the end of
the Report does not include a new Court of Appeal
for Lower Canada or for the two Canadas only,
but it includes, as has been already noticed, ' a
supreme Court of Appeal for all the North American
colonies ' (ii. 325). The 101st section of the British
North America Act of 1 867 empowered the Dominion
Parliament to provide such a general Court of
Appeal for Canada, and in 1875 that Court came
into existence under the name of the Supreme
Court of Canada.
1 See the Report, ii. 123, and see Lord Durham's dispatch to Lord
Glenelg of September 29, 1838. House of Commons Paper, British
North America, February 11, 1839, p. 194. See also Buller's Sketch of
Lord Durham's Mission, iii. 351, 352.
232 BRITISH NORTH AMERICA INTROD.
EDUCATION
In the matter of education in Lower Canada,
Lord Durham criticizes the Government very
severely. He tells us early in his Report (ii. 27-34)
that under the French regime no general provision
was made for education, and goes on to speak
of the entire neglect of education by the British
government. Later on (ii. 136) he writes : ' I am
grieved to be obliged to remark, that the British
government has, since its possession of this Pro-
vince, done, or even attempted, nothing for the
promotion of general education.' Similarly Arthur
Buller, the commissioner whom he appointed to
inquire into the state of education in Lower
Canada, and whose Report forms Appendix D,
writes (iii. 246) : ' Up to this moment the only acts
of the British government, in respect of Canadian
instruction, have been the wholesale seizure and
the partial restoration of the Jesuits' estates.'
How far were these criticisms well founded ?
The education Report gives instances of educa-
tion Acts being passed by the local Legislature,
sent home for the Royal Assent, and never being
heard of again. Both Arthur Buller and Lord
Durham censure — with evident reason — the deal-
ings of the Home Government in connexion with
the Jesuits' estates. On the other hand, instances
might be quoted to show that neither Governors
nor Secretaries of State were unmindful of the
importance of education; and Lord Glenelg, when
inviting ' the most serious attention ' of Lord
Gosford and his colleagues to the state of educa-
CHAP, v EDUCATION 233
tion in Lower Canada, speaks of ' the earnest
endeavours of my predecessors on .this subject',
which had been repeatedly frustrated; although, at
the same time, he seems to admit that the Imperial
Government might not have been sufficiently
prompt in devising a well-considered system of
education1 for the province.
The education Report, as a whole, seems to show
that the Quebec Assembly was mainly responsible
for the want of a good educational system in Lower
Canada, and that, if the Imperial Government
was to blame, its fault consisted in not having
made the local Legislature do its duty. Arthur
Buller advocated, as strongly as Lord Durham
himself, the Anglifying of Lower Canada ; and this
process was to be carried out by a system of
common schools, instead of letting French and
English children learn their lessons and play their
games apart. ' Until Canada is nationalized and
Aiiglified, it is idle for England to be devising
schemes for her improvement. In this great work
of nationalization, education is at once the most
convenient and powerful instrument ' (iii. 273).
Similarly, before the Constitutional Act of 1791
was passed, in October 1784, Hugh Finlay, the
Postmaster-General of the Province of Quebec,
wrote : ' Before we think of a House of Assembly
for this country, let us lay a foundation for useful
knowledge to fit the people to judge of their situa-
tion, and deliberate for the future wellbeing of the
Province. The first step towards this desirable
1 See House of Commons Paper, No. 113, March, 1836, Copy of the
Instructions given to the Earl of Gosford, &c., p. 15.
234 BRITISH NORTH AMERICA INTROD.
end is to have a free school in every parish. Let
the schoolmasters be English, if we would make
Englishmen of the Canadians.' l If then the British
Government was to be blamed for the want of
a sound system of education among the peasantry
of Lower Canada, and if the essence of a sound
system of education was the establishment of
common schools, in which the children were to be
brought up to be British and not French, then it
must be summed up that the fault of the Imperial
Government consisted in not over-riding popular
wishes, traditions, and prejudices, in not forcing
a French people and a Roman Catholic Church—
the latter distinguished, as Arthur Buller is careful
to tell us, by ' the most undeviating allegiance
to the British Crown ' (iii. 241), — to extinguish
their nationality and give up the principle of
separate schools.
Lord Durham, as well as Arthur Buller, saw the
difficulty of the position and the obstacles which
the clergy, not of the Roman Catholic Church
alone, would place in the way of non-sectarian
education. He expresses his confidence, notwith-
standing, ' that the establishment of a strong
popular government in this province would very
soon lead to the introduction of a liberal and
general system of public education' (ii. 136); and
then, in the words which have been quoted, he
goes on to blame the British Government for having
done nothing in the matter.
The Report of the Commissioner of Inquiry
1 Finlay to Nepean, Quebec, October 22, 1784 (Shortt and Doughty,
p. 500); but Finlay would have allowed the masters to be Roman
Catholics.
CHAP, v EDUCATION 235
into the state of Education in Lower Canada is
dated Quebec, 15th November 1838; but, from the
wording of the Report, it is clear that it was not
written, at any rate in part, until a later date ;
and it was not laid before Parliament until June
1839, whereas Lord Durham's own Report was pre-
sented in the previous February. Lord Durham,
therefore, speaks of the results of the Education
Inquiry as not complete (ii. 134), and his own com-
ments are mainly confined to emphasizing the very
defective state of elementary education in Lower
Canada, and in one passage (ii. 94) enlarging upon
the extent to which political jobbery had entered
into educational grants. It may be noted that
Lord Gosford and his fellow commissioners also
dealt very briefly with this thorny subject in their
General Report on Lower Canada in November
1836, and in regard to religious instruction, con-
fined themselves to generalities and to a pious
hope ' that a system of education founded on the
truly Christian principle of toleration and general
charity would not be unattainable '.1
Lord Durham's Commissioner of Inquiry, Arthur
Buller, was the younger brother of Charles Buller,
and, like the latter, had been a pupil of Carlyle. The
family ability is evident in his Report, and though
his work was cut short by Lord Durham's resigna-
tion, he collected and embodied in the Report a
great amount of valuable information, which was
supplemented by a very exhaustive Report on the
1 Reports of Commissioners on Grievances complained of in Lower
Canada. House of Commons Paper, No. 50, February 20, 1837, General
Report, p. 50.
236 BRITISH NORTH AMERICA INTROD.
Jesuits' estates, compiled by Mr. Dunkin, the
Secretary to the Education Commission. Buller
comments on the dealings or misdealings of the
British Government with the Jesuits' estates,
which were in 1831 handed over to the Colonial
Legislature for the purposes of education. He gives
some account of the education Acts which were
passed by that Legislature, and of the education
Bills which did not become law ; and he sums up
(iii. 265) that education in Lower Canada ' lan-
guished under systems where the masters were
illiterate and needy ; the supervision careless and
dishonest ; the school-houses unfit for occupation,
and ill supplied with fuel ; the children unpro-
vided with books ; and parents utterly indifferent
to an institution of which they could not appreciate
the importance, and the trouble and cost of which,
at all events, they deemed the province of the
legislature '. This deplorable result he attributed
mainly to the fact that education had been made
by the House of Assembly subservient to politics.
' The moment they found that their educational
provisions could be turned to political account,
from that moment those provisions were framed
with a view to promote party rather than educa-
tion ' (iii. 266). The utter breakdown of all previous
education schemes, however, had in his eyes the
merit that it left the field clear for a wholly new
system, which he proceeded to recommend, the
basis of his proposals, as has already been stated,
being that ' the principle of Anglification is to be
unequivocally recognized, and inflexibly carried
out ' (iii. 288).
CHAP, v EDUCATION 237
He tells us that, in making his proposals, he took
for his models the educational systems in force in
Prussia and the United States ; and it may be
noted that the Gosford Commission mentions 'that
the Report of M. Cousin on the state of education
in Prussia, as well as several works on the subject
of education in the United States, are beginning
to attract notice in the Province V The chief
features of the proposals were, that there should
be common elementary schools for the children
of all denominations, in which undenominational
Christianity should be taught from an approved
book of Bible extracts, denominational teaching
being allowed out of school hours. The elementary
schools were to be supplemented by a certain
number of model schools, giving a rather higher
education, and offering scholarships to the best
boys from the elementary schools. These model
schools were to supply pupils to three normal
schools, in which the future schoolmasters were to
be trained ; and to the normal schools, and if
possible to the model schools also, farms were to
be attached, in which the pupils should learn the
most approved methods of agriculture.
The elementary and model schools were to be
supported on the principle which had been adopted
in the United States, viz. by requiring ' each
school district to furnish, by assessment, among
1 House of Commons Paper, February 20, 1837, General Report, p. 49.
The Cousin referred to was Victor Cousin. He was in 1831 commis-
sioned by the Government of Louis -Philippe to go to Germany to
examine the state of education there, and in 1832 he published his
' Rapport sur 1'etat de I'instruction publique dans quelques pays de
1'Allemagne, et particulierement en Prusse ',
i»:Js BRITISH NORTH AMERICA INTROD.
its inhabitants, an amount at least equivalent to
the sum apportioned to it from the public funds '
(iii. 279). The sum to be granted from public
funds, which was to include the whole cost of the
normal schools, and also a grant for the encourage-
ment of superior educational institutions, was to
be charged upon a permanent education fund,
which fund was to be supplied from the proceeds
of the Jesuits' estates and the clergy reserves,
supplemented by direct grants from the provincial
treasury. Popular or local control over the schools
was to be secured in the following manner (iii. 285).
Lower Canada was to be divided into munici-
palities, and the municipalities into districts.
Three school commissioners were to be elected
for each municipality, and three trustees for
each district. The commissioners were to have
vested in them all the legal estate of the elemen-
tary schools in their respective municipalities,
to receive the money allotted by the Govern-
ment for education, and to distribute it to the
trustees in the districts. The trustees were ' to
manage the daily concerns ' of the schools, to
receive the Government grants, to collect the
money raised by local assessment, to pay the
masters, and in conjunction with the ministers of
religion to appoint the masters. In each munici-
pality there was to be a board of school visitors,
consisting of * the resident ministers of religion,
two residents appointed by the Inspector, and two
annually by the municipality '. There were to be
slightly different arrangements for the three large
towns. There were to be three inspectors for the
CHAP, v EDUCATION 239
whole province, and over all, at the seat of govern-
ment, a superintendent or chief officer of instruc-
tion, who, as well as the three inspectors, was to be
kept completely aloof from politics.
Finally, the proposed system, if and when
adopted and embodied in law, was to be ' gradu-
ally put in force by a board of Commissioners some-
what similarly constituted to that of the Board of
Poor Law Commissioners in this country ' (iii. 293).
Bearing in mind that the root principle of the
scheme was to make Lower Canada English, that
the Roman Catholic Church was whole-hearted in
opposition to it, and had petitioned Lord Durham
for separate Roman Catholic schools (iii. 277), that
the Church of England clergy were almost unani-
mously hostile, and the Presbyterians divided
(iii. 277, 278), that the Canadian peasantry were
indifferent to education, and strongly objected to
being taxed to pay for it, it is difficult to regard
Buller's proposals as in any sense practicable, or
to look upon his Report as other than an interest-
ing essay on what might have been ideally the best
scheme of education for Lower Canada, if the actual
conditions had not presented insuperable diffi-
culties to its adoption. It is true that not many
years had passed since Catholic emancipation had
been carried in England, that in Canada and else-
where under Protestant rule the Roman Catholics
did not hold so assured a position as they do at
the present day, and that by common consent
tolerance and forbearance between the rival de-
nominations was conspicuous in Lower Canada.
' It is indeed an admirable feature of Canadian
240 BRITISH NORTH AMERICA INTROD.
society,' Lord Durham writes (ii. 39), * that it is
entirely devoid of any religious dissensions. Sec-
tarian intolerance is not merely not avowed, but it
hardly seems to influence men's feelings.' It might
therefore not be safe to estimate the strength of
the opposition to Buller's recommendations by the
feeling which was aroused in later years, when the
Manitoba schools question was faced by Sir Wilfrid
Laurier. But, just as Canada had been divided
into two provinces in 1791, largely in the hope of
preventing friction between the two rival races, so
it is probable that the kindly feeling between the
different denominations was in great measure due
to their holding apart from each other in educa-
tional matters ; and it is impossible to doubt that
any British Government, which had resolved to
carry out what Buller proposed, would have been
practically committed to replacing tolerance with
religious bitterness, to alienating a loyal church,
and to coercing the whole French Canadian people.
Lord Durham, it has been seen, had not Buller's
full Report before him when he wrote his own, and
contented himself with contemplating that the
laity would be too strong for the clergy, and that
the grant of a popular Government would bring in
its train a liberal system of public education. He
cannot therefore be held responsible for Buller's
views; and yet it can hardly be doubted that those
views largely reflected his own, especially as the
Anglifying of French Canada was one of the main
themes of his Report. We come back then once
more to the point of view that Lord Durham was
prepared to take a high hand in carrying through
CHAP, v EDUCATION 241
the reforms that he deemed to be necessary, to
the conclusion that possibly he did not always
sufficiently count the cost, and that, had he been
placed in the position not to recommend merely
but to carry out his recommendations with a free
hand, it is possible that French Canada might not
have been redeemed by responsible government, but
by the measures which were to be co-temporaneous
with responsible government, might have been con-
verted into the Poland of the British Empire.
It is interesting to note how Buller contrasts
the character of the two sexes among the French
Canadians, as the result of the better education
which the girls received. ' The difference in the
character of the two sexes is remarkable. The
women are really the men of Lower Canada. They
are the active, bustling, business portion of the
habitants, and this results from the much better
education which they get, gratuitously, or at
a very cheap rate, at the nunneries which are
dispersed over the province ' (iii. 267, 268). Very
noteworthy too are his comments on ' the too
great abundance of means of superior education
enjoyed by the French Canadians' (iii. 270), as
compared with the almost total want of facilities
for higher education in the case of the British
population in Lower Canada. Lord Durham also
refers to this point. ' I know of no people among
whom a larger provision exists for the higher kinds
of elementary education, or among whom such
education is really extended to a larger propor-
tion of the population ' (ii. 32) ; and again (ii. 134),
' I have described the singular abundance of a
1352-1 B
242 BRITISH NORTH AMERICA INTROD.
somewhat defective education which exists for the
higher classes, and which is solely in the hands of
the Catholic priesthood.' On the other hand,
' There exists at present no means of college educa-
tion for Protestants in the province ; and the
desire of obtaining general, and still more, pro-
fessional instruction, yearly draws a great many
young men into the United States.' Buller gives
a list of the institutions for higher education which
had been established by and under the control of
the Roman Catholic Church, including ' the two
large seminaries of Quebec and Montreal ', founded
in the seventeenth century, the former by the great
Bishop Laval, the latter by the Sulpiciaris ; l and
he explains the use of the words ' too great abun-
dance of means of superior education', by pointing
out, as Lord Durham also points out, that the
children educated at these colleges and seminaries,
many or most of them children of habitants, were
too numerous for them all to reap the advantages
of their education in after life. The priesthood
was open to them, but the military and naval
professions were closed. They overstocked the
professions of advocate, notary, and surgeon.
Sprung from the ranks of the people, they led the
people. ' To this singular state of things,' writes
Lord Durham, ' I attribute the extraordinary in-
fluence of the Canadian demagogues ' (ii. 33). As
far back as 1768, Carleton had impressed upon the
1 The letters patent of the French Crown, which authorized the
seminary of Quebec, were dated April, 1663 ; this seminary was the
parent of Laval University, created in 1852. The letters patent of the
French Crown, which authorized the Sulpician seminary at Montreal,
were dated May 1677.
CHAP, v EDUCATION 243
British Government in the strongest terms the
impolicy of excluding Canadians, more especially
the Canadian gentry, from employment under
Government ; Lord Durham notes the kindred but
somewhat different evil, of peasant children being
educated for higher work than that of a peasant,
and finding in after life that they had been taught
and trained in vain.
Meanwhile, for the Protestant children of Lower
Canada, two grammar schools were in the year 1826
established at Quebec and Montreal respectively,
to which the Government, under the authority of
the Secretary of State, with no great tact or con-
sideration for Roman Catholic feelings, gave small
annual grants from the proceeds of the Jesuits'
estates. There was also one Protestant endowment
at Montreal, of which the world was to hear in the
days to come. In 1801 a provincial Act was passed
' for the establishment of Free schools and the
advancement of Learning in the province '. Under
this Act a corporation, entitled 'The Royal In-
stitution for the advancement of Learning ', was
constituted for the management of the schools.
This corporation was in fact, or was regarded by the
Roman Catholics and French Canadians as being,
exclusively British and Protestant ; and in con-
sequence the system was a failure. When Buller
wrote his Report, he stated that 'The corpora-
tion has now no other function than the trustee-
ship of McGiU's college' (iii. 249). This college,
he tells us, was not yet open, the building was not
yet erected, and the endowment was not sufficient
to raise the college to the rank of a university.
R2
244 BRITISH NORTH AMERICA INTROD.
The will of the founder, a Scotchman, James McGill,
had been made in 1811, nearly three years before his
death. A Royal Charter had been granted to the
college in 1821 ; but it was not until an amended
charter had been obtained in 1852, that the
college began to develop into the great McGill
University, which is now one of the Universities
of the world. In the meantime, Buller suggested
that if the British North American provinces should
be united, a university jointly endowed by them
might be established at Quebec.
B tiller's Education Report referred to Lower
Canada only, and Lord Durham has little to say
on the subject of education in Upper Canada. He
comments on the paucity of schools in the pro-
vince, and notes that of the lands which had been
originally appropriated for the support of schools
throughout the country, the most valuable part
had been diverted to the endowment of a univer-
sity at Toronto (ii. 184). But there had been no
indifference to the cause of education in Upper
Canada. Private effort had been abundant, and
the Government and Legislature had at least
attempted to do their duty. The Lieutenant-
Governors, from Simcoe onwards, had for the most
part taken a warm personal interest in education,
especially in higher education. Sir Peregrine Mait-
land was Lieutenant-Govemor, when a Board of
Education was established ; and Sir John Colborne,
who while Lieutenant-Governor of Guernsey had
regenerated Elizabeth College in that island, con-
ferred a similar boon upon Upper Canada, by re-
placing the Home district school of Toronto with
CHAP, v EDUCATIOX 245
Upper Canada College, which was opened in 1830.
The religious forbearance, which was so much in
evidence in Lower Canada, did not exist to the
same degree in the Upper province. Lord Durham
(ii. 179-82) criticizes strongly the spirit of Orange in-
tolerance towards the Roman Catholics, who formed
one-fifth of the population of Upper Canada. It
was the more marked, inasmuch as Upper Canada
was the home of the Roman Catholic Glengarry
Highlanders, and of Bishop McDonell, conspicuous
in loyalty to the British Government. The feeling
between Protestants and Roman Catholics on the
one hand, and 011 the other between the Church of
England and the non-Episcopalian Protestant
bodies which centred round the question of the
clergy reserves, was reflected in the denominational
colleges which were established for higher educa-
tion. Elementary education was dealt with by
a provincial Act of 1816, which provided annual
grants for the establishment of common schools
throughout the province. The Act was to be in
force for four years : it was renewed with modi-
fications in 1820, and in 1824 it was made per-
manent. The Act of 1824 mentioned for the first
time a General Board and district boards of
education, and also extended the provisions of
the Education Acts to schools for Indian children.
Provision for higher education had been made at
an earlier date. In 1797, when Peter Russell was
administering the government, the Legislature of
Upper Canada petitioned the Crown to appropriate
a certain amount of Crown lands, for the establish-
ment and support of grammar schools in the
24fi BRITISH NORTH AMERICA INTROD.
different districts, and of a college or university.
