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LOUISBOURG  IN  1745 


THE   ANONYMOUS 

LETTRE  D'UN  HABITANT  DE  LOUISBOURG 

(CAPE    BRETON) 
Containing  a  narrative  by  an  eye-witness  of  the  siege  in  1745 


EDITED  WITH  AN  ENGLISH  TRANSLATION 
BY 

GEORGE   M.   WRONG,   M.A. 

Profetior  of  History  in  the  Univertity  of  Toronto 


(AN  APPENDIX  TO  TBS  REPORT  OF  THE  MINISTER  OF  EDUCATION) 


TORONTO 

WARWICK  BRO'S  &  RUTTER 
1897 


LOUISBOURQ  IN  1745 


THE   ANONYMOUS 

LETTRE  D'UN  HABITANT  DE  LOUISBOURG 

(CAPE    BRETON) 
Containing  a  narrative  by  an  eye-witness  of  the  siege  in  1745 


EDITED  WITH  AN  ENGLISH  TRANSLATION 
BY 

GEORGE    M.    WRONG,    M.A. 

Professor  of  History  in  the  University  of  Toronto 


(AN  APPENDIX  TO  THE  REPORT  OF  THE  MINISTER  OF  EDUCATION) 


TORONTO 
WARWICK  BRO'S   &  RUTTER 

1897 


TORONTO : 
WARWICK  BRO'S  &  RUTTEH, 

1897. 


r: 

§0  b/ 


INTRODUCTION 


The  siege  and  capture  of  Louisbourg  in  Cape  Breton  in  1745 
by  New  England  militia,  supported  by  a  British  fleet,  was  the 
first  important  event  in  America  in  the  renewed  war  between 
Great  Britain  and  France  after  the  long  peace  which  Walpole 
had  succeeded  in  maintaining.  On  May  13/24,  1744,1  the 
French  seized  the  fishing  station  of  Canso,  opposite  to  Cape 
Breton  on  the  Nova  Scotian  coast,  and  this  was  the  first  inti- 
mation which  the  English  colonies  received  that  war  had 
broken  out.  They  were  greatly  stirred  by  the  news.  French 
privateers  soon  made  their  commerce  unsafe,  and  the  bold  plan 
was  conceived  of  sending  a  militia  force  in  the  early  spring  of 
1745  to  attack  the  French  fortress  of  Louisbourg. 

Louisbourg  was  regarded  as  the  strongest  strategic  point 
which  France  possessed  in  America.  When  forced  to  yield 
Newfoundland  to  Great  Britain  in  1713,  the  French  had 
retained  the  two  islands,  Cape  Breton  (Isle  Royale),  and  Prince 
Edward  (Isle  St.  Jean),  to  serve  the  double  purpose  of  providing 
a  refuge  for  the  French  inhabitants  forced  to  leave  Newfound- 
land, and  of  securing  to  France  the  possibility  of  erecting  a 
strong  military  and  naval  post  in  the  North  Atlantic,  which 
should  command  the  approaches  to  the  St.  Lawrence  and  Can- 
ada, still  held  by  her,  and  serve  also  as  a  protection  to  French 
commerce  in  more  southern  seas.  After  much  deliberation  the 
stronghold  had  been  erected  near  the  south-eastern  extremity 
of  the  Island  of  Cape  Breton.  The  situation  had  many  advan- 
tages. There  was  a  good  harbour,  easily  defended,  and  the  fort- 
ress, now  only  a  ruin,  was  built  on  a  peninsula  difficult  of  access 
from  the  landward  side.  Louisbourg  cost  the  French  Court  enor- 
mous sums.  It  lodged  in  1745  between  three  and  four  thousand 
*  Collection  de  Manuscritt  III :  201  (Quebec,  1884). 


people.  The  British  held  the  mainland  (called  by  them  Nova 
Scotia,  by  the  French,  Acadia)  lying  across  the  Strait  of 
Canso,  and  it  was  almost  inevitable  that  this  proximity  should 
result  in  conflict.  The  English  colonies  had  been  very  nervous 
when  they  saw  France  menacing  them  from  Louisbourg,  and 
the  proposal  to  attack  the  place  appealed  to  a  strong  instinct 
of  self-preservation. 

The  present  narrative  is  the  only  unofficial  account  of  the 
siege,  from  the  French  standpoint,  that  we  possess.*  The 
writer  is  unknown  to  us.  Although  the  structure  and  the 
language  of  the  Letter  alike  show  that  he  was  not  a  literary 
man,  his  style  is  often  striking  and  vigorous.  He  was  at 
Louisbourg  throughout  the  seige  and,  when  the  fortress  fell, 
he  was  among  those  sent  to  France  by  the  victorious  British. 
Shortly  after  his  arrival  he  completed  this  Letter,  and  it  was 
soon  published,  no  doubt  in  France,  either  by  himself  or  by 
the  friend  who  is  nominally  responsible  for  printing  it.  The 
statement  on  the  title-page  that  the  book  was  printed  "  A 
Quebec,  Chez  Guillaume  le  Sincere  "  is  entirely  misleading.  No 
books,  or  even  newspapers,  were  printed  at  Quebec  until  after 

*  Official  reports  were  made  by  the  French  Governor  Du  Chambon, 
and  by  the  Comptroller  Bigot.  The  report  of  the  former  is  printed  in  Col- 
lection de  Manuscrits  III :  237-257  (Quebec,  1884)  and  in  Parkman,  Half 
Century  of  Conflict,  II  :  299-320  (Boston,  1892).  Some  of  the  New  Eng- 
land force  kept  diaries,  which  have  been  preserved.  Copious  bibliographies 
relating  to  the  siege  of  Louisbourg  in  1745  will  be  found  in  The  Nai  rative 
mid  Critical  History  of  America,  edited  by  Justin  Winsor,  Vol.  V.,  pp. 
434-448  (Boston  and  New  York,  1887),  and  in  J.  G.  Bourinot's  Cape 
Breton  pp.  146-152  (Montreal,  1892).  The  notes  in  Parkman's  Half  Cen- 
tury of  Conflict  (II  :  78-161)  are  a  useful  bibliographical  guide.  The 
Report  on  Canadian  Archives,  1886,  by  Douglas  Brymner,  (Ottawa,  1887), 
contains  a  large  map  of  Louisbourg  from  Gridley's  plan,  and  the  Reports 
for  1887  and  1894  contain  Calendars  of  many  documents  relating 
to  the  events  of  1745  in  Cape  Breton.  The  recently  discovered  Journal 
of  Captain  William  Pote,  Jr.,  (New  York,  1896),  is  a  highly  interesting 
narrative  of  events  in  Nova  Scotia  contemporaneous  with  the  siege 
of  Louisbourg. 


the  British  conquest  (1763).  The  Letter  is  a  strong  indictment 
of  French  colonial  policy,  and  the  printer  was  anxious  that 
his  identity  should  be  concealed.  Perhaps  the  author  was 
equally  anxious  to  be  unknown  to  the  public,  and  the  initials 
"  B.  L.  N."  appended  to  the  Letter  may  be  fictitious.  On  the 
other  hand,  the  author  may  have  been  known  to  the  Minister  of 
Marine,  Maurepas.  Otherwise  probably  he  would  not  have 
been  at  such  pains  to  defend  and  flatter  him  (p.  71). 
The  writer  says  that  he  had  seen  other  French  colonies  and 
had  noted  evils  there  similar  to  those  in  Cape  Breton.  He 
was  himself,  apparently,  a  merchant  and  he  condemns  with 
much  bitterness  the  small  salaries  paid  by  the  French  Court 
to  those  in  its  employ,  and  the  consequent  temptation  to  en- 
gage in  trade  which  this  involved.  We  know  that  in  Canada  the 
Governor;  Intendant,  and  other  officials  frequently  eked  out 
their  pay  by  commercial  enterprises.  They  were,  in  con- 
sequence, too  likely  to  make  their  mercantile  undertakings 
and  not  the  interests  of  France  the  paramount  consideration. 
At  Louisbourg  the  selfish  conduct  of  the  trading  officers  helped 
to  cause  a  mutiny  among  the  men,  and  one  of  the  causes  that 
contributed  to  the  French  failure  was  the  consequent  distrust, 
which  the  officers  felt,  of  the  regular  troops  under  their 
command. 

The  present  author  writes  of  course  from  a  French  stand- 
point. He  exaggerates  the  numbers  on  the  British  side,  and 
also  the  friction  between  Warren  the  naval  commander  and 
Pepperrell  the  leader  of  the  New  England  militia  force.  The 
British;  losses  during  the  siege  are  also  greatly  overstated. 
Though  he  admires  the  English  love  of  liberty,  he  is  unable  to 
understand  the  self-government  of  the  colonies,  which  he 
regards  as  a  fantastic  feature  of  the  English  system.  The 
commercial  rivalry  between  the  French  and  the  English  is 
much  in  his  mind  and  he  is  conscious  of  France's  decline  as  a 
naval  power,  the  results  of  which  became  so  conspicuous  in 


6 

the  course  of  this  and  succeeding  wars  with  Great  Britain. 
Unlike  English  writers  of  the  period  he  gives  the  Indians  a 
high  character  for  unselfish  devotion. 

Printed  copies  of  the  Letter  are  extremely  rare.  There  is 
one  in  the  Bibliotheque  Nationale  at  Paris.  Parkman  was 
unable  to  find  a  copy  in  the  British  Museum  or  upon  this  side 
of  the  Atlantic,  and  had  the  Paris  volume  copied  for  his  use 
in  writing  A  Half  Century  of  Conflict.  He  printed  copious 
extracts  from  the  letter  in  the  appendix  to  this  work,  but 
necessarily  omitted  much  that  is  of  interest.  An  exemplar  of 
the  original  edition  is  in  the  Library  of  Parliament  at  Ottawa, 
and  Dr.  J.  G.  Bourinot,  Clerk  of  the  House  of  Commons,  also 
possesses  a  copy.  The  volume  (4xG)  contains  eighty -one  pages, 
and  is  printed  in  large,  clear  type,  on  thin,  but  good,  paper.  It 
has  numerous  typographical  errors.  The  most  obvious  of 
these  have  been  corrected  in  the  present  edition,  but  otherwise 
the  original  text  has  been  exactly  reproduced.  The  spelling 
and  the  use  of  accents  are  very  capricious.  An  English  trans- 
lation has  been  added  for  the  convenience  of  many  interested 
in  the  sources  of  colonial  history  and  yet  without  facility  in 
reading  French. 

The  Editor  desires  to  acknowledge  his  indebtedness  to  the 
Reverend  Abb6  H.  R.  Casgrain,  Professor  of  History  in  Laval 
University,  Quebec,  who  has  kindly  furnished  him  with  a 
copy  of  his  MS.  made  from  the  original  edition  of  the  Letter 
in  the  Bibliotheque  Nationale  at  Paris ;  to  Professor  Squair, 
of  University  College,  Toronto,  for  suggestions  and  corrections 
in  regard  to  the  translation ;  to  Dr.  J.  G.  Bourinot  for  the 
use  of  his  copy  of  the  original  edition  to  correct  the  proofs  ; 
and  to  the  Honourable  G.  W.  Ross,  Minister  of  Education  for 
the  Province  of  Ontario,  for  provision  for  publication. 

UNIVERSITY  OF  TORONTO, 
May,  1897. 


LETTER  OF  AN  INHABITANT 

OF 
LOUISBOURG 

CONTAINING  A  HISTORY 

EXACT  AND  CIRCUMSTANTIAL  OF  THE  TAKING  OF 
CAPE  BRETON  BY  THE  ENGLISH 

Insanire  quid  est? 


QUEBEC 

PUBLISHED   BY  WILLIAM   THE  SINCERE  AT   THE   SIGN   OF   TRUTH 


MDCCXLV 


LETTRE  D'UN  HABITANT 

DE 
LOUISBOURG, 

CONTENANT  UNE  RELATION 

E'XACTE  ET  CIRCONSTANCIE'E  DE  LA  PRISE  DE 

L'ISLE-ROYALE,  PAR  LES  ANGLAIS. 

Insanire  quid  est  ? 


A  QUEBEC, 

CHEZ   GUILLAUME   LE   SINCERE,  A  L'lMAGE   DE  LA   VERITE. 


M.DCC.XLV. 


ADVERTISEMENT  OF  THE  PRINTER. 


This  letter  having  fallen  into  my  hands,  I  have  thought  it 
a  duty  to  print  it  because  of  the  service  which  it  ought  to 
accomplish  for  the  other  Colonies  which  have  the  same  abuses. 
When  the  Court  learns  the  truths  contained  in  the  letter  which 
I  now  publish  it  will,  doubtless,  put  their  affairs  in  order  and  save 
other  establishments,  not  less  useful  to  the  French  than  the  one 
which  the  English  have  just  seized,  from  meeting  with  a  similar 
fate.  It  is  to  be  feared  that  unhoped  for  success  will  lead  the 
English  on  to  further  ventures.  Already  the  trade  which  makes 
France  so  prosperous  has  suffered  much ;  renewed  losses  would 
ruin  it  utterly.  What  more  powerful  motive  could  we  have  to 
weigh  all  these  things  ?  It  is  this  that  has  led  me  to  have  no  hesi- 
tation in  printing  this  truthful  letter.  Some  persons  may  take 
offence  because  their  reputation  or  that  of  their  relatives  is  not 
spared.  But  why  did  they  not  discharge  their  trust  better  ? 
The  justice  due  to  those  who  know  how  to  fulfil  their  duty 
would  then  have  been  rendered  to  them. 

3]  AVERTISSEMENT  DE  L'IMPRIMEUR 


Cette  lettre  mutant  tomb^e  entre  les  mains,  j'ai  cru  la  devoir  imprimen 
par  I'utilit4  qui  en  doit  r^jaillir  sur  les  autres  Colonies.  Les  abus  y  sont  les 
memes  :  La  Cour  4tant  informed  des  verit^s  contenues  dans  la  Lettre  que 
je  donne  au  Public,  y  mettra  sans  doute  ordre,  &  empechera  par-la  qu'il 
n'en  arrive  autant  a  d'autres  ^tablissemens,  non  nioins  utiles  aux  Franijais, 
que  celui  dont  les  Anglais  viennent  de  s'emparer.  II  est  a  craindre  qu'un 
succes  inespdrd  ne  les  porte  d'entreprises  en  entreprises.  Le  Commerce 
de  la  France,  qui  la  rend  si  florissante,  a  deja  beaucoup  souffert :  De 
nouvelles  pertes  le  ruineroient  entierement:  Quel  plus  puissant  motif 
pourrions-nous  avoir  pour  passer  sur  toutes  ces  considerations  !  C'est  ce 
4]  qui  m'a  d^termin^  a  ne  point  balancer  sur  l'impres]]sion  de  cette 
Lettre  Veridique.  Quelques  personnes  pourront  s'offenser  de  ce  que 
leur  reputation,  ou  celle  de  leurs  parens,  n'y  est  point  menagee.  Mais 
pourquoi  n'ont-elles  pas  mieux  fait  leur  devoir  ?  On  leur  eut  rendu  la 
justice  que  1'on  rend  a  qui  sgu  le  remplir. 


LETTER   OF   AN   INHABITANT 
OF  LOUISBOURG 

I  thank  you,  Sir  and  very  dear  friend,  for  the  interest  you 

take    in    the   misfortune  which  has  happened  to  me.      If  it 

had  come  upon  myself  alone  I  should  feel  it  much  less.     I  have 

not  so  much  to  complain  of  as  have  a  multitude  of  miserable 

people,  stripped   of    everything  and  without   resources,   who 

will  be  obliged  to  beg  for  a  living  if  the  Court  does  not  pro- 

vide for  them,  —  sad  results  of  a  war  in  which  we  appear  to 

be  the  only  unfortunates  !     The  first  news  of  the  conquests  of 

*  The  French  our  August  Monarch*  which  we  learn  as  we  disembark  are  in 

Fontenoy*   on  truth  wel1  fittecl  to  fil1  the  whole  kingdom  with  pure  and 


ntjj'       ecstatic  joy.     But  how  can  we  share  it  without  alloy,  over- 
subsequent      whelmed  as  we  are  with  the  most  terrible  reverses  and  despoiled 

capture  of 
Tournay, 
Ghent,  Bruges 
and  other 


Tourna 
Ghent, 
and  oth 
places.  -En. 


5]  LETTRE  D'UN   HABITANT 

DE  LOUISBOURG 

Je  vous  remercie,  Monsieur  &  tres-cher  ami,  de  la  part  que  vous  prenes 
au  malheur  qui  m'est  arrived  S'il  ne  retomboit  que  sur  moi  seul,  j'y  serois 
beaucoup  moins  sensible.  Je  ne  suis  pas  tant  a  plaindre  qu'une  foule  de 
miserables,  d^nues  de  tout  &  sans  ressource,  qui,  si  la  Cour  n'y  pour- 
voit,  vont  etre  contraints  de  raandier  leur  subsistance  :  Tristes  efiets  d'une 
guerre  qui  semble  n'etre  malheureuse  que  pour  nous  !  Les  premieres 
nouvelles  des  ConquStes  de  notre  Auguste  Monarque,  que  nous  apprenons 
en  debarquant,  sont,  k  la  veVite,  bien  capables  de  combler  tout  le  Royaume 
6]  d'une  joye  pure  &  excessive.  Mais  comment  la  pou||vons-nous  gouter 
sans  melange,  accables  des  plus  affreux  revers,  et  d^pouilles  des  biens  qui 


11 

of  the  possessions  which  were  the  fruit  of  many  years'  labour  ? 
We  are  unfortunate  in  this  respect,  that  the  English,  who  up 
to  present  time  have  not  been  able  to  succeed  against  the 
French,  have  made  a  beginning  with  us.  May  our  loss  mark 
the  only  progress  which  they  will  make  this  year !  It  is  not 
the  least  vexation  felt  by  subjects  as  zealous  as  we  are. 

The  first  cause  of  our  misfortune  is,  no  doubt,  the  weakness 
of  our  wretched  colony,  but  one  cannot  help  admitting  that 
the  numerous  mistakes  which  were  made  may  have  contributed 
as  much  or  more.  I  recommend  you  to  keep  secret  what  I  am 
going  to  unveil  to  you  ;  in  any  case  I  beg  you  at  least  not  to 
reveal  my  name.  It  is  often  unsafe  to  tell  the  truth,  and 
especially  with  the  artless  candour  which  will  guide  my  pen. 
For  a  long«  time  we  were  not  unaware  that  a  secret  enter- 
prise against  us  was  in  preparation  in  New  England.1  Every 


1  What  is  called  New  England  is  a  country  of  Southern  America  (sic).  It  is 
honnded  on  the  north  by  New  France,  on  the  south  by  New  York  or  the  New 
Netherlands,  on  the  east  by  the  North  Sea  or  the  ocean.  The  aborigines  of  New 
England  are  the  Almouchiquois.  Boston  is  the  capital. 


etoient  le  fruit  du  travail  de  plusieurs  annees  ?  Nous  sommes  malheureux 
au  point,  que  les  Anglois  ont  commence  par  nous,  &  qu'ils  n'avoient  jusqu'a 
present  pu  reussir  centre  les  Francois.  H  faut  que  notre  perte  soit  peut- 
etre  les  seuls  progres  qu'ils  feront  de  cette  annee  !  Ce  n'est  pas  le  moindre 
chagrin  que  ressentent  des  sujets  aussi  zeles  que  nous  le  sommes. 

La  source  de  notre  infortune  est,  sans  contredit,  la  foiblesse  de  notre 
deplorable  colonie  :  mais  on  ne  peut  s'empecher  de  convenir,  que  les  fautes 
nombreuses  qui  ont  e'te  commises,  n'y  ayent  autant  ou  plus  contribue. 

Je  vous  recommande  le  secret  sur  tout  ce  que  je  vais  vous  de'voiler,  ou 
je  vous  pri?,  du  moins,  de  taire  mon  nom.  II  est  souvent  dangereux  de 
dire  la  verite,  <fc  de  le  faire  avec  cette  candeur  ingenue  qui  va  diriger  ma 
plume. 

Nous  n'ignorions  point  depuis  long-terns,  qu'il  se  tramoit  une  entre- 
7]  prise  secrette  centre  nous,  a  la  II  Nouvdle  Aiwjleterre.'1  Tous  les  jours 


1  On  appelle  Nouvelle  Angleterre,  une  Centre's  de  1'Ameriqne  Me'ridionale. 
Elle  est  born^e  au  Nord  par  la  JJouvelle-France,  au  Midi  par  la  Nouvelle  York,  ou  le 
nouvean  Pais-Bas,  &  au  Levant  par  la  Mer  du  Nord,  on  I'Oce'an.  Lea  habitans 
naturels  de  la  Nouvellc  Angleterre  sont  les  Almouchiquois.  La  Capitals  est 
Baston. 


12 

day  we  were  in  receipt  of  information  that  they  were  arming 
along  the  whole  coast,  and  we  were  certain  that  this  could  only 

*  The  author    mean  some  design  upon  Cape  Breton.*  There  was  then  abund- 
mes  invari- 
ably the          ant  time  to  take  measures  tor  protection  against  the  threatened 

isle  Royaie.    '  danger;  something  was  done,  but  not  all  that  should  have  been. 
— ED. 

Our  situation,  on  the  verge  of  a  pressing  danger,  was  indicated 

to  the  Court  by  what  happened  regarding  the  vessels  Ardent 
and  Caribou.  We  were  seeking  prompt  succour.  Even  if  we 
had  not  asked  for  this,  our  weakness,  obvious  and  faithfully 
explained  to  the  Minister,  ought  to  have  procured  it  for  us. 
Our  colony  was  sufficiently  important ;  without  it  Canada  is 
exposed  and  difficult  to  hold. 

The  two  ships  of  war  of  which  I  have  just  spoken  ought 
to  be  blamed  in  the  first  instance.  If  their  commanders  would 
have  consented  to  aid  in  an  easy  expedition  against  Acadia  we 
should  have  ruined  the  English  in  that  country  and  made  it 
impossible  for  them  to  plan  the  project  which  they  have  accom- 
plished. But  an  abuse  prevails  in  the  Navy  of  France  against 
which  it  is  difficult  to  protest  too  much,  though  the  pro- 
tests are  always  in  vain.  Most  of  the  officers  of  the  King's 

nous  recevions  de  secrets  avis  qu'on  armoit  le  long  de  la  Cote  :  Cela  ne 
pouvoit  regarder  que  I'Isle-Eoyale  nous  en  etions  certains.  On  cut  done 
tout  le  loisir  de  prendre  des  precautions,  pour  se  mettre  a  1'abri  du  peril 
qui  nous  menac.oit ;  on  le  fit  aussi ;  mais  on  lie  prit  pas  toutes  celles  qui 
convenoient. 

La  situation  ou  nous  etion«,  a  la  veille  d'un  danger  pressant ,  fut  mar- 
quee a  la  Cour  par  1'occasion  des  Vaisseaux  V Ardent  &  le  Karibou.  Nous 
sollicitions  un  promt  secours.  Quand  nous  ne  Faurions  pas  fait,  notre 
foiblesse  appareiite  &  fidelement  exprimee  au  Ministre,  devoit  nous  le 
procurer.  Notre  colonie  etoit  d'une  asses  grande  importance  :  sans  elle, 
le  Canada  est  expose,  &  il  n'est  pas  aise  de  le  conserver.  II 
8]  La  premiere  faute  doit  etre  attribute  aux  deux  Vaisseaux  de  guerre 
dont  je  viens  de  parler.  Si  leurs  Commandans  eussent  voulu  se  preter  a 
une  expedition  facile  sur  VAcadie,  nous  ruinions  les  Anglois  de  ces  cantons, 
&  les  mettions  hors  d'etat  de  songer  au  projet  qu'ils  ont  execute.  Mais  il 
regne  un  abus  dans  la  Marine  de  France,  contre  lequel  on  ne  sc,auroit  trop 
crier,  et  contre  lequel  on  crie  toujours  vainement :  la  plupart  des  Offi- 


13 

ships,  induced  by  the  love  of  gain,  carry  on  trade  operations, 
although  this  is  forbidden  by  the  Ordinances  of  His  Majesty. 
It  is  impossible  to  conceive  how  greatly  commerce  suffers  from 
this,  nor  does  the  service  gain  anything.  Presumably,  all  this 
is  unknown  to  the  Minister,  who  has  only  the  glory  of  his 
master  in  view ;  persons  who  are  near  him,  however,  have 
quite  different  motives,  for  a  share  in  this  base  traffic  gives 
them  a  pretext  for  self-justification  and  for  concealing  it  from 
him. 

It  was  only  necessary  to  appear  before  this  English  colony, 
the  neighbour  of  our  unhappy  island-,  and  to  land  a  few  men. 
But,  while  this  was  being  done,  the  trade  ventures  would  have 
been  neglected  and  the  general  welfare,  that  of  the  State, 

would   have   interfered   with   individual   interests,2  and   this 
i 

would  have  been  contrary  to  received  usage  in  a  corps  which, 
far  from  working  to  ruin  the  merchants,  ought  to  protect 
them.  Forgive  these  strong  expressions ;  although  harsh 
they  are  true. 

2  This  example  has  become  contagious  in  all  our  colonies,  where  the  generals, 
far  from  protecting  commerce,  are  the  first  to  injure  it.  They  enrich  themselves 
chiefly  in  the  foreign  trade  which  is  so  injurious  to  that  of  the  subjects  of  the 
King.  I  speak  here  as  an  eye  witness. 

ciers  des  Vaisseaux  du  Hoi,  livres  a  1'appas  du  gain,  font  le  metier 
de  Marchands,  quoique  cela  leur  soit  interdit  par  les  Ordonnances  de 
SA  MAJESTIS  On  n'imagineroit  jamais  combien  le  commerce  en  souffre, 
le  service  n'y  gagne  pas  davantage.  II  est  bien  a  presumer  que  c'est  a 
I'insQu  du  Ministre,  qui  n'a  que  la  gloire  de  son  maitre  en  vue  :  d'autres 
motifs  animent  les  personnes  qui  1'approchent,  dont  la  part  dans  ces 
honteux  trafics,  sert  a  les  autoriser,  &  a  lui  en  derober  la  connoissance. 

II  ne  falloit  que  se  presenter  devant  cette  colonie  Angloise,  voisine  de 
9]  notre  maiheureuse  Isle,  &  y  debarquer  peu  de  monde.  Mais,  durant  II 
ce  terns,  les  pacotilles  auroient  ete  negligees,  &  1'interet  general,  celui  de 
1'Etat,  1'eut  emporte  sur  le  particulier :"  ce  qui  auroit  et6  contraire  a 
1'usage  reQU  dans  un  Corps,  qui  devroit  proteger  les  Negocians,  loin  de 
travailler  a  leur  ruine.  Passes-moi  quelques  traits  de  cette  force  ;  ils  sont 
vrais,  quoique  durs. 

2  Cet  example  est  devenu  contagieux  dans  toutes  nos  Colonies  ou  lea  Ge'ne'r- 
aux,  loin  de  soutenir  le  commerce,  sont  les  premiers  a  lui  porter  prejudice :  Ils 
s'enrichissent  pour  la  plupart  dans  le  commerce  Stranger,  qui  est  si  nuisible  a  celui 
des  Sujets  du  lioi.  Je  parle  ici  comme  temoin  oculaire. 


14 

In  place  of  this  expedition,  which  would  have  protected  us 
from  a  misfortune  that  the  State  ought  to  feel  no  less  than 
we,  they  amused  themselves  by  wasting  time  in  useless  dis- 
putes. These  resulted  on  the  part  of  the  captains  of  the  royal 
ships  (MM.  Maichin  and  de  la  Sauzai)  in  persistence  in  their 
refusal  and  on  that  of  our  Governor  CM.  du  Quesnel)  in  a 
complaint  against  their  conduct,  which  indeed  it  would  not  be 
easy  to  justify. 

In  seizing  Acadia  we  should  have  freed  ourselves  from  the 
menace  of  enemies  dangerously  near  and  destroyed  a  con- 
siderable portion  of  the  facilities  which  they  made  use  of 
against  us.  The  naval  commanders  argued  that  they  had  not 
the  orders  of  the  Court,— as  if  it  was  necessary  for  all  the  sub- 
jects of  the  King  to  have  special  orders  before  keeping  his 
enemies  from  doing  him  injury,  when  it  was  so  easy  to  take 
from  them  the  means.  M.  du  Quesnel  could  not  induce  them 
to  support  the  enterprise ;  in  vain  did  he  assert  his  official 
authority.  It  was  necessary  for  him  to  think  of  carrying 
through  the  matter  alone.  Would  to  God  that  he  had  aban- 
doned this  mad  undertaking  or  that  he  had  never  thought  of 
this  or  of  the  preceding  one,  of  which  I  shall  speak  presently. 