The result was that some 550,000 acres were
allotted for the purpose. In 1807 an Act was
passed to establish public schools in the districts
of the province, £800 being provided to pay £100
per annum to the master of each school in eight
districts. These public schools were the district
grammar schools of the province. Simcoe had
contemplated a university for Upper Canada con-
nected with the Church of England ; the petition
of the Legislature to the King in 1797 had asked
for lands to endow a college or university as well
as grammar schools, and the strong feeling in the
province in favour of a university was shown by
the fact that a provincial Act of 1820, for increas-
ing the number of members of the House of
Assembly, provided for future university represen-
tation. Eventually, in 1827, King's College at
Toronto obtained a Royal charter, and was en-
dowed with some 225,000 acres of the Crown land
which had been appropriated for the purposes of
higher education. Dr. Strachan, who had himself
been a schoolmaster, the strong and able leader of
the Church of England in Upper Canada, had much
to do with obtaining the charter; and, although
no religious tests were imposed upon the students,
the college was placed entirely under the control
of the Church of England, the president being the
Archdeacon of Toronto, who at the time was
Dr. Strachan himself. This exclusive control
gave rise to complaints from the other Protestant
bodies, and the House of Commons Committee of
1828 upon the Civil Government of Canada recom-
CHAP, v EDUCATION 247
mended that the Constitution should be widened.
This was effected by a provincial Act of 1837, and
eventually in 1843 the college, no longer a purely
Anglican institution, began its work. In 1849
it was made entirely secular, and its name was
changed to that of the University of Toronto. Its
place as a Church of England college was taken
by Trinity College at Toronto, which was estab-
lished in 1852, and received a Royal charter in
1853; and meanwhile other denominations had
also formed colleges of their own, the Wesleyans
at Coburg, the Presbyterians at Kingston, and the
Roman Catholics also at Kingston, the colleges
being known as Victoria College, Queen's College,
and Regiopolis respectively.
Lord Durham was not specially concerned with
education, and he was specially concerned with
the political condition of Upper Canada and its
constitutional disorders. But, had he given closer
attention to the province and spent a longer time
in it, he might have found space in his Report to
note the efforts which citizens and rulers alike
had made in the cause of education, and might
have placed on record that no little credit in this
connexion was due to Tory Lieutenant-Governors
who had old-fashioned views as to Church and
State, and to the members of the Family Compact.
GENERAL UNION OF BRITISH NORTH AMERICA
Reference has already been made to Lord Dur-
ham's views as to a future general union of the
British North American provinces. c On my first
arrival in Canada,' he writes (ii. 304), ' I was
248 BRITISH NORTH AMERICA INTROD.
strongly inclined to the project of & federal union,
and it was with such a plan in view, that I dis-
cussed a general measure for the government of
the Colonies, with the deputations from the Lower
Provinces, and with various leading individuals and
public bodies in both the Canadas.' Buller tells
us, in his sketch of the Mission, that Lord Durham
had prepared the outline of such a scheme before
he left England, that Roebuck had suggested it in
the House of Commons, and that it had been well
received. He tells us too that Durham had con-
templated forming three provinces out of the two
Canadas, constituting a new province out of the
district of Montreal, the adjacent part of Upper
Canada, and the eastern townships. Recognizing
the objections to any plan of federal government,
Durham had none the less contemplated that a
federation formed under a monarchial government
would gradually grow into a complete legislative
union. But, on further consideration, and with
longer experience of the conditions of British North
America, he came to a different conclusion. He
reasoned that the time was past for gradual
measures in the case of Lower Canada; that the
co-operation which would alone make a federal
constitution practicable, would be wanting in the
case of the French Canadians, if they were left, as
they would be under a federal system, in a majority
in their provincial Legislature; 'that tranquillity
can only be restored by subjecting the province to
the vigorous rule of an English majority ; and that
the only efficacious government would be that
formed by a legislative union ' (ii. 307).
CHAP, v GENERAL UNIOX 249
On the other hand, while complete and im-
mediate fusion of the two Canadas under one
Legislature was, in his opinion, a vital necessity,
and while therefore a federal system, at any rate as
between the two Canadas, was rendered impossible,
he did not consider that the conditions of the
Maritime Provinces were such as to make it either
just or expedient to force upon these latter pro-
vinces legislative union, until their Legislatures and
peoples had been given ample time for deliberation
and consent (ii. 322-3). This train of reasoning
led him to recommend immediate legislation by the
Imperial Parliament, 'restoring the union of the
Canadas under one legislature, and reconstitut-
ing them as one province' (ii. 323-5); but 'the
Bill ', he continued, ' should contain provisions by
which any or all of the North American colonies
may, on the application of the Legislature, be, with
the consent of the two Canadas, or their united
Legislature, admitted into the union on such
terms as may be agreed on between them ' ; and
he goes on to recommend in terms which are
not quite clear, that ' a general executive on an
improved principle should be established, together
with a Supreme Court of Appeal, for all the North
American colonies ', as though the executive and
the judicial powers respectively were to be united
in advance of legislative union. Possibly, by a
general executive prior to legislative union, he
intended no more than that a governor-in-chief or
governor-general should be appointed, who should
be in fact and not merely, as had been the case,
in name, Governor of the whole of British North
260 BRITISH NORTH AMERICA INTROD.
America, having one or more secretaries who
would correspond with all the provinces.
The conclusion of the whole matter then was
that the condition of French Canada at the time
determined Lord Durham's views with regard to
British North America generally. But for the
critical state of Lower Canada, he would have
recommended a federation of the British North
American provinces. He would have recommended
it, however, not as a final and permanent solu-
tion, but as a preliminary to complete union. As
things were, he concluded that the two Canadas
must at once be fused, not federated ; and thus,
having begun with union, he proposed that the
union should gradually be extended, without the
preliminary stage of federation. But, though he
thus advocated union and not federation, he must
be regarded as having in the essence foreshadowed
the future dominion. The soundness of his reason-
ing that the Maritime Provinces should not be
hurried into combination with the Canadas, was
illustrated by the difficulty which was experienced
in carrying confederation in those provinces ; and
his proposal to include Newfoundland in the
political system of British North America was
revived, when the makers of confederation were
drafting their first schemes. No part of his Report
is more vivid or more cogent than the passages in
which he sets out the gains which would accrue
to British North America from being made one,
his words speak for themselves, they would be
spoiled by paraphrase, and one or two points only
seem to call for comment and elucidation.
CHAP, v GENERAL UNION 251
He starts by distinguishing between the two
kinds of union which had been proposed, and which
he terms federal and legislative (ii. 302-8) ; he
defines federal union as a system under which ' the
separate legislature of each province would be pre-
served in its present form, and retain almost all
its present attributes of internal legislation ; the
federal legislature exercising no power, save in
those matters of general concern, which may have
been expressly ceded to it by the constituent
Provinces ' ; and a few lines lower down he mentions
as an objection which might be urged against a
federal system, 'that a colonial federation must
have, in fact, little legitimate authority or busi-
ness, the greater part of the ordinary functions of
a federation falling within the scope of the Imperial
legislature and executive '. Similarly, Lord Glenelg,
when, as has already been noticed,1 he suggested
to Lord Durham, in January 1838, that some kind
of federal legislative body might be established
for the two Canadian provinces, spoke of it merely
as ' some joint legislative authority, which should
preside over all questions of common interest to
the two provinces, and which might be appealed
to in extraordinary cases to arbitrate between
contending parties in either ; preserving, however,
to each province its distinct legislature, with
authority in all matters of exclusively domestic
concern '. Lord Durham then clearly contem-
plated that a Federal Legislature in British North
America would have little or no real power,
inasmuch as British North America would not be
1 Dispatch of January 20, 1838. See above, pp. 113, 132.
•2*2 BRITISH NOR^H AMERICA INTROD.
an independent State or nation. The real power
would rest, partly with the Provincial Legislatures,
and partly with the Imperial Government. Though
it is the barest justice to his memory to regard him
as the prophet of the coming Dominion, he did not
contemplate what actually came to pass under the
British North America Act, viz. that a Federal
Legislature could and would be constituted of such
a kind that, while its powers were necessarily only
those which had been * expressly ceded to it by
the constituent provinces ', yet the constituent
provinces would cede to it all the powers which
were not expressly reserved to themselves. Unlike
the constitution of the United States, and unlike
the constitution of the Commonwealth of Aus-
tralia, the constitution of the Dominion of Canada
makes the Federal Government and not the provin-
cial governments the residuary legatee of political
power in Canada. Neither in its relation to the
constituent provinces, nor in its relation to the Im-
perial Legislature and Executive, is the Dominion
Legislature a shadow without the substance : on
the contrary it is in this Federal Legislature that
the real power over Canada resides. To appreciate
Lord Durham's point of view, it is necessary, on
the one hand to bear in mind that what he had to
guide him in forming his opinions on the subject
of federation was the one great existing example
of federation in the United States, and on the
other hand to remember the lines which he laid
down for responsible government. In the case of
the United States he saw how strong had been
and still was the basis of State rights, and to his
CHAP, v GENERAL UNION 253
mind a Federal Legislature with substantial power
had only been rendered possible, because there was
no further sovereign power outside and beyond.
On the other hand, he had drawn a distinct line
beyond which responsible government should not
be extended, the line being between what he held
to be matters of domestic and what he considered
matters of imperial concern. The matters of
domestic concern were matters for the domestic
Legislature, and that meant, as long as the pro-
vinces were not made one, the Legislature of each
single province. The matters of imperial concern
were to be regulated outside Canada altogether,
by the Imperial Legislature and Executive. Where,
he argued, was there a place for an intermediate
Legislature, except as a transitory form preliminary
to substantial union. But what actually happened
was the creation of a Legislature which took over
a large proportion of the matters of domestic con-
cern, and which either from the first possessed, or,
as years went on, gradually gathered, many or
most of the powers which Lord Durham conceived
to be outside the sphere of purely Canadian politics.
He was wrong and yet he was right : he was right
and yet he was wrong. He wanted to create
a nation, and that was achieved by the British
North America Act. The Act really brought union
into existence under the guise of federation. But
when a nation was made, it was not possible to
set bounds to national aspirations, or to uphold
the limits within which he proposed to grant
responsible government.
There is one aspect of a Federal Legislature, not
254 BRITISH NORTH AMERICA INTROD.
of great importance now, but important enough
in earlier days, which he rather left out of sight.
In discussing the future union of British North
America, he quotes a letter which Chief Justice
Sewell had received from the father of Queen
Victoria, the Duke of Kent, on proposals for a
union of the British North American provinces,
which Sewell had submitted to the Duke. When
the Bill, which eventually became the Constitu-
tional Act of 1791, was under consideration, a pre-
decessor of Sewell, Chief Justice Smith, wrote to
Lord Dorchester a memorable letter in which he
commented on the absence in that Bill of any pro-
vision for a General Legislature for all the British
North American provinces. To the want of such
a Legislature the writer attributed in large measure
the loss of the old American colonies. It was in
his view hopeless to have expected ' wisdom and
moderation from near a score of " petty Parlia-
ments ", with which Great Britain had had to deal.'
'All America was thus, at the very outset of the
Plantations, abandoned to Democracy. And it
belonged to the Administrations of the days of our
fathers to have found the cure, in the erection of
a Power upon the Continent itself, to control all its
own little Republics, and create a Partner in the
Legislation of the Empire, capable of consulting
their own safety and the common welfare '-1
Chief Justice Smith confined himself to the sub-
ject of legislation, and apparently did not contem-
plate responsible government ; and Lord Durham,
1 Chief Justice Smith to Lord Dorchester, February 5, 1790. Sec
Canadian Constitutional Development, Egerton and Grant, pp. 104-6.
CHAP, v GENERAL UNION 255
while going beyond him in the matter of granting
responsible government, equally with him saw
the advantage of creating a united Legislature,
which would give a wider field for political am-
bitions than the ' petty parliaments ' afforded, and
create more equality and more sense of partner-
ship with the Parliament of the United Kingdom.
But Durham did not appreciate, as Chief Justice
Smith did, or at any rate he did not enlarge
upon the advantage, under the existing conditions
of the British Empire, of a Federal Legislature,
as contrasted with a Legislature which absorbed,
instead of retaining in some sort, the Provincial
Legislatures, in that it would have been ' a power
upon the continent itself ' controlling all its own
little republics. In other words, he does not seem
to have appreciated the advantage of a buffer
between the little republics and the Imperial
authority, against which, in lieu of the Imperial
authority, the petty irritation of the provincial
communities, the inevitable friction between the
lower and the higher, would mainly have been
directed.
In the earlier stages of the Empire, when dis-
tance was all powerful and knowledge and wisdom
lingered, a Central Legislature on the spot, con-
trolling but not wholly absorbing, and therefore
not inheriting but restraining the small causes of
bitterness in subordinate Legislatures, would have
been, as in later times it has proved to be, a won-
derful improvement in the machinery of a world-
wide system.
There is one thing wanting in Lord Durham's
256 BRITISH NORTH AMERICA IXTKOU.
forecast of a united Dominion. It has been referred
to already more than once. He foreshadows a
Dominion, but it is not a Dominion from sea to sea.
If he had not seen so far and so wide, there would
be no room for wondering that he did not see still
further and wider. But he had so much states-
manlike imagination, that it is matter for surprise
that Upper Canada always bounded his western
view. The territories of the Hudson Bay Company,
the North West, the Pacific Coast were not within
the scope of his mission, but yet they need not
have lain beyond his horizon. The international
line had long been drawn, though with outstanding
points of dispute, as far as the Rocky Mountains ;
and the boundary from thence to the Pacific had
been matter of negotiation. Possibly the diffi-
culties with the United States, including the Maine
Boundary question, to which he refers, and which
at the beginning of 1839 reached its most acute
and dangerous stage, made him hesitate to look
too far afield, into what might be held to be
debatable territory ; but the result is to leave his
picture of the future British North America fore-
shortened and incomplete. Yet it is a splendid
picture, a great conception embodied in noble
words. Once more stress may well be laid upon
the writer's creativeness, his imperialism which
held that England should make what was small
and petty into what was worthy and great, his
unerring perception that there was one way and
one way only to prevent British North America
from being permanently overshadowed, and ulti-
mately absorbed, by the United States, and that
CHAP, v GENERAL UNION 257
was by making it one and raising it to be a nation.
Such a community, strong and self-governing, he
held, and rightly held, would be less likely than
the ' petty republics ' to sever the connexion with
Great Britain.
REFERENCES TO THE UNITED STATES
As the whole course of Canadian history has
been dominated by the proximity of the United
States to Canada, so Lord Durham's Report
abounds in references to the United States and
its citizens, made for purposes of illustration, con-
trast, example, and warning. In 1837 Martin Van
Buren succeeded General Jackson as President,
and inherited a legacy of unrest. The year 1837
was in the United States a year of financial crisis
and of bank failures. The anti-slavery movement
was rapidly gathering strength. Texas, settled
largely by American citizens, had in 1836 declared
its independence of Mexico, and in 1837 applied
for admission into the Union ; thenceforward the
Texas annexation question troubled and divided
American statesmen and politicians until 1845,
when Texas became a State of the Union, and war
with Mexico followed as a necessary consequence.
Relations between Great Britain and the United
States were very strained. The Maine Boundary
question was outstanding, accentuated since the
admission of the State of Maine to the Union in
1820. The Fisheries Convention of 1818 between
Great Britain and the United States had given
rise to disputes ; and, writing to Lord Durham in
September 1838 on the state of Nova Scotia,
1352-1 S
258 BRITISH NORTH AMERICA TXTROD.
Mr. William Young referred to * the oppressive and
systematic encroachments of the Americans upon
our fisheries '.* Along the international frontier
further west than the Maritime Provinces, the
rebellions in Lower and Upper Canada had led to
breaches of the peace and violations of territory.
Reference has been made to the case of the Caro-
line and the bitterness which it caused in the
United States, while a few hours after Lord
Durham's landing at Quebec, the Sir Robert Peel,
a Canadian steamboat on the Upper St. Lawrence,
putting into the American shore, was taken, looted,
and burnt by a band of American pirates, to use
Lord Durham's words. Writing to Lord Glenelg
a few days afterwards, he reported that the popula-
tion on the frontier of the State of New York was
' of the worst class and description — squatters,
refugees, and smugglers, and that the executive
power of the United States Government is a perfect
nullity '.2 He had thus given him, immediately
after arrival in Canada, a practical illustration
of the * necessary weakness of a merely Federal
Government ' (ii. 270). One of his first acts, in
consequence of the Sir Robert Peel incident, was to
send his brother-in-law, Colonel Grey, to Wash-
ington, to carry remonstrances, coupled with assur-
ances of friendship and co-operation, to President
Van Buren, with the result that the President,
honestly anxious to keep the peace, took steps to
prevent as far as possible a recurrence of similar
1 See Appendix A, iii. 14.
* House of Commons Paper, February 11, 1839. British North
America, p. 114.
CHAP, v REFERENCES TO UNITED STATES 259
outrages, though the later recrudescence of Canadian
rebellion led to further fillibustering on the fron-
tier. Lord Durham fully realized how little was
wanting to bring on war between England and the
United States, and to what extent the condition
of the two Canadas made for war between the two
countries. In his dispatch of the 9th of August
1838, which was marked secret at the time, but
was subsequently published, almost in extenso, in
the Blue Book of the llth of February 1839, he
summed up the causes which were exciting American
animosity against Great Britain. He noted how,
among the ill-informed in the United States, the
French Canadians appeared to be struggling for
the same rights which the Americans had secured
by the War of Independence ; how the bitterness
of the British party in Canada against the United
States, reflected in the colonial newspapers, had
caused corresponding irritation; and how the
American mind was becoming familiarized to the
prospect of war. He commented upon the prac-
tical inconvenience and expense caused, alike to
the States on the frontier and to the Federal
Government, by the disturbances in Canada and
the weakness of British administration ; upon the
added political difficulty of the boundary ques-
tion; and lastly upon the restless, enterprising,
lawless character of the frontier population, whb
had a precedent for successful invasion and seizure
in the events which had taken place in Texas.
These considerations are set out again at length in
his Report, and he traces with clearness and in-
sight how among the British loyalists in Lower
82
260 BRITISH NORTtf AMERICA TVTROD.
Canada, exasperation against American sympathy
with the French Canadians was combined with an
undercurrent of feeling that incorporation with the
United States would once for all swamp the French
majority, and further the material interests of the
English-speaking population; and how in the Upper
Province traditional loyalty to the British Govern-
ment, if not supported by stable administration
and constitutional reform, might be undermined
by race sympathy, facility of intercourse, and the
object lesson of abounding prosperity which dis-
contented eyes in Canada beheld across the
frontier.1
It was not the least of Lord Durham's services
to his country that, when he reviewed the state of
Canada, took action on the spot, and made recom-
mendations for the future, he had always in mind
British and Canadian relations with the great
republic that lined the southern frontier of Canada ;
and Buller, in his account of the Mission, empha-
sizes the change of feeling between England and
the United States, which was the result of Lord
Durham's prompt measures, and his dignified
courtesy to American citizens, producing alike
greater friendliness to the country which he
represented, and marked personal respect for
himself.
Comment has been made already upon the out-
spokenness of Lord Durham's Report. He writes
plainly and fearlessly on the situation from an
international point of view. The side-note to one
of his paragraphs is ' Importance of preserving
1 See ii. 59-64 and 261-3.
CHAP, v REFERENCES TO UNITED STATES 261
the sympathy of the United States ', and it
runs :
' The maintenance of an absolute form of govern-
ment on any part of the North American Continent
can never continue for any long time, without
exciting a general feeling in the United States
against a power of which the existence is secured
by means so odious to the people ; and as I rate
the preservation of the present general sympathy
of the United States with the policy of our Govern-
ment in Lower Canada as a matter of the greatest
importance, I should be sorry that the feeling
should be changed for one which, if prevalent
among that people, must extend over the sur-
rounding provinces ' (ii. 297).
He argued in effect, that one reason for giving
responsible government to the Canadas was that
it would be congenial to the United States — a very
good reason, but not one which at a time of crisis
was likely to be attractive to loyalists in Canada.
Again he writes (ii. 311-12) in the plainest words of
the ever present, ever increasing, all surrounding
influence of the United States in relation to Canada
and the Canadians, and uses it as a powerful argu-
ment for the union of British North America,
reasoning that ' If we wish to prevent the exten-
sion of this influence, it can only be done by
raising up for the North American colonist some
nationality of his own; by elevating these small
and unimportant communities into a society hav-
ing some objects of a national importance ; and
by thus giving their inhabitants a country which
they will be unwilling to see absorbed even into
one more powerful '.
262 BRITISH NORTH AMERICA INTROD.
Throughout his Report he draws a contrast
between the American and Canadian sides of the
frontier, in the matter of material development and
prosperity, attributing the backwardness on the
Canadian side mainly to the want of free institu-
tions and firm and wise administration. ' It is not
politic to waste and cramp their resources, and
to allow the backwardness of the British provinces
everywhere to present a melancholy contrast to
the progress and prosperity of the United States '
(ii. 262). In an earlier passage (ii. 212-13), with
special reference to the disposal of public lands, he
elaborates the contrast in forcible and picturesque
language. ' On the American side all is activity
and bustle. . . . On the British side of the line, with
the exception of a few favoured spots, where some
approach to American prosperity is apparent, all
seems waste and desolate. . . . There, on the side
of both the Canadas, and also of New Brunswick
and Nova Scotia, a widely scattered population,
poor, and apparently unenterprising, though hardy
and industrious, separated from each other by
tracts of intervening forest, without towns and
markets, almost without roads, living in mean
houses, drawing little more than a rude subsist-
ence from ill-cultivated land, and seemingly in-
capable of improving their condition, present the
most instructive contrast to their enterprising and
thriving neighbours on the American side.' This
last passage elicited an angry protest from the
Select Committee of the House of Assembly in
Upper Canada, who quoted it in their Report, and
called on the Canadian farmers living by the
CHAP, v REFERENCES TO UNITED STATES 263
St. Lawrence and on the Niagara frontier to ' read
this degrading account of them, and ask themselves
whether they would feel perfectly safe in submit-
ting their future political fate, and that of their
children, to the dogmas of a man who has so grossly
misstated their character and condition '.*
Lord Durham may have used exaggerated terms,
but for many years after his time the contrast
between the Canadian and American sides of the
frontier was a favourite theme, and it has been
reserved to the twentieth century to exhibit
Canada — perhaps rather the North- West than the
Canada of Lord Durham's vision — as more than
rivalling the United States in attractiveness for
settlers. Moreover, in view of the emphasis which
Lord Durham laid upon misgovernment in Canada,
it is interesting to note that no little element in
this attractiveness has been the better administra-
tion of law in the Canadian Dominion than in the
United States. On the other hand, it is a question
whether Lord Durham did not overestimate the
effect of defective institutions and inadequate
administration, as accounting for the comparative
backwardness of Canada. He did not take into
account the fact that British settlement in Canada
was in its infancy, whereas the vast development
which he noted in the United States was the out-
come of forces which generations had helped to bring
to maturity. Unless gold or diamonds are brought
to light, British colonization is wont to be a slow
growth, but there comes a time, which has already
1 See Parliamentary Paper, No. 289, June, 1839. Copies or Extracts
of Correspondence Relative to the Affairs of Canada, p. 30.
264 BRITISH NORTH AMERICA INTROD.
come in Canada, and which seems to be nearly due
in Australia, when harvest succeeds to seed time,
when the young country comes of age, and when
men enter in not by tens but by thousands, to
open the lands and build up a nation.
In points of detail Lord Durham holds up the
United States as a model to Canada. In the
matter of public lands, for instance, he contrasts
the efficiency of the system in the United States
with the absence of any system in the British
North American colonies (ii. 211). The words have
already been quoted, in which he refers to the Erie
Canal, and points out that ' the state of New York
made its own St. Lawrence from Lake Erie to the
Hudson, while the Government of Lower Canada
could not achieve, or even attempt, the few miles of
canal and dredging, which would have rendered its
mighty rivers navigable almost to their sources'
(ii. 99-100). He notes the ' noble provision ' made
by the northern States of the Union for education,
as against the absence of any general system of in-
struction in Lower Canada (ii. 133); he speaks of the
efficiency of the municipal institutions in these same
northern States, whereas such institutions were
wholly wanting in French Canada (ii. 91-92 and
112) ; and in a very interesting passage he writes at
some length on Louisiana, giving that State as an
instance, which he considered might well be copied
in the case of Lower Canada, of a French popula-
tion being successfully absorbed in a wider nation-
ality (ii. 299-302) ; in the same connexion he refers
to the fusion of the Dutch element in the State
of New York.
CHAP, v REFERENCES TO UNITED STATES 265
He emphasized the bright side of American in-
stitutions and American initiative, and rather left
in the background the counterbalancing defects.
Even in the matter of public works, Canada had
not all to learn from the United States. A note
to the Report of the Assistant Commissioners of
Municipal Inquiry runs, ' Persons who are dis-
posed to regard the local administration of the
United States as a model for other countries, will
probably be unwilling to believe that in the State
of New York, whose prosperity has been immensely
increased by its canal and railroad communications,
the management of the roads is extremely defec-
tive, although there is a large population, possess-
ing abundant resources.' J Mr. Young, of Nova
Scotia, saw nothing to gain from American citizen-
ship : ' I know not of a single individual of
influence or talent, who would not regard a sever-
ance of our connection with the mother country,
and our incorporation, which would soon follow,
into the American Union, with its outrages oil
property and real freedom, its growing democratic
spirit and executive weakness, as the greatest
misfortune that could befall us.' 2 To Lord Dur-
ham the United States were a bright illustration
of the blessings which flow from responsible govern-
ment, coupled with wise treatment of public lands.
It is true that, as has been pointed out already, he
did not look closely into the American constitution
or examine how far the Americans enjoyed what he
meant by responsible government. It was enough
for him that they had free institutions, and from
1 Appendix C, iii. 194 note. 2 Appendix A, iii. 13.
266 BRITISH NORTH AMERICA INTROD.
these institutions, in his view, flowed material
blessings. He over-rated the shortcomings of men
and things in Canada, he drew too rosy a picture
of men and things in the United States, but his
conclusion was sound and true. If British North
America was to be kept for Great Britain, instead
of succumbing to the powerful attraction of the
great and growing republic which was and is
its everyday neighbour, then the British North
American provinces must be given self-government,
and be raised by union from the level of separate
petty communities to the higher plane of a single
nation.
COLONIAL OFFICE AND COLONIAL
ADMINISTRATION
In connexion with, but over and above, the
main subject of responsible government, Lord
Durham's views on the Colonial Office and colonial
administration are worthy of note. It has been
seen that, at the time when he wrote, the Colonial
Office was, from the nature of the case, mainly
a Crown Colony Office ; that the head of the per-
manent staff in the office was an unusually strong
official, serving a Secretary of State who, from the
public point of view, was exceptionally inadequate ;
and that Charles Buller, the sworn foe of the
Colonial Office, was Lord Durham's right hand
man. Further, whereas, in the Liverpool adminis-
tration, Lord Bathurst had been Secretary of State
for the Colonies for fifteen years, from 1812 to
1827, holding the office for a longer period con-
tinuously than any Secretary of State for the
CHAP, v COLONIAL ADMINISTRATION 267
Colonies before or since, in the next ten years the
appointment had changed hands no fewer than
eight times. These frequent changes were, in the
Report of a Select Committee of the House of
Assembly of Upper Canada, which Lord Durham
quotes and endorses (ii. 104), alleged to be ' one of
the chief causes of dissatisfaction with the adminis-
tration of Colonial affairs '.
How strongly the Colonial Office was criticized
and condemned by men of the Buller school, can
best be judged by reading the speeches of his
friend Sir William Molesworth, who eventually
became for a few months before his death Secretary
of State for the Colonies. Molesworth's criticisms
of the office were not confined to the regime of
Lord Glenelg, whose colonial administration he
attacked in the House of Commons in 1838, but
continued pretty well to the end of his own life in
the fifties. His theme was mainly the maladminis-
tration of the present self-governing dominions,
but he also held that the Crown Colonies were mis-
governed ; and, when in 1849 he moved for a
Royal Commission to inquire into the administra-
tion of the colonies, while laying down that ' the
Commission should draw a broad distinction be-
tween those colonies which have or ought to have
representative institutions, and those of the Crown
Colonies which are unfit for free institutions ', he
expressed the view that ' In both cases the more
the government is local, the better I believe it
will be. It will, therefore, be an important subject
for inquiry by the Commission, what is the best
form of local government for those Crown Colonies
268 BRITISH NORTti AMERICA INTROD.
which are unfit for free institutions V In an earlier
speech he contrasted the Government of India,
still under the East India Company, most favour-
ably with Colonial Office mismanagement -of the
Crown Colonies. On another occasion he asserted
that * the tendency of every Executive, and especi-
ally of a Colonial Office Executive, is towards exces-
sive expenditure, and therefore towards excessive
taxation ' ; * and from first to last he argued, and
so did Buller, that the Colonial Office system, as
it existed in his time, was not merely faulty but
absolutely impossible, for it consisted in arbitrary
power exercised by ignorant and irresponsible men
at a distance. The Secretaries of State were con-
stantly changing, and could therefore have no real
grip of colonial administration : they were nomi-
nally responsible to Parliament, but practically
irresponsible, for Parliament neither knew nor
cared about colonial matters : the real power was
in the hands of under secretaries and clerks, and
the result of the whole was ignorance, negligence,
and vacillation as ' three inseparable accidents of
our system of colonial government ', and a Colonial
Office characterized by ' rashness, ignorance, in-
discretion, incapacity V
As against this wholesale condemnation, it is
interesting to note the passages in the Government
of Dependencies, in which Cornewall Lewis, a con-
temporary of Molesworth and Buller, refers to the
advantage of having a Colonial Office. He points
out that the States of ancient times had no public
1 Selected Speeches of Sir William Mdesworth, edited by Professor
Egerton, pp. 13-14, 232, 239-40, 325, 353.
CHAP, v COLONIAL ADMINISTRATION 269
office, and no public officer, specially charged to
superintend and control the governments of their
dependencies, and the conduct of the governors;
and considers that such an office or such an officer
would have made for amelioration of the govern-
ment of the dependent communities, and there-
fore for consolidation of the Empire to which they
belonged. ' The industry and ability of Cicero
would have been employed far more advantage-
ously to the provincials, if he had filled an office
of this sort, than they were in his prosecution of
Verres.' x It is a commonplace of Roman history
that the provinces fared better under the Empire
than under the Republic, and under the Emperor
than under the Senate, partly because there were
not such frequent changes of governors, but mainly
because there was a stronger and more sympathetic
control over them at head-quarters. Lewis goes
on to mention the Spanish Council of the Indies
as the first Colonial Office, ' the first example of
a separate public department in a dominant
country for the management of dependencies,'
and credits it with at any rate some measure of
efficiency and regard for the native races. He then
sums up the value of a Colonial Office in the follow-
ing passage :
' If it be assumed that colonial and other depen-
dencies are to remain in a state of dependence, it
cannot be doubted that they, on the whole, derive
advantage from the existence of a public depart-
ment in the dominant country, specially charged
1 Government of Dependencies (1891 ed.), pp. 162-4; see also
pp. 119 note and 149.
270 BRITISH NORTH AMERICA INTROD.
with the superintendence of their political con-
cerns. The existence of such a department tends
to dimmish the main obstacles to the good govern-
ment of a dependency, viz. the ignorance and the
indifference of the dominant country respecting
its affairs ; and to supply the qualities requisite
for its good government, viz. knowledge of its
affairs and care for them. If the existence of such
a department tends to involve the affairs of the
dependency in the party contests of the dominant
country, it is to be remembered that this very evil
has its good side ; inasmuch as the public atten-
tion is thereby attracted to the dependency, and
the interest of some portion of the dominant people
is awakened to the promotion of its welfare.'
Lewis wrote of a Colonial Office in the abstract,
while Molesworth castigated the actual Colonial
Office of the day. Moreover, Lewis was consider-
ing only the case of dependencies which are to
remain dependencies, in other words, Crown Colo-
nies, whereas Molesworth dealt mainly, though not
exclusively, with the case of what are now the
self-governing dominions. Still the difference in
the two men's views is striking and instructive.
To Molesworth, control from Downing Street was
an abomination, to Lewis it was, at any rate in
capable hands, a beneficial safeguard. It need
not be said that Lord Durham, prompted no
doubt by Buller, approached more nearly to
Molesworth's point of view than to that of Corne-
wall Lewis, but on the one hand Durham was not
concerned in any way with Crown Colonies, and
on the other his condemnation of the Colonial
Office is not so wholesale nor so bitter as that of
Molesworth. He deals with the subject more
CHAP, v COLONIAL ADMINISTRATION 271
especially in relation to Lower Canada (ii. 101-10),
and characteristically attacks the existing system
on account of the weakness which resulted from
it. The side-note to the beginning of the passage
is ' Want of vigorous administration of Royal Pre-
rogative ', and the argument runs : The Governor
of the colony is supposed to represent the Sove-
reign, but he is in fact a mere subordinate of the
Secretary of State, receiving instructions not only
as to the general line of policy to be pursued, but
also as to details. Being the tool of the Home
Government, he is the centre of attacks from the
popular party in the Colony, and naturally throws
the responsibility as far as possible upon the Home
Government, and does little or nothing without
referring home for instructions. Thus the Exe-
cutive on the spot loses all vigour and initiative,
action is enfeebled by distance and delay, ' and
the colony has, in every crisis of danger, and
almost every detail of local management, felt
the mischief of having its Executive authority
exercised on the other side of the Atlantic.'
On the other side of the Atlantic again, the
British public are wholly ignorant of colonial
conditions, so are the large majority of members
of Parliament ; and, except on the occasion of
some great colonial crisis, ' responsibility to Parlia-
ment, or to the public opinion of Great Britain,
would be positively mischievous, if it were not
impossible.' The Secretaries of State are being
constantly changed on party grounds, which have
nothing whatever to do with the colonies : they
therefore have no time to learn their business, and
272 BRITISH NORTH AMERICA TNTROD.
consequently the management of the colonies rest s
with 'the permanent but utterly irresponsible
members of the office '. Thus, in the first place,
there is no responsibility anywhere for colonial
administration under the existing system ; in the
second place, the business of the Colonial Office is
so multifarious that, in his short tenure of office,
the Secretary of State cannot master it himself ;
in the third place, his advisers have no first-hand
local knowledge ; and in the fourth place, the con-
stant changes of Secretaries of State mean constant
change of policy, so that to ignorance is added
vacillation as an accompaniment of colonial ad-
ministration ; finally, there is superadded a general
secrecy as to the motives and purposes of the
rulers, resulting (to quote the side-note to the
passage) in ' ignorance of the people as to the
proceedings of their government '.
In a later passage (ii. 192) referring more especi-
ally to Upper Canada, Lord Durham reverts to
the injury done to a colony by allowing the policy
of its administration to depend upon political
changes at home. The general feeling in the pro-
vince was, he tells us, that 'they ask for greater
firmness of purpose in their rulers, and a more
defined and consistent policy on the part of the
government ; something, in short, that will make
all parties feel that an order of things has been
established to which it is necessary that they
should conform themselves, and which is not to
be subject to any unlocked for and sudden in-
terruption consequent upon some unforeseen move
in the game of politics in England '.
CHAP, v COLONIAL ADMINISTRATION 273
Many years have now passed since all parties
and all schools of thought in this country recog-
nized, that in the case of the white communities
in the British Empire, responsibility for good or
bad government must be vested in the people on
the spot; but, though Lord Durham treated of
the Colonial Office only in reference to these com-
munities, it is impossible to estimate how far the
Colonial Office deserved the blame which men like
Molesworth attached to it, without taking into
consideration the Crown Colonies also. In the
first place, it is difficult to suppose that this office,
under the guidance of Sir James Stephen, and
with men like Sir Henry Taylor and Sir T. F.
Elliot, either in it or connected with it, was
abnormally bad, worse than other public offices
in England at the time. The age was ripe for a
change of system as regards Canada and Australia,
and the change was carried out ; but it does not
follow either that responsible government could
usefully have been granted at a much earlier date,
or that the Colonial Office in particular was to
blame for withholding it till Lord Durham's time.
In the second place, the grounds on which Moles-
worth condemned the Colonial Office as absolutely
hopeless and impossible have, as regards the Crown
Colonies, continued to exist in a greater or less
degree down to the present day, and, notwith-
standing, England, and the Empire, and the Colonial
Office, and the world generally have gone on very
comfortably all the same. There are still the ob-
vious disadvantages arising from constant changes
of Secretaries of State : the duties thrown on each
1352-1 T
L>74 BRITISH NORTH AMERICA INTKOD.
Secretary of State in turn are infinitely more multi-
farious than whose which Molesworth declared
that no one man could adequately discharge : as
a necessary consequence, much responsibility still
devolves, and must always devolve, upon the per-
manent advisers of the Secretary of State ; and
in their case want of first-hand personal know-
ledge of local conditions is still— though not to
so great an extent as before — almost inevitable
as regards some outlying parts of the Empire.
It is true that steam and electricity are mini-
mizing distance so far as it is a factor in mis-
government ; but the same forces have infinitely
multiplied the facilities for constant interference
from home, whether by the Colonial Office or by
the House of Commons. Molesworth, in his hatred
of an irresponsible bureaucracy at a distance,
advocated, even in the cases of Crown Colonies,
establishing responsibility in the colony rather
than at home ; but he admitted that such colonies
were not suitable for representative institutions,
and therefore, on his own showing, the power, if
removed from the Home Government, must have
been vested either in a despotic governor, or in
a governor advised by a white oligarchy, with the
prospect of reproducing the evils of Roman pro-
vincial administration under the republican regime.
It is too often left out of sight that government
from a distance is not all evil, especially where
coloured men are concerned. It means, or ought
to mean, government of coloured races without
being influenced by colour prejudices ; and if it is
coupled, as it is in the case of the British Crown
CHAP, v COLONIAL ADMINISTRATION 275
Colonies, with the grant of wide discretion to the
governors and officers on the spot, a form of govern-
ment results which, tried by the test of the greatest
happiness of the greatest number, will bear com-
parison with any political system in the history of
the world.
The British Empire contains probably a greater
number of diverse elements than any association
of peoples and races has ever contained, and the
essence of the Home Government is the party
system. The interests of the whole require, on
the one hand, that full play for the diverse elements
should be combined with some general rules, some
approach to uniformity in the main lines of public
administration ; and on the other, that the constant
changes at head-quarters, which the party system
involves, should be counterbalanced by one or more
institution^ which make for tradition and con-
tinuity. Under the Crown, which is the one great
bond of the Empire, an office like the Colonial
Office, putting its value at the lowest, and omitting
all its work of direct administration, discharges an
absolutely necessary function in supplying some
measure of uniformity and of continuity. The
Colonial Office has always been and always will be
easy to attack, but to those who stop to think it is
110 less easy to defend.
T2
CHAPTER VI
RETROSPECT, FORECAST, AND SEQUEL
THE questions, how far Lord Durham read the
past correctly, how far he formed a correct fore-
cast of the future, and how far his recommenda-
tions were adopted, have to a large extent been
answered already.