Au  lieu  de  cette  expedition,  qui  nous  eut  mis  a  couvert  d'un  malheur 
auquel  1'Etat  ne  doit  pas  etre  moins  sensible  que  nous,  on  s'amusa  a 
perdre  du  terns  en  disputes  inutiles  :  elles  aboutirent  de  la  part  des  Capi- 
taines  des  Vaisseaux  du  Roi  (MM.  Maichin,  cG  de  la  Sauzai)  a  persister 
dans  leur  refus,  et  de  la  part  de  notre  Gouverneur  (M.  du  Quesnel)  a  se 
plaindre  de  leur  procede^  ;  qu'il  ne  seroit  pas  en  effet,  bien  ais6  de  justifier. 

10]  En  enlevant  1'Acadie  aux  enne]  mis,  nous  nous  otions  1'inquietude 
d'un  dangereux  voisinage,  &  nous  detruisions  une  grande  partie  des 
moyens  dont  1'ennemi  s'est  servi  contre  nous.  Ces  Messieurs  se  retran- 
choient  sur  ce  qu'ils  n'avoient  point  les  Ordres  de  la  Cour,  comme  s'il  en 
falloit  de  particuliers  a  tous  les  sujets  du  Roi  pour  empecher  ses  ennemis 
de  faire  du  mal,  en  leur  en  otant  les  moyens,  lorsque  la  chose  est  si  facile. 
Mr.  du  Quesnel  ne  put  les  engager  a  appuyer  son  entreprise  ;  en  vain 
reclama-t-il  1'autorite  dont  il  etoit  depositaire.  II  lui  fallut  penser  a  se 
tirer  seul  d'affaire.  Plut  a  Dieu  !  qu'il  eut  renonce  a  cette  folle  entre- 
prise, ou  qu'il  n'y  eut  jatnais  songe,  non  plus  qu'a  celle  qui  1'avoit  pr^cedee, 
&  que  je  raconterai  bien-tot. 


15 

The  ill-success  which  followed  this  enterprise  is  rightly 
regarded  as  the  cause  of  our  loss.  The  English  would  perhaps 
not  have  troubled  us  if  we  had  not  first  affronted  them.  It  is 
our  love  of  aggression  which  has  cost  us  dearly ;  I  have  heard 
more  than  one  of  our  foes  say  this,  and  it  seems  to  me  only  too 
likely.  It  was  the  interest  of  the  people  of  New  England  to 
live  at  peace  with  us  and  they  would  undoubtedly  have  done  so 
if  we  had  not  been  so  ill-advised  as  to  disturb  the  security 
which  they  felt  in  regard  to  us.  They  expected  that  both  sides 
would  hold  aloof  from  the  cruel  war  which  had  set  Europe 
on  fire,  and  that  we,  as  well  as  they,  should  remain  on  the  defen- 
sive only.  Prudence  required  this,  but  that  she  does  not  always 
rule  the  actions  of  men  we,  more  than  any  others,  have  demon- 
strated. 

As  soon  as  our  Governor  learned  of  the  declaration  of  war  he 
formed  vast  projects  which  have  resulted  in  our  present 
misfortune.  God  keep  his  soul  in  peace  !  Poor  man,  we  owe 
him  little  ;  he  was  whimsical,  changeable,  given  to  drink,  and 
when  in  his  cups  knowing  no  restraint  or  decency.  He  had 
affronted  nearly  all  the  officers  of  Louisbourg  and  destroyed 

Le  mauvais  succes  dont  cette  entreprise  a  ete  suivie,  est  envisage,  avec 
raison,  comme  la  cause  de  notre  perte.  Les  Anglois  ne  nous  auroient 
peut-etre  point  inquietes,  si  nous  n'eussions  ete  les  premiers  a  les  insulter. 
Notre  qualite  d'agresseurs  nous  a  et6  funeste  ;  je  1'ai  oiii  center  a  plus 
d'un  ennemi,  &  je  n'y  vois  que  trop  d'apparence.  II 

11]  Les  habitans  de  la  nouvelle  Angleterre  etoient  interesses  a  vivre  en 
paix  avec  nous.  Us  1'eussent  sans  doute  fait,  si  nous  ne  nous  etions  point 
avisos  mal  a  propos,  de  les  tirer  de  cette  securite  ou  ils  etoient  a  notre 
egard.  Ils  comptoient  que  de  part  &  d'autre,  on  ne  prendroit  aucun  parti 
dans  cette  cruelle  guerre  qui  a  mis  1'Europe  en  feu,  &  que  nous  nous  tien- 
drions  comme  eux,  sur  la  seule  defensive.  La  prudence  le  dictoit ;  mais 
elle  n'est  pas  toujours  la  regie  des  actions  des  hommes  :  nous  1'avons  plus 
eprouve^  que  qui  que  ce  soit. 

Des  que  notre  Gouverneur  eut  sgu  la  declaration  de  la  guerre,  il  forma 
de  vastea  projets,  qui  ont  abouti  au  malheur  qui  nous  est  arrive.  Dieu 
garde  son  ame  en  paix  !  c'<5toit  un  pauvre  Sire,  k  qui  nous  n'avons  gueres 
d'obligation  :  homme  capricieux,  illegal,  sujet  a  boire,  et  ne  connoissant 
dans  le  vin  ni  mesures  ni  bienseances.  II  avoit  cheque  presque  tous  les 


16 

their  authority  with  the  soldiers.  It  was  because  his  affairs 
were  in  disorder  and  he  was  ruined  that  he  had  been  given  the 
government  of  Cape  Breton.  The  foolish  enterprise  against 
Canso,  which  I  shall  describe  presently,  and  from  which  they 
tried  in  vain  to  dissuade  him,  is  the  first  cause  of  the  loss  of 
a  colony  so  useful  to  the  King. 

How  different  was  M.  du  Quesnel  from  his  predecessor ! 
*M.  de  Forsnt  This  was  M.  Forant  *  the  son  of  a  vice-admiral  and  the  grandson 

died  in  1740. 

—ED.  of  an  admiral  of  Denmark.     His  grandfather  migrated  very 

young  on  account  of  his  religion.  M.  Forant  had  entered  the 
navy  when  young  and  knew  his  profession.  By  his  kindness 
and  humanity  he  deserved  to  lead  men.  They  feared  him 
because  they  loved  him.  When  he  came  from  France  he  had 
great  plans  for  the  development  of  the  colony  of  which  the 
King  had  made  him  Governor.  He  died,  however,  at  the  end 
of  nine  or  ten  months,  and  when  he  died  he  left  a  sum  of 
thirty  thousand  livres  for  educating  and  bringing  up  young 
ladies,  daughters  of  officers  dying  at  Louisbourg.  This  sum  is 
in  Paris  and  only  the  income  from  it  is  used.  It  is  said  that 
a  sister  of  this  charitable  Governor  will  attempt  to  overturn 
this  good  settlement,  but  it  is  to  be  hoped  that  she  will  fail 

Officiers  de  Louisbourg,  &  les  mettoit  en  compromis  avec  les  soldats.  Le 
12]  desordre  de  ses  affaires  lui  avoit  fait  donner  le  Gouvernej  |ment  de 
1'Isle  Royale.  II  etoit  mine.  La  folle  entreprise  de  Canceaux,  que  je  vais 
tout-a-1'heure  decrire,  et  dont  on  voulut  envain  le  detourner,  est  la  pre- 
miere cause  de  la  perte  d'une  Oolonie  si  utile  au  Roi. 

Que  M.  Du  Quesnel  differoit  de  son  predecesseur  !  M.  Forent,  auquel 
il  avoit  succede,  etoit  fils  d'un  Chef-d'Escadre,  &  petit-fils  d'un  Amiral  de 
Dannemarc.  Son  grand-pere  y  avoit  passe  fort  jeune,  pour  cause  de 
Religion.  M.  Forent  avoit  commence  a  servir  jeune  dans  la  Marine,  &  il 
scavoit  son  metier.  II  meritoit,  par  sa  douceur  et  son  humanite  de  conduire 
les  hommes.  On  le  craignoit  parce  qu'on  1'aimoit.  En  partant  de  France 
il  avoit  de  grandes  vues  pour  faire  fleurir  la  Colonie  dont  le  Roi  1'avoit 
nomine  Gouverneur.  Mais  il  mourut  au  bout  de  neuf  ou  dix  mois.  II 
legua  en  mourant  une  somme  de  trente  mille  livres,  pour  instruire  & 
elever  de  jeunes  Demoiselles,  filles  d'Officiers  morts  a  Louisbourg.  Cette 
somme  est  a  Paris,  et  1'on  n'en  prend  que  le  revenu.  On  dit  qu'une 
13]  Sosur  de  ce  charitable  Gouverneur  va  ten||ter  de  detruire  un  aussi  bel 


17 

in  a  design  so  contrary  to  the  well-being  of  the  State  and  of 
Religion,  which  are  equally  benefited. 

Too  much  prudence  can  not  be  shown  in  the  choice  of 
Governors  for  the  colonies.  As  they  are  the  soul  of  these 
establishments  it  is  of  infinite  consequence  that  their  senti- 
ments should  correspond  to  the  dignity  of  the  Prince  whom 
they  represent.  But  it  is  obvious  that  too  many  of  them  act 
from  unworthy  motives.  In  the  proper  place,  how  many 
things  would  I  have  to  say  on  this  point!  Some  day,  perhaps, 
I  shall  have  occasion  to  make  public  what  I  have  learned 
in  the  course  of  my  journeys  to  several  of  our  colonies. 

The  ambition  of  M.  du  Quesnel  was  to  distinguish  himself  May  10 
against  the  English.  To  realize  this  noble  and  daring  design 
he  armed  a  schooner  (goelette  3)  of  fourteen  guns,  and  a  bateau  4, 
upon  which  he  put  about  six  hundred  men,  soldiers  and  sailors, 
to  go  first  and  seize  the  little  island  of  Canso  This  was  to  be 
the  signal  of  a  breach  with  our  neighbours,  the  English.  His 

3  A  species  of  thip  of  peculiar  construction,  with  raking  masts  which  help  her 
speed 

4  A  litt'e  ship  with  one  mast,  much  used  in  America. 

etablissement ;  mais  il  est  a  souhaiter  qu'elle  echoue  dans  un  dessein  si 
contraire  au  bien  de  1'Etat  &  a  la  Religion,  qui  y  trouvent  un  egal 
avantage. 

On  ne  sqauroit  apporter  trop  de  sagesse  dans  le  choix  des  Gouverneurs 
que  Ton  donne  aux  Colonies.  Comme  ils  en  sont  1'ame,  il  est  d'une  con- 
sequence inflnie  que  leurs  sentimens  repondent  a  la  dignite  du  Prince  qu'ils 
representent.  Mais  on  n'en  voit  que  trop  se  conduire  par  les  plus  indig- 
nes  motifs.  Que  j'aurais  de  choses  a  dire  la-dessus,  si  e'en  etoitici  le  lieu  ! 
J'aurai  peut-etre  occasion  quelque  jour  de  rendre  public  ce  que  je  sgais  a 
cet  egard,  recueilli  de  mes  differens  voyages  dans  plusieurs  de  nos 
Colonies. 

L'envie  de  M.  Du  Quesnel  etoit  de  se  distinguer  centre  les  Anglais.    10 
Pour    efectuer    ce   noble   &    hardi    projet,     il   arma   une     Goualette3  JJjJ. 
14]  de  II  quatorze  canons,    &  un  Batteau,4  sur  lesquels   il  mit    environ 
six  cens  hommes,  soldats  et  mattelots,  pour  s'aller  d'abord  emparer  de  la 
petite  Isle  de  Canceaux.     Ce  devoit  etre  le  signal  de  rupture  avec  les 

3  Espe'ce  de  Nayire  d'uae  construction  siugulie're,  &  d'une  matilre  renverae'e, 
qui  contribute'  a  le  faire  bien  marcher. 

1  Petit  Navire  qui  n'a  qu'unmat,  &  dont  on  se  sert  beaucoup  dans  1'Ame'rique 

2 


18 

force  soon  came  back  victorious.  The  enterprise,  so  much 
belauded,  was  in  truth  not  worthy  of  our  attention  ;  we  did  not 
gain  what  it  cost.  The  English  established  upon  this  little 
island  were,  indeed,  without  the  least  defence.  They  did  not 
know  that  we  were  at  war  with  their  nation,  for  we  had  been 
the  first  to  hear  of  the  declaration  ;  they  did  not  even  suspect 
that  they  might  be  attacked.  The  island,  moreover,  was  not  for- 
tified, England  having  never  taken  any  trouble  to  strengthen  it. 
Some  of  her  subjects  had  built  a  wretched  town,  which  we  burned. 

This  is  how  that  expedition  resulted  for  which  its  author 
would  have  believed  himself  to  deserve  the  honours  of  a 
triumph  !  Encouraged  by  this  feeble  success,  our  Governor 
aspired  to  a  more  substantial  victory.  Unable  to  get  help 
from  the  commanders  of  the  Ardent  and  the  Caribou  he  was 
still  not  disconcerted,  but  resolved  alone  to  attain  the  success  of 
taking  Acadia.  He  even  appeared  pleased  that  his  glory 
should  be  shared  by  no  one  else. 

You  are  aware,  Monsieur,  that  Acadia  formerly  belonged  to 
us,  and  that  we  ceded  it  to  the  English  by  the  Treaty  of 

*  April  nth,    Utrecht.*     It  is  even  yet  peopled  by  the  old  French  inhabitants 
1713.-ED.       J      f     f          J 

Anglais,  nos  voisins.  Son  armee  revint  bientot  victorieuse.  Cette  entre- 
prise,  qu'on  a  tant  fait  sonner,  e^oit  en  verite  peu  digne  que  Ton  s'y 
arreiat :  On  auroit  du  regretter  jusqu'aux  frais  qu'elle  nous  a  coutes.  En 
effet,  les  Anglais  etablis  sur  cette  petite  Isle  etoient  sans  la  moindre 
defense  ;  ne  songeant  pas  meme  qu'ils  dussent  etre  attaquez,  parce  qu'ils 
ignoroient  que  nous  fussions  en  guerre  avec  leur  nation.  Nous  en  avions 
ete  les  premiers  instruits  :  D'ailleurs,  cette  Isle  n'etoit  rien  moins  que 
fortifiee  ;  1'Angleterre  ne  s'en  etant  jamais  mise  en  peine.  Quelques-uns 
de  ses  Sujets  y  avoient  formd  un  miserable  Bourg,  que  nous  brulames. 
Voilk  ,:i  quoi  se  termina  cette  expedition,  pour  laquelle  celui  qui  en  etoit 
15]  1'Auteur  auroit  ||  cru  devoir  meriter  les  honneurs  du  triomphe. 

Ce  foible  succes  encourageant  notre  Governeur,  il  aspira  a  une  Victoire 
plus  solide.  Ne  pouvant  obtenir  de  secours  des  Commandans  de  1'Ardent 
et  du  Karibou,  il  ne  se  deconcerta  point ;  mais  resolut  de  venir  seul  a  bout 
de  prendre  1'Acadie.  II  paroissoit  meme  flate  de  n'en  avoir  a  partager  la 
gloire  avec  personne. 

Vous  sgavez,  MONSIEUR,  que  1'Acadie  nous  a  autrefois  appartenu,  &  que 
nous  1'avons  ce^e  a  1'Anglais,  per  la  paii  d'Utrecht.  Elle  est  meme 


19 

who  occupied  the  country.  It  was  upon  this  fact  that  M.  de 
Quesnel  based  his  plan,  and  he  certainly  made  no  mistake.  We 
have  experienced  that  they  are  still  French  at  heart.  Would 
not  this  fact  cause  our  conquerors  to  desire  that  not  a 
Frenchman  should  remain  in  Cape  Breton  ?  It  is,  indeed, 
extremely  difficult  for  a  people  to  renounce  allegiance  to  a 
power  such  as  France,  where  reign  monarchs  whose  virtues  are 
so  famous  and  who  know  how  to  secure  the  affection  of  their 
subjects. 

In  July  M.  du  Quesnel  sent  M.  du  Vivier,  a  company  captain, 
with  orders  to  go  by  land  to  Baie  Verte.     This  officer  had  two 
others  with  him  from  the  garrison  of  Louisbourg,  and  he  took 
also  two  more  at  St.  John  Island.*    These  five  officers  had  a  band  £ 
of   only    ninety   regular    soldiers,  but    on    their    way    they  Island.—  ED. 
collected  from  three  to  four   hundred   Indians  and    arrived 
before  Annapolist  (Port  Royal  5)  with  their  little  army.    Their 


camp  was  well  situated.      It  was  placed  upon   a  hill,  high  Port  Royal 

enough  to  be  able  to  command  the  town,  to  which  they  were  so  and  it  was 
0  _  henceforth 

called 

5  This  is  the  name  of  the  Fort  which  is  the  one  defence  that  Acadia  has.    It  Annapolis  by 
was  built  by  us.  them.—  ED. 

encore  peuplee  des  anciens  habitans  Francois,  qui  1'occupoient.  C'est  sur 
quoi  se  fondoit  M.  du  Quesnel,  il  est  sur  qu'il  ne  s'abusoit  point.  Nous 
avons  eprouv^  qu'ils  conservent  encore  un  coeur  FranQais.  Ne  seroit-ce 
point  ce  qui  auroit  oblig6  nos  Vainqueurs,  a  ne  vouloir  pas  qu'aucun  de 
nous  soit  demeure'  dans  ITsle-Boyale  ?  II  est  effectivement  bien  difficile 
de  renoncer  a  une  domination  comme  celle  de  France,  ou  regnent  des 
Monarques,  dont  les  vertus  sont  si  connues,  &  qui  SQavent  s'acquerir  la  . 
16]  coeur  de  leurs  Sujets.  [I 

Au  inois  de  Juillet,  M.  du  Quesnel  fit  partir  le  sieur  du  Vivier, 
Capitaine  de-  Compagnie,  avec  ordre  de  se  rendre  par  terre  jusqu'aZa  Bayt 
Verte.  Cet  Officier  en  avoit  deux  autres  avec  lui,  de  la  garnison  de  Louis- 
bourg ;  il  en  prit  encore  deux  a  1'Isle  de  St.  Jean.  Ces  cinq  Officiers 
n'avoient  que  quatre-vingt  dix  homines  de  troupes  reglees  :  mais  ils 
rassemblerent  sur  leur  route  environ  trois  a  quatre  cens  Sauvages,  &  se 
rendirent  devant  le  Port-Royal',  avec  cette  petite  armee.  Leur  camp 
fut  tres-bien  assis.  Ils  le  placerent  sur  une  coline,  assez  elevee  pour 

5  Ainsi  s'appelle  le  Fort,  qui  est  la  seule  defense  qu'ait  1'Acadie;  C'est  nous 
qui  1'avons  construit. 


20 

near  that  they  could  almost  see  and  speak  with  those  inside 
the  fort.  The  French6  subjects  of  Great  Britain  received  them 
with  demonstrations  of  sincere  joy,  and  throughout  rendered 
whatever  services  were  in  their  power.  M.  du  Vivier  had 
caused  them  to  make  ladders,  to  be  used  on  the  walls  of 
the  fort  in  case  there  was  a  thought  of  entering  it  by  assault, 
and  they  worked  at  these  with  all  the  zeal  that  one  could 
expect  from  the  most  faithful  subjects. 

As  orders  had  been  given  to  treat  them  with  great  considera- 
tion, and  they  deserved  it,  they  were  carefully  paid  for 
everything.  The  Governor  of  the  Fort,  after  our  force  had 
retired,  told  them  that  since  France  had  paid  them  for  the 
ladders  which  they  had  made  it  was  proper  that  England  should 
pay  them  to  destroy  them ;  and  in  fact  they  were  employed  to 
do  this. 

The  appearance  of  the  French  before  Annapolis  so  frightened 
the  Governor  that  he  promised  to  surrender  the  Fort,  without 
firing  a  shot,  as  soon  as  he  should  see  appear  the  two  vessels,  with 
the  coming  of  which  they  had  menaced  him.  We  were  a  long 
time  before  the  place  without  anything  happening  on  the  one 

6  This  is  to  speak  improperly,  the  French  of  Acadia  being  rather  neutrals 

pouvoir  commander  au  Fort,  dont  ils  etoient  si  pres  qu'on  pouvoit  presque 
se  voir  &  se  parler.  Les  Francais  "  sujets  de  la  Grande-Bretagne,  les 
regurent  aveo  des  demonstrations  d'une  joye  sincere,  &  leur  ont  toujours 
17]  rendu  les  services  qui  II  ont  pu  dependre  d'eux.  Le  Sieur  du  Vivier 
leur  a  fait  faire  des  echelles  pour  appliquer  a  la  muraille  du  Fort,  au  cas 
qu'il  fut  question  d'en  venir  a  1'assaut  ;  &  ila  y  ont  travaille  avec  tout  le 
zele  qu'on  peut  attendre  du  plus  fidele  sujet.  Comme  on  avoit  recora- 
mande  de  les  traiter  avec  de  grands  egards,  qu'ils  le  meritoient,  tout  leur 
a  ete  exactement  paye.  Le  Gouverneur  du  Fort,  apres  la  retraite  des 
notres,  leur  dit  a  cette  occasion,  qua,  puisque  la  France  les  uvoit  paye's 
pour  les  e'chettes  qu'ils  avoient  faites,  il  ttoit  naturel  que  I'Angleterre  les 
paydt  pour  les  defaire.  On  les  y  occupa  en  effet. 

L'arrivee  des  Frangais  devant  le  Port-Royal  intimida  tellement  le 
Gouverneur,  qu'il  promit  de  remettre  le  Fort  aans  tirer,  des  qu'il  verroit 
paroitre  deux  Vaisseaux  dont  on  1'avoit  menace.  Nous  fumes  longtems  en 


6  C'es1;  porler  impropreuient,  les  Frangais  de  1'Acadie  e'tant  plut&t  neutres. 


21 

side  or  the  other.  Our  people  got  ready  to  attack  as  soon  as 
the  ships  should  appear,  and,  in  case  the  enemy  should  attempt 
a  defence,  they  had  caused  the  settlers  to  prepare  for  them 
arrows,  provided  with  an  artifice  for  igniting  fire,  of  which  they 
had  already  made  trial.  M.  du  Vivier  was  relieved  of  the 
command  by  M.  de  Ganas,  another  captain  of  a  free  company, 
who  had  left  Louisbourg  later.  This  second  commander 
manoeuvred  badly.  Out  of  patience  because  the  ships  for  which 
he  was  waiting  did  not  come,  he  imprudently  abandoned  the 
investment  anil  retired  more  than  fifty  leagues  inland.  It  was 
this  that  caused  the  expedition  to  fail. 

The  cause  of  the  delay  of  the  two  ships  intended  for  this 
enterprise,  was,  at  first,  the  dispute  of  the  Governor  with  the 
commanders  of  the  Ardent  and  the  Caribou.  M.  du  Quesnel 
always  flattered  himself  that  he  should  gain  them  over.  Seeing 
that  they  were  inflexible,  he  took  his  own  course,  which  was 
to  arm  a  merchant  ship  of  La  Rochelle,  named  the  Atlas,  to- 
gether with  a  brigantine,7  the  Tempest.  But  he  had  not  the  satis- 
faction of  seeing  them  sail,  for  he  died  suddenly,  in  the  month 

7  Light  bhip,  fit  for  racing,  and  either  rowed  or  sailed.     It  has  no  deck. 

presence,  sans  qu'il  se  pasaat  rien  de  part  ni  d'autre.  Noa  gens  se  dis- 
posoient  a  attaquer,  aussi-tot  que  les  Vaisseaux  paroitroient :  &  en  cas  que 
les  ennemis  voulusseiit  se  defendre,  ils  avoient  fait  preparer,  par  les 
18]  habitans  du  Pays,  des  fleches  armees  II  d'artifice  pour  mettre  le  feu. 
L'essai  en  avoit  deja  ete  fait.  Le  sieur  du  Vivier  venoit  d'etre  releve  par 
e  Sieur  de  Ganas,  autre  Capitaine  de  Compagnie  franche,  parti  depuis  lui 
de  Louisbourg.  Ce  second  Commandant  manceuvra  inal  :  impatient  de 
ne  point  voir  arriver  les  Vaisseaux  qu'il  attendoit,  il  leva  imprudemment 
le  blocus,  &  se  retira  a  plus  de  cinquante  lieues  dans  les  Terres.  C'est  la 
ce  qui  a  fait  manquer  1'expedition. 

Le  sujet  du  r^tardement  des  deux  Navires  destines  pour  cette  entre- 
prise,  avoit  d'abord  ete  la  dispute  du  Gouverneur,  avec  les  Commandans 
de  1'Ardent  et  du  Karibou.  M.  du  Quesnel  se  flatoit  toujours  de  les 
gagner.  Voyant  qu'ils  etoient  inflexibles,  il  prit  son  parti,  qui  fut  d'armer 
un  Navire  Marchand  de  la  Rochelle,  nomine  I' Atlas,  avec  le  Brigantin7 
19]  la  Tempete.  Mais  il  n'eut  pas  la  satisfaction  de  les  voir  mettre  II  a  la 

7  Batiment  l^ger,  propre  pour  la  course,  &  qui  va  a  la  rame  &  a  la  voile:  il 
e?t  sans  pout. 


22 

*1744.-ED.  of  October,*  regretted  as  little  as  he  deserved  to  be.  Of  any 
one  else  it  would  be  said  that  death  was  caused  by  chagrin,  but 
that  could  not  rightly  be  imputed  to  him. 

M.  du  Chambon,  Lieutenant  of  the  King,  having  taken  com- 
mand, caused  the  expedition  to  set  out  on  the  twenty-third. 
This  new  commander  could  not  do  otherwise.  The  situation 
was  such  that  it  was  absolutely  necessary  to  send  this  help  to 
the  troops  which  were  supposed  still  to  be  encamped  before 
Annapolis,  where,  in  fact,  they  no  longer  were,  as  the  two 
vessels  perceived  when  they  arrived  before  the  fort.  They  were 
obliged  to  turn  back.  This  armament  was  a  loss,  for  although 
some  prizes  were  taken  on  the  return  voyage,  they  were  not  a 
sufficient  compensation.  If  the  commanders  had  wished  they 
could  have  taken  a  ship  with  a  rich  cargo,  but  they  lost  their 
heads  ;  sad  forecast  of  what  was  to  happen  during  the  siege  ! 

Although  it  was  to  be  expected  that  our  expedition  against 
Acadia  would  succeed,  because  the  enemy  were  very  ill  equipped 
to  resist  us,  it  failed,  and  this  led  them  to  the  conclusion  that  we 
were  either  afraid  or  weak.  They  appear  to  have  decided  from 
this  that  they  ought  to  take  advantage  of  so  favourable  a  cir- 

voile,  e"tant  mort  subitement,  au  mois  d'Octobre,  peu  regrette  &  m^ritant 
peu  de  I'Stre.  On  diroit  de  tout  autre  qu'il  seroit  mort  de  chagrin,  mais 
on  le  lui  imputeroit  a  tort. 

M.  du  Chamban,  Lieutenant  du  Roi,  ayant  pris  le  commandement,  les 
fit  partir  le  vingt-trois.  Ce  nouveau  Commandant  ne  pouvoit  faire  autre- 
ment ;  dans  la  situation  oil  etoient  les  choses,  il  falloit  necessairement 
envoyer  ce  secours  aux  Troupes  que  Ton  supposoit  encore  campees  devant 
le  Port-Royal,  ou  elles  n'etoient  plus,  ainsi  que  les  deux  Vaisseaux  s'en 
appercurent  en  arrivant  sous  le  Fort.  II  fallut  s'en  retourner.  Get  arme- 
ment  fut  perdu  ;  quoiqu'il  fit  quelques  prises  au  retour,  elles  Etoient 
incapables  d'en  d^dommager.  On  auroit  pu  prendre,  si  Ton  eut  voulu,  un 
Navire  richement  charge,  mais  on  perdit  la  tete  :  triste  presage  de  ce  qui 
devoit  arriver  pendant  le  Siege  ! 

L'expedition  de  1'Acadie  manquee,  quoiqu'il  y  eut  tout  a  parier  qu'elle 
20]  reussiroit  par  le  peu  de  forces  que  les  ennemis  avoient  pour  ||  nous 
resister,  leur  fit  faire  de  serieuses  reflexions  sur  notre  crainte,  ou  notre 
foiblesse.  Selon  toutes  les  apparences,  ils  en  conclurent  qu'ils  devoient 


cumstance,  since  from  that  time  they  worked  with  ardour  upon 
the  necessary  military  equipment.  They  did  not  do  as  we  did 
they  helped  each  other.  They  armed  in  all  their  ports,  from 
Acadia  along  the  whole  coast;  they  applied  to  England  ;  they 
sent,  it  is  said,  even  to  Jamaica,  in  order  to  secure  all  the  help 
possible.  The  enterprise  was  planned  prudently  and  they 
laboured  all  the  winter  to  be  ready  at  the  first  fine  weather. 