Omitting points of detail, and instances of
exaggerated language, and noting once more that
the accuracy of Lord Durham's account of parties
and conditions in Upper Canada was most strongly
and categorically challenged by both Houses of
the provincial Legislature at the time,1 it seems
fair to say that the main fault in his retrospect
was the amount of blame which he attached to the
British Government, especially in regard to Lower
Canada, although he speaks of ' the uniform good
intentions which the Imperial Government has
clearly evinced towards every class and every race
in the colony ' (ii. 100). It cannot be too often
repeated that he had in him something of a
Strafford or a Cromwell : he understood despotism
and he understood self-government, but he had
no patience with half-way compromise ; and from
1 The Report of the Select Committee of the House of Assembly is
given in the Parliamentary Paper No. 289, June 1839, ' Copies or Extracts
of Correspondence relative to the Affairs of Canada,' and the Report of
the Select Committee of the Legislative Council will be found at pp. 173-
88 of Canadian Constitutional Development (Egerton and Grant).
CHAP, vi RETROSPECT, FORECAST, SEQUEL 277
this point of view he reviewed and censured back
history, judging the men of 1791 or earlier in the
light of 1838. ' It is difficult to conceive,' he writes
(ii. 76), ' what could have been their theory of
government, who imagined that in any colony
of England a body invested with the name and
character of a representative Assembly, could be
deprived of any of those powers, which, in the
opinion of Englishmen, are inherent in a popular
legislature.' In this passage he talks of the
Assembly being deprived of powers which it had
never possessed. There is no hint or suggestion
that the constitution of 1791 was a distinct step
forward ; that representative institutions without
responsible government were not unknown else-
where in the British Empire, as for instance in the
West Indies ; that the constitution of 1791 may
have been, and probably was, a wise preparatory
stage, especially in view of the fact that French
Canadians had never in the whole course of their
history known any kind of political representa-
tion. It was enough for him that the system was
faulty, as tried by the standard of his own day,
and, this being the case, he took up the position
that the people of Canada had been deprived of
rights which all men ought to enjoy.
Still more open to criticism is the interesting
passage (ii. 62-71) in which he condemns the
division of Canada into two provinces, and the
policy pursued towards French Canada, as a policy
which was mistaken in the first place, and in the
second place not consistently followed up.
He lays down that, after the United States
278 BRITISH NORTH AMERJr A INTKOI.
had become independent, the British Government
adopted towards their remaining possessions in
North America a policy of Divide et Impera : that
their object was ' to isolate the inhabitants of the
British from those of the revolted colonies ' : to
govern the colonies which still belonged to Great
Britain ' by means of division, and to break them
down as much as possible into petty isolated com-
munities, incapable of combination, and possessing
no sufficient strength for individual resistance to
the Empire '. As an illustration of the intent to
isolate Canada from the United States, he quotes
instructions which were given by the Government
to prohibit settlement and maintain a belt of
woodland on the American frontier south of the
St. Lawrence, whereas these instructions were
given on military advice, and for purely military
reasons, in the light of the war of 1812. l To the
same imaginary intention of keeping up division
and preventing consolidation, he attributes the
division of the Province of Quebec by the Act of
1791, and then he proceeds to attack the Govern-
ment for not having fully carried out the policy
of separation which was embodied in the Act.
His argument is, either French Canada might
have been left entirely to the French, or it might
have been gradually but surely denationalized and
incorporated in British colonization. The latter
was the course which he maintained should have
been adopted ; but, the other alternative having
been chosen, the policy of French Canada for the
French Canadians should have been rigidly adhered
1 See above, p. 203, and note 2 to vol. ii, p. 65.
CHAP, vi RETROSPECT, FORECAST, SEQUEL 279
to. ' The province should have been set apart to
be wholly French, if it was not to be rendered com-
pletely English.' The Home Government, however,
while trying to preserve the French character of
the Lower Province, encouraged British immigra-
tion into it ; there was a mixture of French and
British laws and land tenures and religions and so
forth ; with the result that the province became
neither one thing nor the other, and was the scene
of discord of races.
It was hardly true to facts, or fair to the Govern-
ment of Great Britain, to represent it as inspired
by the principle of Divide et Impera in its dealings
with the British North American provinces ; nor
was this policy in the minds of those who framed
and carried the Act of 1791. It is true that that
Act divided Canada into two provinces, one mainly
French, the other British ; but the object which
was aimed at was, not so much isolation of the
French Canadians, as gradual assimilation of the
two races to each other, by letting them grow up
side by side, without overlapping too much, until
they knew each other better. Again, it was not
true to facts, though it was convenient as a genera-
lization for a treatise, to lay down that there are
only two methods of dealing with a conquered
territory — either the whole of this or the whole
of that. Practical statesmen find it necessary to
compromise ; a thorough policy is not often desir-
able, and, when a House of Commons has to
be consulted, almost impossible. Lord Durham,
beyond question, put his finger upon the weak spot
in British colonial policy, when he emphasized the
280 BRITISH NORTH AMERICA TXTROD.
evils which arise from not following out one course
consistently, but this weakness had not been
exceptionally conspicuous in the case of British
North America. There had been, no doubt, change
and vacillation, as for instance in regard to the
abortive Bill of 1822 for re-uniting the two Canadas ;
but there had been no violent reversals of policy,
such as have marked the history of South Africa.
On the whole, one Secretary of State after another,
on either side of the House, had striven to con-
ciliate the French Canadians, while not conceding
their full demands. They had compromised, they
had tried to hold the balance even between the
contending parties and races, they had not pro-
nounced for one or for the other. Lord Durham
blamed them for not having steadily and with
a whole heart taken the British side, and sub-
ordinated the French ; but such a policy could
have succeeded only on two hypotheses, first, that
the Home Government had determined to run
counter to the British instinct of fair play and
generosity to the conquered, which after all is
nearly the most valuable asset that a ruling race
can possess ; and secondly, that party govern-
ment in England would have permitted the con-
tinuance for at least a generation of a policy of
coercion in Canada. Neither hypothesis would
ever have come to pass, and the practical impossi-
bility of what Lord Durham would have advised
invalidates his criticism of what actually was done.
The Home Government showed little strength
and little foresight in dealing with Canada, but
they were consistent in letting natural forces have
CHAP, vi RETROSPECT, FORECAST, SEQUEL 281
their play, and in giving as much rope as possible
to the French Canadians short of self-government.
Lord Durham saw when the time had come for
self-government ; and he saw what might have been
an ideal solution, if England had not been England,
and the French Canadians had not had a natural
desire to remain French Canadians ; but, if the
actual conditions of the case are taken into con-
sideration, his retrospect of the past is not good
history.
If Lord Durham were now alive, he would
probably maintain that, so far as he failed to fore-
cast the future of Canada correctly, it was because
his recommendations were not fully carried out ;
but in any case it must be admitted that he wholly
underrated the strength and the tenacity of the
French Canadian race. He looked upon absorp-
tion into Anglo-Saxon surroundings as the inevit-
able fate of the French Canadians. He writes of
* the vain endeavour to preserve a French Canadian
nationality in the midst of Anglo-American colonies
and states ' (ii. 70) ; and again, ' It is but a ques-
tion of time and mode ; it is but to determine
whether the small number of French who now
inhabit Lower Canada shall be made English, under
a Government which can protect them, or whether
the process shall be delayed until a much larger
number shall have to undergo, at the rude hands
of its uncontrolled rivals, the extinction of a nation-
ality strengthened and embittered by continu-
ance' (ii. 292). It is interesting to contrast this
view with the forecast made by Governor Carleton
in the year 1767. There were then but few English
282 BRITISH NORTH AMERICA TNTROD.
in French Canada, for Canada had only lately been
transferred to British keeping, yet Carleton con-
templated that the superiority of the French to
the English in numbers would not decrease but
increase. ' Barring a catastrophe shocking to
think of,' he wrote to Lord Shelburne, * this
country must, to the end of time, be peopled by
the Canadian race, who already have taken such
firm root, and got to so great a height, that any
new stock transplanted will be totally hid, and
imperceptible amongst them, except in the Towns
of Quebec and Montreal.' 1 Lord Durham notes
the fecundity of the French Canadians, but notes
it only as leading to further subdivision of estates
and deterioration of the people, and he speaks
of the race as destitute of invigorating qualities.
His British predilections, his imperialism, and his
political views, all, it would seem, coloured his
vision in regard to the French Canadians. He
stated in so many words that their race was in a
condition of hopeless inferiority to the English : he
desired to submerge it, for constructive reasons,'
in order to produce one great uniform British
nationality : and, as a Radical, he had no hope of
any good thing coming out of the intense con-
servatism and feudal institutions of French Canada.
Possibly he might have modified his views,
had he stayed longer in Canada and studied the
French Canadians in normal times. He came and
went at a time when race animosity was unduly
accentuated; and probably on the one hand he
exaggerated the intensity of the feeling, while on
1 Shortt and Doughty, p. 198. See note 1, vol. ii, p. 70.
CHAP, vi RETROSPECT, FORECAST, SEQUEL 283
the other he erred in thinking that it could be
extinguished by a policy which aimed at eradicating
the nationality. The analogies, which he quotes,
seem to show that he did not sufficiently estimate
how much the preservation or the extinction of
nationality is a question of degree. He takes the
case of Louisiana, but the French in the province
of Quebec held it by far greater numbers and by
far longer tenure than they held Louisiana ; while
the Dutch in New York, to whom Lord Durham
also refers, had only a fifty years' tenure of Man-
hattan Island and the Hudson valley before they
were brought under British rule. He might have
noted that the Dutch in South Africa absorbed
the handful of Huguenots who settled among them,
but this illustration also would not have been in
point. From the dawn of colonization in North
America the valley of the St. Lawrence had been
the home of the French, and the history of Canada
had testified abundantly to their stubbornness
and their strength. In the year 1838 or 1839 it
was too late to talk of denationalizing a people
who had made the land their own ; and it was
hopeless to think that efforts to do so would
extinguish the bitterness of race feeling. It was
left to Lord Elgin, while carrying out in full Lord
Durham's views of responsible government, and
sharing Lord Durham's confidence that respon-
sible government would make for loyalty and not
for separation, to repudiate at the same time his
father-in-law's doctrine that the French should be
denationalized, and to advocate free play for their
language and their usages. Later history has
284 BRITISH NORTH AMERICA INTROD.
proved how far from the fact was Lord Durham's
estimate that the French Canadian nationality
must necessarily be absorbed ; for, having been
left to its destiny under a system of popular
government, it has more than held its own within
and even beyond the province of Quebec.
How far race antagonism in Canada has been
diminished since Lord Durham's time, and to what
degree French and English have come closer to
each other, it would be difficult to estimate with
any approach to accuracy. French are French,
and British are British, and will remain so till
the end. On the other hand, modern life makes
for greater courtesy and forbearance as between
peoples and races. French and English have
lived side by side for seventy more years since
Lord Durham wrote, and have acquired habits and
traditions of co-operation ; and — most important
point of all — the confederation of Canada by the
British North America Act of 1867 has completely
altered the position, for, to quote once more the
words of Chief Justice Smith's wise letter of 1790,
that Act has erected ' a Power upon the Continent
itself, to control all its own little Republics V and
race difficulties are not increased by appeal to,
and resentment against, a Legislature on the other
side of the Atlantic.
A second point in regard to which, if Lord
Durham were, so to speak, to be pinned down to
the wording of his Report, he did not form a correct
forecast, of the future, is the extent to which he
held that colonial self-government can be limited,
1 Canadian Constitutional Development (Egerton and Grant), p. 105.
CHAP, vi RETROSPECT, FORECAST, SEQUEL 285
and a line be drawn between matters of imperial
concern. It may well be answered that it is not
fair to criticize his words in this respect, as being
intended to hold true for all time ; that he took
conditions as they were ; and under those con-
ditions laid down limits to the freedom of the
colony on the one hand, and the interference of
the mother country on the other ; but that it
does not follow that, under the altered conditions
of later times, he would have upheld those limits
as unalterable. It has been seen that he enu-
merates (ii. 282) ' the constitution of the form of
government — the regulation of foreign relations,
and of trade with the mother country, the other
British Colonies, and foreign nations — and the dis-
posal of the public lands' as 'the only points on
which the mother country requires a control ' ; and
he notes that ' a perfect subordination, on the part
of the colony, on these points, is secured by the
advantages which it finds in the continuance of
its connexion with the Empire '. He wrote in the
light of his own day, when colonies were not
dominions, when the small had not become great,
and could not stand alone. It would be pettifogging
to tie his memory to the exact words. But it is
a fair criticism to say that, while he laid stress
on self-government as creating a national exis-
tence, he did not seem fully to recognize that when
once an oversea community has been endowed
with national institutions, it is difficult, if not
impossible, to set a limit to its growth as a nation,
or permanently to withhold any subject as out-
side its scope. Free Trade had not come in
286 BRITISH NORTH AMERICA INTROD.
England when he wrote ; he does not refer to it,
but it was well on the way ; and, when it came,
it profoundly modified the colonial problem ; but,
apart from a particular national movement, the
effects of which he might or might not have fore-
seen, there is no indication that he at all foresaw
to what responsible government was going to lead,
and to what it inevitably must lead. Cornewall
Lewis's reasoning, in the passage which has already
been quoted, is unanswerable. * If the govern-
ment of the dominant country substantially govern
the dependency, the representative body cannot
substantially govern it ; and, conversely, if the
dependency be substantially governed by the
representative body, it cannot be substantially
governed by the government of the dominant
country. A self-governing dependency (supposing
the dependency not to be virtually independent)
is a contradiction in terms.' J After responsible
government had been given to Canada, it was
substantially governed by the representative body
of Canada, and ceased to be substantially governed
by England. Lord Durham, to judge from his
words, seemed to think that the substantial govern-
ment could be divided, and that Canada, while
becoming a nation, could remain a subordinate
nation ; but history has abundantly shown that,
starting from the grant of self-government, there
can be but one line of movement, from subordina-
tion to complete equality. It is true — taking his
reservations — that the Constitution of Canada
still depends upon Imperial legislation; that the
1 Government of Dependencies, p. '289.
CHAP, vi RETROSPECT, FORECAST, SEQUEL 287
external relations of Canada in political matters
are still under Imperial control; that, while the
self-governing dominions have for half a century
and more been left to settle their own tariffs, it has
never been admitted in principle that they can
differentiate at will; that control of the Public
Lands in Canada was not reserved to the Imperial
government because that government was in effect
already pledged to concede it. But the broad fact
remains that the Canadian self-government of to-
day is not what Lord Durham recommended, and
the Canada of to-day is more nearly an allied
than a subordinate nation.
A third point on which Lord Durham failed to
forecast the future has been sufficiently laboured
already. It relates to the actual extent of the
Canadian Dominion. He contemplated a dominion,
but consisting only of the present eastern pro-
vinces. He did not look from sea to sea, a vision
to which even a lesser prophet than himself might
have been moved. But without further criticizing
his outlook, it is time to note how far his recom-
mendations were adopted.
The recommendation that the two Canadian
provinces should be reunited was carried out, but
not as he had intended. He had expressed him-
self (ii. 323, 324) as entirely opposed to ' the mere
amalgamation of the Houses of Assembly of the
two Provinces', and also 'to every plan that has
been proposed for giving an equal number of
members to the two Provinces '. He had con-
templated complete fusion of the two provinces,
and new electoral divisions formed by a Parlia-
_>vx BRITISH NORTH AMERICA INTK..D.
nientary Commission, with a view to ' giving
representation, as near as may be, in proportion
to population '. He had, no doubt, in his mind
the Union Bill of 1822, which had proposed to
re-unite the two provinces on the basis of at first
simply joining together the existing members of the
two Legislative Councils and of the two Assem-
blies, with a provision for the future that the
elected representatives for each province should
not exceed sixty. To this method of reunion,
which would continue to treat Canada as two
provinces and not as one, Lord Durham was
entirely opposed ; and when the Melbourne Ministry
first handled his Report and first drafted a Reunion
Bill, they were inclined to share his views. On
the 3rd of June 1839, Lord John Russell stated
in the House of Commons that ' It is our opinion
generally, that you ought not to lay down any
precise number of representatives for Lower Canada
and for Upper Canada V but, after going through
various drafts, and being recast in Canada, the
Union Bill, as it became law in 1840, provided in
its 12th section that in the Legislative Assembly of
the new province of Canada, Lower Canada and
Upper Canada should have an equal number of
representatives, and the effect of the subsequent
sections of the Act was to give forty-two members
to either of the two late provinces. The Act
empowered the new Legislature to alter the system
of representation by a two-thirds majority in
both houses, but the net result was to federate
Lower and Upper Canada rather than to fuse
1 Hansard's Parliamentary Debated, vol. xlvii, pp. 12U4-G.
CHAP, vi RETROSPECT, FORECAST, SEQUEL 289
them ; the line of least resistance was followed,
and the complete union which Lord Durham had
desired was not carried out.
The only provision in the Act which at all
reflected Lord Durham's attitude towards the
French Canadian nationality, was the 41st section,
which enacted that English alone should be the
language of the legislative records, and this section
was repealed by a Provincial Act of 1848, passed
in Lord Elgin's time. From the outset both French
and English were used in the debates, and the first
Speaker of the Assembly, after the union had come
into existence, was a French Canadian. Nor did
the Act contain any provision such as Lord Dur-
ham had recommended, and such as was subse-
quently included in the Confederation Act of 1867,
to enable other British North American provinces
to enter the union. In short, the Act of 1840
was a compromise Act, falling far short of the
root and branch policy which Lord Durham had
sketched out.
It has been seen that his policy prescribed that
the union of the two provinces should be accom-
panied by the grant of responsible government,
limited by various restrictions, and that Lord John
Russell and his colleagues were not prepared to
accept in full either the principle or the practice of
responsible government. Nor was Poulett Thom-
son, afterwards Lord Sydenham, whom the Whigs
selected to be Governor-General and to carry
through the union. But they were all moving in
Lord Durham's direction : all were agreed to try
and maintain harmony between the executive and
1352-1 U
290 BRITISH NORTH AMERICA INTROD.
the legislative authorities, by employing in the
service of the Government men who had the con-
fidence of the people. Lord John Russell went far
towards responsible government when, in a dis-
patch of the 16th of October 1839, he laid down
that the high executive officers, such as the Colonial
Secretary and the Treasurer, must not in future
be considered to hold their posts by a permanent
tenure, but should be liable to be changed with
the change of Governor, or to * be called upon to
retire from the public service, as often as any
sufficient motives of public policy may suggest the
expediency of that measure V In September 1841
the Assembly of United Canada passed resolutions,
said to have been drafted by Lord Sydenham him-
self, the first of which laid down 'that the most
important, as well as the most undoubted, of the
political rights of the people of this Province is
that of having a Provincial Parliament for the pro-
tection of their liberties, for the exercise of a con-
stitutional influence over the Executive departments
of their government, and for, legislation upon all
matters of internal government ' ; while a subse-
quent resolution declared that, in order to preserve
harmony, ' the chief advisers of the representative
of the Sovereign, constituting a Provincial adminis-
tration under him, ought to be men possessed of
the confidence of the Representatives of the people '.2
No legislation was needed in order to take the
1 See Canadian Constitutional Development (Egerton and Grant),
pp. 270-2.
1 See Houston's Documents illustrative of the Canadian Constitution,
pp. 303-4.
CHAP, vi RETROSPECT, FORECAST, SEQUEL 291
further step, to make the executive a purely
parliamentary executive, to give full scope to
party government, and in purely Canadian matters
to constitute the advisers of the Governor, as
representing the majority of the people, the real
rulers of Canada. This step was taken by Lord
Elgin in or about the year 1848. The same date
may be given to the completion of responsible
government in the Maritime Provinces,1 and it
followed very shortly afterwards in Newfoundland,
Australia, and New Zealand.
Among the restrictions on responsible govern-
ment, Lord Durham designed reform of the Legis-
lative Council, which should then ' act as an useful
check on the popular branch of the Legislature '
(ii. 326-7) ; but, as has been noted, he left to others
to decide on what lines the Council should be
revised. The result was that no change was made,
and that the Union Act left the constitution of the
Second Chamber as it had been framed in the Act
of 1791, the members of the Council being nomi-
nated for life. The section of the 1791 Act, how-
ever, which gave power to the Crown to attach to
hereditary titles of honour a right to be summoned
to the Legislative Council, found no place in the
Act of 1840. This latter Act was amended in 1854
by another Imperial Act, which empowered the
Canadian Legislature to alter the constitution of
the Legislative Council; and under the authority
thus given a provincial law was passed in 1856,
1 1848 in the case of Nova Scotia and New Brunswick ; 1851 in that
of Prince Edward Island ; 1855 in that of Newfoundland. See Keith,
Responsible Oovernment in the Dominions, pp. 8-9.
U2
292 BRITISH NORTH AMERICA INTROD.
making the Legislative Council an elective body.
But under the British North America Act of 1867
the elective principle was discarded, for the mem-
bers of the senate are, as were the legislative
councillors under the Acts of 1791 and 1840,
nominated to hold their places for life.
The 57th section of the Union Act embodied
Lord Durham's recommendation that ' no money
votes should be allowed to originate without the
previous consent of the Crown ' (ii. 328), and
a similar provision was included in the British
North America Act of 1867. The Union Act also
followed his Report in charging against the con-
solidated revenue fund of the united provinces an
ample Civil List. This list was divided into two
schedules. The first schedule provided £45,000 in
permanence to cover the salaries of Governor and
Lieutenant-Governor, the salaries and pensions of
the judges, and the general cost of administration
of justice. The second schedule provided £30,000
during the life of the Queen and for five years after-
wards, to cover the cost of the salaries and pensions
of the principal executive officers.
In the year 1846 the Canadian Legislature
passed an Act for granting a Civil List to Her
Majesty, the provisions of which were in lieu of
the Civil List sections and schedules of the Union
Act ; and in the following year, 1847, an Imperial
statute 1 gave validity to this provincial Act, and
thereby superseded, so far as the Civil List was
concerned, the terms of the Union Act. On this
footing the Civil List continued in existence until
1 10 & 11 Viet. c. 71.
CHAP, vi RETROSPECT, FORECAST, SEQUEL 293
the passing of the British North America Act of
1867, when it finally disappeared;1 but the salaries
and pensions of the judges, as well as the salaries
of the ministers, are still guaranteed by permanent
Acts of the Dominion Parliament, and the 99th
section of the British North America Act provides
that the judges of the superior courts shall hold
office during good behaviour, removable only by
the Governor-General on address of the Senate and
the House of Commons. The judges therefore are
given the independent position and the security
of tenure upon which Lord Durham insisted.
In return for an adequate Civil List, Lord
Durham proposed to hand over to the control of
the Legislature all the Crown revenues except those
derived from public lands ; but in accordance with
what had been a long standing offer of the Home
Government, the 54th section of the Union Act
surrendered in return for the Civil List the terri-
torial and other revenues of the Crown, which
included the public lands, and the same provision
was included in the provincial Civil List Act of
1846, validated by the Imperial Act of 1847, to
which reference has been made above. Finally,
the complete control of the Canadian Government
over the public lands of the province was assured
by the Imperial Act of 1852, which cleared up
a question of legal ownership, as has already been
explained.2 Thus the whole of Lord Durham's
elaborate scheme for keeping the public lands of
Canada under the authority of the Imperial
1 Under sections 102 and 126 of the British North America Act.
1 See above, p. 185.
294 BRITISH NORTH AMERICA INTROD.
Government, and disposing of them on the lines
laid down by Gibbon Wakefield, was stillborn.1
Under the head of public lands should be noted
the action which was taken with regard to the
clergy reserves. Lord Durham, in discussing the
subject (ii. 173-9), contented himself with the
recommendation that all provisions in Imperial
Acts relating to the application of the clergy
reserves and the funds arising from them should
be repealed, and that the disposal of the funds
should be left to the local Legislature ; and in the
summary of his recommendations at the end of
his Report, he suggested (ii. 326-9) that the same
Imperial Act which carried out the union of the
provinces and the accompanying changes, should
repeal the existing provisions relating to the clergy
reserves. Before, however, the Union Act was
passed, Poulett Thomson had already moved in the
matter. Shortly after his arrival in Canada, he
1 The case was summed up as follows in Lord John Russell's instruc-
tions to the Land and Emigration Commissioners of January 14, 1840.
' With regard to British North America, the case stands as follows.
In Upper Canada and in New Brunswick, the sale and management of
waste lands is vested by local enactments in certain local authorities,
with whom the Crown has no right of interference. In Nova Scotia
and in Newfoundland, there is every reason to anticipate that similar
laws will be shortly passed in pursuance of offers made by the Crown
to assent to them. In the present state of affairs in Lower Canada,
this, in common with many other questions, must be regarded as in
abeyance. In general, therefore, it may be stated that you will have
no power to contract for the sale of lands situate in British North
America, or in any of the adjacent islands ' (House of Commons Paper*
Colonial Land Board, February 4, 1840, p. 5).
The Canadian Legislature in their first session after the Union,
1841, passed ' An Act for disposal of Public .Lands ', 4 & 5 Viet. c. 100,
which, among other provisions, absolutely prohibited free grants of
land.
CHAP, vi RETROSPECT, FORECAST, SEQUEL 295
induced the Upper Canada Legislature, in the session
of 1839-40, to pass a Bill which devoted the revenues
derivable from the sale of clergy reserve lands ex-
clusively to religious purposes, and secured to the
churches of England and Scotland one-half of the
future proceeds, leaving the remainder to be dis-
tributed for the support of religious instruction
among the different Christian denominations in
the province, in proportion to the numbers of their
respective adherents. This Bill, when sent home,
was disallowed as being ultra vires; and in the
session of 1840 the Imperial Parliament, in addition
to passing the Union Act, the 42nd section of
which dealt with ecclesiastical and Crown rights,
passed also a special Act to provide for the sale
of the clergy reserves in Canada, and for the dis-
tribution of the proceeds.1 Under the provisions
of this Act, two -thirds of the proceeds of the lands
sold prior to the passing of the Act were assigned
to the Church of England and one-third to the
Church of Scotland ; while of the annual proceeds
of future sales, one-third was appropriated to the
Church of England, one-sixth to the Church of Scot-
land, and one-half was to be applied for purposes of
public worship and religious instruction in Canada.
Poulett Thomson, in sending home his own Act, had
intimated that public opinion in Upper Canada
considered it to be too favourable to the Church
of England, and that the majority of the people
were in favour of applying the proceeds of the
reserves to education or to general State purposes ;
and when he received the Imperial Act of 1840,
1 3 & 4 Viet. c. 78.
296 BRITISH NORTH AMERICA INTROD.
which was still more favourable to the Church of
England, he expressed a strong opinion as to the
injustice of the settlement. The sections of the
Constitutional Act of 1791, which originally created
the clergy reserves, gave power to the local Legis-
latures, under certain restrictions, to vary or repeal
the provisions respecting the reserves ; and,
though this power was taken away by the Act of
1840, Lord Durham's view that the question was
one to be settled in Canada was widely shared in
England. Accordingly, in 1853, the Imperial
Parliament passed a further Act l empowering the
Canadian Legislature to deal with the matter ; and
in the following year, 1854, a Canadian law finally
set to rest this long standing grievance and con-
troversy, by secularizing the reserves and the
moneys accruing from them. This law was entitled
' An Act to make better provision for the appro-
priation of moneys arising from the lands hereto-
fore known as the Clergy Reserves by rendering
them available for municipal purposes '. It was
an uncompromising Act, for it recited that ' it is
desirable to remove all semblance of connexion
between Church and State ', and it did not even
provide that the moneys in question should be
applied to education, but handed them over for
municipal purposes. Still treating Canada as a
federation of two provinces rather than as a single
province, it provided that the revenues of the clergy
reserves should be paid over to an Upper Canada
and a Lower Canada municipalities fund, and
should be divided among the municipalities in
1 16 Viet. c. 21.
CHAP, vi RETROSPECT, FORECAST, SEQUEL 297
proportion to population. On the day that this
measure became law, the assent of the Crown was
also given to another far-reaching Act passed by
the Canadian Legislature, 'for the abolition of
feudal rights and duties in Lower Canada ', which
put an end to the seigniorial system.
Lord Durham proposed (ii. 323-6) that the Parlia-
mentary Commission, which should be appointed
to form the future electoral districts in United
Canada, and to determine the number and allot-
ment of members, should also form a plan of 'local
government by elective bodies subordinate to the
General Legislature.' It has been seen that he
attached paramount importance to the introduc-
tion of a sound system of municipal and loca*.
institutions into Canada, and Poulett Thomson
was, if possible, even more emphatic on the sub-
ject. In a passage which has already been quoted,1
the latter wrote to Lord John Russell urging that
the provision of machinery by which local taxation
could be raised for local purposes was a necessary
complement of the reform by which the initiative
of money votes in the House of Assembly would
be confined to the Government ; and that the
establishment of municipal institutions therefore
became a necessary part of the Union Bill. Clauses
creating district councils were accordingly embodied
in the Bill; but, before it left the House of Commons,
they were omitted, largely on the suggestion of
' Bear ' Ellice ; and the Bill, as it became law, con-
tained one section only — the 58th — which referred
to the constitution of townships. The omission of
1 See above, p. 218.
298 BRITISH NORTH AMERICA INTROD.
the municipal clauses was bitterly resented by
Poulett Thomson, who wrote in September 1840,1
condemning in the strongest possible terms the
abandonment of what he considered to be a most
vital part of the Union Bill ; but, before the Act
was brought into operation, he passed a Local
Government ordinance in the Special Council of
Lower Canada, and followed it up, after the Union
had been proclaimed, by carrying a similar Bill for
Upper Canada through the Canadian Legislature.
A few years later the elective element was intro-
duced more largely into the municipal system which
he had created in the two provinces.2 Writing in
1861, Merivale referred to Upper Canada as the
only British colony within his knowledge that had
then an adequate municipal system. ' The same
organization,' he added, ' is spreading in Lower
Canada, but has far greater difficulties to contend
with. Elsewhere, in British North America, muni-
cipal organization seems to remain in a most
imperfect state ; and instead of local rates, public
works and improvements are effected by grants
from the central legislature ; a system leading
both to improvidence and to corruption.' ; Under
the British North America Act of 1867, by the 92nd
section, ' municipal institutions in the province '
1 See his dispatch to the Secretary of State, September 16, 1840
(Egerton and Grant, pp. 280-7).
1 See note to Egerton and Grant, p. 288, which states that the
elective system for municipal officers was introduced for Lower Canada
in 1845, and for Upper Canada in 1849, and that ' these Acts are still
the foundation of the municipal systems of the Provinces of Quebec
and Ontario '.
1 Lectures on Colonization and Colonies, 1861 ed., Appendix to
Lecture XXII, p. 653.
CHAP, vi RETROSPECT, FORECAST, SEQUEL 299
are included among the exclusive powers of the
Provincial Legislatures.
Lord Durham's comments and recommendations
on the subject of emigration bore no fruit, so far
as emigration was coupled with the disposal of
public lands as a factor in a great scheme of
imperial colonization.
In his instructions to Poulett Thomson, issued
in September 1839, Lord John Russell referred to
Lord Durham's Report, as only placing in a clearer
light the difficulties which existed in the case of
Canada in the way of raising an emigration fund
from the sale of Crown lands.1 But immigration
into Canada — apart from the subject of public
lands — formed the subject of much correspon-
dence between the Governor- General and the
Home Government; and in the speech with which
he opened the Canadian Legislature in the summer
of 1841, Poulett Thomson announced that the
Imperial Government was prepared to assist in
facilitating the passages of immigrants from the
port of landing in Canada to the places where their-
labour would be made available.2 By this time the
Board of Colonial Land and Emigration Com-
missioners, established in January 1840, had been
in operation for more than a year ; and in Lord
John Russell's initial instructions to them 3 may
be traced the effects of Lord Durham's powerful
criticism of the want of adequate safeguards for
1 See Parliamentary Paper, 1840. Correspondence relative to the
Affairs of Canada, Part I, p. 9.
* See Egerton and Grant, p. 291.
3 House of Commons Paper, February 4, 1840, Colonial Land Board.
300 BRITISH NORTH AMERICA INTROD.
emigrants embarking from the ports of the United
Kingdom. From this date onwards, the provisions
of Passenger Acts and Merchant Shipping Acts,
administered first by the Land and Emigration
Commissioners, and subsequently by the Board of
Trade, protected British emigrants when crossing
the seas ; and ' the collection and diffusion of
accurate statistical knowledge ' for the benefit of
Intending Emigrants, which Lord John Russell
included in the list of duties of the newly-formed
Board, is now provided, not only by the repre-
sentatives in this country of the dominions beyond
the seas, but also by the Emigrants' Information
Office, established in 1886 by the Imperial Govern-
ment.
The first session of the United Legislature of
Canada, at the close of which, in September 1841,
Poulett Thomson, then Lord Sydenham, died, was
rich in measures dealing with subjects which had
found a place in Lord Durham's Report. In
addition to the District Councils Act for Upper
Canada already mentioned, an Act was passed to
improve the administration of justice in minor
civil cases in Lower Canada ; and a Common
Schools Act was also passed, Poulett Thomson
having, in his opening speech to the Legislature,
reminded its members that ' a due provision for the
education of the people is one of the first duties
of the State, and in this province, especially, the
want of it is grievously felt V Under the provi-
sions of this Act, the newly-created district coun-
cils of the province were constituted ' Boards of
1 Egerton and Grant, p. 292.
CHAP, vi RETROSPECT, FORECAST, SEQUEL 301
Education, but separate schools for the different
denominations were included under the heading of
common schools. Various other Education Acts
followed in later years, and at the present day,
by the 93rd section of the British North America
Act of 1867, education — under certain restrictions
—is assigned to the Provincial Legislatures, the
rights of denominational schools in the provinces
of Ontario and Quebec being adequately safe-
guarded. Public works received at the outset of
the Union as much attention as even Lord Durham
could have desired. In this same first session, the
Legislature passed an Act creating a Board of
Works for the whole province ; and an Imperial
Act of 1842 guaranteed the interest on a loan of
1^ million sterling to be raised by the Canadian
Government, for relieving the pressure of immediate
financial difficulties, and carrying out the works
which were so sorely needed for the development
of Canada.
Lord Durham died in England in 1840. Lord
Sydenham died in Canada in 1841. In either case,
humanly speaking, the career was foreshortened,
yet in a sense in either case the career was com-
plete. Lord Durham preached his gospel and died ;
Lord Sydenham, before he too died, set the political
machine running in the right direction. Then the
machine went on, the way widened, the views
widened, men grew up to contemplate a nation,
and after contemplating to create it. Lord Dur-
ham's Report gave the inspiration. Sydenham,
with his combination of strong popular sympathies
and great business capacity, showed how to begin
302 BRITISH NORTH AMERICA INTROD.
putting principles into practice. The history of
Canada has been on the whole a history of singular
good fortune ; and not the least part of this goo'd
fortune has been, that Lord Durham should have
been forthcoming at the particular time when he
went to Canada, and that Lord Sydenham should
have been available as his successor. It would be
difficult to find in the chronicles of any country
two men who, within little more than three years
in all, did so much to help the coming time.
CHAPTER VII
THE REPORT AND THE EMPIRE
How far, it is proposed to ask in conclusion,
are the doctrines or principles embodied in Lord
Durham's Report of universal application ? The
answer consists in summarizing in a very few
words, and to some extent repeating, what has
gone before.
Though Lord Durham laid down in his Report
far-reaching principles of colonial administration,
it must always be borne in mind that he was
primarily concerned with the objects of a special
mission. He was not thinking of the whole world.
He was not even thinking of the whole British
Empire. He had his eyes fixed upon the British
provinces in North America, to which he had been
sent ; and, when he raised his eyes, his gaze fell
upon the adjoining part of North America which
had once belonged to Great Britain, and the pros-
perity of which conveyed to his mind a contrast
and a moral. Having this horizon, he propounded
and set himself to answer the following question.
Given a people living at a distance from the
central authority, who are either of British race,
or at any rate of European origin, bred up under
British rule, and in some familiarity with British
privileges and institutions, what under such cir-
cumstances is the best political constitution, de-
304 BRITISH NORTH AMERICA TNTROD.
signed at once with a view to giving contentment
to the distant community, and with a view to
maintaining and strengthening its connexion with
the central authority ? His answer was that,
with certain very important and carefully defined
reservations, the distant community should be left
to govern itself on the lines on which representative
and responsible government is understood and
carried on in the United Kingdom.
It will be noted (1) that he prescribed for distant
communities ; (2) that he prescribed for commu-
nities which were either British, or Anglicized, or
ex hypothesi to be Anglicized, and which already
enjoyed representative institutions ; (3) that his
prescription was responsible government most care-
fully restricted. Each of these points require a few
words of comment.
It has been pointed out that one of the most
admirable features of the Report is the stress which
is laid upon the importance of means of communica-
tion, and the almost prophetic insight which the
writer possessed of the extent to which the forces
of science might mould the future. If the question
which has just been stated were propounded at
the present day, the answer would be that in all
probability, before many years have passed, there
will be no distant communities. If we are to
reason from the past to the future, the day will
come, and may come in no very long time, when
distance will cease to exist to any appreciable
extent. The world moves so constantly and so fast
that statesmen, and writers, and thinkers, never
seem sufficiently to take stock of the advance
CHAP, vn THE REPORT AND THE EMPIRE 305
which has been made, or to appreciate that what
science has done in the past it will probably do in
the future, only at a perpetually accelerated pace.
It is a little under a century and a half since, in
his Observations on a late state of the Nation, Edmund
Burke elaborately ridiculed the proposal that the
American colonies should be represented in the
British Parliament, working out the time that
would be necessary in order to traverse the dis-
tance. His weeks have now become days or even
less ; if he were writing at the present time, he
would have to recast his arguments ; and if the
next century and a half proves to be as fruitful in
scientific discovery and invention as the interval
since he wrote has been, distance at the end of
that period will have vanished altogether.1
It does not follow that elimination of distance
will necessarily produce unity within the Empire :
there are instances to the contrary, which go to
1 With reference to the great merit of Lord Durham's Report in
appreciating what scientific invention would do for the Empire, there
is an interesting passage in the Annual Register for 1838, written in
reference to his Report, which shows similar confidence in the future of
communications. ' The only conceivable course for bringing our colonial
dependencies within the legitimate action of the constitution would be
to summon them to send members to the Imperial parliament. This
is a remedy which to some may seem worse than the evils which demand
its application. Nor can it be dissembled that it would open the door to
a multitude of ills, the nature of many of which may be perceived by
the inconvenience which is produced by the presence of some of the
Irish members in Parliament. . . . One considerable obstacle, at least,
to the success of such a plan as we have been noticing, has to a great
extent been removed by the speed and certainty of communication
attained by steam navigation, so that it is probable that no great
inconvenience to any party would now ensue from the delay and
difficulties of the transit between Great 'Britain and her Atlantic
colonies ' (pp. 337-8).