These  preparations  could  not  be  kept  so  secret  that  something 
did  not  become  known.  From  the  first  moment  we  had  infor- 
mation about  them,  and  in  abundant  time  to  be  able  to  warn 
the  Court  by  means  of  the  two  ships  of  war  which  had  been 
of  so  little  service  to  us,  for  it  is  well  to  record  that  they 
lay  peacefully  in  port  and  did  not  deign  to  go  out  and  give 
chase  to  certain  privateers  which  often  cruised  so  near  that 
they  could'  have  landed  men,  if  they  had  so  wished.  I  was 
many  times  astonished  that  our  ships  did  nothing,  and  was  not 
the  only  inhabitant  to  grumble  at  this  strange  inaction.  Indeed, 
it  appears  that  this  is  common  in  all  our  colonies  in  America 
where  I  have  heard  it  said  that  there  were  the  same  causes  of 
complaint. 

profiter  d'une  aussi  favorable  circonstance,  puisque  des-lors  Us  travaillerent 
avec  ardeur  a  I'armement  qui  leur  etoit  necessaire.  Us  ne  firent  pas  comma 
nous  :  ils  se  preterent  un  secours  mutuel :  on  arma  dans  tous  leurs  Ports, 
depuis  1'Acadie  jusqu'au  bas  de  la  Cote  :  on  depecha  en  Angleterre,  &  on 
envoya,  dit-on,  jusqu'a  la  Jamaique,  afin  d'en  tirer  toua  les  secours  qu'il 
seroit  possible.  Cette  entreprise  fut  concertee  avec  prudence,  &  1'on 
travailla  tout  1'hiver  pour  etre  pret  au  premier  beau  terns. 

Les  preparatifs  n'en  pouvoient  etre  si  secrets,  qu'il  n'en  transpirat 
quelque  chose.  Nous  en  avions  ete  informes  des  les  premiers  instans,  & 
assez  a  teriis  pour  en  pouvoir  donner  avis  a  la  Cour,  par  les  deux  Vaisseaux 
de  guerre  qui  nous  avoient  si  peu  servi ;  car  il  est  bon  de  dire,  que  tran- 
quilles  dans  le  Port,  ils  n'ont  pas  daigne^  sortir  pour  donner  la  chasse  a 
21]  quelques  Corsaires,  qui  venoient  ||  souvent  croiser  jusqu'a  mettre  du 
monde  a  terre,  s'ils  1'eussent  juge  a  propos.  Je  me  suis  plusieurs  fois 
etonue  de  ce  qu'ils  ne  le  faisoient  point,  &  n'ai  pas  et6  le  seul  habitant  qui 
a  murmure  de  cette  etrange  inaction.  Au  reste,  il  semble  que  cela  soit 
commun  a  toutes  nos  Colonies  de  1'Amerique,  ou  j'ai  entendu  dire  qu'on 
y  avoit  les  memes  sujets  de  plaintes. 


24 

We  had  the  whole  winter  before  us — more  time  than  was 
necessary  to  put  ourselves  in  a  state  of  defense.  We  were,  how- 
ever, overcome  with  fear.  Councils  were  held,  but  the  outcome 
was  only  absurd  and  childish.  Meanwhile  the  time  slipped 
away  ;  we  were  losing  precious  moments  in  useless  discussions 
and  in  forming  resolutions  abandoned  as  soon  as  made.  Some 
things  begun  required  completion;  it  was  necessary  to  strengthen 
here,  to  enlarge  there,  to  provide  for  some  posts,  to  visit  all 
those  on  the  island,  to  see  where  a  descent  could  be  made  most 
easily,  to  find  out  the  number  of  persons  in  a  condition  to  bear 
arms,  to  assign  to  each  his  place  ;  in  a  word,  to  show  all  the 
care  and  activity  usual  in  such  a  situation.  Nothing  of  all 
this  was  done,  and  the  result  is  that  we  were  taken  by  sur- 
prise, as  if  the  enemy  had  pounced  upon  us  unawares.  Even 
after  the  first  ships  of  the  enemy  which  blockaded  us  had  come 
we  should  have  had  time  enough  to  protect  ourselves  better 
than  we  did,  for,  as  I  shall  show,  they  appeared  slowly,  one 
after  the  other.  Negligence  and  fatuity  conspired  to  make  us 
lose  our  unhappy  island. 

I  will  now  describe  its  geographical  situation.     Formerly  it 

Nous  eumes  tout  1'hiver  a  nous,  c'etoit  plus  qu'il  n'en  falloit,  pour  nous 
mettre  en  ^tat  de  defense  ;  mais  la  terreur  s'etoit  emparee  des  esprits  :  on 
tenoit  des  conseils,  dont  le  resultat  n'avoit  rien  que  de  bizarre  &  de 
puerile  ;  Dependant  le  terns  s'ecouloit,  nous  perdions  de  precieux  momens 
en  deliberations  inutiles,  &  en  resolutions  presque  aussitot  detruites  que 
prises.  Quelques  ouvrages  demandoient  qu'on  les  parachevat  :  il  en  fal'oit 
renforcer  quelques-uns,  augmenter  quelques  autres,  pourvoir  a  des  postes, 
visiter  tous  ceux  de  1'Isle,  voir  ou  la  descente  etoit  plus  facile,  faire  le 
denombrement  des  personnes  en  etat  de  porter  les  armes,  assigner  a  II 
22]  chacun  son  poste  ;  enfin  se  donner  tous  les  soins  et  les  mouvemens 
ordinaires  en  pareil  cas  :  rien  de  tout  cela  ne  se  faisoit ;  de  sorte  que  nous 
avons  ete^  surpris,  comme  si  1'ennemi  fut  venu  fondre  sur  nous  a  1'impro- 
viste.  Nous  aurions  eu  meme  assez  de  terns  pour  nous  precautionner  mieux 
qu'on  ne  1'a  fait,  depuisle  jour  ou  nous  vimes  paroitreles  premiers  Na vires 
qui  nous  ont  bloques  ;  car  ils  n'y  sont  venus  que  les  uns  apres  les  autres, 
ainsi  que  je  le  dirai  dans  la  suite.  La  negligence  &  la  deraison  avoient 
conjure  la  perte  de  uotre  malheureuse  Isle. 

Je   vais  vous   en   faire   la  description   Ge'ographique.      Elle  portoit 


25 

was  called  Cape  Breton*—  a  name  given  it  by  the  Bretons  who  J 
first  discovered  it,  and  the  English  and  Dutch  still  call  it  by 


this  name.     It  lies  in  north  latitude  45°  40'  and  about  377°  or  calls  it  iiU 

Royale.—^o. 
378°  of  longitude.     It  is  about  one  hundred  leagues  m  circum- 

ference and  is  everywhere  intersected  by  great  bays.  This 
Island  is  now  the  most  considerable  of  those  which  remained 
to  us  about  the  Gulf  of  St.  Lawrence8  since  Louis  XIV  gave 
up  Newfoundland  to  the  English  by  the  Treaty  of  Utrecht  in 
1714  (sic).  Their  wish  to  secure  Newfoundland,  on  account  of 
its  fisheries,  was  so  great  that  it  was  one  of  the  chief  motives 
which  led  them  since  1713  to  abandon  the  Empire  and  Holland, 
and  this  movement,  as  is  well  known,  was  the  salvation  of 
France.  All  this  great  Island  was  almost  wholly  wild  and 
uninhabited.  We  used  it  only  to  provide  a  place  for  the 
settlements'  which  we  were  giving  up  (in  Newfoundland).  We 

8  The  Gulf  of  St.  Lawrence  is  the  entrance  to  the  River  of  that  name  which 
leads  to  Canada.  It  is  the  largest  river  in  the  world,  there  being  pJaces  where  it 
is  upwards  of  five  hundred  leagues  wide. 

[The  Gulf  is  not  BO  wide,  and  the  longitude  is  reckoned  incorrectly,  Cape  Breton 
lying  between  317°  and  ?19°.  From  Paris,  as  now  reckoned,  the  Island  lies  be- 
tween 45°  30'  and  47°  2'  N.  Lat.,  and  between  62°  4'  and  64°  W.  Long.  ;  from  Green- 
wich, between  45°  27'  and  47°  3'  N.  Lat.  and  between  59°  47'  and  61°  32'  W.  Long. 
-Kr>.] 

anciennement  le  nom  de  Cap-Breton,  que  lui  donnerent  ceux  qui  en 
firent  la  de'couverte,  qui  e"toient  des  Bretons.  Les  Anglais  &  les  Hol- 
landais  ne  la  nomment  point  autrement.  Elle  est  situe'e  par  les  quarante- 
cinq  de'gre's,  quarante  minutes  de  latitude  septentrionale,  &  environ  par 
trois  cens  soixante  et  dix-sept,  ou  trois  cens  soixante  et  dix-huit  de  longi- 
tude. Son  e'tendue  est  de  pres  de  cent  lieue's  de  tour,  toute  traversed  || 
23]  de  grandes  Bayes.  Cette  Isle  est  a  present  la  plus  considerable  de  celles 
qui  nous  sont  reste'es  vers  le  Golfe  de  S.  Laurent,3  depuis  1'abandon 
que  Louis  XIV.  a  fait  de  1'Isle  de  Terre-Neuve  aux  Anglois,  par  le  Traite1  de 
paix  conclrf  avec  eux  a  Utrecht,  en  17  14  (sic).  Us  avoient  un  si  grand  de'sir 
de  posseder  Terre-Neuve,  a  cause  de  la  peche,  que  ce  fut  un  des  princi- 
paux  motifs  qui  les  engagerent  a  abandonner,  des  1713,  I'Empire  &  la 
Hollande,  ce  qui  a  e'te',  comme  on  le  scait,  le  salut  de  la  France.  Toute 
cette  grande  Isle  e'toit  presque  inculte  &  d^serte  :  nous  ne  I'habitames  que 
pour  nous  tenir  lieu  des  4tablissemens  que  nous  abandonnions  ;  alors  elle 

8  Le  Golfe  de  S.  Laurent  est  I'entre'e  du  fleuve  de  ce  nom,  qui  conduit  au 
Canada  :  C  est  le  plus  grand  fleuve  du  monde,  y  ayant  des  endroits  ou  il  a  jusqu'a 
500.  Hems  de  large. 


26 

gave  it  then  the  name  Isle  Royale  and  the  town  built  there 
was  called  Louisbourg.  The  island  lies  but  two  leagues  distant 
from  Acadia,  from  which  it  is  separated  only  by  the  Strait  of 
Canso.  The  nearer  the  English  were  to  us,  the  more  reason 
was  there  that  we  should  fortify  this  new  establishment  to 
protect  it  from  attack,  for  the  English  are  so  jealous  that  they 
are  impatient  of  our  being  near  them.  They  wished  to 
have  a  monopoly  of  the  cod  fishery,  which  is  a  most  import- 
ant trade,  as  experience  should  have  convinced  us. 

This  was  not  all.  It  was  necessary  that  we  should  retain  a 
position  that  would  make  us  at  all  times  masters  of  the  entrance 
to  the  River  which  leads  to  New  France.9  Our  considerable 
settlements  in  Canada  imposed  this  law  upon  us ;  besides,  it  is 
absolutely  necessary,  in  those  dangerous  waters  where  the 
storms  are  very  wild,  to  have  a  port  of  refuge. 

The  Court,  seeing  the  force  of  these  reasons,  neglected 
nothing  to  make  the  Island  formidable  to  any  one  who  should 
wish  to  attack  it.  The  outlay  was  enormous  and  there  is 

0  New  France  simply  means  the  sum  of  all  that  we  hold  in  Canada.  We  hare 
been  in  possession  for  nearly  two  hundred  years. 

prit  le  nom  d'Isle-Royale,  &  la  Ville  qu'on  y  batit,  celui  de  Louisbourg. 
Elle  n'est  situe'e  qu'a  deux  lieues  de  1'Acadie,  dont  elle  n'est  separe'e  que 
24]  par  le  de'troit  de  Canceaux.  PJus  les  Anglois  II  6toient  pres  de  noun, 
&  plus  il  nous  fallut  songer  a  fortifier  ce  nouvel  ^tablissement,  pour  le 
mettre  a  couvert  d'insulte  ;  car  telle  esfc  la  jalousie  des  Anglais,  qu'ils 
suportent  impatiemment  notre  voisina^e.  Us  voudroient  joiiir  seuls  de 
la  peche  de  la  morue,  dont  le  Commerce  eat  d'une  extreme  importance, 
comme  1'experience  a  du  nous  en  convaincre. 

Ce  n'etoit  pas  tout.  II  falloit  penser  a  nous  conserver  un  poste,  pour 
etre  en  tout  terns,  les  maitres  de  1'entr^e  du  fleuve  qui  mene  k  la  Nouvelle 
Frame0  Les  eiablissemens  considerables  que  nous  avions  au  Canada, 
nous  imposoient  cette  Loi :  C'est  d'ailleurs  une  necessity  indispensable 
d'avoir  ou  relacher  dans  des  Mers  dangeVeuses,  qu'habitent  les  vents  les 
plus  imp^tueux. 

La  Cour  entrant  dans  ces  considerations,  n'a  rien  n^giige  pour  rendre 
25]  cette  Isle  formidable  a  qui  vou||droit  1'attaquer.  Elle  y  a  fait  des 

9  La  Nauvelle  France  n'est  autre  chose  que  la  reunion  de  tout  ce  que  noua 
posse'dons  danu  le  Canada.  II  y  a  pres  de  200.  ana  que  nous  en  sommes  en  pos- 


27 

scarcely  a  place  which  has  cost  the  Court  so  much.  It  is 
certain  that  more  than  twenty  millions  were  spent  upon  it. 
This  was  not,  assuredly,  because  of  any  return  from  the  colony, 
which  is  much  more  a  burden  than  a  source  of  profit ;  but  its 
usefulness  to  us  is  so  great  that  France  should  sacrifice  every- 
thing to  get  it  back  again  out  of  the  hands  of  the  English- 
It  protects  our  whole  commerce  in  North  America,  and  is  also 
not  less  important  for  that  which  we  carry  on  in  the  South, 
for,  if  the  French  held  no  place  in  this  part  of  the  North, 
vessels  returning  from  Saint  Domingo  or  Martinique  would 
not,  even  in  time  of  peace,  be  safe  upon  the  Banks  of  New- 
foundland. It  is  well  known  what  the  practice  of  the  English 
is ;  the  majority  of  them  are  engaged  in  piracy  and  the 
colonies  most  difficult  of  access  are  always  for  them  the  resort 
of  sea-robbers  and  thieves,  who  plunder  all  the  more  securely 
because  they  receive  underhand  encouragement  from  their  Gov- 
ernors. These  have  no  scruple  that  restrains  the  wish  to  enrich 
themselves  quickly,  and  in  this  they  surpass  even  our  Governors. 
Louisbourg  is  built  upon  a  tongue  of  land  which  stretches 
out  into  the  sea  and  gives  the  town  an  oblong  shape.  It  is 

depenses  immenses,  &  n'a  gueVes  de  places  qui  lui  aient  autant  coute.  II 
est  constant  qu'elle  doit  y  avoir  employe  plus  de  vingt  millions.  Ce  n'est 
pas  assurement  que  cette  colonie  soit  d'aucun  rapport :  elle  est  beaucoup 
plus  &,  charge  qu'a  profit  ;  mais  elle  est  d'une  si  grande  utilite,  que  la 
France  doit  necessairement  tout  sacrifier  pour  la  retirer  des  mains  des 
Anglais.  Elle  protege  tout  notre  commerce  dans  1'Amerique  Septentrion- 
ale,  &  n'est  pas  moins  de  consequence  pour  celui  que  nous  faisons  dans 
la  Meridionals,  parce  que  les  Francais  n'ayant  plus  rien  dans  cette  partie 
du  Nord,  leura  Vaisseaux  revenant  de  saint  Domingue  ou  de  la  Martini- 
que, ne  seront  plus  en  suret^  sur  le  bane  de  Terre-Neuve,  merne  en  terns 
de  paix.  On  sqait  asses  quelle  est  la  coutume  des  Anglais  :  Adonnes  la 
plupart  a  la  Piraterie,  les  colonies  du  plus  difficile  acces  sont  toujours 
pour  eux  des  repaires  de  forbans  &  de  voleurs,  qui  pillent  d'autant  plus 
surement,  qu'ils  sont  appuyes  sous  main  par  les  Gouverneurs,  qui  n'ont 
26]  pas  tous  le  scrupule  de  se  refu||ser  au  desir  de  s'enrichir  prompte- 
ment ;  en  quoi  ils  1'emportent  sur  les  notres. 

La  Ville   de   LouMourg  a   ete   batie   sur  une  langue   de  terre,  qui 
s'avance  dens  la  mer,  et  la  rend   de  figure  oblongue,     Elle  peut  avoir 


28 

about  half  a  league  in  circumference.  The  land  is  marshy. 
The  houses  are,  for  the  most  part,  of  wood ;  those  of  stone 
have  been  built  at  the  King's  expense  and  are  designed  to 
lodge  His  Majesty's  troops  and  officers.  To  understand  what  the 
place  must  have  cost  one  need  only  know  that  it  was  necessary 
to  bring  from  France  all  the  material  for  these  houses,  as 
well  as  that  for  the  works  of  the  place,  which  are  considerable. 
The  Dauphin's  Bastion  is  very  fine,  as  is  also  the  King's. 
There  is,  too,  a  work  called  the  Battery  la  Grave  and  a 
crenellated  wall  dominated  by  two  cavaliers,  with  a  wide  view 
and  a  long  range.  Besides  this,  all  around  the  town  at  the 
projecting  and  re-entering  angles,  are  a  variety  of  batteries  of 
three  or  four  guns,  which  were  very  effective  during  the 
siege.  The  King  supports  the  greater  part  of  the  inhabi- 
tants ;  the  remainder  live  by  fishing,  and  there  are  few  well- 
to-do  among  them.  On  the  Island  are  a  number  of  vil- 
lages in  which  a  good  many  poor  people,  chiefly  fishermen, 
are  established. 

It  would  not  be  difficult  to  improve  this  colony.     It  is  only 
necessary  that  His  Majesty  should  begin  ship-building.    Timber 

demie-lieue  de  circuit.  Son  terrein  est  marecageux.  Les  maisons  y  sont 
pour  la  plupart  de  bois,  celles  de  pierres  ont  ete  construites  aux  depens 
du  Boi,  &  sont  destinees  pour  loger  les  troupes  &  les  Officiers  de  SA 
MAJEST^  Pour  comprendre  combien  cela  a  du  couter,  il  ne  faut  que 
sgavoir  qu'on  a  ete  oblige  de  transporter  de  France  tous  les  materiaux 
qui  ont  servi  k  leur  construction,  de  meme  qu'aux  ouvrages  de  la  place, 
qui  sont  considerables.  Le  Bastion  Dauphin  est  fort  beau,  aussi  bien 
que  celui  du  Roi.  On  y  voit  encore  un  ouvrage  appelW  la  piece  de  la 
Grave,  &  un  mur  cr<$nell6,  sur  lequel  regnent  deux  Cavaliers  dont  la  vue 
est  tres  eiendue,  et  qui  peuvent  battre  loin.  II  y  a  outre  cela,  tout  au 
tour  de  la  Ville,  dans  des  Angles  saillans  &  rentrans,  diverses  batteries  de 
27]  trois  ou  quatre  canons,  qui  n'ont  pas  Iaiss4  II  de  faire  un  grand  effet 
durant  le  Siege.  Le  Roi  nourrit  la  plus  grande  partie  des  habitans  Le 
reste  subsiste  par  la  Peche,  &  il  y  en  a  fort  peu  de  riches.  L'Isle  con- 
tient  plusieurs  bourgades,  ou  une  multitude  de  pauvres  gena  s'est  4tablie, 
presque  tous  pecheurs. 

II  ne  seroit  pas  bien  difficile  de  rendre  cette  colonie  meilleure,  SA 
MAJESTY  n'a  pour  cet  effet,  qu'a  y  faire  construire  des  Vaisseaux.     Les 


29 

for  the  purpose  is  abundant ;  all  the  inhabitants  would  have  a 
useful  occupation,  and  the  advantage  to  the  state  would  be 
that  we  should  no  longer  have  need  to  buy  timber  at  great 
cost  from  the  peoples  of  Northern  Europe.  It  was  shown  in 
the  case  of  the  Caribou,10  a  vessel  built  in  Canada,  that  the 
woods  of  Northern  America  are  lighter  and  therefore  better 
for  the  speed  of  a  vessel.  It  is  for  this  reason  that  the  people 
of  New  England  have  such  fast  ships.  Would  it  be  less  possible 
for  us  to  succeed  in  this  ?  We  could  even  make  the  pieces 
necessary  for  the  construction  of  a  vessel  and  take  them  to 
France  numbered.  The  English,  more  ingenious  than  we, 
have  adopted  this  plan  and  it  works  well.  Why  do  we  not 
imitate  them  ?  Our  navy  would  soon  be  equal  to  theirs  and 
we  should  no  longer  see  them  so  arrogant  in  their  prosperity ; 
but  we  let  t>hem  take  advantage  of  our  weakness,  and,  while  we 
check  them  upon  land,  upon  the  sea  they  avenge  themselves  by 
destroying  our  commerce.  Where  is  the  navy  of  Louis  the  Great  ? 

10  The  Karibou  or  Caribou  is  an  animal  of  North  America  very  similar  to  the 
deer,  having  the  same  swiftness  and  agility.  Like  the  deer,  it  has  horns  upon  the 
head,  but  these  are  different  from  those  of  the  European  animal ;  it  is  covered  with 
long  hair. 

bois  de  construction  n'y  sont  point  rares  :  tout  le  monde  s'occuperoit 
utilement,  &  1'Etat  y  gagneroit  que  nous  n'aurions  plus  besoin  des  bois 
quo  fournissent  a  grands  frais  les  peuples  du  Nord  de  1'Europe.  On  a 
eprouv6  dans  le  Karibou,10  Vaisseau  construit  au  Canada,  que  les  bois 
du  Nord  de  I'Amerique,  sont  beaucoup  plus  legers,  &  par  consequent 
28]  plus  propres  pour  la  marche  II  d'un  Vaisseau.  C'est  par  cette  raison, 
que  les  habitans  de  le  nouvelle  Angleterre  ont  des  Navires  qui  marchent 
si  bien.  Nous  seroit-il  moins  possible  d'y  reussir  ?  On  pourroit  encore 
y  faire  travailler  toutes  les  pieces  essentielles  a  la  construction  d'un 
Navire,  &  on  les  apporteroit  en  France  numerotees.  Les  Anglais,  plus 
ingenieux  q.ue  nous,  se  servent  de  cette  raethode,  et  s'en  sont  bien  trouves. 
Pourquoi  ne  les  imitons-nous  pas.  Notre  Marine  repondroit  bien-tot  h  la 
leur,  &  nous  ne  les  verrions  plus  si  arrogans  dans  la  prosperite.  Mais  on 
les  laisse  abuser  de  notre  foiblesse  ;  &  tandis  que  nous  reprimons  leur 
orgueil  sur  terre,  ils  s'en  vengent  sur  la  mer,  en  desolant  notre  commerce. 
Ou  est  la  Marine  du  regne  de  Louis  LE  GRAND  ? 

10  Le  Kanbou,  ou  Caribou,  est  vm  animal  de  1'Ame'rique  Soptentrionale, 
semblable  a  peu-pres  au  Cerf,  dpnt  il  a  la  vltesse  &  I'agilite' :  11  porte  un  bois  sur 
la  t6te,  comme  le  Cerf,  maie  different  de  celui  de  cet  animal  d'Europe ;  il  est 
couvert  de  grands  pails. 


30 

The  outworks  of  Louisburg  are  not  inferior  to  those  within. 
A  place  so  important,  had  it  been  well  supplied  and  defended, 
would  have  brought  to  the  English  the  same  humiliation  that 
*  Admiral  Ver-  they    found  before  Cartagena.* 

-non  with  a 

considerable         The  Royal  Battery  is  about  a  quarter  of  a  league  distant 
attacked  Cart-  from  the  town.      This  battery  had  at  first  forty  pieces  of 

agena  un- 
successfully in  artillery,  but  the  embrasures  being  too  near  to  one  another,  M. 

du  Quesnel  very  wisely  had  it  rebuilt,  and  the  number  of 
pieces  reduced  to  thirty,  of  which  twenty-eight  are  thirty -six- 
pounders  ;  two  eighteen-pounders  command  the  sea,  the  town, 
and  the  head  of  the  bay. 

The  Island  Battery,  at  the  entrance,  protects  the  harbour, 
and  as  it  was  trained  at  the  level  of  the  water  no  ship  could  enter 
without  being  sunk.  It  is  placed  opposite  the  Lighthouse  Tower,11 
which  is  on  the  other  side,  on  the  mainland.  This  battery  has 
thirty-six  twenty-four-pounders. 

The  entrance  to  the  harbour  is  further  protected  by  a  Cava- 

11  Its  name  indicates  its  use.  It  is  intended  to  give  light  to  vessels,  and  a  fire 
is  lit  there  every  night. 

Les  ouvrages  du  dehors  de  Louisbourg  ne  sont  point  inferieurs  a  ceux 
du  dedans.  Une  Place  de  cette  importance,  bien  pourvue  et  bien 
defendue,  auroit  fait  essuyer  aux  Anglais,  le  meme  affront  que  devant 
Carthagene. 

La  Batlerie  Royals  est  a  environ  un  quart  de  lieue  de  distance  de  la  || 
29]  Ville.  Cette  batterie  etoit  premierement  de  quarante  pieces  de 
canons  ;  mais  les  embrasures  etant  trop  proches  les  unes  des  autres, 
M.  du  Quesnel,  bien  conseille,  1'avoit  fait  rebatir,  &  reduire  a  trente, 
dont  vingt-huit  sont  de  36.  livres  de  balle,  &  deux  de  18.  elle  commande  la 
Mer,  la  Ville  &  le  fond  de  la  Baye. 

La  Batterie  de  I'Isle  de  I'Entree  defend  le  Port,  et  battant  a  fleur 
d'eau,  ne  permet  pas  qu'il  y  puisse  entrer  de  Batiment  sans  etre  coule  a 
fond.  Elle  est  placee  vis-a-vis  la  Tour  de  la  Lanterne,11  qui  est  de 
1'autre  cote^  sur  la  Grand'terre.  Cette  Batterie  est  de  trente-six  canons, 
du  calibre  de  24  livres  de  balle. 

L'Entree  du  Port   est   encore  protegee   par  un  Cavalier,   nomm6  le 


1 '  Son  noni  annonce  sou  usage :  Elle  est  dest  inee  a  e'clairer  les  vaisseaux,  & 
Ton  y  allume  un  feu  tous  les  soirs. 


31 

Her,  called  the  Maurepas  Bastion,  which  has  twelve  embrasures, 
but  no  cannon  had  been  placed  there,  either  because  it  was  not 
thought  to  be  needful,  or  because  it  was  regarded  as  wasteful  to 
multiply  the  possibilities  of  a  too-rapid  consumption  of  gun- 
powder, of  which  a  deficiency  was  feared. 

Such  were  the  fortifications  of  Louisbourg,  upon  which 
M.  de  Verville,  an  able  engineer,  had  commenced  to  work,  but, 
being  appointed  Chief  Engineer  at  Valenciennes,  he  was  suc- 
ceeded by  men  who  had  never  been  engaged  in  war  and  were 
rather  architects  than  engineers. 

Let  us  look  now  at  the  forces  in  the  town.     First  of  all  was 
the  Garrison  composed  of  eight  companies  of  seventy  men  each, 
including,  it  must  be  admitted,  the  sick,  who  were  very  num- 
erous.    In  the  second  place,  five  or  six  hundred  militia  taken 
from  the  settlers  of  the  neighbourhood  were  brought  in,  and 
these,  added  to  the  force  in  the  town,  made  up  from  thirteen  to 
fourteen  hundred  men.     The  militia  could  have  been  increased 
by  three  or  four  hundred  men  who  were  at  Niganiche*  and  in  the  *  The  modem 
neighbourhood,  but  action  was  taken  too  late;  communication  -ED. 
was  cut  off  by  the  time  it  was  decided  to  send  for  them. 

dataller  de  Maurepas,  qui  a  douze  embrasures  ;  mais  on  n'y  avoit  point 
mis  de  canon,  soit  que  Ton  crut  n'en  avoir  pas  de  besoin,  soit  que  Ton 
30]  regardat  comme  inutile  de  II  multiplier  ce  que  pouvoit  aider  a  une 
trop  prompte  cousommation  de  la  poudre,  dont  on  craignoit  de  manquer. 