1332-1 X
306 BRITISH NORTH AMERICA INTROD.
prove that distance may in some cases lend en-
chantment ; and, while the distant provinces of the
Empire are year by year being brought into closer
touch with each other, they are at the same time
and by the same means being brought into closer
touch with foreign nations ; but the fact remains
that the difficulty which faced Lord Durham, how
to hold together communities at a distance from
each other, is gradually becoming obsolete; and
this particular problem is being superseded by
new problems and new difficulties which did not
exist in his time, or of which, in his Mission and
in his Report, he was not called upon to take
cognizance.
In the second place, he was only concerned with
British communities, or, on his own showing, with
communities which were to be completely angli-
cized, and which already had some measure of
British institutions. Thus, one half of the British
Empire lay entirely outside his ken. Now let us
ask, what is the main difference between the British
Empire and ah1 other empires that the world has
as yet known ? The term ' Empire ' 1 is used, in
1 Sir G. Cornewall Lewis in The Government of Dependencies (1891 ed.),
pp. 73-4, defined ' Empire ' as follows : ' The entire territory subject to
a supreme government possessing several dependencies (that is to say,
a territory formed of a dominant country together with its dependencies)
is sometimes styled an Empire, as when we speak of the British Empire.
Agreeably with this acceptation of the word Empire, the supreme
government of a nation, considered with reference to its dependencies,
is called the Imperial government, and the English parliament is called
the Imperial Parliament, as distinguished from the provincial parlia-
ment of a dependency.' The Roman word Imperium had no special
military signification. It was, as Mommsen points out, the right to
command the citizens in all matters within a given area (see Mommsen's
History of Rome, Book II, chap, iii, vol. i, p. 297 note).
CHAP, vn THE REPORT AND THE EMPIRE 307
default of a better term, as simply equivalent to
a people or collection of peoples owing allegiance
to some one common head or central authority.
Some prejudice, modern and ill-founded, has arisen
against the use of this word, as implying despotism
and military rule. It seems to be forgotten that,
in the days of King Henry VIII, 'Empire' and
' Imperial Crown ' connoted the Sovereign inde-
pendence of England, not the rule of England
beyond the seas.1
When ancient and modern political systems are
compared, we are told that the main differences
between them are, that in the ancient world nothing
was known of representation in politics, and that
slavery was an integral factor in every com-
munity. There is the further and most vital
difference that the ancients had no knowledge
of steam and electricity. Notwithstanding these
differences, the Roman Empire, which by common
consent was by far the greatest political creation
of the Old World, is usually and rightly taken as
the standard with which to compare the British
Empire. So far as the world's history has gone,
the Romans and the British have been the most
successful empire builders ; the two peoples have
had to a large extent the same qualities, one of
the notable features of the Romans being that,
though dwelling in Southern Europe, they had
rather the characteristics of a northern race. Like
the Romans, the British have not been ' cursed
with the passion for uniformity ' ; 2 and Romans
1 See the Oxford English Dictionary s.v. ' This Realm of England
is an Empire,' 24 Hen. VIII, cap. 12.
2 Arnold's Roman Provincial Administration, 2nd ed., 1906, p. 22.
X2
308 BRITISH NORTH AMERICA TNTROD.
and British alike realized to the full how essential
to making and keeping an empire are adequate
means of communication. Allowing then for the
differences above mentioned as being the result of
different stages of civilization, what is the main
distinction to be drawn between this Roman
Empire, which of all empires was most akin to our
own, and the British Empire of the present day ?
The Roman Empire seems to have resembled
the Empire of Spain in America, in so far as it
was created by conquest and held by despotism,
while including in the conquered provinces a large
amount of colonization from the motherland,
which made the dominant feature of the pro-
vinces in one case Roman x and in the other
Spanish. Neither in the Roman nor in the Spanish
American Empire was there any distinction be-
tween the areas which were ruled and the areas
which were settled. In the earlier system there
were Roman colonies, and more or less self-govern-
ing municipia, scattered through a subject world.
In the later system there was no part of Spanish
America which, as a province of the Spanish
Empire, differed widely in kind from the other
parts. Herein is the great distinction between
the British Empire and the Roman Empire, and
between the British Empire and all other em-
pires. In the British Empire, broadly speaking,
the sphere of settlement is distinct from the sphere
of rule. The British Empire includes in wholly
1 This statement does not overlook the great part which Greek
language and civilization played to the Roman Empire, but what was
dominant am opposed to subordinate in that Empire was Roman.
CHAP, vii THE REPORT AND THE EMPIRE 309
different areas colonies which are not really depen-
dencies, and dependencies which are not really
colonies. Nor, as regards the first of these two
categories, has any European people, ancient or
modern, on anything like the same scale, made
other parts of the world the permanent home of the
colonizing race, without intermixture of coloured
races, the closest parallels being the case of the
French in Canada, and in a lesser degree, of the
Dutch in South Africa, both of whom are now
within the circle of the British Empire.
The great cardinal feature of the British Empire
then is that it consists of two wholly different
spheres, the sphere of rule and the sphere of settle-
ment, and to the sphere of settlement alone Lord
Durham's Report applies. He does not give us
any guidance as to the great problem how to hold
together as parts of one political system peoples
and provinces, at present at a distance from each
other, when the provinces show the utmost differ-
ences in climate, when the peoples differ in race,
in colour, and in stages of development, when some
provinces are and must be, self-governing, while
others are despotically governed.
This problem lies outside the scope of the present
Introduction ; but, with reference to the state-
ment made above that elimination of distance
need not necessarily make for greater unity, it may
be noted in passing, that better communication
has already tended to accentuate what is perhaps
the greatest present-day difficulty of the British
Empire — a difficulty which does not appear to have
existed in the Roman Empire — the colour question.
310 BRITISH NORTft AMERICA INTROD.
Lord Durham's outlook having been confined
to what has been called the sphere of settlement,
we next ask how far in that sphere were the
principles which he laid down, and the reasoning
which he employed, of general application. He
prescribed, in the first place, for provinces which
already had been given representative institutions.
He says (ii. 278), ' We are not now to consider the
policy of establishing representative government
in the North American colonies. That has been
irrevocably done ; and the experiment of depriving
the people of their present constitutional power
is not to be thought of.' In the second place, he
prescribed more especially for communities which
bordered on a self-governing nation of British origin,
though the government of that country was not
the particular form of self-government which he
advocated for Canada. In the third place, as has
been abundantly pointed out, he postulated as a
necessary preliminary to self-government, that the
community, so far as it was not British, should
be made British, that every foreign element in
it should be submerged. Suppose that Canada,
instead of adjoining the United States, had
been, like Australia, far removed from American
influence and example, the necessity for self-
government might not have seemed so urgent.
Suppose, again, that the Act of 1791 had not
been passed, and that Canada, when Lord Durham
visited it, had been a pure Crown Colony without
any vestige of a representative institution ; it does
not follow that Lord Durham would at once
have prescribed responsible government. Suppose,
CHAP, vn THE REPORT AND THE EMPIRE 311
once more, that he had been deprived of his hypo-
thesis that the French Canadian nationality must
be obliterated, or that he had been sent to South
Africa, as South Africa was after the late war,
with the understanding that nothing was to be
done to undermine the Dutch nationality, then, to
judge from his Report, he would not have recom-
mended responsible government.
It is of course a vain thing to ask what a man
would have said or done many years after his death,
in altered conditions and with fuller knowledge.
A broad-minded man moves with the times, and
Lord Durham would never have stood still ; but
notwithstanding, in trying to answer the question
how far the principles laid down in his Report
were or are applicable to the whole sphere of
settlement in the British Empire, it is right and
useful to point out that his recommendations were
primarily directed to the case of a particular group
of provinces in a certain stage of development,
and with special surroundings, and that beyond
all question, he looked upon responsible govern-
ment as a British prescription for a British com-
munity, and not as a recipe for non-British
communities.
The third point is, that this colonial self-govern-
ment which he expounded and prescribed, was,
as has been already emphasized, of the most re-
stricted chaxacter, falling very far short of colonial
self-government as it exists at the present day.
It must be repeated that Lord Durham, while
making the reservations which 'he made, as being
wise and reasonable in the first stages of self-
312 BRITISH NORTH AMERICA INTROD.
government, would, in the light of later know-
ledge, probably have been the last man to insist
that these limits were unalterable landmarks, to
be upheld throughout the centuries. His Report
breathes the sane and human spirit of growth and
development ; and, were he living now, he would
doubtless rejoice in the ever broadening freedom
and responsibility which has been obtained by the
younger peoples of the Empire in their adult man-
hood. If we do not make this assumption, it is
clear that his principles, coupled with his reserva-
tions, have proved to be inadequate, even for the
cases to which they were intended to be applied.
On the other hand, however, if we do make it, we
must recognize that colonial self-government, as he
prescribed it, was merely a stage in a process, the
end of which is not yet in sight, and the outcome
of which may or may not be one form or another
of imperial unity. In other words, if we give
Lord Durham credit for marking out very clearly
and definitely the direction, with full intent that
the road should, as it went on, perpetually broaden
out, we must at the same time recognize that he
had at best not found a solution, but only a way
which might eventually lead to a solution.
As far as his Report shows, he intended to create
a nation, but a nation which should be subordi-
nate ; whereas the result of his Report — a result
which, whatever he may have intended, was abso-
lutely inevitable — was to begin creating nations
which should not be subordinate. It was an
inevitable result, because it has always been true
of British colonists as of Greek, that, so far as
CHAP, vn THE REPORT AND THE EMPIRE 313
they were in either case free men, they went out
on the principle of being equal instead of subordi-
nate to the citizens who were left behind. The
problem, as he left it, was the connexion between
two self-governing communities, one superior,
and the other subordinate. The problem, as
we have it, is the connexion between one older
and several younger self-governing communities,
which are on or are approaching the position of
political equality. Judging from his Report, he
seems to have contemplated that a nation could
be created, endowed with national institutions,
and inspired with national patriotism, but that
bounds could be placed to its nationhood. Time
has proved that this was a fallacy ; that it was
not possible in the case of overseas dominions,
while the element of distance survived, and while
the communities in question were growing out of
infancy to the adult stage, to give self-government
but assign limits to the self-government. The
only limits are those which the self-governing
nation may itself assign, by handing over some
of its powers to a federation. Thus the critics
of responsible government, as Lord Durham pro-
pounded it, had much to say for themselves.
They contended that there could not be dual
control ; he contended that there could, that
a division of authority was possible. It was not
possible in the long run. The grant of responsible
government was the beginning of the end of sub-
ordination, in the sense of the mother country
eventually retaining any substantial power over
the self-governing communities beyond the seas.
314 BRITISH NORTH AMERICA INTROD.
So far as such power has been retained since the
time when responsible government was granted,
the retention has been due not to any definite
division of authority, such as Lord Durham con-
templated, but to the recognition by the self-
governing communities of the benefit derived
from the conditions which imply control. Security
against foreign invasion has been provided by the
British fleet, enabling the younger peoples to grow
into nations, undisturbed from the outside. The
home people of the Empire has in the main paid
the foreign bill of the overseas peoples, and further
has largely supplied the capital required for the
peaceful development of the overseas peoples.
The analogy of the family holds for peoples as
for individuals. The younger the children are, the
more they require to be fostered and protected, and
the more they are controlled. When they have been
started in the world, the need for fostering and
protection grows less and less, and the control
diminishes pari passu. Lord Durham may have
had this future in his mind, but it is not fore-
shadowed in his Report. In that Report he limited
his outlook to the creation of subordinate peoples,
whereas the result of his recommendation has been
that equal nations have been or are being evolved.
Lord Durham's view of what has been called
above the sphere of settlement in the British
Empire would apparently have corresponded very
nearly with the view put forward by Burke in his
speech on American taxation. ' The Parliament
of Great Britain sits at the head of her extensive
Empire in two capacities, one as the local legis-
CHAP, vii THE REPORT AND THE EMPIRE 315
lature of this island. . . . The other and, I think,
her nobler capacity is what I call her Imperial
character, in which, as from the throne of Heaven,
she superintends all the several inferior legislatures,
and guides and controls them all, without annihilat-
ing any. As all these provincial legislatures are
only co-ordinate to each other, they ought all to
be subordinate to her.' Lord Durham might prob-
ably have gone further than Burke in the measure
of emancipation from the control of the Imperial
Parliament, which he would have given to the
colonies, but still they were in the end to be sub-
ordinate members of the Empire, not equal part-
ners. It is since this time, but dating from this
time, that the relation of partnership has little by
little supplanted that of supremacy and subordina-
tion, leaving, and in the process strengthening,
the link of common allegiance to the Crown.
It may be summed up then that a close analysis
of Lord Durham's Report leads to the conclusion
that, while it is to some extent a general treatise
on colonial administration, the principles embodied
in it are by no means of universal application ;
that the great Liberal, who wrote or dictated
the Report, was not a preacher of self-govern-
ment for the whole world, or for the whole
British Empire, or for coloured races, or for non-
British white races, or even for British peoples
whatever may be their stage of development. Nor
was he by any means a preacher of unlimited
self-government. And yet it is impossible to
study the Report without feeling that such a state-
ment of its limitations does it less than justice.
316 BRITISH NORTH AMERICA INTROTX
It has been attempted in the foregoing pages to
lay stress upon what has been termed Lord Dur-
ham's constructiveness. To all times and to all
sorts and conditions of men he has preached the
doctrine, that for peoples, as for individuals, the
one thing worth living for is to make, not to
destroy ; to build up, not to pull down ; to unite
small disjointed elements into a single whole ;
to reject absolutely and always the doctrine of
Divide, et Impera, because it is a sign of weakness,
not of strength ; to be strong and fear not ; to speak
unto the peoples of the earth that they go for-
ward. In this constructiveness, which is embodied
in all parts of the Report, he has beyond any other
man illustrated in writing the genius of the English
race, the element which in the British Empire is
common alike to the sphere of settlement and to
the sphere of rule. It is as a race of makers that
the English will live to all time, and it is as a pro-
phet of a race of makers that Lord Durham lives.
Of Canada he wrote (ii. 310) :
' If in the hidden decrees of that wisdom by
which this world is ruled, it is written that these
countries are not for ever to remain portions of
the Empire, we owe it to our honour to take good
care that, when they separate from us, they should
not be the only countries on the American con-
tinent in which the Anglo-Saxon race shall be
found unfit to govern itself.'
These words apply beyond Canada and beyond
America. The spirit of them transcends the sphere
of settlement, it is the living force of the whole
British Empire. The words are the message of a
CHAP, vn THE REPORT AND THE EMPIRE 317
great Englishman to his fellow countrymen, that
the one thing needful is to leave behind a legacy
of what is permanently sound and great. If
England continues to be inspired by what Lord
Durham taught so well, then as Great Britain has
grown into Greater Britain, so Greater Britain will
grow into Greatest Britain, to the glory of God
the Creator, and to the well-being of mankind.
LORD DURHAM'S REPORT AS BEARING
ON THE QUESTION OF HOME RULE
FOR IRELAND
THERE is no great profit in speculating as to
what view a man long dead would have taken
of a political question of the present day. But
colonial self-government dates from Lord Dur-
ham's Report, and reference has been and may
again be made to the Report in connexion with
proposals for Home Rule in Ireland. It may
therefore be of use, without in any way discussing
the merits either of Lord Durham's views or of
Home Rule, to note very briefly how far there
is any analogy between the case of Canada in
Lord Durham's time, and that of Ireland to-day,
and wrhat bearing the doctrines embodied in the
Report seem to have upon the Home Rule question.
It will be remembered that Lord Durham was
one of the leaders, if not the leader, of the Radical
wing of the Liberal party of his day, and also that
he was a cotemporary of O'Connell, though he died
before the great agitation for the Repeal of the
Union. Further, the fact that in the previous
twenty years there had been a large Irish im-
migration into Canada, and that in the recent
disturbances in Canada the Irish had in the main
ranged themselves with the other British loyalists
on the side of the Government, in spite of aggres-
APPEND. HOME RULE FOR IRELAND 319
sive Orangeism in Upper Canada, may well have
kept Ireland and the Irish prominently in his
mind. But notwithstanding, he does not seem to
quote Ireland for the purpose of comparison or
contrast with Canada, except in the passage with
the marginal note, ' The French, when in a legiti-
mate minority, would abandon vain hopes of
nationality,' in which passage he says, ' The
experience of the two Unions in the British Isles
may teach us how effectually the strong arm of
a popular legislature would compel the obedience
of the refractory population ' (vol. ii, p. 308). We
may therefore take it that Lord Durham himself
did not find much analogy between Canada, as
it was in his day, and Ireland.
If we are to find any analogy, it must obviously
be found in Lower Canada — the French Province,
not in Upper Canada, the more or less homo-
geneous British Province. Lower Canada con-
tained an overwhelming majority of Roman
Catholic French Canadians, and a British Protes-
tant minority, of strong and enterprising character,
considerable in the commercial centres of Quebec
and Montreal, and wholly predominant in one
corner of the Province, the Eastern Townships.
To this extent it rather closely resembled Ireland.
The French Canadians had been led by Papineau,
who was considered the O'Connell of Canada : the
extremists among them talked of La Nation
Canadienne, a Canadian Republic and so forth
(ii. 58, &c.) ; in short, the feeling, exasperated by
the recent rising, was roughly parallel to Irish feel-
ing after one or other of the periodical disturbances
320 LORD DURHAM'S REPORT AND APPEND.
in Ireland, and may be said to have combined
some active and pronounced, with much more
passive, disloyalty.
So far there is some similarity between the case
of Lower Canada in Lord Durham's time, and
Ireland both then and now. On the other hand,
the points of difference are many — among them
the following : (i) The time when Lord Durham
went out and reported was an abnormal time,
a time of crisis. There had been an armed rising,
trivial, it is true, but still an open insurrection,
not in Lower Canada only, but in Upper Canada
also ; and there had been general political discon-
tent from want of self-government in all the
British North American provinces. In Lower
Canada the constitution had in consequence been
entirely suspended, (ii) The scene of his mission,
and the object of his recommendations, was a
group of communities, not close to but distant from
England, (iii) This group of communities bordered
on a great self-governing community of British
speech and descent — the United States, (iv) The
communities in question had not at the time,
and never had enjoyed so far in their history, full
Parliamentary liberties, in the sense in which such
liberties are understood in the United Kingdom.
(v) The trouble in Lower Canada was, at any rate
in Lord Durham's opinion, a trouble of animosity
between a British and a non-British race, aggra-
vated, but not caused primarily, by defects in the
constitution, and not aggravated by difference of
religion, religious toleration being conspicuous in
Lower Canada.
APPEND. HOME RULE FOR IRELAND 321
So much for the parallel between Lower Canada
and Ireland. Now let us take the views embodied
in the Report. In the Introduction to which this
note is appended, it has been attempted to correct
the common view of the Report, which eulogizes
it — quite rightly — for recommending responsible
government, but does not stop to consider the
limits which Lord Durham set to responsible
government, and the conditions under which
alone he was prepared to concede it. Much might
be said — as bearing on the Irish question — of the
limits which he placed to self-government ; but it
will be enough to note the conditions under which,
and only under which, he was prepared to grant
it. It may be added that the Report is entirely
misinterpreted by those who fail or refuse to see
that Lord Durham was quite ready to apply
what would now be called Coercion, in order to
secure what he considered to be the greatest happi-
ness of the greatest number ; and that he had no
intention of giving to people something that in
his opinion would not be for their permanent good,
simply because they asked for it.
Lord Durham, as an advanced Liberal, went
out to Canada, holding that the panacea for all
the evils in British North America was constitu-
tional reform, in other words self-government.