Voila  quelles  etoient  les  fortifications  de  Louisbourg,  ausquelles  Mr. 
de  Verville,  Ingenieur  habile,  avoit  commence  de  faire  travailler  ;  mais, 
ayant  e'te'  nomme  Ingenieur  en  Chef  a  Valenciennes,  on  mit  en  sa  place 
des  gens  qui  n'avoient  jamais  e'te  a  la  guerre,  et  qui  Etoient  plus  Archi- 
tectes  qu'  Ingenieurs.  Voyons  maintenant  quelles  en  etoient  les  forces. 

Premierement  la  Garnison  etoit  composee  de  huit  Compagnies  de 
soixante  &  'dix  hommes  chacune,  y  compris,  a  la  verite^  les  malades,  qui 
etoient  en  fort  grand  nombre. 

En  second  lieu,  on  fit  venir  cinq  a  six  cens  Miliciens  ou  Habitans  des 
environs  ;  ce  qui,  avec  ceux  de  la  Ville,  pouvoit  former  treize  a  quatorze 
cens  hommes. 

On  auroit  pu  grossir  cette  Milice  de  trois  ou  quatre  cens  hommes,  qui 
Etoient  a  Niganiche  &  aux  environs  :  mais  on  s'y  prit  trop  tard  ;  les 
31]  passages  se  trouverent  bouch^s,  lors||qu'on  se  de'termina  a  les  envoyer 
chercher. 


32 

The  supply  of  munitions  of  war  and  of  food  in  the  place 
was  greater  than  has  been  made  known,  especially  of  food, 
of  which  there  was  enough  to  enable  us  to  hold  out  longer 
than  we  did.  I  will  give  proof  of  this  if  it  is  demanded.  More- 
over, who  kept  any  deficiency  from  being  remedied  in  good  time? 
The  munitions  of  war  were  in  like  case.  Since  we  were  long 
threatened  with  a  siege  it  was  necessary  to  retrench  in  every- 
thing and  to  live  as  if  scarcity  already  existed.  Powder  should 
not  have  been  wasted  in  enterprises  the  more  foolish 
because,  even  when  accomplished,  they  would  not  have  made 
our  condition  less  serious ;  besides  these  deprived  us  of 
what  might  have  been  our  salvation.  A  prudent  commander 
before  undertaking  anything  would  have  weighed  the  matter 
carefully,  but  our  commander  was  the  very  one  that  did  not  do 
this.  Nevertheless  we  had  still  powder  enough  to  last  a  long 
time,  if  they  had  known  how  to  economize.  From  what  I  am 
about  to  narrate  it  will  be  seen  how  it  was  wasted. 

Although  we  had  some  regular  troops  we  had  little  reason  to 
depend  upon  them.  An  incident  which  happened  on  December 

Les  munitions  de  guerre  et  de  bouche  y  i5toient  en  plus  grande  quan- 
tite  qu'on  ne  1'a  publie\  surtout  les  dernieres,  dont  il  y  avoit  une  provision 
suffisante  pour  tenir  plus  tong-tems  qu'on  ne  1'a  fait.  J'en  donnerois  la 
preuve,  si  j'en  £tois  requis.  Au  reste,  qui  empechoit  qu'on  n'y  eut 
rem£di6  de  longue  main  ?  Les  munitions  de  guerre  sont  dans  le  meme 
cas  :  des  que  nous  (itions  depuis  long-terns  menaces  d'un  siege,  il  falloit 
se  retraneher  tout,  &  vivre  comme  si  des-lors  nous  eussions  et£  en  disette. 
A  regard  de  la  poudre,  il  ne  la  falloit  point  perdre  dans  des  entreprises 
d'autant  plus  folles,  que  quand  nous  en  serions  venus  a  bout,  elles  ne  nous 
seroient  pas  moins  devenues  funestes,  puisqu'elles  nous  privoient  de  ce 
qui  pouvoit  faire  notre  conservation.  C'etoit  a  uii  Commandant  prudent, 
avant  que  de  rien  entreprendre,  de  se  livrer  a  d'utiles  reflexions  :  mais 
notre  Gouverneur  etoit  le  seul  qui  n'en  fit  point.  Malgre  cela,  nous 
32]  avions  encore  de  la  poudre  pour  long-terns,  II  si  Ton  eut  sc.u  la  manager. 
On  verra,  par  ce  que  je  vais  raconter,  de  quelle  maniere  elle  etoit 
prodiguee. 

Quoique  nous  eussions  des  troupes  reglees,  nous  n'avions  pas  sujet  de 
compter  sur  elles.  Une  certaine  avanture,  arrived  le  vingt-sept  du  mois  de 


33 

27th  was  well  fitted  to  lessen  our  confidence  if  we  had  had 
any.  I  will  tell  what  it  was.  I  am  not  too  well  posted  as  to  how 
the  Court  would  have  taken  the  outburst,  but  it  is  certain  that 
so  bad  an  example  remaining  unpunished  was  fitted  to  have 
dangerous  consequences.  The  Swiss  who  are  in  our  Colonies 
would  not  fail  on  occasion  to  take  advantage  of  the  precedent. 

Military  discipline  and  the  subordination  that  soldiers  owe  to 
officers  had  been  so  badly  maintained  by  our  late  Governor  that 
the  most  mischievous  results  followed.  The  day  after  Christ- 
mas, that  of  the  festival  of  Saint  Stephen,  the  Swiss  revolted 
and  had  the  insolence  to  come  out  without  officers,  drums  beat- 
ing, bayonets  fixed,  and  swords  in  hand.  The  officers  who  tried 
to  restrain  them  were  bitterly  enraged  at  this,  and  the  matter 
reached  such  a  point  that  those  who  wished  to  approach  them 
were  aimed  at  and  very  nearly  lost  their  lives  ;  they  would 
certainly  have  done  so  if  prudence  had  not  been  used.  The 
French  soldiers  were  as  bad  and  mutinied  also;  it  went  so  far 
that  the  whole  town  was  in  alarm,  not  knowing  where  the 
revolt  would  end.  The  greatness  of  the  peril  (for  it  is  certain 
that  they  would  have  sacked  everything  if  they  had  only 

Decembre,  etoit  bien  propre  a  diminuer  notre  confiance,  si  nous  en  avions 
eue.  Voici  ce  que  c'est.  Je  ne  SQais  trop  comment  la  Cour  aura  pris  cette 
incartade  ;  mais  il  est  certain  qu'nn  tel  exemple  pourroit  etre  d'une 
dangereuse  consequence,  demeurant  impuni.  Lea  Suisses  qui  sont  dans 
nos  Colonies,  ne  manqueroient  point  de  s'en  autorizer  quelquefois. 

La  discipline  militaire  &  la  subordination  que  les  Soldats  doivent  aux 
Officiers,  avoient  ete  si  mal  maintenues  par  notre  clefunt  Gouverneur,  qu'il 
en  resulta  le  plus  facheux  inconvenient.  Le  jour  de  la  Fete  de  S.  Etienne, 
lendemain  de  Noel,  les  Suisses  se  revolterent,  &ayant  pris  les  armes, 
eurent  1'insolence  de  paroitre  sans  Officiers,  tambours  battans,  la  bayon. 
33]  nete  au  bout  du  fusil  &  1'epee  a  la  main.  Les  Ofl|ficiers  qui  se 
prfeenterent  pour  les  retenir,  en  furent  cruellment  offenses,  jusques-la 
que  ceux  qui  voulurent  avancer  sur  eux,  penserent  y  perdre  la  vie,  ayant 
6te  couches  en  joue ;  ce  qui  seroit  infailliblement  arrive,  si  Ton  n'avoit  use 
de  prudence.  Les  Soldats  Francais  en  firent  autant,  &  se  mutinerent 
aussi ;  de  fa§on  que  toute  la  Ville  6toit  dans  I'allarme,  ne  sgachant  point  ;v 
quoi  aboutiroit  cette  revolte.  La  grandeur  du  peril  (car  il  est  assure  qu'ils 
auroient  tout  saccage,  s'ils  avoient  seulement  blesse  1'un  de  leurs  Officiers ; 
3 


34 

wounded  one  of  their  officers  ;  they  have  had  the  effrontery  to 
boast  of  this  since)  led  to  conciliation  which  calmed  the  muti- 
neers. It  was  promised  that  their  grievances  should  be 
removed.  These  were  that  the  best  things  were  sold  to  the 
settlers.  It  was  a  question  of  the  butter  and  bacon  which 
the  King  furnishes; — behold  the  object  of  the  mutiny!  The 
mutineers  did  not  complain  of  the  bread  nor  of  any  other  pro- 
visions.12 Possibly  they  had  some  cause  of  complaint,13  but 
their  bad  conduct  ought  nevertheless  to  have  been  punished. 
Their  offence  is  too  striking  to  be  overlooked."  Presumably 
they  would  have  been  punished  if  it  could  have  been  done  with 
safety,  but  their  judges  were  none  of  the  bravest.  In  the  end 
they  were  induced  to  lay  down  their  arms.  The  incident  cost 
the  King  seven  or  eight  thousand  livres.  The  rebels,  taking 

1  *  Some  say  that  they  complained  also  about  the  beans ;— but  their  greatest 
grievance  was  about  the  codfish,  taken  as  booty  at  Canso,  which  M.  du  Quesnel 
had  promised  to  them,  and  which  the  officers  had  appropriated  to  themselves,  for 
a  low  price  at  long  credit.  Some  of  these  knew  how  to  enrich  themselves  by 
trade. 

13  It  is  certain  that  the  officers  treated  the  soldier  badly,  reckoning  his  pay 
fraudulently,  and  often  making  a  profit  out  of  his  work.    These  soldiers  worked 
upon  the  fortifications  and  ought  to  have  been  paid. 

14  I  learn  at  this  moment  that  orders  from  the  Court  have  come,  and  that  the 
Three  were     guilty  will  be  arraigned.    They  will  be  severely  punished.* 

executed  and 

ished™  ^cll      ^s  ont  eu  l'6^1'011'*™  de  s'en  vanter  depuis)  fit  reoourir  a  des  voyes  de 

lion  de  Afanu-  douceur,  qui  ramenerent  ces  Mutins  :  on   promit  de   faire  cesser  leurs 

262%    u  :      plaintes,  qui  consistoient  a  dire   que  Ton  vendoit  oe  qu'il  y  avoit  de 

1884).— ED.  '     meilleur  aux  habitans  ;  il   s'agissoit  du  beurre  &   du   lard   que   le  Roi 

fournit :  Voila  1'objet  de  la  rebellion  ;  les  Mutins  ne  se  plaignoient  ni  du 

pain    ni  d'aucune   autre  fourniture1".      Us   pouvoient  peut-otre  II  avoir 

34]   raison13   mais  leur  demarche  n'en  meritoit  pas  moins  d'etre  punie. 

Ce  crime  est  trop    interessant  pour   etre    oublie^14     II  est    ;'i   presumer 

qu'ils  eussent  ete  chaties,  si  on  1'eut  pu  en  sure^  ;    mais  leurs  Juges 

n'^toient  pas  les  plus  forts.     On  parvint  enfin  a  leur  faire  poser  les  armes. 

II  en  couta  au  Roi  sept  a  huit  mille  livres.     Ces  R^belles  se  preValant  de 

19  Quelques-uns  disent  qu'ils  se  plaignoient  aussi  des  feves ;  mais  leur  plus 
grand  grief  etoit  la  morue  pilli;e  a  Canceaux,  qui  leur  avoit  ete  promise  par  M.  du 
Quesnel,  &  que  les  Officiers  s'etoieut  fait  adjuger  pour  un  prix  modique  &  a  de 
longs  termes.  II  y  en  a  qui  ont  su  s'enriohir  dans  ce  commerce. 

13  II  est   certain   que   les   Officiers    traitoient  durement   le   Soldat,    ne   lui 
rendant  qu'un  compte  infide'le  de  sa  solde,  &  profitant  souvent  de  son  travail :  Ce 
sont  les  Soldats  qui  travaillent  aux  fortifications,  &  qui  doivent  etre  pay^s. 

14  J'apprens  dans  le  moment,  qu'il  est  arriv^  des  ordres  de  la  Cour,  &  qu'on 
va  instruire  le  proces  des  coupables.    On  les  decimera. 


35 

advantage  of  the  fear  in  which  they  were  held,  proceeded  the 
next  day  to  the  commissary's  door  and  under  frivolous  pretexts 
such  as  that  their  money  had  been  previously  kept  backi 
caused  themselves  to  be  paid  all  that  they  wished  and  to  be 
reimbursed  even  for  their  clothing.  So  ended  the  matter 
without  the  bloodshed  that  had  been  feared. 

Troops  with  so  little  discipline  were  scarcely  able  to  inspire 
us  with  confidence ;  we  therefore  did  not  think  it  well  to  make 
any  sorties,  fearing  that  such  men  might  range  themselves  on 

the  side  of  the  enemy.*     If  anything  can  justify  us,  certainly  *Two  of  the 

Swiss  deserted 
it  is  the  foresight   that  we  showed  in   this   connection.     In  to  the  English 

justice   to  them,  indeed,  it  ought   to   be   said  that  they   did  siege.    Coiiec- 
their  duty  well  throughout  the  siege ;  but  who  knows  whether  SCnts  III : 
they  would  have  still  done  this  if  an  opportunity  had  offered  1884).— ^D?' 
to  escape   from  the  punishment  of  a  crime  which  is  rarely 
pardoned  ?     I  confess  that  I  thought  it  only  natural  to  distrust 
them. 

The   enemy    appeared    in    March,   a    month    usually    ex- 1745 
tremely  dangerous   in   a   climate   which   seems  to   confound 
the  seasons,  for  the  spring,  everywhere  else  so  pleasant,  there 

ce  qu'on  les  apprehendoit,  reparurent  le  lendemain  a  la  ports  du  Commis- 
36]  saire  ;  et  sous  des  pr^textes  II  frivoles,  d'argent  qu'on  leur  avoit, 
di»oient-ils,  autrefois  retenu  ;  ils  se  firent  payer  tout  ce  qu'ils  voulurent, 
et  rembourser  jusqu'a  leurs  habits.  Ainsi  finit  cette  sc^ne,  sans  qu'il  y 
eut  eu  de  sang  repandu,  quoiqu'on  1'eHt  craint. 

Des  Troupes  si  peu  disciplines  n'etoient  gueVes  capables  de  nous 
inspirer  de  la  confiance  :  aussi  ne  jugeames-nous  point  a  propos  de  faire 
des  sorties,  par  la  crainte  que  de  telles  gens  ne  se  rangeassent  du  cot6  de 
nos  ennemis.  Si  quelque  chose  peut  nous  justifier,  c'est  certainement  la 
sagesse  que  nous  avons  montr4  en  cette  rencontre.  On  leur  doit,  a  la 
verite,  la  justice  d'avouer  qu'elles  ont  bien  fait  leur  devoir  pendant  le 
siege  ;  mais  qui  sgait  si  elles  en  eussent  use  de  meme,  trouvant  1'occasion 
de  se  soustraire  au  chatiment  d'un  crime  qui  se  pardonne  rarement  ?  Pour 
moi,  je  decidai  qu'il  6toit  naturel  de  s'en  defier. 

Les  Ennemis  parurent  en  Mars,  mois  qui  a  accoutume  d'etre 
tres  critique,  sous  un  climat  qui  semble  confondre  les  Saisons ;  car 
36]  le  Printems,  si  agr^able  par-tout  ailleurs,  II  y  est  affreux.  Mais  les 


36 

is  frightful.  The  English,  however,  appeared  to  have  enlisted 
Heaven  in  their  interests.  So  long  as  the  expedition  lasted 
they  enjoyed  the  most  beautiful  weather  in  the  world,  and 
this  greatly  favoured  an  enterprise  against  which  were  heavy 
odds  that  it  would  fail  on  account  of  the  season.  Contrary  to 
what  is  usual  there  were  no  storms.  Even  the  winds,  so  unre- 
strained in  those  dreadful  seas  (ParagesK)  in  the  months  of 
March,  April,  and  May,  were  to  them  always  favourable  ;  the 
fogs  (Brumes16)  so  thick  and  frequent  in  these  months 
that  ships  are  in  danger  of  running  upon  the  land  without 
seeing  it,  disappeared  earlier  than  usual,  and  gave  place  to  a 
clear  and  serene  sky ;  in  a  word,  the  enemy  had  always 
beautiful  weather,  as  fine  as  they  could  desire. 

March  On  the  14th  March  we  saw  the  first  hostile  ships.  There 
14  were  as  yet  only  two,  and  at  first  we  took  them  for  French 
vessels,  but  the  manoeuvres  soon  undeceived  us.  Their  num- 
ber increased  day  by  day  and  ships  continued  to  arrive 
until  the  end  of  May.  For  a  long  time  they  cruised  about 
without  attempting  anything.  The  general  rendezvous  was 

1 "  Pa  ray  c  used  in  a  nautical  sense  means  a  certain  extent  of  sea. 
16  Brume  in  a  nautical  sense  is  what  is  called  Srouillard  ou  land. 

Anglais  paroissoient  avoir  mis  le  Ciel  dans  leurs  interets.  Tant  qu'a  dnre 
leur  expedition,  ils  ont  joui  du  plus  beau  terns  du  monde :  c'est  ce  qui  a 
favorisd  leur  entreprise,  dans  laquelle  il  y  avoit  tout  a  parier  qu'ils  echotie- 
roient,  par  raport  a  la  saison.  Point  de  tempetes,  centre  1'ordinaire  ;  les 
vents  meme,  si  dechaines  dans  ces  horribles  parages,15  au  mois  de  Mars, 
d'Avril  &  de  Mai,  leur  ont  toujours  ete  favorables  ;  les  brumes16  si 
epaisses  &  si  frequentes  en  ces  mois-la,  qui  exposent  les  Navires  k  se 
briser  contre  la  terre  sans  la  voir,  s'etoient  retirees  plutot  que  de  coutume, 
pour  faire  place  k  un  Ciel  clair  &  serain  :  enfin  1'ennemi  a  toujours  eu  un 
terns  a  souhait,  &  aussi  beau  qu'il  1'ait  pu  desirer. 

Mars  ^e  ^u*"  ^e  1uatorze>  1ue  nous  vimes  les  premiers  Navires  ennemis  : 
14  37]  ils  n'etoient  encore  que  deux,  et  nous  ||  les  primes  d'abord  pour 
des  Vaisseaux  Frangais  ;  maia  nous  fumes  bien-tot  detrompes  par 
leur  manoeuvre.  Le  nombre  en  augmentoit  de  jour  k  autre,  il  en  arriva 
jusqu'k  la  fin  de  Mai.  Ils  croiserent  long-terns,  sans  rien  tenter.  Le 
rendez-vous  general  etoit  devant  notre  Isle,  ou  ils  arrivoient  de  tous 

16  On  appelle  Parage,  en  terrae  de  Marine,  une  certaine  e"tendue  de  Mer. 
16  Brume,  en  terme  de  Mer,  est  ce  qu'on  noiume  Brouillard  eur  terre. 


37 

before  our  island,  and  they  came  in  from  every  direction,  for 
Acadia,  Placentia,  Boston,  and  all  English  America,  were  in 
arms.  The  European  contingent  did  not  come  until  June. 
The  enterprise  was  less  that  of  the  nation  or  of  the  King  than 
of  the  inhabitants  of  New  England  alone.  These  singular 
people  have  a  system  of  laws  and  of  protection  peculiar  to 
themselves,  and  their  Governor  carries  himself  like  a  monarch. 
So  much  is  this  the  case  that  although  war  was  already 
declared  between  the  two  crowns,  he  himself  declared  it 
against  us  of  his  own  right  and  in  his  own  name,  as  if  it  was 
necessary  that  he  should  give  his  warrant  to  his  master.  His 
declaration  set  forth  that  for  himself  and  all  his  friends  and 
allies  he  declared  war  against  us ;  apparently  he  meant  to 
speak  for  the  savages  subject  to  them,  who  are  called 
Indians,  and  whom  it  is  necessary  to  distinguish  from 
those  obedient  to  France. )  It  will  be  seen  that  Admiral 
Warren  had  no  authority  over  the  troops  sent  by  the  Governor 
of  Boston  and  that  he  was  merely  a  spectator,  although  it 
was  to  him  that  we  finally  surrendered,  at  his  own  request. 
So  striking  was  the  mutual  independence  of  the  land  army 
and  the  fleet  that  they  were  always  represented  to  us  as 

cotez  ;  car  on  avoit  arme  a  1'Acadie,  Plaisance,  Baston,  &  dans  toute 
I'Amerique  Anglaise.  Les  secours  d'Europe  ne  vinrent  qu'en  Juin. 
C'etoit  moms  une  enterprise  formee  par  la  Nation,  ou  par  le  Roi,  que  par 
les  seuls  habitans  de  la  nouvelle  Angleterre.  Ces  peuples  singuliers  ont 
des  Loix  &  une  Police  qui  leur  sont  particulieres,  et  leur  Gouverneur 
tranche  du  Souverain.  Cela  eat  si  vrai,  que,  quoiqu'il  y  eut  guerre 
declaree  entre  les  deux  Couronnes,  il  nous  la  declara  lui  de  son  chef 
et  en  son  nom,  comme  s'il  avoit  fallu  qu'il  eut  autorise  son  maltre. 
Sa  declaration  portoit,  qu'il  nous  declaroit  la  guerre  pour  lui,  &  pour  tous 
ses  amis  &  allies  ;  il  entendoit  parler  apparemment  des  Sauvages  qui  leur 
sont  soumis,  qu'on  appelle  Indiens,  &  que  Ton  distingue  des  Sau. 
38]  vages  II  qui  obeissent  a  la  France.  On  verra  que  1'Amiral  Warren 
n'avoit  rien  a  commander  aux  troupes  envoyees  par  le  Gouverneur  de 
Baston,  &  que  cet  Amiral  n'a  eie  que  spectateur,  quoique  ce  soit  a  lui  que 
nous  nous  soyons  rendus  II  nous  en  avoit  fait  solliciter.  Ce  qui  marque 
bien  1'independance  qu'il  y  avoit  entre  1'Armee  de  terre  &  celle  de  mer, 


38 

of   different  nations.     What   other  monarchy  was  ever  gov- 
erned in  such  a  way  ? 

May  The  greater  part  of  the  transports  having  arrived  by 
11  the  beginning  of  May,  on  the  eleventh  we  saw  them,  to 
the  number  of  ninety-six,  coming  in  order  of  battle  from 
the  direction  of  Canso  and  steering  for  the  Flat  Point  of 
the  Bay  of  Gabarus.  We  did  not  doubt  that  they  would  land 
there.  Then  it  was  that  we  saw  the  need  of  the  precautions 
that  we  ought  to  have  taken.  A  detachment  of  one  hundred 
men  from  the  garrison  and  militia  was  sent  thither  quickly 
in  command  of  M.  Morpain,  port  captain.  But  what  could 
such  a  feeble  force  do  against  the  multitude  which  the  enemy 
was  disembarking  ?  The  only  result  was  that  a  part  of  our 
force  was  killed.  M.  Morpain  found  about  two  thousand  men 
already  disembarked.  He  killed  some  of  them  and  retired. 

The  enemy  took  possession  of  the  surrounding  country  and 
a  detachment  pushed  forward  close  to  the  Royal  Battery. 
Now  terror  seized  us  all.  From  this  moment  the  talk 
was  of  abandoning  the  splendid  battery,  which  would  have 
been  our  chief  defence  had  we  known  how  to  make  use  of  it. 

que  Ton  nous  a  toujours  distingu^es,  comme  si  elles  eussent  e^  de  difter- 
entes  Nations.  Quelle  Monarchic  s'est  jamais  gouvern6e  de  la  sorte  ? 
Mai  La  plus  grande  partie  dea  Batimena  de  transport  etant  arrives  dans 
11  le  commencement  de  Mai,  nous  lea  apperc.umea  le  onze  en  ordre  de 
bataille,  au  nombre  de  quatre-vingt-aeize,  venant  du  cote  de  Canceaux 
&  dirigeant  leur  route  vers  la  Pointe  plate  de  la  Baye  de  Gabarus.  Nous 
ne  doutamea  plus  qu'ils  n'y  fissent  leur  deacente.  C'est  alors  qu'on  vit  la 
necessit^  dea  precautions  que  nous  aarions  du  prendre.  On  y  envoya  a  la 
hate  un  detachement  de  cent  homines,  tires  de  la  garnison  <&  des  Milices, 
39]  sous  le  commandement  du  sieur  Morpain,  Capitaine  de  Port.  Mais  II  que 
pouvoit  un  aussi  foible  Corps,  centre  la  multitude  que  lea  ennemia  deljar- 
quoient !  Cela  n'aboutit  qu'a  faire  tuer  une  partie  des  notres.  Le  aieur 
Morpain  trouva  deja  pres  de  deux  mille  homines  d^barquei ;  il  en  tua 
quelques-uns,  &  se  retira. 

L'ennemi  s'empare  de  toute  la  campagne,  &  un  detachment  s'avance 
jusques  aupres  de  la  batterie-Royale.  Pour  le  coup,  la  frayeur  nous 
saisit  tous  :  on  parla  des  1'instant,  d'abandonner  cette  magnifique  batterie, 
qui  auroit  eie  notre  plus  grande  defense,  si  Ton  eut  SQU  en  faire  usage.  On 


39 

Several  tumultuous  councils  were  held  to  consider  the  situa- 
tion. Unless  it  was  from  a  panic  fear  which  never  left  us 
again  during  the  whole  siege,  it  would  be  difficult  to  give  any 
reason  for  such  an  extraordinary  action.  Not  a  single  musket 
had  yet  been  fired  against  this  battery,  which  the  enemy 
could  not  take  except  by  making  approaches  in  the  same 
manner  as  to  the  town  and  besieging  it,  so  to  speak,  in  the 
regular  way.  A  reason  for  our  action  was  whispered,  but  I 
am  not  myself  in  a  position  to  speak  decidedly.  I  have,  how- 
ever, heard  its  truth  vouched  for  by  one  who  was  in  the 
battery,  but,  my  post  being  in  the  town,  it  was  a  long  time 
since  I  had  been  to  the  Royal  Battery.  The  alleged  reason 
for  such  a  criminal  withdrawal  is  that  there  were  two  breaches 
which  had  never  been  repaired.  If  this  is  true  the  crime  is 
all  the  greater,  for  we  had  had  even  more  time  than  was 
necessary  to  put  everything  in  order. 

However  this  may  be,  the  resolution  was  taken  to  abandon 
this  powerful  bulwark,  in  spite  of  the  protestations  of  some 
wiser  heads,  who  lamented  to  see  such  a  stupid  mistake  made. 
They  could  get  no  hearers.  In  vain  did  they  urge  that  we 
should  thus  proclaim  our  weakness  to  the  enemy,  who  would 

tint  tumnltuairement  divers  Conaeila  la-dessus.  II  aeroit  bien  difficile  de 
dire  lea  raisons  qui  portoient  a  un  ausoi  etrange  precede  ;  si  ce  n'est  une 
terreur  panique,  qui  ne  nous  a  plua  quitte  de  tout  le  Siege.  II  n'y  avoit 
pas  eu  encore  un  soul  coup  de  fuail  tire  sur  cette  batterie,  que  les  ennemis 
lie  pouvoient  prendre  qu'en  faiaant  leurs  approches  comme  pour  la  Ville, 
&  1'assiegeant,  pour  ainai  dire,  dana  les  regies.  On  en  a  dit  sourdement 
une  raison,  aur  laquelle  je  ne  auis  point  en  etat  de  decider ;  je  1'ai  pourtant 
40]  entendu  assurer  par  II  une  personne  qui  etoit  dans  la  batterie  ;  mais 
mon  poste  etant  en  Ville,  il  y  avoit  long-terns  que  je  n'etois  alle  a  la  bat- 
terie-Koyale  :  O'est  que  ce  qui  determina  a  un  abandon  ai  criminel,  est 
qu'il  y  avoit  deux  brechea  qui  n'avoient  point  ete  repareea.  Si  cela  est,  le 
crime  est  encore  plus  grand,  parce  que  nous  avions  eu  plus  de  loisir  qu'il 
n'en  falloit,  pour  mettre  ordre  a  tout. 

Quoiqu'il  en  soit,  la  resolution  fut  prise  de  renoncer  a  ce  puissant 
boulevard,  malgre  les  representations  de  quelques  gena  sagea,  qui  gemis- 
soient  de  voir  commettre  une  si  lourde  faute.  Us  ne  purent  se  faire 
ecouter.  Inutilement  remontrerent-ils  que  ce  seroit  temoigner  notre 


40 

not  fail  to  profit  by  such  huge  recklessness,  and  would  turn 
this  very  battery  against  us ;  that,  to  show  a  bold  face  and  not 
reinforce  the  courage  of  the  enemy  by  giving  him  from  the  first 
day  such  good  hope  of  success,  it  was  necessary  to  do  all  that 
we  could  to  hold  this  important  post;  that  it  was  quite  clear 
that  we  could  hold  it  for  more  than  fifteen  days,  and  that  this 
delay  could  be  utilized  by  removing  all  the  cannon  to  the 
town.  The  answer  was,  that  the  council  had  resolved  other- 
13  wise;  and  so  on  the  13th,  by  order  of  the  council,  a  battery  of 
thirty  pieces  of  cannon,  which  had  cost  the  King  immense  sums, 
was  abandoned  without  undergoing  the  slightest  fire.  The 
retreat  was  so  precipitate  that  we  did  not  take  time  to  spike 
the  guns  in  the  usual  manner,  so  that  on  the  very  next  day  the 
enemy  used  them.  Meanwhile,  some  deluded  themselves  with 
a  contrary  hope ;  I  was  on  the  point  of  getting  a  wager  accepted 
that  they  would  make  almost  no  delay  in  attacking  us.  So 
flurried  were  we  that,  before  the  withdrawal  from  the  battery, 
a  barrel  of  gunpowder  exploded,  nearly  blew  up  several  per- 
sons, and  burnt  the  robe  of  a  Recollet  friar.  It  was  not  from 

foiblesse  aux  ennemis,  qui  ne  manqueroient  point  de  profiter  d'une  aussi 
grande  etourderie,  &  qui  tourneroient  cette  mene  batterie  centre  nous  : 
que  pour  faire  bonne  contenance,  &  ne  point  rehausser  le  courage  a  1'en- 
nemi,  en  lui  donnant  des  le  premier  jour,  une  si  grande  esperance  de 
reussir,  il  falloit  se  maintenir  dans  ce  poste  important  le  plus  que  Ton 
41]  pourroit :  qu'il  etoit  evident  qu'on  s'y  II  conserveroit  plus  de  quinze 
jours,  &  que  ce  delai  pouvoit  etre  employ^  a  retirer  tous  les  canons  dans 
la  Ville.  On  repondit  que  le  Conseil  1'avoit  resolu  autrement ;  ainsi  done, 
1 ,  par  ordre  du  Conseil,  on  abandonna  le  13.  sans  avoir  essuye  le  moindre 
feu,  uue  batterie  de  trente  pieces  de  canon,  qui  avoit  cout6  au  Roi  des 
sornmes  immenses.  Cet  abandon  se  fit  avec  tant  de  precipitation,  qu'on 
ne  se  donna  pas  le  terns  d'enclouer  les  canons  de  la  maniere  que  cela  se 
pratique  ;  aussi  les  ennemis  s'en  servirent-ils,  des  le  lendemain.  Cepend- 
ant  on  se  flatoit  du  contraire  :  je  f  us  sur  le  point  de  gager  qu'ils  ne  tarde- 
roient  guerea  a  nous  en  battre.  On  ^toit  si  peu  a  soi,  qu'avant  de  se  re- 
tirer de  la  batterie,  le  feu  prit  a  un  baril  de  poudre,  qui  pensa  faire  sauter 
plusieurs  personnes,  &  brula  la  robe  d'un  Religieux  Recolet.  Ce  n'etoit 


41 

this  moment,  however,  that  imprudence  marked  our  actions  • 
for  a  long  time  we  had  yielded  to  it. 

What  I  had  foreseen  happened.  From  the  fourteenth  the  14 
enemy  greeted  us  with  our  own  cannon,  and  kept  up  a 
tremendous  fire  against  us.  We  answered  them  from  the 
walls,  but  we  could  not  do  them  the  harm  which  they  did  to 
us  in  knocking  down  houses  and  shattering  everything  within 
range. 

While  they  kept  up  a  hot  fire  upon  us  from  the  Royal  Bat- 16 
tery  they  established  a  mortar  platform  upon  the  Rabasse 
height  near  the  Barachois17  on  the  west  side  and  these  mortars 
began  to  fire  on  the  sixteenth  day  after  the  siege  began.  They 
had  mortals  in  all  the  batteries  which  they  established. 
The  bombs  annoyed  us  greatly. 

The  same  day  the  tardy  resolution  was  taken  to  send  to 
Acadia  to  summon  to  our  help  a  detachment  which  had  left 
Quebec  to  act  in  concert  with  us  in  the  enterprise  against  Anna- 
polis. The  late  M.  du  Quesnel,  enamoured  of  this  expedition, 
had  given  notice  of  it  to  M.  de  Beauharnois.*  This  Governor  was  'Governor  of 

Canada  from 
17  Barachois  is  a  lake  into  which  the  sea  comes.  1726  to  1747. 

ED. 

pas  de  ce  moment  que  1'imprudence  caracterisoit  nos  actions,  il  y  avoit 

long-terns  qu'elle  s'etoit  refugi^e  parmi  nous. 

Ce   que  j'avois  prevu,    arriva.    Des  le  quatorze,    les     ennemis   nous  14 
42]  saluerent  avec  nos  propres  Canons,  dont  II  ils  firent  un  feu  ^pouvent- 
able.     Nous  leur  repondimes  de  dessus  les  murs  ;  mais  nous  ne  pouvions 
leur  rendre  le  mal  qu'ils  nous  faisoient,  rasant  nos  maisons,  et  foudroyant 
tout  ce  qui  e"toit  a  leur  portee. 

Tandis  que  les  Anglais  nous    chauffoient  de   la   batterie-Royale,  ils  16 
^tablissoient   une    Plate-forme  de  Mortiers  sur  la  hauteur  de  Rabasse, 
proche  le  Barachois1''  du  cot^  de  1'Ouest,  qui  tirerent  le  seize,   jour  ou  a 
commence  le  bombardement.     Ils  avoient  des  Mortiers  dans  toutes  les 
batteries  qu'ils  eleverent.     Les  bombes  nous  ont  beaucoup  incommode. 

Ce  meme  jour  on  prit  une  resolution  tardive,  qui  fut  d'envoyer  a 
1' Acadie,  pour  faire  venir  a  notre  secours  un  deiachement  parti  de  Quebec, 
afin  de  concourir  avec  nous  a  1'entreprise  sur  le  Port-Royal.  Feu  M.  du 
Quesnel,  entete  de  cette  expedition,  en  avoit  donne  avis  a  M.  de  Beau- 
harnois. Ce  Gouverneur,  plus  prudent,  voulut  avoir  la-dessus  des  II 

17  Baraehois  est  un  Lao  oil  la  Her  entre. 


42 

more  prudent  and  wished  to  have  the  authority  of  the  Court 
which  they  wrote  in  concert  to  secure.  M.  du  Quesnel 
took  it  upon  himself  to  proceed  with  the  enterprise,  while  M. 
de  Beauharnois  waited  quietly  for  the  orders  of  the  Court. 
Meanwhile,  as  it  was  necessary  to  have  everything  ready,  in 
case  the  Court  should  think  it  well  to  approve  of  the  expedi- 
tion, the  Governor-General  of  Canada  sent  a  company  lieu- 
tenant, M.  Marin,  with  two  other  officers  and  two  hundred  and 
fifty  men,  both  Indians  and  French.  Acadia  is  on  the  main- 
land,18 and  on  the  same  continent  as  Quebec.  This  detach- 
ment, however,  was  not  able  to  arrive  as  soon  as  ours.  We  did 
not  learn  of  its  arrival  until  the  month  of  March  of  this  year. 

The  messenger  whom  M.  Marin  sent  to  us  asked  on  his  part  for 
provisions  and  munitions  of  war.  We  should  have  sent  back 
the  same  messenger  to  urge  this  officer  to  come  to  our  help, 
but  we  were  without  forethought  and  were  so  far  from  such  wis- 
dom that  steps  were  taken  in  the  month  of  April  to  comply 
with  his  requests;  we  did  not  send  provisions,  however, 

18  It  is  claimed  that  it  is  the  largest  continent  in  the  world.  It  is  easy  to  go 
from  Canada  to  Acadia,  but  there  are  several  rivers  and  lakes  to  cross.  The 
Canadians  often  make  the  journey. 

43]  ordres  de  la  Cour.  On  avoit  ^crit  de  concert  pour  en  obtenir.  M.  du 
Quesnel  prit  sur  lui  de  commencer  1'entreprise,  au  lieu  quo  M.  de  Beau- 
harnois attendit  tranquillement  ce  qu'il  plairoit  a  la  Cour  d'ordonner  ; 
cependant  comme  il  falloit  etre  pret,  en  cas  qu'elle  trouvat  bon  d'approuver 
cette  expedition  ;  le  Gouverneur  General  du  Canada  fit  partir  le  sieur 
Marin,  Lieutenant  de  Compagnie,  &  deux  autrea  Officiers,  avec  deux  cens- 
cinquante  hommes,  tant  Sauvages  que  Francais.  L'Acadie  eat  en  Terre- 
Ferme,18  &  dans  le  meme  continent  que  Quebec  ;  mais  ce  detachement 
n'avoit  pu  arriver  aussi-tot  que  le  notre.  Nous  n'apprimes  son  arrived 
qu'au  mois  de  Mars  de  cette  ann^e. 

L'Expres  que  le  Sieur  Marin  nous  avoit  envoye\  demands  de  aa  part 
des  vivres  &  des  munitions  de  guerre.     II   falloit  renvoyer  le  meme  II 
44]  Expres  pour  engager  cet  Officier  a  nous  venir  secourir  ;  mais  on  ne 
songeoit  a  rien  :  loin  de  saisir  un  parti  si  sage,  on  se  disposa  dans  le  mois 
d'A  vril  a  satisfaire  k  ses  demandes,  en  retranchant  toutefois  les  vivres,  cet 

18  On  pretend  que  c'est  le  plus  grand  Continent  qui  soit  au  monde :  On  va 
facilement  du  Canada  a  1'Acadie  ;  mais  il  y  a  quelques  Rivieres  &  Lacs  a  traver- 
ser.  C'est  un  voyage  que  font  souvent  les  Canadiens. 


43 

for  he  let  us  know  that  he  had  recovered  some.  He 
was  urgent  in  requesting  powder  and  balls,  and  in  granting  his 
wishes,  we  made  two  irreparable  mistakes.  In  the  first  place, 
we  deprived  ourselves  of  the  help  which  this  officer  was  able 
to  bring  us ;  instead  of  explaining  our  situation,  as  we  should  have 
done,  we  gave  him  to  understand  that  we  were  strong  enough  to 
defend  ourselves.  In  the  second  place,  already  short  of  ammuni- 
tion, especially  powder,  we  further  diminished  our  supply. 
There  was  some  still  more  uselessly  wasted. 

It  is  necessity  that  makes  men  reflect.  In  the  month  of 
May  we  began  to  be  anxious  about  the  mistake  we  had 
made  ;  then,  without  thinking  that,  with  the  enemy  extending 
all  along  the  coast  and  masters  of  the  surrounding  country, 
it  was  impossible  for  M.  Marin  to  penetrate  to  the  place,  two 
messengers  were  sent,  beseeching  him  to  succour  us.  Both  had 
the  good  fortune  to  pass  out,  but  they  were  obliged  to  make  so 
wide  a  circuit  that  they  took  nearly  a  month  to  reach  him- 
The  Canadian  officer,  learning  from  them  the  extremity  in 
which  we  found  ourselves,  collected  some  Indians  to  strengthen 
his  detachment,  being  resolved  to  help  us  if  he  should  reach  ua 

Officier  nous  ayant  fait  sgavoir  qu'il  en  avoit  recouvre.  II  insistoit  pour  de  la 
poudre  et  des  balles  ;  en  lui  accordant  cet  article,  nous  times  deux  fautes 
inseparables  :  La  premiere,  nous  nous  privions  du  secours  que  cet  Officier 
pouvoit  nous  donner  ;  au  lieu  de  le  mander,  oomme  on  1'auroit  du,  nous 
lui  faisions  connoitre  que  nous  etions  assez  forts  pour  nous  defendre  nous- 
memes  :  La  eeconde,  nous  diminuions  la  quantite  de  nos  munitions,  deja 
courtes,  surtout  la  poudre.  II  y  en  a  eu  encore  de  plus  inutilement 
repandue. 

La  necessite  amene  la  reflexion.  On  commenga  dans  le  mois  de  Mai 
a  songer  a  la  faute  qu'on  avoit  faite  ;  alors,  sans  penser  qu'il  etoit  impos- 
sible que  cet  Officier  put  penetrer  dans  la  Place,  les  ennemis  bordant  la 
Cote  &  etant  maitres  de  la  Campagne,  on  fit  partir  deux  Expres  pour  le 
45]  prier  de  nous  secourir.  Ces  II  deux  hommes  eurent  le  bonheur  de 
passer  ;  mais  il  leur  fallut  faire  un  si  grand  circuit,  qu'ils  mirent  pres  d'un 
mois  a  se  rendre.  L'Offlcier  Canadien,  ayant  BC.U  d'eux  I'extremit^  ou 
nous  nous  trouvions,assembla  plusieurs  Sauvages  &en  augmenta  sonde- 
tachement,  resolu  de  bien  faire,  s'il  parvenoit  jusqu'a  nous.  Apres  s'etre 


44 

After  a  fight  in  crossing  the  strait,  he  had  the  chagrin  to  learn 
that  he  had  arrived  too  late,  and  that  Louisbourg  had  surren- 
dered. The  brave  fellow  had  only  time  to  throw  himself  into  the 
woods  with  his  five  or  six  hundred  men,  to  get  back  to  Acadia- 
17  The  enemy  appeared  to  wish  to  press  the  siege  with  vigour. 
They  established  near  the  Brissonet  Flats  a  battery,  which 
began  to  fire  upon  the  seventeenth,  and  they  were  at  work 
upon  still  another  to  play  directly  upon  the  Dauphin  Gate, 
between  the  houses  of  a  man  named  LaRoche  and  of  a  gunner 
named  Lescenne.  They  did  not  content  themselves  with  these 
batteries,  although  they  hammered  a  breach  in  our  walls,  but 
made  new  ones  to  support  the  first.  The  marshy  flat  on  the 
seashore  at  White  Point  proved  very  troublesome  and  kept 
them  from  pushing  on  their  works  as  they  would  have  wished  ; 
to  remedy  this  they  dug  several  trenches  across  the  flats, 
and,  when  these  had  been  drained,  they  set  up  two 
batteries  which  did  not  begin  to  fire  until  some  days  after- 
wards. One  of  them,  above  the  settlement  of  Martissance,  had 
several  pieces  of  cannon,  taken  partly  from  the  Royal  Battery 
and  partly  from  Flat  Point  where  the  landing  was  made- 

battu  en  traversant  le  Canal,  il  eut  le  chagrin  d'apprendre  qu'il  arrivoit 
troptard,  &  que  la  Place  etoit  rendue.  Ce  brave  homme  n'eut  que  le 
terns  de  se  Jeter  dans  les  bois,  avec  ses  cinq  a  six  cens  hommes,  pour 
regagner  1'Acadie. 

ly  Les  ennemis  paroissoient  avoir  envie  de  pousser  vigoureusement  le 
Si^ge.  Ils  ^tablirent  une  batterie  aupres  de  la  Plaine  de  Brissonnet,  qui 
commenQa  a  tirer  le  dix-sept,  &  travaillerent  encore  a  une  autre,  pour 
battre  directement  la  Porte  Dauphine,  entre  les  maisons  du  nomine  la 
Roche  &  Lescenne,  Canonier.  Us  ne  s'en  tinrent  point  a  ces  batteries, 
quoiqu'elles  nous  battissent  en  breche  ;  mais  ils  en  dresserent  de  nouvelles 
46]  pour  soutenir  les  premieres.  La  Plaine  marecageuse  du  bord  de  II  la 
Mer,  a  la  Pointe  blanche,  les  incommodoit  fort,  &  empechoit  qu'ils  ne 
poussassent  leurs  travaux  corarae  ils  1'auroient  souhait^  :  pour  y  rem^dier, 
ils  pratiquerent  divers  boyaux,  afin  de  couper  cette  Plaine  ;  4tant  venus 
a  bout  de  la  dessecher,  ils  y  firent  d'eux  batteries,  qui  ne  tirerent  que 
quelques  jours  apres.  II  y  en  avoit  une  au-dessus  de  1'habitation  de 
Martissance,  composed  de  sept  pieces  de  canon,  prise?  en  partie  de  la 
Batterie-Royale  &  de  la  Pointe  plate  ou  s'e'toit  fait  le  debarquement.  On 


45 

They  intended  it  to  destroy  the  Dauphin  Bastion,  and  these 
two  last  batteries  nearly  levelled  the  Dauphin  Gate. 

On  the  18th  we  perceived  a  ship  carrying  the  French  flag,  18 
and  trying  to  enter  the  Port.  It  was  seen  that  she  was  really  a 
French  ship,  and  to  help  her  to  come  in  we  kept  up  a  ceaseless 
fire  upon  the  Royal  Battery.  The  English  could  easily  have 
sunk  the  ship  had  it  not  been  for  the  vigour  of  our  fire,  which 
never  ceased,  and  they  were  not  able  to  keep  her  from  entering. 
This  little  reinforcement  pleased  us.  She  was  a  Basque  vessel, 
and  another  had  reached  us  in  the  month  of  April. 

We  were  not  so  fortunate  in  regard  to  a  ship  of  Granville, 
which  tried  to  enter  a  few  days  later,  but,  being  pursued,  was 
forced  to  rim  aground.  She  fought  for  a  long  time.  Her 
commander,  whose  name  was  Daguenet,  was  a  brave  man,  and 
surrendered  only  in  the  last  extremity  and  when  overwhelmed 
by  numbers.  He  had  carried  all  his  guns  to  one  side,  and  kept  up 
such  a  terrible  fire  with  them  that  he  made  the  enemy  pay  dearly 
and  they  were  obliged  to  arm  nearly  all  their  boats  to  take  him. 
From  this  captain  we  learned  that  he  had  met  the  Vigilant, 

la  destinoit  a  miner  le  Bastion  Dauphin  ;  ces  deux  dernieres  batteries  ont 
presque  rase  la  Porte  Dauphine. 

Le  dix-huit  nous  vimes  paroitre  un  Navire,  avec  Pavilion  Frangais,  ,  ^ 
qui  cherchoit  a  donner  dans  le  Port.     II  fut  reconnu  pour  etre  efl'ective- 
ment  de   notre   Nation,    &   afin    de  favoriser   son    entree,    nous    fimes 
un  feu  continuel  sur  la  Batterie  Royale.     Les  Anglais  ne  pouvant  resister 
a  la  vivacite  de  notre  feu,  qui  ne  discontinuoit  point,  ne  purent  empecher  ce 
Navire  d'entrer,  qu'il  leur  eut  ete  facile  sans  cela  de   couler  a  fond.  II 
47]  Ce  petit  rafraichissement  nous  fit  plaisir ;  c'etoit  un  Navire  Basque :  il 
nous  en  etoit  venu  un  autre  dans  le  courant  d'Avril. 

Nousn'euYnes  pas  le  memebonheur  pour  un  Navire  de  Granville,  quise 
presenta  aussi  pour  entrer,  quelques  jours  apres ;  mais  qui  ayant  ete^  pour- 
suivi,  fut  contraint  de  s'echouer,  et  se  battit  long-terns.  Celui  qui  le  coin- 
mandoit,  nomme  Daguenet,  etoit  un  brave  homme,  lequel  ne  se  rendit 
qu'a  la  derniere  extremite,  &  apres  avoir  ete  accable  par  le  nombre.  11 
avoit  transporte  tous  ses  Canons  d'un  meme  cote,  &  en  fit  un  feu  si  terrible, 
que  les  ennemis  n'eurent  pas  bon  marche  de  lui.  11  fallut  armer  presque 
toutes  leurs  Chaloupes  pour  le  prendre.  Nous  avons  sc,u  de  ce  Capitaine, 


46 

and  that  it  was  from  that  unfortunate  vessel  that  he  heard  of 
the  blockade  of  Cape  Breton.  This  fact  has  a  bearing  upon 
what  I  am  about  to  relate. 

In  France  it  is  thought  that  our  fall  was  caused  by  the  loss 
of  this  vessel.  In  a  sense  this  is  true,  but  we  should  have  been 
able  to  hold  out  without  her  if  we  had  not  heaped  error  upon 
error,  as  you  must  have  seen  by  this  time.  It  is  true  that, 
thanks  to  our  own  imprudence,  we  had  already  begun  to  lose  hope 
when  this  powerful  succour  approached  us.  If  she  had  entered, 
as  she  could  have  done,  we  should  still  hold  our  property,  and 
the  English  would  have  been  forced  to  retire. 

The  Vigilant  came  in  sight  on  the  28th  or  29th  of  May  about 
*Scatari.-Eo  a  league  and  a  half  distant  from  Santarye.*    At  the  time  there 

28  was   a  north-east   wind   which   was   a  good  one  for  enter- 
°q  ing.     She  left  the  English  fleet  two  and  a  half  leagues  to  lee- 
ward.    Nothing  could  have  prevented  her  from  entering,  and 
yet  she  became  the  prey  of  the  English  by  a  most  deplorable 
fatality.     We  witnessed  her  manoeuvres  and  there  was  not  one 
of  us  who  did  not  utter  maledictions  upon  what  was  so  badly 
planned  and  so  imprudent. 

qu'il  avoit  rencontr6  le  Vigilant,  &  que  c'etoit  de  ce  malheureux  Vaisseau, 
qu'il  avoit  appris  que  1'Isle-Royale  etoit  bloquee.  Cette  circonstance  importe 
au  recit  que  je  vais  faire. 

Vous  etes  persuades,  en  France,  que  la  prise  de  ce  Vaisseau  de  guerre  a 
occasionne^  la  notre,  cela  eat  vrai  en  quelque  sorte ;  mais  nous  eussions  II 
48]  pu  nous  soutenir  sans  lui,  si  nous  n'avions  pas  entasse^  fautes  sur  fautes, 
ainsi  que  vous  avez  du  vous  en  appercevoir  jusqu'  a  present.  II  est  vrai 
que,  graces  a  nos  imprudences,  lorsque  ce  puissant  secours  nous  arrivoit, 
nous  commencions  a  etre  sans  esperance.  S'il  fut  entre^  comme  il  le 
pouvoit,  nous  serions  encore  dans  nos  biens,  &  les  Anglais  eussent  et6 
forces  de  se  retirer. 

2g        Le  Vigilant  parut  le  ving-huit  ou  le  vingt-neuf  de  Mai,  a  environ  une 
mi  lieue  &  demie  de  distance  de  Santarye.     Le  vent  etoit  pour  lors  Nord- 

29  Est,  &  par  consequent  bon  pour  entrer.     II  laissoit  le  Flotte  Anglaise  a  deux 
lieues  et  demie  sous  le  vent.     Rien  ne  pouvoit  done  1'empecher  d'entrer  ; 
&  c'est  par  la  plus  grande  de  toutes  les  fatalites  qu'il  est  devenu  la  proye 
de  nos  Vainqueurs.     Temoins  de   sa  manoeuvre,    il  n'etoit  personne   de 
nous  qui  ne  donnat  des  maledictions  a  une  manoeuvre  si  mal  concertee  & 
si  imprudente. 


47 

This  vessel,  commanded  by  M.  de  la  Maisonfort,  instead  of 
holding  on  her  way,  or  of  sending  a  boat  to  land  for  intelli- 
gence, as  prudence  demanded,  amused  herself  by  chasing  a 
privateer  rigged  as  a  Snow  (Senault 19),  which  unfortunately 
she  encountered  near  the  shore.  This  privateer,  which  was 

commanded  by  one  Brousse  *  manoeuvred  differently  from  the  *  Tne  officer 

,  referred  to  is 

French  vessel,  and  retreated,  firing  continuously,  with  all  sail  no  doubt  Cap- 

tain  Rouse, 

set,  and  leading  her  enemy  on  towards  the  English  squadron  ;  commanding 
her  plan  succeeded,  for  the  Vigilant  found  herself  so  entangled  a  provincial' 
that  when  she  saw  the  danger  it  was  impossible  to  save  herself,  was'sub- 
At   first   two  frigates20  attacked  her.     M.   de   la   Maisonfort  o^ce^i/the 
answered  with  a  vigorous  fire  which  soon  placed  one  of  them  wmsor       ' 
hors  de  combat.     Her  mainmast  was  carried  away,  she  was  y*f  437* 
.stripped  of  all  her  rigging,  and  was  compelled  to  retire.     Five  ~En< 
other  frigates,  however,  came  and  poured  in  a  hot  fire  from  all 
sides ;  the  fight,  which  we  watched  in  the  open  air,  lasted  from 
five  o'clock  to  ten  in  the  evening.     At  length  it  was  necessary 
for   her   to  yield  to  superior   force  and  to  surrender.      The 


1  •  Ship  with  two  masts. 

so  The  frigate  is  a  swift  vessel  which  goes  well  and  is  fit  for  racing. 

Ce  Vaisseau,  commande  par  M.  de  la  Maisonfort,  au  lieu  de  suivre  sa 
route,  ou  d'envoyer  sa  chaloupe  a  terre  pour  prendre  langue,  ainsi  II 
49]  que  le  requeroit  la  prudence,  s'amusa  &  poursuivre  un  Corsaire  monte  en 
Senault1'  qu'il  rencontra  malheureusement  sous  la  terre.  Ce  Corsaire, 
que  commandoit  un  nomme  Brousse,  manoeuvre  d'une  autre  maniere  que 
le  Vaisseau  Francais,  il  se  battit  toujours  en  retraite,  forijant  de  voiles,  & 
attirant  son  ennemi  vers  1'Escadre  Angloise  ;  ce  qui  lui  reussit :  car  le 
Vigilant  se  trouva  tellement  engage^  qu'il  ne  lui  fut  plus  possible  de  se 
sauver,  quand  on  eut  vu  le  danger.  Deux  Fregates™  1'attaquerent 
d'abord  :  M.  de  la  Maisonfort  leur  repondit  par  un  feu  tres  vif,  qui  en  mit 
bien-tot  une  hors  de  combat ;  elle  fut  dematee  de  eon  grand  mat,  desem- 
par^e  de  toutes  ses  manoeuvres,  &  contrainte  de  se  retirer.  Mais  il  vint 
cinq  autres  Fregates  qui  chaufferent  le  Vigilant  de  toutes  parts  ;  le  combat 
que  nous  voyons  a  decouvert,  dura  depuis  cinq  heures  du  soir  jusqu'  i  dix. 
50]  Enfin  il  II  fallut  ceder  a  la  force,  &  se  rendre.  Les  ennemis  ont  beau- 


19  Navire  a  deux  m&ta. 

20  La  Frigate  est  un  vaisseau  leger,  qui  marche  bien,  &  propre  pour  la  course. 


48 

enemy's  loss  in  the  fight  was  heavy  and  the  French  commander 
had  eighty  men  killed  or  wounded ;  his  ship  was  very  little 
damaged. 

It  is  right  to  say  to  the  credit  of  M.  de  la  Maisonfort  that 
he  showed  great  courage  in  the  struggle,  but  the  interests  of 
the  King  demanded  that  he  should  have  proceeded  to  his  des- 
tination. The  Minister  did  not  send  him  to  give  chase  to  any 
vessel ;  his  ship  was  loaded  with  ammunition  and  provisions, 
and  his  one  business  was  to  re-victual  our  wretched  town, 
which  would  never  have  been  taken  could  we  have  received  so 
great  a  help ;  but  we  were  victims  devoted  to  the  wrath  of 
Heaven,  which  willed  to  use  even  our  own  forces  against  us. 
We  have  learned  from  the  English,  since  the  surrender,  that 
they  were  beginning  to  be  short  of  ammunition,  and  were  in 
greater  need  of  powder  than  we  were.  They  had  even  held 
councils  with  a  view  to  raising  the  siege.  The  powder  found 
in  the  Vigilant  soon  dispelled  this  idea,  and  we  perceived  that 
after  the  capture  their  firing  increased  greatly. 

I  know  that  the  commander  of  this  unfortunate  vessel  will 

coup  perdu  clans  ce  combat,  &.  le  Commandant  Francais  eut  quatre-vingts 
hommes  tues  ou  blesses ;  le  Vaisseau  n'a  ete  que  fort  peu  endommage. 

On  doit  dire,  a  la  gloire  de  M.  de  la  Maisonfort,  qu'il  a  fait  preuve 
d'une  extreme  valeur  dans  ce  combat;  mais  il  auroit  mieux  valu  qu'il  eut 
suivi  sa  destination  :  c'etoit  tout  ce  que  les  interets  du  Roi  exigeoient.  Le 
Ministre  ne  1'envoyoit  pas  pour  donner  la  chasse  a  aucun  Vaisseau  ennemi . 
charge  de  munitions  de  guerre  &  de  bouche,  son  Vaisseau  etoit  unique- 
ment  destine  a  ravitailler  notre  malheureuse  Place,  qui  n'auroit  jamais  6te 
en  effet  emportee,  si  nous  eussions  pft  recevoir  un  si  grand  secours  ;  mais 
nous  etions  des  victimes  devouees  a  la  colere  du  Ciel,  qui  a  voulu  faire 
servir  centre  nous  jusqu'a  nos  propres  forces.  Nous  avons  scu  des 
Anglais,  depuis  notre  reddition,  qu'ils  commenc,oient  a  manquer  de  muni- 
tions de  guerre,  &  que  la  poudre  etoit  encore  plus  rare  dans  leur  armee 
51]  que  parmi  nous.  Us  avoient  ||  meme  tenu  quelques  Conseils  pour 
lever  le  siege.  La  poudre  trouvee  dans  le  Vigilant  fit  bien-tot  evanouir 
cette  idee  ;  nous  nous  appergumes  que  leur  feu  avoit  depuis  beaucoup 
augmente. 