He reasoned, with irresistible force, that there
was a common source of discontent in these
communities, in that being composed of British
citizens, or rather white British subjects, who were
already accustomed to some form of representative
institutions, they were not entrusted with the
1352-1 Y
322 LORD DURHAM'S REPORT AND APPEND.
full management of their own local affairs, but were
kept under a distant and therefore, in his opinion,
a misgoverning authority ; that it was specially
dangerous not to give them self-government,
because the self-governing United States was
immediately under their eyes, and exercising a
powerful attraction ; and moreover, that American
public opinion would be conciliated by the grant
of self-government to Canada, just as American
sympathy with Home Rule for Ireland is taken
into account nowadays.
But when he reached Canada, and found that
the evil in the Province of Quebec was more than
a constitutional question, and that its root was
in race, not only did he not prescribe self-govern-
ment for Lower Canada as it then stood, but
(i) he blamed the Imperial Government for ever
having given any semblance of separate treatment
to the French Canadians. ' Unhappily, the sys-
tem of government pursued in Lower Canada has
been based on the policy of perpetuating that very
separation of the races, and encouraging these
very notions of conflicting nationalities, which it
ought to have been the first and chief care of
Government to check and extinguish ' (ii. 63) ;
and (ii) he laid down that ' the fatal feud of origin,
which is the cause of the most extensive mischief,
would be aggravated at the present moment by
any change, which should give the majority more
power than they have hitherto possessed ' (ii. 288).
What then was his prescription for Lower
Canada ? Not that it should be debarred from
self-government, nor that the French majority
APPEND. HOME RULE FOR IRELAND 323
should be placed under the loyal English minority
in the Province — ' I certainly should not like to
subject the French Canadians to the rule of the
identical English minority with which they have
so long been contending ' (ii. 308) — but that it
should be an absolutely necessary preliminary to
giving self-government to the Province of Quebec,
that that province should be fused — not federated
—with the neighbouring province, in order that
the disloyal French Canadians might be out-
voted and swamped by and wholly merged in a
loyal British majority, in order that the national
character to be given to French Canada should
be ' that of the British Empire, that of the majority
of the population of British America ' (ii. 288).
He did not look to self-government by itself to
cure disloyalty in Lower Canada. On the con-
trary, he made it a sine qua non of giving self-
government to the French Canadians that the
majority should be British, which, in spite of the
rising in Upper Canada, was tantamount to being
loyal. Nor did he regard it as a negation of self-
government that the French Canadians should
always be outvoted. Further, he viewed the total
incorporation of a small community in a bigger one
as a gain to the small community, and where there
was a doubt as to the advisability of granting self-
government under existing conditions, he recom-
mended absorption in a larger body. Thus he
writes of Newfoundland, ' If it be true that there
exists in this island a state of society, which renders
it unadvisable that the whole of the local govern-
ment should be entirely left to the inhabitants,
Y2
324 LORD DURHAM'S REPORT APPEND.
I believe that it would be much better to incor-
porate this colony with a larger community, than to
attempt to continue the present experiment of
governing it by a constant collision of constitu-
tional powers ' (ii. 202).
Lord Durham, then, recommended self-govern-
ment for Lower Canada, but not Home Rule ; and,
if any inference can be drawn from his Report
with regard to Ireland, it would seem that he not
only would not have recommended Home Rule
for Ireland, but would have contended that it
has self-government already, and that it was
a mistake ever to have given it any shred of
separate treatment, such as a fixed number
of members in the Parliament of the United
Kingdom.
INDEX
Aberdeen, Lord, 62, 64.
Abolition of Slavery, see Slavery.
Abolition of Transportation, see
Transportation.
Acts, Principal, referred to :
(1) Imperial
(a) Relating to Canada :
Quebec Act of 1774, 29, 56,
58, 165, 220 and note 1,
223-4, 224 note.
Quebec Revenue Act of 1774,
29, 40, 60, 70, 76.
Constitutional Act of 1791,
31, 53, 78, 84, 101-2, 138,
159, 160, 162-3, 220, 221,
227-8, 233, 254, 278, 279,
291, 292, 296, 310.
Canada Trade Act of 1822, 33,
45, 47, 55, 67, 161.
Tenures Act of 1825, 161, 172.
Revenue Control Act of 1831,
60, 70, 71, 76.
Constitutional Act Suspension
Act of 1838 (Government
of Lower Canada), 101-3,
110, 111, 112, 168 note.
Union Act of 1840, 221 and
note, 288-9, 291, 292, 293,
294, 295, 296.
Civil List Act of 1847, 292 and
note, 293.
Crown Revenues Act of 1852,
185, 293.
British North America Act of
1867, 166, 204, 231, 252,
253, 284, 289, 292, 293 and
note 1, 298, 301.
Clergy Reserves Acts, 163 and
note, 294, 295 and note,
296 and note.
Passengers and Merchant
Shipping Acts, 188, 191,
192, 300.
(b) General :
Reform Act of 1832, 18.
Poor Law Amendment Act of
1834, 18, 198.
South Australian Act of 1834,
156, 158.
Municipal Corporations Act of
1835, 18, 151 and note, 214.
Civil List Acts, 185.
Test and Corporation Acts
Repeal, 19.
(2) Canadian
Medical Relief of Emigrants
Act of 1832, 195.
Quarantine Act of 1832, 194.
Sulpician Seminary Act of
1839, 168.
Public Lands Act of 1841,
294 note.
Civil List Act of 1846, 292,
293.
Abolition of Feudal Rights in
Lower Canada, Act of 1854,
168 note, 297.
Seigniorial Amendment Act
of 1859, 168 note.
Clergy Reserves Acts, 165,
295, 296.
Jesuits' Estates Acts, 166.
Municipal Corporations Acts,
212, 298 and note, 300.
Advisory Committee, proposed by
LordGlenelg, 110-12.
America and Americans, see United
States.
Amherst, Lord, 64, 166.
Anti-Corn Law Association, 20.
Anti-Corn Law League, 20.
Appeals, Judicial, see Law and
Justice.
Arnold, Roman Provincial Ad-
ministration quoted, 307.
Arthur, Sir George, 81, 100, 118.
Ashburton, Lord, 123.
Assembly, Houses of, 29, 31, 33,
34, 132, 277, 287, &c.
Lower Canada, 35, 36, 38-52,
326
INDEX
54, 56-72, 74, 77, 111, 112,
128, 139, 143, 150, 161, 183,
211, 212, 217, 233, 236.
Upper Canada, 7 and note, 54,
69, 70, 77, 79, 80, 118, 119,
143, 262, 267.
United Canada, 288-90.
New Brunswick, 82.
Newfoundland, 86-8.
Nova Scotia, 81.
Prince Edward Island, 85, 86.
Australia, 12-14, 146, 152 note,
178, 182, 193, 196, 197, 252,
264, 273, 291, 310.
Australia, South, see South Aus-
tralia.
Australia, Western, see Western
Australia.
Aylmer, Lord, 57, 58, 59, 64, 65,
183-5.
Baie Verte, see Canals.
Baldwin, Robert, 75, 79, 97, 98.
Barbados, 11.
Bathurst, Lord, 38, 41, 43 note,
49-52, 266.
Beauharnois Canal, see Canals.
Beauharnois Seigniory, 161.
Bidwell, Barnabas, 55.
Bidwell, Marshall Spring, 55, 69,
70, 75, 80, 81, 97.
Board of Trade, see Trade.
Boulton, 75, 76, 87, 88.
Britannia, the, 16.
British American Land Company,
61, 66, 67, 73, 171-2.
British Columbia, 204.
British in Canada, 24, 26, 27, 29,
31, 34, 63, 65, 66, 89, 126, 128,
129, 130, 136, 138, 148, 172, 227,
241, 248, 259, 260, 282, 284, 310,
316, et passim.
British North America, 11, 65, 71,
75, 84, 86, 105, 106, 107, 108,
109, 114, 115, 121, 122, 123,
128, 131, 137, 138, 146, 153,
154, 182, 185, 188, 201, 221,
244, 256, 266, 277, 279, 280,
289, 298, 303, 310, et passim.
Union of, 32, 121, 126, 132, 148-
9, 217, 247-57, 261, 266, 289.
Brougham, Lord, 103, 123.
Brown, Thomas Storrow, 89, 91,
92, 93, 94.
Bryce, Mr., quoted, 139-40 note.
Buller, Arthur, his Report on
Education in Lower Canada,
232, 233, 234-44, 247.
Buller, Charles, 3-5, 12, 21-3, 112,
117, 131, 160, 161, 175, 178,
179, 180, 189, 195, 197, 200,
210-11, 213, 222, 231 note,
235, 248, 261, 266, 267, 268,
270.
his Public Lands Inquiry and
Report, 108 note, 114, 115,
121, 153, 156, 157, 168 and
note, 169-70, 173, 175-82,
185-6, 189 note, 190 note,
191, 193, 195 note.
Bureaucracy, 23, 75.
Burke, Edmund, 305, 314-16.
Burton, Sir Francis, 48, 50.
By, Colonel, 203, 208.
Campbell, Sir Archibald, 82, 83.
Campbell, Sir Colin, 85.
Canada, 6, 26-30, 42, 104, 109,
118, 125, 148, 151, 156, 174,
181, 192, 199-206, 208, 227,
257, 273, 278, 287-8, 291,
296-7, 302, 310, 316, et
Canadas, Reunion of, 44-7, 124-
36, 148, 247-50, 287-9.
Canada, Lower, History of, 31-
53, 55-75, 88-96, 100-3.
Canada, Upper, History of,
31-5, 37, 44, 53-5, 75-81,
96-9.
See also under other heads.
Canada Company, 169-71.
Canadian Pacific Railway, see
Railways.
Canadien, Le, 35.
Canals, 178, 198, 199, 203-9, 264,
265.
Bay of Fundy and Baie Verte,
199-200.
Beauharnois, 206.
Chambly, 207.
Cornwall, 207.
Erie, 209, 264.
Georgian Bay, 199-200.
Lachine, 206.
Military, 203-4, 206.
Rideau, 203, 207-8.
Welland, 199, 207.
INDEX
327
Canning, 19, 52.
Canterbury, Viscount, 64.
Cape Colony, 13, 21, 146, 178,
190.
Carignan-Salieres Regiment, 174.
Carleton, 28, 33, 165-6, 227, 242-3,
254 and note, 281-2.
Carlyle, 3, 131, 235.
Caroline, the, 99, 258.
Cascades, The, 206.
Casual and Territorial Revenues,
see Crown Revenues.
Catholic emancipation, 19, 239.
Cedars, The, 206.
Chambly, 92.
Chambly Canal, see Canals.
Champlain, Lake, 14-15, 207.
Chartrand, 94-5, 229 and note.
Chenier, 95, 97.
Chief Justice, see Law and Justice.
Cholera, 194 and note 2.
Church of England, 4, 75, 78-9,
163, 164, 228, 245, 246-7, and
see Clergy.
Church of Scotland, see Clergy,
Presbyterian.
Civil List, 39, 40, 41, 43, 52, 58 -
61, 66, 70, 73, 76, 83, 105,
149, 150, 151, 183, 186, 187,
292-3.
Clergy :
(i) Anglican, 165, 239, 246.
(ii) Presbyterian, 78, 239, 247,
295.
(iii) Roman Catholic, 28, 34,
88-9, 96, 234, 239, 240,
242.
Clergy Reserves, see Lands.
Cobden, Richard, 2, 20.
Coburg, 213, 247.
Colbert, 174.
Colborne, Sir John, 55, 73, 75, 77-
9, 89, 91, 92, 95, 96, 100, 103,
163-4, 168, 244.
Colonial Administration, see Colo-
nial Office.
Colonial Advocate, the, 55.
Colonial Office, 3, 20-3, 52, 62,
124, 157, 178, 179, 188, 191,
243, 266-75.
advantages of, 268-70, 275.
criticisms of, 21, 266-8, 270-3.
position of Secretary of State.
271-4.
Colonies, relations with mother
country, 115, 120, 143, 149-50,
155, 285, 312-15.
Colonization Schemes, 14, 115,
155-7, 158, 179, 180, 181-2,
197, 299.
Coloured races, see Native Ques-
tions.
Commission, Parliamentary, on
Electoral Divisions, 148-9.
Communications, 8, 14-15, 123,
179, 180, 198-210, 211, 304-5,
305 note, 308-9.
Confederated Counties, 90-1.
Constitution, British, 139, 142
note, 144.
Cornwall, 213.
Cornwall Canal, see Canals.
Coteau du Lac, 206.
Councils :
(i) Special Council of Lower
Canada, 102-3, 110, 168
and note, 298.
(ii) Executive, 56, 225.
(a) Lower Canada, 65, 66, 67,
70, 71, 73, 143, 144-5, 226,
231.
(&) Upper Canada, 54, 79-80.
(c) New Brunswick, 81, 82,
83.
(d) Newfoundland, 87-8.
(e) Nova Scotia, 81, 82, 84.
(/) Prince Edward Island, 85,
86.
(iii) Legislative, 29, 31, 33, 56,
151, 225, 227 and note,
(a) Lower Canada, 39, 41, 43,
48, 59, 62, 65, 66, 67, 69,
71, 72, 73, 128, 161, 226,
227.
(6) Upper Canada, 54, 77,
226.
(c) United Canada, 288, 291-2.
(d) New Brunswick, 81, 82,
83.
(e) Newfoundland, 87-8.
(/) Nova Scotia, 81, 82, 84.
(g) Prince Edward Island,
85-6.
Courts, see Law and Justice.
Cousin, Victor, 237.
Craig, Sir James, 35-6, 57, 127,
167, 225.
Cromer, Lord, quoted, 135 note.
328
INDEX
Crown, the, 66, 143, 144, 145, 147,
148, 149, 151, 152, 166, 219, 227,
234, 245, 246, 275, 291, 292, 294
note.
Crown Colonies, 11, 23, 225, 266,
267, 268, 270, 273, 274, 310.
Crown Patronage, 66, 67-8, 77.
Crown Reserves, see Lands.
Crown Revenues, 40, 47, 52, 54,
56, 58-61, 66, 70, 73, 149, 182-8,
293.
Cunard, 16.
Dalhousie, Earl of, 42, 43, 47, 48,
49, 50, 51, 52, 56, 57, 85, 109,
133.
Davidson, John, 160, 183 note.
Davignon, 91.
Demaray, 91.
Derby, Earl of, see Stanley,
Lord.
Detroit, 96, 99.
Dicey, Professor, quoted, 139 and
note 2.
Doratt, Sir John, 194 note 2.
Dorchester, see Carleton.
Doric Club, 91.
Droit de Quint, 183 note, 184.
Duncombe, Dr., 97, 98.
Dunkin, 153, 167, 236.
D'Urban, Sir Benjamin, 13, 21.
DURHAM, LORD :
his life, 1-2.
his character and ability, 2, 6-8,
119-20, 131-2, 214, 256, 276,
316, etc.
as a Liberal, 2, 128-30, 138,
141,214,215,282, 315.
as an Imperialist, 2, 119-23,
130, 141, 149-50, 151, 155,
180, 198, 214, 215, 217, 256,
282, 285.
as a constructive statesman,
121-3, 216-17, 316.
his views before his mission,
128-9.
his views on :
French Colonization, 24, 25.
Nationality, 116, 129-34,
281-4, 289, 311.
Public Lands, 153-5, 165-8,
176-80, 186-8.
Emigration, 189 and note,
196-8, 299.
Education, 232, 234, 235,
240-3.
Union of two Canadas, 124,
129-33, 148, 247-50, 287-8.
Union of British North
America, 132, 148-9, 210,
247-57, 261, 266, 289.
Administration of Justice,
223-5, 229-31.
Means of Communication,
15-16, 201, 204-5, 208-10,
304.
Colonial Office Administra-
tion, 266,267, 270-3,279-80.
Representative Institutions
and Responsible Govern-
ment, 125, 130, 136-42,
146-52, 252-3, 283-7, 289,
291,303-4,311-15.
Municipal Government, 210-
22.
United States, 258-66.
his Commission and Instruc-
tions, 106-10, 112, 113.
Resignation, 211, 235.
Death, 301.
value of his work, 301-2, 315-
17.
Dutch in New York, 264, 283.
Dutch in South Africa, 136, 283,
309, 311.
Education :
(i) In Lower Canada, 67, 166-7,
232-44, 264, 300-1, and see
Buller, Arthur,
(ii) In Upper Canada, 75, 244-7,
295, 301.
Egremont, Lord, 193.
Elgin, eighth Earl of, 1, 142 note,
283, 289, 291.
Elgin, ninth Earl of, 1.
Elizabeth College, 244.
Ellice, 'Bear,' 4, 7, 45, 46, 112,
161, 297.
Ellice, the Younger, 4.
Elliot, Sir T. F., 65, 71, 189-90,
190 note, 191, 196, 273.
Emigrants' Information Office,
300.
Emigration :
from United Kingdom to
Canada, 156-8, 172, 174, 177-
82, 188-98, 279, 299-300.
INDEX
329
from United Kingdom to United
States, 190.
abuses of, 189, 193-6.
Committees and Commission on,
190-1.
control of, 178-9, 188-92, 196-8.
See also Lands, Quarantine,
Colonization Schemes, &o.
Empire, British, 5, 7, 10, 30, 120,
121, 123, 202, 222, 254, 255, 273,
275, 277, 285, 303, 305-9, 305
note, 306 note, 311, 312, 314,
315, &c.
Erie Canal, see Canals.
Executive, Parliamentary, Prin-
ciple of, 139 note 2, 141, 142,
291.
Executives :
Lower Canada, 42, 44, 56, 139. !
Upper Canada, 143.
United Canada, 149, 249.
Relations with Legislatures,
33-4, 36, 137, 139, 142-5,
148, 290-1, and see Councils.
Executive Council, see Councils.
Family Compact, 54, 75, 164, 247.
Federal Legislature, see Legisla-
ture.
Federation, 132-3,248-55,287,313. \
Feudal Tenures, see Lands and
Seigniories.
Filmore, President, 142 note.
Fils de Liberte, 91.
Finances, control of, 149, 293, &c.
in Lower Canada, 38-44, 47, 48,
49, 51, 55-61, 65-6, 71, 73,
104-5, 182-3, 184.
in Upper Canada, 54, 60, 76, 182.
Financial relations between Upper
and Lower Canada, 44, 45, 54, 67.
See also Civil List, Money Votes,
&c.
Finlay, Hugh, 233, 234 note.
Fisheries Disputes, 257, 258.
Fitzgibbon, Colonel, 97, 98.
Fitzroy, Sir Charles, 85-6.
Foreign Relations, 149-50, 285.
Forges of St. Maurice, see St. i
Maurice.
Free Trade, 19, 20, 198, 286.
French Canadians, 24, 25, 27, 28,
31, 32, 34, 42, 46, 54, 61, 62,
63, 64, 67-8, 88, 89, 91, 95, 96, j
103, 116, 118, 121, 124, 125, 128,
129, 130, 131, 151, 159, 161, 172,
175, 195, 214, 215, 225, 239, 240,
241, 243, 248, 250, 259, 260, 265,
277, 279, 280, 281-4, 309, etc.
Gait, John, 170.
George III, 41, 166.
George IV, 76.
Georgian Bay Canal, see Canals.
Gipps, Sir George, 65, 70, 71.
Girod, 95-6.
Glenelg, Lord, 13, 19, 20-2, 62, 64,
67, 68, 69, 73, 77, 78, 80, 83,
84, 85-6, 87, 100, 101, 158,
162 and note, 186, 231 and
note, 232-3, 251 and note,
258.
his Instructions to Lord Dur-
ham, 5, 106, 109, 112, 113,
132 and note, 147.
his Instructions to Royal Com-
missioners, 65-7, 69, 71, 72.
his Instructions to Sir F. Bond
Head, 142-3.
Glengarry Highlanders, 89, 245.
Goderich, Lord, 19, 52, 53, 58, 59,
61, 68, 79, 81, 86 note, 87, 88,
164, 166, 167, 190, 226.