Je  sgai  que  le  Commandant  de  cet  infortune  Vaisseau  dira,  pour  se 


49 

say,  to  justify  himself,  that  it  was  important  to  capture  the 
privateer  in  order  to  govern  himself  by  the  information  that 
he  should  thus  secure.  But  that  does  not  excuse  him ;  he  knew 
that  Louisbourg  was  blockaded,  and  that  was  enough ;  what 
more  was  it  necessary  to  know  ?  If  he  was  afraid  that  the 
English  were  masters  of  the  place  it  was  easy  to  find  this  out 
by  sending  his  cutter  or  his  long-boat  and  sacrificing  some 
men  for  the  sake  of  certainty.  The  Royal  Battery  ought  not 
to  have  troubled  him.  We  should  have  done  with  it  what  we 
did  in  the  case  of  the  Basque  ship,  whose  entrance  we  aided  by 
keeping  up  a  hot  fire.  The  loss  of  a  reinforcement  so  consi- 
derable caused 'even  those  to  lose  heart  who  had  been  most 
determined.  It  was  not  difficult  to  suspect  that  we  should  be 
obliged  to  throw  ourselves  on  the  clemency  of  the  English,  and 
several  thought  that  it  was  now  necessary  to  ask  for  terms  of 
capitulation.  We  still  held  out,  however,  for  more  than  a  month 
and  this  is  better  than  one  could  have  expected  considering 
the  prostration  to  which  so  sad  a  spectacle  had  brought  us. 

The  enemy  was  busy  all  the  remainder  of  the  month  in  cannon- 
ading and  bombarding  us  without  making  any  appreciable  pro- 
gress which  could  arouse  their  hopes.  Since  they  did  not  attack 

justifier,  qu'il  etoit  important  d'enlever  le  Corsaire,  afin  de  se  regler  sur 
les  nouvelles  qu'il  en  auroit  appris.  Mais  cela  ne  1'excuse  point ;  il  sqavoit 
que  Louisbourg  etoit  bloque,  e'en  etoit  assez  :  qu'avoit-il  besoin  d'en 
scjavoir  davantage  ?  S'il  craignoit  que  les  Anglais  n'eussent  &t&  maitres  de 
la  Place,  il  etoit  aise^  de  s'en  instruire,  en  envoyant  son  canot  ou  sa  cha- 
loupe,  &  sacrifiant  quelques  homines  pour  sa  surete  ;  la  batterie  Royale 
ne  devoit  point  I'inqui^ter,  nous  en  aurions  agi  comme  avec  le  Navire 
Basque,  dont.  nous  facilitames  I'entr^e  par  un  feu  excessif.  La  perte 
d'un  secours  si  considerable  ralentit  le  courage  de  ceux  qui  avoient  le  plus 
conserv^  de  fermete :  il  n'^toit  pas  difficile  de  juger  que  nous 
52]  serions  contraints  d'implorer  la  eminence  des  H  Anglais,  &  plusieurs 
personnes  furent  d'avis  qu'il  falloit  deslors  demander  a  capituler.  Nous 
avons  cependant  tenu  un  mois  au-dela ;  c'est  plus  qu'on  n'auroit  pu  exiger 
dans  1'abattement  ou  venoit  de  nous  jetter  un  si  triste  spectacle. 

L'Ennemi  s'occupa  a  nous  canoner  &  a  nous  bombarder  tout  le  reste 
du  mois,  sans  faire  des  progres  bien  sensibles,  &  qui  lui  pussent  donner 
de  1'espoir.     Comme  il  ne  nous  attaquoit  point  dans  les  formes  ;  qu'il 
4 


50 

in  form,  and,  since  they  had  no  entrenchments  to  cover  them- 
selves, they  did  not  venture  to  approach  too  near.  All  our  shots 
carried  while  the  greater  part  of  theirs  was  wasted.  Hence  we 
fired  only  when  we  thought  well.  The  enemy  would  fire  daily 
from  five  to  six  hundred  cannon  shots  to  our  twenty ;  in  truth 
our  scarcity  of  powder  caused  us  to  be  careful.  The  musketry 
was  of  little  use. 

I  have  forgotten  to  mention  that  in  the  early  days  of  the 
siege  the  enemy  had  summoned  us  to  surrender,  but  we 
answered  as  our  duty  demanded ;  the  officer  who  was  sent  to 
make  the  proposition,  seeing  that  we  were  rejecting  his  offers, 
proposed  that  the  ladies  should  be  sent  out  with  the  guarantee 
that  they  should  not  be  insulted,  and  that  they  should  be  pro- 
tected in  the  few  houses  that  were  still  standing,  for  the  enemy 
when  they  disembarked  had  burned  or  destroyed  nearly  every- 
thing in  the  surrounding  country.  We  declined  the  officer's 
proposal,  for  our  women  and  children  were  quite  safe  in  the 
shelter  we  had  made  for  them.  Some  long  pieces  of  wood  had 
been  put  upon  the  casemates  in  a  slanting  position  and  this  so 

n'avoit  pratique  aucuns  retranchemens  pour  se  couvrir,  il  n'osoit  s'aprocher 
de  trop  pres  ;  tous  nos  coups  portoient,  au  lieu  que  la  plupart  des  siens 
etoient  perdus  :  aussi  ne  tiriona-nous  que  lorsque  nous  le  jugions  neces- 
saire.  II  tiroit,  lui,  plus  de  cinq  a  six  cens  coups  de  canon  par  jour, 
centre  nous  vingt ;  a  la  verite,  le  peu  de  poudre  que  nous  avions,  obligeoit 
a  n'en  user  que  sobrement.  La  mousqueterie  etoit  peu  d'usage. 

J'ai  oubli^  de  dire  que,  des  les  premiers  jours  du  siege,  lea  ennemis 
nous  avoient  fait  sommer  de  nous  rendre  ;  mais  nous  repondimes  selon  II 
53]  ce  que  le  devoir  nous  prescrivoit :  1'Officier,  depute  pour  nous  en  faire  la 
proposition,  voyant  que  nous  rejettions  ses  offres,  proposa  de  faire  sortir 
les  Dames,  avec  assurance  qu'elles  ne  seroient  point  insultdes,  &  qu'on  les 
feroit  garder  dans  les  maisons  qui  subsistoient  encore  en  petit  nombre  ; 
car  1'ennemi,  en  debarquant,  avoit  presque  tout  bru!6  ou  detruit  dans  la 
campagne.  Nous  remerciames  cet  Officier,  parce  que  nos  femmes  &  nos 
enfans  etoient  surement  dans  les  logemens  que  nous  leur  avions  faits.  On 
avoit  mis  sur  les  casemates  de  longues  pieces  de  bois,  placees  en  biais,  qui, 


51 

deadened  the  force  of  the  bombs  and  turned  them  aside  that 
their  momentum  had  no  effect.  It  was  underneath  this  that  we 
had,  as  it  were,  buried  them. 

At  the  beginning  of  June  the  besiegers  appeared  to  June 
acquire  renewed  vigour.  Dissatisfied  with  their  slight  success  6 
hitherto,  they  began  new  undertakings,  and  planned  to  attack 
us  from  the  sea.  In  order  to  succeed  they  tried  to  surprise  the 
battery  at  the  entrance.  A  detachment  of  about  500  men, 
transported  thither  on  the  night  of  the  sixth,  was  cut 
in  pieces  by  M.  d'Aillebout,  captain  of  a  company,  who 
commanded  there,  and  fired  upon  them  with  grape  shot ;  more 
than  three  hundred  were  left  dead,  and  none  were  saved 
except  those  who  asked  for  quarter;  the  wounded  were  taken 
to  our  hospitals.  On  this  occasion  we  made  one  hundred  and 
nineteen  prisoners,  and  on  our  side  had  only  three  killed  or 
wounded,  but  we  lost  a  gunner  who  was  much  regretted. 

This  advantage  cheered  us  a  little  :  we  had  as  yet  made  no 
sortie,  for  want  of  men,  since,  as  I  have  observed,  we  did  not 
depend  at  all  upon  the  regular  troops,  for  the  reason  stated. 
It  was,  nevertheless,  decided  to  make  one,  and  for  this  there 

en  amortissant  le  coup  de  la  bombe,  la  rejettent,  &  empechent  1'effet  de 
son  poids.  C'est  la-dessous  que  nous  les  avions  ententes. 

Au  commencement  de  Juin,  les  Asaiegeans  parurent  reprendre  jujn 
une  nouvelle  vigueur ;  n'e'tant  pas  contens  du  peu  de  succes  qu'ils 
avoient  eu  jusques-la,  ils  s'attacherent  a  d'autres  entreprises,  et  voulurent 
essayer  de  nous  attaquer  par  le  cote'  de  la  mer.  Pour  reussir,  ils  tenterent 
64]  de  nous  surprendre  la  batterie  de  II  1'entr^e  :  un  De'tachement  d'envi- 
ron  cinq  cens  homines  s'y  etant  transport^  pendant  la  nuit  du  six  au 
sept,  f ut  taille''  en  pie'ces  par  le  sieur  Daillebourt,  Capitaine  de  Compagnie, 
qui  y  commandoit,  &  qui  tira  sur  eux  a  mitraille  ;  plus  de  trois  cens  7 
resterent  sur  la  place,  &  il  n'y  eut  de  sauv^s  que  ceux  qui  demanderent 
quattier,  les  blesses  furent  transfe're's  dans  nos  hopitaux.  Nous  fimes  en 
cette  occasion  cent  dix-neuf  prisonniers,  et  n'eumes  que  trois  hommes  de 
tues  ou  blesses  ;  mais  nous  perdimes  un  Canonier,  qui  fut  fort  regrette. 

Get  avantage  nous  releva  tant  soit  peu  le  coeur  ;  nous  n'avions  encore 
point  fait  de  sortie,  faute  de  monde  :  car,  comme  je  1'ai  observe,  nous  ne 
comptions  du  tout  point  sur  les  troupes  re'gle'es,  par  la  raison  que  j'en  ai 
dite  ;  il  fut  pourtant  arrete  qu'on  en  feroit  une,  en  quoi  il  y  avoit  ne'ces- 


52 

was  urgent  need.  Wishing  to  possess,  at  any  price,  the  battery 
at  the  entrance,  the  assailants  commenced  to  build  a  fort 
opposite  this  battery,  to  command  it.  A  hundred  resolute  men 
were  chosen  to  go  and  dislodge  them.  M.  Kol,  a  Swiss  and  a 
settler,  took  command  of  them,  having  with  him  M.  Beau- 
bassin,  a  retired  officer.  In  the  hands  of  these  two  brave  men 
the  sortie  could  not  fail,  and  it  was  conducted  with  all  imagin- 
able prudence  and  courage.  They  went  to  land  at  the  River 
Mira,  where  they  halted  some  time,  sending  out  a  scouting 
*The  modem  party  towards  Lorembec,*  a  place  three  or  four  leagues  from  the 
town  and  still  untouched ;  it  was  reported  to  them  that  about 
three  hundred  men  had  been  seen.  They  advanced  upon  them, 
but  the  enemy,  seeing  them  coming,  burned  Lorembec  and  retired 
to  the  head  of  a  Barachois,  upon  the  property  of  M.  Boucher,  an 
engineer.  Although  they  were  entrenched  there,  our  party, 
reinforced  by  thirty  Indians  found  at  the  Mira,  attacked  them 
so  that  they  lost  two  hundred  and  thirty  men,  of  whom  a  hun- 
dred and  fifty  were  killed  and  eighty  wounded.  Had  not 
powder  given  out  the  reverse  would  have  been  pressed  farther. 

site  urgente.  Voulant  a  quel  prix  que  ce  fut  s'emparer  de  la  batterie  de 
1'entree,  les  Assaillans  commenijoient  a  construire  un  Fort  vis-a-vis  cette 
55]  batterie  pour  la  dominer.  On  choisit  cent  homines  bien  II  r^solus 
afin  de  les  aller  debusquer  :  le  Sieur  Kol,  Suisse  &  habitant,  en  prit 
le  commandement,  ayant  avec  lui  le  sieur  Beaubcusin,  Officier  retire 
du  service.  Cette  sortie  ne  pouvoit  echouer  entre  les  mains  de  ces  deux 
braves  gens,  aussi  fut-elle  conduite  avec  toute  la  prudence  &  la  bravoure 
imaginables.  Ila  allerent  faire  leur  descente  a  la  Riviere  de  Mire,  on  Us 
s'arreterent  qnelque  terns,  envoyant  a  la  de\:ouverte  vers  Lvrembeck, 
Bourg  a  trois  on  quatre  lieues  de  la  "Ville,  encore  entier  :  on  leur  rapporta 
que  Ton  voyoit  environ  trois  cens  hommes.  Us  marcherent  a  eux ;  main  les 
ennemis  les  voyant  approcher  brulerent  Lorembeck,  &  se  retirerent  an 
fonds  d'un  Barachois,  snr  1'habitation  du  sieur  Boucher,  Ingeuieur  ; 
quoiqn'ils  s'y  fussent  retranches,  nos  gens  s'etant  renforces  de  trente 
Sauvages  trouves  a  Mire,  les  attaquerent,  &  leur  mirent  deux  cens  trente 
hommes  hors  de  combat,  dont  il  y  en  eut  cent  cinquante  de  tues  &  quatre- 
vingts  de  blesses.  Get  4chec  eut  ete  pousse  plus  loin,  »i  la  poudre  n'eut 


53 

The  number  of  the  enemy,  however,  increasing  constantly,  it 
was  necessary  to  beat  a  retreat.  The  Indians  returned  to 
station  themselves  beyond  the  river. 

These  Indians  are  very  brave  and  warmly  attached  to  the 
French.  They  hate  the  English  as  much  as  they  like  us,  and 
give  them  no  quarter.  It  will  be  impossible  for  the  English  to 
quell  them,  and  France,  if  she  ever  wishes  to  recover  our 
colony  by  force,  will  always  find  in  them  assistance  all  the 
more  invaluable  because  they  are  without  fear.  They  are 
naturally  good  tempered,  but  when  irritated  are  none  the  less 
dangerous.  Full  of  hatred  for  the  English,  whose  ferocity 
they  abhor,  they  destroy  all  upon  whom  they  can  lay  hands. 
Their  rage  against  the  English  nation  is  so  great  that  it  extends 
even  to  its  savage  allies.  We  have  heard  them  say  that  they 
would  kill  every  Englishman  who  should  dare  to  venture  into 
the  forest. 

It  was  our  misfortune  not  to  have  had  any  of  these  Indians, 
who  would  have  rendered  it  possible  for  us  to  make  frequent 
sorties; — or,  rather,  this  ought  to  be  added  to  the  number  of  the 
mistakes  that  we  made,  for  it  would  have  been  very  easy  to 

561  point  manque  ;  d'ailleurs  le  nombre  II  des  ennemis  augmentoit  sans 
cesse,  il  fallut  faire  retraite.  Les  Sauvages  retournerent  se  poster  au- 
dessus  de  la  Riviere. 

Ces  Sauvages  sont  tres-courageux  &  remplis  d'amitie  pour  les  Franqais  : 
autant  ils  nous  aiment,  autant  haissent-ils  les  Anglais,  ausquels  ila  ne  font 
nul  quartier.  II  leur  sera  impossible  de  les  dompter  :  ainsi  la  France,  si 
elle  veut  jamais  ravoir  notre  Cclonie  par  la  force,  trouvera  constamment 
en  eux  des  secours  d'autant  meilleurs,  que  ces  gens-la  sont  intr^pides. 
Leur  naturel  est  d'etre  bons  ;  roais  ils  n'en  sont  pas  moins  dan^ereux, 
quand  on  les  irrite,  Pleins  d'animosite  centre  1'Anglais,  dont  ils  abhor- 
rent la  ferocite,  ils  en  detruisent  autant  qu'il  leur  en  tombe  entre  les 
mains  :  leur  acharnement  contre  cette  Nation  est  si  grand,  qu'il  s'etend 
jusqu'aux  Sauvages  qui  leur  sont  allies  ;  nous  leur  avons  entendu  dire 
qu'ils  tueroient  autant  d'Anglais  qu'il  en  oseroit  se  risquer  dans  le  bois. 
Notre  malheur  est  de  n'avoir  pas  eu  de  ces  Sauvages  qui  nous  auroient 
57]  mis  en  etft  de  faire  de  fre||quentes  sorties  ;  ou  plutot  cela  doit  etre 
range  au  nombre  des  fautes  que  nous  avons  faites,  parce  qu'il  nous  cut  ete 
tres-facile  d'en  rassembler  tel  nombre  que  nous  eussions  voulu  ;  mais  il 


54 

bring  together  as  many  as  we  wished,  but  it  would  have  been 
necessary  to  make  this  provision  before  the  English  arrived  or 
the  siege  began.  Our  commanders'  excuse,  that  one  of  the 
causes  of  the  surrender  was  that  they  had  not  enough  men  to 
make  sorties,  and  dislodge  the  enemy  as  they  pushed  forward 
new  works,  is  not  valid ;  upon  them  lay  this  responsibility ; 
they  were  given  advice  but  paid  no  heed. 

An  incident  happened  in  the  above  action  which  shows  the 
courage  of  the  Indians  attached  to  our  side,  and  deserves  to  be 
narrated.  One  of  them,  called  Little  John,  received  a  gun  shot 
in  the  breast.  His  companions  thought  that  he  was  dead  and, 
having  no  time  to  dig  a  grave,  buried  him  under  the  thicket. 
After  three  days  the  poor  fellow  rejoined  them  at  the  place  to 
which  they  had  retired  beyond  theRiverMira,and  surprised  them 
very  much  for  they  could  not  believe  that  he  was  alive.  These 
Indians  have  marvellous  vigour,  are  hardened  to  fatigue,  and 
extremely  temperate,  going  voluntarily  for  several  days  with- 
out food.  If,  while  hunting,  they  meet  a  Frenchman  and  have 
only  a  little  food,  they  deprive  themselves  of  it,  telling  him 
that,  since  he  does  not  know  how  to  fast  as  long  as  they,  he 

auroit  fallu  s'en  pourvoir  avant  1'arrivee  des  Anglais,  ou  avant  le  commen- 
cement du  siege.  L'excnae  de  nos  Commandans  n'est  done  point  recev- 
able,  de  dire  qu'une  des  causes  de  la  reddition  eat  de  n'avoir  pas  eu  assez 
de  monde,  pour  faire  des  sorties,  &  d^loger  1'ennemi  a  mesure  qu'il  faisoit 
de  nouveaux  ouvrages  ;  c'est  ce  qui  avoit  dopendu  d'eux :  quelqu'un  en 
donna  le  conseil,  mais  on  n'etoit  point  e'cout^. 

II  arriva  dans  1'action  prec^dente,  nne  chose  qui  m^rite  d'etre 
racontee,  &  qui  fait  voir  le  courage  des  Sauvages  qui  nous  sont  attachez. 
Un  d'entr'eux  nomine  Petit-Jean,  rec.ut  un  coup  de  fusil  dans  la  poitrine. 
Ses  camarades  le  croyant  mort,  1'enterrerent  sous  des  brossailles,  n'ayant 
pas  eu  le  terns  de  lui  faire  une  fosse.  Ce  pauvre  gargon  les  rejoignit  au 
bout  de  trois  jours,  dans  1'endroit  ou  ils  s'etoient  retires,  au-dessus  de  la 
58]  riviere  de  Mire\  &  surprit  fort  des  ||  gens  qui  n'avoient  pas  lieu  de  le 
croire  vivant.  Ces  Sauvages  sont  d'une  vigueur  ^tonnante,  endurcis  a  la 
fatigue,  excessivement  sobres,  &  demeurant  volontiers  plusieurs  jours 
sans  manger.  S'ils  se  rencontrent  a  la  chasse  avec  un  Francaia,  &  qn'ils 
n'ayent  que  peu  de  vivres,  ils  s'en  privent,  en  lui  disant  qu'il  les  faut 


55 

must  keep  it  for  himself.  This  trait  expresses  well  the  gene- 
rosity of  their  character.  It  was  not  their  fault  if  they  were 
of  little  service  to  us  during  the  siege.  Notice  was  not  given  to 
them  before  the  means  of  communication  were  cut  off,  and  they 
were  thus  not  able  to  lend  us  the  help  that  we  should  have 
hoped  for.  Having  sought  shelter  in  the  woods,  they  tried 
several  times  to  penetrate  to  the  town.  Some  of  the  English 
who  had  the  temerity  to  ramble  about  were  massacred  and  sev- 
eral were  killed  by  a  band  of  from  twenty  to  twenty-five  Indians 
at  Gabarus,  upon  the  property  of  M.  Rondeau,  pay-master  of 
the  Navy,  who  wished  to  cut  wood  for  the  use  of  the  hostile 
fleet.  The  English  dreaded  them  so  much  that,  to  guard 
against  surprises,  they  burned  all  the  woods  about  Louis- 
bourg. 

When  M.  Kol  returned  and  gave  an  account  of  his  expedi- 
tion, and  of  the  manner  in  which  the  Indians  had  supported 
him,  there  was  a  discussion  about  sending  munitions  of  war  to 
them  at  once,  both  for  themselves  and  for  certain  other  Indians 
who  it  was  thought  would  come  from  Acadia.  A  boat  carrying 
five  barrels  of  powder  and  thirty  hundred  weight  of  ball  was  sent 

garder  pour  lui,  qui  ne  scauroit  faire  diette  aussi  long-terns  qu'eux.  Ce 
trait  exprime  bien  la  bonte'  de  leur  caractere.  Ce  n'est  pas  leur  faute, 
s'ils  ne  nous  ont  rendus  que  de  mediocres  services  durant  le  Siege.  On 
ne  les  avoit  point  avertis,  avant  que  les  passages  f uasent  fermes  ;  Us  n'ont 
done  pu  nous  preter  1'appui  que  nous  en  aurions  du  esp^rer.  Refugies 
dans  les  bois,  ils  ont  plusieurs  fois  cherche  a  penetrer  dans  la  Ville. 
Quelques  Anglais  qui  ont  eu  la  temerit^  de  s'^carter,  en  ont  ete  massacres  ; 
&  vingt  a  vingt-cinq  Sauvages  en  tuerent  plusieurs  i  Gabarus,  sur  1'habi- 
tation  du  sieur  Rondeau,  Tresorier  de  la  Marine,  qui  vouloit  faire  du  bois 
pour  le  service  de  la  Flotte  ennemie.  Les  Anglais  les  craignent  si  fort, 
59]  que  pour  se  garantir  de  leurs  surprises,  ils  ont  II  brule  tous  les  bois  qui 
4toient  aux  environs  de  Louisbourg. 

Le  sieur  Kol  etant  de  retour.  rendit  compte  de  son  expedition,  &  sur 
le  recit  qu'il  fit  de  la  maniere  dont  les  Sauvages  1'avoient  second^,  on 
delibera  de  leur  envoyer  sur  le  champ  des  munitions  de  guerre,  tant  pour 
eux  que  pour  quelques  autres  Sauvages  qu'on  s'imaginoit  devoir  venir  du 
cote  de  1'Acadie.  II  fut  done  expedie  une  chaloupe  chargee  de  cinq  barils 


56 

off  and  taken  through  the  woods  to  an  island  in  the  River 
Mira,  where  three  men  remained  on  guard,  but  we  heard 
not  a  word  of  the  Indians.  Here  again  was  seen  one  of  the 
mistakes  so  familiar  to  us.  For  a  long  time  the  scarcity  of 
powder  had  been  complained  of,  yet  upon  the  slightest 
pretext  and  for  pure  uncertainties  we  deprived  ourselves 
of  some  of  our  supply.  Nothing  could  better  show  how  our 
heads  were  turned.  What  could  the  Indians  have  done  then, 
even  if  they  had  come?  The  enemy  no  longer  doubted 
about  the  final  outcome;  since  the  Vigilant  was  taken  they 
had  reason  to  be  convinced  that  we  could  not  escape  and  our 
loss  of  this  vessel,  in  reducing  us  to  extremities,  placed  them 
in  a  position  to  keep  everything  waiting  upon  their  initiative. 
15  To  make  things  worse,  on  the  loth  a  squadron  of  six  war- 
ships from  London  reached  the  English.  These,  together  with 
the  frigates,  cruised  about  in  view  of  the  town  without  firing  a 
single  shot.  We  have,  however,  since  learned  that  if  we  had 
delayed  capitulating,  all  the  vessels  would  have  brought  their 
broadsides  to  bear  upon  us  (se  seroient  embosser31)  and  we  should 

91  Embosser,   a   naval   term   which    signifies   to    make  fast;  BO  that   a  ship 
embossee  is  a  ship  at  her  moorings  and  at  Anchor. 

de  poudre,  &  de  trente  quintaux  de  balles,  que  Ton  conduisit  dans  le  bois, 
sur  un  Islot  de  la  riviere  de  Mire,  &  trois  homines  y  demeurerent  pour 
garder  ces  munitions  :  mais  nous  n'avons  point  oui  parler  de  ces  Sauvages. 
C'^toit  encore-li  une  de  ces  fautes  qui  nous  etoient  si  familieres.  On  se 
plaignoit,  il  y  avoit  long-terns,  que  nous  manquions  de  poudre  :  cependant 
nous  nous  en  privions,  des  qu'il  se  presentoit  le  moindre  pretexte,  &  sur 
de  pures  incertitudes.  Rien  n'est  plus  capable  de  montrer  a  quel  point  la 
tete  nous  avoit  tourne.  Qu'eussent  pu  faire  alors  ces  Sauvages  quand  ils 
60]  seroient  venus.  L'ennemi  ne  balangoit  plus  II  sur  sa  destinee  &  la 
notre  :  depuis  la  prise  du  Vigilant,  il  devoit  etre  convaincu  que  nous  ne 
pouvions  lui  echaper,  et  ce  Vaisseau  en  nous  reduisant  a  1'extremite, 
1'avoit  mis  dans  une  situation  a  lui  faire  tout  attendre  de  son  entreprise. 
15  Pour  sur  croit  d'infortune,  il  arrive  aux  Anglais  le  15.  une  Escadre 
de  six  Vaisseaux  de  guerre,  venant  de  Londres.  Ces  Vaisseaux  croiserent 
devant  la  Ville,  avec  les  Fregattes,  sans  tirer  un  seul  coup.  Mais  nous 
avons  sc,u  depuis  que,  si  nous  eussions  tarde  a  capituler,  tous  les  Vais- 
seaux se  seroient  embosses,21  &  nous  auroient  fait  essuyer  le  feu  le  plus 

21    Embosser,    tenne    de    Marine,    qui    nignifie  Amarrer;    ainsi  un  Navire 
,  est  un  Navire  sur  ses  amarres  &  a  1'ancre. 


57 

have  had  to  undergo  a  most  vigorous  fire.  Their  arrangements 
were  not  unknown;  I  will  report  the  order  that  they  were  to 
keep. 

The  enemy  had  not  yet  used  red  hot  bullets,  but   on  the  ig 
18th   and    19th   they   did    so,  with   a   success  which   would  and 
have  been  greater   had   there    not   been   prompt   action   on  *' 
our  part.     Three  or  four  houses  took  fire,  but  it  was  quickly 
extinguished.     Promptitude  in  such  emergencies  was  our  single 
resource. 

It  was  without  doubt  the  arrival  of  the  squadron  which 
caused  this  new  greeting  on  the  part  of  the  land  army,  the 
General,  who  wished  himself  to  have  the  honour  of  conquering 
us,  being  very  desirous  of  forcing  us  to  surrender  before  the 
fleet  should  put  itself  in  a  position  to  compel  us. 

The  Admiral  on  his  side  was  anxious  to  secure  the  honour  21 
of  reducing  us.  (  On  the  21st  an  officer  came  to  propose,  on  the 
Admiral's  part,  that,  if  we  must  surrender,  it  would  be  better 
to  do  so  to  him,  because  he  would  show  us  a  consideration  that, 
perhaps,  we  should  not  find  with  the  commander  of  the  land 
force.  All  this  shows  very  little  co-operation  between  the  two 
generals,  and  sufficiently  confirms  the  remark  which  I  have 

vif.  Leurs  dispositions  n'ont  point  et4  ignorees,  je  rapporterai  1'ordre 
qu'ils  devoient  tenir. 

Les    ennemis   ne   s'etoient  encore    point  avises    de   tirer   a  boulets  18. 
rouges  ;  ils  le  firent  le  dix-huit  &  le  dix-neuf,  avec  un  succes  qui  auroit  <0 
61]  ete  plus  grand,  sans  le  prompt  secours  qui  y  II  fut  apporte.     Le  feu  ly- 
prit  &  trois  ou  quatre  maisons,  mais  on  1'eut  bien-tot  eteint.     La  prompti- 
tude en  ces  sortes  d'occasions,  est  la  seule  ressource  que  Ton  puisse  avoir. 

L'arriv^e  de  1'Escadre  etoit,  sans  doute,  1'objet  de  ce  nouveau  salut  de 
la  part  de-l'Arm^e  de  terre  ;  son  General  qui  vouloit  avoir  1'honneur  de 
notre  conquete,  6tant  bien  aise  de  nous  forcer  a  nous  soumettre,  avant 
quo  1'Escadre  se  fut  mise  en  devoir  de  nous  y  contraindre. 

L'Amiral  de  son  cot£  songeoit  a  se  procurer  1'honneur  de  nous  31 
reduire.  Un  Officier  vint  pour  cet  effet,  le  vingt-un,  nous  proposer  de  sa 
part,  que  si  nous  avions  a  nous  rendre,  il  seroit  plus  convenable  de  la 
faire  a  lui,  qui  auroit  des  egards  que  nous  ne  trouverions  peut-etre  pas 
dans  le  Commandant  de  terre.  Tout  cela  marquoit  peu  d'intelligence 
entre  les  deux  Generaux,  &  verifie  asses  la  remarque  que  j'ai  ci-devant 


58 

already  made;  in  fact  one  could  never  have  told  that  these 
troops  belonged  to  the  same  nation  and  obeyed  the  same 
prince.  Only  the  English  are  capable  of  such  oddities,  which 
nevertheless  form  a  part  of  that  precious  liberty  of  which  they 
show  themselves  so  jealous. 

We  answered  the  officer,  whom  Admiral  Warren  had  sent 
with  this  message,  that  we  had  no  reply  to  give  him,  and  that 
we  should  see  which  party  it  would  be  well  to  avail  ourselves 
of  when  we  should  arrive  at  such  an  extremity.  This  swagger 
would  have  made  any  one  laugh  who  had  seen  our  real  embar- 
rassment. It  could  not  have  been  greater ;  the  officer  must 
have  perceived  it  notwithstanding  the  bold  countenance  which 
we  assumed,  since  it  is  difficult  for  the  face  to  conceal  the  emo- 
tions of  the  heart.  Councils  were  held  more  frequently  than 
ever,  but  with  no  better  results ;  they  met  without  knowing 
why,  and  knew  not  what  to  resolve.  I  have  often  laughed  at 
these  meetings  where  nothing  happened  that  was  not  ridiculous, 
and  which  only  revealed  confusion  and  indecision.  Care  for  our 
defence  no  longer  occupied  us.  If  the  English  had  known 
how  to  profit  by  our  fright  they  would  soon  have  mas- 

faite  :  on  n'eut  jamais  dit  en  effet,  que  ces  Troupes  fussent  de  la  meme 
Nation  &  sous  I'ob&ssance  du  meme  Prince.  Les  Anglais  sont  les  seuls 
62]  peuples  capables  de  ces  bisarreries,  qui  font  cependant  II  partie  de 
cette  precieuse  liberty  dont  ils  se  montrent  si  jaloux. 

Nous  repondimes  a  1'Officier,  par  qui  1'Amiral  Warren  nous  avoit  fait 
donner  cet  avis,  que  nous  n'avions  point  de  reponse  a  lui  faire,  &  que 
quand  nous  en  serions  a  cette  extremity,  nous  verrions  le  parti  qu'il 
conviendroit  d'enibrasser.  Cette  fanfaronade  eut  fait  rire  quiconque 
auroit  et6  temoin  de  notre  embarras  en  particulier :  il  ne  pouvoit  Stre 
plus  grand  :  cet  Officier  dut  s'en  appercevoir,  malgre^  la  bonne  contenance 
que  nous  affections.  II  est  difficile  que  le  visage  ne  decile  les  mouvemens 
du  coeur.  Les  Conseils  6toient  plus  frequens  que  jamais,  mais  non  plus 
salutaires  ;  on  s'assembloit  sans  trop  savoir  pourquoi,  aussi  ne  sgavoit-on 
que  resoudre.  J'ai  souvent  ri  de  ces  assemblies,  oil  il  ne  se  passoit  rien 
que  de  ridicule  &  qui  n'annongat  le  trouble  &  1'indecision.  Le  soin  de 
notre  defense  n'6toit  plus  ce  qui  occupoit.  Si  les  Anglais  eussent  SQU 
profiler  de  notre  6pouvante,  il  y  auroit  eu  long- terns  qu'ils  nous  auroient 


59 

tered  us,  sword  in  hand.  But  it  must  be  granted,  to  their 
credit,  that  they  were  as  much  afraid  as  we  were.  Many  a 
time  all  this  has  reminded  me  of  the  fable  of  the  Hare  and 

the  Frogs.*  *L»  Fontaine, 

Book  II., 


The   object   of   our   numerous   Councils   was   to   draw   up  Sable  XIV'— 
articles    of    capitulation.      This   occupied   until   the   twenty-  27 
seventh,  when  an  officer,  M.  Lopinot,'*'  went  out  to  carry  them  t  According  to 
to  the  commander   of   the    land   forces.     It  was   hoped   that  # 


the  terms  would  be  more  agreeable  to  him  than  to  the  Admiral.  Mi8,?ffi£er  was 
but  they  were  of  so  extraordinary  a  character  that,  notwith-  elle-    (Co\l-  de 

Manus..  m., 

standing   the   anxiety  of  this  General  that  we   should  capi-  254.)—  ED. 
tulate  to  him,  he  had  scarcely  the  patience  to  listen  to  them. 
I  remember  that  in  one  article  we  demanded  five  pieces  of 
cannon  and  two  brass  mortars  .     Such  propositions  were  little 
in  accord  with  our  situation. 

In  order  to  succeed  with  one  side  or  the  other,  the  same 
conditions  were  proposed  to  the  Admiral.  This  negotiation 
was  entrusted  to  M.  Bonaventure,  company  captain,  who 
intrigued  a  great  deal  with  Mr.  Warren  and,  although  most  of 
our  articles  were  rejected,  obtained,  nevertheless,  terms  suffi- 
ciently honourable.  The  capitulation  was  then  decided  on  the 

emportes,  1'epee  a  la  main.  Mais  il  faut  convenir  a,  leur  louange, 
63]  qu'ils  II  avoient  autant  de  peur  que  nous.  Cela  m'a  plusieurs  fois 
rappelle  la  fable  du  Lievre  &  des  Grenouilles. 

Le  but  de  nos  frequens  Conaeils  etoit  de  dresser  des  articles  de  capitu-  27 
lation.  On  y  employa  jusqu'au  vingt-sept,  que  le  sieur  Lopinot,  Officier, 
sortit  pour  les  porter  au  Commandant  de  terre.  L'on  se  flatoit  de  les  lui 
faire  mieux  gouter  qu'  a  1"  Amiral.  Mais  ils  etoient  si  extraordinaires,  que 
malgre  1'envie  que  ce  General  avoit  de  nous  voir  rendre  a  lui,  il  se  donna 
a  peine  la  patience  de  les  ecouter.  Je  me  souviens  que  nous  demandions 
par  un  article,  cinq  pieces  de  canon,  &  deux  mortiers  de  fontes.  De  pa- 
reilles  propositions  ne  quadroient  gueres  avec  notre  situation. 

Afin  de  reussir  d'un  cote  ou  d'autre,  on  envoya  proposer  les  memes 
conditions  a  1'  Amiral.  Cette  negociation  avoit  6te  confiee  au  sieur  Bonna- 
venture,  Capitaine  de  Compagnie,  qui  s'intrigua  beaucoup  aupres  de  M. 
Warren,  &  qui,  quoique  la  plupart  de  nos  articles  fussent  rejettez,  en 
obtint  pourtant  d'asses  honorables.  On  arreta  done  la  capitulation  telle 


60 

terms  which  have  been  publicly  reported.  It  was  announced 
to  us  by  two  cannon  shots  from  the  Admiral's  ship  as  M. 
Bonaventure  had  been  instructed.  We  were  reassured  a  little 
by  this  news,  for  we  had  reason  to  apprehend  the  saddest  fate. 
We  feared  at  every  moment  that  the  enemy,  awaking  from 
their  blindness,  would  press  forward  to  carry  the  place  by 
assault.  Everything  invited  them  to  do  so.  There  were  two 
breaches,  each  about  fifty  feet  wide  ;  one  at  the  Dauphin  Gate, 
the  other  at  the  Spur,  which  is  opposite.  They  have  since  told 
us  that  it  had  been  decided  to  attempt  the  assault  the  next  day. 
The  ships  were  to  support  them  and  to  bring  their  guns  to 
bear  in  the  following  manner: — Four  war  ships  and  four 
frigates  were  intended  for  the  Dauphin  bastion;  the  same 
number  of  war  ships  and  frigates,  including  the  Vigilant, 
were  to  attack  the  La  Grave  battery,  and  three  other  vessels 
and  as  many  frigates  were  ordered  to  keep  close  to  the  Island 
at  the  entrance.  We  should  never  have  been  able  to  answer 
the  fire  of  all  these  vessels,  and  at  the  same  time  to  have 
defended  our  breaches,  so  that  it  would  have  been  necessary 
to  yield,  no  matter  what  efforts  we  made,  and  see  ourselves  reduced 

64]  que  les  nouvelles  publiques  1'ont  raj|port6e.  Elle  nous  fut  annoncee 
par  deux  coupa  de  canon  tires  a  bord  de  1'Amiral,  ainsi  qu'on  en  avoit 
donne  1'ordre  au  sieur  Bonnaventure.  A  cette  nouvelle,  nous  reprimes  un 
peu  de  tranquillity  ;  car  nous  avions  sujet  d'apprehender  le  sort  le  plus 
triste.  Nous  craigniona  a  tout  moment,  que  les  ennemis,  sortant  de  leur 
aveuglement,  ne  se  presentasstnt  pour  nous  enlever  d'assaut.  Tout  les  y 
convioit :  il  y  avoit  deux  breches  de  la  longueur  d'environ  cinquante  pieds 
chacune,  1'une  a  la  porte  Dauphine,  &  1'autre  a  1'Eperon,  qui  est  vis-a-vis. 
Us  nous  ont  dit  depuis  que  la  resolution  en  avoit  e'te'  prise,  et  1'exe'cution 
renvoyee  au  lendemain.  Les  Navires  devoient  les  favoriser,  &  s'embosser 
de  la  maniere  suivante. 

Quatre  Vaisseaux  et  quatre  Fregattes  etoient  destines  pour  le  bastion 
Dauphin  :  un  egal  nombre  de  Vaisseaux  &  de  Fregattes,  parmi  lesquels 
e'toit  le  Vigilant,  devoit  attaquer  la  pieee  de  la  Grave  :  &  trois  autres 
Vaisseaux  et  autant  de  Fregattes,  avoient  ordre  de  s'attacher  a  1'Isle  de 
1'entree.  Nous  n'eussions  jamis  pu  repondre  au  feu  de  tous  ces  Vais- 
6B]  seaux,  ||  &  defendre  en  meme  terns  nos  breches :  de  facpn  qu'il  auroit 
fallu  suscomber,  quelques  eBorts  que  nous  eussions  pu  faire,  &  nous  voir 


61 

to  seeking  clemency  from  a  conqueror  whose  generosity  there 
was  reason  to  distrust.  The  land  army  was  composed  only  of 
a  crowd  brought  together  without  subordination  or  discipline, 
who  would  have  made  us  suffer  all  that  the  most  furious  inso- 
lence and  rage  can  do.  The  capitulation  did  not  keep  them 
from  doing  us  considerable  injury. 

Thus,  by  the  visible  protection  of  Providence,  we  warded 
off  a  day  which  would  have  been  so  full  of  misery  for  us. 
What,  above  all,  caused  our  decision  was  the  small  quantity 
of  powder  which  we  still  had.  I  am  able  to  affirm  that  we 
had  not  enough  left  for  three  charges.  This  is  the  critical 
point,  and  upon  this  it  is  sought  to  deceive  the  public  who  are 
ill-informed ;  it  is  desired  to  convince  them  that  twenty  thou- 
sand pounds  still  remained.  Signal  falsehood !  I  have  no 
interest  in  concealing  the  truth,  and  ought  the  more  to  be 
believed  because  I  do  not  pretend  by  this  entirely  to  justify 
our  officers.  If  they  did  not  capitulate  too  soon,  they  com- 
mitted mistakes  enough  to  prevent  their  acquittal  of  the 
blame  which  they  incurred.  It  is  certain  that  we  had  no  more 
than  thirty-seven  kegs  of  powder,  each  of  one  hundred  pounds ; 
this  is  trustworthy,  as  is  not  all  that  is  told  to  the  contrary. 

reduits  a  recourir  a  la  clemence  d'un  vainqueur,  de  la  g4n^rosit6  duquel 
il  y  avoit  a  se  d^fier.  L'Arm^e  de  terre  n'etoit  composee  que  de  gens 
ramasse's,  sans  subordination  ni  discipline,  qui  nous  anroient  fait  eprouver 
tout  ce  que  1'insolence  &  la  rage  ont  de  plus  f urioux.  La  capitulation  n'a 
point  emp6ch6  qu'ils  ne  nous  ayent  bien  fait  du  mal. 

C'est  done  par  une  protection  visible  de  la  Providence,  que  nous  avons 
preVenu  une  journee  qui  nous  auroit  6t^  si  funeste.  Ce  qui  nous  y  a  le 
plus  determine,  est  le  peu  de  poudre  qui  nous  restoit :  je  puis  assurer  que 
nous  n'en  avions  pas  pour  faire  trois  decharges.  C'est  ici  le  point  critique, 
&  sur  lequel  on  cherche  le  plus  a  en  imposer  au  public  mal  instruit :  on 
youdroit  lui  persuader  qu'il  nous  en  restoit  encore  vingt  milliers.  Faus- 
sete  insigne  !  Je  n'ai  aucun  interet  a  d^guiser  la  v^rite"  ;  Ton  doit 
d'autant  plus  m'en  croire,  que  je  ne  pretens  pas  par-la  jnstifier  II 
66]  entierement  nos  Officiers.  S'ils  n'ont  point  capituW  trop  tot,  ils  avoient 
commis  assez  d'autres  fautcs,  pour  ne  le»  pas  laver  du  blame  qu'ils  ont 
encouru.  II  est  constant  que  nous  n'avions  plus  qae  trente-sept  barih  de 
poudre,  a  cent  livres  chacun  :  voila  ce  qui  est  veritable,  &  non  pas  tout 


62 

At  first  even  we  found  only  thirty-five ;  but  our  further 
searches  procured  two  others,  hid,  apparently,  by  the  gunners, 
who,  it  is  known,  are  everywhere  accustomed  to  this  pilfering. 
The  articles  of  capitulation  granted  by  Admiral  Warren 
provided  in  effect  that  the  Garrison  should  march  out  with 
arms  and  flags,  which  should  afterwards  be  given  up,  to  be 
restored  to  the  troops  after  their  arrival  in  France ;  that,  if  our 
own  ships  did  not  suffice  to  transport  our  persons  and  effects  to 
France,  the  English  would  furnish  transport  as  well  as  the 
necessary  provisions  for  the  voyage ;  that  all  the  commissioned 
officers  of  the  Garrison  and  also  the  inhabitants  of  the  town 
should  be  allowed  to  reside  in  their  houses,  and  to  enjoy  the 
free  exercise  of  their  religion  without  molestation,  until  they 
could  be  removed ;  that  the  non-commissioned  officers  and  the 
soldiers  should  be  placed  on  board  the  British  ships  imme- 
diately after  the  surrender  of  the  town  and  the  fortress,  until 
they  also  should  be  taken  to  France ;  that  our  sick  and  wounded 
should  receive  the  same  care  as  those  of  the  enemy ;  that  the 
Commandant  of  the  Garrison  should  have  the  right  to  take 
out  two  covered  wagons  which  should  be  inspected  by  one 

ce  qu'on  raconte  de  contraire.  Nous  n'en  trouviona  meme  d'abord  que 
trente-cinq  ;  mais  lea  recherches  qu'on  fit  nous  en  procurerent  deux  autres, 
caches  apparemment  par  les  Canoniers,  qu'on  sgait  etre  partout  accoutumus 
a  ce  larcin. 

Los  articles  de  la  capitulation  accorded  par  le  Chef  d'Escadre  Warren, 
portoient  en  substance  :  Que  la  Garnison  sortiroit  avec  armes  &  drapeaux 
qui  seroient  remis  ensuite,  pour  etre  restitues  aux  troupes  apres  leur  arrivee 
en  France  :  Que  si  nos  propres  Vaisseaux  ne  suffisoient  pas  pour  trans- 
porter nos  personnes  &  effets,  qu'il  en  seroit  fourni  de  la  part  des  Anglais, 
ainsi  que  les  provisions  n^cessaires  pour  le  voyage  :  Que  tous  les  Officiers 
a  Brevet  de  la  garnison  &  les  habitans  de  la  Ville  pourroient  demeurer 
67]  II  dans  leurs  Maisons,  &  joiiir  du  libre  exercice  de  leur  Religion,  sans 
qu'il  fut  permis  de  les  molester,  jusqu'  a  ce  qu'ils  pussent  etre  transportes  : 
Que  les  Bas-Officiers  &  les  Soldats  seroient  mis,  immediatement  apres  la 
reddition  de  la  Ville  &  de  la  Forteresse,  a  bord  de  quelques  Vaisseaui  de 
S.  M.  Brit,  jusqu'a  ce  qu'ils  fussent  pareiUement  transportes  en  France  : 
qu'on  auroit  le  meme  soin  de  nos  malades  &  blesses,  que  de  ceux  des 
ennemis  :  que  le  Commandant  de  la  garnison  auroit  la  liberte  de  faire 
sortir  deux  chariots  cou verts,  qui  ne  seroient  visites  que  par  un  Officier 


63 

officer  only,  to  see  that  there  were  no  munitions  of  war ;  that, 
if  any  persons  of  the  town  or  garrison  did  not  wish  to  be 
recognized  by  the  English,  they  should  be  permitted  to  go  out 
masked. 

These  conditions  were  assuredly  favourable ;  more  so  than 
we  could  have  promised  ourselves  considering  the  grievous 
condition  to  which  we  were  reduced.  Nothing  could  show 
better  that  the  enemy  were  not  yet  cured  of  their  fear.  They 
dreaded  our  fortifications  and  in  this  had  abundant  reason  to 
excuse  them.  Their  mistake  was  in  not  having  sufficient 
insight  to  detect  our  want  of  ammunition.  An  able  and 
experienced  enemy  would  soon  have  discovered  this. 

There  were  certain  other  articles  added  by  Mr.  Warren ;  namely, 
that  the  surrender  and  execution  of  each  portion  of  the  things 
mentioned  above  should  be  done  and  accomplished  as  soon  as 
possible ;  that,  for  guaranty  of  their  execution,  the  Island 
battery,  or  one  of  the  batteries  of  the  town,  should  be  delivered 
up,  with  all  the  artillery  and  munitions  of  war,  to  the  troops  of 
His  Britannic  Majesty  before  six  o'clock  in  the  evening ;  that 
the  vessels  lying  before  the  harbour  should  be  free  to  enter 

geulement,  pour  voir  s'il  n'y  avoit  aucune  munition  de  guerre  :  Que  si 
quelques  personnes  de  la  Ville  ou  de  la  Garnison,  ne  vouloient  point  etre 
vues  des  Anglais,  il  leur  seroit  permis  de  sortir  masqu^es. 

Ces  conditions  Etoient  assurement  favorables,  &  plus  que  nous 
n'aurions  du  nous  le  promettre  de  1'etat  facheux  ou  nous  6tions  reduits. 
Rien  n'est  plus  propre  a  prouver  que  les  ennemis  n  etoient  encore  point 
68]  gueris  de  leur  crainte.  Us  redoutoient  II  nos  fortifications,  &  avoient 
en  cela  plus.de  raison  qu'il  n'en  faut  pour  les  excuser.  Leur  tort  est  de 
n'avoir  pas  SQU  pen^trer  le  manque  de  nos  munitions  de  guerre.  C'est  ce 
qu'un  ennemi  habile  &  exp^rimente  auroit  bien-tot  eu  decouvert. 

II  y  avoit  quelques  autres  articles,  qui  furent  ajout^s  par  M.  Warren  ; 
scavoir,  que  la  reddition  &  1'execution  de  chaque  partie  des  choses  ci- 
deasus  mentionnees,  seroient  faites  &  accomplies  aussi-tot  qu'il  seroit 
possible  :  Que  pour  suret^  de  leur  execution,  la  batterie  de  1'Isle,  ou  1'une 
des  batteries  de  la  Ville,  seroit  delivree  avec  toute  I'artillerie  &  les  muni- 
tions de  guerre,  aux  troupes  de  S.  Maj.  Brit,  avant  six  heures  du  soir  : 
Que  les  Vaisseaux  qui  etoient  devant  le  Port  auroient  la  libert^  d'y  entrer, 


64 

immediately  thereafter,  and  whenever  the  Commander-in-Chief 
should  deem  proper ;  that  none  of  the  officers,  soldiers,  or 
inhabitants  of  Louiabourg,  subjects  of  the  King  of  France, 
should  take  up  arms  against  England  or  any  of  her  allies, 
during  a  year,  to  be  reckoned  from  the  day  of  signing 
the  capitulation  ;  lastly,  that  all  the  subjects  of  His  Britannic 
Majesty  held  as  prisoners  in  the  town  or  on  the  Island  should 
be  delivered  up. 

29  In  consequence  of  this  capitulation,  signed  "  P.  Warren  "  and 
"William  Pepperrell,"  the  war  vessels,  merchant  ships,  and 
transports  entered  the  harbour  of  Louisbourg  on  the  29th. 
We  have  nothing  but  praise  for  the  polished  and  engaging 
manners  of  the  Admiral,  who  had  his  men  well  under  control, 
and  showed  us  all  the  attentions  that  one  could  expect  from  an 
enemy,  generous  and  compassionate.  Mr.  Warren  is  a  young 
man,  about  thirty-five  years  old,  very  handsome,  and  full 
of  the  noblest  sentiments.  That  he  sought  to  gratify  us  in 
everything  we  had  proof  at  our  departure ;  we  had  need  of  a 
surgeon  on  the  Linceston,  the  ship  which  carried  us  to  Roche- 
fort,  and  he  obligingly  gave  us  the  surgeon  of  the  Vigilant. 

immediatement  apres,  &  lorsque  le  Commandant  en  chef  le  jugeroit  & 
propos  :  Qu'aucun  des  Officiers,  Soldats,  ou  habitans  de  Louisbourg, 
sujets  du  Roi  de  France,  ne  pourroient  prendre  les  armes  centre  1'Angle- 
terre  ou  aucun  de  sea  allies  pendant  un  an,  a  compter  du  jour  de  la  signa- 
69]  ture  de  la  capitula||tion  :  Enfin,  que  tous  les  Sujets  de  S.  M.  Brit. 
detenus  prisonniers  dans  la  Ville  ou  dans  1'Isle,  seroient  delivres. 

En  consequence  de  cette  capitulation,  signee  P.  Warren  &  Guil- 
29  laume  Pepperdl,  les  Vaisseaux  de  guerre,  ceux  de  charge  &  de  transport 
entrerent  dans  le  Havre  de  Louisbourg,  le  vingt-neuf.  Nous  n'avons  que 
lieu  de  nous  louer  des  manieres  polies  &  engageantes  de  1'Amiral,  qui  a 
sou  contenir  les  troupes  qui  lui  etoient  soumises,  &  qui  a  eu  pour  nous 
toutes  les  attentions  que  Ton  doit  attendre  d'un  ennemi  genereui  &  com- 
patissant.  M.  Warren  est  un  jeune  homme  d'environ  trente-cinq  ans, 
d'une  tres  jolie  figure,  &  rempli  des  plus  nobles  sentimens.  U  n'a 
chercW  qu'  a  nous  faire  plaisir  en  tout,  nous  en  avons  eu  la  preuve  a  notre 
depart ;  il  nous  falloit  un  Chirurgien  sur  le  Linceston,  Vaisseau  qui  nous 
a  amen6  a  Bochefort,  &  il  nous  aecorda  obligeamment  celui  du  Vigilant. 


65 

We  have,  however,  much  to  complain  of  respecting  the  com- 
mander of  the  land  forces,  who  had  not  the  same  consideration 
for  us,  and  allowed  us  to  be  pillaged  by  his  troops,  in  violation 
of  the  good  faith  due  to  our  capitulation,  and  of  the  public 
security.  What  could  we  expect  from  a  man  who,  it  is  said,  is 
the  son  of  a  shoemaker  of  Boston?  The  Governor,  whose 
favourite  he  was,  had  given  him  this  command  to  the  prejudice 
of  better  men,  who  had  murmured  loudly  about  it.  The  officers 
of  the  men-of-war  had  only  open  contempt  for  him ;  those  who 
served  under  his  orders  did  not  respect  him  more.  To  punish 
us  for  not  surrendering  to  him,  he  did  not  cease  to  persecute 
us ;  we  can  only'  impute  to  him  all  the  harm  which  was  done 
us.  Constantly,  ineffective  complaints  were  carried  to  him 
against  his  men,  who,  after  they  were  free  to  enter  the  town 
threw  themselves  into  our  houses  and  took  what  pleased  them. 
Our  lot  was  little  different  from  that  of  a  town  given  up  to 
pillage. 

We  have  another  grievance  against  our  conquerors.  One  of  the 
articles  of  capitulation  provided  that  we  should  use  our  own 
vessels  to  carry  us  and  our  effects  to  France,  and  that,  if  these 

Mais  nous  avons  beaucoup  a  nous  plaindre  du  Commandant  de  terre, 
70]  qui  n'ayant  pas  pour  nous  les  memes  II  egards,  nous  a  laisse  piller  par 
sea  troupes,  contre  la  foi  due  a  notre  capitulation,  &  la  surete  publique. 
Que  pouvions-nous  esperer  d'un  homme  que  Ton  dit  etre  fils  d'un  cordon- 
nier  de  Baston  1  le  Gouverneur,  dont  il  etoit  le  favori,  1'avoit  gratifio  de 
ce  Commandement,  au  prejudice  des  plushonnetes  gens,  qui  en  ont  haute- 
ment  murmured  Les  Officiers  des  Vaisseaux  de  guerre  n'avoient  pour  lui 
qu'un  m^pris  eclatant :  ceux  qui  servoient  sous  ses  ordres,  ne  le  respec- 
toient  pas  davahtage.  Pour  nous  punir  de  ne  nous  etre  point  rendus  a  lui, 
il  n'a  cesse  de  nous  persecutor  :  nous  ne  pouvons  que  lui  imputer  tout  le 
mal  qui  nous  a  ete  fait.  On  lui  a  toujours  porte  d'inutiles  plaintes  contre 
ses  gens,  qui,  des  que  1' entree  de  la  Ville  leur  a  ete  libre,  se  jetterent  dans 
nos  Maisons,  &  y  ont  pris  tout  ce  qui  les  accommodoit.  Notre  sort  n'a 
gueres  ete  different  d'une  Ville  abandonnee  au  pillage. 

Un  autre  grief  contre  nos  Vainqueurs.  II  etoit  stipule  par  un  des 
articles  de  la  capitulation,  que  nous  nous  servirions  de  nos  propres 
71]  Vais||seaux  pour  nous  transporter  en  France,  avec  nos  effets,  &  que 

5 


66 

did  not  suffice,  the  enemy  would  furnish  us  with  ships,  as  well 
as  with  provisions,  for  the  voyage ;  yet,  by  the  most  glaring 
injustice,  they  refused  us  the  ships  in  the  harbour,  on  the 
ground  that  they  belonged  to  some  merchants  of  France,  as  if 
we  had  not  treated  for  all  that  was  in  the  place.  What  was 
more  mortifying,  they  had  the  malice  to  let  us  get  these  ships 
ready  for  sea,  and  it  was  only  on  the  eve  of  sailing  that  they 
committed  this  unworthy  chicanery.  Upon  this  fine  pretext, 
which  was  at  bottom  only  the  law  of  the  strongest,  they  seized 
the  cargoes  of  some  of  these  same  ships,  in  which  we  should  have 
found  provisions  for  the  voyage,  instead  of  being  compelled 
nearly  to  die  of  hunger.  The  captains  were  compelled  to  buy 
their  ships  back  again. 