Gore, Colonel, 92-5.
Gosford, Earl of, 65, 67, 69, 70, 71,
72, 74, 77, 83, 88, 89, 90, 100,
162 and note, 167, 168, 185
note, 186, 232, 233 note, 235,
237.
Gourlay, Robert, 53.
Government, Imperial, see Im-
perial Government.
Greek Colonists, 312-13.
Grey, Colonel, 258.
Grey, first Earl, 1, 2, 17, 142 note.
Grey, second Earl, 191.
Grey, Sir Charles, 65, 70, 71.
Grey, Sir George, 12, 22 and
note 1.
Grosse Isle, 194 and note 2.
Haldimand, General, 206.
Halifax, 16, 83, 90, 201, 204,
210.
Hamilton, 213.
Hanson, 4, 153, 164.
Harvey, Sir John, 83.
Head, Sir Francis Bond, 22, 69,
330
INDEX
77-81, 83, 90, 96, 97, 98, 100,
142-3.
Hereditary Legislators, 227-8.
House of Commons, 7, 18, 39, 41,
60, 137, 139 note 2, 157, 158,
159, 174 note, 221, 248, 267,
274, 279, 288, 297, &c.
Committees on Emigration, 190.
Resolutions of March 1837, 72-3,
143, 144.
Select Committee of Inquiry
into Civil Government of
Canada in 1828, 53, 55, 56,
57, 62, 63, 75, 82, 160 note,
246.
Select Committee of Inquiry
into Civil Government of
Lower Canada in 1834, 62-3.
House of Commons Papers, 117.
July 1831, No. 102. Canada
Crown Revenues, 40 note, 183
note.
March 1832, No. 334. Canada
Waste Lands, 174 and note,
188 and note.
March 1836, No. 113. Copy
of the Instructions given to
the Earl of Gosford, etc., 68
note, 143 note, 162 note, 233
note.
February 1837, No. 50. Lower
Canada, 185 note, 235 note,
237 note.
May 1838, No. 388. Emigra-
tion, 190 note, 191 note,
192.
February 1839, No. 2. British
North America, 231, 258 note,
259.
June 1839, No. 117. Canadian
Affairs, 119 note, 263 note,
276 note.
August 1839, No. 579. Nova
Scotia, &c., 82 note, 84 note,
86 note, 87 note.
1840. Affairs of Canada, Part I,
299 note 1.
February 1840, No. 35. Colonial
Lands Board, 294 note, 299
note.
March 1840, No. 147. Copies of
Extracts of Correspondence
relative to the Reunion of
the Provinces of Lower and
Upper Canada, 213 note, 218
note.
August 1871, C. 459. Cape of
Good Hope, 146 note 2.
House of Lords, 102, 123, 151,
227 and note.
Howe, Joseph, 81, 85.
Ho wick, Lord, see Grey, second
Earl.
Hudson Bay Company, 183 note,
256.
Hume, Joseph, 73, 76, 104.
Hungary, Language Question in,
134.
Huskisson, 19, 53, 55, 57.
Imperial Advisers, 142-5, 147.
Imperial Government, 27, 41, 44,
46, 47, 58, 59, 60, 61, 63, 68,
104, 142, 143, 144, 148, 149,
162, 166, 174, 178, 179, 184, 185,
187, 195, 207, 219, 220, 221.
223-5, 232, 233, 234, 236, 240,
243, 245, 249, 251, 252, 253, 255,
260, 271, 274, 275, 276, 278, 279,
280, 293, 295, 299, 300, 306 note,
etc.
Indians, 245.
Six Nations, 175.
Inventions, Scientific, 14-17, 201,
204-5, 208, 210, 304-5 and note.
Ireland and Irish, 88, 104, 190
and note, 192, 201, 230, 305
note.
Irish in Canada, 89, 245.
Jalbert, 94.
Jamaica, 23, 142 note, 140.
Jesuit Estates, see Lands.
Joseph II, 134.
Keefer, T. C., 204 and note.
Kempt, Sir James, 57.
Kent, Duke of, 254.
King's College, Toronto, 246-7.
King's Posts, 183 and note.
King's Wharves, 183 note, 184.
Kingston, 207, 213, 220, 247.
Lachine Canal, see Canals.
Lambton, see Durham.
Land and Emigration Commis-
sioners, 171, 179, 191, 196, 294
note, 299, 300.
INDEX
331
Land Registry Office, 58.
Lands :
Clergy Reserves, 4, 37, 56, 75,
78, 152, 153, 162-5, 163 note,
169, 170, 177, 209, 228, 238,
245, 294-6.
Companies, 61, 66, 67, 73, 169-
72.
Crown Lands, 37, 40 note, 60,
83,114,115,160,163,169-73,
175, 182-4, 293, 299.
in British North America, 152,
156, 158, 171, 174 and note,
177-9, 264.
in United States, 264.
Jesuit Estates, 5, 56, 153, 165-7,
183 and note, 232, 236, 238,
243
Militia Claims, 4, 153, 173-5.
Public, 4, 108 note, 115, 120-
1, 123, 149, 150, 152-88,
262, 264, 285, 293-4, 294
note.
Tax, 176, 178, 187.
Tenure, 56, 66, 67, 71, 152, 153,
159-62, 168 and note, 171,
174, 279 ; see also Seigniories.
See also Buller, Charles.
Language, 133-6, 289, 308 note.
Laurier, Sir Wilfrid, 118, 240.
Laval, Bishop, 242.
Laval University, 242 note.
Law and Justice, 123-4, 223-31,
263, 292.
Appeals, Judicial, 230-1, 249.
Chief Justices, 36, 59, 225, 226.
Civil Law, 28-9, 223-4.
Courts of Law, 223.
Criminal Law, 223.
Judges, 37, 38, 56, 57, 59, 61,
66, 82, 149, 150, 225-6, 231,
292, 293.
Juries, 223, 224, 229-30.
Magistrates, 223, 228-9.
' Leaders and Associates,' 160.
Legislative Council, see Councils.
Legislatures, 33-4, 179, 219.
Federal, 113, 251-5.
Lower Canada, 32, 47, 51, 52,
57, 60, 64, 69, 72-4, 88, 113,
166, 172, 183, 185-7, 194, 206,
209, 224, 228, 248.
Newfoundland, 88.
United, 148-50, 152 and note,
187, 217, 249, 288, 291-3,
294 note, 296, 299-301.
Upper Canada, 54, 60, 80, 113,
245, 246, 276, 295.
Relations with Executives, see
Executives.
And see Assembly and Councils.
Lewis, Sir George Cornewall,
15, 134, 140 note, 145, 180-
1, 181 note, 268-70, 286, 306
note.
Liverpool, Lord, 52, 266.
Local Government, 4, 123, 149,
152 and note, 159, 195 note,
210-22, 264, 296-9.
in United States, 264-5.
Lods et Ventes, 184.
London (Canada), 213.
Louisiana, 131, 264, 283.
Lount, 80, 98, 99.
Loyalists, 89, 90, 91, 93, 95, 98,
159, 245, 259-61.
Loyalists, United Empire, 37, 54,
159, 174.
Macdonell, Bishop, 4, 245.
McGill, James, 244.
McGill University, 243-4.
Mackenzie, William Lyon, 55, 75,
76, 80, 81, 96-9, 214.
Mackintosh, Sir James, 7, 45.
MacNab, Colonel, 98.
Maine, 202, 256, 257.
Maitland, Sir Peregrine, 53-5, 85,
244.
Malthus, 192.
Maritime Provinces, 81, 115, 204,
249, 250, 258, 291, and see
separately New Brunswick, &c.
Matthews, 99.
Melbourne, Lord, 14, 17, 19, 20,
62, 64, 102, 110, 123, 214, 288.
Merivale, Lectures on Coloniza-
tion, 152 note, 157, 219 note,
298 and note 3.
Militia and Militia Laws, 51-2,
150, 212.
Militia Land Claims, see Land.
Ministers of Crown, see Imperial
Advisers.
Molesworth, Sir William, 2, 12, 21,
22, 73, 101, 157 note 2, 157-8,
181, 267-8, 268 note 2, 270,
273, 274.
332
INDEX
Monarchy, hereditary, 141.
Money Votes, initiation of, 149,
292, 297.
Montreal, 15, 34, 61, 63, 67, 71,
78, 88-96, 153, 162, 167, 168,
194 note 2, 195, 203, 205, 206,
207, 212, 242 and note, 243,
282.
Montreal district, 100, 248.
Montreal, Constitutional Associa-
tion of, 4, 63, 128.
Morley, Lord, quoted, 135-6 note.
Morrison, Dr., 97.
Municipalities, see Local Govern-
ment.
Murray, General James, 28, 223.
Murray, Sir George, 55, 57, 58.
Nationality, Canada a Nation,
Anglifying of Lower Canada,
&c., 27, 35, 46, 61, 116, 121, 122,
125-33, 161-2, 202, 215-16,
233-4, 236, 253, 261, 266, 281-4,
286-7, 310-13.
Native Questions, 136, 146, 274-5,
309.
Navy Island, 99.
Neilson, John, 47.
Nelson, Dr. Wolfred, 74, 89, 90-4,
95, 97, 128.
Nelson, Robert, 89, 90, 128.
Neptune, the, 13.
New Brunswick, 30, 71, 72, 81-5,
90, 106, 107, 114, 204, 262,
291 note, 294 note.
Civil List, 83.
Crown Revenues, control of, 83.
Deputation to England, 82-3.
Responsible Government, 83.
New France, 24-6.
New South Wales, 12, 65.
New York, 78, 209, 258, 264, 265,
283.
New Zealand, 14, 146, 156, 291.
New Zealand Association, 14.
New Zealand Land Company, 14,
148.
Newfoundland, 65, 86-8, 106, 107,
108 and note, 113, 114, 115,
154, 171, 250, 291 and note,
294 note.
Fisheries, 86.
Religious troubles, 87-8.
Niagara, 96, 99, 207, 213, 263.
North- West, 200, 202, 208, 210,
256, 263.
Nova Scotia, 4, 16, 57, 81, 83-6,
90, 106, 107, 114, 204, 222,
257, 262, 265, 291 note, 294
note.
Constitution, 84.
Representative Institutions, 81.
Revenue Control, 84.
O'Callaghan, Dr., 89, 94.
O'Connell, 73, 74, 104.
Ottawa, 16, 207.
Palmerston, Lord, 19.
Papineau, Louis, 38, 42, 43, 47,
49, 52, 54, 69, 70, 74, 77, 88-
91, 94, 96-7, 128, 133.
Eulogy of British rule, 41.
Parliament, Canadian, 118, 231,
290, 293.
Parliament, Imperial, see Imperial
Government.
Parliamentary Executive, see
Executive.
Parliamentary Reform, 17.
Parsonages, 163.
' Patriots,' 89, 97.
Patronage, Crown, see Crown
Patronage.
Peace of Paris, 27.
Peel, Sir Robert, 12, 19, 62, 65,
99, 112.
Peninsular and Oriental Com-
pany, 16.
Petition of Rights, 62.
Pitt, William, 31.
Police Forces, 212.
Poor Law Reform, 18.
Presbyterians, see Clergy.
Prevost, Sir George, 36, 206.
Prince Edward Island, 85-6, 106,
107, 114.
lands, 86.
Proclamation of 1763, 28, 29, 159,
174 223
Protestants, 160, 163, 164, 239,
242-3, 245-6, andsee Cler<ry a>»!
Church of England, &c.
Public Lands, see Lands.
Public Works, 118, 178, 208, 209,
220,264,265,298,301.
Quarantine, 194, 195.
INDEX
333
Quarter Sessions, 223.
Quebec, 16, 30, 34, 36, 63, 65, 89,
90, 100, 183 note, 190, 194 and
note 2, 195, 201, 210, 212, 214,
242 and note, 243, 282.
Quebec Act, see under Acts.
Quebec, Province, 26, 29, 31, 120,
151, 159, 220, 278, 283, 284. 298
note 2, 301.
Quebec Assembly, see Assembly,
Lower Canada.
Quebec Emigrants' Society, 194.
Queen's College, 247.
Race animosity, &c., 33-7, 46,
126-31, 229, 240, 279-84.
Radenhurst, John, 170.
Railways, 8, 14-15, 178, 198-201,
210.
Canadian Northern, 200.
Canadian Pacific, 15, 199, 200,
205.
Grand Trunk, 200.
in United States, 265.
Intercolonial, 200, 201, 204.
La Prairie to St. John's, 14-15,
207-8.
Stockton to Darlington, 14.
Rebellion, 24, 40, 80, 88-99, 101,
259.
in Lower Canada, 38, 40, 88-96,
128, 258.
in Upper Canada, 80, 96-9, 258.
reasons for, 103-5.
Receiver-General of Canada, de-
falcations of, 43.
Rectories, 78, 163, 164.
Reform in England, 17-18, 42, 58,
76, 129.
Regiopolis, 247.
Reid, Stuart, 3.
Religion, 33, 87-8, 133, 239-40,
245, 279, &c. See also Clergy,
&c.
Rents and Dues, 40, 183-4.
Representative Institutions, 1 1 ,
23, 34, 81, 138, 216, 217, 277,
304, 310.
Republics and Republican Institu-
tions, 139 and note, 154, 254.
Reserves, Clergy, see Lands.
Reserves, Crown, see Lands.
Responsible Government, 5, 7, 11,
22, 77, 81, 83, 88, 123-6,
130-1, 137-52, 155, 181, 182,
187, 198, 218, 254-5, 261,
265-6, 273, 277, 289-91, 304,
310-15, &c.
arguments for, 121-2, 137-8, &c.
definition of, 137-8, 147-8.
Durham's recommendations,
147-52.
objections to, 142-6, 313.
Revenues, see Finances.
Revenues, Crown, see Crown
Revenues.
Richards, John, 174, 188.
Richelieu, River, 74, 88, 89, 90, 91,
92, 93, 94, 207.
Richmond, Duke of, 39, 42, 53.
Ripon, Earl of, see Goderich.
Rideau Canal, see Canals.
Ridout, 80, 81.
Roads, 178, 198, 210, 211, 220.
in United States, 265.
Robinson, Peter, 192.
Robinson, Sir John Beverley, 46,
54, 75.
Life of, 126 note, 226.
Roebuck, John Arthur, 62, 71, 73,
102-3, 104, 248.
Rolph, Dr., 55, 79, 97, 98.
Roman Catholics, 88, 164, 239,
243, 245, 247, &e., and see
Clergy.
Romans, 135-6 note, 222, 269,
274, 307-9.
Royal Commission (Lord Gos-
ford's) to Lower Canada, 64-
72, 74, 167-8, 185 note, 232-3,
235, 237.
Royal William, the, 16 and note.
Russell, Peter, 245, 246.
Russell, Lord John, 5, 12, 19, 72-
4, 101, 102, 110, 112, 143-5, 147,
168 note, 175, 196, 213, 218, 288,
289, 290, 294 note, 297, 299.
St. Benoit, 96.
St. Charles, 90, 92, 94.
St. Denis, 90, 91, 92, 93, 94, 95.
St. Eustache, 95.
St. John's, 91, 95, 207.
St. Lawrence, 14-15, 88, 90, 91,
92, 159, 183 note, 201, 202-4,
206-9, 258, 263, 278, 283.
St. Maurice Forges, 183 note, 184.
St. Sulpice, see Sulpicians.
334
INDEX
Scotch Church, see Clergy, Pres-
byterian.
Secretary of State for the Colonies,
see Colonial Office.
Seigniories, 28, 67, 71, 128, 152,
159, 161, 165, 167-8, 183 note,
297.
Sewell, Jonathan, 225, 254.
Sherbrooke, Sir John, 37-9, 43, 53,
172.
Simcoe, 33, 244, 246.
/Sft'r Robert Peel, the, 258.
Slavery, abolition of, 10-11, 12,
- 13, 18, 22.
in United States, 257.
Smith, Chief Justice, 254 and note,
255, 284.
Sorel, 89, 90, 92, 93, 94.
' Sons of Liberty,' see Fils de
Liberte\
South Africa, 13, 135 and note,
136, 280, 283, 309, 311.
South Australia, 13, 14, 156, 158.
Stanley, Lord, 19, 62, 137, 171.
Steamships, 15-16, 201, 208, 305
note.
Spring Rice, 62, 63, 85, 87.
Stephen, Sir James, 10, 20-2,
273.
Strachan, Dr., 46, 54, 164-5, 246.
Stuart, James, 36, 38, 47, 49, 61,
90.
Submarine cables, 16.
Sulpicians, 67, 71, 153, 162, 165,
167-8, 242 and note.
Sydenham, Lord, see Thomson,
Poulett.
Talon, 174.
Tasmania, 12, 100.
Taylor, Sir Henry, 20 and note,
273.
Telegraphs, 8, 15, 16.
Texas, 257, 259.
Theller, 99-100.
Thomson, Poulett, 144, 168 note,
175, 213, 218, 289-90, 294, 295-
302.
Three Rivers Town Fiefs, 183
note.
Timber licences, 178, 184.
Titles of Honour, 227, 291.
Tories, 7, 14, 19, 42, 65, 247.
Toronto, 76, 78, 79, 81, 90, 96-8,
137, 165, 170, 171, 213 and
note, 244.
Toronto University, see King's
College, Toronto.
Townships, 128, 152, 160, 221,
297.
Townships, Eastern, 46, 58, 61,
89, 93, 159-60, 169, 171, 172,
248.
Trade, Board of, 300.
Transportation, 11-13, 158.
Trinity College, Toronto, 247.
Turton, 153.
Two Mountains County, 88, 95.
United Empire Loyalists, ate
Loyalists.
United States :
(i) References to, 22, 80, 91, U3,
94, 97, 98, 99, 104, 113, 121,
122, 124, 125, 153, 154, 177,
178, 216, 252, 257-66, 278,
303, 310.
(ii) Institutions, 54, 62, 140-1,
142 note, 215, 265.
(iii) Causes of Prosperity, 139,
154, 265.
(iv) Comparison with Canada,
139, 201-2, 262-6.
(v) Frontier of, 88, 93, 96, 99,
159, 203, 256-9, 278.
Upper Canada College, 75, 245.
Van Buren, President, 257, 258.
Van Diemen's Land, see Tasmania.
Van Egmont, 98-9.
Vancouver, 16, 205.
Victoria, Queen, 10-19, 74, 88,
100, 185, 254, 292.
Victoria College, 247.
Vindicator, the, 89, 91.
Wakefield, Gibbon, 3-4, 14, 153,
155-8, 175, 178, 180, 181-2, 189,
197, 294.
War of American Independence,
30, 104, 174, 206, 259.
War of 1812, 34, 36, 37, 90, 97,
173, 174, 178, 203, 206, 278.
Waterways, Canadian, 205-8.
Weavers, distress among, 192-3.
Webster, Daniel, 99.
Weir, Lieutenant, 94.
INDEX
335
Welland Canal, see Canals.
Wellington, Duke of, 17, 19, 55,
61.
Wesleyans, 78, 247.
Western Australia, 12.
West Indies, 11-13, 158, 178,
277.
Wetherall, Colonel, 92, 93.
Whateley, Archbishop, 11.
123, 129, 131, 151, 214, 219,
289.
William Henry, see Sorel.
William IV, 40, 65, 74, 88, 185.
Wilmot, Lemuel, 83.
Wilmot, or Wilmot Horton, 44.
Wodehouse, Sir Philip, 146.
York, see Toronto.
Whigs, 17-20, 65, 78, 104, 111-13, Young, William, 4, 258, 265.
OXFORD: HORACE HART, M.A.
PRINTER TO THE UNIVERSITY
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neturn this material to the library
from which It was borrowed.
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