This  strange  proceeding,  which  the  Court  of  France  is 
interested  in  avenging,  shows  how  little  the  word  of  an  enemy 
like  the  English  can  be  depended  upon,  especially  in  those 
distant  countries  where  honour  is  among  the  things  unknown. 
Here  is  another  proof.  There  had  been  a  capitulation  at  Canso, 

•Captain  Her-  bv  which  M.  Brastrik,  the  officer  in  command  there  *  could  not 
on  was  in  com-     • 

mand  at  Can-  serve  before  the  month  of   June ;  nevertheless,   this  officer 
so,  where 

had^ "hip.        8>^s  ne  suffisoient  pas,  1'ennemi  nous  en  fourniroit,  ainsi  que  des  provisions 

Collection  de     pour  faire  ie  voyage  ;  mais,  par  la  plus  criante  de  toutes  les  injustices,  on 

IIl!T*202-3'      nous  a  refuse  les  Navires  qui  se  trouvoient  dans  le  Port,  sous  pretexts 

(Quebec,1884).  qu'ilg  apartenoient  a  des  Negocians  de  France,  comme  si  nous  n'avions  pas 

agalnst^rls-    *rait6  Pour  tout  ce  qii  etoit  dans  la  Place.     Ce  qu'il  y  eut  de  plus  morti- 

triok  of  viola-  ftant,  on  avoit  eu  la  malignite  de  nous  laisser  mettre  ces  Navires  en  etat 

is^epeated'by  de  naviger,  &  ce  ne  fut  qu'a  la  veille  de  faire  voile,  qu'on  s'avisa  de  nous 

the  Governor    chicanner  aussi  indignement.     Sur  ce  beau  pretexte,  qui  n'etoit  au  fond 

K-  25*.— ED!  1ue  'a  l°i  du  P^us  ^ort'  on  se  saisit  des  cargaisons  de  quelques-uns  de  ces 

memes  Navires,  ou  nous  aurions  trouve  des  vivres  pour  nous  nourrir 

pendant  la  traversed,  au  lieu  que  Ton  nous  a  presque  fait  mourir  de  faira. 

Les  Capitaines  ont  et^  contraints  de  racheter  leurs  Navires. 

Cet  etrange  precede,  que  la  Cour  de  France  est  interessee  a  vanger, 
fait  voir  combien  il  faut  peu  compter  sur  la  parole  d'un  ennemi 
72]  comme  II  1'Anglais,  sur  tout  en  ces  Pays  eloignes,  ou  1'honneur  est  au 
rang  des  choses  inconnues.  En  voici  une  autre  preuve.  II  y  avoit  eu  une 
capitulation  a  Canceaux,  par  laquelle  le  sieur  Brastrik,  Officier  qui  y  com- 
mandoit,  ne  pouvoit  servir  que  dans  le  mois  de  Juin  ;  cependant  cet  Officier 


07 

ventured  to  take  up  arms  in  the  month  of  May.  If  the  court 
acted  wisely,  it  would  practice  reprisals,  and  make  use  at  once 
of  the  troops  which  we  have  brought  home,  unless  the  English 
court  should  give  satisfaction  for  an  outrage  on  the  laws  of 
war  recognized  by  all  civilized  nations. 

Such  is  the  description  of  the  siege  of  Louisbourg,  which, 
notwithstanding  our  fortifications,  would  not  have  lasted  so 
long  had  we  been  attacked  by  an  enemy  better  versed  in  the 
art  of  war.  No  complaint  can  be  made  of  the  settlers,  who 
served  with  the  same  precision  as  did  the  troops  themselves, 
and  had  to  bear  the  greatest  fatigues.  The  regular  soldiers 
were  distrusted"22  so  that  it  was  necessary  to  charge  the  inhabi- 
tants with  the  most  dangerous  duties.  Children,  ten  and 
twelve  years  old,  carried  arms,  and  were  to  be  seen  on  the  ram- 
parts, exposing  themselves  with  a  courage  beyond  their  years. 
Our  loss  scarcely  reached  one  hundred  and  thirty  men,  and  it 
is  certain  that  that  of  the  English  was  more  than  two  thou- 
sand. Yet  their  force  was  so  great  that  for  them  this  loss  was 
inconsiderable.  They  had,  at  disembarking,  as  many  as  from 

sa  A  French  soldier  was  hanged  during  the  siege  for  projected  treason  ;  he  was 
found  with  a  letter  which  he  was  carrying  from  a  prisoner  to  the  English  general. 

a  ose  prendre  lea  armes  des  le  mois  de  Mai.  Si  la  Cour  faisoit  bien,  elle 
useroit  de  repre'sailles,  &  employeroit  nos  troupes  des-a  present,  a  moins 
que  la  Cour  d'Angleterre  no  lui  fasse  raison  d'un  attentat  aux  loix  Mili- 
taires  regues  parmi  toutes  les  Nations  Policees. 

Telle  est  la  description  du  Siege  de  Louisbourg,  qui  n'auroit  pas  dure 
si  long-terns,  malgre  nos  fortifications,  si  nous  eussions  ete  attaques  par 
des  ennemis  plus  instruits  dans  1'Art  de  la  guerre.  On  ne  peut  rien 
reprocher  aux  habitans,  qui  ont  fait  le  service  avec  autant  d'exatitude 
que  les  troupes  memes,  &  surqui  ont  roule'  les  plus  grandes  fatigues.  On 
73]  se  deficit  des  soldats,"  ainsi  il  fal||loit  que  1'habitant  se  chargeat 
de  ce  qu'il  y  avoit  de  plus  perilleux.  Des  enfans  de  dix  &  douze  ans 
avoient  pris  les  armes,  &  on  les  a  vu  sur  le  rempart  s'exposer  avec  un 
courage  au-dessus  de  leur  age.  Notre  perte  ne  s'est  gueres  montee  qu'a 
cent  trente  hommes,  &  il  est  sur  que  celle  des  Anglais  va  a  plus  de  2  mille. 
Mais  leurs  forces  etoient  si  considerables,  que  cette  perte  a  ete  mediocre 
pour  eux.  Us  avoient  plus  de  huit  a  neuf  mille  horn,  de  debarquement. 

22  Un  Soldat  Francais  a  e'te  pendu  durant  le  sie'ge,  pour  avoir  voulu  nona 
trahir  :  On  le  trouva  nanti  d'une  lettre  qu'il  portoit  au  General  Anglais  de  la  part 
d'un  prisonnier. 


68 

eight  to  nine  thousand  men.  We  should  have  done  them  more 
injury  if  we  had  been  able  to  make  sorties.  I  have  told  the 
causes  which  prevented  our  doing  this.  The  bombs  and 
bullets  of  the  enemy  caused  frightful  desolation  in  our  poor 
town ;  most  of  our  houses  were  demolished,  and  we  were 
obliged  to  remove  the  flour  from  the  general  magazine  to 
expose  it  to  the  weather  in  the  King's  garden  ;  we  feared  that 
it  might  be  burned  by  the  enemy,  as  most  of  the  bombs  fell 
upon  this  magazine.  More  than  three  thousand  five  hundred 
must  have  been  fired  against  us.  I  do  not  know  exactly  how 
much  flour  remained  to  us  still,  but  I  know  that  there  was  a 
large  quantity,  and  there  were  other  provisions  in  proportion. 
These,  however,  could  not  take  the  place  of  the  munitions  of  war, 
which  were  absolutely  exhausted.  We  had  no  more  bombs,  and 
if  we  had  had  any  they  would  have  been  perfectly  useleas,  for 
our  mortars  had  cracked,  after  some  shots  had  been  fired.  All 
misfortunes  were  ours  at  once. 

The  enemy  caused  all  to  embark  and  did  not  wish  to  allow 
any  settler  to  remain  upon  the  island.  They  would  have 
driven  out  even  the  Indians  if  that  had  been  in  their  power. 
This  conduct  proves  that  they  desire  to  keep  it.  But  if  we 

Nous  leur  eussions  fait  plus  de  mal,  si  nous  avions  pu  faire  des  sorties  ;  j'ai 
dit  les  raisons  qui  nous  en  ont  empeche\  Les  bombes  &  les  boulets  des 
ennemis  avoient  mis  notre  pauvre  Ville  dans  une  affreuse  desolation  :  la 
plupart  de  nos  maisons  etoient  rasees,  &  nous  avions  et^  obliges  de  retirer 
les  farines  du  Magazin  General,  pour  les  exposer  i  1'air  dans  le  jardin  du 
74]  Roi ;  nous  apprehendions  que  1'ennemi  ne  les  brulat,  la  plus  grande  II 
partie  des  bombes  tombaut  sur  ce  Magazin.  II  faut  qu'il  nous  en  ait  e'te' 
jette  plus  de  trois  mille  cinq  cens.  Je  ne  sgais  pas  au  juste  combien  il 
nous  restoit  encore  de  farines,  mais  je  sgais  qu'il  y  en  avoit  une  grande 
quantite,  &  d'autres  vivres  a  proportion.  Mais  cela  ne  pouvoit  remplacer 
les  munitions  de  guerre,  qui  manquoient  absolument.  Nous  n'avions  plus 
de  bombes,  &  quand  nous  en  aurions  eu,  elles  eussent  6t^  entierement 
inutiles,  puisque  nos  mortiers  etoient  creves,  apres  en  avoir  tire"  quelques 
coups.  Nous  avons  eu  tous  les  malheurs  ensemble. 

L'Ennemi  a  tout  fait  embarquer,  &  n'a  jamais  voulu  permettre  qu'aucun 
habitant  demeurat  dans  1'Isle.  II  en  auroit  chasse  jusqu'aux  Sauvages,  si 
cela  eut  ete  en  son  pouvoir.  Cette  conduite  prouve  qu'il  a  envie  de  s'y 


69 

succeed  in  taking  Acadia*  I  see  no  difficulty  in  our  getting  *An  exi>edi- 
Cape  Breton  from  them.  It  appears  that  the  English  court  is 
sending  great  forces  thither  ;  this  ought  to  awaken  the  atten- 
tion  of  the  French  court  and  to  lead  it  to  increase  its  force  on  the 
sea,  with  a  view  to  opposing  the  enemy's  designs  against  ~ED- 
Canada.  When  we  came  away  they  assured  us  that  they 
would  be  masters  of  it  next  year.  We  ought  to  make  sure 
that  they  have  not  a  similar  success  in  this  enterprise,  which 
would  give  the  last  blow  to  our  commerce.  Would  it  be 
possible  that  it  should  sustain  so  great  a  reverse  under  the 
invincible  Louis  XV.,  and  that,  while  so  valiant  a  Monarch 
makes  the  Powers  which  dare  to  oppose  him  tremble,  he  allows 
his  subjects  in  the  colonies  to  be  exposed  to  the  violence  of  his 
enemies,  and  to  be  the  only  ones  who  succumb  to  the  fortune  of 
war  ?  Are  we  less  his  subjects  ?  We  should  be  very  sorry  to 
depend  upon  any  other  Power. 

I  will  finish  this  sad  and  unhappy  narrative,  which  makes 
me  weep,  by  saying  that  the  court  should  extend  its  charity 
to  an  immense  number  of  unfortunates  who,  if  not  succoured, 
will  die  of  hunger  in  France.  We,  the  inhabitants  of  the  town, 

conserver  :  mais,  si  Ton  parvient  i  prendre  1'Acadie,  je  ne  faia  nulle  diffi- 
cult6  qu'on  vienne  i  bout  de  lui  enlever  1'Isle-Royale.  II  paroit  4ue  la 
Cour  d'Angleterre  y  fah  passer  de  grandes  forces  ;  ce  qui  doit  reveiller 
1'attention  de  la  Cour  de  France,  &  1'engager  a  augmenter  les  siennes  II 
75]  par  mer,  afin  de  s'opposer  au  projet  qu'ont  forme  les  ennemis  sur  le  Can- 
ada. Us  nous  ont  assures,  en  partant,  qu'ils  en  seroient  maitres  1'annee 
prochaine.  Nous  devons  faire  ensorte  qu'ils  n'ayent  pas  le  memo  succes 
dans  cette  eritreprise,  qui  acheveroit  de  porter  les  derniers  coups  a  notre 
commerce.  Seroit-il  possible  qu'il  essuiat  de  si  grands  revers  sous  1'in vin- 
cible LOUIS  XV.  Et  que  tandis  qu'un  si  vaillant  Monarque  fait  trembler 
les  Puissances  qui  osent  lui  resister,  il  souffre  que  sea  sujets  des  colonies 
soient  exposes  a  la  violence  de  ses  ennemis,  &  les  seuls  qui  succombent 
sous  la  fatalite  des  Armes  1  Sommes-nous  moins  ses  sujets  1  Nous 
serious  bien  faches  de  dependre  de  toute  autre  Puissance. 

Je  finirai  ce  triste  &  malheureux  recit  qui  m'arrache  des  larmes,  par  dire 
que  la  Cour  doit  etendre  sa  charite  sur  un  nombre  infini  de  miserables,  qui 
vont  mourir  de  faim  en  France,  si  on  ne  les  secoure.  Nous  autres  habi- 


70 

owing  to  the  terms  of  capitulation,  however  badly  executed.have 
still  preserved  something  from  the  ruin  of  a  fortune  sufficiently 
limited,  but  those  who  dwelt  in  the  country  have  lost  every- 
thing, as  they  were  exposed  to  the  first  fury  of  the  enemy.  I 
have  seen  numerous  families  (for  there  is  scarcely  a  country  in 
the  world  that  we  have  peopled  as  we  have  our  northern  col- 
onies) embark  without  having  anything  to  cover  them,  and 
wring  compassion  from  even  the  English  themselves.  I  have 
succoured  as  many  of  them  as  my  means  have  permitted,  and 
several  others  have  followed  my  example.  The  court  will 
not  leave  those  to  perish  whose  fidelity  has  caused  their  mis- 
fortune. 

Our  commander,  M.  du  Chambon,  behaved  very  well  after 
the  reduction  of  the  place.  He  protected  us  with  all  his  power 
against  insolence  on  the  part  of  our  conquerors,  and  he  wished 
to  be  the  last  to  leave  the  colony,  but  the  English  forced  him 
to  embark.  He  left  an  officer  to  represent  him,  and  to  see  that 
the  settlers  were  allowed  to  have  what  they  had  a  right  to 
carry  off,  under  the  terms  of  the  capitulation. 

This,  my  dear  friend,  is  a  detailed  narrative  of  this  unhappy 

tans  de  la  Ville,  nous  avons  encore  conserve  quelque  chose  des  debris  d'une 
76]  fortune  asses  mince,  a  la  faveur  de  la  capitulation,  quoique  II  mal  exe'- 
cute'e  :  mais  les  habitans  de  la  campagne  ont  tout  perdu,  comme  ayant  dt6 
exposes  .\  la  premiere  fougue  des  ennemis.  J'ai  vu  de  nombreuses  families 
(car  il  n'est  gueres  de  Pays  au  monde,  ou  Ton  peuple  tant  que  dans  nos 
colonies  Septentrionales)  s'embarquer  sans  avoir  de  quoi  se  couvrir,  & 
arracher  de  la  compassion  aux  Anglais  memes.  J'en  ai  secouru  autant 
que  mes  faucultes  me  1'ont  permis,  &  plusieurs  personnes  ont  unite  mon 
exemple.  La  Cour  ne  laissera  point  perir  des  gens  dont  les  fide'lite'  a  fait 
le  malheur. 

Notre  Commandant,  Mr.  du  Chambon,  en  a  tres-bien  agi  apres  la 
reduction  de  la  Place.  II  nous  a  protege  de  toutes  aes  forces  contre 
1'insolence  de  partie  de  nos  vainqueurs,  &  il  ne  vouloit  quitter  la  colonie 
que  le  dernier  ;  mais  les  Anglais  1'ont  force  de  s'embarquer.  II  a  laisse 
un  Officier  pour  le  representer,  &  avoir  soin  qu'on  rendit  aux  habitans 
tout  ce  qu'ils  avoient  droit  d'emporter,  en  vertu  de  la  capitulation. 

Voila,    mon  cher  ami,   une  relation  de'taille'e  de  cette   malheureuse 


71 

affair,  of  which  such  diverse  accounts  are  given.  I  can  protest 
to  you  that  I  have  suppressed  nothing  of  all  which  could  come 
to  my  knowledge,  and  I  am  inviolably  bound  to  tell  the  truth, 
without  wishing  to  injure  anyone  through  a  desire  for  revenge 
or  anything  else.  The  same  motive  compels  me  to  render  to 

the  Minister*  the  justice  which  is  his  due.     I  hear  that  he  is  *  The  well- 
known  Comte 
blamed  for  some  of  the  disaster  to  our  colony,  as  if  he  could  be  de  Maurepas, 

responsible  for  the  faults  of  those  to  whose  care  he  entrusted  official  life 
it.  If  you  share  this  popular  mistake,  the  detailed  account  1781.— ED. 
which  I  have  given  can  save  you  from  it.  Can  we,  indeed, 
yield  to  notions  so  little  in  accordance  with  the  foresight  of 
this  great  Minister,  to  whom  the  navy  owes  much,  and  to 
whom  it  would  owe  still  more  if  he  were  given  the  power  to 
restore  it  to  its  ancient  lustre?  One  must  be  ignorant  of  what 
is  going  on  to  make  such  a  mistake.  Let  him  be  listened  to  ; 
let  him  be  the  only  one  upon  whom  depends  the  strength  of 
this  potent  support  of  our  glory  and  splendour ;  let  him  be 
given  sufficient  sums  to  build  as  many  ships  as  we  need,  and 
let  that  no  longer  be  regarded  by  the  court  as  a  thing  in- 
different which  deserves,  perhaps,  the  chief  and  the  most 

77]  affaire  d'ont  on  parle  si  diversement.  II  Je  vous  puis  protester  que  je 
n'ai  rien  tu  de  tout  ce  qui  a  pu  venir  a  ma  connoissance,  que  je  m'y  suis 
inviolablement  astraint  a  dire  la  v^rite\  sans  dessein  d'offenser  personne, 
par  esprit  de  vengeance,  ni  autrement.  Le  m§me  motif  m'oblige  a  rendre 
au  Ministre  la  justice  qui  lui  est  due.  J'entens  qu'on  lui  attribue  en 
partie  le  d^sastre  de  notre  colonie,  comme  s'il  pouvoit  gtre  responsable 
des  fautes  de  ceux  a  qui  il  en  avoit  confie  le  soin.  Si  vous  etcs  dans  cette 
erreur  populaire,  le  detail  dans  lequel  je  suis  entre1  est  capable  de  vous  en 
tirer.  Peut-on  en  effet,  se  livrer  a  des  iddes  si  peu  conformes  a  la  pr6- 
voyance  de  ce  GRAND  MINISTRE,  a  qui  la  marine  doit  beaucoup,  &  a  qui 
elle  devroit  encore  davantage,  s'il  6toit  le  maitre  de  lui  restituer  son 
ancien  lustre  ?  11  faut  Stre  peu  au  fait  de  ce  qui  se  passe,  pour  donner 
dans  ce  travers.  Faites  qu'on  1'ecoute,  qu'il  soit  le  seul  de  qui  depende  le 
nerf  de  ce  puissant  soutien  de  notre  gloire  &  de  notre  splendeur,  qu'on 
lui  accorde  des  sommes  suffisantes,  pour  construire  autant  de  Vaisseaux 
78]  qu'il  nous  en  faudroit,  &  qu'on  ne  regarde  pas  en  II  Cour,  un  objet 
indifferent,  ce  qui  m^riteroit  peut-etre  la  principale  &  la  plus  s^rieuse 


72 

serious  attention.  I  warrant  you  that  then  you  would  soon 
see  the  navy  upon  the  old  footing  that  it  had  formerly  under 
Louis  XIV.  But  as  long  as  his  hands  are  tied  and  he  gets 
only  small  and  ineffective  grants  of  money,  and  attention  is 
turned  away  from  this  motive  power  of  our  greatness  and 
strength,  every  penetrating  and  impartial  mind  will  take  care 
not  to  blame  him  for  the  blows  levied  at  our  maritime  com- 
merce, to  which  the  state  is  more  indebted  than  is  imagined. 

Believe  it  as  perfectly  true  that  Louisbourg  had  been  suffi- 
ciently furnished  with  provisions  and  munitions  of  war ;  that 
the  Minister  had  reason  to  rely  upon  his  own  wisdom  and  care 
in  this  respect,  and  that  the  want  of  economy  and  the  waste- 
fulness of  those  placed  in  charge  are  what  should  be  blamed. 
Could  he  foresee  that  they  would  foolishly  consume  K  the  pro- 

2  s  What  did  most  to  consume  our  powder  were  the  privateering  armaments 
which  were  planned  from  the  time  that  we  knew  of  the  declaration  of  war.  The 
officers  were  interested  in  the  Privateers  and  this  procured  for  the  settler  as  much 
powder  as  he  wished.  I  will  say  here  that  trade  was  controlled  by  the  officers,  that 
they  purchased  the  cargoes  as  soon  as  they  arrived,  and  that  they  obliged  the 
inhabitants  to  buy  their  goods  by  their  weight  in  gold.  They  have,  however,  an 
excuse  in  the  small  salaries  which  the  Court  paid  them. 

attention  :  Je  vous  reponds  qu'alors  vous  verres  bien-tot  la  Marine  sur 
cet  ancien  pied,  ou  elle  a  ete  quelque  terns  sous  LOUIS  XIV.  Mais  tant 
qu'on  lui  liera  les  mains,  qu'il  n'obtiendra  que  des  secours  d'argent  foibles 
et  impuissans,  qu'on  detournera  les  yeux  de  dessus  ce  mobile  de  notre 
grandeur  &  de  notre  Puisance  :  tout  esprit  clairvoyant  &  impartial  se 
donnera  de  garde  rejetter  sur  lui  les  coups  portes  a  notre  commerce 
Maritime,  a  qui  1'Etat  est  plus  redevable  qu'on  ne  pense. 

Croyez  comme  une  chose  des  plus  vrayes  que  Louisbourg  avoit  ete 
suffisamment  pourvu  de  vivres  &  de  munitions  de  guerre  ;  que  le  Ministre 
avoit  lieu  de  se  reposer  sur  cette  partie  de  sa  sagesse  &  de  ses  soins ;  & 
que  c'est  au  defaut  d'osconomie,  &  a  la  dissipation  de  ceux  qu'il  avoit 
charges  d'y  veiller,  qu'il  faut  s'en  prendre.  Pouvoit-il  preVoir  que  Ton 
79]  consommeroit23  ||  follement  des  provisions  consacrees  pour  les 


53  Ce  qui  a  le  plus  servi  a  consommer  notre  poudre,  ce  sont  les  armemens  en 
course,  dont  on  s'avisa  des  qu'on  eut  S9U  la  declaration  de  Guerre.  Lee  Officiers 
<$toient  inteVesses  dans  les  Corsaires ;  ce  qui  en  a  prpcur<5  a  1'Habitant  autant 
qu'il  a  voulu.  Je  dirai  a  cette  occasion,  que  les  Officiers  e'toient  les  maitres  du 
commerce,  qu'ils  achetoient  les  cargaisons  des  qu'elles  arrivoient,  &  qu'il  falloit 
que  les  Habitant  leur  payassent  les  marchandises  au  poids  de  1'or,  Mais  ils  one 
une  excuse  dans  les  modiques  appoiutemens  que  la  Cour  leur  donne. 


73 

visions  devoted  to  the  needs  of  a  useful  colony  ?  And  if  he  had 
suspected  it,  how  could  he  have  acted  otherwise  than  as  he  did  ? 
As  soon  as  he  learns  that  Cape  Breton  is  menaced,  and  is  noti- 
fied of  its  condition,  he  sends  instantly  a  ship  of  sixty-four 
guns  to  carry  thither  all  that  would  be  necessary  for  the  longest 
resistance.  The  event  has  shown  that  she  could  get  in  ;  must 
he  have  divined  that  imprudence  would  put  her  in  the  power 
of  the  enemy  ?  It  is  said  that  she  ought  not  to  have  been 
sent  alone  ;  it  is  easy  to  say  this  but  it  was  not  so  easy  to  do 
otherwise.  For  a  long  time  the  condition  of  our  marine  has 
been  such  that  an  expedition  could  not  be  undertaken  the 
instant  the  occasion  offered  ;  time  is  necessary  to  make  prepar- 
ations, and  if  the  fleet  which  left  Brest  under  the  orders  of  M. 
du  Perier  was  intended,  as  is  believed,  to  come  to  our  aid,  then 
it  is  evident  that  the  Minister  neglected  nothing  to  save  us 
from  the  misfortune  which  has  overtaken  us.  It  was  known 
in  France  that  this  was  merely  an  enterprise  of  one  colony 
against  another,  that  England  had  not  yet  sent  out  any  fleet 
(for  that  which  went  started  only  very  late).  One,  there- 
fore, could  not  imagine  that  the  Vigilant  would  be  taken  and 

besoins  d'une  Colonie  si  utile  ?  Et  quand  il  1'auroit  devine,  que  pouvoit-il 
faire  autre  chose  que  ce  qu'il  a  fait  ?  Des  qu'il  apprend  que  1'Isle-Royale 
est  menaced,  qu'il  a  avis  de  1'etat  ou  elle  se  trouve,  il  depeche  sur  le 
champ  un  Vaisseau  de  soixante  &  quatre  pieces  de  canon,  afin  d'y  porter 
tout  ce  qui  ^toit  necessaire  pour  la  plus  longue  resistance.  L'evenement 
a  justifi^  que  ce  Vaisseau  pouvoit  passer  :  Falloit-il  done  qu'il  devinat 
aussi  que  1'imprudence  le  mettroit  au  pouvoir  des  ennemis  ?  On  dit  qu'il 
ne  devoit  pas  etre  envoye^  seul :  cela  est  ais6  a  dire,  mais  n'est  pas 
80]  aussi  ||  aise  a  faire  ;  1'etat  de  notre  Marine  ne  permet  plus,  depuis 
long-terns,  d'entreprendre  une  expedition  dans  1'instant  qu'elle  se  pre- 
sente,  il  faut  du  terns  pour  en  faire  les  preparatifs  ;  &  si  1'Escadre  sortie 
de  Brest,  sous  les  ordres  de  M.  du  Perier,  etoit  destinee  a  nous  secourir, 
comme  on  le  croit,  il  est  done  evident  que  le  Ministre  n'a  rien  neglige 
pour  nous  garantir  de  1'infortune  qui  nous  est  arrivee  ?  On  scavoit  en 
France  que  ce  n'etoit-la  qu'une  entreprise  de  Colonie  k  Colonie,  que 
1'Angleterre  n'y  avoit  encore  envoye^  aucune  Escadre.  (car  celle  qui  y  est 
allee,  n'est  partie  que  fort  tard)  On  ne  pouvoit  done  s'imaginer,  &  que 
le  Vigilant  seroit  pris,  &  que  nous  nous  rendrions  si-tot.  Ainsi,  pour  peu 
6 


74 

that  we  should  surrender  so  soon.  Thus,  on  slight  reflection, 
it  is  clear  that  the  Minister  is  not  in  the  least  to  blame,  and 
that  it  is  unjust  to  charge  that  his  prudence  deserted  him  on 
this  occasion.  It  is  the  more  blameworthy  to  think 
this  of  him  since  the  fortifications  of  Louisbourg  are  the  pro- 
duct of  his  wise  insight,  and  he  has  always  endeavoured  to 
keep  up  a  colony  whose  importance  he  realized.  Is  it  reason- 
able to  imagine  that  he  has  wished  to  lose  the  product  of  so 
much  care  and  expense? 

In  saying  all  this  I  have  paid  only  the  respect  which  I  owe 
to  truth. 

Adieu,  my  dear  friend ;  love  me  well  always,  and  rely  upon 
the  fondest  return  and  the  liveliest  gratitude. 

I  am,  etc. 

B.  L.  N. 

At     ...     August  28th,  1745. 

qu'on  refl^chisse,  il  est  clair  que  le  Ministre  n'a  pas  le  moindre  tort ;  & 
qu'il  y  a  de  1'injustice  de  taxer  sa  prudence  de  1'avoir  mal  servi  en  cette 
occasion.  On  est  d'autant  plus  blamable  d'en  avoir  la  pens^e,  que  les 
fortifications  de  Louisbourg  sont  1'ouvrage  de  sa  sage  penetration,  qu'il 
81]  s'est  toujours  applique  a  maintenir  une  Colonie  dont  il  sen||toit 
1'importance.  Est-il  raisonnable  de  presumer  qu'il  ait  voulu  perdre  le 
fruit  de  tant  de  soins  &  de  depenses  ?  C'est  I'hommage  que  je  devois  a 
la  verite. 

Adieu,  mon  cher  Ami,  aimez-moi  toujours  bien,  &  comptez  sur  le  plus 
tendre  retour  &  la  plus  vive  reconnoissance. 

Je  suis,  &c.      B.  L.  N. 
A Ce28.  Aotit  1746. 


' 


F 
5064 

L6 
cop  .  2 


Louisbourg  in  1745 


PLEASE  DO  NOT  REMOVE 
CARDS  OR  SLIPS  FROM  THIS  POCKET 

"71 

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